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'^1

REPORT FOR 18 60.

The Hakluyt Society has now completed the thirteenth
year of its existence, and has, during that period, issued
twenty-five valuable volumes relating to early voyages and
travels in every part of the world. The number of sub-
sciibers has been steadily maintained at a point which has
enabled the Council to ensure the efficiency of the Society ;
and they now have the satisfaction to report that the funds
continue in a prosperous condition.

The Council have given their best consideration to the
price at which new subscribers during the present year
should be allowed to receive the i)ast publications of the
Society, the earlier scries of which have become scarce, and
have fixed it at Nine Guineas, that sum not including the
subscription for the year.

Since the last General Meeting the following volumes
have been delivered to members :

" Expeditions into the A^alley of the Amazons during
the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries ;" containing the
Journey of Gonzalo Pizarro, from the Royal Commentaries
of Garcilasso Inca do la Vega; the Voyage of Francisco de
Orellana, from the General History of Herrera ; and the
Voyage of Christoval dc Acufia, from a narrative written by
himself in 1641. Edited and translated, with an Introduc-
tion and a descriptive list of the principal Tribes in the
Valley of the Amazons, by Clements R. Markham, Esq.

" Early Voyages to Australia/' a collection of documents
showing the early discoveries of Australia to the time of
Captain Cook. Edited by E,. H. Major, Esq., of the British
Museum, F.S.A.

Two volumes will be delivered to members during the
course of the present year, one of which is completed and
will be issued immediately, and the other is in a very for-
ward state, viz. :

" The Narrative of the Embassy of Ruy Gonzales dc
Clavijo to the Court of Timour at Samarcand, a.d. 1403-6."
Translated for the first time, with Notes, a Preface, and an
Introductory Life of Timour, by Clements K.. Markham,
Esq.

" A Collection of Documents forming a Monograph of
the Voyages of Henry Hudson." Edited, with an Intro-
duction, by George Aslier, Esq., LL.D.

In addition to the above works, five others have been
undertaken by Editors, and some of them arc now in pro-
gress, viz. :

The Fifth Letter of Hernando Cortes ; being that
describing his Voyage to Honduras in 1525-6. To be
translated and edited by E. G. Squier, Esq.

The Voyage of Vasco de Gama round the Cape of
Good Hope in 1497 ; now first translated from a contem-
poraneous manuscript, accompanied by other documents
forming a Monograph of the Life of De Gama. To be
translated and edited by Richard Garnett, Esq., of the
British Museum.

The Travels of Ludovico Vartema, in Syria, Arabia,
Persia, and India, during the sixth century. To be trans-
lated and edited by Count Pepoli.

Narrative of the Voyage of the" Tyrant Aguirre,"
DOWN the r'iver OF THE Amazons, by Fray Pedro Simon.
To be translated for the first time by W. BoUaert, Esq.

The Voyages of Mendana and Quiros in the South
Seas, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.
To be translated from Figueroa's " Heclios del Marques
de Cancte," and Torquemada's " Moiiarquia Indiana," and
edited by Clements E, Markham, Esq.

The following six Members retire from the Council, viz. :

The Right Hon. Lord Broughton.

John Barrow, Esq., F.R.S.

Lord Alfred Spencer Churchill.

Egerton Harcourt, Esq.

The Right Hon. Lord Taunton.

His Excellency the Count de Lavradio.

Of this number, the three following are recommended for
re-election, viz. :

Lord Broughton.

Lord Alfred Spencer Churchill.

The Count de Lavradio.

And the names of the following gentlemen are proposed
for election, viz. :

Sir John Bowring, LL.D.

The Right Hon. Lord Wensleydale

The Rev. W. Wh^well, D.D.

The Council have also to report that the Honorary
Secretary, Mr. Clements R. Markham, having been sent to
South America on a Government Mission, which will entail
an absence of a year and a half, Mr. Major has kindly
undertaken to perform the ordinary duties of Honorary
Secretary during that period. As Mr. Markham has prc-
n-ed works for publication, which will meet the demands

iubscribers during his absence, the Council have resolved

that he shall retain the Secretaryship, if his duties do not
detain him from England later than April 1861.

Statement of the Accounts of the Society for the year 1859-60.

linlniire iil hist Audit
lu peivod by bnukers during tlie
year ,' ^03 Ir

i; *. rf. & s. (I.
42C 12 8 Mr. Kicliards. for rriiitiiig three

\V(.rl!s 202 U (i

(I Mr. .). l-;. liiclianl, Cor Paper l.'i

Trniisliitiiiiia luid TrauscriiUioiis .. 20 7

Advertiseiuonts '.'. 1 d

Mnp 12 2

Index y (I

Gratuity to AyeMt's Foroiiimi .... b
Stntitiniry, I'lirccls, Postage, nnd

Sundries 4 ii

tcso

Sn2 5

Present lialanco nt Bankers 23ii (; •'!

Ditto in Petty Casli Mil ft

.t(i30

Examined aiid Approved, March 5th, 1860.

W. B. RYE,
RICHARD GARNETT.

' I

<s? C

W R K S F s S U E DRY

Cije ^lafelugt ^onetg.

HENRY HUDSON, THE NAVIGATOR.

.M.UCCC.t.V.

HENRY HUDSON

THE

NAVIGATOR.

THE ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS

IN WHICH HIS CAEEEIl IS EECORDED

COLLECTED, PARTLY TRANSLATED, AND ANNOTATED

uiiii

AN INTRODUCTION,

O. M. ASHER, LL.D.

\m^^^}^

^p.-WOUM

tiO^J

10 1955

LONDON

IMUNTED FOR THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY,

M.DVCCIX,

^((oO W

LONDON ;

T. nrriiAiii)'*, :ir Gnr:.vT -jukhn stukkt.

THE IIAKLUYT SOCIETY.

sru J!OI)F,i!ICK IMl'KY .MUHClllSON, U.C.St.S., RK.S., D.C.I.,, Corr. Mci„, I,.,.. K
Hon. Moiji. rini,. Acad. Sc. St. I'otcrsburg, .vc, Ac, fiiiisiDENT.

Tin; M.VKC^UIS OK J,AN«1)()\VNI':
UiiAu-.\DMiu,M, ('. li. IHir.NKWATi;!! I'.KTIll

[ VlCE-l'llE.s

Mi.C'.l!. '

IHUNTS.

Sxii JOHN IJOWHtMi, U..IJ.

liT. HiiN. r.Olil) lUJOUGlITON.

The loud AI,KI!I;D Sl'KNCKl! CllUUCIin.l., M.I'

CltARLES WKiNTWOUTlI DILKF, Esq.

1!t. Hon. Sir DAVID DUN DAS.

Sir HKNIIY KLI/IS, K.ll., K.Ft.S.

.lOHN FOSTER, Esq.

1,ii;iit-Gkn. CHARLES lUCH.VKD FOX.

n. W. GUFY, Es<i.

•lOUN WINTFlt .lONE.S, Es.i., F.S.A.

iris Excellency tiir COUNT DE I.AVIiADlO.

K. H. MAJOR, E.SQ., F.S.A.

The EARL OF SHEFFIELD.

The Rt. Hon. LORD WENSLEYDALE.

'I'liE Rev. W, WHI'lWELL.

CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, Fsq., Ho.n.,)ukv S

EUUET.Uty.

TlIK II,I,T:STRI0IJS iniENCH fiKOOl! .U>UKI!,

M N S I E LT K D ' A V E Z A C

THIS iJOOIv IS DK1>ICATKD,

AS A MAIJK OF AFFKCTIONATK KEGARl),

AND AS A TUKKN OF (ii{ATlTi;i)J.: lOR JIL'C

Oil KIND

iiNCOUItAGEAlENT.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

Introduction

Notes to Introduction

Divei^_ voyages and northerne discoveries of that worthy
discoverer Henry Hudson, from Purchas' Pilgrims
vol. Ill, pp. 567-610: ^ '

^ First Voyage, his discoverie towards the north pole
m 1607, written partly by John Playse, one of the
crew, and partly by Hudson himself

Second Voyage or employment of Master Henry
Hudson in 1608, written by himself .

Third Voyage of Master H. Hudson in 1609, written
byRobert JuetofLimehouse -

Fourth Voyage in 1610. An Abstract of the Jour-
nal of Master Henry Hudson -

A larger Discourse of the same Voyage and the success
tiicreof, written by Abacuk Pricket

A note found in the deske of Thomas AVydowse, student

PAOE

ccxvi

136

TAIU,K OF CONTENTS.

PAon

Purchas liIs Pilgvimanjc, folio, TiOncloii, 1020, p. 817.

yi. Of Hudson's discoveries and death - - 139

Hudson's first voyage (1607), from Edge's brief discovcrie

of the Muscovin merchants (Purchas, v. iii, p. 4G4) - l{')

Captain Fothcrby's statement concerning Hudson's Jour-
nal of his first voyage (Purchas, v. iii, p. 730) - 146

Hudson's third voyage (1609) from Van Mcteren's His-
toric dor Nederlanden. Folio, Hague, 1614, fol. 629a 147

Extracts relating to Hudson's third voyage (1009), from
John de Laet's Nieuwe Werelt, fol., Amsterdam, 1625,
1630-1 (from book iii, chapter 7) - - 154

(From book iii, chapter 10) - - - 159

Extracts containing some original information about Hud-
son's third voyage, from Mr. Lambrechtsen van
Ritthem's " History of New Netherland" - - 164

Extracts concerning Hudson's third voyage (1609), from
Adrian van der Donck's " Beschryvinge van Nieuw
Nederlandt," 4to., Amsterdam, 1655, 1656 - 167

American traditions concerning the third voyage (1609) - 173

An Extract from Captain Luke Foxc's description of Hud-
son's fourth voyage (" North- West" Fox) p. 70 - 180

Hessel Gerritz's various accounts of Hudson's two last
voyages, from the Latin and Dutch edition of the
" Descriptio ct Delineatio Geographica detectionis
Freti ab H. Hudsono invent!." Amst., 1612, 1613:

I. Hudson's fourth voyage. A summary printed
on the back of the chart. An account of the voyage

and new found strait of Mr. Hudson - - 181

II. Hudson's third and fourth voyage, from the
Prolegomena to the first Latin edition - - 183

TABLE OF rONTKNTS.

rix. Hudson's third and fourth voyage, from the
La m edition of 1012. An Account of the Di.seovorie
of the North- West Passage, which is expected to lead
to China and Japan by the north of tlic American con-
tinent, found by H. Hudson

IV. Hudson's tliird and fourth voyage, from the
second Latin edition of 1613, with notes indicating tlie
variations of the Dutch edition. A description and
chart of tl>e strait or passage by the north of the
American continent to China and Japan -

ArPENnix.

Voyage of John de Verazzano along the coast of
North America from Carolina to Newfoundland (con-
taining the first discovery of Hudson's river) a.d. 1524.
Translated from the original Italian, by Joseph G.
Cogswell, Esq. Preliminary notice by the translator -

Voyage of Captain John de Verazzano. Letter to
His Most Serene Majesty the King of France (together
witli the original Italian text)

Writings of William Barentz (Barentson) in Hud-
son's possession (Purchas his Pilgrims, vol. iii, pn
518-020) - . . .

PACK

A treatise of Iver Boty, a Gronlander

Van der Donck's observations about the Wampum
or bead money of the Indians, mentioned by Hudson
(From the N. Y. Hist. Soc. Collection, New Series,
vol. i, p. 200)

Title and Prolegomena to the first edition of the
" Detectio Frcti"

Title and Prolegomena to the second edition of the
" Detectio Freti"

185

189

197

199

229
230

235

236

242

TAIJLE OF CONTENTS.

I'Aui-:

A letter from President Jcannin to Henry IV of
France, containing an account of his Ncgociation with
Henry Hudson, through Isaac Le Mairc (with the
original text in French) - - - 2 14

Extracts concerning a shipbook found at Amster-
dam, by John Romeyn Brodhead, Esq. - - 254

Extracts from a charter granted to the Company of
the Merchants Discoverers of the North- West Pas-
sage. Apud Bledsoe, July 26th, 1012 - - 255

Two Extracts from Rafn's " Antiquitates Ameri-
canso" ...... 257

Other names of Hudson's Strait : Hudson's Bay,
Hudson's Touches, Hudson's Point, and Hudson's
River - - - - - - 257

Bibliographical List, containing the books, maps,
etc., etc., mentioned in the present work - - 258

Index - - - - - 279

INTRODUCTION.

Hudsom's river, Hudson's strait, and Hudson's bay,
remind every educated man of the illustrious navi-
gator by whom they were explored. But though
( the name of Henry Hudson possesses these preserva-

1 tives against oblivion, little more has been done

I on its behalf, and few persons have any accurate

j notion of the real extent of his merits. By con-

1 sidering Hudson as the discoverer of the three

I mighty waters that bear his name, we indeed both

overrate and underrate his deserts. For it is certain
that these three localities had repeatedly been visited
and even drawn on maps and charts long before he
set out on his voyages. Nor did he himself claim the
discovery of the strait and bay. He was fully aware
that he was but proceeding further on a track
opened up by his predecessors. On the other hand,
we may perhaps be too ready to overlook those parts
of Hudson's achievements that have left their marks
less strikingly on the geographical delineations of our
globe. They are very important nevertheless. The
mere extent of his voyages is sufficient to place him

11 INTRODUCTION,

very high among the explorers of the north. He
surpasses in that respect all other arctic navigators,
except one or two of our own days, who have en-
joyed immense advantages over him. Besides his
own original discoveries, he visited during the four
last years of his life very nearly all the northern
shores of Europe and Eastern America, which had
been visited by his predecessors during the previous
century, and everywhere his presence left at least
some traces.

To fill up the gap in geographical literature here
pointed out, no plan seems to be better fitted than
the one generally adopted in the publications of
the Ilakluyt Society. The original records of a
navigator's or traveller's exploits, if properly eluci-
dated by notes and introductory remarks, constitute
the most authentic portraiture of him that can be
offered to the geographical reader. The example set
by Marsden's 3Iarco Polo, shows how very much may
be accomplished in this manner. The editor of the
present volume has tried to follow this great model ;
but, besides his too evident inferiority to the scholar,
whom he has been trying to imitate, he has had diffi-
culties to encounter, almost greater than those over-
come by Mr. Marsden. The history of early northern
discovery is both intricate and obscure, and it has
not been thoroughly lighted up by anterior research.
Many new investigations have thus become necessary ;
and the editor has also to present a most complicated
subject in a clear and readable form ; and this too in
a language foreign to him. He hopes therefore not

INTRODUCTION.

Ill

to be judged too severely, if lie partly fiiil in accom-
plishing his aim.

Tlio records of Hudson's voyages which arc here
collected were originally noted down, and have been
preserved by various hands. They are not all of
equal authenticity. They even sometimes contradict
each other ; and it is in these cases not easy to
elicit the truth. We must therefore examine each
record with close attention to ascertain what reliance
may be placed in it. But as we purpose to render such
a review of our records perfectly clear and intelligible
to every reader, it is necessary first to give, as briefly
as possible, a summary of Hudson's career.

The whole period of his life known to us extends
over little more than four years, from April 19,
1607, to June 21, 1611. The greater part of this
time is filled up by four voyages, all of them under-
taken in search of a short northern passage to the
eastern shores of Asia. The first voyage was per-
formed in 1607, for the Moscovy Company. Its
purpose was the search of a north-eastern passage to
China. The principal explorations made in the
course of it were along the coast of Spitzbergen.

The second voyage took place in 1608, also in
search of a north-eastern passage, and likewise for the
Moscovy Company. In the course of it, part of
Nova Zembla was explored.

The third voyage was undertaken in 1609, at the
expense of the Dutch East India Company. Its
starting place was Amsterdam, its original purpose
still the search of a north-eastern route. But.

IV INTRODUCTION.

inocting, near NoAa Zcnibla, with an uiibiokcii
barrier of ice, Hudson went to tlic west, and
attempted tlie search for a north-western passage.
The principal locality explored during this voyage is
the North-American stream which we still call
Hudson's river.

In 1610, Hudson again sailed to the north-west,
in search of a passage. The expenses of the ex-
pedition were borne by three English gentlemen.
Hudson explored the strait and part of the bay
which bear his name. He passed the winter 1610-
1611 in one of the most southern harbours of the
bay. On the 21st June, 1611, a few days after he had
again left that harbour, a mutiny broke out among
the crew, and Hudson, with eight companions, was
set adrift on the waves in a small boat, and has never
since been heard of The ship and part of the
mutinous crew readied England in safety.

For the bulk of our information respecting Hud-
son's career we are indebted to Purchas. The third
volume of his Pilgrims contains accounts of all tlie
four voyages, written in part by Hudson himself,
partly by some of his companions. The authenticity
of these documents is beyond all question. Purchas
states in his Pilgrimage} that he received the ac-
counts of the three first voyages from Hakluyt, the
various papers relating to the fourth voyage from Sir
Dudley Higgs, the principal promoter of that expedi-
tion.

The account of tlie first yoyage,^ to Greenland and

' [Slc iiijra, ))]). 130, 110. - Pp. 1 (o 22 ol' the picscul vol.

INTIlOnUCTlON. V

Spitzbcififcn is a log-book, beginning with the depar-
ture from Gravesend, May 1, 1607, and concUiding
with the return to Tilbury, September 15, of the same
year. This log-book is described by Purchas as
" tvrittcn jnirlhj hj John IHau^c} one of the compantj^
luwlhj hij Hudson himself.'" Such a divided authorship
seems, however, very singular ; and on closer examin-
ation we discover that it rests upon a conjecture made
with some hesitation by Purchas.^ He seems to have
found the name of John Playse expressly mentioned
as that of the author, on the manuscript he used. But
whilst he could thus not doubt that at least the
beginning of the log-book was due to that sailor, he
was at a loss to explain the occurrence of some pas-
sages, more numerous at the end than at the begin-
ning of the account, which no one but Hudson could
have written.'*^ Purchas, therefore, ascribes nearly
one half of the log-book (from the 11th of July to
the end) to Hudson. This explanation of the diffi-
culty is, however, far too bold ; and there are, besides,
some positive reasons for considering it as unsatisfac-
tory. No difference exists between the general tone
and style of the part undoubtedly written by Playse,
and that attributed, on the above grounds, to Hudson
himself. Even the occurrence of passages from Hud-
son's pen docs not form so distinctive a feature as
would at first sight appear ; for in the first part some

^ The logbook itself calls him John Plcycc.
" Sec his side note, p. 12.

'■ P. 12, 1. 12 to IG, 1. 29 ; p. II, 1. 17, .3 1 ; p. 15, 1. 21 ; p. 10,
1, 2, 1, 11; p. H), 1. 7; p. 21, 1 2; p. 22, 1. ai.

VI INTRODUCTION.

sentences occur wliicli decidedly owe their origin to
Hudson;^ ■while there are many others, the origi-
nal cast of which must liavc been furnished by our
navigator, which Playse probably made his own by
merely turning an / mto a tvc.^ Nor is it at all sin-
gular that a sailor, in composing for himself a log-
book of the voyage he was engaged in, should make
use of his captain's journal, which was most probably
accessible to the crew of the vessel. That he should
sometimes adopt, sometimes forget to make the
slight alteration above referred to, and that he should
in this respect be more negligent in the latter part of
liis log-book, was natural enough in a sailor w-riting
for his own use a journal, the publication of which,
eighteen years after it was written, he could not fore-
see, and woukl probably not have desired.

Under these circumstances it would seem most
likely that the whole account of the voyage was
written by Playse, but owes the greater part of its
value to the notes which Playse derived from Hud-
son's journal. Any one who reads the log-book with
attention will find this conjecture far more consistent
than the one adoptcul by Purchas. Besides, there
exist two authentic extracts from Hudson's own
journal of the first voyage.^ Both these very short
papers contain facts not mentioned in the log-book,
some of which at least took place after the 11th of

' P. 2, 1. 15, 1. 16.

^ For instance, nearly tlic whole of p. 4 and p. C, besides many
other passages.

' See pp. 1-15, MG.

II '•

INTUOUUCTION. VU

July, tlio date whoro Iludsoii's share of tlie log-book
is said to begin. If the log-book was, indeed, partly
his work, ho must have purposely omitted sume of
his most important explorations.

As to John riaysc or Pleyce, the probable writer
of the whole log-book, next to nothing is known
about him. His name oecurs only once, as one of the
crew of the ship in which the first voyage was per-
formed. There he ranks very low. Among Hudson's
' eleven companions (one of whom was a boy), Playse's
name stands seventh. He must therefore have been
a common sailor ; and it would be impossible to attri-
bute to him the observations of the needle recorded
in the first person on page 2 of his journal.^ These
observations, like all the other important parts of
Playse's account, are evidently due to Hudson him-
self.
H The log-book was probably intended only for
Playse's private use, or perhaps also for some other
sailor's. It is entirely of a professional nature. It
contains, however, many passages of interest for the
general reader, and principally those which reveal
Hudson's ideas and plans. The descriptions of coasts,
capes, harbours, and seas, arc without any literary
pretension. Still they are striking enough in their
simplicity. For the history of geography, the log-
book is of the very highest value, although it unfor-
tunately lacks some important information but imper-
fectly supplied by other sources.

The account of the second voyage (to Nova Zem-

' P. 2, li. 5, 1. IG.

VIU INTROJ^UCTION.

bla) is likewise a log-book.^ Henry Hudson himself
is its author. It commences with the departure from
London, April 22, 1608, and concludes with the re-
turn to Gravesend, August 26 of the same year. Its
character is, in almost every respect, like that of
Playse's journal. Some of the descriptions, however,
are more detailed, and therefore more interesting to
the general reader. This log-book also contains a
curious account of a mermaid^ seen by two of the
sailors, which has often been quoted and reprinted.
As a geographical record, the journal of the second
A oyage is of less importance than that of the first ;
it is nevertheless of great value.

Purchas says (in a footnote to p. 25) that he also
had a journal of the second voyage, written by Hud-
son's mate, Robert Juet. Of this Journal only two
very small fragments remain. The first, in one of
Purchas' side-notes to Hudson's journal of the second
voyage, on p. 30 ; the other, in the following line of
" Hudson's Discoveries and Death" in Purchas' Pil-
grimage. " They met, as both himself and Juet have
testified, a mermaid in the sea."*^

The account of the third voyage (to Hudson's river)
is a journal kept by Robert Juet,^ who had been
Hudson's mate in the second voyage, and who was
one of his companions in the third. It begins with
the departure from Amsterdam, March 25th (April
4th, new style), 1609 ; it ends with the arrival in
Dartmouth, November Tth of the same year. Juct's

' Present volume, pp. 23-41. '^ P. 28.

2 See infra, p. 109. * Present vol., pp. 4-5 to 93.

INTRODUCTION. IX

journal is the most satisfactory of all the remaining
records of Hudson's career. The indications of lati-
tudes are generally more minute than those in the
otlier papers, and most of them, when tested, prove
to be as correct as the state of science in those times
would allow. The descriptions are full enough to
assist materially in identifying the localities. The
style, though concise, is pleasant throughout, and the
circumstance that during this voyage alone Hudson
came frequently in contact with natives of unknown
regions, furnishes the opportunity for narrating in-
teresting incidents. The most important as well as
the most pleasing part of the journal is the descrip-
tion of the journey up and down Hudson's river.
There is, however, in Juet's paper, one less agreeable
feature, which ought not to remain unnoticed. He
speaks of the North American Indians always with
distrust and often with animosity, and looks very
complacently on the acts of injustice, nay, of bar-
barity^ practised against them by some of the crew.
With these views Hudson's very hearty and kindly
appreciation of the qualities of the natives forms a
most happy contrast, and it is quite certain that in
this part of Juet's journal Hudson had no share.
How far the astronomical observations, and, in fact,
any other part of the journal may be attributed,
either directly or indirectly, to Hudson, we have no
means to ascertain. It is, however, probable that
Juet's journal was in most respects an independent
production. The scanty extract from a passage of
the journal kept by Juet during the preceding voy-

INTRODUCTION.

age, which has been preserved in a side note to p. 80,
is quite sufficient to prove that he made observations
of his own, independent of those of Hudson. We
have, besides, but too abundant proofs of his conceit,
and of his independence of character. Also, when
comparing Juet's journal of the third voyage with the
scraps of information respecting the same expedition
that can be traced back to Hudson, we cannot believe,
as some authors have done, that Juet merely acted as
Hudson's secretary. We must, on the contrary, award
to Juet himself most of the praise and all the blame
due to his journal.

The reader may perhaps be curious to know what
position Juet held on board the vessel the journal
of which he has left us ; and this question is, in fact,
of double importance, as it happens to involve that
of Juet's nationality. Juet was Hudson's mate in
the second and in the early part of the fourth voy-
age. It would therefore be natural enough to sup-
pose, as some writers have done, that he also had
the rank of mate in the third voyage, which inter-
vened between the two other ones. His own journal
furnishes no clue. It only calls him Robert Juet,
of Limehouse, without stating what office he held.
But Van Meteren, an excellent authority, informs us
that the mate on board the Half 3Ioon, the yacht
that performed the third voyage, was a Dutchman.
Thus, if Juet was that mate, he was a Dutchman.
Now, strange to say, there are arguments of about
equal strength for and against this double supposition ;
and though they cannot of course lead us to a

INTRODUCTION. XI

positive conclusion, we think it right to state t cm
here. And, first, as regards the question whether
Juet was the mate or no, it might seem singular that
a man should accept a lower rank, after having the
year before held the highest next to the captain.
On the other hand, it is not only probable, but
almost certain, that when the Dutch East India
Company entrusted Hudson, a foreigner, with the
command of one of their vessels, they obliged him
to employ at least some of their own Dutch sailors.
Hudson could then fill only the vacant places with
his English friqnds. The mate may have been among
those servants of the company, and Juet would then
have been obliged to be satisfied with an inferior
position. As to the question of nationality, Juet
says that he is of Limehoiise. His journal is also
thoroughly Englisli, without a shade of foreign idiom.
But many Dutchmen were then living in England,
and their nation possesses a wonderful facility in
acquiring foreign languages, especially English.
After carefully weighing these arguments pro and
contra^ tlie writer of tlie present observations inclines
to think that Juet was an Englishman, and that
he was not the mate on board the Half Moon ^ but
held some other position in that ship,

'^ Juet's career, after the termination of the third
voyage, may be told in a few lines. He again acted
as mate in Hudson's fourth and last voyage, which
commenced April 17th, 1610. Scarcely more than
six weeks after leaving home, in the beginning of

^ June, he already showed a mutinous disposition, and

Xll INTRODUCTION.

threatened to turn the ship's head homeward. In
tliis conduct he persisted, often " using words tend-
ing to mutiny, discouragement and slander of tlie
action, which easily took effect in those that were
timorous,"^ and trying to persuade some of the crew
to keep swords and loaded muskets ready in their
cabins. These facts having been reported to Hud-
son, Juet declared them to be untrue, and demanded
a trial, wliich took place the 10th of September,
1610. Juet was found guilty and deposed from his
office. AVhen the seed of mutiny thus sown by Juet
had, nearly a year afterwards, taken effect, and Hud-
son had been set adrift on the waves by his mutinous
crew, the command of the captainless vessel was not
entrusted to Juet, but he was often consulted by his
companions. He died from sheer want, when near
the end of the dreadful return voyage, and almost in
sight of the Irish coast, early in September, 1611."
One of his companions calls him " an ancient man."'^
He must therefore have been past middle age at the
time of his death.

Purchas has preserved four documents illustrating
Hudson's last voyage (to Hudson's Strait and Hud-
son's Bay). He calls the first of them Ati Abstract
front Henry Hudson's Journal.^ This paper must, in-
deed, be a mere fragment of the original journal, for
it extends only over about three months and a half
from the day of departure, April 17th, 1610, to

' Sec Wydhousc's note, pp. 136-138.
- P. 133 ; for the date, sec p. M4.
M\ 118. * J'p. 1)3 to 1)7.

INTRODUCTION. Xlll

August 3rcl of tlie same year. We have no reason
to think that Hudson ever failed in his duty of keep^
ing a regular logbook as long as he was on board his
ship, that is to say, to the 21st of Juno, 1611. More
thrai ten months of his journal are therefore wanting.
The origin of the deficiency is easily explained. The
logbook undoubtedly contained many disclosures
which the mutinous crew of the vessel had strong
motives to suppress. The paper which they brought
home and handed to their employers seems, indeed,
most fully to deserve the name of an abstract. Omis-
sions seem to have been made, not only at the end,
but also in other parts of the original. The almost
complete silence about the sojourn in Iceland, during
which Juet's evil disposition began to show itself,
looks very suspicious. Our regrets about the irre-
parable loss of the main part of Hudson's journal are,
however, in vain, and we must seek some conso-
lation in the very great value of what is left us.

The abstract reaches, as has already been observed,
down to the 3rd of August, 1610. It ends with a
short description of Cape Wolstenholme and its
neighbourhood, and embraces, therefore, the whole
voyage through Hudson's Strait to the very point
where Hudson's Bay opens. Unfortunately the whole
abstract forms less than five pages, the three last of
which contain the description of the strait. Under
these circumstances it is, perhaps, a matter rather of
congratulation than of regret that these pages ofi*er
but little interest to the general reader, and are filled
with dry details, observations of latitudes, indications

XIV INTRODUCTION.

of the ship's course, and sliort desciiptions. Sucli as
they are they furnish us, with the assistance of Hud-
son's chart, the means of tracing Hudson's voyage
through the strait ahnost better than any other part
of his explorations.

The second document, A Larger Discourse of the
same Voyage, hg Ahaciik Pricliet} is of a very different,
and, in fact, of an almost unique nature. The author
was a servant of Sir Dudley Diggs, the principal
promoter of the expedition, and formed part of Hud-
son's crew. According to Purchas, Pricket's life was
spared by the mutineers that he might intercede for
them with his master.- He seems to have been very
anxious to fulfil this engagement. Though the paper
he has left us is in form a narrative, the author's real
intention was much more to defend the mutineers
than to describe the voyage. As an apologetical
essay the " Larger Discourse" is extremely clever. It
manages to cast some, not too much, shadow upon
Hudson himself. The main ffiult of the mutiny is
thrown upon some men who had ceased to live when
the ship reached home. Those who were then still
alive are presented as guiltless, some as higldy de-
serving men.

Pricket's account of the mutiny and of its cause
has often been suspected. Even Purchas himself'^ and
Fox speak of it w'tli distrust. But Pricket is
the only eye-witness that has left us an account
of these events, and we can therefore not correct
his statements, whether they be true or false. Be-

' Pp. 'J« to 1135. - See p. 188. ••' \\ 135.

•i

IMTRODUCTION. XV

sides being an apology for the mutineers, the " Larger
Discourse" is not without value as a narrative. It was
evidently written quietly at home ; not during the
turmoil of a voyage. The author's special purpose

S induces him to dwell at great length on some scenes

of real life that passed on and near the ship. By far

I the greater part of his discourse is devoted to these

I scenes, which have always been, and will always be,
perused with interest.

I As a geographical record the " Larger Discourse"

is most unsatisfactory. Its statements, which must
in greater part have been put down from recollection
only, without any reference to notes made during the
voyage, are mostly vague in the extreme. Here and
there, however, some more precise statement adds
something to the store of reliable information sup-
plied by Hudson's journal and chart. For the voy-
age and wintering in the bay, and for the voyage
home, the Discourse is, unfortunately, the only docu-
ment of any value that is left us.

The two remaining documents are of but minor
importance. The first is a letter from Iceland, re-
printed by Purchas without the author's name -} but
apparently written by Hudson himself. This letter,
dated May 30, 1610, speaks of the sojourn in Iceland
and of the good shooting they got there. It men-
tions incidentally the number of Hudson's crew, but
contains no other valuable information.

' Purchas speaks of tlie authorship, on p. 135, in so confused a
manner, that it is impossible to see whether he attributed it to
Hudson, to Juet, or to Wydhouse.

XVI INTRODUCTION.

The last of the documents i)ublishcd in the Pil-
grims, is a note found in the desk of Thomas Wyd-
house,^ a mathematical student. The note records
the trial of Juet, to which we have already alluded,
and the changes among the officers of the ship which
Hudson made in consequence of it. AVydhouse's
name is also spelled Woodhouse, Wydowse, and
Widowes. Of his personal history nothing is known,
beyond the fact that he was one of the unfortunate
men who were set adrift with Hudson.

Purchas, in publishing the above documents in his
Pilgrims, adds to them some side notes, foot notes,
headings, and observations, the responsibility of which
belongs to him alone.

Two of the headings^ and the only important foot
note^ have already been discussed ; the others may
safely be taken on trust as correct. As to the side
notes, by far the greater part of them form merely
a running index to the contents of the text, accord-
ing to a custom usual in those times, and which some
writers of our days have very properly revived. Of
the remaining side notes, some are references to
other sources of geographical information, some are
explanations of nautical terms used in the text, whilst
two are moral reflections on the events narrated by
Pricket. Only two of the side notes deserve a more
particular mention. They occur on pp. 13 and 40,
and both express in strong terms Purchas's opinion
respecting the discovery of Spitzbergen and Nova

' I'p. 13G-lo8. ^ Playse's Journal — Hudson's Abstract.

■' Tlic note to p. 20.

s
i INTRODUCTION. Xvil

Zcnibla. Tliis opinion is so very fnr from correct, that
we almost wonder how it coukl have arisen. Some
exphniations of its origin will be offered in another part
of these pages. AYe may, however, here observe, that
Purchas soon became conscious of having been some-
what severe towards the Dutch, the real discoverers
of Spitzbergen, whom his notes represent as inter-
lopers, lie says, in the introduction to the third
volume of the Pilgrims, that his judgment was biassed
by the influence of Englishmen, who took an inter-
ested view of the question at issue ; that is to say,
by the Company of Merchant Adventurers. Con-
sidering the great number of important documents
furnished to Purchas by this society, we can hardly
blame him for listening for a moment to their insinu-
ations, and it is highly creditable that he acknow-
ledges his error.

A short postscript^ is added by Purchas to Pricket's
discourse. Purchas there expresses his distrust in
the narrator's faithfulness, and says that for this
reason he reprints the letter from Iceland and Wyd-
house's statement, by which Pricket's account may
in some degree be tested.

Another short notice is appended to Wydhouse's
paper.2 This notice contains some additional facts
concerning the fourth voyage, obtained from a source
which Purchas considers as authentic. They are,
however, not very reliable, and part of them seem
to be derived from Hessel Gerritz's book, of which
we shall have ample occasion to speak.

' P. 13.5. 2 p_ 138.

XVlll INTRODUCTION.

Piirchas' Pihjrlnwfjo^ a Avork which is often con-
sidered .IS the fifth volume of the rUgrims^ contains
a remarkable chapter entitled, Of Ihidsons Discoveries
and Death. This chapter is reprinted in the present
collection.^ It is mainly a summary of the materials
published in the Pilgrims^ and as such it is not even
very complete. Its real importance consists in the
additional information it furnishes. It names the
source from which the documents printed in the
Pilgrims were obtained, it gives a very small frag-
ment of Juct's lost journal, it mentions the names of
the gentlemen at whose expense the last expedition
was undertaken, and it tells us on what day the mutin-
ous crew of the vessel reached the Irish shore on their
home voyage. It also clears up some questions of
minor importance.

Purchas has again added some side notes to this
chapter. Only two of them are remarkable. They
show how earnestly he persisted in the belief that
Hudson had discovered a passage to the South Sea.

After having examined the chapters in Purchas'
Pilgrims and Pilgrimage which are devoted to Hud-
son's life, we must now review a certain amount
of fragmentary intelligence collected from various
sources. These fragments enable the student to fill
up many gaps left by the more detailed records ; they
also, in more than one instance, throw a new light on
some of the most important events of Hudson's
voyages.

The two first fragments are again due to Purchas.

1 Pp. 139-144.

INTIIOUUCTION. XIX

They do not, however, form part of those pages of his
work where he treats specially of our navigator, but
occur accidentally in two papers not directly bearing
upon Hudson's career. Two cii plains in the service
of the Muscovy Company, Edge and Fotherby, have
left short accounts of their own and of some other
voyages to Spitzbergen. 15oth made use of the manu-
scripts deposited in the archives of their employers,
and among them of tlio Journal kept hj Hudson
during his First Vo//af/e. Each of them gives a short
extract from this document, of which all other traces
are lost. These extracts, of a few lines each, are
reprinted in our collection.^ They are fortunately of
very great importance, in spite of their brevity, espe-
cially the one due to Edge. The naming of Whale
Bay and of llakluyt's Headland, on the north coast
of Spitzbergen, as well as the discovery of Jan ]\Iayen
Island (Hudson's Tutclies), are here, and only here,
recorded. Fotherby's extract throws some light on
Hudson's explorations along the shore of Greenland.

The authenticity of the two extracts is unques-
tionable. Edge and Fotherby were in the service of
the company for whom the first voyage was per-
formed, and which was, as a matter of course, in pos-
session of Hudson's logbook. Both captains wrote
a few years after Hudson's first voyage ; and Pur-
chas, who printed their accounts, was in the habit of
receiving documents from the Muscovy Company.

The remaining fragments are, with only one exce])-
tion, of Dutch origin, as are also the two maps in

' Pp. \Ao, HG.

XX INTRODUCTION.

our collection. To make the nature of these papers
understood we shall have briefly to relate some events
of Dutch history that arc but little noticed, even in
the Netherlands, and with which we can therefore
not expect all our readers to be fully acquainted.
These events had, besides, a direct and strong influ-
ence on Hudson's connexion with the Dutch East
India Company, and serve to explain some of the
consequences of his third voyage. We believe
therefore that we are justified in adverting to them
here.

The Netherlands, and more especially the southern
provinces, were, during the latter part of the middle
ages, the centre of European commerce. In their
ports the ships of the north and the caravels of the
south met to exchange their cargoes. The trans-
atlantic discoveries which mark the beginning of the
modern era, and which produced such important
cliangcs in the roads of trade, did not affect the
central position of the Netherlands. As the streams
of wealth had long poured into Ghent and Bruges,
so they now began to pour into Antwerp ; and this
town was, in the middle of the sixteenth century, by
far the most important emporium in Europe. The
whole country shared these advantages, as is always
the case under such circumstances ; and learning,
art, literature, but before all industry, flourished on
the favoured spot.

The writings of many eminent historians have
rendered all of us familiar with the terrible events
which put an end to this })rospcrity. AVe all know

IMllODLCTION. XXI

how the Spanish veterans, the German mercenaries,
the French soldiery, pillaged the towns, hiirnt the
villages, devastated the open country ; and how thou-
sands suffered martyrdom by Alba's hand. To escape
this persecution nearly three hundred thousand fiimi-
lies left their homes, an almost incredible etliux from
so small a country.

It is surprising that so few writers have asked
themselves the question, " What became of all this
multitude V This question is, indeed, not readily
answered. We can, however, trace the steps of some
of the emigrants to England, of some to Sweden,
of some to Russia, and of one even so far as the
Azores. They went to every part of the world. The
immense majority seem to have escaped for a while
to the neighbouring parts of Germany, and then to
have streamed into the seven northern provinces of
the Netherlands, as these w-ere gradually being freed
from the Spanish yoke.

Most of the riches, the energy, the enlightenment
of the Netherlands thus became concentrated in the
northern provinces, more especially in Holland and
Zealand. Amsterdam became the heir of Antwerp,
and the new-born republic of the seven provinces,
with its few square miles of land and its few millions
of inhabitants, soon took its place among the leading
European powers.

It has never been well ascertained how much the
emigrants contributed to this sudden growth of Hol-
land and Zealand ; nor is there much hope that the
question will ever be answered. Besides the great

XXU INTRODUCTION.

difficulties of tlio inquiry, there is no one to whom it
properly helongs. We cannot expect the Dutch to
invite jealous rivals to a share in their glory, and the
Belgians of the present day seem hardly to remem-
ber that the illustrious Protestant emigrants of the
sixteenth century were their compatriots. The fol-
lowing stray facts, though bearing on this great ques-
tion, are not intended as an answer to it. Tlieir
purpose merely is to throw light on our own subject.
Among the emigrants who settled in the northern
provinces there were many merchants, especially from
Antwerp, who had brought with them part of their
riches, all their knowledge and experience, and even
more than th.?ir usual energy. They gave an im-
mense impulse to Dutch trade. The names of many
of them are necessarily forgotten, and even of those
which ai"e remembered a few only can be mentioned
here. The most illustrious of tlicm is Balthasar de
IMoucheron. lie may almost be called the father of
Dutch commerce. Before any other Dutch vessels
ventured out of the well-known waters, we find his
ships showing the way to Ixussia and to the Arctic
Ocean. He was also the principal originator of the
three expeditions to the north, which made the name
of the Dutch celebrated all over Europe.^ He, before
all others, sent, on private account, ships to the East
Indies. The great name which we have tried to ren-
der familiar to our readers will meet them again in

' The expeditions described by De Veer, of which an excellent
edition by Dr. Ikke forms part of the collections of the Hakliiyt
iSociety. See the Iiitroduclion to tluit work, p. Iv.

INTRODUCTION. XXlll

these pages. It also occurs in Lambreclitscn's ac-
count of Hudson's life, printed among the papers of
our collection.^

It would lead us too far were we to dwell on the
merits of some other emigrants who rendered distin-
guished service to the advancement of trade in the
Netherlands, but whose career is not directly con-
nected with our subject ; such as Isaac and Jacob
Le IMaire, Jacques Mahu, Pieter des Marees, Samuel
Godyii, Jacques I'Heremite, and many others. We
must, however, introduce to our readers' notice one
more great man, whose name has hardly yet been
heard in England.

William Usselincx, like Le Maire and Moucheron,
an Antwerp merchant who settled in Zealand, was
the founder of the Dutch AVest India Company.
This company, though mighty enough in its day, is
now very nearly forgotten. It was established in
1621, and obtained the privilege of trade to America.
It thus inherited the discovery of Iludson'Si river,
and peopled its banks with industrious colonists.
Usselincx himself was a man of extraordinary genius.
As early as 1591, at a time when the power of Spain
overshadowed the world, he alone among millions
saw the real weakness of the seeming giant. He
proposed to the Dutch to attack Spain in her colo-
nies, especially in America, and thus to undermine
her power. His keen eye perceived that the Dutch
could successfully undertake this task, but they would
not believe him. He had to struggle thirty years

' See infra, p. 101.

XXIV INTRODUCTION.

before his great idea was partly realized, before the
West India Company was established. The fate of
the banks of the Ilndson depended upon the issue
of these struggles, and we might therefore, perhaps,
be allowed to devote a few more lines to them. But
we are afi of losing sight of our main object, the
review of our records, and we must therefore leave
Usselincx for the present.

The first of the Dutch fragments which we were
going to review, is an extract from Emanuel van IMcte-
ren's chronicle of the great war betAveen Spain and the
Netherlands.^ Van Meteren was, like most of the
men we have just spoken of, an Antwerp merchant.
Like them he left his country for the sake of his
religion. But he did not settle down in Holland or
Zealand. He went to London, and tried there to
serve the cause of his country. He was a man of
unflinching energy and of great mental powers ; he
seems also to have possessed considerable means.
The young republic of the Netherlands made there-
fore an excellent choice when it appointed him its
consul for England. This official position, as well as
his extensive business transactions, brought him into
contact with many eminent personages. He was
thus enabled to collect by various means an astound-
ing amount of information on contemporary events.
He seems to have at first accumulated his notes with-
out any settled purpose : this at least is his own
statement. He adds that his cousin, the celebrated
Abraham Ortelius, suggested to him the idea of pub-

' Pp. 145 to 153.

INTRODUCTION. XXV

lisliing these memoirs. Howsoever this may be, the
work itself does not bear the stamp of an assemblage
of loose papers. It is written witli great care, is better
connected than any one of the numerous contempo-
rary chronicl'^s, and is teeming with life. It has de-
servedly obtained a place among the historical master-
pieces of all ages. Not that the book is well known
to tlie public. But whoever reads it for the first time,
is surprised to find how familiar every page is to him.
The admirable portiaiture of the principal characters
in the great drama, the wonderful descriptions of
preachings, pillages, sieges, and battles have been bor-
rowed bv the most eminent writers, and the statements
of facts have passed into the current history of the
sixteenth century. They are contained in all our
handbooks. It is perhaps not too much to say, that
the great favour which the events in the Netherlands
during Philip H's reign have found in the eyes of
historians, poets, and artists, may be mainly ascribed
to the ease with which materials can be borrowed
from Van Meteren's inexhaustible store. The nu-
merous modern researches which form a brilliant
superstructure on this solid foundation, prove that
the general confidence in Van Meteren's accuracy is
very deservedly bestowed.

Van Meteren's history, such as we now have it,
consists of two very unequal parts. The first, the
main work, embraces the whole of Philip IPs reign,
ending with the year 1598. It was written when the
author was yet in full possession of his great powers,
and it was published under his caro. The second part,

XXVI INTRODUCTION.

a supplement, brings the chronicle down to the year
1611. It bears the most evident marks of the old
man. The author, then seventy-six years of age,
hurried to finish it, feeling, as he himself says, the
call to another world pressing upon him. He was
not even to see it in print. He died in 1612. The
supplement was published for the first time in 1614.
The great beauties to which we have alluded are to
be found only in the main work ; but conscientious-
ness and accuracy belong to both parts alike. The
supplement has a character of its own, which makes
the description of Hudson's voyage contained in it
all the more valuable as an historical source. The
latter part of Van Meteren's history is more like a
collection of documents and notices chronologically
arranged, and very slightly connected among them-
selves, than like a regular narrative. Most of
the pieces are evidently in the original state in
which they were first inserted among the author's
notes.

This is more especially the case with regard to the
account of Hudson's voyage. The account bears the
stamp of having been rather hastily translated from a
verbal or written communication. Its real author is
most probably Hudson himself. This supposition is
borne out by the circumstances in which Van Mcte-
ren and Hudson were placed, and by some curious
internal evidence. Van Meteren, when speaking of
Hudson and of his companions, very naturally uses
the words " iliey left," ''Hhey feared.," etc. But all on a
sudden we meet with the following passage: "Thence

INTRODUCTION. XXVU

they sailed along the shore until we reached 40° 45'."^
Can there be any more natural supposition than that
the old man here committed an oversight similar to
those pointed out by us in Playse's logbook ^ He
probably had an account of the voyage written
by Hudson, and in translating it he once forgot to
turn zvc into thejj. All attentive readers of early
voyages will remember that this is a very common
oversight. The old merchant was, besides, in Lon-
don at the time of Hudson's return from his voyage.
We learn from him that our navigator was pre-
vented, by the commands of the English govern-
ment, from going to Holland and laying his reports
before his employers. It is but natural that Hudson
should in this difficulty have applied to the Dutch
consul, and it is probable that the correspondence
between Hudson and the East India Company, which
is mentioned by Van Metcren, passed through Van
Meteren's own hands.

But even if we hesitate to ascribe this origin to
Van Meteren's account of the third voyage, it still
remains a document of great importance. It cannot
have been written down much more than a year after
Hudson's return. The excellent opportunities which
the author enjoyed, and his justly celebrated con-
scientiousness, are a sufficient guarantee for the accu-
racy of the facts related by him.

The contents of the account coincide in many
points with the statements made by Juet, and serve so
far to confirm them. Van Mcteren is the only source

• P. 150.

XXVlll INTRODUCTION.

that throws light on the events which happened be-
tween the 5th and the 19th of May, 1609, on Hud-
son's voyage from the North Cape to the neighbour-
hood of Nova Zembla, the mutiny of the crew, Hud-
son's propositions made to them, and the final deter-
mination to sail to the west instead of the east. Juet
preserves a suspicious silence on all these matters.
His journal contains no entry, from the first arrival
of the vessel at the North Cape until its return to the
same point. Van Meteren further informs us that
Hudson was a friend of Captain Smith, the cele-
brated explorer of Virginia, and that the idea of
searching for a passage under 40°, was in a great
measure due to the advice of this illustrious man.
We could hardly venture to enumerate here all the
other important facts which can be gathered from
this account of the third voyage. AVe must in this
respect refer the reader to the observations on the
voyage itself, which we shall offer in another part of
the present introduction.

Two more remarks have, however, yet to be made.
Van Meteren's account opens with a reference to the
preceding (the 30th) book of his chronicle. The
notice to which he alludes must have dropped out of
his papers before the work was sent to the press. It
is not to be found in any of the printed editions.
The second remark is, that the whole account, from
the words, " this Henry Hudson" (Descn Ilcrrij Ilutson)
down to the end, has been reprinted, but without the
author's name, by Commelijn, in his celebrated work
Begin m Voortgang van dc Ncdcrlandsche Oost Indischc

INTRODUCTION. XXIX

Compagnie, and has thence passed into Constantin de
Rcncville's still 'more ; celebrated Voyages cntrepris
pour la Compagnie des Jndcs, etc. The latter work is
therefore often, but quite erroneously, quoted as an
original source for the biography of Henry Hudson.^

The next fragments that come under our con-
sideration,^ are taken from De Laet's description of
America. Before speaking of them more especially,
we have to make some general observations bearing
as well on this as on other parts of our subject.

John De Laet was one of the Directors of the
Dutch West India Company. He was of Belgian
origin, like Willcm' TJsselincx, the founder of the
association, and like most of the men who took a
leading part in it. The Company itself may, in fact,
be considered as having emanated from the Belgian
emigrants settled in the northern provinces, and as
the principal representative of their aims and views.
By the war between Spain and the Netherlands the
trade of central Europe was forced out of its wonted
channels. The Belgian towns, the theatre of so much
violence, became unsafe depositories for the riches of
all nations,^many of the most industrious merchants
fled, the harbour of Antwerp was almost deserted,
and tlip mouth of the Scheldt was made inaccessible

' The editor of the j resent book has refrained from introducing
long titles into his text. But knowing the great importance of
exact bibliographical descriptions, he is going to append, at the
end of the volume, a list of all the works mentioned in it, with the
necessary bibliographical details.

■ Pp. 154-166.

XXX INTRODUCTION.

by vigilant cruisers, long before it was entirely closed
by international treaties. By far the greater part of
the commerce thus lost to Belgium found its way
to Holland and Zealand. The Belgian emigrants,
whose activity greatly contributed to this change,
saw it, however, with the utmost regret. They had
never fairly adopted Holland, Zealand, and the other
northern provinces as their permanent abode, but
continued to look to the south as to their own dear
home. They even shrank from matrimonial alliances
with the original inhabitants of tlie north, and formed
in every respect a separate body, closely knit toge-
ther by common interests and common longings.
They felt the yoke which was pressing on the Bel-
gians almost as heavily as if they had themselves still
been groaning under it, and they longed with ali
their hearts to drive the Spaniards from their ancient
homesteads, to return in triumph, and to introduce
the Protestant religion in^^o their native country.
The plan by which they intended to effect this noble
purpose is so grand that it hardly deserves the obli-
vion with which history has punished its failure.
They proposed to attack the Spaniards in all their
colonies, to destroy their resources, and thus to dis-
able them from holding Belgium any longer. The
events of after times have clearly proved that this
might have been done, had the Hollanders and Zea-
landers not been prevented by opposite interests
from joining heartily in these generous efforts.

Among the means which the emigrants devised for
the realization of their scheme, there is one which de-

INTRODUCTION. XXXI

serves in the highest degree the attention of the geogra-
phical student. It was evident that a body of men who
proposed to themselves an object like the one they
had in view, must needs first possess a thorough
knowledge of the configuration of the earth, so as to
direct their steps safely to any point on its surface.
The emigrants counted in their ranks a number of
men of high scientific acquirements, and among these
the idea sprang up, more distinctly in some, less dis-
tinctly in others, to assist by scientific research and
geographical labours in the deliverance of their
country. The names of these men are familiar to the
geographical student. Mercator, the De BrySjIIulsius,
Bertius, De Laet, Cluverius, Peter Plancius, Jodo-
cus, and Henry Hondius, are known to us all as
being among the fathers of modern geography ; but
it seems to be forgotten that a nobler aim than mere
scientific research animated their eflforts.

The Dutch AVest India Company was, first as a
scheme, afterwards as a reality, the centre point of
all these endeavours. They disdained the peaceful
arts by which other privileged associations of the
same class have grown mighty and rich. Their aim
was to attack the Spaniard in his transatlantic
strongholds; to sink or take the ships in which he
transported his silver and gold ; to cut him off", if
possible, from all connections with the New World.
All the other aff'airs, which the nature of their posi-
tion and the extent of their privileges forced upon
them, were treated as minor matters, hardly worthy
of their attention. But their main object was pur-

XXXll INTRODUCTION.

sued with an energy beyond all belief. In spite of
all tlic difficulties they liad to contend with, they
long maintained a war fleet of more than seventy
sail, and almost succeeded in driving the Spaniards
from the American seas.

John de Laet was one of the earliest and most
eminent directors of the West India Company, Ilis
description of America, the work from which our
extracts are taken, is marked by the same features
which distinguish the company itself and the body
of men from which that association sprang. As a
geographical compilation it is one of the finest even
among those produced by the Belgian emigrants, and
for systematic treatment, precision, and general accu-
racy, it may perhaps claim the very first rank among
the manuals of the time. Its main portion, the de-
scription of the coasts and islands under Spanish
sway, is the work of a man whose eye is greedily
fixed upon those lands, and who is mentally grasping
them. But that part does not regard us. Our ex-
tracts are derived from a chapter (the third) which
is principally devoted to an account of New Nether-
land, the large territory in North America claimed
by the West India Company on the ground of Hud-
son's discoveries, and at that time in small part occu-
pied by their agents. This part of the work bears,
like the rest, the stamp of the interests which the
author pursued. To establish the company's title
to New Netherland, and to substantiate it by all
possible details, this seems to be its special purpose.
Unfortunately the task is an ungrateful one. The

■%

INTRODUCTION. XXXlll

claiiii of the company to New NcthovLnid was based
upon specious pretences, Avliicli do not stand tlie test
of close inspection. AVe .shall have again to insist
n])on this fact, because it is far from being generally
admitted ; and because it explains some curious
features in Do I.aet's and Van dor Donck's accounts
of Hudson's third voyage. The flaw in the Dutch
title has besides given origin to an idle and entirely
unwarranted story, Avhich has found its way into
more than one biography of Henry Hudson. Wc
shall resume these matters when speaking of Van
der Donck. For the present we have only to call
the reader's attention to the artful manner in which
I)e Lact tries to connect the voyage of Henry Hud-
son with the company's claim. He endeavours to
establish a chain of events and arguments between
the two points ; and, we are sorry to state it, he does
not scruple to forge an extra link which he believes
to be necessary. lie maJccs Hudson return to Amster-
dam to give an account of Ids voijage. AVe know, on
unquestionable authority, that this statement of De
Laet is false ; and he was far too accurate to make
such a blunder through negligence. His special pur-
pose becomes therefore the more evident. Under these
circumstances we must be extremely cautious in
using any such statements of his as would tend to
strcngtlum the Dutch title to New Netherland. This
caution will be necessary in more instances than one.
The above remarks refer only to one or two pas-
sages. The rest of De Laet's description of Hudson's

third voyage must be reckoned among our most reliable

XXXIV INTIIODUCTION.

documents. The description of the voyaj^e occurs
incidentally in two different chapters, the seventli and
tenth, of the tliird hook of De Laet's Nicuwc WcreU.
The second of these passages consists ahnost entirely
of two fragments, the only remaining ones, of Hud-
son's report to the Directors of the Dutch East India
Company. The short summary of the whole voyage
contained in the first passage, seems for the most
part to be derived from the same source. No one
will read these fragments of Hudson's journal with-
out regretting the loss of the paper from which
they are taken. Short as tliey are, they form the
most graphic picture of the life, manners, and aspect
of the North American Indians, left by any one of
the early navigators. It may, perhaps, not be super-
fluous to observe that we do not even possess the
original cast of Hudson's words. As De Laet
gives them, they are merely a translation. Hudson
himself, though for a short time in the service of the
Dutch, could not easily understand, and therefore
certainly not write their language. He required the
services of a friend to translate for him some Dutch
papers, which he desired to make use of during this
same voyage.

A few years ago, when the writer of the present
pages was staying in Holland, a rumour had got
abroad, that a part of De Laet's manuscript materials
had turned up. The rumour was entirely unfounded ;
and for the present there appears to be no chance that
the original of Hudson's report should come to light.
Much may however be hoped for from future re-

INTRODUCTION. XXXV

searches. Little is lost in so eminently conservative
a country as Holland; and attention has lately been
nuicli directed to these matters. Search has also been
made in the Archives of the East India Company, for
any materials relating to Hudson. The scraps of in-
formation gathered from these archives will be given
elsewhere in these pages. Hudson's report has not as
yet been discovered. It is very possible that it was,
in De Laet's time, given up to the AVest India
Company or lent, and thought of too little importance
to be asked back. There is also some chance left of
its still being found among the papers of the East
India Company. This immense store of documents
was till quite lately without calendars, or indices of
any kind. It has, since, been entrusted to able hands ;
and many important discoveries will undoubtedly be
made among its dusty piles.

De Laet's Nieuwe Werclt, appeared first in 1625 ;
then for a second time in 1630. Copies of the earlier
edition are rare; and none was to be found in this coun-
try. Our reprints are therefore taken from the 1630
edition. A gentleman in Holland, however, to whose
unostentatious labours historical research is greatly
indebted, has been so kind as to compare for us the
text of the two editions, and has found them to agree
in every word ; as far at least as our extracts are
concerned. A reprint both of the seventh and tenth
chapter of the third book, is to be found in a very
rare tract, Dcschryvinge van Virginia^ Niemv Nederlandt,
etc. 4to., Amsterdam, 1651, pp. 14, 15 ; and 20 to
22.

XXXVl INTRODUCTION.

The next two extracts in our collection^ are taken
from the account of Hudson's voynge, which forms
part of Tiambrcchtsen's history of New Netherland.
Some of the statements in that account cannot
be traced back to printed sources, and there is every
reason to believe that they were borrowed from
early documents, then existing at INIiddelburg. The
facts in question all relate to Hudson's intercourse
with the Dutch East India Company. At the time
when Lambrechtsen wrote, a remarkable collection of
documents belonging to tliat Company was preserved
at Middelburg: and Lambrechtsen, as might be ex-
pected from his high standing, had access to them. He
quotes repeatedly in his history from the '^JVotuien van
(h xvii"; that is to say, the minutes of the proceed-
ings of the seventeen East India directors. It can-
not, however, be positively asserted, that the state-
ments whicli we are discussing were taken from this
important source. Nothing certain can be said on
this point, as long as the above mentioned collection
of documents remains inaccessible. It was for a long
time in private hands at Middelburg, was then, about
eight or nine years ago, surrendered to the East
India Company in Amsterdam ; and, has still more
recently been transferred to the royal archives at the
Hague. But as there has never been a calendar, or
any other kind of list made, there is but too good
reason to fear chat some of the papers may have been
lost on the way. Some inquiries made by the writer
of the present pnges, both by correspondence and

' Pp. 101 to IGO. ■

INTRODUCTION.

XXXVU

verbally, during a short sojourn on tl ^ -^pot, have led
to no results. We are thus, for the present, obliged
to take Lambrechtsen's assertions on trust.

We have already alluded to the extracts from Van
dcr Donck's description of New Netherland ; which
follow next in the order of our documents.^ Van der
Donck speaks, in several passages of his work, of
Hudson's third voyage, and he makes several state-
ments respecting it, which disagree more or less with
the earlier and better sources. These statements might
seem to deserve implicit credit, on account of the
opportunities for obtaining information which the
author possessed ; and some conscientious writers
have indeed fully trusted them. We consider all
these statements as spurious, not only because they
are not borne out by contemporary evidence, but more
especially because they all tend to strengthen the
Dutch title to New NcLherland, which Van der
Donck had a strong interest to defend.

The following was Van der Donck's position with
regard to this title. The title itself was little better
than a shadow. It was entirely founded on the
boldest, the most obstinate, and most extensive
act of sqiiaHmcj^ recorded in colonial history. The
territory called New Netherland, wliich the West
India Company claimed on account of Hudson's
discovery, belonged by the best possible right to
England. It formed part of a vast tract of country,
the coasts of which iiad been first discovered by
English ships, on which settlements had been founded

^ Pp. 1()7 to 172.

XXXVlll INTRODUCTION.

by English colonists, and which had been publicly
claimed by England, and granted to an English
Company, before Hudson ever set foot on American
ground. But the wilds and wastes of primeval forests,
were thought of so little value, that the Dutch were
for many years allowed to encroach upon English
rights, without much more than passing remonstran-
ces of the British government.

Some Dutch adventurers, induced by the favour-
able accounts of Henry Hudson, and of some Dutch
mariners who followed in his track, first founded a
factory and built a fort on an island in the mouth of
Hudson's river — the beginning of New York. The
adventurers afterwards obtained, as a protection
against the commercial opposition of their own coun-
trymen, the exclusive privilege of trading to those
parts. Both the privilege and the settlement passed
into the hands of the Dutch West India Company,
who enlarged the fort till it gradually became a town,
made vast grants of land, sent out colonists, and
commissioned some of their servants to rule over the
colony. This rule of the West India Company lasted
for more than forty years. But it is a remarkable
fact, that during nearly all that time the Dutch
government could not be induced to acknowledge
New Netherland openly and distinctly as a Dutch
dependency. This singular state of affairs led, as may
easily be imagined, to ardent contentions between
the English and Dutch colonists in New England and
New Netherland, neither of which sets of men was
naturally disposed to yield. Of these contentions Van

INTRODUCTION. . XXxix

der Donck. IIo resided in New Nethcrland from
1()41 to 16-19, first as a law officer (scbout fiscael)
ill the colony of llensselaerswyck ; afterwards as a
settler near New York. He quarrelled with the
somewhat despotic governor of the country, and
headed a faction opposed to the colonial government.
He, at last, returned to Holland, as the leader of a
deputation of influential settlers, who were to expose
at home all the wrongs by which they believed the
colony and themselves to be oppressed. Van der
Donck wrote two books in support of the cause
which he represented, both of which contain short
descriptions of Hudson's voyage. The first of them,
called Vertoogh van Niemo Nederland^ and published
in 1650, is mainly an account of the misrule of the
colony, with a short description of the country, and
other similar matters. It contains the germs of the
ingenious inventions concerning Hudson's voyage,
which are further developed in the second work,
Beschrijvinrjlie van Nieim Nedcrland^ from which our
extracts are taken. Van der Donck's reason for
makinoj these inventions is obvious enouyh. He
wished to induce the Dutch government to take
strong measures against the New England ers in de-
fence of the pretended right of the Dutch settlers.
His reason for being more explicit in the second
work than in the first is also very obvious, The war
between England and Holland (1552 to 1551) in-
tervened between the two publications. After its
termination several delegates were sent out from
Holland to England, to arrange tlic numerous dif-

Xl INTRODUCTION.

ferences Avhich existed between the two countries.
These delegates were urged by the West India Com-
pany to bring the North American disputes to a
peaceable arrangement. But they failed, and wrote
to Holland, that thc>j themselves did not consider the
claim of the Company as siihstantiatcd hj the evidence
adduced ; and that^ unless letter evidence ivas hrought
forivard^ they could not 2'>ossihly press the claim on the
English government. This correspondence was going
on at the very time when Van der Donck was en-
gaged upon the compilation of his work.

The fictions in which Van der Donck has indulged,
are of so serious a character, that we have been
obliged to make this digression to put them in their
true light. He represents Hudson as having taken
possession for the Dutch, of a tract of country, which
belonged to England. Nothing however could be fur-
ther from Hudson's intention, and even from that of liis
employers, the Dutch East India Company, who looked
with anything but favour on the endeavours to esta-
blish the rule of the Netherlands in the New World.

Hudson's long stay in Holland, for which Van der
Donck is the only authority, seems likewise to be
an invention, made to render the taking possession of
New Netherland for the Dutch a less unlikely act.
This residence in Holland is not an absolute im-
possibility. It may, however, be observed, that Hud-
son was in 1607 and 1608 in English service ; and that
he was not sufficiently acquainted with the Dutch
language to understand, without an English transla-
tion, some papers of Barents, which had been lent to

-*«»■

INTRODUCTION. xVl

liim. It was, on the other hand, not an uncommon
practice among English captains, to enter the Dutch
service, as is shown by the examples of Davis, Adams,
and Hudson himself. We are on the whole inclined
to think, that Van der Donck possessed no informa-
tion concerning our navigator, which is not existing
at the present day ; and that the startling new flicts
which he adds, had their origin in his fertile imagina-
tion. The sources which he made use of were Do
Laet and Van Metercn, and in copying the latter
author, he has made a most ludicrous mistake, which
must at once deprive his assertions of all credit.^

Van dor Donck,- and, a century and a half after,
Dr.IIeckewelder^ and Dr. Barton,^ noted down on the
spot, a sort of legend of Hudson's arrival in America,
handed down by the American Indians. There is a
considerable discrepancy between the earlier and the
later accounts. A scene of drunkenness, which really
happened, is dwelt on at great length in the more
modern story, without being even mentioned in the
old one. We are not inclined to attribute much
w^eight to this tradition, cither in its simple or its
adorned state. A tale of this kind is very likely to
be elicited from the imaginative aborigines, by the
eager questioning of the white man. The tale, whe-
ther true or false, has the merit of being well told.
The etymological argument by which Dr. Ilecke-
welder attempts to support it, ought rather to de-
tract from, than to increase its credit. The name of

' Sec t'n/nt, p]), 152, note 1 ; 167, note 1.

* Pp. 169-170. ■' Pp. 173-179. ' P. 179.

Xlii INTRODUCTION.

the island Manhattans is not^ as he asserts, derived
from a scene of drunkenness. It is taken from a
tribe of Indians, and is ah-eady mentioned by Hudson
himself.

Another American tradition, concerning Hudson's
first landing place, does not seem entitled to much more
credit. The early settlers in those regions had other
cares than these historical recollections to attend to.
AVe possess several remarkable books written by some
of them, and it does not seem that they paid much
attention to subjects of the kind. The tradition is
probably of a comparatively modern origin, having
its source in a guess. The locality mentioned is not
by any means the most likely one for Hudson's first
landing.

Our next fragment^ is taken from Luke Foxe's
North West Fox. Tlie book which bears tliis singular
title is the description of Captain Foxe's voyage in
search of a north-west passage, performed in the
year 1631. Foxe has therein set an example, which
has been very generally followed in later accounts of
north-western expeditions. Before describing his
own voyage he gives a summary of the exploits of
his predecessors. Most of the statements contained
in that part of his book are, however, of little im-
portance, being merely extracts from sources whicli
we still possess. Such is also his account of Hudson's
voyage. The only notice in it that is really original,
is the one reprinted among our fragments. It is not
of a pleasing nature, throwing, as it does, a most

' P. 173. - r. 180.

INTRODUCTION. xliu

unfavourable light on Hudson's character. A certain
master Colburne (or Colbert, or Coolbrand) was sent
out with Hudson on his fourth voyage. Colburne
seems to have been attached to the vessel as a kind
of official adviser, without any special functions.
Hudson soon got tired of this control, and sent Col-
burne home again. So far the facts are authentic.
But Foxe adds that Colburne was a better man than
Hudson, and insinuates that it is to the former, not
to the latter, that the plan of searching for a passage
in latitude 61° was due. This malicious insinuation
is devoid of all truth. * Abundant proof is still extant
that Hudson had, years before, matured the idea
here ascribed to Colburne. The name of this sailor
is also not otherwise mentioned in the records of
maritime discovery, and his having been a man of
conspicuous merit thus becomes very doubtful. We
can, therefore, hardly hesitate to ascribe Foxe's calum-
nious insinuations to the desire to depreciate the
merits of a great predecessor whom he had vainly
tried to outrival ; an explanation fully consistent with
the character of Foxe, who had all the conceit and
self-complacency observable in little minds.

We have now to speak of the most important
documents in our collection — Hudson's chart of the
fourth voyage, and the explanations added to it by
its publisher, Hessel Gerritz.^ Gerritz belonged to a
class of persons, to whom geographical science is very
deeply indebted. He was, like the Arrowsmiths,
Petermanns, Van der Maelens, and Johnstons of our

' Pp. 181-194. / : ,^^, ^. ^ ^

xliv INTRODUCTION.

day, a geographer, map maker, and publisher of geo-
graphical works. His labours, though few in number,
arc of the most genial nature. Fixing his eyes on the
boundaries of the known world, he followed with
enthusiasm the first rays of light that began to pene-
trate into regions of darkness and mystery. Hudson's
chart of the fourth voyage was Gerritz's first publica-
tion, and around it grew, in a very remarkable manner,
the most interesting of the many collections of voy-
ages and travels printed in the early part of the
seventeenth century.

Hudson's chart, of which we give an exact fac-
simile, was at first published by itself, w^ith a short
explanation in Dutch on its back,^ probably in
autumn 1612.

The chart was republished a short time afterw'ards,
as part of a pamphlet in Latin, ^ the first edition of
the collection of voyages and travels '.o which we have
alluded. This collection also contained an explana-
tion of the chart, somewhat ampler than the one
given at first \^ and besides this information on the
far north-west, it brought before the public Fernan-
dez de Quiros's explorations in the far south, and
Massa's account and map of the regions about the
mouth of the river Oby in the far north-east. The
' introduction or prolegomena to the pamphlet, which

'' contain some other valuable materials and throw a

' light on the plan of the work, are reprinted in the

\\ appendix to the present volume.^

ii» 1 Pp. 181-1^3. ;'B "~ Sec appendix, p. 23G.

Pp. 185-169. * Pp. 236-212.

INTIiODUCTlON. xlv

Tl)c same pamphlet was ajj;-ain issued in 1()12, with
a new title page, and with some slight changes in
the arrangement ; but without any additions.

In the same year, 1612, a Dutch edition was pub-
lished; being in almost every respect a translation from
the Latin. The explanation of Hudson's chart^ is
however both corrected and enlarged, and is in
several important points at variance with the preced-
ing editions.

Early in the year 1613 a revised Latin edition was
published, differing in many important points from
its predecessors. A new, and much shorter intro-
duction,- took the place of the valuable prolegomena.
The explanation of Hudson's chart was translated
from the Dutch edition, with important additions and
alterations at the end."^ The voyage of Cornells Nai
to the north-east and north-west, to which allusion
is made in the prolegomena to t.iO first edition, is
here described in full ; the navigator having returned
in the interval. Some corrections of doubtful value
are also introduced into Massa's map.

The last edition of the work was also published in
1613. It is in every respect identical with the one
just described ; but contains at the end Peter Plan-
cius's observations on the dispute between the Eng-
lish and Dutch, with regard to the discovery of
Spitzbergen. This edition is extremely rare.

The chart published by Gerritz had originally been
drawn by Hudson himself. This fact, which is clearly

' Pp. 189-193. 2 Appendix, pp. 211-212.

'' Pp. 193-194.

'11

Xlvi INTRODUCTION.

stated by the publisher,^ is also borne out by other cir-
cumstances. We learn from Pricket that Hudson had
drawn a chart of the strait and bay, which the muti-
neers consulted on their home voyage.- The delinea-
tion before us is evidently based on a knowledge of
the localities ; and it contains only such places as
Hudson himself had visited. Siill it might surprise
us that the chart was published in Holland, not in
England. This somewhat singular circumstance can,
however, be readily explained. Holland was at that
time the centre of all geographical research, owing
to the impulse given to these studies by the Belgian
emigrants. These scholars made ample use of the
facilities afforded them by the dispersion of so many
friends over all parts of the civilised world. They
entertained more especially a lively intercourse with
England, as can be seen by a glance thrown on the
labours of the most prominent among them. We
can thus guess how Hudson's chart was obtained,
and we may, perhaps, even be fortunate enough to
divine the very channel through which it reached
Hessel Gerritz.

The chart seems to have been first sent from Eng-
land to Peter Plancius, one of the most eminent
geographical scholars among the Belgian emigrants,
and who was,like the late Sir John Barrow, universally
known to take a special interest in the search for a
short northern route to China, a subject which he
had also been discussing with Hudson himself
Hessel Gerritz's publication was at least made with
r. 194, note 1. - Pp. 124 and 12G.

INTRODUCTION,

xlvii

tlic sanction, and, to a certain degree, under the
auspices of Peter Plancius; as appears from Plancius's
supplement to the hist edition, and from many re-
marks in Gerritz's explanations of the chart.

The delineation \vhich we have before us may
seem a poor work to modern eyes, and many persons
might think that the engraved copy did not do full
justice to the original draught. But when we apply
the standard of Hudson's time instead of our own, we
find this chart to be far superior to many contempo-
rary productions, and decidedly the facile princeps of
all the then existing delineations of the arctic regions.
The elementary state of geographical science, the
imperfections of the instruments, the entire want of
any previous data, the fogs, the storms, and the ice
of those inhospitable regions, fully explain the un-
avoidable defects of the work.

The engraving of the chart is very probably by
Ilessel Gerritz's own hand. The ornamental additions
are in the same fine bold style which distinguishes an
exquisite and rare engraving representing tvah'usscs
signed by him. The style in which the chart itself
is engraved is not unlike that of Hessel Gerritz's
map of Russia in Bleau's great atlas. The fidelity
with which most English terms are copied, and, on
the other hand, the occasional Batavianisms (such as
lioope for hope^ Yslandt for Iceland, etc.), need, therefore,
not surprise us. Our own engraving of this remark-
able chart is of course somewhat inferior to the origi-
nal ; but it is nevertheless an exceedingly good copy.

Lucidity of style is not among Gerritz's good points.

Xlviii INTRODUCTION.

as liis explanations to Hudson's chart too well show.
They are made up from two different elements, neither
being presented in the most acceptable shape. The
explanations contain, first a sunmiary of Hudson's and
Plancius's discussions about the search for a north-
western passage in the locality where Hudson after-
wards discovered his strait. The account of these con-
versations seems to be correct in all main points, though
somewhat confused in certain details. Far greater,
unfortunately, is the confusion which prevails in the
other part of llessel Gerritz's explanations. His
account of the voyage is confusion itself. The vari-
ous versions in the different editions even contradict
each other in some important points. The fiicts in
which all the editions agree are of but minor import-
ance. Some of them seem to owe their origin to a
reliable source, some to be based on hearsay.

The whole work of Hessel Gerritz has been re-
peatedly reprinted in Germany. The best known of
these counterfeits forms part of the great Dc Bry
collection. It is easy to distinguish, both in the
originals and in the reprints, the text of the first
from those of the later Latin editions. The following
are the most cliaracteristic marks. In the original edi-
tions the date, 1612 for the first, 1613 for the others ;
i secondly, the greater length of the prolegomena in

'\ the first edition, eight pages in one case, two in the

other ; lastly, a very curious difference. George
Weymouth, whose expedition is repeatedly referred
i to in the explanations to Hudson's chart, is in the

1^ first edition called Whmood, the name of the English

INTRODUCTION. xHx

ambassador at the Hague. This mistake is corrected
ill tlie later editions. It is, of course, copied in the
reprints.
lH The last one^ of our documents is another chart,
Avhicli serves to illustrate Hudson's two first voyages.
It is taken from Pontanus's history of Amsterdam,
published in that city in 1611, and illustrated with
maps by the publisher, the celebrated Josse, or
Jodocus, Ilondius, to whom we have repeatedly al-
luded. Pontanus's work contains in several of its
chapters the history of the voyages of the Dutch, and
among tliem an account of Barentz's three expedi-
tions to the north. The present chart is intended to
illustrate the third of these voyages ; and it would
thus seem not to bear special reference to Hudson.
Hondius had, however, come in contact with our
navigator in 1()()9, and appears to have obtained
from him some details about his two first voyages.
The conscientious geographer thought it his duty
to introduce this information into his chart of
arctic regions, and this chart is therefore almost
as much an illustration of Hudson's as of Barentz's
voyages. Colitis Cape, one of the localities discovered

^ Besides the printed sources which we have reviewed, there
exist some manuscript notices among the documents of the Dutch
East India Company. Considerable efforts have been made to
obtain fac-similcs of these ; but as yet without result. "\Vc have,
however, full reason to hope, that we shall be able to make this
important addition to our collection before we finally close it.
The printing of the present part of the work could not be any
longer delayed ; we must therefore review these manuscript docu-
ments in another part of our introduction.

1 INTRODUCTION.

in 1607, and the Banqmse, or continuous icebank,
■which hindered Hudson's progress to the north, arc
to be found in no other map or chart, either ohi or
new. The words on this chart, Glacies ah II. Iliid-
sono detecta anno 1608, also contain the first mention
publicly made of our navigator.

The appendix to our collection consists of several
pieces, not strictly bearing on Pludson's career, but
illustrating points of collateral interest. The first
of them is Verazzano's voyage along the North Ame-
rican coasts, and his discovery of Iludson'i^river.^ This
voyage is already well known from Ramusio and
Ilakluyt. But Verazzano's original letter, preserved
in the Magliabecchian library in Florence, has never
yet been printed in Europe. It is, however, of great
interest, not only on account of the verve and fresh-
ness prevailing in it, but more especially on account
of a valuable appendix, which Ramusio has not
given. This appendix is of special importance for
our subject, because it restores one of the connecting
links in the history of arctic discovery. The reasons
which we give for inserting this somewhat extensive
document in our collection are not, however, meant
as excuses for printing it. It undoubtedly deserves,
on its own merits, a place among the collections of
the Ilakluyt Society, and it will better repay an
attentive perusal thpn any other part of the present
volume. AVe have purposely adopted Professor Cogs-
well's excellent translation, which preserves in most
respects the character of the original. AVe have also

> Pp. 197.

INTRODUCTION. H

boiTowcd from him the introduction and the notes
by which his translation is accompanied.

The appendix further contains the English trans-
lations of two papers which had originally been writ-
ten in Dutch by the celebrated William Barentz, had
then passed into the hands of Peter Plancius, and then
into those of Henry Hudson, who got them trans-
lated into English.^ The translations were first in
Hakluyt's, then in Purchas's possession. The latter
published them, as he says, for Barentz's sake. They
are not less important for the biography of our navi-
gator, and furnish some of the few existing materials
towards his personal history.

The next piece- in our appendix is an extract from
Van der Donck, about the wampum or bead money
of the Indians, as an illustration to a passage in
Juet's Journal, p. 86, note 2.

Then follow, as the concluding pieces, the pro-
legomena to the first and to the second Latin editions
of Hessel Gerritz's work.^ Of this book we have
spoken at sufficient length, and on reference to the
papers themselves, it wall easily be seen that they
are interesting and important.

Having concluded our review of the sources, we
now proceed to give a short account of the existing
researches respecting Henry Hudson that have come
under our notice.

Summaries of our navigator's career are contained
in many cyclopedias and biographical handbooks.
They generally convey some idea of his purposes and

' !'• 229. '' P. 235. 3 pp_ 336, 242.

lii INTRODUCTION.

principal discoveries, but are inexact in their details ;
being mostly based on a somewhat superficial ac-
quaintance with the documents collected by Purchas,
without those preserved by other hands. Of the
articles examined by us, those in the BlograpMe Uni-
versclle and Biographia Bntannica are the best. None
of them, however, contain anything that can be pro-
perly called original research. To the same class of
labours belongs also a sketch of Hudson's life, among
the collection of biographies edited by Mr. Jared
Sparks. This sketch is well written ; and one or two
other sources, besides those collected by Purchas,
have been made use of. We also notice here and
there an original observation. But the research is
not of sufficient depth to render it useful for a special
purpose like ours.

Another class of short biographies of Hudson is
contained in general and special works on arctic dis-
covery ; such as Adelung, Forster, Barrow, etc. The
authors of these works are better acquainted with the
arctic regions than the contributors to handbooks of
a more general nature. Still, few of them have
thought it worth their while to inquire, with any-
thing like diligence, into Hudson's career ; and it
may perhaps be observed without injustice, that the
histories of arctic discovery are all of them some-
what below the present standard of critical research.
Little, if anything for our purpose, can be learned
from the more general works. They contain rapid,
and sometimes even hasty, summaries of the most
accessible sources ; this being, indeed, the avowed

INTRODUCTION. liii

plan of the best known of these histories, that of Sir
John Barrow. It would be unjust to pass the same
criticism on Mr. llunclall's Voijagcs towards the North-
Wcst. But tlie purpose of this diligent scholar is
more to lay before his readers as yet unknown
sources, drawn from archives and libraries, than to
indulge in geographical details. His sketch of Hud-
son's last voyage is, therefore, more an interesting link
in a chain of valuable evidence, than an independent
production ; and we cannot blame the author for its
having proved of little advantage for our purpose.
It is not Mr. llundall's fault that he has been unable
to find any new documents concerning Hudson's
career.

More satisfactory researches are to be found in some
works of a more special character. Captain Beechey,
in his well-known appendix to his arctic voyage,
dwells at some length on Hudson's first and second
expeditions. Captain Beechey has used only Playse's
description of the first, and Hudson's description of
the second voyage, without the other fragments. But
he is himself thoroughly acquainted with the -ocali-
ties, and his observations are of very great value.
They have often been quoted and extracted by more
recent writers.

One passage in Hudson's account of his second
voyage has also been examined with much critical
acumen by Dr. Beke, in the introduction to his
edition of Dc Veer.

None of the four voyages has, however, been more
specially investigated and commented upon than the

liv INTRODUCTION.

third, which led to the discovery of Hudson's river.
The inhabitants of the United States have, with a
most laudable zeal and energy, embraced the task of
inquiring into their own antiquities ; and the task
being in itself of a limited nature, these researches
have already been brought to greater completeness
than perhaps those concerning any part of the Old
World. The State of New York has, in this respect,
been both more zealous and more successful than any
other. The New York Historical Society, an associa-
tion formed for this kind of research, has been flourish-
ing for the last half century; and it may look back with
pride on its past career. Besides the labours, both at
public and at private expense, which the society has
encouraged, they have themselves published in their
collections many of the most important documents
concerning their national history. To these collec-
tions we arc largely indebted. We have borrowed
from S em the translations from De Laet, Van der
Donck and Lambrechtsen, and Dr. Ileckewelder's
observations, as well as the original and the trans-
lation of Verazzano's letter. The collections also con-
tain a reprint of the chapters in Purchas's Pilgrimage^
which form pp. 1-138 of our volume; so that by
far the greater part of what we have reprinted is
also to be found in various places of those American
collections.

The collections also contain the first special essay
on Hudson's third voyage, written in 1810 by Dr.
Miller, a member of the society. This essay is other-
wise not very remarkable. Some of its observations

INTRODUCTION. Iv

seem, however, to be good, and have been approved
of by later American historians, who were, like the
author, acquainted with the localities.

Still more light is thrown on Hudson's third
voyage by other researches, indirectly connected
with the New York Historical Society. The most
important of them, at least for our purpose, is the
His torn of the State of Neio York, begun, but never
terminated, bv Yates and Moulton. This book de-
votes more than sixty pages to Henry Hudson. The
voyage along the American coasts and up and down
Hudson's river is investigated with great minuteness ;
and so little seems in this repect to be left undone,
that the more recent American historians have added
but little to Yates's and Moulton's researches.

A different kind of importance belongs to the re-
searches made in the European archives by Mr. John
Romeyn Brodhead. This gentleman was charged by
the government of the State of New York, at the
instigation of the Historical Society, to collect in
Europe all such documents as might be bearing on
the history of the state. The mission was crowned
with eminent success. Partly by his own exertions,
partly by the liberal and sometimes enthusiastic
assistance aftbided him by European scliolars, Mr.
Brodhead was enabled to carry home a most valuable
collection of papers. He was, of course, desirous to
obtain some MS. documents concerning Henry Hud-
son ; and his almost complete want of success in this
respect might lead us to the conclusion that really
nothing exists. We must, however, hesitate to take so

Ivi INTRODUCTION.

gloomy a view of tlic question. We have already had
occasion to observe, tliat there are distinct traces still
extant of papers concerning Hudson ; which were
preserved in Holland, some in the seventeenth, and
some as late as the beginning of the present century.
We have also observed, that a long time must elapse
before an insight can be obtained into the treasures
of the Dutch East India archives. Mr. Brodhcad
was in this respect still more unfavourably situated
than he would have been at the present day. He
seems not even to have been acquainted with the
Middelburg collection, which was then in private
hands and almost forgotten. Still we owe to Mr.
Brodhead the knowledge that, at least among the
more accessible papers, nothing was to be found,
except an entry of a few lines in a ship register.

We are also under another obligation to Mr. Brod-
head. He has compiled from the materials collected
by him, a work which forms the first volume of a
Ilistoru of the State of Nciv York. He there treats of
our navigator. Some of his observations are import-
ant. But the chief value of the book for our sub-
ject consists in a very complete enumeration of the
sources for the history of the third voyage.

Between Yates and Moulton's and Brodhead's
histories, another work of the same kind made its
appearance in New York, under the title History of
New Netherlands by Dr. O'Callaghan. This book also
describes, in about ten pages, Hudson's third voy-
age. The analysis contains a few original observa-
tions. We seize this opportunity for recommending

4 INTRODUCTION. Ivil

■'■);

Dr. O'Callaglian's charming work to those few of our
readers who might feel interest enough in Henry
Hudson to follow up the subject of his splendid dis-
covery. The history of the banks of Hudson river
has here been chronicled, in a manner not the less
attractive for being entirely unassuming and natural.
The other works on the same subject, though in some
respects more exact, are somewhat tedious for persons
not specially interested in this matter.

There arc also two Dutch treatises on the History
of Ihc SUde of New York. We have already spoken
at some length of the first of them, and have extracted
all the interest'ng portions of the descriptions of
Hudson's voyage. The other one contains very little
of any importance for our subject.^

We have found no researches of any value for the
investigation of the fourth voyage, and have, with
regard to tliis difficult subject, been thrown almost
entirely on our own resources.

From tlie time of Luke Fox down to our days, it
has been almost invariably the custom to prefix to
every special account of one or more arctic expedi-
tions, a general summary of what had been done by
the predecessors of the navigator und(}r review. This
custom has been followed as well by autobiographers
as by those who have described the voyages of others,
whether living or dead ; in order to place their heroes

^ Mr. Ch. Murphy, the United States' Minister at the Hague,
has recently issued to his friends a small pamphlet on Henry
Hudson ; but, to the editor's regret, has declined to afford him a
sight either of a printed or a MS. copy.

Iviii INTRODUCTION.

in their proper light, by showing how much had been
achieved before them, and how much new informa-
tion they added to the okl stock. We liavo, besides,
another still more cogent reason to adopt this method.
If we fail to do so, some of the most important pas-
sages, and often the whole context of the sources
which we have collected, would remain obscure. For,
Hudson and his companions could, of course, not
have been previously acquainted with the real fea-
tures of the regions among which their explorations
lay. Had ley been so, their labours would have
been superiluous. They entertained, on the contrary,
notions which were more or less wide from the trutli.
These notions, though shared by Hudson's contem-
poraries, for whom the various journals and logbooks
were kept, have long since given way to better know-
ledge, and have disappeared from the memory of man.
Thus the journals and logbooks are, in some respects,
as if they were written in an obsolete tongue.

To make them fully understood, we shall have to
restore the geographical ideas concerning the nortli
which prevailed in Hudson's time. They were based
partly on arctic expeditions, more or less imperfectl)
known ; partly on rumours, which the most ancient of
these voyages had engendered ; partly on the state-
ments of Strabo, Ptolemy, Pliny, and other classic
writers ; partly even on fantastical and entirely
groundless imaginations, that had sprung up during
the middle ages. All these elements, singularly
mixed as they were, had in some degree been ar-
ranged and digested by the geogra])liical critics of

V ''

INTRODUCTION. Ux

the tlay, 'svlio, unfortunately, however, had hut imper-
fect nietliods of research at their disposal, and no true
standard to guide them.

The ohject of the following pages will, then, he a
douhle one : first, to assign to Hudson his proper
place among arctic navigators, by showing what
knowledge he had received from his predecessors,
and what he added to the store collected by them ;
secondly, to define his own geographical notions, as
clearly as their nature may allow. For the sake of
clearness we shall treat of the two branches of this sub-
ject separately ; speaking first of the actual achieve-
ments of arctic navigators up to Hudson's time, and
then of the results which science had drawn from
their labours.

In so doing, it cannot be our purpose to give a
complete and critical history of arctic exploration up
to the year 1607. Our aim simply is, to restore a
chain of events, many parts of which are now scat-
tered and scarcely noticed ; so as to be able to attach
to it, without constraint or violence, the links fur-
nished by the labours of our navigator.

A great part of the arctic shores that have been
visited in modern times were already known to the
Scandinavians during the middle ages. The exact
limits of their discoveries cannot well be ascertained ;
nor would the present place be fit for such inquiry ;
but the great influence which these early exploits
exercised on more recent navigators, particularly on
Pludson, gives them a special claim on our attention.
It is sufficient for our purpose to observe, that the

IX INTRODUCTION.

Scandinavians, sailing from the regions tliey still in-
habit, occnpicd and colonized Iceland, that they also
fonnded colonies in Greenland, and tliat steering still
fiirther to the west they reached North America.

These discoveries, and the lasting intercourse to
which they gave rise, were materially facilitated by
the geographical position of the localities themselves,
which seem to form a chain of stages thus placed by
nature for the convenience of human exploration.
The advantages drawn from these splendid oppor-
tunities by the discoA crers themselves were, however,
but scanty ; and mainly so on account of their situa-
tion, which both confined them to their own limited
resources, and ])recluded any influence their know-
ledge might otherwise have exercised on more south-
ern nations. Fear of these northmen's savage energy,
the distance and wildness of their home, and chielly
the hostile efforts of the Ilanseatic confederacy, whose
main purpose it was to oppose them, proved so strong
a barrier, that tliere seemed hardly to exist any bond
between them and the rest of Europe.

Thus it happened that a treasury of knowledge the
most important existed for centuries in Europe with-
out reaching those nations to whom it w^ould have
proved the greatest boon. It cannot, however, be
said that this knowledge remained entirely without
its effect. The records of these early exploits were
carefully kept, and repeatedly translated from one
northern tongue into another. The Scandinavians
also constructed, from the results they had obtained,
geographical systems of their own, which included

INTRODUCTION. Ixi

Iceland, Greenland, and North America. These
records and systems continned to he preserved in
Iceland even when Scandinavian navigation had al-
most ceased to exist. Althongh wc now possess
slight fragments only of these important historical
docnments, wc arc, nevertheless, enabled to say wath
perfect certainty, that even at the end of the fifteenth
centurff the Scandinavians, at least those in Iceland,
had a vivid r(>uiembrance of the early achievements,
and sufficiently clear notions of the results, that had
thus been obtained.

It was not before the middle of the sixteenth cen-
tury that anything like a distinct knowledge of these
important materials reached the more southern nations
of Europe. Ihit a number of vague rumours seem to
have spread through various channels, and travelled
southward, long before that time. INIany of the early
and rude portolani and of the first geographical works
that appeared in print contain indications of Green-
hmd. The extreme vagueness of the information
thus derived caused that j^reat arctic continent to
be variously drawn on maps, and also its name
to be variously spelled. We ought not to lose
sight of this important fact; for when the critical
geographers in Hudson's time and shortly before him
compiled their books, maps, and charts, they were
thus led to suppose the existence of several vast
arctic tracts, with very similar though not identical
names, such as Greenland, Grocnland, Groneland,
Engroneland, Grocland. Two, sometimes even three,
of these appear upon the same maps, in every kind

Ixii INTRODUCTION.

of shape and position; to the north, north-east, and
north-west of Europe. The searcli for these various,
more or less imaginary territories, constitutes one of
the characteristic features of early northern voyages.
Henry Hudson suffei'c:d greatly under these delu-
sions, and contributed to dispel them.

AVe can, under these circumstances, entertain no
doubt that some geogra,- lical comnuinications re-
specting tlie northern discoveries of the Scandina-
vians must have reached tlic south of I'iUropc before
the time when the voyages of Columbus, Cabot, and
Vasco de Gama opened a new era in the history of
maritime explorations. Nor is it quite impossible
that the early discoveries of the northern nations
exercised some influence on the ideas of the great
Italians, Columbus and the Cabots, who discovered,
the one the West Indies, the others North America.
It is a well known and often discussed fact that
Columbus visited Iceland, the great storehouse of
Scandinavian information, respecting the north-west,
fifteen years before his first voyage across the Atlan-
tic. John Cabot resided for some time in Bristol, a
town which then carried on an active trade Avith
Iceland, and which he and his son Sebastian after-
wards made their starting place for their expeditions
to the north-west. It is further certain that Sebastian
Cabot went to North America in 1498 by way of
Iceland, and that, some time in his life, he made him-
self thoroughly acquainted with that country, most
probably by personal investigation. Several other
indications, on which wc cannot here dwell, contri-

INTRODUCTION. Ixiil

butc to make it pvo])ablc that somo connexion existed
between the discovery of North America during the
middle ages and that wliich constituted tlie com-
menecment of tlie modern era of arctic explorations.

Tiiis observation, which an impartial inquiry lias
led us to make, by no means implies a slur on the
memory of the C'abots. Their merits will admit of the
most critical investigation ; and they would, indeed,
shine out more briglitly, if the attention which both
geograpliers and historians might profitably bestow
iipon them were not witldield, partly from neglect,
partly from prejudice. However tempting the pre-
sent opportunity might seem for paying that debt of
gratitu{h% both the nature and the limits of tins essay
preclude the attempt. It belongs, however, to our
subject, to take a short review of the efforts and
achievements of the Cabots, the originators of all
modern navigation in the north, whose footsteps were
implicitly followed by all their successors for more
than a century. Henry Hudson himself may, perhaps
before all others, be styled a disciple of the Cabots.

The search for a north-western and for a north-
eastern way to China, the two schemes upon which
all Hudson's energies were engaged, originated with
John and Sebastian Cabot. The various efforts made
in botli directions, from the time of the Cabots down
to that of Henry Hudson, will be the main facts for
our consideration.

To understand how these schemes of the Cabots
arose, it is necessary to realize for a moment the geo-
gra[)hical i.otions prevailing at the end of the fifteenth

■m

Ixiv INTRODUCTION.

century. The geographical dogma of that time re-
cognized one great continent, comprising Europe,
Asia, and Africa, and surrounded by sea. This con-
tinent, with the Occanus by which it seemed to be
encompassed, was believed to form the whole surface
of our earth. The earth itself was, by the great
majority, thought to be flat ; a few only knowing it
to be a globe. Of the continent no part had been in-
vestigated with anything like the accuracy of modern
times. Even the shores that were iiimiliarly known,
were most imperfectly delineated on the best maps.
This incorrectness grows with the distance, and is
often so great as to destroy all resemblance between
the supposed and the real outline of the more distant
lands. The sources from which these notions were
drawn could, indeed, not yield any more accurate
knowledge. The systems of cosmograpliy tlien recog-
nized were almost entirely based on the writings of
the ancients, the study of which had recently been
resumed. Into these systems such scraps of informa-
tion were intr')duced as could be gathered from the
accounts of more modern travellers, chiefly Italians,
Arabs, and Spanish Jews, with here and there a vague
indication of the northern discoveries of the Scandi-
navians.

Let us imagine a terrestrial globe constructed ac-
cording to these ideas. We perceive one great mass of
land, composed of Europe, Asia, and Africa ; Europe
very imperfectly, Asia and Africa almost flmcifully
drawn. All the remaiaing surflicc of the globe con-
sists of one vast expanse of water, nearly unbroken,

INTRODUCTION. IxV

except by a few islands near the continent. The
eastern shores of Asia and the western shores of
]'>iiropc are separated by nothing but a wide sea.

The records of the intercourse of the ancients Avith
India and China, winch were eagerly studied by the
eminent men of thr age, and still more the accounts
of medianal travellers, especially of Marco Tolo,
hiid long fixed the attention of Europe on the east
and south-east of Asia, Alexandii's march to the
furthest boundaries of the known world was a fa-
vourite^ theme of mediicval poetry. Tlie accounts of
the civilization, population, and riches of China and
Japan, surpassing anything to be found in Europe in
INFarco Eolo's time, shine forth with almost fabulous
splendour in tlic description of his travels. Some of
the commodities produced in the far cast had from
time immemorial formed part ot the choicest luxu-
ries of European magnates. The circuitous channels
througli which alone they could be obtained still
further enhanced their value. Most of them were
brought by the hands of the Arabs, and the wonder-
ful tales in which these sons of the desert described
the glories of the land of spices and emeralds were
carried westward, together with the merchandise
which formed their theme, 'i'lius everything con-
tributed to make the east and south-east of Asia
appear as the very ideal of fairy land.

It is therefore verv naturni that in some minds the
idea arose of crossing the ocean, which alone seemed
to separate Europe from these wonderful shores ; and
w(^ all kno^^■ how Columbus attempted it and wliat

Ixvi INTRODUCTION.

he found. The sume object was also pursued by the
Cabots. But instead of sailing like Columbus through
the tropical regions, John and Sebastian Cabot di-
rected their course to the north-west. It would be
interesting to ascertain why they adopted this road.
The reason which they themselves put forth is suffi-
cient to explain tlieir proceedings. They said that
the nearer to the North Pole the nliorter the course v 'd
necessarihj he. Tliis reason has been powerful en . j.i
to induce so many liardy adventurers to follow in the
footste[)s of the Cabots ; and it must have seemed
much more plausible before the existence of the new
continent, which blocks up the passage, and before
the difficulties and horrors of arctic navigation were
known. Still it is not im])robable that John Cabot
had, during liis stay in Bristol, received some hints
from the Icelanders wlio traded to that port. For,
having this opportunity to become acquainted with
tlieir records, it would be a strange coincidence
had he merely by chance trodden in the very foot-
steps of the ancient Scandinavians. Like them,
he reached North America by way of Iceland ; and
like them, in a region which some Icelandic scholars
were, at the very time of his expedition, describing
in their geographical manuals.^

But even if we suppose Cabot to have been ac-
quainted with the voyages to Vinland, these events
did not appear to him in their true liglit. They did
not lead him to surmise the existence of a continent
different from the one which contained Euro[)e and
^ Sec note A, at the end of the introduction.

INTRODUCTION. Ixvii

Asia. He was as yet completely convinced that
nothing but the ocean divided England from China.
The fact tliat the ocean had been crossed, and that
land had been discovered on the other side, would
simply prove to him that China might be reached
by that route. The Cathay of Marco Polo and the
vaflfuelv described Vinland of the Scandinavians,
would appear to him as identical ; and he would
conclude, that by following in the footsteps of the
Northmen, he must also arrive in Cathay. Stupen-
dous as these mistakes may appear to us, they were
natural in a time when the term latitude was yet
almost unknown, and they form the simplest expla-
nation of John Cabot's first north-western voyage.

Some recently discovered documents serve to dispel
part of the obscurity which surrounds the history of
the Cabots ; so that the main facts of their career may
now be stated with tolerable clearness, leaving, how-
ever, still several very important points open to
doubt. John Cabot, a Venetian miles Jiiraim, or
gold- spurred knight, resided for some time in Bristol,
following mercantile pursuits, like many other Italian
gentlemen of that age. He returned to Venice, and,
after a long absence from England, we find him again
here in 1496.

Tlie country from which he started on his first ^ex-
pedition to America, as well as the date of the disco-
very, remain uncertain. Sebastian Cabot, John's son
and companion, asserts that the exjledition took place
in 1494, and that land was first seen the 24th of
June of that year. It is difficult to conciliate this

Ixviii

INTRODUCTION.

statement witli some tlioroiiglily reliable details of
the Cabots' cx^x-ditiou to America in 1497, wliicli
appears in every way as if it had been their Jir^l
voyage of discovery.

Our doubts are still increased by the following
fact. The statement to which we allude was made
on a large nuip or planisphere by iSebastian Cabot
ill 1544 and 1549, when he was an old man, perhaps
of feeble memory. This same map was afterwards
copied by Clement Adams, a geographer of that time,
who was undoubtedly acquainted with Cabot. Adams
deliberately alters the date of 1494 into 1497.

Many important questions connected with this first
expedition must thus remain in abeyance. Sebastian
Cabot has described it in a few lines, and from the
description we learn the day of the first landing, and,
pcrha[)s, the locality where it took place. Does this
really apply to a voyage undertaken in 1494, or must
it be referred to the expedition of 1497 ? Further,
under what impressions did John Cabot act when he
took out his letters patent in 149() ?

Cabot obtained in jNIarch 1490, from Henry VII,
letters patent for the discovery of new lands, for him-
self and his sons, Sebastian, Lndovico, and Sanzio.
He sailed from Bristol in spring 1497, and returned
to England about the 10th of August of the same
year. The vo) age is described in the following words
by the Venetian Pasqualigo, who was in London at
the time of Cabot's return.^

^ Extract from a letter writlen by Lorenzo Pasqualigo, son of
the late Messcr Filippo, dated London, August 23rd, addressed

INTRODUCTION.

Ixix

'•' This Venetian of ours, who went with a ship from Bristol
ill quest of new isLinds, is returned, and says, that seven
liundred leagues hence he discovered * terra firnia,' which is
tlie territory of the (jirand Cham ; he coasted for three hun-
dred leagues and landed ; he saw no human being whatso-
ever, but he has brought hither to the king certain snares,
wiiich had been set to catch game, and a needle for making
nets ; he also found some felled trees, wherefore he sup-
posed there were inhabitants, and returned to his ship in
alarm.

" lie was three months on the voyage it is quite certain ;
and coming back he saw two islands to starboard, but would
not land, time being precious as he was short of provisions.
Tlie king is much pleased with this intelligence. He says
that the tides are slack, and do not flow as they do here.

" The king has promised that in the spring he shall have
ten ships, armed according to his own fancy, and at his
rc(|uest he has conceded him all the prisoners, except sucli
as are confined for high treason, to man them Avitli. lie has
also s^iven him inonev wherewith to amuse himself till then,
and he is now at Bristol with his wife, who is a Venetian
woman, and with his sons ; his name is Zuan Cabot, and
they call him the great admiral. Vast honour is paid him,
and he dresses in silk ; and these English run after him like
ma-^ people, so that he can enlist as many of them as lie
pleases, and a number of our own rogues besides.

" The discoverer of these places planted on his new-found
land a large cross, with one flag of England and another of
S. jNIark, by reason of his being a Venetian ; so that our
banner has floated very far afield."

This letter is a fit subject for much speculation.

to his brothers, Alvisc and Francisco Pasqiuvligo, in Venice. Re-
ceived on the 2ord of September, 1497. — Collections of the I'/iilo-
hiblon Society, vol. ii.

IXX INTRODUCTION.

Only two of the questions to wliich it gives rise seem,
however, to belong to our province. The coxintrij of
the Great Chan^ of whicli Pasqualigo speaks, is the
Cathay of llubruquis and Marco Polo, that is to say,
northern China. The vague terms in which geogra-
phical information was published in the middle ages,
had engendered a signal and very momentous mistake.
The Cathay of tlie early travellers was supposed to
lie very much furtlier to the north-east than it really
does, and densely populated kingdoms were tliouglit
to exist in the extreme north-east of Asia, where only
some dreary Kamtchadalian village breaks the soli-
tude of a hundred miles of snow. The Cathajj towards
which the Cabots, Verazzano, "Willoughby, Frobishcr,
Barentz, and Hudson directed their efforts was an
imaginary country, without any real existence. It
is worthy of notice, that the Cabots were thought to
have reached that far famed coast. The existence of
a continent between Europe and Asia had thus either
not yet been understood, or, at least, not yet been
publicly acknowledged by them in the year 1497.

On the other hand, it is only fair to observe that
the discovery of the new continent, as a real though
not yet as an acknowledged fact, must be numbered
among the results of the 1497 expedition, unless we
are inclined to attribute it to the doubtful one of
1494. It is impossible to sail, as the Cabots did,
three hundred leagues along the coast of any part of
North America, north of the tropics, without ftilling
in with the terra firma. The vexed question, whe-
ther Newfoundland or Labrador was the first land

INTRODUCTION. Ixxi

touched by tlic Cabots, becomes, therefore, entirely
niiavailing", as regards the first discovery of the main-
land of America, which discovery belongs to the
Cabots beyond all doubt and cavil. The controversy
that has been carried on with much zeal and some
unfairness between the partisans of Columbus and
those of John and Sebastian Cabot, may, therefore,
at last be set at rest. And this is the more desirable,
as the dispute is utterly at variance with the \ iows
of those great men. No one was readier than Sebas-
tian Cabot to acknowledge the real and immortal
merit of Columbus, namely, that of having first
crossed the Atlantic Ocean. Neither Columbus nor
Cabot claimed the discovery of America. Colum-
bus never recognised that a new continent had been
found, and supposed his own explorations to lie
among the islands of Japan. Cabot did discover
America, and did recognise the existence of a new
continent; but he only considered it as a hateful bar-
rier, which he made lifelong efforts to break through.
For that is the aim of his voyages in search of a
north-western and of a western passage to Asia.

It seems not to have struck any one of the numer-
ous writers on this topic, that the search for a passage
through the new continent is an obvious acknow-
lodgment of its existence. It involves the scientific
discovery of the New World. This merit belongs to
Sebastian Cabot. lie was the first to recognize that
a new and unknown continent was lying, as one vast
barrier, between Western Europe and Eastern Asia.

Sebastian Cabot's expedition in the year 1498 was

Ixxii INTIIODUCTION.

tlic first voyage in search of a north-west passage.
It Avas performed by Sebastian alone, withont the
companionship of his father.^ AVe possess a certain
nnmber of contemporary acconnts of this expecUtion ;
but all of them very short, and written by men un-
acquainted with the localities. The fact of the
search for a i)assage, and some minor details of tlH>
expedition, arc thus rendered perfectly certain, whilst
the locality where the search was first made remains
doubtful.

The following arc the ascertained facts. King
Henry VII took an active interest in the expedition,
granted a new charter for it, contributed towards its
expenses, and was to share in its gains. Cabot was
the con\,ma.nder of a small squadron, some Bristol
merchants having joined him, and he had three hun™
dred men under his orders. lie sailed from England
about the beginning of May 1498, and directed his
course towards North America by way of Iceland.
He tlien attempted the search for a north-western
passage ; and having failed in finding it, went south-
ward along the North American coast down to 38° N.

Sebastian Cabot afterwards undertook another voy-
age in search of a north-west passage, at Henry VlII's
expense, either in 1516 or in 1517. The failure of
that expedition is ascribed to the faint-heartedness of
Cabot's companion, Sir Thomas Perthe. The records
of these two voyages are so mixed up, tluit it is im-
possible to make out what belongs to the one, what

' John Cabot is therefore supposed to have (lied in 1497 or 1-198,
a conclusion which is by no means necessary.

INTRODUCTION. Ixxiii

to (lie otlier. It is, liowcvcr, tolerably certain that
Cabot discovered the two straits, one of which now
bears Davis's, the other Hudson's name. The west
coast of Davis's strait up to GT' 30' is figured on
Cabot's great planisphere of 1544.^ The opening of
Hudson's strait seems to be indicated on the snme
innp. This strait is besides so minutely described
from one of Cabot's charts by Uicliard Willes, that
we cannot for a moment hesitate to attribute that
discovery to the originator of tlie search for a north-
Avestern passage. Tlic following are Willes' words.

" You may read in his card, drawn with his own hand,
that the mouth of the North ^V'estern Straight lietli near the
318 meridian (00 Greenwich) between Gl and 64 degrees in
Uie elevation, continuing the same breadth about ten degrees
west, where it ojiencth southerly more and more."

Sebastian Cabot has, therefore, the merit of having
not only started an idea which has occupied the
(>fforts of more than three centuries ; but of having
also indicated the only possible roads for carrying it
out. To do more was beyond the means which
his time aft'orded.-

Sebastian Cabot started in liis old age another
idea, which has become almost equally momentous

1 This fact puts an end to the controversy, as (o wlictlicr Cabot
(lid or did not reacli that high Uititudc. The observation itself is
due to Mr. D"Avc/,ac, the eminent French geographer, who was
kind enough to communicate it to the writer of the present pages
a few years ago, when examining with him the planisphere of
Sebastian Cabot in the Paris library.

- Sec note B, at the end of the introduction, for a statement of
the sources from which the account of the Cabots has been drawn.

Ixxiv INTROnUCTION.

in the liistory of arctic discovery — the search for a
north-eastern route to China. ISfore tlian half a
century elapsed between the origin of the first and
that of the second scheme. For the present we
confine ourselves to the history of the search for a
north-western passage down to Hudson's time, and
shall afterwards take up the liistory of that north
eastern route.

The early expeditions in search of a north-western
passage may be; divided into two distinct epochs.
The aim was identical in both ; but the methods
were different. All the early navigators who sought
for a passage through the new continent wished to
break through the unwelcome barrier between the
west of Europe and Calhay, and thus to reach Asia
by a short road. The difference between the two
epochs consists in the amount of knowledge of the real
nature of that barrier, which the one and the other
possessed. The first attempts may, perhaps, be likened
to a blind rush at an obstacle, the extent and diffi-
culties of which were not yet understood. These at-
tempts ended in despair, and in a temporary aban-
donment of the grand scheme. But they also brought
about incidcntallv, and almost to the regret of those
who made them, extensive explorations of the ob-
stacle which would not yield to their efforts ; that
is to say, of the New World. Some unexpected
advantages were also discovered, and 1(h1 to a regular
intercourse with the shores of North America, and
by means of these voyages a more accurate know-
ledge of the North American coasts was obtained.

INTRODUCTION.

Ixxv

The systems of geogni[)liical criticism were at the
same time developed, the various scraps of informa-
tion weie collected, confronted and arranged by indus-
trious scholars, and an immense progress was made in
gc()grn[)hical science. The explorers of the second
e[)()eh, Frobisher, Davis, Weymouth, Hudson, and
his successors, had the labours of Mercator, Ortelius
and of other geographers to gu't'o them. They had
the means of knowing the real shape of America, at
least in all its principal features, and had thus a
sound basis for their efforts, and a more confined
space towards which to direct them ; whilst, to their
eurly })redccessors, the very existence of a New
AVorld was a startling and unexpected fact. This is
the reason for the vaguer aims of one class, and for
the more distinct aims of another class of hardy ma-
riners, both of whom deserve in an equal degree our
admiration and our gratitude.

The search for a short route from Western Europe
to China, belonged naturally to those European
states that would most profit by its being discovered;
namely, to those bordering on the Atlantic Ocean, to
England, France, Spain, and Portugal. Each of
these kingdoms took a share in the search for a pas-
sage, but the French, Spaniards, and Portuguese
only during the first epoch. It is one of the glories
of England to have alone persevered in this great
unitertaking.

The Portuguese were the first nation that followed
in Sebastian Cabot's footsteps. Within four years
after his expedition of 1498, two Portuguese voyages

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Ixxvi INTRODUCTION.

to the north-west took place, both under the evident
influence of the impulse given by him. The disco-
veries made by the Cabots in 1497 and 1498 seem to
have engendered a vague report that a terra 7iova,
a land not to be found on maps and charts, existed
somewhere in the north-west. Gaspar de Cortereal,
a Portuguese gentlemen of high standing, set out in
search of that land towards the end of the year 1500.
lie returned to Lisbon in October, 1501. But little
satisfied with the result of his expedition, he returned
again to the North American shores, where he at last
met his death. He seems to have been tlie first of
those who were led by the appearance of the mouth
of the St. Lawrence river, to mistake it for a passage
to the Eastern^ Ocean. Nothing could be more natural
for a man who approached it without previous know-
ledge. The mouth of the St. Lawrence is nearly one
hundred miles wide, and in spite of the great quan-
tity of fresh water which it conveys to the sea, it is
almost as much to be called an estuary as the mouth
of the Tiiames. Cortereal's explorations, as far as
they can be ascertained from a few vague fragments
of intelligence, embrace the mouth of the St. Law-

' rence, the gulf into which the river falls, with some

of the islands within it, and part of the eastern shore

\ of Newfoundland.

The other Portuguese undertaking is in itself less

i important than Cortereal's voyage : it is, however, a

curious event. Three Portuguese gentlemen formed
an association for an expedition to the north-west

il 1 The Pacific is called the Eastern Ocean, bv Vcrazzano.

INTRODUCTION. IxXVU

Avitli some Bristol merchants, probably former com-
panions of Cabot. If such was really their character,
they were guilty of much selfishness and ingratitude,
whicli vices were authorized and more than equalled
by their king, Henry VII, who granted away to them
the very same advantages that had been reserved to
the Cabots. The document which illustrates this
disgraceful transaction is the only remaining record
of tlie association. This document is as vague as it
is fulsome. It appears from it that the associates had
a very indistinct idea of the purpose of Sebastian
Cabot, that they wished to follow it up, and that the
king authorized them thus to rob the noble adven-
turer of his reward. It is not certain wliether an
expedition took place or not. Mr. Biddle, the in-
genious scholar who has devoted his energies to the
investigation of Sebastian Cabot's career, thinks that
the associates did send out a ship, which brought
home some savages. The question is one of but
little interest for our purpose.^

Both these expeditions, and chiefly that of Cor-
tereal, are, however, much more important from their
influence than by their immediate results. The earli-
est Portuguese navigators to the north-west seem to
have been forcibly struck by the abundance of cod
fish in these regions, a fact already noticed by the
Cabots. The Portuguese, then perhaps the most
active of maritime nations, soon availed themselves
of this advantage : they sent frequent, probably

' For these two expeditions, sec note C, at the end of the intro-
duction.

Ixxviii INTRODUCTION.

annual, expeditions to the fisheries of Newfoundland.
To facilitate these, they were of course obliged to
acquire some knowledge of the coasts to which they

/ repaired ; and, step by step, as they had wended their

Avay along the shores of Africa, they now explored
the cheerless regions of the north-west. These
unpretending efforts have, unfortunately, not been
chronicled, their only trace being found on ancient
charts. As far as this evidence, and that of some
summaries in the early maritime chronicles, goes, we
are led to think that the more important results were
1 obtained only in course of time. We shall therefore

! I revert to them at a future page of this inquiry.

The nation that first followed in the wake of the
Portuguese was the French. The fishing popula-
tions on the coast of Brittany and Normandy, hailing
the prospect of a new opening for their industry,
directed their course towards Newfoundland, where
they made extensive explorations, and established
themselves, like their predecessors, as regular visitors.
The Basques round the Bay of Biscay, who were
accustomed to catch thousands of small whales in
their waters, also took part in the advantageous
traffic. These voyages, from difi'erent parts of what
is now the empire of France, began in 1504, and

'1 seem to have continued throughout the sixteenth

century. It is not clearly stated in the fragmentary
records of these voyages, but is far from improbable,
that some of them joined the idea of searching for a
short way to China to the more practical purpose of
fishing for cod. Certain it is, that some of the ear-

INTRODUCTION. Ixxix

liest of the French mariners explored the mouth of the
St. Lawrence ; perhaps, like Cortereal, deceived by
its appearance into the belief that it might be an
arm of the sea leading into the Pacific Ocean. ^

The first French voyage which is plainly recorded
to have had the search of a passage for its object, is
the celebrated one of Verazzano. What Cadamosto
had done for Portugal, Columbus for Spain, John
Cabot for England, that Verazzano did for France.
lie helped, like his three illustrious countrymen, to
transfer the sovereignty of the seas from the shores
of the Mediterranean to the kingdoms that border
the Atlantic Ocean. Verazzano was entrusted by
Francis I of France with the command of a squadron
of four vessels. Of these he lost two in a gale, and
was obliged to put with the remaining ones into a
harbour on the coast of Brittany. Having refitted
them, he went out again, directing his course to the
south, till he reached the Azores. There he again
parted from one of his two vessels, keeping only one,
the Dolphin. This is the craft in which he performed
his celebrated voyage. He started on the 17th of
January, 1524, from a lonely rock near the island of
Madeira.

He has himself stated the purpose of his voyage.
" My intention was," says he, " to reach Cathay, on
the extreme coast of Asia, expecting, however, to
find in the newly discovered land some such obstacle
as it has proved to be, yet did not doubt that I should
penetrate by some passage to the eastern ocean."

^ Note D, at the end of the introduction.

IXXX INTRODUCTION.

The geography of the New World had ah'eady
made much progress in the quarter of a century
which ehipsed between John Cabot's first voyage and
that undertaken by Vcrazzano. Verazzano was aware
that he would find a line of coast, nearly, if not entirely
unbroken ; extending through 120 degrees of latitude,
from 66° north to 54° south. By confronting all the
available pieces of information he had even arrived
at the exaggerated conclusion, that America was of
as large extent as Europe, Africa, and Asia taken
together. Still he hoped to find a passage through
this mighty mass of land, and to reach Cathay in his
vessel. His hope, which almost amounted to a con-
viction, may be traced back to a singular illusion,
common to all the followers of Sebastian Cabot,
which forms a characteristic feature in the history of
the search for a north-west passage.

We have already had occasion to observe that the
first acknowledgment of the existence of a new con-
tinent, made by any European geographer, consists
in the attempt of Sebastian Cabot to break through
this terra nova. The consciousness that a new conti-
nent existed, and the wish to find a passage by
which it might be traversed, thus, like twin brothers,
owed their origin to the same birth. These two
ideas were at their beginning so closely entwined,
that they have never since been separated. It became
at once, and through all the succeeding development
of the geography of America, it has always remained
accepted as an axiom, that a passage through this
continent existed. The question which science and

INTUODUCTION. Ixxxi

enterprise strove to resolve was not zvhcthcr but ivhcrc
that passage was to be found. All the successors of
Sebastian Cabot acted under this conviction, a con-
viction which has greatly contributed in producing
that wonderful perseverance with which this great
undertaking has been followed up through so many
centuries, till it has at last, in our days, been crowned
with success.

It was thus Verazzano's purpose to ascertain tvJiere
the passage to Cathay might be. lie, like Cabot, and
like the Portuguese and French seamen, sought it in
the north-west, but began his search somewhat fur-
tiier to the south than they had done. He crossed
tlie Atlantic in one of its broadest parts, by an almost
due westerly course, which was but slightly deflected
to the north ; so that the land which he first fell in
with was under 3J:°, being part of the coast of
Carolina. There he arrived early in March 1524. He
then ascended the coast, spying out for a passage ;
and thus he reached the mouth of Hudson's river
probably at the end of March, or in the beginning of
April. He entered this natural harbour, was struck
by its capacities, and by the beauty of the surrounding
scenery ; but was compelled by a sudden squall to
leave it in haste. Soon afterwards he entered Narra-
ganset Bay (Rhode Island), where he tarried for some
time, holding intercourse with the natives, and ex-
ploring the country. Thence he started again, sail-
ing further to the north. He did not enter the

mouth of the St. Lawrence, tlie nature of which was

IxXxii INTRODUCTION.

probably known to liim from the reports of French
sailors ; but steered along the east coast of New-
foundland, up to its most northern point. He then
returned to France. The whole voyage, frctin Madeira
to America, then along the coast, and back to Dieppe,
lasted but five months and a half ; several weeks of
which time were spent in Narragansct Bay.

Verazzano described his voyage in a letter to
Francis I, king of France, dated Dieppe, July 1524.
This letter is well known to the geographical student,
from a version of it in Ramusio's collection of voy-
ages, which has been translated by Hakluyt, and
inserted both into the Divers Voyages and into his
greater and more celebrated work. But Ramusio has
printed not a faithful copy, but a version of his own.
He has embellished and corrected the style of the
rough sailor, and thus given the whole piece a new
and factitious colouring. He has besides suppressed
a very important cosmographical appendix, which
throws considerable light, not only on Verazzano's
plans, but also on the history of the geography of the
New World, and on that of the search for a north-
west passage. These have been the reasons for our
inserting the original letter in the present volume.
The above summary is taken partly from the account
of the voyage itself, partly from the appendix, as
reference to these papers will show.

The period when the Spanish expeditions to the
north-west began is not quite certain. Projects of
this kind were entertained by the Spanish court as
early as the year 1500. The following passage of

INTRODUCTION. Ixxxili

Navarretc contains all that we have been able to find
on the subject : —

On the Gth of May, 1500, Ferdinand and Isabella wrote
from Seville, that Juan Dorvelos, or Dornelos, should come
to court or depute a person, with whom they might agree
upon the best means for a voyage of discovery ; and we may
conjecture (says Navarrete), that the plan was to survey the
seas which Sebastian Cabot had just discovered. Better
authenticated, however, is the agreement or contract con-
cluded in October, 1511, with Juan de Agramonte, a native
of Lerida, for the discovery of the seas of Newfoundland
f Terra Nova J. He was made captain for this expedition,
which "was to be undertaken in two Spanish ships, with
Spanish sailors ; except two pilots, who might be from
Brittany or some other country, and should be acquainted
with those seas and coasts. We do not know the result of
this expedition, which is not mentioned by our historians.

It is also stated, by a doubtful authority, that a Span-
iard named Velasco accompanied Aubry, the French
seaman who first explored the mouth of the St. Law-
rence, in 1508. Certain it is, however, that the wish to
find a passage thr-^'io-h the new continent occupied the
minds of the Spaii is at a very early date. It is a
well known fact that Columbus' expedition to the west
was, like that of Cabot, originally intended to reach
Asia. Columbus, however, believed that the West
India Islands which he had found were identical
with the Zipangu of Marco Polo, that is to say with
Japan ; and he was thus induced to think that he
had achieved his purpose of reaching Asia. Soon,
however, it dawned on the Spaniards, as well as on
the rest of Europe, that the West Indies were not

Ixxxiv INTRODUCTION.

Japan; that Central America was not Cliina ; and
that to reach Asia by a westerly route, an unexpected
obstacle had to be overcome. The Spaniards devoted
themselves to tliis new task with tlie obstinate energy
that characterized thein in those days, and they made
numerous expeditions both by sea and by land, to
find a passage througli Central America, but always
without result. This want of success doubled their
eager desire. The search for a passage became more
and more a national concern, in which both Charles
V, and Ferdinand Cortcz, his great lieutenant, took a
most lively interest. A new direction was given to
their efforts by a false rumour, that some other nation
had found the passage and were keeping it secret.
This rumour gained ground at the same time in Spain,
and in its American colonies; as is clearly proved Jy
contemporary evidence ; and especially by one of the
most important geographical documents of the six-
teenth century.

The document we allude to is the celebrated
Rclatio Quarta of Ferdinand Cortez, one of the re-
ports which he addressed to the emperor Charles V.
It is dated Tcmixtitan (Mexico), October I8th, 1524,
and treats of all the various subjects of local admi-
nistration on which the viceroy could be expected to
address his sovereign. Mention is repeatedly made
of the search for a passage, of Cortez' various efforts
in that direction, and of their want of the desired
result. One entire chapter of the report is devoted
to the discussion of a project, from the execution of
which Cortcz not unreasonably expected the solution

INTRODUCTION. IxXXV

of the whole question. According to a rumour, in
Avliich Cortez professes his full belief, a passage lead-
ing out of the river Tanuco, then trending to the
north, through Florida, and reaching the Pacific
Ocean in the latitude of the Baccalaos, had been
found by some other nation, and was kept a pro-
found secret. Cortez states his intention to send
out two expeditions, tlie one on the Atlantic (Mar
del Norte), the other on the Pacific (Mar del Zur),,
to search along the whole coast, from the straits of
Magellan up to the Baccalaos, till they fell in wiih
the passage. The plan seems never to have been
acted upon, at least in its original shape. Most of its
suggestions were afterwards carried out by the Span-
iards, but in isolated efforts, and without that energy
which would have marked any enterprise of such
a man as Ferdinand Cortez. The reason for his drop-
ping the scheme was simply the want of money.

The same rumour which reached Cortez about the
year 152+, had in 1523, or before that year, reached
Charles V. " Several geographers," says Herrera,
" had assured the king that it would be easy lo dis-
cover eastern Cathay by a strait between the Atlan-
tic and Pacific ;" and from an observation of Peter
Martyr, we learn, that this imaginary strait, like the
imaginary one of Ferdinand Cortez, was supposed to
be situated between Florida and Baccalaos. In order
to understand the events which followed from this ru-
mour, it is desirable to explain what it referred to and
how it had arisen. This can be done approximately,
though not with the clearness which might be wished

IxXXVi INTRODUCTION.

for. Florida and Baccalaos were both vague terms.
The former of them served as a summary designation
for the then almost unknown countries of the North
American mainhmd, immediately to the north of tlie
Spanish possessions. Boundary lines are not to be
found in the early maps of America, and it is impos-
sible to state where the northern frontier of Florida
might have been thought to be. All we can say is
that the term is seldom, if at all, used for tracts
north of 40°. Baccalaos originally means codfish. As
a geographical designation it was applied to the fish-
ing stations along the northern shores, which alone
gave these regions any importance in the eyes of
Europeans. Baccalaos, as a geographical term, is of a
still vaguer nature than that of Florida, and may in
its widest meaning be said to embrace the coasts from
57° down to 45° N. It is, however, in hardly any case
used for any part south of Newfoundland, 48° being
in some old geographies expressly mentioned as the
southern limit. Under these circumstances it hardly
allows of a doubt that the rumour of a strait between
Baccalaos and Florida, which circulated both in Spain
and in Mexico, had originated in the vain hopes for a
passage, which the deceptive appearance of the mouth
of the St. Lawrence afforded to the early explorers.
It was in conformity with the ideas and habits of
those times, that a man's or nation's most positive
assertions of want of success in such an endeavour
would be the most powerful means of convincing
others that thev had been successful, but desired to
keep for themselves all the advantages of an import-
ant secret.

INTRODUCTION. IxXXVil

One of those who insisted most strongly on the
possibility of finding a strait between Bacculaos and
Florida, was Estevan Gomez, a Portuguese pilot in
the Spanish service, who had been one of the com-
panions of Magellan, and had gained an unenviable
notoriety by the mutinous spirit shown by him during
the voyage of the Victoria. Gomez, however, enjoyed a
good reputation for nautical skill and cosmographical
acquirements. lie was one of the scientific authorities
present at the congress of Badajos and Gelves,^ which
met ill 1524 to settle the line of demarcation be-
tween the Spanish and Portuguese claims to the
newly discovered regions. He must, therefore, have
been considered one of the most distinguished cosmo-
graphers of the age. Modern historians seem to be
disposed to hold Gomez in less high estimation than
his contemporaries did. In this respect, they are
influenced by a passage in the eighth decade of
Peter Martyr's work De Orhe Novo ; where Gomez'
endeavours are spoken of in a sneering and contemp-
tuous manner. But they fail to observe that there is
a singular change of language to be observed even in
Peter Martyr. In his sixth decade he speaks of
Gomez as artis maritimw peritus; whilst in the last
decade he says of him, Inanes hiijus honi hominis fore
cogitationen existimavi semper et prcuposui. So differently
did the historian judge of the Portuguese pilot
before, and after he had become acquainted with the
details of his project. To explain this change, we

1 The seamen and geographers who attended the congress had
personally no voice in the decision, but acted as referees.

IxXXViii INTRODUCTION.

shall have rccouvsc to the suggestions of Mr. Biddle,
the ingenious scholar, wlio has done so much to clear
lip the dark points in Sebastian Cabot's career. Peter
Martyr was a friend of Cabot, and he may very natur-
ally have considered Gomez' new scheme as an insult
offered to the great navigator, who had in the year 1498
in vain sought for a passage in the locality where the
Portuguese pilot was confident to discover it. Howso-
ever this may be, Peter Martyr's prejudice has to a
very considerable extent affected Gomez' fame ; so
much so, indeed, that most of the early historians
have repeated Peter Martyr's sneers, whilst the
modern writers have, without a single exception,
either omitted Gomez' name from their books or
treated his labours with contempt. This treatment is
entirely undeserved. Gomez ought to occupy a
high place among early explorers, and one of the
first among the men connected with the regions
with which Hudson's name is associated. He went
over much of the ground that Verazzano had ex-
plored a few months before him. Both have left
charts of their explorations ; and that of the Portu-
guese pilot is infinitely superior to that of the Ita-
lian seaman. Verazzano's clmrt has been preserved
merely as a kind of geographical curiosity ; whilst
that of Gomez has served as the basis for the deli-
neation of the coasts of Maryland, New Jersey, New-
York, and Rhode Island, on nearly all the maps of
the sixteenth, and on some of the seventeenth cen-
tury. The charts which Hudson himself must have
used when exploring the river which bears his name.

INTRODUCTION. Ixxxix

contained the moutli of that river and the neighbour-
ing parts hiid down from Estevan Gomez's survey.

The expedition of Estevan Gcmez has not been
described by any modern author. This is not from
want of materials ; for we knov as much of him as
of any early navigators who have not left us their
own journals.

The following are the principal facts to be gathered
from the maritime chronicles of the sixteenth cen-
tury. Estevan Gomez made his offer to find the
passage in the year 1523. In the following year,
1524, he was attending the congress of Badajoz.
Sebastian Cabot, who had twice been in the service
of England, and had twice left it in disgust, was at
that time the pilot-major of Spain, and was also
present at the congress. Some kind of discussion of
Gomez's plan, must therefore unavoidably have taken
place between these two navigators. But we find
no trace of Cabot's having either advocated or op-
posed the plan ; and we are inclined to believe that
he communicated his private thoughts only to such
friends as Peter Martyr. We find it stated that
Cabot held out, about this time, great hopes of new
discoveries among, or near the Spice Islands ; and
that this consideration contributed to render Charles
V favourable to Gomez's proposals. There were on
the other hand two strong reasons for hesitating.
Eirst, the opposition of Peter Martyr, who was a
much respected and very influential member of the
council of the Indies ; and secondly the entreaties of
the king of Portugal, that the expedition might not

XC INTRODUCTION.

take place. The conference of Badajoz had been held
principally for the sake of settling, between Spain
and Portugal, the question of the rival claims to the
Spice Islands. The king of Portugal seems to have
thought, that if a short way to those islands were
found by Spain, the temptation would be irresistible ;
a speculation in which he was perhaps not far wrong.
These difficulties having at last been overcome,
Gomez was, towards the end of the year 152-4, pro-
vided with a small caravel of fifty tons burden, fitted
out partly at the expense of the king, partly at that of
some merchants. Provision was made with regard to
the possible profits of the enterprise ; any trespass on
the king of Portugal's dominions Avas forbidden ; and
some other arrangements being made, Gomez then
started. He intended to conduct his search not from
south to north, as the Spaniards in Central America
had been obliged to do ; but from north to south.
Where he began it, is not certain. According to
Oviedo's extracts from an official report on this voy-
age, Gomez stated that he had made extensive
explorations in latitudes 41° and 40°, had become
acquainted with the nature of the country, and held
intercourse with the natives. Of tlieso he kidnapped
as many as his ship would hold ; considering them
as a good prize, on account of their fine stature.
Other navigators had done so before him ; and the
Spaniards at home seem by that time to have been so
well acquainted with the general appearance of the
Indians, that they were able to give an opinion on the
comparatively fine proportions of those whom Gomez

INTRODUCTION. XCI

brought. The chroniclers say that Gomez acted
against the emperor's orders. But that monarch
seems not to have been very indigixant ; nnd the
chroniclers cannot refrain from telling, as a very
ludicrous affair, a mistake to which this human
cargo gave rise. It was reported that Gomez had
brought clavos (cloves) ; that is to say, he had reached
the Spice Islands by a north-west passage, whilst he
had only brought esclavos (slaves). Gomez spoke
with much enthusiasm of the country which he had
visited ; and seems to have been fully alive to its
natural beauties. Continuing his southern course,
he at last reached the West Indies ; and thence he
sailed home, arriving in Spain ten months after he
had left it.

Gomez drew, as we have mentioned, an outline of
the coast which he had explored. This outline has
been preserved ; but not in its original shape. It has
been embodied into the celebrated planisphere of
Juan Ribero, geographer to Charles V. This memo-
rable work was composed shortly after the congress
of Badajoz, to which we have referred, and of which
Ribero was a member. There the most illustrious
geographers of Spain and Portugal met, to settle the
disputes between the two countries that had arisen
out of Pope Alexander's famous grant. The outline
of America was there fixed for the first time, from
the discoveries of both nations. Ribero's chart, which
was composed in 1529, (five years after the congress),
is not, however, entirely based on materials obtained
there ; but embraces some more recent discoveries ;

XCn INTRODUCTION.

such as those of Estcvan Gomez. Tlic tract of coast
Avhicli now belongs to the states of Maryland, New
Jersey, New York, and Rhode Island, is on Ribero's
chart called the land of Estevan Gomez. But the chart
does not do full justice to the Portuguese pilot. Wy
learn from the above-mentioned report, that Gomez
very correctly placed his discoveries under 40'' and
41° N. This is fully borne out by the localities., the
discovery of which, Ribcro ascribes to him ; but the
latitudes in which Ribcro places them, are erroneous
by several degrees. This fault therefore belongs
entirely to Ribcro, and in no way to Gomez. The
geographer who had to collect and arrange many
discordant data, seems to have been influenced by a
feeling similar to that of Peter Martyr ; and to have
sacrificed the Portuguese pilot to some other ex-
plorers of less accuracy, but better repute. It is to
be hoped that, in dealing thus unfairly with Gomez,
Ribcro has confined himself to placing the coast-line
two degrees two high, without otherwise altering it.
But for aught we know to the contrary, he may have
introduced other alterations, to produce the harmony
required in a general map.

Under these circumstances, it becomes extremely

difficult to answer the question which presents itself

I so naturally to our minds: Did Gomez explore the

I, mouth of Hudson's river \ Even the most reliable maps

' of those days, will give no answer to minute historical

questions. We cannot obtain certainties from them,

and must be satisfied with probabilities. As far as these

probabilities go, we must state it as our conviction,

INTRODUCTION. XClll

that Gomez did explore the mouths of the Hudson.
He has dra\yn several rivers, and one of them, with
some islands in its wide mouth, is so placed as to
correspond with the Hudson. This conviction is
shared by Spreng(4, the learned German geographer,
whose commentary on Ribero's chart has proved of
great assistance in this inquiry. " The great river"
says Sprengcl, " in the neighbourhood of the cape De
Muclim Islas^ seems to be Hudson's river". It was, be-
sides, Gomez's object to search closely along the whole
shore, for an opening that might lead to the west ;
and during the ten months of his voyage, he had
ample time to become acquainted, in all its parts, with
the easily accessible, and not very extensive, line of
coast along which his explorations lay. But whether
Gomez did, or did not, enter Hudson's river, it is cer-
tain that the later Spanish seamen who followed in
his track in after years, were familiar with the river,
and called it Rio de Gamas ] as we shall presently
have occasion to observe.

To conclude our observations on Gomez's voyage
we must answer another question which also presents
itself very naturally to the mind. Verazzano and
Gomez went within a few months of each other over
precisely the same ground. Did any connection
exist between the two voyages % As far as the mere
time goes, this would be very probable ; because
Gomez started several months after Verazzano's re-
turn. But all the other circumstances exclude the
supposition. France and Spain were at war, and no
friendly communication can therefore be supposed to

XCIV INTRODUCTION.

have existed between them. Besides, had Gomez
known that Verazzano had searched those same parts
in vain, he would not have been so unwise as to
expose himself to the sneers which he incurred by
his failure.

Gomez's voyage is the last one in search of a pas-
sage undertaken on the eastern side of America by
any other nation than the English. The two con-
cluding voyages of the first epoch, and all those of
later times, were performed by the English alone.

In the years 152(1^} to 1527 there seems to have
been a general stir in this north-westerly direction.
We have spoken of Verazzano, of the rumours that
assailed Charles V, of Cortez's plans, of Gomez'
voyage, and we shall have still further to notice some
other movements of the Spaniards. The English, the
nation whose ships had first through storm and ice
sought for a passage, were not slow in following
this general impulse. Two different symptoms show
themselves in the same year 152.7. The first is a
letter and a discourse which Robert Thorne, the son
of one of Cabot's early companions, addressed to
Henry VIII, trying to persuade him to engage again
in the search for a short northern route to China.
Thorne has the merit of having started an entirely
new scheme, which has been acted upon only by a
few bold mariners, among whom was Henry Hudson,
— namely, that of sailing right across the North Pole.
This ingenious plan, and the arguments by which
Thorne supports his theories, render his discourse a
highly curious document.

INTRODUCTION. XCV

At the very time when this letter was written,
Henry VIII was ah-eady interested in a north-west-
ern expedition. Two vessels, the Samson and 3Iar// of
GuilJ/ord, had been fitted ont at the joint expense of
the king and some private persons. These vessels
sailed in May, 1527. They accomplished nothing,
and one of them was probably lost. A remarkable
circumstance is connected with the expedition. Ve-
razzano seems to have been their pilot, and to have
lost his life in an encounter with the North American
Indians.

The last expedition of the first epoch happened
nearly ten years afterwards, in 1536. It is very
characteristically English. When the search for a
passage had been given up by every one else, a
lawyer, who had dabbled in cosmography, one Master
Hore, took it up ; and persuaded a number of young
gentlemen of good family, most of them members of
the inns of court, to join him in a north-western
voyage. The consequences of this freak were even
more distressing than might naturally have been ex-
pected. The ship's company were reduced to the ex-
tremes of famine, and several persons among them went
so far as to assassinate their companions, and then to
commit some of the very few acts of cannibalism that
have ever been proved against Europeans. The voyagers
then escaped certain death by a daring act of piracy,
from the consequences of which these well- connected
gentlemen were afterwards protected by the king's
munificent benevolence. Thus ends the first epoch
of the search for a north-west passage. Forty years
elapsed before the undertaking was resumed.

XCVl INTRODUCTION.

Before we enter upon that second epoch, we must
first speak of some collateral events that occurred in
the interval of forty years, and most of which are
bearing upon the later efforts in search of a passnge,
whilst all of them exercised a more or less direct in-
fluence on Hudson's doings.

The Portuguese, the French, and the Spaniards,
the three nations that had followed in the track of
Cabot and of his English companions, and had thus
arrived at the northern shores of America in search
of a passage to Asia, did not by any means abandon
the newly explored regions when they gave up the
first purpose by which they had been led towards
them. Each of the three nations continued in its
own manner the traffic and the explorations which it
had begun.

The Portuguese continued their surveys of the

northern coasts ; most likely for no other purpose

than to discover advantageous fisheries. They seem

to have advanced slowly, step by step, first along the

shores of Newfoundland, then up to the mouth of

Hudson's Strait, then through that Strait ; and at

last into Hudson's Bay. AVith a certain number of

ancient maps, ranging from 1529 to 1570 before us,

we can trace this progress step by step. In 1544,

the Portuguese seem not yet to have reached the

mouth of Hudson's Strait ; in 1558, their geo-

iV graphical knowledge extends beyond the mouth of

' the Strait; and in 1570, they have reached the Bay.

' / Our authorities for all this, are ancient geographical

j delineations, a source which is sometimes deceptive

INTRODUCTION. XCVll

when used as historical evidence. A map or chart,
the lines of which agree sufficiently with the real
shape of the parts laid down in it, is, of course, the
best possible proof of those coasts having been
discovered before the chart was drawn. But when,
on the other hand, we conclude from the silence of
even an excellent map, that any part not drawn, or
badly drawn on it had not yet been discovered, we
may be led entirely wrong. Much geographical
intelligence was in those days purposely kept secret,
and many discoveries may also, by chance, have
escaped the attention of the very geographer whose
works we may be using. This is indeed so natural,
that it occurs quite commonly at the present day.
None, perhaps, of our own delineations of distant
parts, are entirely based upon the very best surveys
that might have been made use of. With regard to
the sixteenth century, it is certain that even illus-
trious geographers sometimes overlooked the dis-
covery of wide regions, the surveys of which were in
their reach. We can, therefore, state with the
greatest certainty, that Hudson's Bay had been dis-
covered before the publication of Ortelius's atlas,
which took place in 1570 ; but we are not equally
certain that the discovery falls within the years 1558
to 1570, because we have only the negative evidence
of Diogo Homem's charts to support the latter asser-
tion. The fact itself is, however, probable enough.

We must take this opportunity of adverting to a
singular historical misconception, which is to be found

XCVlll INTRODUCTION.

in some of the most current and most respectable
hand-books of general information ; and which may
be traced back to the ill-directed efforts of an ingeni-
ous mind. It is stated in Brockhaus' Conversations
Lexicon^ and copied into many of the cyclopirdias
whicli place implicit trust in the integrity of that
standard work, that Hudson's Bay was discovered by
a Dane, named Anskoeld. Now this Dane Anskoeld
is a myth, the origin of which may be traced in the
following manner. A Polish pilot, named Johannes
Kolnus, or John of Kolno, was sent in 1476 by the
king of Denmark and Norway on a north-western ex-
pedition, to a country whicli Kolnus called Grocland^
and which most likely was Groneland, that is to say,
Greenland. Kolnus led out a number of emigrants,
Danes, Swedes, and Norwegians, probably to restore
the settlements in Greenland, to the entire or partial
destruction of which, at the end of the fourteenth and
in the beginning of the fifteenth century, various ad-
verse circumstances had cooperated. The name of
Johannes Kolnus^ as well as the achievements of this
Polish worthy, have been singularly disfigured by the
geographers of the sixteenth century. Some make his
Grocland into the most western of all the many Green-
lands ; and as such it figures on Ortelius' map of the
world, where it forms an island in latitude 80° north
of Labrador. Sir Humphrey Gilbert places the dis-
coveries farther south. The name is most frequently
spelled Scolvus ; sometimes Scolmus. From this
,"'', ' latter shape of the name, and from Sir Humphrey's

account of the discoveries, the Dane Anskoeld of the

INTRODUCTION. XCIX

Conversations Lexicon and his discovery of Hudson's
Bay had been framed.

The north-westerly voyages of the Spaniards during
the interval of forty years, are more momentous even
than those of the Portuguese. The Spaniards followed
np the idea, indicated by Cortez in 1524, of search-
ing for a passage through America ; not from east to
west, but from west to east. For that purpose they
sent out a whole series of expeditions, none of which,
however, reached the high latitude where the north-
west passage opens into the Pacific. The Spanish
expeditions were thus, like the similar undertakings
of other nations, failures as regards their main object.
Important results, however, especially surveys of the
western coasts up to 45°, were obtained by means of
these voyages. On the eastern coast no more voy-
ages in search of a passage were undertaken after the
unsuccessful one of Estevan Gomez. Yet this ex-
pedition was not allowed to remain without a result.
The voyage of Estevan Gomez produced in Spain
the same effect which those of the Cabots, of Cor-
tereal, and of the men from Normandy and Brittany
had produced in England, Portugal, and France —
it conducted the Spaniards to the north-western
fisheries. This, at least, is the conclusion which
the accurate Navarrete draws from a stock of con-
temporary evidence. The Spaniards now began to
take a large share in this traffic, and to repair regu-
larly to the shoals and sandbanks off Baccalaos. These
new places of resort were at a moderate distance
from their own American colonies. It is therefore

C INTRODUCTION.

but natural to imagine that the Spaniards some-
times inchuled both points in the same voyage. Ac-
cordhig to the custom of that age they did not then
sail boldly over the broavl ocean, but went timidly
along the coast. It was in those days one of the
principal studies of geographers to point out con-
venient stages, stations, and tracks for such sail-
ing. This is the main purpose of the so called Rut-
tcrs or roittiers, regular guide books, which showed the
distances from place to place, marked the convenient
stations, described the entrances to rivers and har-
bours. Many of these guide books are still in exist-
ence ; and we learn from them that the Eio de Gamas,
the name then regularly applied to the Hudson on the
charts of the time, was one of these stages between
Newfoundland and the colonies of central America.
Nantucket Island also figures in some of these rutters
under the name of the "Island of Juan Luis," or" Juan
Fernandez," and is recommended as a most convenient
stage for those who, coming from Europe, wish to
proceed to the West Indies by way of the Ber-
mudas.

The French were yet more active than the Portu-
guese and Spaniards. They pursued their fishing
trade with such energy, that the Newfoundland
fisheries, which had always been and still were com-
mon ground for the whole civilized world, seemed to
belong more specially to them. Most of the banks
and stations received French names. The discovery
of these regions, which was not then claimed by

England on account of the voyages of the Cabots,

INTRODUCTION. CI

was attributed entirely to the French. In the begin-
ning of tlie seventeenth century that nation was
loudly praised for its generosity in having allowed
others to share in the Newfoundland fisheries.

Even more remarkable, and conferring much higher
• honour on the French name, are the North American
explorations they made during this period, and their
attempts to colonize that vast region. Up to the
time of Jaques Cartier, America had been visited
and explored only by navigators who considered it
as a barrier between Asia and Europe which they
wished to force, or by greedy adventurers attracted
by its riches. It is with the French that the idea
arose of colonizing the fertile wilderness of the north-
west without violence to its original inhabitants and
owners. To our regret it does not belong to our
province to dwell on these efforts. But it is only
just to remark, that Cartier, Robcrval, Colig.iy, and
the men he sent out to prepare a home for his perse-
cuted brethren, were, in liberality of ideas and in
elevation of purpose, more than a century ahead of
their contemporaries ; and that France may here well
claim a title to which she has often pretended with
much less right, namely, that of a pioneer in civiliza-
tion.

In England the influence of the new discoveries,
and of the consequent changes in the roads of trade,
developed itself with remarkable slowness. Fifty
years after the first transatlantic voyages no one
would have imagined that this island would be
the principal heir to the power and the riches

Cll INTRODUCTION.

which then crowned Europe with an entirely now
glory, very different from the gloom of the preceding
centuries. The prosperity, the freedom, and the self-
reliance of the kingdom went on, however, steadily
increasing. Then there came a time when those
recent changes in the commerce of the world made
themselves felt in a disastrous manner. Most of the
English trade had always been in the hands of Ger-
mans and Italians, the former of whom enjoyed
exorbitant privileges, granted them at a period when
it was politic to attract them to this country at any
price. These privileges were still more extravagantly
interpreted by them. The foreigners were insolent
and proud. Yet all this was long borne as a neces-
sary evil. But the new discoveries made the power
both of the Hanse and of Italy decline. The Medi-
terranean, the German Ocean.^ the Baltic, were no
longer the seas of Europe, and with the transatlantic
commerce rose the power of Spain, Portugal, and of
the only one of the older commercial nations that
maintained and even increased its medieval pro-
sperity, namely, the Netherlands. Thus it happened
that the advantages afforded to England by its con-
nexion with the Hanse were no longer adequate to
the sacrifices made for their sake. The English staple
articles often remained unsold, or at least did not rise
in value in due proportion to the general rise of
prices. English shipowners now began to feel that
they themselves could do better what the foreigners
did so badly, and it required but an opportunity to
shake off the hated yoke. The opportunity was offered

INTRODUCTION. ClU

to the nation by the return of Sebastian Cabot to this
country in 1548. He had been for many years in the
service of Charles V, as pilot-major of Spain, and had
there, as elsewhere, met with the ingratitude which
seems to be the eternal portion of the exile who
bestows benefits on the country he makes his tem-
porary home.

His successful efforts to shake off the yoke of the
Hanse Towns, and to rescue English commerce, form
part of the history of the search for a north-east pas-
sage. To that history a separate place in the present
introduction has been assigned. "We have here
noticed these movements on accouut of their vast
influence towards the renewing of the search for a
north-west passage, and on the manner in which it
was conducted.

The events we have alluded to seem to have so
well prepared the minds for a resumption of the
search for a north-west passage, that it is impossible to
ascertain with whom the idea first arose. Three men,
Frobisher, Gilbert, and vVilles, entertained it simul-
taneously. They had each been led to it by a course
of similar reflections, based on all the events we have
narrated ; and it does not appear that these three men
had held any communication before each of them
had matured the scheme. They were all encouraged
by the experience in arctic navigation to which the
search for a north-east passage and the establish-
ment and operations of the Moscovia Company had
led. They vvere all acquainted with the geographical
labours of the age, based, as far as North America is

CIV INTRODUCTION.

concerned, on the explorations of the Cabots, of the
Spaniards, the Portuguese, and the French.

Three different iUusions seem besides to have ex-
ercised on their minds a much greater influence than
all the truth that had come to light during the inter-
val of forty years. The first illusion was based on a map
of Clement Adams, an inaccurate copy of Sebastian
Cabot's great planisphere; which copy, however, as far
as its geographical information went, seems to have
been generally considered as representing Sebastian
Cabot's own work. We shall have to speak of this re-
markable map. For the present it is sufficient to ob-
serve, that Sebastian Cabot is there made to indicate a
passage from the Atlantic to the Pacific, beginning in
Hudson's Strait ; then leading off for a short space
through about the same latitude ; but soon verging to
the south, so as to reach the Pacific in about 40° north.
The second and the third delusions were of a similar
nature. It seems to have been agreed among map
makers that America must be an island ; that it
could not possibly stretch across the pole, so as to
join Asia ; and that, therefore, a north-west passage
must exist somewhere. This vague idea is expressed,
on all the delineations of the globe produced in those
days, in that positive form which maps necessarily
assume. There is even a certain similarity in the
outline and position assigned by various maps to the
north-west passage ; and, what is most singular, these
random guesses are not so far wrong as might have
been expected. The third illusion is very charac-
■ teristic of the age. The Roman Catholic and the

;

INTRODUCTION. CV

Protestant powers watched each other with the most
anxious jealousy. The same jealousy prevailed be-
tween the different commercial nations as such. All
were eager to find a short way to India. Each of them
was aware that the others had searched for it, and they
would not believe in each other's ill success. It is thus
that rumours sprang up of ships having actually sailed
through the north-west passage. The southern nations
attributed the feat to the northern, the northern to
the southern nations. We find, a few years later,
a celebrated Spanish writer asserting that " the great
pirate, Drake," had accomplished the feat. Much
more effect, however, had a story told by a clever
wag, a friar named Urdaneta, who described in full
detail a voyage through the north-western strait per-
formed by himself in 1568. He has been rewarded
for his impudent audacity with the honours of im-
mortal fame. Not satisfied with these traps laid
for him, Gilbert, in his blind eagerness, misinter-
preted the lessons of history, and attributed a voy-
age in search of a north-west passage to " Scol-
mus the Dane." It would lead us too far were we
to indulge any longer in an r.nalysis of the specu-
lations which led to the resumption of the great
search. We refer the reader to Hakluyt's Collec-
tion, where he will find the treatises of Willes and
Gilbert, with other similar materials, and especially
the voyages of Martin Frobisher.

It is difficult to speak of these voyages with perfect
fairness. Their importance consists much more in the
impulse they gave than in what they accomplished.

CVl INTRODUCTION.

This has been so well understood by the writers on
this topic, that the originality of Martin Frobisher's
ideas has been very greatly exaggerated. It was for a
long time a fashion to overlook the whole first period
of the search for a north-west passage, especially to
estimate as low as possible the deserts of John and
Sebastian Cabot, and thus to enhance those of Frobisher.
The documents which recent researches have brought
to light remove for ever this unfair judgment. But
we must not at the same time conclude, that the
name of Martin Frobisher has to be wiped out from
the list of great navigators. The practical renewal
of the search for a passage is no ordinary merit. We
must also remember that Frobisher had many dis-
advantages to overcome before he obtained, by the
most unwearied industry and the most ardent con-
viction, the patronage which he afterwards enjoyed.
It is a matter of serious congratulation, that he suc-
ceeded in bringing all the most eminent interest in
the country, political and aristocratic, scientific and
commercial, to bear on this enterprise, which thus
first received its truly national character. Willes,
Gilbert, Stephen Borrough (the celebrated arctic
navigator) ; Dr. John Dee, the official adviser of the
Muscovy Company; Richard Hakluyt, of the Middle
j Temple, the cousin of the historian, Lok, and other

special men, assisted Frobisher with geographical in-
formation. The queen herself, and still more the Earl
and the Countess of Warwick, took a lively interest in

/ the enterprise. Commercial men provided the funds.

\ Gentlemen were eager to join the adventure. In none

INTRODUCTION. CVll

of his tliree expeditions had Frobisher less than three
vessels, and in 1571 he had fifteen under his orders.
This great, perhaps too great, favour, must be consi-
dered as almost a disadvantage for Frobisher person-
ally, though a great advantage for the popularity of his
scheme. The vast responsibility, the many eyes that
watched his movements, made him more cautious
than was desirable for his fame. In arctic explora-
tions at least, much more has been effected by modest
than by grand undertakings, by single small vessels
than by large fleets.

Frobisher sailed three times to the north-west, in
1576, 1577, and 1578. In 1576 he steered straight
across the Atlantic till he came in sight of Green-
land. He then passed along the southern and south-
western shores of that continent, and again sailing
westward, he reached the coast of Labrador. Here
he sought for the strait which his charts indicated,
and which he at last believed that he had found in
63° 8'. The charts of those regions are still so imper-
fect, that it is difficult to follow him much further. It
seems, however, that he entered an inlet or a strait,
proceeded up it for sixty leagues without being land-
locked, but at last found himself arrested by ice. It is
likely that he soon comprehended, what every intelli-
gent arctic navigator must have felt, namely, that the
passage, even should it be found, would prove useless
to commerce. Little value was in those days attached
to mere geographical discoveries. After the promises
he had made, and the hopes he had raised, this con-
viction must have been very painful for Frobisher.

CVIU INTRODUCTION.

lie was therefore very happy to be able to direct his
attention to other objects ; the taking possession of
those barren regions, the collecting of curiosities.
Among them he brought home a stone, glittering like
gold, in which greedy eyes, deceived by the love of
lucre, believed they saw the promise of rich treasures.
The gathering of this ore, which, after all, proved per-
fectly worthless, was the only object, and almost the
only result of his two last voyages. In 1578 he seems,
however, by chance to have entered Hudson's Strait;
but anxious, in obedience to his instructions, to bring
home as much ore as he could, he postponed the
search for a passage, and has consequently incurred
the blame of writers who looked on these matters from
the point of view of the nineteenth century. Fro-
bisher's own contemporaries considered him as a de-
serving man, and his companions were most truly
attached to him.

These voyages were singularly unfortunate in con-
firming prevailing geographical mistakes, as we shall
have to notice. They also added their own new store
of error in different ways. The situation of the country
discovered by Frobisher, and that of his strait, were
so imperfectly indicated by those who described the
voyages, that geographers became perfectly bewil-
dered. In the chart which Hudson used, Frobisher's
Strait lies across Greenland, not in America. These
singular doubts have exercised their influence even up
to the present day ; as for example, upon Karl von
Spruner, the author of the Ilistoncal Atlas. They have,
however, no foundation in fact ; and the real locality

INTRODUCTION. CIX

of Frobisher's Strait is certainly where modern maps
place it. Another mistake, which caused Hudson
some useless pains, is due, in the first instance, to one
of Frobisher's ships, that sailed home by itself, the
Busse of Bridgewatcr. An immense ice field seems to
have floated out of Davis' Strait down to latitude 57°.
The excited fancy of a passenger on board the vessel
mistook it for an island, and the island soon found
its place on maps and charts, under the name of
Busse Island. Hudson searched for it with little
success, as may be imagined. The small hurt these
mistakes could do was, however, entirely outbalanced
by the beneficial influence of the correct informa-
tion Frobisher brought home. It was now certain,
that between 62° and 63°, on the eastern side of
North America, a wide entrance existed, navigable
for hundreds of miles. True, that passage was some-
times blocked up by ice. But this had not yet been
ascertained to be its almost permanent state. A still
broader and more navigable entrance had been found
between 60° and 62°. Some of Frobisher's com-
panions even recognized the great fact, that the re-
puted mainland of Labrador, between 61° and 63°,
was merely a mass of islands, separated by channels,
some broad, some narrow, which led to unknown
seas in the west. This information was more than
sufficient to raise the most lively hopes of a through
passage, and the most ardent aspirations towards its
discovery, especially in an age that may well be said
to have given birth to the buoyancy and elasticity of
spirit by which the English nation has since become
so great.

ex INTRODUCTION.

The required expenditure, vast for the times, alone
prevented the track from being followed up at once.
Frobisher himself made efforts to obtain the necessary
means, and was nearly successful, owing especially
to the interest which the great Francis Drake took
in the enterprise. This admirable seaman off"ered to
tax to the utmost his already shaken credit, and to
raise a thousand pounds for the expedition. More
than five thousand were expected from various other
noblemen and gentlemen, of which three thousand
from the famous Earl of Leicester. But the enter-
prise came to nought, because it had been projected
on too large a scale. It is mentioned for the last
time in 1581.

Equally without result were, as it seems, the en-
deavours of Adrian Gylbert, to whom letters-patent
for the search of a north-west passage were granted
in February 1583. He does not appear to have
started for his destination.

„ It was reserved for John Davis, one of the greatest
of navigators, to follow up and develope the vague
indications of Frobisher. Master John Davis sailed
from Dartmouth the 7th of June, 1585, with two
small vessels, the Sunshine^ of fifty tons, the Moonshine,
of thirty -five. His course was north-west. He ex-
pected to find no land before he reached America.
But to his surprise he struck the south-eastern coast
of Greenland, between 60° and 61°, the 20tli of July.
We shall have occasion to dwell on the singular mis-
conceptions which prevailed at the time with regard
to that great arctic continent. These misconceptions,

INTUODUCTION. CXI

the growth of centuries, formed a curious mixture of
truth and error; and Frobisher had hitely contributed
to them his own Uxrge share of mistakes. Davis was
justified in thinking that the land he had fallen in with
had been hitherto unknown, and was his own new dis-
covery. After a short hesitation on the south-eastern
side of Greenland, he rounded the southern point on
the 23rd of July, and then sailed for two more days
up along the south-western coast. To these southern
parts of Greenland he gave the graphic name of
Desolation^ a name now attached to a small portion
only of those shores. On the 25th he left the newly
discovered country, and steered his former course to
the north-west, thus unconsciously following the bend
of the Greenland coast, which he had lost sight of.
After four days sail, the 29th of July he was again
in sight of land, under 6J:° 15'. His course had
brought him to the jutting point which forms the
northern boundary of Gilbert's Sound. That is now
the least unknown portion of Greenland. Gilbert's
Sound is a large and fair bay, enclosing many islands,
and here among the snow and ice of the high north
some sunny nook may greet the eye of the weary sailor.
The Danish settlement of Godhab, and the Moravian
colony of Nye Hernhut, are situated in these parts.
They have been visited by several recent navigators,
especially by Captain M'Clintock, and their names
are now familiar to the ear. Here Davis held inter-
course with the Esquimaux, and it is delightful to read
how he employed the sweet medium of music to gain
their friendship. Davis left Gilbert's Sound the Ist

: !<

!• I

I ■ . i:

■W !

CXll INTRODUCTION.

of August, liaviiig tarried two clays. lie aj^aiii steered
his former course to the north-west, and thus crossed
for the first time the strait that now bears his name.
Only five days sail brought him to the American
side, which he reached in latitude GO" 40' the 6th of
August. He had arrived in the neighbourhood of
that remarkable promontory, by him named Cape
Walsingham, where the American coast makes so
sudden a turn to the north-west. Not finding an
inlet by which he might follow a western course and
reach the Pacific, he coasted on the American
side southward, in quest, probably, of Frobisher's
V • Strait, which he must have expected to find in lati-
^ • >• j^., tude 63° 8', three degrees and a half further south.
>'"\.^^ ., ' But before he reached that inlet he fell in with
^^ •'vt^'' > ' another more northern opening, named by him Cum-
berland Strait, and which seemed to offer a good
chance of a passage. He arrived at the mouth of
that strait the 11th of August, and having explored
it for six days, he met with a cluster of islands, " with
many fair sounds between," and concluded by an
admirable course of reasoning that the strait does
, lead to the Pacific. His opinion has not yet been
<^['.'- '" disproved, and further exploration may show it to
' ''- ' have been correct. The charts of those regions are

j J • still in the highest degree unsatisfactory. We know

as little as the first discoverers did, whether Fro-
' ( bisher's and Cumberland's Straits do or do not com-

municate with the more western waters. In bare
justice to those great men, the information which
intelligent whalers must have gained in that long

;

INTRODUCTION. CXIU

interval might be collected and inserted in the Admi-
ralty charts. After so much has been done for the
higher regions, something might be done for the
west of Davis' Strait, and for the channels that lead
into it. " There are many intelligent whaling cap-
tains," says Captain M'Clintock, " who possess much
valuable knowledge of these lands and seas ; and
even in the terra incognita of Frobisher's Straits
whalers have wintered, whilst our charts scarcely
afford even a vague idea of the configuration of these
extensive islands. . . A surveying vessel would be
usefully employed for a couple of summers in tracing
the general outline of these possessions of Her IVIa-
jesty." Davis sailed homewards the 24th of August.
lie brought his two frail barks safely home the 30th
of September, 1585.

Davis sailed again the 7th of May, 1586. He had
with him four vessels, the Sunshine and Moonshine^
which he had the year before ; the Meermaid^ a vessel
of a hundred tons ; and the North Star, a pinnace of
ten tons burden. The 7th of May he was south of
Iceland in 60°, and despatched the Sunshine and
North Star to search between Greenland and Iceland.
He himself proceeded westward with the 3Ieermaid
and Moonshine, and reached the south of Greenland
the 15th of June. But he had arrived too early in
the season. A huge mass of ice encumbered the
Greenland shore. To round it he had to stand out
of the strait, and to sail as far south as 57". The
ice, at present also, often forms regular fields and
packs out of Davis' Strait, such as he encountered in

' f,

CXIV INTRODUCTION.

the beginning, and the Basse, of Bridgcwatcr, met
with at the end of summer, in hititude 57°. Having
rounded the pack, Davis reached Gilbert's Sound the
29th of June. Stormy weather, and the wish to be-
come- thoroughly acquainted with the country, de-
tained him till tlie middle of the month of July. The
17th we meet him again at sea, not far from Gil-
bert's Sound, but a little to the south, in G3° 8'.
Davis had now to encounter a new and a fiercer
struggle with the pack. A fortnight's sail carried
him only a few degrees farther north and a very
small distance farther west. Many of the sailors in
his larger vessel had probably never seen the arctic
regions before. Their courage fell, and at last Davis
met with that obstacle, worse than storm and ice, a
mutiny among his crew. Subdued by his imposing
presence, his sailors did not break out into the ex-
cesses which troubled Weymouth and cost Hudson
his life ; but they represented in earnest language
that " he might not, through his over-boldness, leave
their widows and little children to give him bitter
curses." He obeyed, and after little more than one
day's south-eastern sail he reached land on the Green-
land shore, in latitude 66° 33', the 1st of August.
He was now constrained to send the 3Iecrmaid home,
the crew being unwilling to encounter any longer
the dangers of navigation among the ice, which are
appalling enough even for those who have spent
many years in those regions, and whose vessels are
specially fitted for this dangerous navigation by every
contrivance that ingenuity can invent. But Davis

INTRODUCTION. CXV

was not shaken in his purpose. He now entrusted
himself to tlie Moonshine^ more a fishing smack tlian
a ship. A few days were spent in j)r(^pariug lier for
her arduous task, and the 5th slic started by herself.
She crossed the strait in nearly a due westerly direc-
tion. The 14th of August she was near Cape AVal-
singham, in latitude 60° 19', on the American side.
It was too late for anything more than a summary
search along the coast. The rest of the month,
and the first days of September, were spent in that
search. Besides the already known openings, namely,
Cumberland Strait, Frobisher's Strait, and Hudson's
Strait, two more openings were found, Davis Lilct in
56°, and IvuctoJcc Inlet in 54° 30'. Davis now had to
cross the Atlantic in his miserable craft, and he per-
formed the voyage through the equinoctial gales in
little more than three weeks. He reached England
again in the beginning of October, 1586.

The 19th of June, 1587, Davis began his third
north-western voyage with three vessels, one of which
was the SunsJiine^ always his faithful companion. He
had besides brought out, in frame, a pinnace, intended
for exploration in shallow water. After he had
reached Gilbert's Sound, the 16th of June, he was
about to set up the pinnace, when the Esquimaux
of the neighbourhood, seeing the many fine pieces
of iron which were used as nails and spikes, could
not resist the temptation of tearing the whole fabric
to pieces to obtain those treasures. This singular
race exhibited from the very first the same cha-
racteristics which have now become so familiar to

■■;

CXVl INTRODUCTION.

arctic explorers. The cheerfulness and good nature
of the Esquimaux are praised by those who first came
in contact with them, and some of these early mari-
ners put these qualities in contrast with the fierceness
/ and the gloom of the Indian warriors. Still such

depredations as those here noted too often occur,
proving that low standard of morality which belongs
to the savage. These occurrences, and the partial
restoration of the pinnace, delayed Davis till the 21st
of June. From that day to the 30th of the same
month he sailed to the north along the Greenland
shore, and arrived on the 30th of June, 1587, in lati-
tude 72° 12', nearly four degrees farther north than
any one had been before him in that sea. He
found to the north " no ice, but a great sea, free,
large, very salt and very blue," and " it seemed most
manifest that the passage was free and without im-
pediment toward the north." Northern gales and
the wish to proceed to the west prevented his sailing
farther in this northern direction, or he would have
forestalled some of his most distinguished follow-
ers. Baffin's Bay would now bear the name of John
Davis. A few days before, when he was off the Green-
land coast in latitude 67°, he believed that he saw the
American shore. But he was evidently deceived. The
distance is two hundred miles, and the feat is impos-
sible. None of the phenomena of the arctic regions
' f can render it likely. What Davis really saw was

{ the almost solid ice field, with which he had soon to

/ engage in a most desperate struggle. He never

I reached the latitude of (57° on the American side, and

INTRODUCTION. CXVII

was therefore unable to correct his mistake. To this
mistake Davis' Strait probably owes its name — a name
singularly inappropriate for a passage of such im-
mense width. Davis now tried to sail westward with-
out giving up the high latitude he had reached. But
this proved impossible. lie met with the eternal
enemy of arctic exploration, the ice. In spite of this
obstacle he advanced, on the 1st of July, forty -four
miles in nearly a western direction, deflecting but
slightly to the south. But he was obliged to give up
that advantage. Westerly and north-westerly winds
drove the ice straight against him. He had to retreat
to the Greenland coast. The 13th of July he was
in about the same place as he had been sixteen or
seventeen days before, in latitude QT 50', off Green-
land. Now he found the sea sufficiently open to
proceed at least in a south-westerly direction. He
crossed the strait in five days, from the 14th to the
17th of July. On the 17th he was off the American
shore, in latitude 65° 30'. Remaining in that neigh-
bourhood he reached, the 19th, Mount Raleigh, the
20th, the mouth of Cumberland Strait. From the
20th to the 23rd he explored Cumberland Strait,
hoping to find there the passage. But he met with
a solid barrier of ice, and had to return. This voyage
out of the strait was partly impeded by calms, and re-
quired six more days, to the 29th of July. They now
sailed to the south, along the American side of Davis'
Strait, and passed the 30th across the mouth of Fro-
bisher's Strait, the 31st of July and the 1st of August
across the mouth of Hudson's Strait. " Which inlet

CXVni INTRODUCTION.

or gulfe this afternoone (31st) and in the night (31st
' — 1st of August) we passed over, where, to our great
admiration, we saw the sea falling down into the
gulfe with a mighty overfall and roaring, and with
divers circular motions like whirlpools, in such sort
as forcible streams pass throu^^h the arches of
bridges." His further progress d- i to 52° 40' offers
no new geographical interest. Davis reached home
the 15th of September, 1587.

After his return lie expressed the liveliest hope of
finding a passage to the north, beyond the latitude of
73°. But the attack of the Armada in 1588, and the
death of Walsingham, which occurred soon after-
wards, deprived him of the opportunity to follow up
his discoveries.

Davis' journals are the only ones of all those left
by early north-western explorers, where, with a little
attention, every point can be clearly made out. Had
they, like the confused descriptions of Frobisher's
voyages, been published immediately after the navi-
gator's return, he would soon have found a successor.
They appeared in print in 1599, and in 1601 George
Weymouth offered to the East India Company to
undertake for them a north-western expedition. So
confident was he of success, that in case of failure he
waived all claim to pay or remuneration.

Weymouth sailed the 2nd of May, 1602. He
reached the south of Greenland the 18tli of June,
crossed Davis' Strait in a westerly and north-westerly
direction, and arrived the 28th off the American
shore, in latitude 63° 53'. Weymouth now sailed to

(,Y' y^'ib

w >

INTRODUCTION. CXIX

the north, hoping to find the open water indicated
by Davis, and resolved to winter between 68° and
70° should it be required. He had arrived in lati-
tude 68° 53', when a mutiny broke out among his ^V? ^ ' ^
crew, who refused to advance any further. Wey- t^-^'- ''^^
mouth had committed the mistake of accepting the
companionship of a clergyman named John Cart-
wright, who possessed the rejputation of being fami-
liar with geographical matters, and who gained great
influence over the crew. The presumption and
cowardice of this man have blighted Weymouth's
fame. Unable to proceed as he judged best, Wey-
mouth had to retrace his steps. The 25th of July he
arrived at Hatton's Headland, in 61° 40', the north-
ern entrance to Hudson's Bay. According to his
own words, he sailed " an hundred leagues west and
by south" into the strait. There must be either a
slight exaggeration in the distance, or the statement
as regards the course must be slightly incorrect. The
latter is, indeed, the case ; this the journal clearly
shows. But there is no reason to pass on Weymouth
the severe verdict, that he pretends to have done a thing
which is impossible; a verdict first pronounced by Fox,
whose acquaintance with the south of Hudson's Strait
was very imperfect ; then confirmed by Sir John Bar-
row, who probably did not take the trouble to look
into a map, and then repeated by others. That Wey-
mouth really sailed a considerable distance into Hud-
son's Strait does not allow of a doubt, nor is it doubtful
that he "lighted Hudson into the strait," as Fox, with
greater justice, expresses it. Weymouth's later pro-
ceedings are not of any geographical interest.

CXX INTRODUCTION.

After Weymouth, and before Hudson, only one
more voyage in search of a north-west passage was
undertaken. It was performed by John Knight, in
1606. It led to no result whatever.

We have now to go back a period of more than
half a century, and to speak of the opening and
progress of the search for a north-cast passage,
down to the time when Hudson was engaged in
the realization of this idea. We have already re-
peatedly had occasion to allude to this matter, and
especially to point out the principal circumstances
which afforded Sebastian Cabot the opportunity
again to exert himself in behalf of English com-
merce. On a former page of the present introduc-
tion we have narrated the first events in Sebastian
Cabot's life. There we left him. It will, perhaps,
be best to give in a few lines a summary of his
career, until he finally fixed his residence in England.
We have seen that he arrived in this country with
liis father; that in 1497 he found North America ;
that in 1498 he began the search for a north-west
passage, and probably discovered Hudson's Strait.
From 1498 to 1512 his movements are uncertain. In
1512 he entered the Spanish service, became a mem-
ber of the Council of the Indies, and was to under-
take voyages for the Spaniards. Preparations were
made for an expedition in spring 1516. But the politi-
cal changes which took place at the time prevented it,
and Cabot again went to England. He undertook a
second voyage in search of a north-west passage, pro-
bably in 1517, and then discovered Davis' Strait, up

INTRODUCTION. CXXl

to 67° 30', After his return Cardinal Wolsey wished
to empk)y him. The negociations led to nothing, and
he again returned to Spain, resuming his old dignity
and becoming in addition pilot-major. In 1523, tired.
as it seems of the Spanish service, he secretly made
overtures to Venice. Though very anxious to serve
that city, which he considered as his home, insur-
mountable difficulties prevented his doing so, and
he remained the pilot-major of Spain. In 1526 he
undertook, for the Spanish crown, an expedition to
the Moluccas ; but he only reached the La Plata
river, where he remained for five years exploring the
surrounding country. From 1531 to his final return
to England, no voyages of his are on record, nor docs
he seem to have performed any during that time.
In 1548 he arrived in England. Edward VI, a
prince of great promise, who, in spite of his youth,
fully comprehended tliat England, to become a great
power, must have its fair portion of the world's com-
merce, very gladly received Sebastian Cabot into his
service and granted him a salary, liberal for those
days, of £166.

When Cabot, in 1522 and 1523, made overtures
to the Venetian government, it was his intention to
point out to them what he then believed to be by far
the most advantageous route to the Indies. All the
roads to India which are followed at the present day
"Nvere then considered the special properties of Spain
and Portugal ; and these two powers, the most com-
manding in Europe, had the means and the will to
defend that property. The scheme of the north-west

CXXU INTRODUCTION.

passage had probably been given up by Cabot as
hopeless, at least in a commercial point of view. But
there yet remained one chance of a short way to
eastern Asia, namely, by the north-east. Even now,
knowing, as we do, the great northern elevation
of the coast of Siberia, the shortest line across sea
that we could draw from any part of Europe to
China would pass by Nova Zembla, and would lead
us to the north-east. But those north-eastern parts
were absolutely unknown to Cabot. Misinterpreting
some passages in Pliny, Cornelius Nepos, and other
ancient writers, then the only available sources of in-
formation with regard to the north-east, Sebastian
Cabot concluded the distance from Europe to China
by that route to be much shorter than it really is.
He was, moreover, convinced that the north-eastern
seas were not only navigable, but had, in fact, been
navigated by the ancients. On these erroneous assump-
tions, he founded the plan of searching for a route to
China by the north-east. His wish thus to benefit
Venice remained, however, a pium desiderium. The
Venetian ambassador Contarini, with whom he en-
tered into negociations, plainly told him that Venice
could not venture to make opposition to the Spanish
and Portuguese commerce, because these powers
commanded the Strait of Gibraltar, and could pre-
vent both the departure and the return of the Vene-
tian vessels should they attempt any such under-
taking. Cabot, therefore, stored up the idea in his
mind. It was after his return to England that the
necessities of English commerce, which we have

INTRODUCTION. CXXlll

already described, offered him an opportunity of
carrying out his favourite pUm : if not for Venice,
at least for a country which he viewed with less
repugnance than he must have harboured towards
Spain.

The commercial association to which his scheme
gave rise, that of the Merchant Adventurers, has
passed through a most brilliant career and is still in
existence. Tlieir earliest proceedings, and those of
the Dutch who followed them, have met with more
attention from geograpliical scholars than perhaps
any other similar subject has done. We possess espe-
cially two excellent works, one by Dr. Von Hamel,
the other by Dr. Beke : tlie latter among the collections
of the Hakluyt Society. There is now hardly left room
for any new investigations. It will therefore be easy
for us to do what we shall attempt in the next few
pages, namely, to point out how the way wliich Hud-
son followed in his first voyages had been prepared
by his predecessors.

The first north-eastern expedition which was sent
out by the Company of Merchant Adventurers sailed
from Ratcliff, the 10th of May, 1553. It consisted
of three ships, all with equally auspicious names,
the Bona Esperan:3a^ Bona Confidential and Edward
Bonavenhire. But the names of the two first ships
were sadly to be belied. Sir Hugh Willoughby,
captain-general of the fleet, was driven with these
two ships far out to sea, and at length put into a
small haven on the coast of Lapland, near the mouth
of the river Warsina, where the entire crews of both

CXXIV INTRODUCTION.

vessels, amounting in all to seventy souls, perished
from cold and hunger.

Before meeting with his untimely end, Willoughby,
on the 14th of August, " descried land, which land
(he says in a note found written in one of the two
ships) we bore with all, hoising out our boat to dis-
cover what land it might be ; and the boat could not
come to land, the water was so shoule, where was
very much ice also, but there was no similitude of
habitations ; and this land lyeth from Seynam east
and by north 160 leagues, being in latitude 72 de-
grees. Then we plyed to the northward." Dr. Beke,
whom we have literally followed in this description
of ^Yilloughby's voyage, goes on to show that the
land discovered by AVilloughby was a part of Nova
Zembla, now called the Goose Coast. For a long
time English geographers contended that Willoughby
had discovered Spitzbergen. This most indefensible
theory has found its way into Purchas' notes to
Hudson's voyages. We shall speak of its origin in
our geographical review.

llichard Chancellor, pilot-major of Willoughby 's
fleet, was far more fortunate than his hapless chief In
the third vessel, the Edtvard Bonavcnturc^ commanded
by Stephen Burrough, he succeeded in entering the
Bay of St. Nicholas, since better known as the White
Sea, and on the 24th of August, 1553, reached in
safety the western mouth of the Dwina, whence he
proceeded overland to the court of the Emperor of
Muscovy. The result was the foundation of the com-
mercial and political relations between England and

INTRODUCTION. CXXV

Russia, which have subsisted with but brief inter-
ruptions up to the present day.

Shortly after Chancellor had brought his section
of Willoughby's expedition to so successful an issue,
the Company of Merchant Adventurers, by whom
the three ships had been fitted out, received a charter
of incorporation, bearing date February 6tli, 1 and 2
Ph. and ]Mar. (1554-1555); and subsequently, in the
eighth year of (iueen Elizabeth (156()), they obtained
an act of Parliament, in which they are styled " the
Fellowship of English Merchants for Discovery of
New Trades," a title under which they still continue
incorporated, though they are better known by the
designation of the " Muscovy" or " Russia Company."

It is not here the place to discuss the general pro-
ceedings of the Russia Company, important tliough
they be, and highly deserving of being made the sub-
ject of special investigation All that we have to do
is to notice the expeditions which were undertaken
under the auspices of that company, for the purpose
of exploring the seas bounding the Russian empire
on the north, with a view to the discovery of a north-
east passage to China.

Of these expeditions, the first was that of Stephen
Burrough, who had, in 1555, been the master of
Richard Chancellor's ship, the Edward Bonaventure,
and who was, in 1556, dispatched in the pinnace
Searchthrift^ to make discovery towards the river Ob.

Dr. Beke, whom we have again literally followed \

for the whole of the preceding page, now goes on to
describe in detail the voyage of the Searchthrlft. But ;

! I

CXXVl INTRODUCTION.

tliis expedition is of much less importance for our
subject than for his. The following summary is suf-
ficient for our purpose. Burrough left Gravesend
the 23rd of April, passed the North Cape the 23rd of
May, reached Kola the 9th of June ; and then pro-
ceeded, in company with some native boats, to explore
Nova /embla. For the sake of greater clearness, it
is, perhaps, best to observe, that Nova Zembla, or
Novaya Zemlya, is a group of islands in shape of a
crescent. The crescent has on its outer (western)
side the Spitzbergen Sea, on its inner (eastern) side
the Sea of Kara, and forms the boundary between
those two seas. The southern end of the crescent
bends towards the mouth of the river Petchora. The
northern extremity points towards Cape Taimyr.
This northern extremity is in latitude 77°, and in
nearly the same longitude with the mouth of the
river Oby. The Nova Zembla group consists of four
larger and several smaller islands. The names of the
larger ones are, according to Dr. Beke's nomencla-
ture, Vaigats for the most southern,^ Novaya Zemlya
Proper for the next, Mattb^^w's Land for the fol-
lowing, and Liitke and Barents' Land for the most
northern. These islands are separated from each
other by straits, more or less narrow. The ex-
ploration of the islands, and the discovery of the
straits between them, is the principal point of in-
terest in most of the early north-eastern voyages ;
for the Nova Zembla group forms a natural barrier

f; ^ Dr. Bcke docs not consider Vaigats as part of Nova Zembla,

but Mr. Scoresby does.

■'■ I

INTRODUCTION. CXXVll

upon wliich the navigator must strike when he wishes
to penetrate to China by a north-easterly route, and
liis first efforts must be towards the crossincr of tliis
barrier. All the seamen of whom we have to speak
were obliged to make that attempt. The first of
them, AVilloughby, merely touched Nova Zembla.
Others, like Brunei and Hudson, made useless efforts
to penetrate through frozen straits and bays, and then
returned. The most successful navioators discovered
the open passages between the islands, and the bold-
est of all, WilHam Barents, sailed along the western
side of the whole group, rounded its northern point,
and wintered on the north-eastern shore. But even
tiiose who were fortunate enough to penetrate beyond
Nova Zembla and into the Sea of Kara, made after-
wards but little progress. That sea is, by Polar cur-
rents, continually filled with close packed ice. Only
two or three ships are known to have penetrated
through it and to have reached the mouth of the
Oby. The Russians themselves, though at home in
those waters, and of notorious courage and expe-
rience in this kind of navigation, have as yet been
unable to explore the whole east coast of Nova Zembla.
Stephen Burrough's north-eastern explorations be-
gan, as we have said, the 9th of June, 1556. Nothing
memorable happened to him before the 25th of July,
when he discovered a small island between the main-
land of Russia, and Vaigats, the most southern of the
four larger Nova Zembla islands. His new discovery
was called St. James's Island. Then sailing to the
north, he found Vaigats the 31st of July. He coasted

CXXVlll INTllODUCTION.

along' the western side of Vaigats, and the 3rd of
August he reached its northern point. Tlic 4th, he
sailed through the strait between Vaigats and Nova
/embla Proper, which is therefore called Burroagh's
Strait. lie had now entered the Kara Sea. But there
his success ended. lie could not advance against the
ic "d had to return the 5th of August, 1556. He
ar. ,ed at Archangel the Iltli of September, 1556.

A long time elapsed before the search was renewed.
The Muscovy Company had so unexpected a success
in the country they were trading- with, that they
found full employment and a satisfactory reward for
their labours. Their agents also learned in Russia
that an overland route to China existed, and carefully
noted down its different stages and stations. All this
diverted their minds from the purpose for wliich the
cr )any had originally been established. Still the
s ' for a north-east passage w^as not entirely given
up. In 1568 a commission was issued to three ser-
vants of the company who were then in Russia,
Bassendine, Woodcock, and Browne, to search to the
east and to the west of Nova Zembla. Nothing is
known of the success of this expedition, nor even
■whether it started. Twelve years elapsed before the
next expedition was undertaken of which we have
any record.

The 31st of May, 1580, Arthur Pet and Charles
Jackman, two captains in the service of the Muscovy
Company, started from Harwich, in two small barks,
of forty and twenty tons burden. Having sailed toge-
ther as far as Wardhuus (Lapland coast), Pet and

INTHODUCTION. CXXIX

Jackman separated the 24th of June, appointing the
island of Vaigats as their meeting phice. Pet reached,
on the 4th of July, Nova Zembla Proper, in latitude
71° 38'. He then sailed to the south, and was, on the
10th of July, off Vaigats Island. There he remained
till the 14th. He then tried for a passage by the
north of Vaigats, but failed to discover the strait
which Burrough had found. He now steered to the
south-west, and reached the mouth of the Petchora
on the 17th. Thence he started again to the east.
He kept close to the Russian shore, and discovered
the strait between Vaigats and the mainland, which
is therefore called Pet Strait. The 19th of July, Pet
was in the Kara Sea. But the pack was again as
close as it had been in Burrough's time, and it was
impossible to move through it. After five days of
vain struggle with that obstinate enemy, Pet was
joined by his companion, Jackman, who had also
found his way into the Sea of Kara. The two barks,
of forty and twenty tons, now united their eff'orts,
and tried to force their way onward to China. Three
more days were spent in this vain labour. On the 28th
of July Pet and Jackman resolved to return to Vaigats,
and then to deliberate on their future proceedings.
But they were now in the middle of the pack, some
of the floes of which were so large that their boun-
dary could not be seen. It required the unremitting
labours of seventeen anxious days to carry them back
the small distance they had advanced into the Sea of
Kara. They reached Vaigats on the 15th of August,
and had passed back through Pet Strait by the 20th

I <

CXXX INTRODUCTION.

of the same month. Pet reached home on the 26th
of December. Jackman wintered in Norway, and
perished on his homeward voyage the following spring.

This is the last well authenticated English voyage
in search of a north-east passage, anterior to those of
Hudson in 1607 and 1608. There is, however, strong
reason to believe, that before the year 1584 an Eng-
lish vessel actually sailed through the Kara Sea
and reached the mouth of the Oby, where she suf-
fi.';ed shipwreck. The crew are said to have been
slain by the natives, who thought them to be robbers.
The agents of the Muscovy Company also obtained
some extremely interesting information with regard
to the routes usually followed by the Russians from
the Petchora to the Oby, both along the Russian
shore and across Nova Zembla ; and their hope
of a passage was maintained, in spite of repeated
failures.

No actual attempt of theirs is, however, on record,
between 1584 and 1607. But almost at the very
time when the long lapse of their efforts in this
direction begins, another nation appears on the scene,
namely, the Dutch. This nation was destined to be,
for two hundred years, the rival of England's mari-
time power, and their rivalry first began in the frozen
seas off Nova Zembla. The explorations which they
made there at the end of the sixteenth century
are still, and very justly, reckoned among the national
glories of the Dutch. Other nations have not failed to
acknowledge their title to universal admiration. The
Hakluyt Society, in especial, has devoted to them one

INTRODUCTION. CXXXl

of its most remarkable volumes. These explr '^tions
were the principal lights on Hudson's way to the
north-east, and we must therefore again dwell upon
them, although they have been so thoroughly inves-
tigated by Dr. Beke in the work repeatedly referred
to.

AVe have, on a former page, spoken of the tide of
emigration from the southern provinces of the Nether-
lands, caused by Alba's persecutions. We have also
said that many of the most vigorous elements of that
stream, after having been scattered over all parts of
Europe, gathered again and settled in the northern
provinces, especially in Holland and Zealand, when
these parts became free from the Spanish yoke. One
of the men who thus left Belgium, strayed far abroad,
and afterwards went to Holland, was Oliver Brunei,
a native of Brussels, whom we meet, in 1580, at the
mouth of the river Petchora, bent on the search for
a north' east passage.

Alba's persecutions began in 1567 and lasted till
1573. During the same period, and for several years
afterwards, the frontier provinces of Russia and Swe-
den were desolated by the fierce contentions between
those two empires. The Swedes called to their flags
a number of foreigners, mostly, or perhaps all, Pro-
testants. Scotch and Germans they were said to be,
but under these names there were also comprised
adventurers from other countries. Among these
probably was Oliver Brunei. He was made a prisoner
by the Russians, and had, in 1580, been for several
years in the service of two Russian merchants, the

CXXXU INTRODUCTION.

one called Yakow, the other Anikyi. A Swedish
shipwright, probably also a prisoner, was likewise
in the service of these Russians. At that time the
factors of the English Muscovy Company were con-
tinually making inquiries about the roads to the
mouth of the Oby, and beyond it to Cathay. This
roused the attention of the Russians, and the two
merchants whom we have named hurried to follow
the example as soon as the opportunity offered.
They employed the skilful prisoners to construct and
navigate for them two vessels, fit for sailing in shal-
low water. Oliver Brunei, a man, as it seems, of no
very high scientific attainments, but of good powers
of observation, explored the whole coast of Russia,
from the mouth of the Petchora to the mouth of the
Oby. He also went to Vaigats and to Nova Zembla
Proper. Having thus made himself useful to his
masters, he was sent by them to Antwerp to hire a
number of clever sailors for further exploration of
the north-eastern route. On this journey he arrived,
in February, 1581, on the island of Oesel, in the gulf
of Livonia. In Arensburg, the capital of that island,
there lived a man called John Balak, who was learned
in geography. Balak, much interested by Brunei's
account, requested him to call on Gerard Mercator,
the great geographer, a Belgian by birth, who was
living at Duisburg, in Cleves. Mercator had left his
home much before Alba's time ; but already well
aware that his liberal opinions in matters of religion
(he was nominally a Roman Catholic, but iiad singu-
lar notions of his own) would expose him to danger.

INTRODUCTION. CXXXIU

The letter of introduction which Brunei received
from Balak was afterwards communicated by Merca-
tor to Richard Hakluyt, in whose collection it is to
be found.

It is not clear whether Brunei ever went to An-
twerp for his employers. He may not have known,
when he left Russia, that Alexander of Parma had
recently made an end to the reign of the friends of
independence in Belgium, and that it would, perhaps,
be hazardous to return there. However this may be,
we afterwards find Brunei connected with the town of
Enchuysen, in West Friesland.^ He undertook a
voyage to the river Petchora, in a vessel from Enc-
huysen. After having collected much valuable
merchandize, he lost his ship, and perhaps his life, in
the mouth of the river.

The town of Enchuysen thus became engaged in
the north-eastern scheme. This town chanced to
possess at the time a number of distinguished men,
who required but an impulse to engage their ideas
in this new direction. Among these were Jacob
Valck, the treasurer of the town ; Dr. Francis Maelson,
the syndic of West Friesland, a man of much geo-
graphical learning ; Cornelis Corneliszoon Nai, also
called Menscheter, or Anthropophagus, a seaman of
considerable experience ; and several other seamen,
whom we shall have occasion to notice. Distinguished
before all his fellow citizens was Jan Huighen van
Linschoten, whose great work on the East Indies is

* West Friesland borders on Holland, and forms part of the
same province ; it may almost be considered as a part of Holland,

CXXXIV INTRODUCTION.

still a standard book in public and private libraries.
Linschoten lived for years in the Portuguese posses-
sions in the east, and made himself thoroughly ac-
quainted with their resources. He, better than any
one else, was able to understand how great an advan-
tage it would be for any country to enter into com-
mercial connection with those opulent regions.

The northern provinces of the Netherlands, so
small a spot on the map of Europe, had at that time
much more than their own share of energy, intelli-
gence, and riches. The exiles from Belgium and
other refugees were crowded together in their new
home, and were anxiously seeking a vent for their
pent up energies. Such a vent the north-eastern
scheme afforded. In the chief towns of Holland and
Zealand two men arose, both Belgian emigrants, who
led the minds of their fellow citizens towards these
ideas. Dalthasar de Moucheron, an Antwerp mer-
chant, settled in Middelburg, the capital of Zealand,
had long been trading with Russia. The route to
the White Sea was familiar to his captains and pilots.
The above-mentioned Enchuysen sailors were all in
his service. He also communicated with Maelson
and Valck, and between these men the plan of a
north-eastern expedition was brought to maturity.
At Amsterdam there lived the celebrated geographer
Peter Plancius, the very centre of the Belgian emi-
gration, an ardent Calvinist preacher and divine, and
one of the great geographical scholars of the age.
He, before all others, formed with deliberate inten-
tion the design of crippling the Spanish power by

IiNTRODUCTION. CXXXV

rival commerce, and for that purpose he founded at
Amsterdam a school of navigation, in which the
heroes of the northern and of the first eastern voy-
ages of the Dutch acquired the greater part of their
theoretical knowledge. The most distinguished
among his pupils were Willem Barents and Jacob
van Heemskerk, the Davis and the Drake of Holland.
It was in the year 159J: that these movements
yielded their first great result. Moucheron and his
Enchuysen friends fitted out two vessels, the Stvan,
from Ter Ver, in Zealand ; the Mercurij, from En-
chuysen. Both were commanded by Enchuysen men;
the Swan^ by Cornclis Nai, who had as under-pilot
Pieter Strickbolle. With them went, as Mouche-
ron's commercial agent, Francois de la Dale, a rela-
tive of Moucheron, who had resided several years
in Russia ; and as interpreter a Slavonian, named
Splindler, who had been studying at Leyden. The
Merciirij was commanded by Brant Tetgales, with
Claes Cornelizoon as mate, both of Enchuysen. Jan
Pluyghen van Linschoten accompanied them as
" commis,"^ or coopman, filling, on board the Mer-

f
I

^ The signification of this word seems not to be generally under- ^

stood. Even Dr. Beke has been somewhat unjust towards Hul- '

sius, because he supposes him to have translated it very incorrectly.

The title commis, and the identical one of coopman, is generally '

translated supercargo. This is correct enough in one sense, though
very incorrect in another. The functions of a commis were prin-
cipally commercial, but his position was infinitely superior to that
of a supercargo of the present day. When ships were sent out to
open commercial intercourse with foreign nations, the men who were
specially charged with these ncgociations held necessarily a high rank

CXXXVl INTRODUCTION.

cury^ the same position which De la Dale held on
board the Swan. Peter Planciiis and his friends at
Amsterdam roused the public spirit in that city, and
the Amsterdammers likewise fitted out a vessel for
the north-eastern search, under the command of
Plancius' pupil, Willem Barents.

The vessels under the two Enchuysen men, and
that from Amsterdam, sailed together from home
and returned home together ; still the two expedi-
tions may almost be considered as distinct, so different
were the plans which they followed. Maelson and his
friends seem to have been intent on adopting in
every respect the indications of Oliver Brunei. They
instructed the two Enchuysen captains to sail through
Pet Strait, between the mainland of Russia and Vai-
gats ; then along the coast of the Sea of Kara, and

in the expedition. Generally they had full powers from their govern-
ment, and were diplomatic as well as commercial agents. They
were neither the subordinates of the skipper, nor absolutely his
superiors. Each disposed of the resources of the ship for the
special business with which he was entrusted ; the skipper on sea,
the commis in port. The noble nature of the men employed on
the arctic expeditions prevented the else almost unavoidable con-
flicts between these two kinds of authority. Linschoten and Tet-
gales, Nai and De la Dale, Heemskerk and Barents, always agreed.
But during the voyage where Cornelis Houtman was commis on
board the Hollandia, there was a long scries of struggles be-
tween the two authorities. Cornelis Houtman was at last, by
general consent, made captain of the whole fleet. This fact, with
which Hulsius was acquainted, seems to have induced him to
translate Linschoten's title of commis by Ohcrster ; a translation
which is not quite correct when applied to Linschoten, but not by
any means so erroneous as Dr. Beke seems to think.

INTRODUCTION. CXXXVU

then to the Oby. Plancius, on the other hand,
must have known that the English had repeat-
edly tried that road without success. He consi-
dered it as impracticable, and liis pupil was in-
structed to sail along the Nova Zembla group, then
to round it by the north-east, and thus to reach
Cathay. Each party followed its own instructions.
They all sailed together to Kilduyn, on the Lapland
coast, where they separated. The Enchuysen captains
then took their course through Pet Strait, which they
named Nassau Strait, as if it had been a new discovery
of their own. They now found even the strait pestered
with ice, and had some difficulty in penetrating through
it. Still greater were their difficulties in the Sea of
Kara. After a vain attempt to follow their instructions
literally and to keep the coast in sight, they had to
return to the strait. Thence they afterwards started
again, induced by the promising aspect of the ice,
and in fact succeeded in crossing the Sea of Kara
in a north-easterly direction. They mistook Kara
Bay for the mouth of the river Oby, and tried to
convince themselves and others that they had sailed
beyond that river. Satisfied wdth that imaginary result,
and unable to penetrate any further, they returned.
Near the Russian coast they met Willem Barents, who
had also followed his instructions. He had sailed along
the whole of the Nova Zembla group, had rounded
its north-eastern point, and had reached a cluster of
islands, called by him the Orange Islands, off the
north-eastern extremity. This exploit has never been
repeated, except afterwards by Barents himself. The

CXXXVlll INTRODUCTION.

northern and north-eastern parts of Nova Zembla are
yet laid down from his surveys. Still, when the two
parties arrived at home, it Avas to the men from
Enchnysen that the greater success was attributed ;
simply because they advocated their claims more
loudly and more eloquently, and because Linschoten,
Nai, and their friends, possessed much more weight
than Plancius and his pupils, who were sneered at
as theorists.

The reports brought home by the Zeeland and
Enchuysen ships caused a general commotion through-
out the country. It was now thought certain, that
China could be reached by a north-eastern route ; and
a much larger venture was made than the former
one. Seven ships were fitted out, with the assistance
of the government ; two from Amsterdam, two from
Zealand, two from Enchuysen, one from Rotterdam.
The command of the whole fleet was entrusted to
Nai. Barents commanded the two Amsterdam ves-
sels. The .ships sailed by the same route, which had
so often been followed without success. Thcv entered
the Kara Sea through Vaigats Straits. After a
protracted struggle with the ice, they were obliged to
ret'irn without even having made any new discoveries.

Moucheron and the Enchuysen men now wisely
gave up the scheme, as one which could not produce
any satisfactory result. But the hopes of the nation
had been too much roused to die away at once. Plan-
cius, at Amsterdam, especially, thought that a fair
trial had not been given to his plan of sailing much
farther north than the Enchuysen and Zealand men

INTRODUCTION. CXXXIX

liad done. Barents was of the same opinion. Their
friends at Amsterdam supported them, perhaps in
some degree from opposition to Enchuysen and Mid-
delburg. But the government were unwilling again
to risk the resources of a new and dangerously placed
community, and refused to grant them any assist-
ance. They afforded them, however, some encourage-
ment in a new manner, which has since been success-
fully imitated in England. Large rewards were pro-
mised to any vessel that would accomplish the voyage
to China by the north-east. This was sufficient to
induce moneyed men to risk their property, sailors to
risk their lives, on this adventure.

Two vessels were fitted out at Amsterdam, the one
under Jacob van Heemskerk and Willem Barents,
the other under John Cornells Kyp. Both vessels left
Amsterdam the iOtli of May, 1596. In the begin-
ning of June, shortly after they had passed the North
Cape, disputes arose between Ryp and Barents. Ryp '

would not sail towards the north point of Nova Zem-
bla, but kept a more north-western course ; peihaps [

with the intention of steerin"; straight across the ' !

North Pole, perhaps merely from opposition to
Barents. Barents followed Ryp, and their course
brought them to Bear Island, in latitude 74° 80',
longitude 18° 40', which they discovered on the 9th ol
June. Their voyage from the 9th to the 30th is not
very clearly indicated in the logbook. Indeed, as it is
there described it is impossible. ' According to Dr.
Beke's and Mr. Peterman's interpretation, they sailed
round Spitzbergen from south-east to north-west,

Cxl INTRODUCTION.

then to the west, and at last back to Bear Island
from north-west to south-east. This feat seems highly
improbable, and no one but these enthusiastic ad-
mirers of Barents ever imagined it. According to
the opinion of all other writers, Barents and Ryp
explored merely the western side of Spitzbergen up
to its most northern point, and perhaps a very small
part of the northern shore. Then they returned to
Bear Island. This view of the case is borne out by
the almost contemporary map of Hondius, which
forms part of the present collection.

Hondius' map was specially intended as an illustra-
tion of the voyage under review. Its statements
were, at least tacitly, accepted as correct by Plancius
and others, who had means of knowing the facts of
the case.^ After their return to Bear Island, the 1st
of July, Ryp and Barents separated ; Hyp to renew
the search fro^ii the north-west of Spitzbergen east-
ward, Barents to round the northern point of Nova
Zembla, as he was ordered to do ; of Hyp's fur-
ther proceedings, no satisfactory account remains.
Barents succeeded, on the 15th of August, in round-
ing the north-point, and in sailing a short distance to
the south-east. But the ice of the Kara Sea soon

^ See the map : Tabula Geogr. in qua ndmirandee navigatioiiis
cursiis et recursus cleHujnatur, The admiranda navigatio is Barents'
third voyage, the course of which is indicated on the map. The
work in which the map first appeared, Pontamis' Description of
Amsterdam, was first .published in 1611; a Dutch translation,
loith the same majjs, appeared in 1614. Pontanus himself had paid
very considerable attention to northern discoveries, and was one
of the most strenuous advocates of the north-eastern passage.

INTRODUCTION. CxH

arrested his progress. On the 2Cth of August, he
had to seek refuge on the north-eastern coast of
Nova Zembla ; and unable either to advance or to
return through the ice, he was obliged to winter in
this dreary region. Entirely unprepared for so highly
dangerous an undertaking, both he and his crew had
to undergo the severest sufferings, to whicli Barents
succumbed the 20th of June, 1597. The return
voyage of the crew under the able command of Jacob
Heemskerk, is a deservedly celebrated adventure,
which, however, offers no new fact of geographical
interest.

No more north-eastern expeditions were under-
taken before the year 1607. The history both of
the north-western and north-eastern search has thus
been brouglit down to Hudson's tim_e. We have
now to sum up the result of all these expeditions,
and to see when and by whom the various coasts had
been discovered and explored. Afterwards we shall
have to inquire how the geographical results gained
by these voyages presented themselves to the minds
of Hudson and of his contemporaries. The voyages
which we have recorded were nearly all directed to
the arctic regions. In summing them up, we shall
have to wander half round the North Pole. It seems
best to begin where our review of the voyages ended,
namely, on the north-eastern extremity of Europe.

The Nova Zembla (/roup and the adjoining waters
had formed the scene of frequent voyages. Some of
the mariners had penetrated into the Sea of Kara,
and had fought glorious battles against its redoubt-

Cxlii INTUODUCTION.

able icefields. Oliver Brunei had, about 1580, even
passed beyond the Kara Sea, exploring the Rus-
sian shore on the land side, from the mouth of the
Petchora to the mouth of the Oby. A still more
extraordinary feat is recorded of an English vessel,
which, about the same period, performed the voyage
from the Petchora to the Oby by sea. The eastern
shore of the Kara Sea had, besides, been touched by
the Enchuysen and Zeeland vessels of the first Dutch
expedition in 1594. These are the explorations in
the southern and south-eastern part of the Kara Sea.
Its northern, or rather north-western, part had been
entered in 1594, and still farther in 1596, by William
Barents. Thus a part of the south-eastern and of
the north-eastern shores of Nova Zembla had been
visited. The remaining part of the east coast had
never been touched by Europeans. The only navi-
gable strait between the islands, that between Nova
Zembla Proper and Vaigats, had been discovered by
Burrough in 1556. The strait between Vaigats and
the Russian coast had become perfectly familiar both
to the English and the Dutch. It had been disco-
vered by Pet and Jackman in 1580, and about the
same time by Brunei. Nine Dutch vessels passed
through it in 1594 and 1595. Some vague know-
ledge of other straits and bays had also been acquired,
mostly by indirect information. The west coast
of Nova Zembla had been visited, in its northern
part, by Burrough and Pet, in its southern part by
Barents, who had also rounded the northern point,
and had, as already stated, entered the Kara Sea by

INTRODUCTION. CXlUl

the north-cast. He liad thcro discovered the Orange
Ishmds, off the north-east coast of Nova Zembla.

The whole Russian coast, along the Spitzbergen
and White Sea, had frequently been visited. Kolguev
Island, west of the Petchora, had been touched by
most of the eastward bound mariners. The group of
inhospitable islands on the boundary line of eternal
ice, between 80° and 76", which we call SpiLvhcrgcn^
had been found in 1596, and the western shores of
the two western islands had been explored. In the
same year, 1596, Bear Island, south of the western
islands of the S[)itzbergen group, had been touched
on its western, and again on its eastern side.

Iceland, the next country we fall in with, had been
colonized by the ancient Scandinavians. In more
recent times, it had very frequently been visited by
Englishmen and other mariners from the south,
though the expeditions which we have narrated had
not touched it, because it lies out of the track both
of the north-western and the north-eastern search.
Two vessels, dispatched on this special service by
Davis in 1586, had sought for a passage to the North
Pole between Iceland and Greenland, and had thus
sailed along the east side of the great arctic con-
tinent. They had, however, not touched Greenland
itself.

Greenland had been colonized, on its eastern side,
by the Scandinavians. These colonies had been lost,
and their inhabitants had perhaps not even left
any descendants. They seem to have been visited
by John of Kolno, in 1476, and in the sixteenth

II ''

i f

Cxliv INTRODUCTION.

century by their bishops and by Blefkenius. No
recent navigator had touched any part of the east-
ern shore, except near the southern point. John
Davis explored the south-eastern coast of Green-
land, between 60° and 61°. He also rounded the
southern point, and sailed up along the western side
to about 61°. This portion of the west coast had also
been touched by Frobisher, ten years before Davis.
Between 61° and 64° the west coast had never been
seen since the time of the Scandinavians. From 64°
up to 73° it had been surveyed by Davis in 1585,
1586, and 1587.

Davis' Slrait had first been crossed by the ancient
Scandinavians, at a very remote period. It had again
been discovered by Sebastian Cabot in 1517. The
American side of Davis' Strait was known to the
Scandinavians. Cabot also found it when he entered
the strait in 1517. The shore between 64° and
67° 30' is laid down upon his map. Davis had
reached nearly the same latitude, at least within a
degree. He had also explored the whole American
coast down to 52°, had entered three of the inlets:
Cumberland Inlet in 63° ; Davis' Inlet in bQ° ; Ivuc-
toke Inlet in 54° 30' ; he had also surveyed the
mouths of Frobisher's and of Hudson's Straits.

Frobisher s Strait and the surrounding islands had
been found by the seaman whose name the strait bears.
Hudson's Strait had been disco veied by Sebastian
Cabot in 1498. The Portuguese had sailed through
it and had become acquainted with part of Hudson's
Bay between 1558 and 1569. In 1577 Frobisher

'.\

INTRODUCTION. Cxlv

had by chance entered the strait. In 1602 Wey-
mouth had sailed nearly a hundred leagues into it,
from Ilatton's Headland to the neighbourhood of
Hope's Advance Bay.

The whole east coast of North America from 38°
north to the mouth of Hudson's Strait, had been
surveyed by Sebastian Cabot in 1498, and part of
it before, in 1497, by his father and him. Others
had rediscovered various parts. Thus the east of
Newfoundland had been explored by Cortereal in
1501 ; the south coast, by some fishers from Nor-
mandy and Brittany in 1504 and 1508. The mouth
of the St. Lawrence had also been visited by Corte-
real and by these French mariners. The river, nearly
up to the lakes, and all the surrounding country, had
been thoroughly explored by Jacques Cartier in 1534
and 1535, and afterwards by Roberval and Cartier.

The sandhanJcs near the mouth of the St. Latv-
rence, and the fishing stations along the Newfound-
land coast, were frequented by the English, Portu-
guese, French, and Spaniards. From the mouth of
the St. Lawrence down to 38° of latitude various ' {

navigators had explored the coasts. Verazzano, in
1524, sailed from latitude 34° to latitude 50°, always
along the shore. Gomez, in 1525, explored the coast
of Rhode Island, New York, and New Jersey. Both
Verazzano and Gomez found the mouth of Hudson
River. The Spaniards afterwards sailed along that
shore, and marked some of its principal points as con-
venient stations. Two of the islands along the same
coast were also found ; Martha's Vineyard (which the

CXlvi INTRODUCTION.

ancient Scandinavians are also said to have visited)
by Vcrazzano ; Nantucket by the Spaniards.

It docs not belong to our purpose to proceed any
further. But we may observe, that on the west side
of North America, the whole coast, from the isthmus
up to 45°, had been explored by the Spaniards. It
had also been satisfiictorily ascertained that no strait
or passa(;e across America exists, between the Strait
of Magellan and the regions of which we have spoken.

When thus reviewing the labours of the early
navigators, we may well admire the activity that had
been displayed during the first century of modern
exploration. We must not, however, suppose that
these navigators had acquired a complete knowledge
of the conformation of the coasts explored by them,
and had communicated this knowledge to their con-
temporaries, making it the common property of the
civilized world. Had they been able and willing to
do this, little would have been left for after times to
accomplish. But their method and means of obser-
vation were very different from those which have
since been developed, and the narrow and selfish ten-
dencies of the age led to secresy and isolation. The
immediate results which they themselves obtained,
though doubtless of the very greatest importance, were
not nearly so satisfactory as would be imagined by any
one not acquainted with the state of science in those
times. The principal obstacle against which all the
early geographers had to struggle, was the impossi-
bility of observing longitudes. This difficulty has
not even yet been completely conquered, and we find

■-- ■ ^'

INTRODUCTION. CxlvU

in this respect very considerable discrepancies between
the surveys of different navigators of the present day.
But in those times longitudes were hardly calculated
at all. Many journals of early voyages, those of
Hudson among others, do not contain a single indi-
cation of longitudes. Davis made one or two calcu-
lations of this kind ; yet even he committed such
mistakes, that he was wrong by at least ten degrees.
The nearest approach to correct longitudes is to be
found in some of Sebastian Cabot's surveys. He
himself affirmed that these calculations were based
on his observations of the variation of the needle ;
but his assertion can hardly be strictly true. His ex-
perience, great though it was, cannot have furnished
him with a sufficient number of facts to base upon
them complete and satisfactory conclusions with re-
gard to this absorbing question. As regards his sys-
tem itself, he has left a few vague indications, which
prove that he had observed the dip of the needle as
well as its variation, and had tried to account for both.
But how the system which he had formed could enable
him to calculate the longitude of the mouth of Hud-
son's Strait correctly, within one or two degrees, as he
has done, cannot well be explained. Perhaps this
correctness was obtained merely by chance.

However this may be, Cabot certainly did not im-
part any such knowledge to others, and even now the
navigator is unable to ascertain longitudes by the
variation and dip of the needle. As regards lati-
tudes, the system of calculating them is so simjile,
that we find nearly correct observations made in tlic

Cxlviii INTRODUCTION.

very earliest times. Still the imperfect state of the
instruments which the early navigators made use of
caused mistakes of several minutes to be committed in
perhaps every instance. Errors even of half a degree
can be distinctly proved. Besides, in the high lati-
tudes, it was often for days impossible to make any
observations, on account of the almost permanent
clouds and fogs. Then we have only the dead reckon-
ing left, which is perfectly unreliable in a region noted
for its strong, varying, and often unaccountable cur-
rents. These were not the only obstacles to correct
geographical knowledge. The modern discoveries
could only be regarded as improvements upon the
ancient stock of information. The vague indications
of classic and mediaeval writers had, as we have above
stated, been made the foundation for geographical sys-
tems, for maps and charts, in which as implicit faith
was placed, in spite of mutual contradictions, as we
now place in our best surveys. These mediaeval de-
lineations could not fail to exercise their influence on
modern geography. There are also to be found, on
the maps of the sixteenth century, such territories as
the Island of Demons^ and other fantastic lands. From
all these discordant elements, and under these dis-
advantages, the maps that were current in Hudson's
time had been made up. Before we enter upon our
review of these delineations, we must state who were
the men to whom they are due.

The modern system of map making may be said
to have originated in Belgium, about the year 1550.
It is a combination of two different methods, both of

INTRODUCTION. Cxlix

which had sprung up during the memorable period
which forms the transition from the middle ages to
the modern era. The intellectual movement of that
epoch had, among other new births, also produced the
first majis and the first charts. These two kinds of
geographical delineations were, in the beginning, as
different from each other as they both differed from
the rude geographical drawings of the middle ages.
The maps were the work of landsmen, the charts almost
exclusively of seamen.^ There were also other con-
siderable differences between the maps and charts.
The maps answered purposes somewhat similar to
those forwhich maps of towns are now designed. They
were confined to limited tracts of country, and were
intended to show the relative positions of well-known
cities, villages, rivers, and mountains. Degrees of
latitude and longitude were not strictly needed, and
were also not to be found in them. They were all
isolated productions, without any connexion or har-
mony among them. These maps had already be-
come very numerous ; in 1570 nearly a hundred had
been engraved ; many more were then probably in ' » ^

manuscript. The charts, on the contrary, embraced
an immense expanse of sea and land. Few of them
could be the isolated productions of single geogra-
phers, for they necessarily were based on collections
of various materials. In Portugal and Spain, the
two principal countries to which we owe the import-
ant early charts, the profession of making them was

' This observation, and some of the following details, arc due
to M. Lclcwel's Gcoyrapfiie du Moyen Aye.

Cl INTRODUCTION

a privilege confined to a few highly placed indivi-
duals, who were bound to secresy. They received
from the arriving explorers such new communica-
tions as might serve to correct the charts, and they
made admirable use of their opportunities. Such men
as D-L la Cosa, Sebastian Cabot, Ribeiro, Homem, are
among the Spanish and Portuguese chart makers.
Their position was similar to that now held by the
hydrographers to the European and American admi-
ralties. In France the position of chart maker seems
not to have been an official one ; yet there are also
some great names among those of the French who
followed this occupation.^ These hydrographers of
the sixteenth century were mostly seamen. Their
works consist principally of two kinds, planispheres,
and the so-called ijortolwu. Both of them were still,
in many parts, based upon the system of Ptolemy,
of which they professed to be improvements. The
planispheres were laid down upon somewhat uncer-
tain principles of projection. The same may be said
of the portolani^ which corresponded in their charac-
ter, and even, in some respects, in their execution,
with the sea atlases which the Dutch produced in
the seventeenth century. The jportolani consist of
several charts, the first of which generally are plani-
spheres. Afterwa^'ds follow charts of single coun-
tries, or of tracts of coast. Sometimes the soundings

' The French charts have the merit of uniting the information
furnished by various nations. They arc, perhaps, more important
tho'i any other class as sources for the history of geography. Some
intercisting facts with regard to early Frencli charts are to be found
in Mr. Major's recent work on Australia.

INTRODUCTION. cll

are given. A history of geographical science may be
traced by the comparison of these charts, wliich ex-
ercised considerable influence upon each other. Most
important in that respect are two delineations, of
^vhicll \ve may be allowed to speak in some detail.
The first of them is the planisphere of Diego E-ibeiro,
geographer to Charles V. This great work furnished
the foundation for nearly all the later delineations
of America. It was composed in 1529; an earlier
draught of 1527 is also in existence; but there the
outline of the New World is much less correct. In
all the early charts which we have been able to com-
pare with that of Ribeiro,^ America is either copied
from it, with or without improvements, or at least
large sections from Hibciro are inserted. This is
especially the case with regard to the neighbourhood
of Hudson's lliver, a region laid down by Ribciro
from Estevan Gomez' survey, and which has been
copied from him by all the early map makers whose
works we have been able to confront with his plani-
sphere, with the only exception of Lok, whose out-
line of the same region is taken from a manuscript
chart of Verazzano.

The other chart we were going to speak of, that of
Sebastian Cabot, is also a planisphere. It was first
published in 1544, with a text in Latin and Spanish;
afterwards again in 1549, with a reprint of tlie Latin
text. Much later, probably after Cabot's death, a
copy was made by Clement Adams, in which the

' Wc have not been able to compare Sebastian Cabot's map
■with it.

Clii INTRODUCTION.

Latin text is corrupted, and a simple and not inele-
gant style turned into a bombastic and unbearable
one. If we can at all trust the descriptions given of
some parts of that chart by "VVilles and Gilbert, the
chart itself must likewise have been altered, for
their details are in flat contradiction with the 1544
edition, a copy of which is preserved in Paris. These
alterations exercised a very considerable influence on
the scheme of the north-western search, as we have
had occasion to notice. The charts^ almost without
exception, and especially those of Ribeiro and Cabot,
have both latitudes and longitudes. Little reliance
can be placed in the longitudes.

It was by a combination of the early maps and the
early charts, that some Belgian scholars of the six-
teenth century founded the modern system of map
making. Placed, as they were, in the centre of trade,
and in a country eminent both in art and industry,
they were best able to undertake this mission. The
first notable man who distinguished himself in this
manner was the Frisian Gemma, who passed nearly
the whole of his life in Belgium. His works are,
however, of no importance for our subject. Far
more celebrated and of real importance for us, are
his two great successors, Gerard Mercator and Abra-
ham Ortelius, whose method, like that of Gemma,
consisted in the combination and arrangement of the
various geographical materials which they procured
from all parts of Europe, paying an equal attention
to charts and to maps. The works of Ortelius and
Mercator that come under our consideration, are the

INTRODUCTION. cHii

great planisphere, In imim naviganthim^ published by
INIercator in 1569, and the maps of America and
Asia, which form part of Ortelius' Orlis tcrrariim,
first published in 1570. Of these we shall presently
have occasion to speak. We must, however, first
conclude our observations on the maps and charts
available when Hudson sailed, by mentioning the
last and most important class. Ilndson's imme-
diate predecessors in the arctic search, Frobisher,
Davis, Linschnten and Barents, had, during their
voyages, not only made the usual written notes, but
had also made draughts of the coasts they had ex-
plored. Frobisher's draught had been published
with one of the accounts of his voyage. Davis'
sketch iiad been inserted in the celebrated Molyneux
globe, which is mentioned by Hakluyt, and of which
there is still a copy in existence in the library of the
Middle Temple. Linschoten's illustrations of Vai-
gats Strait and southern Nova Zembla adorned his ,

descriptions of the two first arctic voyages of the
Dutch. Barents' chart of Nova Zembla appeared in , !

the account of his voyages, and he seems also to have
left a sketch of Spitzbergen, which Hondius after-
wards made use of.

Having now become familiar with the geographical
delineations at Hudson's disposal, we are able to ex-
amine them as it were with his own eyes, and to see
what he found in them. In doing so we shall avail
ourselves of the two charts in the present work,
the one of which w^as drawn by Jodocus Hondius in
1611, the other by Hudson himself in 1610 and 1611.

Cliv INTRODUCTION.

They do not embrace all the coasts which wo sliall
have to travel over, and \\c must, for the rest, refer the
reader to other sources. As far as the two cliarts do
reach, they furnish a true and plastic expression of
Hudson's geographical notions.

Hudson's ideas, as far at least as they are known,
were all concentrated on the searcli for a short nortli-
ern route to China. If we, therefore, wish to identify
ourselves with him in exanuning the geographical
delineations that were at his dis[)osal, we must, in
doing so, always keep in view the chances of a north-
eastern or north-western passage, wliicli these maps
and charts seemed to promise. AVe must principally
bear in mind that both the north-eastern and the
north-western passage are in reality impracticable,
and that only mistaken notions with regard to the
conformation of the arctic shores could lead to hopes
of realizing these schemes.

AVhen we compare the chart of Ilondius in our
collection with a modern map, we find nowhere
greater discrepancies than in the nnrth-cast. These
discrepancies are the worthier of notice, as they ex-
actly re})resent Hudson's mistakes, and explain why
he thought the north-eastern passage possible. Hon-
dius' delineation of those parts is so erroneous, that
a minute comparison with a modern map could not
be seriously undertaken. The two most striking
errors are, however, these. He places, in latitude
73°, a promontory called Cape Tabin^ for the exist-
ence of which, according to Hondius' statement,
Pliny is the only authority. Hondius adds, that the

INTRODUCTION. clv

real situatior. of Capo Tabin is unknown, and that
its existence is iir.iirobable. " According to the most
recent information," says he, " that has been brouglit
from China, it seems likely that Asia does not reach
farther northward than to the fiftieth degree of lati-
tude." Now, in reality, there are two capes close to
each other in the region where Cape Tabin is here
placed, namely. Cape Taimur, about 75" 30', and Cape
Severo-Vostochnoi, about 78°. The whole north coast
of Siberia, with the only exception of its most east- ,

ern part, lies above the seventieth degree of latitude.
So there is in Hundius' estimates a mistake of twenty-
eiglit degrees as regards the most northern point, and
a mistake of twenty degrees as regards the general
line of coast of Siberia.

Hudson's mistakes with respect to these regions
were perhaps not so exaggerated. His ideas were ,

most probably in conformity with those of Mercator
and Ortelius, who place Cape Tabin even farther i

north than Cape Taimur really lies. Beyond Cape
Tabin there is, however, even in their maps, no , I

serious obstacle for an eastward bound vessel. The ,, '

coast slopes rapidly southwards to Japan and China, j

and the whole difficulty of the north-eastern passage
seems therefore conquered when once Cape Tabin is
passed. This notion, which is almost as erroneous
as that which Hondius entertained, was undoubtedly
shared by Hudson.^

The second glaring mistake consists in the erro-

' Hudson calls Cape Tabin the North Cape of Tartary ; Ortelius
calls it Promontoritim Scythicum. See p. 36, note 1.

Clvi INTRODUCTION.

neous situation of the mouth of the Oh>/. This river
was generally considered as a kind of first stage in
the north-eastern search, and to reach or pass it was
justly thought a great achievement. Now Linschoten
and his companions had spread the erroneous notion
that the mouth of the Oby is situated in the bottom of
Kara Bay, at a small distance from the south of
Nova Zembla. The mouth of the Oby seemed, there-
fore, to be in a recess, which need not be touched by
the navigator on his way to the east. This error has
been adopted by Hondius. Hudson also shared it,
as appears clearly from an observation in the de-
scription of his second voyage.^

The place where the Oby empties itself into the
Arctic Ocean lies, however, in reality three or four
degrees eastward from the Sea of Kara, and five de-
grees farther north than the bottom of that sea. It
is separated from the Kara Sea by a peninsula, which
none of the early navigators was able to double, al-
though many attempted it. One of the most diflficult
parts of the road to the east was thus suppressed in
the intelligence which Hudson received. Had he
known how much the geographers were mistaken with
regard to these two points, he would scarcely have
wasted so ranch of his energies on his hopeless under-
taking.

We now leave the extreme east of Hondius' map

and proceed westward. AVe arrive at the northern

shore of Russia, the outline of which Hondius seems

to have borrowed from Ortelius, who again had ob-

^ P. 36, the passage to which note 1 refers.

INTRODUCTION. clvil

taincd it from one of tlic ciuly maps wo have been
speaking of. This outline, though of course fiiulty,
is yet far from being so incorrect as to give rise to
serious errors. Hudson, moreover, never visited this
sliore.

To the north of the Kussian coast we perceive, on
Ilondius' chart, the Nova Zcmhla group. \\c have
aheady called attention to the fact, that the ice in the
Sea of Kara had prevented the exploration of the
greater part of the east coast of Nova Zembla. 'V\n%
explains the want of a coast line on that side.^ There
are, besides, some other momentous defects in this
delineation, which is a reduced copy of the above-
mentioned chart of Nova Zembla left by Willem
Barents. The principal defect is that Nova Zembla
appears as one island, not as a group of islands with
straits between them. The frozen straits north and
south of Matthew's Land are not even indicated. I

Burrough's Strait appears as a bay (St. Laurent's «

Bay.) On the other hand a real bay, that of Kostin
Shar (here called Kostintsarck) looks like a partly
explored strait. If we would understand Hudson's <

second voyage, we must not lose sight of the fact that <i

he used this outline of the Nova Zembla coast, which
had found its way not only into the most approved
Dutch, but also into the most accredited English
geographical draughts, such as, for instance, the cele-
brated Molyneux globe. It appeared to Hudson that
there were only three chances of passing Nova Zem-
bla, namely, by the north, by the south, and, perhaps^
^ This coast line has not even yet been completed.

f »

Clviii INTRODUCTION.

through Kostin Shar. Knowing how often the at-
tempts in the two former directions had failed, he
tried a search in the third direction, and then found
Barents' mistake. We may, perhaps, here say that, in
pointing out the errors of Barents which misled Hud-
son, we do not intend to blame the great Dutch navi-
gator. The mistakes were unavoidable, as must be
seen by any one who has read the narrative of his
voyages ; and it is not certain whether the chart
which we have been commenting upon is the work
of Barents or that of De Veer.

Proceeding farther to the west, on Hondius' chart
we fall in with two islands, 3fats>jn, in 75°, and
Willoughhys Land^ in 72°. Neither of these islands
has a real existence. They are, as it were, delu-
sive duplicates of Matthew's Land and Nova Zem-
bla proper, two of the islands of the Nova Zembla
group. These duplicates owe their origin to a
delusion, which the impossibility of calculating longi-
tudes necessarily engendered. It was, in fact, un-
avoidable, that sometimes, at least, the same coast
should appear twice in the sLm.8 map, once farther
east, once farther west, though in the same latitude.
For how could it be proved that two points, both under
nearly the same degree, that had been touched by
two different vessels, really belonged to the same
shore ? Matsyn Island is thus nothing more than a
western repetition, a Doppelgiinger, as Germans would
say, of Matthew's Land. The latitude is identical,
so is also the name. Matsyn is a corruption of the
Russian 3Iathugshin (Matthew's). It does not clearly

INTRODUCTION. clix

appear when INIatsyn Island was first introduced into
maps and charts.

WillDughbu s Land is cveii with greater certainty to
be considered a kind of western du[)licate of Nova
Zeinbla Proper. Tliis has been proved over and over
again by recent writers, the most satisfactorily by
INIr. Uundall.^ On tlie chart wliich Hudson used
during- liis second voyage, '>Villoughby's Land seems
to have been laid down in the same latitude as it is
here, but somewhat nearer to the coast of Nova /em-
bla. Hudson had some doubts with regard to the
correctness of this information, but he wit's certainly
very far from imagining how extraordinary a tlieory
would soon spring up, to be made use of in a note to
his words in the printed copy of his journal. " AVil-
loughby's Land," says Purchas in his note, " a con-
ceit of cardmAers, it seeming to be no other than
Newland."^ Purchas is as much mistaken as the
cardmaJcers. The idea that the country discovered by
Willoughby in 15j3 is Ncwland (Spitzbergen), did
not, however, originate with Purchas. Its origin
must be placed between the years 1608 and 1G13.
At the time of Hudson's second vo) age, in 1608, a
notion similar to the one expressed on Hondius'
chart still prevailed in England. In 1613 the new
notion that Willoughby had discovered Spitzbergen
had already become the foundation of the claim of
the Muscovy Company to the exclusive right of fisli-

1 Introduction to his Vuyugcs to the North-west, edited for the
Hakhiyt Society, pp. i-viii.

- P. 40, and marginal note to the same page, Ncivland is Spitz-
bergen.

Clx INTRODUCTION.

ing along the Spitzbergen coast. The precise date
when the discovery was invented seems to have been
the year 16 12, and its inventor^ a man named Daniel^
perhaps (?) the poet and historian, Samuel Daniel.

To the west of the llussian coast we find on Ilon-
dius' chart the northern parts of Scandinavia. No
better proof of the progress which geography liad
already made could possibly be offered. This nearly
correct outline is a combination of various sources,
maps and charts. The following points on the shore

^ Willoughby's pretended discovery was got lip to furnish a
snfficicnt ground for the English claim to the exclusive possession
of the Spit/.bergen fisheries. Tlie abundance of morses and whales
near Spitzbergcn had been first pointed out by Hudson in 1607.
Three years afterwards, in IGIO, Poole went there to fish for
morses. In the following year, 1611, Edge founded the whale
fisheries. In 1612 the Dutch made their appearance at these
fisheries to have tlicir share in them. In 1613 the English Mus-
covy Company obtained a roj-al charter excluding all others, natives
and foreigners, from the Spitzbergcn fisheries, on the ground of
AVilloughby's pretended discovery. There is every reason to be-
lieve that the discovery had been invented for the occasion. The
following circumstance points to Daniel as the inventor. In the
celebrated Dutch collection of voyages, Begin ende Voortgang von
lie Oust Indlsche Cunipayniv, there is a copy of a map of Spits-
bergen by Daniel, published in London in 1612. Now the Dutch
writers, Hessel Gerritz and Peter Plancius, replied in 161.3 to some
English work where the discovery of Spitzbergcn by Willoughby
was maintained ; and it is therefore but natural to suppose, that
the map of Spitzbergcn of 1612, and the book or writing replied
to by the Dutch, had both the same author, namely, Daniel. How-
soever this may be, it is certain that the idea originated between
Hudson's second voyage (1608) and 1613. Samuel Daniel died
in 1619. He is not known to have written about Spitzbergcn, nor
about any similar subject.

...L.

INTRODUCTION. clxi

deserve particular notice : Wardhuys (Wardliuus) in
Lapland ; the North Kien and North Cape, the two
most northern points ; Sanien, an island in latitude
69°, which is here placed in latitude 70" (it is gene-
rally called Seynam by the early navigators) ; Loftbet,
one of the group of islands which we now call Lof-
foden Islands, probably from a generalization of the
name, which at first belonged only to one of them.
All these places are mentioned in Hudsoa's log-
books.

North of Scandinavia we find Bear Island, and to
the north of Bear Island, Nleiiland (Spitzbergen).
Bear Island, or t'Beeren Island, as it is here called,
was discovered by Barents in 1590, and visited by
Stephen Bennett in 1603. Bennett, claiming a new
discovery, gave it a new name, and called it Cherie's
Island, after his patron, Francis Cheric. Under the
latter name it is known to Hudson.

The relative position of Bear Island and Spitzbergen
is faulty. Bear Island ought to have been farther east.
The error has arisen from a mistake made by Barents
and Ilyp in estimating the course they were sailing.
The same mistake has also found its way into the de-
scription of their voyage, and has induced Dr. Beke
and Mr. Petermann to ascribe to them the circumna-
vigation of Spitzbergen.

The delineation of Bpitzbergen on Hondius' map is,
for our purpose, the most important part of it, and for a
double reason. A number of passages in the logbook
of Hudson's first voyage, prove that he made use of
a chart of Spitzbergen. The country had, up to 1607,

Clxii INTRODUCTION.

been visited only once, namely, by Barents and Ryp
in 1596; and we have therefore cause to think that
there existed but one chart of it, and that Hudson's
chart must have been like the one which Hondius
has copied. The second point of interest is still
stronger. Some of Hudson's own discoveries have
been introduced into this part of Hondius' map ;
namely, Colin's Cape, Hakluyt's Headland, part of
the northern shore of Spitzbergen, and the great ice
barrier between Spitzbergen and Greenland. There
is so much vagueness and error in the way in which
the information received from Hudson has been em-
bodied in the map, that the communication between
him and Hondius must have been merely oral. The
outline itself embraces but the western and part
of the northern shore of Spitzbergen. It is correct
enough in its general features, but sadly defective in
its details. Charles' Island, the western foreland,
seems to form part of the mainland. The strait be-
tween the two lands is represented as a bay. These
two principal mistakes had alone a considerable influ-
ence on Hudson's explorations. It would be an
ungrateful task to dwell on the numerous minor defi-
ciencies.

In the south-western corner of Hondius' chart we
find Denmark, Holland, part of England and Scotland,
the Shetland and the Faroer Islands. They are all
drawn with approximative accuracy. The faults
which do exist in their position and outlines had no
influence on Hudson's movements.

We now arrive at the nortli-western border of

■i*a

INTRODLXTION. clxiil '

Ilondius' chart. The same coasts that we find there \

are also drawn on the chart of Henry Hudson. Hud- •

son's chart is only by a few months later than the |

one of Hondius, and yet the improvements are very
great. They are mostly due to Hudson's last voyage,
during which the chart was laid down. Nowhere,
indeed, were improvements more urgently needed.
Hondius' draught of these north-western parts is
combined from the most incongruous materials. It
represents, however, the geographical dogma of the
age, and agrees with the notions which Hudson him-
self entertained before his own explorations procured
him better insight. It is impossible to understand
the meaning of these indications, and their influence
on Henry Hudson, without throwing a cursory glance
over the past history of the geography of those regions.
This history is so curious that it deserves, on its own

account, the reader's attention.

I
We have before observed that many arctic shores ,

had been visited by the ancient Scandinavians, and
that colonies had been founded in Iceland and Green- *

land. The Iceland colony still exists. The Green- i •

land settlements, however, on the eastern side of the
great arctic continent have not been visited for cen-
turies, and the last descendants of the ancient colo-
nists are likely to have perished many long years ago.
Still there is some exaggeration in the prevailing
opinion, that no communication between those parts
and the rest of Europe has taken place since the end
of the fourteenth century. There is reason to think
that down to the first half of the sixteenth century

clxiv INTRODUCTION.

the shore of East Greenland was occasionally visited
by the Scandinavians. The testimony which tends
to prove these occasional visits has the appearance of
being reliable. That intercourse was entirely limited
to Scandinavians. The rest of Europe was little
acquainted with the existence of the arctic coun-
tries, and it is only in much later times that
accurate accounts of the early northern discoveries
were introduced into the general stock of European
knowledge. But these great facts could not, even
during the middle ages, remain entirely hidden.
Various rumours respecting Greenland reached the
south of Europe before the end of the fifteenth cen-
tury. Their influence on the geographical deline-
ations of the arctic regions and on early expedi-
tions was very considerable. By far the most im-
portant geographical communication of this kind is
the celebrated chart which was published with the
account of the voyage of the brothers Zeni. Every
reader of geographical researches knows that, in
1558, a small volume was published in Venice, con-
taining a most romantic narrative of the voyage of
two Venetian brothers, belonging to the great Zoni
family. They are reported to have visited, in lf387,
several arctic countries, among which Frisland^ En-
groncland, Iceland^ and Fstottland aro the most notable.
This curious book was, as we have said, accompanied
by a chart, on which the above-mentioned countries
were drawn. The original of that chart was in ex-
istence at a recent period, and it is certain that it
was an old portolano belonging to the Zeno arcl lives.

i'\

intkoi)U(;tion. clxv

''rl

On its origin, as well as that of the book, and the \

authenticity of both, various conflicting opinions '\

have been advanced, and defended with very consi- ]

derable learning and ingenuity. No very satisfactory i

result has as yet been obtained. For our purpose ■

this question of authenticity is entirely unavailing.
What, however, deserves our most serious considera-
tion is this. The Zeni chart, whether authentic or
not, exhibits a far better outline of Greenland and
Iceland than any other known map published or
drawn before 1558.

The Zeni chart was of Scandinavian origin. It
has never been, and, indeed, cannot be, considered
as a mere fiction. Of tliis the reader of the present
volume has the proof before his eyes. Ncarhj the ■whole
north-tvestcrn part of Hondiiis' map is cxactbj copied
from the chart of the Zeni. On comparing, especially
the outline of Greenland with a modern map of that
country, the reader will be struck with surprise at
the accuracy of the ancient delineation. If the Zeni
chart be really a work of the fourteenth century,
the delineation of Greenland upon it can, without
hesitation, be pronounced the best geographical
drawing that was then in existence. When examin-
ing this remarkable production, we are strongly re-
minded of the narratives of modern explorers, in
which tlie wonderful capacity of the Esquimaux for
tracing the courses of rivers and the lines of a coast
is extolled. To this source we probably owe, of
course indirectly, the outline of Greenland on the
Zeno chart. TViis outline has been found sufficiently

■(■

Clxvi INTRODUCTION.

accurate to serve as a basis for later improvements,
and on it all modern maps of the country are founded.
Some parts of the east coast are even now drawn on
all maps from the medicBval survey, having never
since been approached. But the old Zeni chart seems
to have been a compilation made up from materials
of very unequal value. The outline of Iceland is in-
ferior to that of Greenland. Frisland is so strangely
drawn, that only the name of the country and of
some places upon it, and the fact that no other
country can be meant, have led geographers to iden-
tify it with the Faroer Islands. The relative posi-
tion of these countries, and their position also with
relation to Scandinavia, Britain, and Iceland, is ex-
tremely defective. When the Zeni chart was pub-
lished, degrees of longitude and latitude were to be
found upon it. They had not been on the original,
and had, according to the opinion of a most compe-
tent judge, Mr. Lelewel, been but recently introduced.
These degrees added very considerably to the errors of
the chart. The influence of the new source of mistake
was, however, less strong in some parts, stronger in
others. Iceland is but one degree too far north.
Frisland, however, is entirely out of its place. The
southern point of Greenland is in latitude 65", instead of
latitude 60°. This last mistake has had such singular
consequences that too much attention cannot be paid
to it.

The chart of the Zeni, such as it was, was received
as perfectly authentic by all contemporary geogra-
phers. Ortelius and Mercator made use of it. It is

■\i

INTRODUCTION. clxvii ]

also expressly stated that Frobishcr took it with him 1

on his north-western voyages. He was, by means of

this chart, led into great mistakes. He fell in with

Greenland, the 4th of July, 1577, and the 20th of

June, 1578, both times under about 61°. Having but

the Zeni cliart to guide him, he could not suppose

that the country was Greenland. He mistook it for

F/'island, and put down, in 1577, after four days

exploration, that the coast and the chart agreed very

well. This he further confirmed the next year, and

Frisland had in this manner acquired a legitimate

existence.

Davis also fell in with Greenland in 61°. He at
once recognized that this was not Frisland. But
having no reason to think that this country, which
was several degrees farther south than the Engrone-
land of the Zeni chart, was really identical with it,
he considered it as his own new discovery, and called .

it Desolation. We have seen, in the narrative of his »

voyage, that his course along the Greenland shore
was always nearly the same. He first approached : '

the coast near the southern promontory, then left it, i.

and again approached it under 64°. He seems never
to have been conscious of the continuity of coast
between the 62nd and 64th degree. He tlierefore
considered Desolation as an Island south of Grone-
land.

Another source of mistakes, furnished by the
vagueness of Frobisher's accounts, enabled Davis to
give the finishing stroke to this singular web of
errors. The finished picture has been copied into

Clxviii INTRODUCTION.

Hondius' chart from the great AFolyneiix globe, where
it was first drawn by Davis. On both delineations
we find, to the south of Groncland, a strait, and to the
south of that strait the Island of Desolation. The
strait is called Frobisher's Fret, and on both sides of
it are marked tlie places whicli Frobisher had ex-
plored. So Frobisher's Strait had been carried to
Greenland, and was now leading from the Atlantic
into Davis' Strait.^ This egregious mistake had been
committed by one of the greatest arctic explorers.
Can it be wondered at that Hudson, when sailing
along the east coast of Greenland in 63° N., believed
himself to be athwart Frobisher's Strait "?

This, then, is the shape in which Greenland ap-
peared. Between 60° and 62° the Island of Desola-
tion ; between 62° and 63° Frobisher's Strait, leading
from the Atlantic to Davis' Strait ; from 63° to 75°,
the Engroneland of the Zeni. Close to Engroneland,
Iceland. West of Desolation, Frisland. We have
here again the same country (South Greenland) laid
down twice, from modern exploration alone ; as
Frisland from Frobisher's, as Desolation from Davis^
survey. South Greenland, moreover, appears a third
time as the south of Engroneland, from the misunder-
stood mediceval survey of the Scandinavians.

We must now again refer to the Zeni chart.
Hondius has not copied the whole of it. In the

^ There can be no doubt as to the real locality of Frobisher' a
Strait, which is where modern maps place it. Every doubt must
be removed by a comparison oi Best's delineation of the strait with
Ortelius' map of America.

iNTUonucTiois. clxix

i
original delineation, the coast of Engroncland stretches
far eastward, to those regions where Hudson's ice bar- ^

rier and where the Spitzbergen islands are situated. '

The discoverers of Spitzbergen were thus induced to
think that theirs was no new discovery ; but that they
had simply touched a part of the Greenland or Entjrone-
land which they found indicated on their charts. Ac-
cordingly, they called these coasts Greenland. Hudson,
who made use of a Dutch chart of Spitzbergen, pre-
served the appellations, which soon became general ;
though two other names were also received, Spitz-
bergen and Newland, or King James his Newland.
The two iormer names, Greenland and Spitzbergen,
are still applied to the group. As to the real, or
Avestern Greenland, Hudson designates it by a name
nearly identical with the Engronelp id of the Zeni
map. He calls it Groneland. We cannot understand
his logbooks without bearing in mind that this Grone-
land is Greenland ; whilst his Greenland is Spitz-
bergen.

To the south-east of Frisland, we meet on Hudson's
chart Bus Island, the offspring of an illusion different ,,

from those which have occupied us so long. The
Busse of Bridgewater, one of Frobisher's ships, had
met in latitude 57° one of the immense icefields which
annually drift out of Davis' Strait. Mistaking it for
an island, they had given it the name of Busse
island. For this country both Hudson and John
Knight sought in vain.

When we round the southern point of Greenland
and arrive on the w estern side, we pass from illusions.

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clxX INTRODUCTION.

conjectures, and misunderstandings, to good, though
perhaps not yet entirely accurate, knowledge. The
southern part of Greenland, up to 61°; and, again,
the west coast between 64° and 73°, had been explored
by Davis, and drawn by him for the Molyneux globe.
From this globe, or from other copies of Davis' survey,
the outline of these shores had passed into all good
maps and charts. These shores appeared to Hudson in
the almost correct shape which Davis had given them.
The same maybe said with regard to the American side
of Davis' Strait, from 66° southwards. The mouths
of the inlets, and the configuration of Cumberland
Strait, especially, are drawn with great accuracy
on the Molyneux globe. Hudson's Strait, which
Hudson had then not yet explored, is by Davis called
The furious overfall; an allusion to the currents in its
mouth, which he likens to streams of water, violently
rushing through the arches of a bridge. Frobisher's
Strait is called Lumleifs Inlet; for Davis thought
that the real Strait of Martin Frobisher cut off
Desolation from Greenland. Both these names, The
furious overfall^ and Lumleifs Inlet^ are to be found in
Hudson's logbooks.

AVe would now gladly pass over all the other
maps and charts of these regions which were at
Hudson's disposal. But we must allude to two of
them, which undoubtedly exercised some influence
on his thoughts, namely, Cabot's planisphere and
Ortelius' America. Of neither of these could we give
a full idea by mere description. But the leading
features can easily be described. Two points are to

INTRODUCTION. clxXl

be noticed in Ortelius' map of America. The first is
the great fact which we have repeatedly mentioned
— the fact that Hudson's Bay is drauni upon that
map^ — very imperfectly, it is true, but still clearly
enough to convince contemporaries of its existence
and later times of its anterior exploration. It is
called by Ortelius Baia dos Mcdaos. Out of it leads,
to the northward, into a broad western passage, a
wide strait or stream, called Rio de Tormenta. The
passage itself runs out into the Pacific, very nearly
under the same degree where the western mouth of
the real north-west passage is situated. This, how-
ever, has its origin in a singularly happy guess. No
vessel had ever approached so high a latitude. We
may, perhaps, also mention that Grocland, the
Greenland of John of Kolno, is, by Ortelius, drawn
as an island in the north-west passage.

As to Cabot's planisphere, two facts only need be
mentioned. Part of the western shore of Davis'
Strait was drawn upon it, even up to a higher lati-
tude than Davis himself had reached on the Ameri-
can side of his strait. Further, it appears that in the
adulterated copy of Cabot's map, which Clement
Adams had caused to be engraved, Hudson's Strait
was indicated as a passage across America, opening
into the Pacific under about 40° or 45°. One of these
adulterated maps was, in Hudson's time, hung up
in Whitehall Gallery. It had been seen there in
Elizabeth's reign by Hakluyt, and was afterwards
inspected by Purchas. Attention had so frequently
been drawn to this celebrated planisphere, by Gil-

clxxii INTRODUCTION.

bert, Haklii) t, and others, that a man like Hudson
would not lose the opportunity of examining it.

The coasts of Labrador^ Newfoundland^ Canada,
Nova Scotia^ and Neiv Brunszvick were, on the maps
and charts of this period, laid down from Portuguese
and French surveys. The importance of these shores
consisted alone in the codfisheries. Great attention
was therefore paid to the sandbanks and shoals,
many of which had French names. The term of Netu-
foundland (Terre Neuve, Terra Nova) was somewhat
vaguely applied to most of these fisheries. Juet,
Hudson's companion in the third voyage, applies it
to a part of coast as far south as 43° 20'.

The New England shore was drawn by Ortelius
from a very imperfect Spanish delineation, into which
some French materials had been introduced, alto-
gether a most unsatisfactory combination. Hudson
doeii' not seem to have had a better chart at his dis-
posal, although Juet, his companion, makes mention
of Gosnold's voyage (1602). The very terms in which
he speaks of it prove how vague was his knowledge.
Finally, as regards the shores in the immediate neigh-
bourhood of Hudson's river, we have repeatedly
stated that they had been drawn by Estevan Gomez,
copied by llibero, and, from Ribero, with additions
by other geographers. From such a copy, probably
from a French compilation, Ortelius' outline of the
region is taken. This process of copying from copies,
which is known to be dangerous to pictures, could
not fail to exercise a bad influence on geographical
drawings ; especially at that period, where all the

INTRODUCTION. clxxiu

methods of mapmaking were yet in their infancy.
Such is, in fact, the case here. The neighbourhood
of Hudson's river on Ortelius' map is in outline, hiti-
tude and longitude so incorrect, that it requires the
comparison with the sources and a knowledge of its
history to convince us that it is based on a careful
survey. It could offer no assistance to the navigator
who proceeded to these coasts, and the whole labour
of exploration had again to be undergone.

Hudson seems to have had at his disposal another
chart of the same region, which is not by any means
of greater accuracy, though also, and more directly,
based on an original survey. In Hakluyt's Divers
Voyages^ is to be found a planisphere, drawn by
Michael Lok, the well known geographer, who aided
Frobisher with money and advice. This planisphere
is partly based on the explorations of Verazzano,
whose original chart of these coasts had fallen into
Lok's hands. Verazzano had been in England after
his great voyage of discovery ; and is supposed to
have joined the two vessels sent out from here in
1527, as we have had occasion to observe. A copy
of Lok's planisphere is to be found in Mr. J. Winter
Jones' edition of Hakluyt's Divers Voyages.

Lok's chart has one very remarkable feature. The
continent of America appears, in the neighbourhood
of Hudson's river, as a mere strip of land, on the other
side of which the broad Pacific opens. Had Lok
heard of the great Canadian lakes, or had such
information even reached Vet-azzano X This singular
notion, whatever its origin may have been, seems to

clxxiv INTRODUCTION.

have led to Hudson's voyage along these shores, and
to the discovery of Hudson's river.

We have now concluded the geographical review
of the coasts which Hudson visited, and have shown
how they appeared to him and to his contemporaries,
before his own explorations increased the stock of
knowledge, and rectified some of the numerous errors.
We have only two more observations to add to this
part of our subject.

The continuity of the American coast from 35° N.
down to the strait of Magellan, was an undoubted
and long established fact. The search for a strait
must, therefore, be confined to the parts north of 35°
on the eastern side. On the western side an accurate
search had been made by the Spaniards, up to 45°
N., and no strait from west to east had been dis-
covered. A vague rumour was current, that some-
where in the north the A merican and the Asiatic shore
are separated merely by a strait. This notion, which
later explorations have confirmed, had its origin in a
misinterpretation of a passage of Marco Polo. The
celebrated Strait of Anian^ which lias been identified
with the real strait of Cook and Behring, was originally
a mere delusion. It was placed much too far south-
ward ; and the Spanish explorations along the
western coast of North America, caused Hondius to
doubt whether there really was a Strait of Anian.
Some geographers, however, (Frobisher among them),
entertained the very curious notion that the arctic
parts of America formed a continuation of Asia, so
that the Pacific ran out into a bay on its northern

INTRODUCTION. clxXV

side. Frobisher and his companions thought, that
Frobisher's Strait, which they identified with the
Strait of Anian, divided America from Europe.

In the foregoing pages of this introduction, such
explanations have been furnished to the reader as
will enable him to estimate the value of the journals
in which Hudson's doings are recorded. An attempt
has also been made to explain the antiquated
geographical terms and notions which are to be found
in these journals, so as to render them fully in-
telligible to the student of the present day. We
might then consider our task as performed. But
the fragmentary nature of the intelligence which we
have collected, makes it binding upon us to assist
the reader in arranging these fragments, and to clear
away for him the difficulties which may arise from
their mutual contradictions. We have, besides,
some minor points to examine, and to gather those ^

few biographical details which are scattered here and *

there in our sources. These are the objects to which
the last pages of our introduction will be devoted.
To give some kind of unity to these various inquiries, '■ ]

we are going to connect them as much as possible
with Hudson's life. Still we would request the
reader not to mistake these last pages for an intended
biography of Henry Hudson.

The records which we have collected embrace
Hudson's career, from the 19th of April, 1607, four
days previous to his departure on the first north-
eastern voyage, to the 21st of June, 1611, when he
was exposed in an open skiff on the inland sea which

Clxxvi INTRODUCTION.

he liad explored. His ultimate fate, concerning
•which hut too little doubt can exist, has not heej?
■witnessed by human beings that lived to relate it.
We know still less of his birth than of his death.
His doings before the 19th of April, 1607, his family
connections, his social position, are equally unknown
to us. Of his private life we learn but one fact,
namely, that a son of his, a boy named John, accom-
panied him on his voyages and died with him the
same cruel death. The name which he has made
illustrious is not uncommon either among the higher
or the lower classes of this country. Though not borne
by any one of the great territorial families, it belongs
to a number of persons of good estate, especially in
the northern counties. There are clergymen of the
name of Hudson in almost every county in England.
We have no means of knowing whether Henry Hud-
son himself was a gentleman by nature only, or also
by birth. He is repeatedly called " Master Henry
Hudson" in the logbooks ; this would mean as much
as '• Henry Hudson, Esquire," does in our days, were
it used of any one but a seaman. But in Hudson's
case it may, and probably does, mean "Captain Henry
Hudson." The whole question is, however, so trivial,
that it is scarcely worth the space we have devoted
to it, and it need not even be regretted that our sources
leave it without an answer.

When we say that no event of Hudson's career,
before the year 1607, is known, we put entirely
aside the testimony of Adrian van der Donck. This
author relates some events of our navigator's life,

iNTUODUCTiox. clxxvii

uliicli, if they were true, must have taken place
before 1607 ; namely, a prolonged residence in Hol-
land, and several years service on board Dutch vessels.
But wc have above shown that Van der Donck's
account contains a whole tissue of idle inventions,
put forward to prove the Dutch title to New Nether-
land, and that the notice here alluded to is probably
amonii- the number of these inventions.

Hudson's first real appearance on the scene is in
IGOT. The position in which we first meet him was a
most honourable one. He was, in 1007, a captain in
the service of the Muscovy Company, an association
distinguished by the high aims it pursued, the
services it had rendered to the country, and the
eminence of the men who commanded its vessels.
This company s'dW bore the stamp impressed upon it
by Sebastian Cabot. The evils against which the aid
of Cabot's genius had once been invoked, had indeed '

long since been removed. There was now no fear of <

the privileges of the Hanse, nor any ^^nguor in
English commerce. The vast enterprise f the
Muscovy Company itself, and other similar under-
takings for which that company had served as the
model, were carrying England rapidly forward in that
glorious career, in which she was destined to outstrip
all other nations. The company had wisely adhered
to Cabot's precepts. All their enterprise was still
directed towards that quarter of the globe with which
the name of Cabot is so intimately bound up, namely, [

the north. They had not even renounced the idea I

of finding a short northern route to China, although

n a

Clxxviii INTRODUCTION.

the ample returns of the East India Company which
traded by the ordinary route, rendered that discovery
less urgently desirable than it had been in Cabot's
time.

The Muscovy Company had also remained faithful
to the new method which Sebastian Cabot had, for
tlieir benefit, introduced into the science of naviga-
tion. The logbook^ the most admirable of all the
inventions for the furtherance of that science, owed
its origin and development to the Muscovy Com-
pany. IIow greatly navigation and geograpliy are in-
debted to them for this service, appears clearly wdien
we compare Verazzano's account of his voyage to
Hudson's river, with Juet's journal of Hudson's
expedition to the same coasts. We observe Verazzano,
a man of great talent, making painful efforts to
convey a clear meaning, and succeeding but in-
differently ; whilst Juet, a man of ordinary abilities,
furnishes us with an account in which every step can
be clearly traced. Nor is Verazzano's failure, or
Juet's success, at all isolated. Verazzano's narrative
is very nearly the best maritime re^jord of its period ;
whilst Juet's journal is in every respect surpassed by
many anterior logbooks. The difference between
Juet and Verazzano, as far as it is to the disadvantage
of the latter, consists not in their respective talent,
but in the methods they made use of. Juet's journal
is modelled on the logbooks of his predecessors, such
as Barents, Davis, and others ; and these men are
followers of Willoughby, Chancellor, Burrough, Pet,
and Jackman, and other captains of the Muscovy

IM'RODUCTION. clxxix

Company. The captains of tlic company again were
but carrying out one of the commands contained in
the instructions given to Willougliby and Chancel-
lor by Sebastian Cabot,^ the real originator of the
logbook.

One of the most remarkable features in these log-
books of the Muscovy Company was tlie attention
paid to magnetic variations. This kind of research
was first of all systematically pursued by the Mus-
covy Company, and doubtless at Cabot's instigation,
although no positive proof of this fact has been pre-
served.

We have made the preceding statements in order
to place Hudson's journals in their true light. These
journals are very remarkable. Yet it would be unfair
to exaggerate, at the expense of others, Hudson's
merit in writing them. Were we to look at Hud-
son's journals separately, and not in connexion .
with otlier logbooks of the same period and of the *
same company, we might consider them as still

' " Item, that tlie niarclumts and otlicr skilful persons in writing i

shall daily write, describe, and put in mcmi)irc the navigation of
every day and night, with the points and observations of the lands,
tides, elements, altitude of the sunnc, course of the moon and
starrcs, and the same so noted by the order of the master and
pilot of every ship to be put in writing, the captains generall
assembling the masters together once every week (if windo and
weather shall serve) to confcvre all the observations and notes of
the said ships, to the intent it may appear wherein the notes do
agree, and wherein they dissent, and upon good debatement, deli-
beration, and conclusion, determined to put the same into a common
ledger, to remain as record for the company." — CahuCs Inf.t ruc-
tions, § 7. llakluyt i, p. 220.

clxXX INTIIODUCTJON.

greater achievements than they really are. They
contain, in fact, no original feature. It is only by
mistake that the first observations of tlie dip and
variation of tlie needle, at least among arctic navi-
gators, have been attributed to Hudson. Sucli obser-
vations are to be found in Cabot's chart, in the log-
books of the men who followed his instructions, and
also in the papers of those who imitated his follow-
ers. The system of Hudson's logbooks seems to have
been adopted in obedience to a standing order of the
Muscovy Company. It is not, however, our inten-
tion to depreciate these writings of our navigator.
They possess every merit except that of originality,
and are perfect models of their kind.

Another peculiar feature of the logbooks of the
Muscovy Company was the great number of observa-
tions of the heavenly bodies made by their captains.
In this respect Hudson offers a very bright example,
and we might therefore expect a very great accu-
racy in his latitudes. But such accuracy is not to
be found. This is owing, not to any want of care
on his part, but to the imperfection of the instru-
ments he made use of. It would be easy to describe
these instruments in detail. There was published in
London, in the very year when Hudson first started,
a mariner's manual, by the celebrated John Davis.
In that extremely remarkable volume we find, not
only descriptions of all the mariners' instruments
and explicit directions for their use, but also wood-
cut figures illustrating them, such as have been
introduced into popular manuals of the present

INTIIOUUCTION. clxxxi

day. The reason why wc have refrained fiom givhig
extracts from that voUiine is obvions. Our intro-
duction ah'eady exceeds the usual limits, and that
subject does not strictly belong to it. ^^'e must
therefore refer the reader to Uavis' work, a copy of
which is in the British Museum Library.

As to the accuracy or want of accuracy in Hud-
son's observations, it is in most cases impossible to
test it. Most of tlic shores which he visited, sucli, for
instance, as Nova Zembla, Spit/bergen, Jan Mayen,
Greenland, Hudson's Strait and Bay, are even now
very imperfectly known. Even now errors of several
minutes with res])cct to almost every part of these
shores may, with too good reason, be suspected in
the charts. We therefore lack the most important
of all the means of testing the accuracy of anterior
statements. A still greater difficulty is that nearly
all the points mentioned by Hudson are for us little
better than mere names. The Islands of God's Mcroj^
Hold zvith Ilope^ Ilakluyfs Headland, and other names
given by Hudson, are still tn be found on the maps
and charts ; but whether the places so named by
him and those now called so are really identical,
cannot be establislied by any satisfactory evidence.

It is, moreover, certain, that some of Hudson's lati-
tudes which we can check are wrong. Such is the
case with regard to the most northern and most
southern part of Spitzbergen, with regard to Cape
Farewell and Cape Wolstenholme. The errors which
must have been made in these instances amount to at
least seven or eight minutes in each case. These posi-

Clxxxii INTRODUCTION.

live proofs of incorrectness must render us suspicious
even where such positive proofs are wanting. When
we add to this the entire absence of longitudes in
Hudson's journals, tlie deceptive influence exercised
on the dead reckoning by the varying currents of
the arctic regions, and the want of good modern
charts, it becomes obvious that it would be a mere
delusion were we to trace Hudson's course with pre-
ciseness, and to point out as certain the latitude and
longitude of every locality mentioned by him.

We have, on this account, been extremely sparing
with geographical notes to the text of Hudson's
journals. The precise localities mentioned by him
seem to us dubious in almost every instance, and it
would sciircf^ly have been right to enter into long
discussions, with the conclusion that, after all, we
are not able to settle the matter. It is not our in-
tention to commit, in these last pages, the mistake
that we have tried to avoid in our notes ; and we
shall here refrain from this kind of discussion, except
in a few isolated instances. In defence of the some-
what exceptional course we are thus pursuing, we may
perhaps be allowed to state it as our opinion, that
the importance of a navigator's career consists, not so
much in the coasts he touched, as in the new know-
ledge acquired and conveyed by him.

Many great men attempted, before and after Hud-
son, to solve the problem of a short northern route
to China. But he surpasses all his predecessors and
all his followers in the variety of means he employed
to obtain that great end. This variety of devices

INTllODUCTION. clxxxill

wiihin a narrow scope, the very test of an ener-
getic mind, was perhaps in part due to liis singular
and exceptional situation. Each of his predecessors
had confined his efforts to only one direction, trying
the chances that might be offered within a com-
paratively limited area, and these chances had thus
been reduced to a small number of seeming proba-
bilities. The probabilities would have appeared still
fewer, had the explorations been made and chronicled
with modern accuracy. As it was, there remained in
every direction some delusive hopes, which it still
required a renewed search to dispel. One of Hud-
son's many great merits consists in having proved
several of these delusions to be what they w'ere, and
thus to have further limited the area of the search
for a short road to China. The efforts of all those
after him, like those of each of his predecessors, were
then more confined than his own. Hudson himself
tried within the last few years of his life, first the
Avay across the North Pole, then the way by the north
of Spitzbergen eastwards ; he attempted to penetrate
through the Nova Zembla group, and having failed
to do so, undertook another expedition to the same
quarter. He afterwards tried to cross what seemed
a narrow isthmus, between the Atlantic and Pacific,
in latitude 40°. He at last sailed far westward
through his strait and bay, and perished in the midst
of his hopes and plans. It is curious that he missed
the only real chance, namely, the way through Davis'
Strait and Baffin's Bay. But, if we may conclude
from what he had done up to his death, it is proba-

clxXXiv INTRODUCTION.

blo enough that ho wouhl not have left that way
untried had he lived longer. He was one of those
men who, whether successful or not, will not leave to
any one auci tl^^m the right to boast of having
accomplished what tliey had despaired of.

Hudson's first attempt was to sail across the North
Pole, a plan started in 1527 by Robert Thorne, but
not yet acted upon by any one during the eighty
years that had since passed. The voyage to which
this idea gave rise is well described in Playse's log-
book, where the reader will find all its details. A
short summary of the main points may, however,
prove useful.

Hudson left London the 23rd of April, 1607, with
the intention of sailing across the North Pole to
China and Japan. His course carried him to the
Shetland Islands. Thence he sailed to the north-
west, passing, as it seems, close by Iceland without
perceiving it. He arrived on the 13th of June off
the Greenland coast, in latitude 67° 30', doubting
whether the land he saw was an island, or the En-
groneland, or Groneland of the Zeni. To this ques-
tion he had received no satisfactory answer, even
after six days' stay in that neighbourhood. It does
not appear how great was his distance from the coast
during these six days ; but he certainly never landed.
To a prominent cape, and to a mountain near it, he
gave the names of Young's Ccq^e and Mount of God's
Merc?/. These are, for us, nothing more than mere
names. The coast of Greenland in 67° 30' has never
been well explored, and Hudson's own indication is

INTRODUCTION. clxXXV

vague in the extreme. Iludsoii himself continued to
be in doubt as to the real nature of the coast near
him. lie even thought it possible that it might be
an island, at the north-eastern point of which he
had arrived. lie was thus exposed to an error very
similar to the one committed by Davis, who con-
sidered the south of Greenland as an undiscovered
island. Hudson's farther course alonii: the east coast
of Greenland also offered striking analogies with Davis'
explorations aloag the western shore. Davis had
lost sight of the coast, had unconsciously followed
its bend, and had again fallen in with it.

In a like manner Hudson now left the Greenland
shore with the intention of steering to Spitzbergen ;
and his north-eastern course brought him, after two
days sailing, on the 21st June, 1607, again to the
Greenland coast, which on its eastern side trends to
the north-east, as on its western side it trends to the
north-west. He again reached the Greenland coast
in latitude 73°, and called his new discovery Hold
zvith Ilope^ a name still to be found on maps of the
arctic regions, althougli it would be impossible to
point out the exac,; locality to which it was first
given.

Following his north-eastern direction Hudson tried,
during the last days of June, to sail northwards, wher-
ever he might be able to do so. But he seems to
have been prevented from progressing towards the
pole by the well-known ice barrier between Green-
land and Spitzbergen, which has been so well de-
scribed by Dr. Scoresby. This barrier generally

III,

clxXXvi INTRODUCTION.

forms at that time of the year an undulating line
between the 74th and 80th degrees of latitude, reach-
ing furthest to the south near the Greenland coast,
and being nearest to the pole in the neighbourhood
of Spitzbergen. Hudson was the first modern navi-
gator who sailed along this barrier. His logbook
does not, however, contain a sufficient number of
data to enable us to trace the line of the ice as it was
in June 1607.

When Hudson was approaching the Spitzbergen
coast, he looked out for a cape, discovered by Barents,
and called by him Vogel Ploeck, a point which was,
as it seems, indicated on the chart used by Hudson.^
This point is probably identical with the Vogel Iloeck
of the later and more accurate maps of the country,
though such identities of name are not always suffi-
cient proofs of identit7 of iilace. It would be inter-
esting to settle this question, but this cannot be done
from the materials now in existence.

Supposing that identity to exist, we find Hud-
. (j son on the 28th of June, 1607, near the western

point of Charles' Island.^ For the Vogel Hoeck of

the later Dutch maps is the same cape which Dr.

1 Scoresby calls Fair Foreland, and which he places,

^ Vogel Hoeck is expressly mentioned by Hudson as the point
he Avas looking out for. The point is also to be found on Hon-
dius' chart. The locality where the Vogel Hoek of later maps
(English charts call it Fair Foreland) is situated, namely, the
north-west point of Charles' Islands, seems in every respect to
agree with what we know of the Vogel Hoeck of Barents.
' * Charles' Island is the most western of the forelands by which

the mainland of Spitzbergen is surrounded,

INTRODUCTION. clxXXVii

according to his own survey, in 78° 53' N., 9' 17' E.
The last two days of June were spent off the coast of
Charles Island. From the 1st to the Gth of June,
Hudson seems to have sailed backwards and forwards
in the Foreland Fiord, between Charles' Island and
the mainland of Spitzbergen. This at least is the most
consistent result that can be derived from his notes,
in wiiich every kind of vagueness is accumulated.
The chart he used was very imperfect, he was con-
tending with ice and fog, and his observations of
latitude, though there are three in five days, are not
thoroughly reliable. But in spite of these drawbacks,
the above mentioned course seems to be marked out
with sufficient certainty and clearness. Hudson then
sailed into the Foreland Fiord on its northern side,
the 1st of July, and left it, on its southern side, the
6th of the same month, having passed the intervening
six days in the Fiord. From the 9th to the 11th of
June, Hudson sailed back, on the opposite, or outward
side of Charles' Island, the distance he had sailed within
the Fiord. He continued this northern course on the
12th, and arrived on the 13th, off the north-eastern
part of Spitzbergen ; that part of the country, to
which Barents and his companions had more parti-
cularly applied the name of Nleuland^ or the land under
80 degrees. From the 13th to the 15th of July, Hud-
son sailed eastwards along the northern coast, explor-
ing sorr^c of its fiords, islands and harbours, and giving
the names of Hakluyt's Headland, Colin's Cape, and
"Whale Bay, to three localities. Of these names the
first only has been preserved on charts. Whether

clxXXViii INTRODUCTION.

the point now &o called, and the one so named by
Hudson, are absolutely identical, cannot be shown
from the existing evidence. It does not appear
whether any of the sailors who accompanied Hudson
afterwards revisited Spitzbergen, and then recognised
the points marked out by him. This would be the
only satisfactory manner of establishing such an
identity of place, as latitudes, longitudes, and dead
reckoning, as well as the charts based upon them, arc
all equally deceptive.

The 23rd of July, Hudson was by observation in
latitude 80° 23', the highest observation ever made
by him. After two more days of north-eastern sail-
ing, he reckoned himself to be in latitude 81°. Much
doubt has, with good reason, been thrown on this
assertion of Henry Hudson. The localities which he
described do not bear it out, and considerable mis-
takes are likely to have occurred to a man judging by
his dead reckoning only, without knowing the
currents that set in those parts. Sir Edward Parry
vainly tried, in this very region, to make head
against a violent north-easterly current, which
eventually frustrated his boat- sledge expedition
towards the North Pole.

This current may have deceived our navigator. On
the 16th he believed that he saw land, "trending north
in our sight, by means of the clearness of the weather,
stretching far into 82°, and by the bowing or
shewing of the side much further." It is unfortunately
now impossible to say how far he was right or wrong
in these estimates ; nor to point out the exact spot he

INTRODUCTION. clxxxix

reached, and it would lead to iiotliing were wc to build
some futile theory on the loose evidence at our dis-
posal. Hudson's own conclusion was : " that between
78 degrees and a half and 82 degrees by this way,
there is no passage"; a conclusion which is practically
correct, though geographically somewhat exaggerated.
He returned westwards on the IGtli of July, was
the same day near Collin's Cape, and seems to have
rounded the north- eastern peninsula of Spitzbergcn
the following or the next day. The 20th of July, he
had already sailed some distance down the west coast,
and was entering Bell Sound, in latitude 77° 26',
which he explored. From the one-and-twenticth to
the five-and-twentieth, Hudson seems to have
hesitated, and to have been uncertain about his
future movements. We find him steering in various
directions without any apparent object ; nor can this
be wondered at, considering how new Sj)itzbergcn
was to him. The chart he had witli him indicated
scarcely more tlian the mere existence of these
remarkable islands.

On the five-and-twentieth we find Hudson near
the west coast, in 78°. He then again sailed north-
wards, and was on the seven- and-twentieth near
Collin's Cape, one of the points of the north coast,
discovered by him ten or eleven days before. Tlie
same day he again returned to the south ; having first
ascertained that the ice barrier between Spitzbergen
and Greenland was as firm as it had been in June.
Otherwise he would have tried to pass through it, and
to return home by the north of Greenland, through

CXC INTRODUCTION.

Davis' Strait. The latter plan proves his ignorance
of the real conformation of Greenland ; a fact upon
which we have already had ample occasion to dwell.

Thus hemmed in on three sides, he was again
obliged to return to the south. He sailed southwards
along the whole west coast of the group ; from 80°
to 76° 30', during the last days of July. Having been
on the 28tli, by observation, in latitude 76° 36',
Hudson accounted himself, on the thirtieth, in lati-
tude 76°. He tells us, however, at the same time,
that he was then near the coast, which he describes
as mountainous. Now Spitzbergen does not reach
down farther than to 76° 30', and Hudson's latitude
was therefore faulty. This error was certainly in
part due to the currents to which we have alluded.
Yet it cannot have entirely arisen from that source.
Had the observation of the 28th been correct, and
had Hudson really then been only a few miles from
the southern point of Spitzbergen, this fact could not
possibly have escaped him during the two days he
remained in that neighbourhood. We then arrive at
the painful but complete conviction, that his observa-
tion also was faulty. It is of the greater importance
to ascertain this fact, because few only of Hudson's
latitudes can be tested in a similar manner.

Having left Spitzbergen, Hudson continued his
course, and arrived on the 31st of July off Bear or
Cherie Island. The home voyage, after the departure
from that spot, was accomplished in a month and a
half. The 15th of August Hudson reached the
Faroer Islands ; and exactly a month afterwards he

INTRODUCTION. CXCl

arrived at Tilbury in the Thames. So much we
learn from Playse's logbook. But we find too good
reason to regret the loss of Hudson's own journal,
from which the following notice^ has been extracted :

" And in ranging homewards he discovered an island
lying in seventy-one degrees, which he called Hudson's
Tutches."

We have,in our note to this passage, already observed
that there is but one island in latitude 71° which can
here be meant, namely, Jan May en ; and tliat Jan
Mayen in fact is identical with Hudson s Touches.
This opinion is still further confirmed by a document
which had then escaped our notice. We have ad-
verted to the claims to the first discovery of Spitzber-
gen advanced by the English and the Dutch. These
rival claims gave rise to armed struggles in tne
Greenland waters, and in consequence of them, to
applications for protection, together with bitter
protests, and complaints addressed by the aggrieved ^

persons to their respective governments. Some of
these protests of the Muscovy Company have been pre-
served in the State-paper office ; and in one of them
we find the following passage :

" Further, William Johnsonne Millworth, captain of the
Angell of Home, certified us that the States had given the
country of Greenland unto the Zealanders, and Hudson^s
Touches, and those islands adjoining, unto the Hollanders to
fish therein, warning them that they should not come within
the privileges of each other, and that they were animated and
urged by the States themselves for their fishing voyage this
yearc 1618, otherwise they had not attempted it."

1 P. 146.

CXCll INTRODUCTION.

This testimony of Jolinsoinic Millwoith is borne
out l)V the facts of the case. The States General of
the United Provinces had, in UilT, granted the
fislieries of Jan Mayen to the Ilolhmders, excluding
the Zealanders from them. It is, besides, very
remarkable that we find on Jan Mayen, almost
exactly in latitude 71^ a point called by Dr. Scorcsby
Hudson s point. Anyone acquainted with the writing
of the period, will at once remember how easily an
H of that time could be read as an R. The point was,
we may say certainly, called Hudson's point. Ano-
ther locality on Jan Mayen, namely, its north-eastern
cape, is called Yowif/'s Foreland. James Young, one
of Hudson's companions, was the man who had first
espied the Greenland coast. The north-eastern cape
of Jan Mayen, is the very point which must have
first presented itself to Hudson's crew as the ship was
sailing home from Bear Island ; and the man wlio
first saw the Greenland shore was the most likely to
forestall here also, his less zealous, or less sharp- sighted
companions. There is no reason why the name of
Hudson s Touches should not be replaced on maps and
charts ; and the now meaningless Hudson s pointy
might also be fairly restored to its original meaning,
and be called Hudson s point. The islands adjoining
Jan Mayen, are Egg Island to the south, and a num-
ber of small rocky islets scattered along the coasts.

Should the writer of the present pages have suc-
ceeded beyond his hopes in placing the geographical
notions of Hudson's time, and the anterior endeavours
in search of a passage, clearly before the reader's

A —

INTRODUCTION. CXClll

eye ; it would then be easy to explain to tlu; loader
the original plan of Hudson's first voyage, and the
ideas which the experience collected in the course
of it, developed in his mind.

Hudson first started with the plan of sailing straight
across the North Pole, by the north of the Engrone-
land of the Zeni. He found that land stretching
farther eastwards than he expected ; and joining it,
he found a firm barrier of ice, which offered no
opening in its whole breadth between Greenland and
Spitzbergen. This barrier Hudson sailed along,
vainly spying out for a passage to the Pole. When he
had reached the neighbourhood of Spitzbergen, he
knew well that he was near the country discovered by
Barents in 1596, and he was looking out for some of
the points noted by that navigator. But though
Barents' explorations had been so far useful to Hud-
son, they had not been chronicled with sufficient
accuracy, to enable Hudson to recognize beforehand
the real conformation of Spitzbergen. There seemed
to exist a hope of passing through what has since
been proved to be a firm body of land ; or at least by
the north of it. These attempts Hudson made ; and he .
left no means untried which seemed to offer a hope of
succeeding in this really hopeless undertaking. When
he had at last recognized how hopeless it was, he once
more sailed northwards to the great ice barrier, with
the intention of finding a way by the north of
Engroneland to the west ; and of thus entering Davis'
Strait by a northern route. He soon perceived that
this undertaking, too, offered no chance of success, at

c c

CXf'lV INTRODUCTION.

least, if begun in the neighbourhood of Spitzbcvgen ;
so he sailed again to the south. It is not unhkcly that
he renewed tlie attempt in a lower latitude, and
nearer Greenland, on his homeward voyage ; and that
he arrived in this manner in the somewhat too
westerly longitude, in which Jan Maycn and the
Faroer Islands are situated. The discovery of the
former island was made by chance.

In tlie course of this voyage Hudson made two
observations, the one interesting, tlic other of tlie
highest importance. The first observation is that of
the changing colour of the sea near Spitzbergen. He
found it sometimes blue, sometimes green, sometimes
dark, sometimes clear and transparent. "The colour of
the Greenland sea varies from ultramarine blue," says
Dr. Scoresby, " to olive green ; and from the most pure
transparency to striking opacity. These appearances
are not transitory but permanent ; not depending on
the state of the weather, but on the quality of the
water. Hudson, when he visited this quarter in 1607,
II noticed the changes in the colour of the sea, and

I made the observation that the sea was blue where

there was ice, and green where it was most open.
This circumstance, however, was merely accidental."

The other observation is that of the existence of a
vast number of whales and morses in the waters Hud-
son had visited. This observation raised Spitzber-
gen and Jan Mayen Island to the importance which
they have since assumed.

Hudson's second voyage offers fewer subjects for
comment than the first. Its plan is very simple.

INTUODUCiloN. C\CV

Having found by experience tiic inipractibility of

Kobei't Thome's scheme, Hudson now followed in

the track of those of his predecessors wlio had tried

to find a way to China by the north east. But he

was acqtiainted with their failure's as well as with

their hopes, and he knew the difficulties which a

passage through or beyond the Nova Zembla group,

and then through the Kara Sea, presented. Three

chances for passing beyond or through Nova Zembla

seemed to exist, namely, to sail through Vaigats

Straits, south of Nova Zembla ; to pass by the north of

the group, as Barents had done ; and thirdly, to pass

through the group by way of Costin Shar, a bay which

appeared on Barents' chart as a strait. Hudson was

ignorant of the existence of the real straits between i

those islands. His plan then was either to go by '

the north or by the south of Nova Zembla, or through

Costin Shar. Should he thus succeed in entering '

the Sea of Kara (which he calls the Sea of Tartary), ''

he would, according to his notions, have had two

farther stages to reach or pass ; first, the mouth of

the Oby ; then Cape Tabin. He knew that this

would not be easy, but he was fully prepared to

encounter the dangers of what he considered as a

short though severe struggle. Beyond Cape Tabin

the way to China seemed to him perfectly smooth.

The second expedition, then, consists of the follow-
ing parts. Hudson's voyage out until he arrived in
latitude 75° 24', between Spitzbergen and Nova
Zembla (April 22nd to June 11th, 1608): his vain
attempts to pass to the north-east beyond the Nova

CXCVl INTRODUCTION.

Zembla group, and his struggles with the ice, where
he sometimes gains, sometimes loses a few minutes of
latitude (June 18th to 23rd) : the voyage south-
wards along the group, but not always near its shore
(June 24th to 29th) : exploration of Costin Shar,
and discovery that it is a bay, not a strait (June 29th
to July 6th) : the voyage home (July 6th to August
26th). As to th'i voyage through the Vaigats Strait,
the chance still left opeii in that quarter, Hudson says
that for it he was not " fitted to trie or prove."

We call the reader's particular attention to a
passage near the end of the logbook, entered under
the 7th of August. Hudson must at that time
have been about in latitude 62° or 63°, not very
far from the south of Greenland, and therefore per-
fectly able to enter into Davis' Strait before the
close of the season. He says that he for a moment
intended to do so, in order to sail a hundred leagues
either into Lumlcys Inlet (Frobisher's Strait) or into
The Furious Overfall (Hudson's Strait) ; but that
he sacrificed his ambition to his duty. This notice,
|i' curious in itself, is doubly so as an answer to the

<I calumny of Luko Foxe, who attributes to Col-

burne the pln,n Zor Hudson's fourth voyage ; whilst
it here clearly appears that already in 1608, two
years before the fourth voyage, Hudson's mind was
bent upon the schemes which that undertaking was
intended to realize.

The number and variety of the papers which illus-
trate the third voyage make our task of introducing
them a somewhat difficult one. Besides, since the

INTRODUCTION. CXCVll

first page- of the present introduction were printed,
a most important addition has been made to the
documents in our collection ; consisting of the letter
of President Jeannin to Henry IV of France,^ which
will be found in the Appendix. It very fortunately
happens, that the observations which we shall have
to offer as an introduction to that state paper, will at
the same time throw a light on the circumstances in
which Hudson was placed during his stay in Holland
previous to his departure for the third expedition.

The Negociations of President Jeannin, from which
our extract is taken, are reckoned among the classical
Mhnoires Historiques ; a class of writings equally
distinguished by the position of the authors, the ele-
gance of their language, and the importance of the
information they furnish. In all these respects Pre-
sident Jeannin's Negociations occupy a very high
rank. The main portion of that work consists of
letters addressed to Henry IV of France, in the
years 1608 and 1609, mostly from the Hague and
from Antwerp. Jeannin had been sent to the Nether-
lands to negociate, together with the representatives
of other nations, a treaty of peace, or at least a truce
between Spain and those of its revolted provinces
which had long, in fact, enjoyed that independence

' This document is indicated in Mr. Berg van Dussen Muilkcrk's
Bijdracgen tot de Geschiedenis onzer Kolonizatie in Noord-A^nerica.
We have above (p. Ivii) adverted to this book ; but from memory
only, and not with sufficient justice. It is very gratifying to be
able now to acknowledge our obligations to that remarkable work,
which compresses a vast amount of new research into an incredi-
bly small space.

CXCVlll INTRODUCTION.

which was now to be confirmed by a treaty. It was
in the midst of this negociation, in January 1609,
that an indirect intercourse was established between
Hudson and Jeannin. To explain the origin and
issue of that intercourse, as well as the motives of the
men who acted as mediators between the navigator
and the diplomatist , we must throw a brief glance at
the political movements in which Jeannin was mixed
up, and especially at the difficulties which he had to
overcome in negociating the treaty.

These difficulties did not alone, nor perhaps even
mainly, consist in the pride of the Spaniards. Their
foes, the inhabitants of the northern provinces, were
far from united in the wish to make peace, at least
on the conditions that could then be obtained. The
feelings of the majority in the free provinces were
not unlike those which lately animated the whole of
', Italy during the negociation of the peace of Zurich,

/ when it was considered a disgrace to secure Lom-

bardy from the House of Hapsbui'g at the price of
the confirmed slavery of another and more important
district. But in the Netherlands the position, though
similar was not alike. There existed in some of the
fre& provinces a peace party, powerful in every re-
spect except in numbers, which was animated by
selfish motives, such as have not come to light in the
late Italian struggles. This peace party consisted
principally of the powerful families which had made
the civic dignities in the towns of Holland heredi-
tary among themselves ; who composed, as delegates
from these towns, the estates of Holland, and who

INTRODUCTION.

CXCIX

thus swayed the United Provinces. They were
strongly interested in preventing the departure of
the rich and active Belgian emigrants, whom a con-
tinued and successful war might have carried home
in triumph. They also wished that Antwerp should
not again rise to its former importance. The resto-
ration of the other parts of Belgium would likewise
have destroyed the preeminence of Holland. Peace
and the status quo were therefore their great objects.
This peace party, which was headed by Oldenbar-
nevelt and counted Hugo Grotius among its leaders,
is better known as the Ilepublican or Arminian
party. Republican it was called because it desired
to keep the rule of the country to itself. The name
of Arminius had been adopted a few years before,
when that divine had published some maxims of
church government suited to the tastes and interests
of these llejmblicans. The Arminian doctrine, which
also contained some theological principles opposed to
strict Calvinism, became the standard round which
the Eejmhlicans gathered. It counted scarcely any
adherents except among them.

The opposition of the Republicans to strict
Calvinism, was no accidental circumstance in their
policy. The party whom they opposed was headed by
the Belgian emigrants, who desired to continue the
w^ar until their own country should be freed from the
Spanish yoke ; and again, at the head of the Belgian
emigrants, stood the Calvinistic clergymen ; among
whom such men as Peter Plancius, and others of a
simihir stamp, appeared. These divines and preachers

CC INTRODUCTION.

exercised a most powerful influence over the great
mass of the people, who were besides naturally op-
posed to the " municipal families," whose tyranny
and arrogance they hated. The Belgian party found
another ally besides these lower classes, in the Prince
Maurice of Orange, the most illustrious warrior of the
age, whose every hope was connected with the con-
tinuance of the struggle. Tims the war party was
generally termed the Calvinistic, or the Orange
party.

The two political parties which we have tried to
sketch, vied with each other to obtain Henry Hud-
son's services. This happened in the following man-
ner. We have above spoken of the first efforts made
at the end of the sixteenth century by the Dutch, to
establish transatlantic commerce ; and we have seen
that they entirely obeyed in this respect the impulse
given by the Belgian emigrants. A few years had
been sufficient to produce the most important con-
sequences from these beginnings ; and it was soon
apparent that transatlantic commerce would form the
foundation of the prosperity of the Dutch Republic.

It was then most strongly the interest of the ruling
Arminian party not to let so powerful a lever remain
in the hands of the Belgians, their antagonists. The
great chief of the Arminians, John Oldenbarnevelt,
therefore contrived to place the direction of the East
India trade in the hands of his own partisans ; and
he founded for this purpose in 1602, the privileged
East India Company, the directors of which were,
almost exclusively, taken from among the so-called

I rlMmtii--

INTRODUCTION.

CCl

Republicans, and which, in after t'.mcs, always made
common cause with them.

This East India Company had a privilege to trade
by the ordinary route, round the Cape of Good
liope. Many of the Belgians, on the other hand, still
adhered to their own old scheme, of which Peter
Plancius was the representative, namely, that of a
short north-eastern route to China. They besides
endeavoured to establish a West India Company,
under the direction of William Usselincx, and on the
principle of which we have spoken above, namely,
that of driving the Spaniards from America, and out
of the American waters ; and so to cripple their
resources. This idea, and still more the aim for the
sake of which it was entertained, were strongly at
variance with the wishes and interests of the peace
party.

These indications will enable us to place in chro-
nological order, all the data that are bearing on
Hudson's sojourn in Holland. We must then leave it
to the reader to connect these pieces of evidence, and
to form out of them a complete picture, which may
easily be done by supplying such details, historical
and local, as can be procured in abundance from
various sources. As to our own chronological
arrangement, it will perhaps be best not to confine
it to Hudson's stay in Holland, but to extend
it over the other main points of the third voyage.
AVe give for this purpose the following synoptical

table.

ecu

INTRODUCTION.

FACTS.

DATES.

DOCUMENTS.

PAGES.

Hudson called by the privileged

iMist India Coiiiiiany

Uncertain

Jeannin

Hudson's arrival in Holland

Unc.(l(i08i'

— —

247

Conferences with the East India

Uncertain

Company begin

(1008)

Jeannin

247

Personal intercourse with Plan-

Treatise of Iver

cius begins - - . -

1008'

Boty

230

Conversations with Plancius

Uncertain

Hessel Gerritz

181, 180,
187, 1!)1

Intercourse with JoJocus Hon-

Uncertain

Iver Boty, Hon-

230

dius

diiis' map

Hudson's proposals rejected for

Jan. 1000

Jeanuin

241)

the present by theE.I.Conip. Ar-

rangements for employment in

1(110

Belgians seize the opportunity.

Jan. KiO!)

Jeannin

250

Lc Maire acquainted with Hud-

son. Lo Maire proposes to Jeannin

to form a rival E. I. Comp. under

Henry IV's protection, and to

engage Hudson as captain

Peter Plancius calls on Jeannin -

Jan. 1000

Jeannin

2^)0

E. I. Comp. alarmed by Le Maire's

Jan. KiOO

Jeannin

253

opposition, determine to send

Hudson at once

Usselincx's intercourse with Jean-

Jan. 100!)

Jeannin

325

nin

Zealand Chamber refuses to send

Uncertain

Lambrechtsen

104

Hudson

Amsterdam Chamber do so by

Uncertain

Lambrechtsen

104

themselves . . . .

H. starts with two vessels, thej

Apr.0,1000

Lambrechtsen,

cciii, 254

Good Hope and the Half Moon i

Apr.d.lOO!)

Brodhead

Half Moon a Vlie Boat

— —

Van Meteren

147

Ileaches the North Cape

May 5,100!)

Juet, V. Meteren

45, 147

Voyage to Nova Zembla, mutiny,

May 5-1-1

V. Meteren

147,148

returns

Arrival at the North Cape on

May 10

Juet

their return ....

Arrival at Faroe Islands

May no

Juet, V. Meteren

48, 140

Arrival near Nova Scotia coast -

June 2-Z

Juet

They land (i4° 1') to cut a fore

July 1!)

Juet,v.M.,DeLaet

00, 140,

mast; quarrels with natives

155

They arrive at Barnstaple penin-

May 2

J. V. M.,DeL.

04, 150,

sula .-...-

155

They arrive in 37° 45' (Virginia

May 13

Juet, v. Meteren

00, 150

Coast)

Chesapeake Bay ....

Aug. 27

Juet, De Laet

73, 150

' This date (1609) may, however, accordmg to the calendar
then in use, refer to the first months of 1609. Hudson's arrival in
Holland can therefore not positively be stated to have taken place
before January 1609.

INTRODUCTION.

CCUl

FACTS.

Delaware Bay ....
Hudson's River . - - .

In latitude 42° 18'Hudson lands |
Scene of Drunkenness

Leave Hudson's River
Dissensions during the

liome
Arrival in England
Hudson retained in England
Return of the Half Moon -

voyage

DATES.

Aug. 28
Sept. 2

Sept. 17
Sept. 18
Sept. 20

Oct. 4

Nov. 7

Jan. 1010

July 15,

ItilO

DOCUMENTS.

PAGES.

74, 157

Juet, De Lnet

Jnet,v.M.,UcLact

7(i,15(),

157

Juet,Hudson,D.L.

84,150,15^

Juet, De Laet

85, Uil

Juet, Heckewel-

M5, 174,

der, ]5nrton

17!)

Jui't, V. iMeteren

92, 151

V. MeLereu

151

Juet, V. Metercn

on, 152

V. Miiteren

15:$

Drodhcad

S.m/.p.

To complete our introduction to the third voyage,
we have to add some remarks on several isolated
points, that either present a particular interest or
require special attention.

We find in Lambrechtsen, that Hudson was sent
out by the Amsterdam Chamber of the East India
Company, against the will of the Middelburg Cham-
ber. The Cha?nbers of which the Dutch East India
Company was composed had each a separate exist-
ence. The whole company, in fact, did not form so
homogeneous a body as English companies of the
present day, but may rather be called a confedera-
tion of several societies. Each of the provinces along
the sea shore had a chamher or society of its own,
governed by its own committee of directors. Out
of these provincial committees a central council of
seventeen members was chosen, who are generally
termed The Seventeen. The action of this general
council resembled that of the delegates of a political
confederacy, and did not destroy the individual action
of the provincial chambers. To say more on this

CCIV INTRODUCTION.

complicated question would lead us too far. We
must, however, advert to another statement of Lam-
brechtscn, which had unfortunately been omitted
in the English translation we made use of for our
extracts from his book. This statement is contained
in one of his foot notes, and is couched in the fol-
lowing words : " In the minutes of the Council of
the XVII this yacht (the yacht Hudson sailed in)
is called the Good Ilope.'"'^ From these words we
learn, first that Lambrechtsen used an original MS.
description of Hudson's voyage, which he found in-
serted in the Minutes of the Seventeen. We further
learn that the name of Hudson's vessel was the Good
Hope. It is, however, stated by an equally unques-
tionable authority that Hudson's vessel was called
the Half Moon? The most natural solution of this
apparent contradiction is, that Hudson had with him
two vessels, the one called the Half Moon^ the other
the Good Hope. It is not known what became of the
latter vessel. She may have returned after the mutiny
near Nova Zembla. The main part of the voyage
was certainly performed in the Half Moon alone.

The crew of the vessel — or vessels— under Hud-
son's orders consisted partly of Dutchmen, partly of
Englishmen. As to the Dutchmen, there is strong
reason to believe that they were sailors in the regular
service of the East India Company, whose engage-

' In cle Notulen van de Vergaderinge van dc xvii wordt dit
Jagt de Goedc Ilonp gcndemt.

^ Brodhcad, from a ship book found in the East India Archives
at Amsterdam.

INTRODUCTION. CCV

•

mcnt liacl been matlc without Hudson's intervention.
We learn that Hudson, after his return, requested
the East India Company to exchange some of his
sailors for others, so as to enable him to start again
with a more obedient crew. This request would
never have been made had these men been entirely
dependent upon him. Their mutinous spirit and
their quarrels with their English companions must
be attributed to his want of control over them.
Among the Dutch sailors was also Hudson's mate,
as Van Meteren expressly states. We have already
observed, that several writers have thought, that
Robert Juet was that Dutch mate ; and we have
added that this is not our opinion. This is still
further confirmed by the following fact : Juet always
speaks of himself in the first person. He has more
than once occasion to do so ; he was an able astro-
nomer ; and we find him repeatedly calculating lati-
tudes by the height of the stars ; a kind of obser-
vation which Hudson himself seems never to have
attempted. Now Juet tells us distinctly that " the
master's mate" explored the most northern part of
Hudson River, and that the " master and his mate"
" succeeded in making one of the Indians drunk.
The person here twice referred to was then not the
author of the Journal. Juet was, what he appears
from all the other circumstances to have been,
namely, an Englishman. John Colman, also one of
Hudson's former companions, is the only other
Englishman on board the Half Moon whose name is
mentioned in our sources. It is unknown what rank
these two men held on board the vessel.

CCVl INTRODUCTION.

Hudson in 1009 originally intended to continue
the north-eastern search begun by him the year
before. His plan probably was to pass through
Vaigats Strait ; a route which he had been unable
to follow in 1608. He had already arrived near
Nova Zembla when a mutiny broke out among his
crew. They refused to proceed any further through
the ice. After some discussions, it was decided that
they were to sail westward, and to search for a passage
through America, in latitude 40°. " This idea," says
Van Meteren, from whom we learn these facts, " had
been suggested to Hudson by some letters and maps
which his friend Captain Smith had sent him from
Virginia ; and by which he informed him that there
was a sea leading into the Western Ocean by the
north of the southern English colony (Virginia)."
We have already stated that, in Hakluyt's Divers
Vof/ages^ a map is to be found, copied by Lok from
Verazzano, in which the American continent in the
latitude here indicated appears as a narrow strip of
land separating the Atlantic from the Pacific. This
was most probably one of the maps sent by Smith.
Another one of his maps may have been based on
Ribeiro's rlanisphere, which indicates in those parts
some broad openings in the coast. John Smith had
moreover lived a long time among the American
Indians. The tribes of all these immense tracts of
country are known to belong to the same stock, and
to entertain friendly or hostile intercourse. By them
Smith must have been informed of the existence of
the great lakes, which may well have been repre-

1 «^

INTRODUCTION. Ct'vl

scntcd to him as parts of the ocean. IIcsscl Genitz
at least received from that same source, though in-
directly, this same deceptive intelligence.^ These
materials seem to have been combined in Smith's
communications, so as to suggest the existence of an
easy passage through the American continent, open-
ing on its eastern side somewhere between the 37tli
and 41st degrees of latitude. The search for such a
passage is the only purpose that can be ascribed to
Hudson's rambling course along those shores.

Juet makes no mention of the voyage to Nova
Zembla, nor of the mutiny, in which perhaps he
played a part. He suppresses in a most artful
manner the events of the memorable fortnight, from
the fifth to the nineteenth of May. But under the
latter date, Tuesday^ the nineteenth of May^ 1G09, we
find in his Journal a notice which amply com-
pensates us for this loss. The following are his
words : Then ive observed the sunne having a slacke.
We have in our note to this passage, tried to show
that a slack means a spot ; and that therefore sun
spots were observed on board the Half Moon more
than a year and a half before what is generally con-
sidered the first observation of that phenomenon.

The next remark which we have to make applies
to a passage in Juet's logbook, where there seems to
be either a clerical or a typographical error. We
allude to his entry under the eighteenth of Septem-
ber : " In the after-noone our master's mate went on
land with an old savage, a governor of the countrey, J

» P. 185. I

I 4

CCVlll INTRODUCTION.

etc." Instead of our master s matc^ we must read our
master^ locality and circumstances bein^ exactly the
same which are described by De Laet as belonging to
Hudson's visit on shore. Juct's account contains no
other mention of that visit. These are all the promi-
nent points we had to note.

To conclude this part of our introduction, we have
but to add a few observations on what happened
after Hudson's return and on the consequences of his
third voyage. The circumstances of his return, the
strange embargo laid upon his person by the English
government, and his correspondence with the East
India Company, are related by Van Meteren. No-
tiling can be, nor need be, added to the details which
he furnishes. The Half Moon returned to Amsterdam
in July 1610, as will be seen in the note from Mr.
Brodhead's work, which is to be found in the appen-
dix to the present volume.

William Smith, the author of a very defective his-
tory of New York, says that a right to occupy the
banks of Hudson river was sold to the Dutch by the
discoverer. This story, which is not only untrue,
but is contrary to all possibility of international law,
has been invented to furnish a connecting link be-
tween Hudson's discovery for the Dutch, and the
colonization of those very quarters by that same
nation. Such a connecting link exists, but it is of a
different nature from the one imagined by Smith.

It might at first sight have been expected that the
directors of the East India Company would have fol-
lowed up the discovery made in one of their vessels.

INTRODUCTION.

CCIX

Nothing, liowcvcr, was further from their thou«i,hts ;
Nortli American trade was advocated by the Belgians,
their political advcri^aries. This was a suf!ici(>nt
motive for them not to favour it ; and the East India
Company never claimed any of the advantages which
Hudson's discovery soon began to yield. But some
other Dutchmen, following in Hudson's footsteps,
began to trade in furs with the natives, and then to
build a fort on Manhattan island, in Hudson river.
The fort became the germ of a village, the village
became a town. The town was first called ^Vew
Amsterdam. Its name now is New York.

The last events narrated by Van Meteren took
place in January, 1610. Then already it was ru-
moured that Hudson would again be sent out by an
English company. Soon afterwards an arrangement
of this kind must have been definitively made. The
names of Hudson's three principal employers are to
be found in Purchas' Pilgrimage} They are all now
inscribed on some well known localities in the Arctic
regions. Sir Thomas Smith's name has been given
to what was called a sotmd^ north of Baffin's Bay ; but
is now known to be a strait, leading into the northern
waters. Cape Wolstenholme and Cape Diggs form
the entrance to Hudson's Bay.

The plan which gave rise to this fourth voyage
had long been present to Hudson's mind. Already,
in September 1608, he had intended to search for a
passage through the strait which he was now going

^ The names of all his employers will be found in the extract
from the charter granted to Button's employers, at the end of the
appendix.

e c

■t

ccx

INTRODUCTION.

to explore. He had earnestly discussed that same
plan with Peter Plancius in 1608 and 1G09, and had
been coiiiinncd in his resolution by George Wey-
mouth's experience, which Plancius had communi-
cated to him ; although this passionate advocate of
the north-eastern search had tried to dissuade Hud-
son from his north-western undertaking. On the
seventeenth of April, 1610, Hudson started from
London. As to the events of his voyage, they are
described in the diiferent papers that have come
down to us ; and we have tried to render these docu-
ments more clearly intelligible by our notes. Still
there is so much difficulty in the geographical in-
vestigation of this voyage, that we cannot hope to
make the reader's path quite easy, even by the assist-
ance which our notes may afford, and by the
synoptical arrangement of the materials, to which the
following table is devoted.

FACTS.

Names of Adventurers. Vessel -
De^jarture . . . .

Colburn sent back

Wcstiiinii Islands

OtF Iceland . . - .

Breda Bay (Lousie Bay), Hud-
si n's letter . . . -

1)( i^arture from Iceland

Greenland K. 05° ( Groneland) -

Greenland E. (i;J° (Frobisher's
Strait)

Cape Farewell (Desolation)

Greenland S.W. ti()° ■i-Z' (Desola-
tion) . . . - -

Resolution Island

Ungava Bay, S.E. 5U° 10' -

]Mutiny . . . . .

Alqnitok ( Desire Brovoketh )

Saddle Buck lslands( God's Mercy)

Juckman's Sound

DATES.

April 17,

l(il(;

Ap.'>-»,l(ilO
May 15

Mayir),:JO
May ;}0

June 1

June -4, 5

June i)

June 15
June 20

June L>i

July 5

July(i,?(?)

JulyH

July 11

(■•')

DOCUMENTS.

BAGES.

Bnvchas

140

H., Br.

O.'i, 1)0

II., Br., Foxo

93,0ft,lH0

H., Br.

!i4, !)8

H., Br.

U-L, 00

H. Il.'s letter. Br.

04, 00,

Burch.

i;i.}, 110

H., Br.

04, 00

H., Br.

04, 00

H., Pr., Burch.

05,00,140

'.)5

II., Br.

95, 100

Br.

101

II., Br.

05, U)'i

11., Br.

00, 10;!

Br.

i();j

,^^

INTRODUCTION.

CCXl

FACTS.

DATES.

DOCUMENTS.

BAGES.

Ungavft B. S.W. ns" 50'

Jiilv Hi

9(1

Lnrit? Island (IIoUl witli Hope) -

July lU

0(!

Southern shore of llndson's

Strait, from Hope Advance liny

to Deception Bay (Mni,'iia Ihi-

tannia, I'rince Henry's Cape,

no, 07,

Kin<,' James Cape) -

July 20. 51

H., Br.

104, 105

Nortliern sliore, N. of Cliarles Is.

Aug. 1

H., Br,

!)7,1()5.1()(;

Salisliury Island

Aug. '2

H., Br.

97, 10(1

Cape Wolstenlndme, Capo Diggs

Aug. :$

H., Br.

i)7, 10(i

Voyage, down the cast coast of

Aug. 4,

Br.

105 110

Hudson's ]3ay - . . .

Oct. ;!l

.Tui't's trial - - . - .

Sept. 10

Wydhouse

1 ;!()-] .-is

Wintering in James Bay -

Nov.:!,] 10.

Br., Hess. Gerr.

IIO-IK!,

Jue.l8,l()ll

1H4.7,1!)2

Antiscorbutic medicine

Dec. 1010

Br., Burch.

114, 141

Visit of a savage

(?)

Br.,Burch.,H.Gr.

114,142,
1H7, 1!):'.

Green's antecedents -

Br.

lll-ll.'l

Departure from winter quarters -

Juc.l8,l(ill

Br.

110

Conspiracy — Hudson's exposure

Jue.21,1011

Br.,Burch.,II.Ge.

117-1 2:f,

142, 1H4,

l!);l

Voyage back to Diggs' Island

June 21-

Br., Burch,

123-120,

July 2.5

142

Fight with Esquimaux near

July 2'J

Br., Burch.

B27 BU,

Diggs' Island - . . .

14:1

Voyage homo ....

July no-

Br., Burch.

l:n-].35.

Sept. (i

144

Return

Sept.(i,10]l

Burch,, H. Ger.

144, IHH,

l!t;j

Imprisonment of conspirators

(?)

H. Ger.

18H,l!):l

Button sent out in seai'cli of

H. Ger,

15S,1H!),

Hudson

li)3

It will not be necessary to add any long comments
to this table. On reference to the documents, it will be
seen that the geographical information is to be found
almost exclusively in Hudson's own journal, and in
his chart, whilst the scenes and events of the voyage
form the main portion of Pricket's account. The
few pages which may be gathered from other sources
contain stray facts, the insertion of which our table
will facilitate. It will not be easy, even with the
assistance of the maps in the present volumi\ to

CCXll INTRODUCTION.

follow Hudson through the Strait. Few readers take
sutHcient interest in such matters to attempt tliis
labour. To those who wish to undertake it, sve re-
commend the Admiralty Chart of the Arctic regions
(1856) as a very useful guide.

The remaining part of Hudson's voyage, the ex-
ploration of Hudson's Bay, the wintering in James
Bay, the conspiracy of the crew, the exposure of
Hudson in an o^en shallop, are strikingly told by
Pricket. But his account, though very remarkable
as a narrative, is most unsatisfactory as a geogra-
phical record, and leaves almost every question of
this kind without a conclusive answer. We cannot
even fix the spot where Hudson wintered and where
he died. The wintering place which seems to
us the most likely is indicated in the map of his
voyages which accompanies this volume. The place
where he was exposed cannot have been at a great
distance from his winter quarters, considering the
short time which elapsed between his departure and
that tragical event. But in this respect our uncer-
tainty is still greater.

The conspirators pleaded as an excuse for their
guilty deed, that Hudson had withheld some of the
victuals, storing them up in his own cabin ; and they
have tried to throw in this manner a blemish on his
character. But even if the charge be a true one,
Hudson's motives were certainly honourable ; with
such men as he had under his orders it was danjierous
to deal openly. Their crime had no other cause than
the fear that he would continue his search and expose

INTRODUCTION. CCXUl

them to new privations ; and it seems that in pro-
viding for this emergency, he had even increased his
dangers. Another calumny has aheady been dis-
proved ; and Hudson's character stands free from all
blemish.

Partly to search for Hudson, partly to improve his .
discoveries, an expedition was sent out the following
year, under Sir Thomas Button. Allusion is made
to it by Hessel Gcrritz ; and we have besides added,
at the end of the appendix, the contents of a charter
granted to the company by whom Button was sent '■

out. Those who risked their capital on that enter- |

prise, firmly believed that Hudson had found an
opening for a commercial route to China and Japan.
Such was also the belief of Hessel Gerritz, of
Purchas, and of all those who first began to spread
Hudson's fame. This belief has now vanished, and
we know that all the attempts of Henry Hudson,- in '

the north, in the north-east, and in the north-west, \

have proved complete failures. ?

Yet, Henry Hudson's name is not forgotten. It j

is borne by his Strait and by the Bay in which he
wintered and died. It is inscribed on the vast ter-
ritory between the Bay and the Pacific Ocean. It is
affectionately remembered by the millions of human
beings now living on those banks, which he found
scantily inhabited by savage races. Kor have his j|

labours been fruitless : he has given to his own
country the fisheries of Spitzbergen, and the fur trade
of the Hudson's Bay territories. The Dutch owed to
hicn their North- American colony, which has after-

CCXIV INTRODUCTION.

wards fallen into English hands ; and is now peopled
and ruled over by the united descendants of both
nations. Thus, in spite of his failures, Hudson has
erected himself a far prouder monument than he
would have dared to hope for. These successes may
well be held out as an encouragement to those, who,
like him, labour earnestly and steadfastly in some
great cause that may seem hopeless. Such labour is
never cast away, if only they, like Henry Hudson,
prescribe to themselves the rule : To achieve what

THEY HAVE UNDERTAKEN, OR ELSE, tO USC llis OWU

words, to give reason wherefore it will not be.

In laying the present volume before the members
of the Hakluyt Society, the editor owes them more
than one explanation. The book has, long ago, been
announced as nearly ready. Mr. Hamilton, of the
manuscript department in the British Museum, was
then named as the editor, whom the writer of the
present pages was merely to assist by furnishing part
of the introduction. This arrangement was after-
wards rendered impossible, by the present editor's
leaving London, and retiring to the country. The
present editor had not at first the courage to ask Mr.
Hamilton to give up his rights. When he at last
did so, the request was most kindly and courteously
granted. But a delay of more than a year had
before taken place. It would be useless to enume-
rate the other causes of delay, except the principal
one ; namely the difficulty the editor felt in writing
English. This difficulty could never have been

INTRODUCTION.

CCXV

surmounted without the extreme kmdness of the
editor's friend, Mr. R. H. Major, who has examined
every line of the present book before it was sent to
the press. From this kindness, the editor has derived
more than passing benefits. The corrections became
fewer as the work proceeded, and have in its latter
half been limited to a few minutiiE here and there.
Mr. Major has also taken upon himself the tedious
and ungrateful task of correcting the extracts from
Purchas. During the journey which the editor
undertook to inspect the Cabot map in Paris, he
received the kind attentions of the celebrated Mr.
Jomard, and of the equally distinguished scholar
to whom the present volume is dedicated. Mr.
Bouillet, the author of two justly esteemed manuals,
has also been kind enough to assist the editor in
tracing the Anskoeld Myth back to its origin. In
Holland the editor has been less fortunate ; yet he
has there received some kind assistance from Mr.
Frederic Muller in Amsterdam, and from Mr. Spanier,
the lithographer, at the Hague, to whom the excel-
lent copies from the two old Dutch charts are due.
He has especially to thank Mr. Campbell, the deputy
librarian at the Hague, for an act of very great
kindness, alluded to on p. xxxv of the present volume.

NOTES TO INTRODUCTION.

A., B.

The questions to which these two notes refer have been made the
subjects of special investigation, by the writer of the present pages,
whilst the book was going through the press, and by a new and
more accurate examination of the original documents he has been
induced to modify very considerably the opinions expressed in the
text. The following are the principal new views he has arrived at :

1. That Sebastian Cabot was born in Venice, not in Bristol;
that he arrived in England with his father when a child, and lived
here till he went out on his voyages.

2. That the voyages of the Scandinavians exercised no percepti-
ble influence upon John and Sebastian's opinions.

3. That John Cabot died most probably shortly after his son's
second departure.

4. That the discovery of Hudson's Strait in 1496 must be con-
cluded from Galvano's account, not from the spurious one of
Willes.

The editor is now preparing for the press a memoir on the
north-western voyages of the Cabots, in which these matters will
be more clearly explained than could be done in the short space
here afforded.

The notes on Cabot's map will be found in the bibliographical
list, under Cabot.

The following are the sources which the editor has consulted :

I. As regards the Scandinavians, his notes are taken from Rafn's
celebrated work, where it is stated in various places that the re-

NOTKS TO INTRODUCTION. CCXVll

nitiining Icelandic documents respecting the north-western voyages
of the Scandinavians are extremely numerous, and belong to almost
every age, from the beginning of the voyages themselves down to
the sixteenth century ; so that it is evident how very familiar the
Icelanders must have been with these matters in Cabot's and
Columbus' time. This seems to us even more clearly proved by
the geographical manuals of the Icelanders than by the remain-
ing fragments of their ancient records. These geographical sys-
tems prove that the discovery of America, such as it presented
itself to their minds, formed part and parcel of their general ideas,
from which it can therefore not have been easily effaced. The
interesting extract which we give (at the end of the Appendix) is
taken from the Gripla, one of those geographical manuals which
would seem, if we understand Mr. Rafn right, to belong on exter-
nal evidence to the end of the fifteenth or beginning of the six-
teenth century. We cannot perceive the weight of the reasons
adduced by northern scholars for the fact, that on intrinsic evi-
dence the Gripla must be much anterior to Columbus' and Cabot's
voyages.

II. John Cahufs arrival in England. — Sebastian's birth. Mis-
cellanies of the Philobiblon Society, ii. The paper on Cabot
quoted in our Bibliographical list, p. 262. Peter Martyr, p. 232.
Eden's Peter Martyr, p. 255.

III. Influence of the Scandinavians. This idea was principally
based on Gomara, ch. xxxix (p. 31), which we have since learnt
to consider as a compilation made up from Peter Martyr, and from |
some fictions introduced by Gomara.

IV. First Voyage, Charter granted by Henry VII, Hakluyt, iii, 4.
Extract from Henry VII Book of Privy Purse, Biddle, Cabot, p.
80, note; Miscellanies of Philobiblon Society, as reprinted in
the text. Ramusio, Viaggi, V. i, p. 414, 415. (In the treatise on
Spices, edition quoted in our Bibl. List). The History and Anti-
(juiLies of Bristol, p. 172. Cabot's Map; Chytracus, p. 773 ; Hak-
luyt, iii, 5.

V. Events between First and Second Voyage. Book of Privy
Purse, Cabot, p. 80. Ramusio, loco citato.

VI. Privilege granted to John Cabot, Biddle, Cabot, p. 76 ;
Hakluyt, iii, 5. ft'

t V'

>.lili.

CCXVlll NOTES TO INTRODUCTION.

VII. Second Voyayc. Fabian's Chronicle, a notice occurring in
three different shapes : a. Hakluyt, Divers Voyages, Ajipenilix
specially devoted to Sebastian Cabot; h. Stow, Annals, p. 481,
edition quoted in Bibliographical list ; the same before in IIol-
Hnshed Chronicle, edited by John Hooker, 1587 : date 1498 ;
c. Hakluyt, Collections, iii, p. 9. Peter Martyr, p. 232 ; Galvano,
p. 32; Gomara, ch. xxxix (p. 31); Willes (Hakluyt, iii, p. 25.)

VIII. Third Voyage. Eden, Treatise of New India, 1553, Dedi-
cation ; llamusio, Viaggi, iii, Introduction ; Thome's Letter to
Henry VIII, loco citato.

For the two Portuguese expeditions, see chapters i to iv in the
second book of Mr. Bidd^e's Cabot (pp. 225-248) and the docu-
ments quoted there ; and also, Discorso d'un Gran Capitano
Francese, Ramusio, iii, 423 b.

Sec Discorso d'un Gran Capitano Francese, llamusio, iv, 423 b.

„■...., and Vincent Lc Blanc, Voyages (Paris, 1G48) iii" partie, p. 6G.

I,.""

DIVERS VOYAGES

AND

NORTHERNE DISCOVERIES.

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i^'tnJ, jrctum jupefttrc novtivi, jam cwprnit ami^

Prcetnta jpondfre ac uieiu vtJere ^ juts -^'

" L tun retno/iim tariiis in/ccU ruii/iua rfbi'.r 1

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1/ AH I I or'

"tSr

DIVERS VOYAGES AND NORTIIERNE DISCOVERIES OF
THAT WORTHY IRRECOVERABLE DISCOVERER,

MASTER HENllY^ HUDSON.

Ills DISCOVERIE TOWARD TIIK NOUTII I'Or.K, SUT FOUTII AT TJIK lIlAl'iiiE OF

CKIITAINE WORSHIPFn.r. MEKCIIANTS OF LONDON, IX MAV lI'lOT.

WRITTEN TARTLY BY JOHN PLAYSE, ONI', OF THE COMTANY,

AND PARTLY I3Y H. IITDSON.

-4
t

Anno 1607, Aprill the nineteenth, at Saint Ethclbiirgc, in
liishops Gate street, did communicate with the rest of the
parishioners these persons, seamen, purposing to goe to sea
foure dayes after, for to discover a passage by the North J

Pole to Japan and China. First, Henry Hudson, master. "■

Secondly, William Colincs, his mate. Thirdly, James *

Young. Fourthly, John Colman. Fiftly, John Cooke. .

Sixtly, James Beubery. Seventhly, James Skrutton. Eightly, ^

John Pleyce. Ninthly, Thomas Baxter. Tcnthly, Ilichard , ^

Day. Eleventhly, James Knight. Twelfthly, John Hud-
son,^ a boy.

The first of May, 1007, we wayed anchor at Gravesend, >ray.
and on Tuesday, the sixe and twentieth day, in the morn-
ing, we made the lies of Shetland,''^ and at noon m'c were in '','"' ,"'^"''
00 degrees 12 minutes, and sixe leagues to the eastward of

^ Son of Henry Hudson. [Ed.] " Shetland. [E.I.]

)

I i.

2 IMASTI'.R IIKNIIY irL'T)S()N. ^

them : the compass hatl no variation. Wo had sixty-foiire
fathomes at our sounding, hhickc, ozie, sandie, with some
yellow shels. Our ship made more way than we did sup-
pose. On Saturday, the thirtieth of May, by our observa-
lioiiTfii iio- ^^"^^ ^^'^ were in Gl degrees 11 minutes. This day I found
mfiiutes. the needle to incline TO degrees under the horizon. For
'/il|[j"j''i'i'","'' foure daycs space we made very little way by contrary

needle. • i

Winds.

June. (),^ Thursday, the fourth of June, we were, by our obser-

vation, still in 01 degrees and 14 minutes, eight and twentic
or tliirtie leagues from the norther part of Shotland : the
land bearing by our accompt east and by north off us. I
found variation in five degrees westerly.

The seventh of Juno, wee were in G3 degrees 25 minutes.
The eighth, all the forcnoone we had a fresh gale southerly;
we steered away north and by west : and by observation

r;-Miogioes -^ye Were in G5 decrees 27 minutes.
' The elctcnth, wee saw sixe or seven whales neei'e our

.'in illhiuu-^s. shippc : we were in sixtie-sevcn degrees, thirtie minutes.
About five of the clocke, the winde came up at north-cast
and by east ; we atecred aAvay north north-Avest with a fresh
gale all the night at cast. The twelfth, the winde was at
east north-east, a stiffe gale ; wee steered away as afore, and
accounted wee had runne by this day noone thirtie leagues.
In the after-noone we steered away noitli and by west
fifteenc leagues ; all the night proved a great fogge with
much wind.
» The thirteenth, betwecne one and two in the morning, we

saw some land^ on head of us, and some ice ; and it being

^ Hudson arrives :it the const of Grceiilaml, along which he sails until
the 2211(1 of .June. So much we learn from his remarks. But it is im-
possible to ascertain with exactness the situation of the places indicated,
J or even to identify those named, such as Young's Cape, the Jlount

of God's Mercy, and Hold ^vith Hope. His own statements arc vague,
and the broad ice-ficlds, by which the coast has been encircled since his
time, have prevented modern investigators from furnishing us with

I '

I ',

FIRST VOYAGE (1G07). S

a thickc foggc wc steered away northerly, and having much
Avind, wee stood away south and by cast six or eight leagues.
Our sayle and shroudcs did freeze. At eight in the morn-
ing it cleered up, the wind being at north-east and by cast,
with much wind wee were hardly able to maintaync a sayle.
This was a very high land, most part covered with snow.
The neather part was uncovered. At the top it looked
reddish, and nnderncath a blackish clay, witli much ice
lying about it. The part which we saw when wee cast
about, trended east and west ; and the norther part Avhich "f^"'

wc saw, trended north-east and by north and north-east ; »hh,

and the length Avhich wee saw Avas nine leagues : wee saw ""J

much fowle. Also wee saw a whale close by the shoare.
AV^ce called the head-land which we saw Youngs Cape : and vount,'3 ' ♦

necrc it standcth a very high mount, like a round castle,
which Avce called the Mount of Gods Mercie. All the after- The :\roiiiii

of tloils

any correct outline. The contemporary maps give but little assistance ;
the ancient chart of the Zeni having been used as the basis for the de-
lineation of Greenland, and that chart, although superior to the gene-
rality of its time, is nevertheless very imperfect. When, as iu the
account before us, we find various additional places incorporated into
it, we can, of course, place but small reliance upon the real accuracy of
such materials. [Ed.]

noone and all the evening it rained. At eight in the even- ^leicio. I_^

ing we cast about, and steered all night north and by west, ^«

and sometimes north north-west. 4,

The fourteenth, being neere the land, we had snow. At suow.

fourc in the morning, the wind vering northerly, we cast "^^

about and stood south-east and by south. This day wee had ^

much wind and raine : wc shorted sayle, being neere the ^

land. 'Th.e fifteenth, in the morning, it blowed so much wind '^
at north-east, that wee were not able to maintayne any sayle ;

wee then strooke a hull, and let our ship drive, wayting for T f

a litter wind : this night was very much raine. The sixteenth *

was much wind at north-east. The seccntccnth, we set sayle ••,
at noone, we steered away east and by south, and east south-

I !

4 MASTKR HENRY HUDSON.

east. The ciyht couth, in the afternoonc, a fine gale south-
east, which toward the evening increased, and we steered
north-east three watches, twelve leagues. The nineteenth,
we steered away north north-cast sixtecne leagues. At noone
wee had raine Avith fogge. From twelve to foure we steered
north north-cast eight leagues, and did account ourselves in
scventie degrees neerest hand, purposing to see whether the
land which we made the thirteenth day were an Hand or
part of Groneland.' But then the fogge increased very
thicke, witli much wind at south, which made us alter our
course and to shorten our saylc, and we steered away north-
east. Being then, as we supposed, in the meridian of the
same land, having no observation since the eleventh day,
and lying a hull from the fifteenth to the seventeenth day,
wee perceived a current setting to the south-west. This
day wee saw three whales neere our ship, and having steered
away north-east almost one Avatch, five leagues, the sea was
grownc every way : we supposed wee were thwart of the
north- cast part of that land which we made the thirteenth
day, and the current setting to wind-ward. The reason that
mooved us to thinke so, was, that after we had sayled five or
sixe leagues in this sea, the wind neither increasing nor
dulling, Avee had a pleasant and smooth sea. All this night
was foggie with a good gale of wind ; we steered away north-
east untill the next day at noone, and sayled in that course
tAventie leagues.

The twentieth, all the morning was a thicke fogge, with
the winde at south ; Avee steered north-east till noone. Then

^ In the charts of this date, Greenland, as stated in the preceding note,
Avas laid down from the map of the Zeni, Avhere it is called Engroneland,
and from it the Groneland of Hudson is derived. We must not con-
found this Avith Avhat he calls Greenland, by which he means the
Greenland of Barcntz, that is to say, Spitzhergen. In short, it is worth
remembering, that wherever Hudson mentions Groneland, he intends
G reenland, and when he speaks of Greenland we must understand Spitz-
herfjen. [Ed.]

-4

FlllST VOYACJK (1007). 5

Avc changed our course, and steered away north north-east,

lioping for an open sea in our course to fall with the bodic

of Newland.' This day, at two in the aftcrnoonc, it cleered

up, and wee saw the sunne, Avhich wee had not scene since

the second of this moneth. Having steered north north- Noio.

east two watches and a halfc, fiftccnc or sixtecne leagues, "^^^

wee saw land on our larboord, about four lea"rucs off us, im"'"!' ,«»v^

trending, as wee could ghess, north-east and south-west. '"""'' «y

Wee steered away east north-east, the wind at south a good .:. ^

gale, but reasonable cleere : wee saw many birds with blacke ^^'"}y n .^

backcs and white bellies, in forme much like a duckc, we

saw also many pieces of ice driving at the sea. AV'e loofed ;\iii'i"ii'it

for one and went roomer for another. And this morning, to'k'.rp'iiosn

about foure, a thicke foggc we saw ahead of us. r,',oim 1","" ' ^

ine o?ie and uvenueth, in the morning, we steered north- ^,

east and east north-east two watches, five or sixe leagues. *[

Then it grew thicke fogge. And we cast about, and steered ^«

north-east and east north-east two watches, sixe lea"rucs, '

finding wee were embayed. The wind came at cast south- '''

cast a little gale : wo tacked about and lay soutli. All this ^ii

night was a thicke fog with little winde, east we lay with the "*,:

stcmnie.

The tivo and ticcntietli, in the morning, it clcercd up,
being calme about two or three of the clocke : after, we had
a prettie gale, and we steered away east and by north three ^

leagues. Our observation Avas in 72 degrees 38 minutes ; ^

and changing our course wee steered north-east, the wind at «,

^ Nieuland is the name given to Spitzbergen by several of the Dutch
geographers, this the English afterwards converted into King James his
Neidand. The most general name for the country was, however, Green-
land, originating from a mistaken notion respecting the northern terri-
tory discovered by the ancient Scandinavians. The first who fell into
this mistake was Barentz. The name of Spitzbergen was invented by
llessel Gerard, in 1G13, possibly on the authority of Barentz. Gerard,
however, refers the name to the year 15!)0. See Dr. Bckc's Introduc-
tion to De Veer, p. Ixxxvii. [Ed.]

nr^ \V» I . •• ir r'nT i - i . ^11, ,' — •• T.

(I MASTKR HliMlY HUDSON.

south-cast, a prctfic; gale. This morning, when it clccrcd
up, wc saw the hind, trending nccrc hand cast north-cast
and west south-west, esteeming ourselves from it twelve
leagues. It was a mayne high-land, nothing at all covered
with snow ; and the north part of that mayne high-land was

'im'iV'r'^ very high mountayncs, but we could see no snow on them.

Willi snow. ^Y^ accounted, by our observation, the part of the mayne
land lay nccrest hand in 73 degrees. The many fogs and
calmes, with contrary winds and much ice necrc the shoare,
held us from farther discovery of it. It may bee objected
against us as a fault, for haling so westerly a course. The
chicfc cause that moved us thereunto, was our desire to see
that part of Groncland, which (for ouglit that we know) was
to any Christian unknowne ; and wee thought it might as
well have beenc open sea as land, and by that meanes our
passage should have bcene the larger to the Pole ; and the
hope of having a westerly wind, which would be to us a
landcrly wind if wee found land. And considering wee
found land contrarie to that which our cards make mention
of, we accounted our labour so much the more worth. And,
ibr ought that wee could see, it is like to bee a good land,
and worth the seeing.

On the ofie a?icl UventietJi day, in the morning, while we
steered our course north north-east, wc thought wc had
embayed ourselves, finding land on our larboord and ice
upon it, and many great pieces of drift ice : we steered away
north-east, with diligent looking out every cleere for land,
having a desire to know whether it would leave us to the
cast, both to know the bredth of the sea, and also to shape
a more northerly course. And considering wee knew no

The land ot nauic givcu to tliis land, wee thought crood to name it llold-

11 old with _ ° . . ' .

iiniif^ro with-Hopc, lying in 73 decrees of latitude.

dtgrees. t. ^ j o o

The sunne was on the meridian on the south part of the
compassc, neercst hand. Heere it is to bee noted, that when
we made the Mount of Ciods Mcrcie and Youngs Cape, the

-4

riiisT voYAOK (KIOT). 7

land was covered with snow for the most part, and cxtrcamc
cold, when wee approached necrc it : but this land was
very temperate to our feeling. And this likewise is to be
noted, that being two dayes without observation, notwith-
standing our lying a hull by reason of much contrary wiiul,
yet our observation and dead-reckoning were within eight '^u,

leagues together, our shippe being before us eight leagues. V

This night, untiU next morning, prooved little windc. -f

The t/ircc and twcDtioth, in the morning, wc had an hard »/

gale on head of us, with much raync that fell in very great ;^^

drops, much like our thunder-showers in I'higland ; wee
tacked about and stood east northerly with a short saylc ;
to our feeling it was not so cold as before we had it. It was .

calme from noone to three of the clockc with fogge. After ^

the winde came up at east and cast south-east, wc steered -,

away north-east with the fogge and raync. About seven or s[

eight of the clockc, the wind increased with extreame fogge, U

wee steered away with short saylc east north-cast and some-
times east and by north. About twelve at midnight the
wind came up at south-west ; we steered away north, being «•

reasonable cleere weather.

The /o?<r and twentieth, in the morning, about two of the
clockc, the masters mate thought he saw land on the lar- *« , '

boord, trending north north-Avcst westerly, and the longer ^ j!

we ranne north the more it fell away to the west, and did /

thinke it to bee a maync high land. This day, the wind v |

being westerly, we steered away north, and by observation 1^. is

we were in 73 degrees nearest hand. At noone wc chana:cd * ! i

our course, and steered away north and by east; and at our j ^,

last observation, and also at this, we found the meridian all ! f!

leeward on the south and by west, w^estcrly part of the com- i 'i

passe, when we had saylcd two watches, eight leagues.

The Jive and twentieth, the wind scanted and came
up at north north-west ; Ave lay north-east two watches, 8
l'':;:;ues. After the Mind became variable betweenc the

t,.
t

\ '

i^'

^\yt±z

8 MASTKll III;N11Y III dson.

north-east and tlu; north, w(! strcrrd away oast and by north

and sometimes oast ; wc had thickc foggo. About noono

throe granpasscs played about our shippc. This af'tcr-noone

the wind vcrcd to the east and south-cast : we haled away

north and by cast. This night was close Avcather, but small

l\ f'^Sn'^ (^^° ^^^ "-^^^ word night for distinction of time, but

ill long before tuis the sunne was alway above the horizon, but

•" as yet we could never see him upon the meridian north.)

|!; "'' 'legi-ccs. 'YXxxH night, being by our accompt in the latitude of 75 de-

J' groes, wc saw small iiockes of birds, with blacke backes and

white bellies, and long spcare taylcs. Wc supposed that

'ano'oii;'^ hmd was not farre off; but we coidd not discric any, with all

the diligence which wc could use, being so close weather

that many times we could not sec sixe or seven leagues off.

The sixe and hocnticth, in the morning, was close wea-

' ther ; wc had our wind and held our course as afore. This

OH nanuTcl ^^y °^^''-' observation was 76 degrees 38 minutes ; and we

had birds of the same sort as afore, and divers other of that

colour, having red heads, that we saw when wc first made

; the Mount of Gods INIcrcy in Greenland, but not so many.

,. After we steered away north and by east, two watches, teu

^ leagues, with purpose to fall with the souther part of

Newland, accounting ourselves 10 or 12 leagues from the

land. Then wee stood away north-east, one watch, five

; leagues.

' T'he scKcn and twentieth, about one or two of the clocke

(. ,?i'New?uiui i^i ^^^c morning, wc made Newland, being cleere weather on

is<!o\ere . ^^ ^^^ , |^^^^ ^l^^ land was covered with fogge, the ice lying

very thick all along the shove for 15 or 16 leagues, which
we saw. Having fairc wind wee coasted it in a very pleas-
ing smooth sea, and had no ground at an hundred fathoms
foure leagues from the shoare. This day, at noone, wee
78 degrees, accouutcd WC wcrc in 78 degrees, and we stood along the
shoare. This day was so foggie, that we were hardly able
to see the land many times, but by our account we were

FIRST VOYAfiK (lOOT).

nearc Vofjcl Ilookc' Al)oiit cit^ht of the clocko this ccvcn- v.ir.i

" " Mouko.

iiig, we purposed to shape our course from thence north-
west. TTeere is to bee noted, that although we ranne alonj^
neere the shoare, we found no great cohl ; wliich made us
thinkc that if we had becne on shoore the pLacc is tomiicr- T.nni)irai(«

nyiu.

ate. llohling this north-west course, about ten of the ch)cke jj^

at night, we saw great store of ice on head off us, bearing

wester off us ; which wee couhl not goe cleerc off with the

foresayd course. Then we tact about, and stood away be-

tweene the south and the south-east, as much desirous to

leave this land as we were to see it.

The eiyht and tiventiclh was a hard gale of wind all tlie
fore-noone, betwcene the south and the south-west. AVc
shaped our course '^ , we did it to boc;

farther from the ice and land. It pleascul God that about
twelve of the clockc this night it clccrcd up, and we found 'f

that we were betwcene the land and the ice ; Vogel Ilooke I,,

then bearing nearest hand east off us. Then we tacked '••

about and stood in for the shoare, having sea-roome be- ^i

twccn the ice and the land. The 7iinc and twcnlieth, at
foure in the morning the wind at north-east, a i)rctie gale,
we thought best to shorten our way ; so we tacked about
and stood north north-west, the wind a little inci easing.
About twelve at noone, we saw ice ahead off us ; we cast **

about again and stood away east south-east with V(>ry much ^

wind, so that we shortned our sayles for the space of tw o ^

' Vogel Ilooke, (Vogcl-hoeck) — Bird Cape. According to Dr. Beke •

(p. Ixxxvii), a point on the western co.ist of Spitzbergon. It is so
laid down in an old map, published in the " Begin en Voortgang
von de Ncderlandsche Oostindische Compagnie," 4to, Amsterdam, 1646 ;
in the first part, containing the Voyages to the North, 159o to 1597.
This a copy of an English map by Daniel, published in London, 1612,
but which we have not been able to find. Dr. Petermann assigns to
Vogel-hocck quite a diflerent place ; but the scantiness of the materials
does not seem to us to warrant any decided opinion. [Kd.]

" Blank in the original edition. [Ed.]

' 'j^ii'-' — - ■■ "■' -^^ ■ "•- -r?"-i i -.n ii ili , u mL

;l'

ii'.

10 MAS'l'KR Hl.NRY HIDSON.

watches. Then about eiglit this e( vening wc striickc a hull,
and it proved the hardest stornic that we had in this voy-
age. The thirtieth, in the morning, was stormie ; about noone
it ceased ; at seven in the eevening it proved almost calmc.
July- The Jirst of July, all the fore-noonc the wind was at south-

;;; east ; we stood north-east for the shoare, hoping to finde an

lljl open sea betwecne the shoare and the ice. About noone

„ii wee were embayed with ice, lying betweenc the land and us.

J.. 78 lUgices By our observation svc were in 78 deforces 42 minutes,

°. 4).' niiiiutof . •' "

whereby we accounted we were thwart of the great In-
draught. And to free ourselves of the ice, we steered be-
tweenc the south-east and south, and to the westward, as
we could have sea ; and about six this eevening it pleased
God to give us cleere weather ; and we found we were shot
riie fjient farrc into the inlet, being almost a bay, and environed with

inlet.

very high mountaynes, with low land lying betwecne them ;
Avee had no ground in this bay at an hundred fathoms.
Then, being sure where we were, wc steered away west, the
wind at south-east and calmc, and found all our ice on the
norther shoare and a clcare sea to the southward.

The second, it pleased God to give us the wind at north-
east, a faire gale with cleere weather, the ice being to the
nortliwar(^ off us, and the weather shoare, and an open sea
to the southwards under our Ice. We held on our course
north-west till tv.'clve of the clockc ; having sayled in that
course 10 leagues, and finding the ice to fall from us to the
,' wc gave thankes to God who marvellously
preserved us from so many dangers amongst so huge a quan-
titic of ice and fogge. We steered away north-west, hoping

78 .incipes to bc frcc from ice ; we had observation 78 degrees, 56
minutes ; wc fell with ice againe, and trended it as it lay
betweene the west and south south-east. The third, we had

78 ,if :ieps observation 78 degrees, 33 minutes. This day wee had our

33 miiuit.'s. ...

shrouds frozen ; it was searching cold ; we also trended the
' Blank in original crlition. [Ed.]

:,i|l

FiusT voVACip; (IGOTj.

ice, not knowing whether we were cleare or not, the wind
being at north.

The fourth, was very cold, and our shroudes and sayles '''''" i
frozen ; we found we were farro in the inlet. The wind Ivozoi^ '"*
being at north, Ave bcarc up and stood south south-east,
and south and south-west by west till ten this night. The
fft, was very much wind at north-easterly ; at twelve we
strooke a hull, havinn; broui^ht ourselves neare the mouth'''!";"""'"'
of the inlet.

The sixth, in the morning, the wind was as before, and the
sea grownc. This morning we came into a very greene sea ;
we had our observation 77 degrees, 30 minutes. This after- rr d.Kiv.a

_ ao minutea,

noone the wind and sea asswaged. About foure of the
clocke wc set sayle, and steered north-west and by west, the
wind being at north north-east. This day proved the clear-
est day we had long before. The seventh, at foure in the
morning, was very cleare weather, and the fairest morning
that we saw in three weekes before ; we steered as afore,
beins; by our account in 78 decci'ees nearest hand, and out of /";"; '''■"'••'''^;
the Sackc. We found wc were compassed in with land and """ ''""''''■■

ice, and were a^aine entred into a blacke sea, which by proofe a biiuu.!
^ . . "'"' "1"-'"

we found to be an open passage. Xow, having the wind at '*'^^"-

north north-east, we steered away south and by east, with

purpose to fall with the southermost part of this land, which

we saw ; hoping by this meane, either to defray the charge

of the voyage, or else, if it pleased God in time to give us a

faire wind >^o the north-east, to satisfic expectation. All this

day and night afterward proved calme.

The eight, all the forc-noone proved calme and very tliicke

fogge. This morning we sa-,\' many pecces of drift-wood ^J^'^']' ''''"'■•

urive by us ; we heaved out our boate to stop a leakc, and

mended our riggin<>s. This day woe saw many scales, and ^^^^I'v

two fishes which we judged to bee sea-horses or morses. At ^''^'■*''*'-

twelve this night we had the winde at cast and by south ;

wee stood away north-cast.

■■:x

•••

■•••

-r
\
I.,

• I:

'• ■■■' - ^•— IT

l!2 MASTER HENRY HUDSON,

The nitith, all the forc-noone was little wind at south-east,
with thicke fogge. This day "we were in amongst ilands of
ice, where we saw many scales.

The tenth, in the morning, was foggie ; afterward it
proved cleeic ; we found we were compassed with ice every
;;,;; way about us ; wee tacked about, and stood south and by

l\l west, and south south-west, one watch, five leagues, hoping

"Ml to get more sea-roome and to stand for the north-east; we

,!•• had the wind at north-west.

■r iMomiienco 'X'he elcxcnth, vcrv clccre weather, with the windc at

ll soi'inelh ' ./ '

j)i' Hen" ""' south-east-south ; we were come out of the blue sea into our

owneiiotes. grccnc sca againe, where we saw whales. JNow, iiavnig a

fresh gale of wind at south south-east, it behooved nice to

change my course, and to sayle to the north-east, by the

Hiueaiid southcr cud of Ncwlaud. But being come into agreenesea,

gieone sens. _ '^

'• praying God to direct mee, I steered away north ten leagues.

'[ After that we saw ice on our larboord, Ave steered away east

and by north three leagues, and left the ice behind us. Then
wee steered away north till noone. This day wee had the

■ sunne on the meridian south and by west, westerly, his

greatest height was 37 degrees, 20 minutes. By this ob-

T.uiegici!:! servation we were in 79 degrees, 17 minutes ; we had a fresh

I'll IV niinulcf".

•"• gale of wind and a smooth sea, by meanes whereof our ship

had out-runne us. At ton this cevening cleere weather, and

,11 then we had the coFipany of our troublesome neighbours,

*"" ice with fogge. The wind was at south south-west. Hecre

,"lj, we saw plentic of scales, and we supposed beares had beenc

hcere, by their footing and dung upon the ice. This day,

I SI, k ot many of my companie were sicke with eating of beares flesh

I iiiisaiii;.!. tJ^e Jjiy beiorc unsalted.

I The twelfth, for the most part, was thicke fogge ; wee

steered bctweene south and by east, and south south-east
2g leagues, to cleere us of the ice. Then we had the wind
at south ; wee steered till noone north-east five leagues. This
morning we hud our shioudes frozen. At noone, by our

FlKSl VOYAGK (1()()T). 13

accompt, we were in 80 degrees, being little wind at west *' iiigiees.
south-west, almost calme with thicke fogge. This after-
noone we steered away north and sometimes north-east.
Then we saw ice ahead off us ; we cast about and stood
south-east, with little wind and fogge. Before we cast about
by meanes of the thicke fogge, we were very neere ice, being |^

calme, and the sea setting on to the ice, which was very V

dangerous. It pleased God at the very instant to give us a •¥

small gale, which was the meanes of our deliverance ; to »j>

Him be praise therefore. At twelve this night it cleared ;<v

vip, and out of the top William Collins, our boatswaine,
saw the land, called Ncwland by the Hollanders, bearing ■*;■ "'";"•. '"•
south south-west twelve leagues from us. 'ii,!ih'u'.'i,Ts"

The thirteenth) in the morning, the wind at south and by luu' (lis-''

i-uvrric l.y

east, a good gale, we cast about and stood north-east and by Hiui'ins.ns

lieluri) is

umrso

east, and by observation Ave were in 80 degrees, 23 minutes. l|'',''i^i;'','i^'|",'e,. X

This day we saw many whales. This forc-noone proved ^o exmn "or *"•'

cleere weather, and we could not sec any signe of ice out of noi- tlist, 'as *JJ

the top. lietweene noone and three of the clocke, we steered served or \

^ ' Sir II. Wil-

away north-east and by east five leagues ; then we saw ice I'.'I'i;}]!,','^^ i*

on head off' us ; we steered east two glasses, one league, and ."iovoHoH' "* Z

could not be cleare of the ice with that course. Then we wimioTimi *I

steered away south-east two leaijfues 4, after we sayled east ijeiunt.t hoy w

and by north, and east fourc leagues, till eight the next '"i"^^'- ^

morning. #

... •

The foureteenth, in the morning, was calme with fogge. v

At nine, the wind at east, a small gale with thicke fogge ; ,

wee steered south-east and by east, and running this course

we found our grcene sea againe, which by proofe we found orcpnesea

o n ' J I Irecst <]| ice,

to be freest from ice, and our azure blue sea to be our icie OJjfg'^g^
sea. At this time we had more birds then we usually found. "^"'"
At noone, being a thicke fogge, we found ourselves neere
land, bearing east off" us ; and running farther we found a
bay open to the west and by north northerly, the bottomc
and sides thereof being to our sight very high and ragged

14 MASTER II EMI Y HUDSON.

land. The norther side of this baycs mouth being high hmd
coUiiiH iy a small iland, the which we called Collins Cape," by the
name of our boat-swaine, who first saw it. In this bay we
saw many whales, and one of our company having a hooke
Whale and line ovcr-boord to trie for fish, a whale came under the
-■' keele of our ship and made her held ; yet by Gods mercie

j||i| we had no harme, but the losse of the hooke and three parts

,„ii, of the line. At a south-west sunne from the north-west and

jp, by north, a flood set into the bay. At the mouth of this bay

f we had sounding thirtie fathoms, and after sixe and twentie

fathoms, but being farther in, we had no ground at an hun-
dred fathoms, and therefore judged it rather a sound then
a bay. Betweene this high ragged, in the swampes and
vallies lay much snow. Heere wee found it hot. On the
souther side of this bay, lye three or fourc small ilands or
.:: rockes.

As.niiidis In the bottome of this bay, John Colman, my mate, and

mill iieepcr "William Collius, my boat-swaine, with two others of our

iiiouubay. QQUipany went on shoare, and there they found and brought

aboord a payrc of morses teeth in the jaw ; they likewise

found whales bones, and some dosen or more of deeres

homes ; they saw the footings of beasts of other sorts ; they

also saw rote-geese i^ they saw much drift-Avood on the

shoare, and found a streame or two of fresh water. Here

thev found it hot on the shoare, and drank water to coolc

so^de'giees. their thirst, which they also commended. Here we found

the want of a better ship-boate. As they certified me, they

were not on the shoare past half an lioure, and among other

' This island is not marked upon any old map or chart, and the dc-
sciption here given of it, is insufficient to determine its place with any
dc. -ee of certainty. [Ed.]

■'* Supposed to have been thus named from their peculiar cry ; see the
observations of Dr. Bekc on these geese, Be Veer, i>p. 7J)-H1. We may
call the reader's attention to the fact that Hudson docs not fall into the
error of Phillip, who, misled by the ear, mistook the Dutch rot-yioisen
for red geese.

',1, Heat

• II

FIRST VOYAGE (IGOTj.

tilings brought uboord a stone of the countrey. AMicn they
, Avent from us it was cahnc, but presently after we had a gale
of wind at north-east, Avhich came with the flood with fogge.
We plyed too and againe in the bay, waiting their com-
ming ; but after they came aboord we had the wind at east
and by south a fine gale ; we minding our voyage, and the
time to perform it, steered away north-cast and north north-
cast. This night proved clecre, and we had the sunne on
the meridian, on the north and by east part of the compasse ;
from the upper edge of the horizon, with the crosse-stafFe,
we found his height 10 degrees, 40 minutes, without allow- i^|',",l"*;,.ees
ing any thing for the scmidiameter of the sunne, or i,he dis- hiJi,','abou1.
tance off the end of the staffe from the center in the eye. """"''"■
From a north sunne to an east sunne, we sayled betweene
north and north north-east, eight leagues.

The fifteenth, in the morning, -svas very cleere weather,
the sunne shining warme, but little wind at east southerly.
By a south-east sunne we had brought Collins Cape to beare
off us south-east, and we saw the high land of Newland, that
part by us discovered on our starboord, eight or ten leagues
from us, trending north-east and by east, and south-west and
by west, eighteene or twentie leagues from us to the north-
east, being a very high mountaynous land, like ragged
rockes with snow betweene them. By mine account, the
norther part of this land which now we saw, stretched into
81 degrees. All this day proved cleere weather, little wind, '^^ ''''Rf««'*'
and reasonable warme.

The sixteenth, in the morning warme and cleere weather ;
the wind at north. This morning we saw that we were com-
passed in with ice in abundance, lying to the north, to the
north-west, the east and south-east ; and being runne toward
the farthest part of the land by us discovered, which for the
most part trendeth nearest hand north-east and south-west,
wee saw more land joyning to the same, trending north in our ],
sight, by mcanes of the cleernesso of the weather, stretching

I..

in
■I

i<l

iiiti> «•;
(lotjrcos.

16 MASTER TIKNRY HUDSON.

farre into 82 degrees/ and by the bowing or shewing of the
skie much farther. Which when I first saw, I hoped to
have had a free sea between the land and the ice, and meant
to have compassed this land by the nor^h. But now, find-
ing by proofe it was unpossiblc, by means of the abundance
of ice compassing us about by the north and joyning to the
land, and seeing Cod did blcsse us with a faire wind to sayle
Thpyie- |)y file south of tliis luud to tlic uortli-east. we returned,

turned. *^

bearing up the hclme, minding to hold that part of the land
which the Hollanders had discovered in our sight ; and if
contrary winds should take us, to harbour there, and to trie
what Ave could finde to the charge of our voyage, and to
proceed on our discovcrie as soone as God should blcsse us
with winde. And this I can assure at this present, that be-
tweene 78 degrees and f^ and 82 degrees, by this way there
is no passage:" but I think this land may bee profitable to
those that will adventure it. In this bay before spoken of,
Aimriiiniice and about this coast, wc saw more abundance of scales then

,,.1, Ol ROllll'S.

"'"' wc had scene any time before, swimming in the water. At

.i noone this day, having a stiffc gale of wind at north, we

were thwart of Collins Cape, standing in 81 degrees and a
'' halfc ; and at one of the clockc the cape bcare north-east oflf

„H. us. From thence I set our course west south-west, with

purpose to keepe in the open sea free from ice, and sayled

in that course 16 leagues. At ten this night wc steered
',.n, away south-west, with the wind at north, a hard gale, untill

eight the next morning, 18 leagues.

The seventeenth, in the morning, a good gale at north ;

at eight we altered our course, and steered away south till

' Captain Becclicy {Voi/ape of Discovery, p. 271), supposes this to be
the Seven Islands. Tlic highest point reached in boats and sledges by
Captain Parry in 1827, lies under 82° 4j'.

^ Hudson is mistaken in this respect. It is not clear, however, whe
ther he was arrested by ice only or by land. If the latter were the case,
some of his observations with regard to latitudes must be incorrect.

»•

FIRST VOYAGE (IfiOT). 17

eight in the eevcning, and rannc 12 leagues. This day
proved reasonable clcerc and warmc. The ciyhtccnth , in the
morning, the M'ind cncreased at soutli and by east, with
thicke fogge. All this after-noone and night proved close
weather, little fogge, and reasonable warme.

The nineteenth, at eight in the morning, the wind at
south, with thicke fogge ; we steered south-cast 4 leagues
till noonc ; then the wind vercd more large ; wee steered
south-east and by east four leagues till foure ; then wee vercd
shctc, and steered cast and by south-easterly 15 leagues, till
eight the next morning. This day, after the morning, proved hJ

reasonable cleere and warmc.

The twentieth, in the morning, little wind ; at eight this 'I

morning wee saw land ahead of us under our Ice, and to
Aveathcrward of us, distant from us 12 leagues, being part of
Newland. It is very high mountainous land ; the highest
that we had scene untill now. As we sayled nccrc it, we
saw a Sound ahead of us, lying east and west. The land on 1*

the norther side of this Sound's mouth, trendeth neerest hand
west north-west, and east south-east 12 leagues, in our sight, •*

being 10 leagues from us ; and the land on the souther side, ••

being 8 or 10 leagues in our sight, at this time trendeth ^

south south-east and north north-west -} from eight to noonc ••

was calme. This day, by observation, wc were in 77 degrees, '~ ii'creoa,
26 minutes. On the norther side of the mouth of this inlet • ''

lie three ilands,^ not farre the one from the other, being very '^

high mountainous land. The fiirthcst of the three to the »

north-west hath foure very high mounts, like hcapes of
come. That iland next the inlets mouth, hath one very high
mount on the souther end. Here one of our companic killed
a red-billed bird. All this day after the morning, and nil

^ This is perhaps the best description extant of Bell Sound, on the
west coast of Spitzbergcn.

^ These three islands arc not, as far as we know, marked on any map
of Spity,l)crgcn.

Hiiiii:!

18 MASTF.Il IIRNRY HUDSON.

night, proved calmc, cnclining rather to hcatc then cold.
This night wee had some warmc rayne.

The 07ie and tiventicth, all the fore-noone calme ; at fourc
in the after-noone we had a small gale of wind at south
i.....„ south-cast, with fog ; we steered away cast to stand in with

the land, and sayled 3 leagues untill mid-night : then the
wind came at north-east, we cast about, and steered south
10 leagues till eight the next morning. The tioo and tiven-
ticth, at eight in the morning much wind at east, and varia-
ble, with short sayle wee steered 3 leagues south and by
east : then came down very much wind ; we strooke a hull.
All this after-noone and night, proved very much wind with
raine.

The three and twentieth, all the fore-noone was very much
wind at south, with raine and fogge. At foure this after-
noone wee saw land, bearing north-east of us, 6 leagues from
us. Then we had the wind at south south-west ; wee steered
away south-east and south-east and by east 4 leagues, the sea
being very much grownc. We accounted we had hulled

' north-west and by north 22 leagues, and north 3 leagues.

^''' • Then fearing Avith much wind to be set on a lee-shoare we

tackt about, and made our way good west and by north, half
a point northerly all this night with much wind.

The four and twentieth, in the morning, much wind as
afore, and the sea growne. This morning wee strooke our
mayne top-mast to ease our ship, and sayled from the last
ccvening, eight, to this noone, 15 leagues west and by north
halfe a point northerly. From twelve to eight, six leagues
as afore, with the wind at south and by west ; at eight we
tackt about with the winde at south south-west, and lay
south-east and by east, with much winde, and the sea growne.

The jice and twentieth was a clcere morning : we set our
mayne top-mast : we saw land bearing north of us, and
under our lee, we sayling south-east and by east. Then the
wind scanted : we cast about, and lay south-west and by

•■■"■'■

I M» I.

1*11"

III"

FIRST VOYAGE (1G07). 19

west 2 leagues ^ till noonc. Then it began to overcast, and
the wind to scant againe : we cast about, and lay south-cast
and by south, the wind at south-west and by west, and saylcd
in that course 3 leagues, till foure in the aftcr-noone. Then
the wind scanted againe, and we sayled S leagues south.
Now, seeing how contrarie the winde proved to doe the ^N

good which wee desired this way, I thought to prove our U^jJ

fortunes by the west once again ; and this eevening at eight, KX

wee being in the latitude of 78, with the better, and from \vf

land 15 leagues, which leagues part whereof beare from the '.;3l

north-cast to the east off'' us, we steered away west, with the '"^

wind at south-east, and cleere weather.

The sixe and tioentictli^ all this day proved rayne with ^^^

thicke fogge, and an hard gale of wind at east and by north, 4

and east north-east. From the last eevening at eight to this •••

noone, wee ranne 25 leagues : from noone till midnight li) \

leagues, the wind at east and by south ; from mid-night till '*,

two the next morning, 2 leagues west. m

The secen and ticentieth, extreme thicke fog, and little '

wind at east and by south. Then it proved calmc, and the ••!

sea very loftie. Wee heard a great rutte or noise with the <r

ice and sea, which was the first ice we heard or saw since ji

we were at Collins Cape : the sea heaving us westward ''

toward the ice. Wee heaved out our boat, and rowed to ••

towe out our ship farther from the danger ; which would ^

have beene to small purpose, by mcanes the sea went so i)^'!'^"'':^ )i

high : but in this extremitie it pleased (^Jod to give us a small '

gale at north-west and by west, we steered away south-east,
4 leagues, till noone. Here wee had finished our discoveric,
if the wind had continued that brought us hither, or if it
had continued calme ; but it pleased God to make this north-
west and by west wind the meane of our deliverance : which
wind wee had not found common in this voyage. God
give us thankfull hearts for so great deliverance. Here we

' la the neighbourhood of Ice Souud, on the west coast of Si^itzbergcu.

) 'i

ic;

'iiiill::

20 MASTEll IIENllY HUDSON.

found the want of a good ship-boat, as once we had done
wimics uny. i^pf^j.^ at Whalcs Bay: we wanted also halfe a dozen long
oares to rowe in our ship. At noouc the day clccred up,
and we saw by the skic ice bearing off us, from west south-
west to the north and north north-east. Then we had a
good gale at west ; we steered away south till fourc, 7
leagues. From foure to six, south 4 leagues, and found by
the icy skie and our neereness to Groneland that there is no
passage that way : which, if there had beene, I meant to
have made my returne by the north of Groneland to Davis
his Strcights, and so for England.^ Here fiading we had
the benefit of a westerly wind, which all this voyage we had
found scant, we altered our course and steered to the cast-
ward, and ran soutu-.ast foure leagues. From eight this
eevcning till noone the next day, east south-east, 30 leagues.
All this day and night proved very cold, by mcanes, as I
suppose, of the winds comming off so much ice.

The eiijht and twentieth, very cold, the wind at west, not
very foggie. At noone this day wc steered away south-east
and by cast, and by observation we were 76 degrees, 36

jiic;; minutes.^ From noone to eight, 10 leagues. Then the wind

*ii- scanted to south-east and by south, wc steered away cast

and by north 18 leagues, till the next day noone.

The nine and ticentieth, all the fore-noonc a thicke fog

'»)!• and wet, the wind at south-east and by east, nearest hand,

and raw cold. From noone to foure wee sayled three leagues

[jjjl :-ast and by north, halfe a point northerly. Then the wind

veered more large ; we steered east and by south 8 leagues
till twelve at night. At this time to windward we heard

^ Greenland, which Hudson always calls Groneland, was up to his
time too imperfectly known to prevent his entertaining the hope of re-
turning home by the north of it. The fact that a passage does not
exist, is one of the most important geographical results obtained by this
expedition.

'^ About ()' to the N.W. of South Cape, on Point Lookout, the most
southern point of Spitzbergen.

;:;i hi

I M II 1^

iiyiii

)>.

FIRST VOYAGE (1607). 21

the ruttc of land, which I knew to be so by the colour of the
sea. It was extreme thickc fog, so that we could hardly
see a cables length from our ship. We had ground 25
fathoms, small blacke pcble stones. Wee sounded againe,
and had ground at 30 fathomes, small stones like beanes ;
at the next cast no ground at GO fathomes. I cast about
againe and steered south-west six leagues, west and by north "K

two leagues, till the next day noone. All this day and night ""^

extreme thickc fog. >K,

The thirtieth, all the fore-noone very thickc fog. At ""^

noone almost calme : after we had little wind, and steered ,j

north north-west till two : then it clccrcd up, so that we
could see from us 2 leagues with the wind at north-we.st. '"^'

Then we steered east south-east : after it cleered. At south, .,'i

in the eevening, we saw an iland bearing off us north-west
from us 5 leagues, and we saAV land bearing off from us 7
lca<Tues.^ We had land likewise bearing off us from east south-
east to south-east and by east as we judged, 10 leagues. Then, \*

having the winde at west north-west, we steered south and

III

by east. It presently proved calme till ten this eevening : „i

then wee had a little gale at south-west and by Avest ; wee Jj

steered away south south-cast till twelve this night, and 4

accounted ourselves in 70,- from land 10 leagues : which was
the likeliest land that wee had scene on all parts of New-
land, being playne riggie land of a meane height and not
ragged, as all the rest was that we had scene this voyage,
nor covered with snow. At twelve this night wee saw two
morses in the sea necre us swimming to land. From twelve
at night to foure, calme.

The o?ic md thirtieth, at foure this morning, we had the
wind at south-east ; we s*^eered south south-west. Then it

^ This island seems not to be marked on the maps.

^ An evident mistake in Hudson's dead reckoninj? ; Si)itzbergcn does
not extend farther south than 70° 30'. These mistakes frequently occur
in the Arctic regions, and we must be careful with regard to every state-
ment that is not based on astronomical observations.

«>

iiiifi::

llltf

JI'll.

lliiml.

22 MASTER IIENllY HUDSON.

proved calmc, and so continued all the forc-noone. The
af'tcr-noone wee had the wind at east south-cast : we steered
south, 8 leagues. Then being like to prove much wind,
contraric to our purpose, and finding our fog more thickc
and troublesome then before, divers things necessaric want-
ing, and our time well nigh spent to doc further good this
yecre, I commanded to bcarc up for our rcturnc for Eng-
land, and steered away south south-west. And this night
proved a hard gale of wind at south-east and by east. We
chvvK were thwart of Cheries Hand' the next morning, at foure of
the clocke, being to windward oft' us 5 leagues : knowing
we were neere it, we looked out carefully for the same, and
it proving clcere, we saw it, being a very ragged land on
the water side, rising like hcy-cockcs.

The ^7st of August, a very hard gale of wind at east
south-east j we shorted sayle and steered away south south-
west. This night was very foggie, with a hard gale of wind at
east and by south ; we steered by our account 27 leagues : and
from eight this cevening till the next morning foure, 10 leagues
as afore. All this night was very foggie, wet and raw cold.
3)11? The second, in the morning, calme, with a thicke fog, cold

*""• and slabbie weather. About noone we had a little gale west

mil n.i

..i>«" and by north : we steered away as afore. The third, in the

""" morning calme and cleere weather, with a little gale east

'''»• and by south; we saylcd south south-Avest: then wee had

,„,i.i the wind at south-eas% wee saylcd as afore. All this day

,,„ and night proved close weather, a little logge at noone,

which continued not long. At twelve this night the wind

vercd to the east and by north, wee held our course south

south-west as afore.

'Wig fifteenth of August we put into the lies of rarre,'-*

standing in 52 degrees ; and the Fifteenth of September I

arrived in Tilberie Hodc in the Thames.

^ Discovered by Bareutz. Stephen Bennett visited it in 1C03, and
called it after his j)atron, Francis Olierie.
^ The Faroe Islands.

SKCOiNI) VOYAOK (1()()S). 23

I'Oll I'lNDIN'd A I'ASH.VilK TO TIIK EAST INDIKS IIY TIIK NOItTII EAST :
W KITTEN HY IIIMSEU'E.

A SECOND VOYAOK OR EMPLOYMENT OK

MASTKll IIKXIIY HUDSON, )i«

■<

•:>

Theiu names employed in this action arc as followcth : '■*

licnry Hudson, master and pilot ; llobcrt Juct,' the mas-

'"S
tcr his mate : Ludlowe Arnall ; John Cooko, boatsonne ; *

Philip Stacic, carpenter ; John Barnes ; John Braunch, ,'*

cooke ; John Adrey ; James Strutton ; Michel Feirce ; Tho- Jf

mi!S Hilles ; llichard Tomson ; Robert Ilaynar ; John Ilud- •«

son ; and ITumfrey Gilby. The courses observed in this *•

journall Averc by a compasse, that the needle and the north '•

of the Flye were directly one on the other. „

Anno 1608, the two and tioentieth of Ajmll, being Friday, \\»\\\.
we set sayle at Saint Kathcrincs," and fell downe to Blacke-
wall.

The tioentieth of May, at noone, by observation wc were :\iiiy.
in 64 degrees, 52 minutes ; and at this time and place the »

needle declined under the horizon by the inclinatory 81
degrees, and wee had a smooth sea, by meanes whereof my
observation was good.

The one and tioentieth, at night, thicke fog ; wee saylod
north north-east ; wee steered north north-east as afore : in
the aftcr-noone little wind and thicke fog ; we accounted us
in 67 degrees, the sea smooth, the needle declined 82 de-
grees ; this night was calme and clcere. The three and tioen-

^ I have Robert Juetts journall also, for brevitic omitted. [Purchas.]
^ Where the St. Katherine's Docks now are.

lltMli"""

iiill!"*' [.(iwfoot.

f'"'"

24 MASTER HENRY HUDSON.

tieth, in the morning the wind was easterly, we stood north
north-east, and north and by east. All the fore-noone was
foggie : in the after-noone it clcered, and the wind shortned
upon us, Avc made our way good north all night. 'i\c foure
and twentieth, the wind at east north-east, and east and by
north, we lay as neere as wee could with a full saylc ; wee
accounted Lowfoot^ from us cast northerly 16 leagues distant

'""I K from us ; at fourc a clockc this after-noone, wee stood all

t,, "' night as p^ re.

The fice and tiventioth, the wind at cast north-east ; wc
stood away north as we couh. lie : all this day was clecre
w^eathcr and '•earching cold, which cold begunne the one
and twentieth day, and then my carpenter was taken sicke,
and so doth yet continue ; and three or foure more of our
companie were enclining to sickncsse, I suppose by meanes
of the cold. All the night it was calme. The sixe and
twejiticth, cold but clcare weather, the wind bctwccne east
. '.| and east north-cast ; we stood north-easterly till twelve a

clocke at night : then wee had the wind at north-cast and
north north-east, we stood south-east and east till noone the
next day. The seven and twentieth, cold and drie weather,
at noone we had the wind north and north north-west ; wee
stood away north-east and east north-east as we could, and
accounted our selves in 69 degrees, 40 minutes, and the
needle inclined, having a smooth sea, nearest 84 degrees.
Ail ni"ht we had wind and weather as afore.

The eiffht and ticentieth, drie cold clecre weather ; the

wind bctweene north north-Avest and north ; avc made our

Sun r. rio. way good east north-east ; wee saw the sunne on the north

iniiiuiosftt meridian above the horizon 5 decrees, 35 minutes. All this

inul-iught. c '

night we had much wind as afore. The nine and tioentietJi,
a hard gale at north north-west : by account we ranne from
mid-night to noone 21 leagues east north-east. Wee had
the sunne on the meridian 5 degrees, the latitude 73 de-

' The Luffoden Islands, west of Norway.

I Kill

''.II «'

%\\

lll"Mll(l
... ,ll

SECOXD VOYAGE (1G08). 25

grecs, 13 minutes, Avhercby wee found our ship to have
out-runne us. At mid-night the wind came to south-cast :
wc cast about, and stood cast north-cast. This day partly
clccre weather with some snow. The thirtieth, cold clccrc
weather, the wind betwecnc north-cast and cast and by
north ; wc Avcnt cast south-cast, and observing, were in
73 degrees, 50 minutes. The one and thirtieth, cold and '«S

clccre weather : from the last day to this day noone, we '\

stood south-cast and by south, in the latitude of 72 degjccs, "^^

45 minutes. "^

The Jirst of June, a hard gale at east north-east, with fiino. , i

snow : we made our way good south south-east. The second,
a hard gale of wind at north-cast : towards night, cabne "%

with foggc, our course Mas south-east all day. The third,
in the morning avc had a sight of the North Cape ;' and at a N.ntu cn\v.
west and by north sunne, the Cape bore ofl' us south-west, ^

lialfe a point southerly, being from us 8 lengaes : and ob-
servinsf the variation, i found it to the westward 11 decrees : vminiiniis \*

, . " uvst.U '.

and havini? a smooth sea, the needle cnclincd under the '': -",f ^- .

o ' Ni'i iiii' s Ill-

horizon 84 degrees and a halfe, the neerest I could findc. s'i'XLt"'-! .!

Wc had the wind at south-west, and M-ee stood away north- "'" "' '" I',

east and by cast. It was cleerc weather, and wc saw Nor- '^

way fisher-men at sea.

']l\\c fourth , warme clccre sun-shine, we stood away north-
cast and by cast. Now, by God's lielpe, our carpenter
recovered, and made a mast for our ship-boat, and the com-
panie made a sayle ; avc had iiie sunne in the sight on the
north meridian, his height was 5 degrees, 40 minutes. In-
clination, 23 degrees, 21 minutes : pole's height, 72 degrees,
21 minutes. The fft, in the morning, calme weather : wee
sounded, and had 140 fathoms, sand oze : here wee saAV a
swelling sea setting north-cast and by east, and south-west
and by west, with streamc-leches : and we saw drift wood.
After we had wind ; and we sayled and made our way north
* The most northern point of Norway.

jjiir-*

■I'C'lHt

2C) MASTKR JIKNRY HUDSON.

north-east : towards night wc sounded, and found ground at
150 fathoms, sand oze. This day cleere weather, and not
cold. The sixt, wee had cleere weather, the wind being at
east north-east, from the last day till this day noonc ; wc
shaped our way on divers courses north and by west, in the
latitude of 73 degrees, 24 minutes. We found that our sliip
had out-runne us, sounding in IGO fathoms : in the after-
noone little wind.

The sevcnt/i, in the morning, the wind at south, after at

south south-east : from the last day till this day noonc, wee

accounted our way from divers courses north-east, 15 leagues.

This day was close but cleere weather, and we had a good

gale of wind at this time. And three dayes before this, our

cooke and one more of our companie were very sickc. In

the morning we had ground at 150 fathoms, and at night we

J4_ had no ground at 180 fathoms, which encreased hope. This

|J^ . night Ave had some snow, which continued foure houres :

.«3I then the wind came at north-east and by east with storme ;

and with short sajle we stood north and by west: here the
'"■-> needle cnclincd 8G degrees. I accounted that we were in

i'*» '1 ''f-tivers, 74 degrees and a hali'e at necrest hand. This nieht we saw

the sunuc on the north meridian, his height was 7 degrees,
40 minutes, wliich maketli the pole's height 74 degrees, 23
minutes. The ('!<jJtf, from twelve a clocke last night till
noonc, we accounted our way on divers courses, north and
' by east : then our latitude was 74 degrees, 38 minutes, and

we had no ground at 200 fathoms. In the aftcr-noonc the
wind came at south south-east, and south-east and by east.
This day and night wee had cleere weather, and wc were
Dniu 1,1 no hcrc conic into a blackc blue sea.

sen..

The ninth, cleere weather, the wind came at south-east
and by east : from the last day till this day noone, wee had
a good way north-east, in latitude of 75 degrees, 29 minutes :
then we entred into ice, being the .Irst we saw in this voy-
age : our hope was to go through it ; we stood into it, and

■IH bw

III'*

SECOND VOYAGE (1608). 27

licltl our course betweenc nortb-cast and cast north-east,

loosing for one, and bearing roome for another, till foure in

the afternoonc : at which time we were so farre in, and the

ice so thicke and firme ahead, being in it fourc or five

leagues, that wee had endangered us somewhat too farre ;

wee returned as wee went in, and with a few rubbes of our

ship against the ice ; by eight a clockc this eevening wee

got free of it. Wee made our Hll next day at noone,

south-west and by south, 18 IcaL, .s : in the middest of this

way wee had no ground at 180 fathoms. The tenth, in '.he

morning, hasey weather; but at noone it clecred up, and -J

then we cast about, and stood away north and bj cast, the

wind being at east south-east, two watches, five leagues : •

then we had the wind at cast ; we cast about, and stood '••

south south-east, and made a south way, sixe leagues. The 'r

eleventh, in the morning, a hard storme at east and cast and

by south, we strooke a hull.

The twelfth, in the morning, fog, and all day after cleere
weather, the wind at south south-west ; we sieercd cast and
by north : at noone being in the latitude 75 degrees, 30
minutes. From noone till fourc a clockc, five lca"ucs cast ••

and by north ; then we saw ice ahead of us and under our
lee, trending from the north-west to the north and east of
us : we had sounding 100 fathom, greenish ozc. Here we
saw divers pieces of drift wood' by us driving, and strcamc
leeches lying south south-west and north north-cast. AVe
many times saw the like since we saw the North Cape,
'i'lie thirteenth, clcerc weather, the wind at east, we made a
south way G leagues, two watches ; then we cast about, and
made a north way one -watch, 3 leagues ,^ : at twelve at
night, much wind with fog, we strooke a hull and laid our
ship's head to the southward. The fourteenth, in the fore-

' This wood is carried along from the North American coasts by the
gulf streams. Considerable quantities of it are thrown on the shores of
iSpitzbcrgcn.

••I

»t

ifiC

'iuiii,s!;

I'll

«r

11 •■

28 MASTKR HENRY HUDSON.

noono, fog, and our shvoudes were frozen : tlie after-noonc
Avas clecro sun-shine, and so was all the night.

The /if tcoi/h, all day and night cleere sunshine ; the wind
at east ; the latitude at noone 75 degrees, 7 minutes. We
held westward hv our account 13 Icaijues. In the after-
noone the sea was asswaged ; and the wind being at east we
set sayle, and stood south and by east, and south south-east
as we could. This morning, one of our companie looking
over boord saw a mermaid, and calling up some of the com-

il, panic to see her, one more came up, and by that time shee

»'""■>■ was come close to the ship's side, looking earnestly on the

men : a little after, a sea came and overturned her : from the

"" navill upward, her backe and breasts were like a woman's,

as they say that saw her ; her body as big as one of us ; her

skin very white : and loni^ hairc han2:ing downe behinde,

j,|j.^ of colour blncke : in her going downe they saw her tayle,

&■■ .. which M'as like the tayle of a porposse, and speckled like a

«»'^ macrell.' Their names that saw her, were Thomas ililles

and Kobcrt I'ayner.

The sixteenth, cleere weather, tlie wind being at cast.
W*5I From the last day till this day noone we made our way

south and by east 1) leagues, and from noon to eight a clockc
in the eevening (5 h;a"ues : then we cast about and stood to
the northwards.

'J'lie sevcntoentli, cleere Aveathcr, the wind at south-east
and by east ; from the last day till this day noone, our way
was north-east and by east, at noone being in the latitude of
74 degrees, 40 minutes. At after-noonc we sounded, and
had ground at 86 fathom, green oze, and our water whitish
greene. Here m e saw whales, porpoises, and the sea full of
fowles : from noone to mid-night, north-east and by east ;
we had the sunne at lowest, on the north and by east, east-

^ Probably a seal. Dr. Kano observes that there is something in the
appearance and the movements uf'thi.s animal stron. ly akin to those ot"
human beings.

SECOND VOYAGE (1G08). 29

crly part of the conipassc : latitude 74 degrees, 54 minutes.
Sounding we had 92 fathoms water, oze as before.

The ci<jhtccnt]i, faire weather, the wind at south-east and
by east ; from mid-night till this day noone wee sayled north-
east and by ea:?t, in the latitude of 75 degrees 24 minutes,
and had ground at ninetie-five fathome ; oze as afore. Here
we had ice in our sight to the northward off us. In the ^

after-noone, having little wind at north-east, we cast about '^

and lay cast south-east, and at sixe a clocke had ground at
ninetie-five fathoms and a halfe ; oze as afore. From noone
to twelve a clocke at night our way was south-east, and ^

south-east and by east, and had the sunnc on the meridian
north and by east halfe a point eastward. The sunnes height "^

was 8 degrees 40 minutes. Sounding, ninetie fathom. All
this day we had ice on our huboord trending : and at this (•

time, from the north-west off us to the east south-east, I have
some reason to thinke there is a tide or current setting to L'u''''^"t- ,

the northwards ; the course wee held and the way we nuule
betAveenc this noone and mid-night observations, doe make
mee suspect it the more. »

The nineteenth, fairc and warme weather, the sea smooth. ^:ceJl.'"'8 in- ,

Here the needle inclined under the horizon 89 degrees and ai',,'" a^huire, ,^

a halfe, being in the latitude at noone of 75 degrees, 22 ;.m''s,:2:2
niniutes ; sounding wee had ground in an liundred lathom. ,,

From twelve a clocke last night till this day at noone, we ' *

accounted our way from east and by north to south-east ten
leagues, having ice alwayes in our sight trending on our 1

larboord ; wee had the winde betweene north and north ° I

north-west. AVe saw the sunne at the lowest on the north I

and by east, halfe a point easterly ; his height was 8 degrees,
10 minutes, which maketh the Pole's height 74 degrees, 50
minutes ; sounding, we had ground in one hundred and
twentie-sixe fathom. From noone to this time, wee accounted
our way east and by south and east south-east, twelve leagues.
The twentieth, faire warme weather; this morning, at

....II!

:;a»

jf .^' ■*

M". ....

f "-

Ik'iires
louring.

30 MA.STEH HENRY HUDSON.

fourc of the clocke, wee had depth one hundred and twen-
tie-five fathom. Hecre we heard heares roar on the ice ;
store of and wee saw upon the ice and ncare unto it an incredible
number of scales. A\"e had sounding one hundred and fif-
teen fathom, and after ground at ninetic-five fathom, sandie
oze. We had the sun on the meridian north and by east,
halfe a point easterly ; his height was 7 degrees, 20 minutes.
From twelve a clocke last night to twelve a clocke this night,
our way was made good by our account, south-east and by
south twelve leagues, and south-east three leagues and a
'■'"'-' halfe, the ice alwayes being on our larboord. The wind

; this day bctweene north and north-west.

; * The one and tivoitieth, at foure a clocke in the morning,

wee sounded and had one hundred and twentie fathome,
;;i;;;-"' grccu ozc, aud the ice boic off us cast, the wind variable ; in

jili.,,, divers courses wee made our way good south south-east;

'J" .. suimciit our latitude at noone being 74 deforces, 9 minutes, we were

i'"""* '!reos~i'n' haled to the northward beyond expectation. All this day

,;;, ri'Xli'ives,' faire, cleere, and wannc weather, and ice on our larboord

"•" '"' 30 miuutes. i i i i • i i i i •

"•' •^' at a north and by east sunnc ; being then at lowest, his

^'" •' lieight was 7 degrees, 40 minutes, which made the Pole's

.""' height 74 degrees, So minutes. From the last day at noone

till twelve a clocke this night, by account of our ship's way,
I ^ wee made our way good east north-east, sixe leagues and a

,^!;'*" halfe ; whereby it doth appeare how we were haleil to the

" northward. Heere wee had "round at one hundred and

11'*' . .

'"* thirteene fathome, green sandie oze.

.iiiois iio«o^s 'j^j^g ^^^Q ^^^^ twentieth, faire clcare weather, the winde at

It'll (il a Mill- ' ■'

lio'i'i o'l't'ile west north-west. At eight aclocke in the morning, we had
I fnmi'thr' ground at o.ie hundred and fifteene fathome, green oze.

north to tlie . , . ■ . i •.

eiistono From mid-nigh<: to noone our course was north-east and by

j'oiiit, wliiili "

luuiiiten p,^j,(. beinff in the latitude of 74 deq-rees, 35 minutes, and wc

two imc ' o D J ^

Mori found that our ship's way and our observation were not
I ;^ but there was carefull heed taken of both. llcere

' rij'vj) ill the oii^^iiiiil.

SECOND VOYAGE (1()0<S). 31

\vc had ice a head off us, trending to the south-cast, and all
day before ice on our larboord. Here we stood south-east
five leagues, t'lcn the ice trended south and by west sixe
leagues ; we saylcd by it, and doubled it by eight aclockc
in the eevening, and then it bore east off us. Hecre, having
a smooth sea, the needle inclined 85 degrees from eight a ii,

cloclcc to twelve, north and by east easterly. Then we had V

the sunne on the meridian, north and by east half a poynt if

easterly. The sunnes height was 7 degrees, 45 minutes, ^j»

which made the latitude 74 degrees, 43 minutes. -v

The three and twentieth, in the morning, thickc fogge, *^

the wind at north north-west. From mid-night till foure a
(;locke this morning, we sayled north-east five leagues, and ^.

then we were among the ice ; we cast about, and stood two ,,,

hourcs south-west, two leagues, and had no ground at one .,

hundred and cightie fathom. Then we cast about againe, I,

and stood cast till eight a clockc, two leagues ; and then it ••

clcercd up, and we had ice a head off us. And from north *

wee stood to south-cast, and our shroudes v,"erc frozen. Then *

till noone wee went east and by south, foure leagues, and •*

were neere ice on our larboord, in the latitude of 74 degrees, i

oO minutes. In the after-noone, the wind being at north, i

wee stood two hourcs and a halfc, five leagues and a halfe ;
three houres south south-east, five leagues ; one houre south- ,

cast and by south, one league and a halff^ ; an houre east, ''

lialfc a league, which brought eight in the eevening, alwayes li

ice on our larboord. This aftcr-noonc wee had some snow.
From eight a clockc to mid-night south south-west, foure
leagues, with ice as afore. We saw the sunne at the lowest
north north-cast, his height was 7 degrees, 15 minutes ; the
pole's height 74 degrees, 18 minutes.

The foure and tioentietli, clcere but cold, and some snow,
tlic wind betweene north north-east and north-east; from
mid-night to foure a clockc wee stood southward, two lea>^ucs,
and south-east and by cast two leagues. And frorr. foure

32 AlASTKR IIRNRY HUDSON.

a clockc till noonc south-east southerly, nine leagues ; sound-
' ing, we had ground in one hundred and fortic fathome.

From noonc to three a clocke, we stood south-east and by
south, three leagues ; from three to foure, south-west and by
south, one league, and had ice from the north-east to the
liiiii!!!!! south-cast off' us. From Ibure a clocke to eight we stood

Mt','^!, south-west, two leagues and a halfc, southward hulfe a

"••'iK league, with ice neerc us under our lead.

C^^.^ The Jicc and twentieth, cold and cleare, the wind at east

'"!;.", south-east ; from eight a clockc last night till foure this

'" morning our way was south and by cast, foure leagues and

a halfc ; sounding, we had ground in eightie fathome ; then

- we had little wind till noonc at east north-east, and the

"■ sunnc on the meridian on the south-west and by south point

of the compasse ere it began to fall ; wee Averc in the lati-
tude of 72 degrees, 52 minutes ; and had ice on our lar-
boord, and our hope of passage was gone this way, by mcancs
i)f our ncarncsse to Nova Zcnibhi nnd the abundance of ice.
We had from noonc to eight a clocke in the cevcning the

Vi iW" wind between north north-cast and north-cast ; we stood

... ,^,

*i,.i„,i south-east, three leagues and a halfc, and had ice on our

* "' 1 1 • • • • 1

,„ ^1 larboord and shoaldnig sixtie-eight fathome.

■"" The sixe and lioentidli, faire sunshining weather, and little

••«.•«, wind at cast north-east. From twelve aclockc at night till

JJJJ foure this morning we stood southward, two leagues ; sound -

"Jill ing wee had sixtie-sixe fathome, oaze, as afore. From foure

i^9<-< a clocke to noonc south-east and by south, foure leagues;

and had the sunnc on the meridian, on the south-east and
by south point of the compasse, in the latitude of 72 de-
grees, 25 minutes ; and had sight of Nova Zcmbla foure or
No passiiKo five leagues from us, and the place called by the Hollanders

thai way. ° _ _ ^ ^

swartciiivo. Swart ClifFe,' bearing off" south-east. In the aftcrnooue wee

^ According to Dr. Bekc's opinion {De Veer, Introduction, p. vi) iden-
tical with the Yxizhnuy G'usuiui/ Mais, or South Goose Cape of Liitke.
This cape is, however, under 71" 20', whilst on De Veer's own map the

Ml..

•* imm

"> -nm,

SFX'ONl) VOYAGE (1008).

had a fine gale at cast north-cast, anJ by eight of the clockc
we had brought it to bcarc off us cast southerly, and sayled
by the shoare a league from it.

The sevoi and twentieth, all the forcnoone it was almost
calme; wee being two mile from the shoare, I sent my mate,
Eobcrt Juct, and John Cooke, my boatswaine, on shoare, '•'"'>■ t"^""

' 'J ' ' ftshore.

with foure others, to see what the land would yeeld that
might bee profitable, and to fill two or three caskes with
water. They found and brought aboard some whales finnes,
two deeres homes, and the dung of deere, and they told me
that they saw grasse on the shoare of the last ycere, and
young grasse came up amongst it a shaftman long ; and it
was boggie ground in some places ; there are many streamcs
of snow water nigh ; it was very hot on the shoare, and the
snow melted apace ; they saw the footings of many great
beares, of deere, and foxes. They went from us at three
a clocke in the morning, and came aboord at a south-cast
sunnc ; and at their comming wee saw two or three com-
panies of morses in the sea neere us swimming, being almost
calme. I presently sent my mate, Ladlow the carpenter,
and sixe others a shoare, to a place where I thought the
morses might come on the shoare ; they found the place
likely, but found no signe of any that had beenc there.
There was a crosse^ standing on the shoare, much driftv/ood,
and signes of fires that had bcene made there. They saw

^irarte Khp sccmo about a degree farther north ; 72"^ 15' to 72' 20', as
far as appears by the ancient mariner's vague indications. This latitude
would seem more in accordance with Hudson's observation.

' Such crosses were found both on Nova Zembla and on the opposite
Russian shore by Barentz and liis companions. They seem to have been
very conspicuous, for an island and a cape were called by the Dutch
Cross Island and Cross Point, only !)ecause one or two sucli crosses were
found on them. It is a well-known fact, that the cross is not only an
object of veneration among Christians, but that it is also worshipped
by some heathens, quite independently of all Christian influence. Whe-
ther the signification of these crosses may be thu^ ^pxnlainedf we are.
however, unable to say. 1 NORTRERN AFFAIRS

& NATIONAL RESOURCES
NOV 10 19C5

•4

Im*

•-^.^,

3-i MASTKU HKNUV UIDSON.

the footing of very great deere and hearrs, and much fowle,^
and a foxe ; they hrought aboord whale finnes^ some mosse,
flowers and greenc things that did there grow. They
brought also two pceces of a crossc, which they found there.
The sunnc was on the meridian on the north north-east,
halfe a point easterly, before it began to fall. The sunnes
height was 4 degrees, 45 minutes ; inclination, 2'2 degrees,
So minutes, which makes the latitude 72 degrees, 12 minutes.
There is disagreement betweene this and the last observa-
tion ; but by mcanes of the clccrenessc of the sunne, the
smoothnessc of the sea, and the necrncsse to land, wee could
not bee deceived, and care was taken in it.

The eight and twentieth, at fourc a clocke in the morning,
our boat came aboord, and brought two dozen of fowle and
some egges, whereof a iii\y were good, and a whale's finne ;

Lj. and wee all saw the sea full of morses, yet no signes of their

II .^, , being on shoare. And in this calme, from eight a clocke

r,!3||' last evening till foure this morning, we were drawne backe

to the northward, as farre as wee were the last evening at
..,, , foure a clocke, by a streamc or a tide ;~ and we chose rather

so to drive, then to adventure the losse of an anchor and the
spoyle of a cable. Heere our new ship-boate began to doe
us service, and Avas an incouragemcnt to my companie,
which want I found the last yeere.

The nine and twentieth, in the morning calme, being halfe
a letigue from the shoare, the sea being smooth the needle
did cncline 84 degrees ; we had many morses in the sea
neere us, and desiring to find where they came on shoare,
wee put to with sayle and oares, towing in our boat, and
rowing in our barke to get about a point of land, from
whence the land did fall more easterly, and the morses did
goe that way. Wee had the sunne on the meridian on the

^ This part of Nova Zembla still abounds with fowl, and has, there-
fore, bean called Goose Coast by Liitke.
^ The gulf stream.

.*•''

sKcoNi) VOYAGE TIBOS;. 35

south and by west point, liiillb a point to the wester part of
the conipassc, in the hititude of 71 degrees, 15 minutes. At
two a elockc this after-noone we came to anchor in the
mouth of a river, where lieth an ihind in the mouth thereof, nivpniud

ilauil.

foure leagues : wee anchored from the ihind in two and

thirtie iathomes, blacke sandy ground. There drove much

ice out of it with a streamc that set out of the river or sound,

and there were many morses sleeping on the ice, and by it

we w ere put from our road twice this night ; and being

calmc all this day, it pleased God at our need to give us a

fine gale, which freed us out of danger. This day was ^

calme, cleere and hot weather : all the niyht we rode still.

The thirtieth, calme, hot, and fairc M'eather ; we Aveighed #

in the morning, and towed and rowed, and at noone we •

came to anchor neere the ile aforesaid in the mouth of the
river, and saw very much ice driving in the sea, two leagues

without us, lying south-east and north-west ; and driving to « ,

the north-west so fast, that wee could not by twelve a clocke

at night see it out of the top. At the iland where wee rode t

lieth a little rocke, whereon were fortie or fiftie morses <

lying asleepe, being all that it could hold, it being so full •

and little. I sent my companie ashoare to them, leaving '

none aboord but my boy with mee : and by meanes of their

nccrenesse to the water, they all got away, save one which ,' 1

they killed, and brought his head aboord ; and ere they
came aboord they went on the iland, which is reasonable

high and steepe, but flat on the top. They killed and | i

brought with them a great fowle, whereof there were manv, '

and likewise some egges, and in an houre they came aboord. | i

This ile is two flight-shot over in length, and one in breadth. ;

At mid-night our anchor came home, and wee tayld aground • I

by meanes of the strength of the streame ; but by the i

hclpe of God, wee hoved her off Avithout hurt. In short I

time wee moved our ship, and rode still all night; and in l' ]

the night wee had little wind at east, and east south-east. ! ■ '}

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Corporation

33 WEST MAIN STREET

WEBSTER, N.Y. 1*580

(716) 872-45(3

MASTER HENRY HUDSON.

sir* I,

f ""■«■■.

■■•'■•«.,

.Tuly,

Wee had at nooiie this day an observation^ and were in the
hititudc of 71 degrees, 15 minutes.

'Hic^rst of Jul//, we saw more ice to the seaward of us;
from the south-east to the north-west, driving to the north-
west. At noone it was cahne, and we had the sunne on the
meridian, on the south and by west point, halfc a point to
the westerly part of the compassc, in the hititude of 71 de-
grees, 24 minutes. This morning I sent my mate Everet,
and foure of our companie to rowc about the bay, to see
what rivers were in the same, and to find where the morses
did come on hand ; and to see a sound or great river in the
bottome of the bay, which did alwaies send out a great
sireame to the northwards, against the tide that came from
thence : and I fou.nd the same in comming in, from the
north to this place, before this. When by the meanes of the
great plenty of ice, the hope of passage betwecne Ncwland
lis purpose ^nd Nova Zembla was taken away; my purpose was by the
Vaygats to passe by the mouth of the river Ob, and to dou-
ble that way the North Cape of Tartaria,^ or to give reason
wherefore it will not be : but being here, and hoping by the
pientie of morses wee saw hcrCj to defray the charge of our
voyage ; and also that this sound might for some reasons
bee a better passage to the cast of Nova Zembla then the
Vaygats, if it held according to my hope conceived by the
likenesse it gave : for whereas we had a floud came from
the northwards, vet this sound or river did runne so strong,
that ice with the streame of this river was carried away, or

alttr

Strong
stream.

^ Hudson seemed to think that when he had once passed the North
Cape of Tartary (Cape Tabiu?), the rest of his undertaking, to reach
China by a north-eastern route, wovild be quite easy, and hardly worth
mentioning. This was also Sebastian Cabot's idea, and that of all his dis-
ciples down to our navigator. Ortelius's maps, the best expressions of the
geographical dogma of the age, imply a similar belief. The northern
coast of Asia, which is there drawn almost from fancy, is everywhere
much too far south. The voyage from the Promontorium Scythicum to
Cathay, or Northern China, appears on these maps as quite an easy
matter.

SECOND VOYAGK (1608).

any thing else against the floud ; so that both in fioud and
ebbe, the streanie doth hold a strong course : and it floAveth
from the north three houres, and ebbcth nine.

The second, the wind being at cast south-east, it was rea-
sonable cold, and so was Friday ; and the morses did not play
in our sight as in warnie weather. This morning, at three
of the clocke, iny mate and companie came aboord, and
brought a great deeres home, a white locke of deeres haire,
four dozen of fowle, their boat halfe laden Avith drift Avood,
and some floAA^ers and greene things, that they found groAV-
ing on the shoare. They saw a herd of Avhite deere,^ of ten Herdeof

° •' ' white deere.

in a companie on the land, much drift Avood lying on the
shoare, many good bayes, and one river faire to sec to
on the north shoare, for the morses to land on ; but they
saw no morses there, but signes that they had beene in the
bayes. And the great river or sound, they certified me,
Avas of breadth two or three leagues, and had no ground at
twentie fathoms, and that the Avater Avas of the colour of the
sea, and very salt, and that the streame setteth strongly out
of it. At sixe a clocke this morning, came much ice from
the soutliAvard driving upon us, very fearfull to looke on ;
but by the mercy of God and His mightie helpe, Avee being
moored Avith two anchors ahead Avith vering out of one
cable and heaving home the other, and fending off Avith
beanies and sparres, escaped the danger ; Avhich labour con-
tinued till sixe a clocke in the eevening, and then it Avas
past us, and Ave rode still and tooke our rest this night.

The third, the Avind at north a hard gale. At three a
clocke this morning Avee Aveighed our anchor, and set sayle,
purposing to runne into the river or sound before spoken of.

'Y\\c fourth, in the morning, it cleered up, Avith the Avind
at north-Avest ; Ave weighed and set sayle, and stood to the
eastwards, and past over a reefe, and found on it five and a
halfe, sixe, sixe and a halfe, and seven fathoms Avater : then

^ Sec p. 38, note 1.

!•

. V

MASTER HENRY III DSON.

; "-I II
•■■■^ il

'A;, it

■ ■•»■ ■

"" •-tft It

'tt'inti II'

, ,#||l i.
"'•iH.'

'"'Ill

. • iF
11'*:

Tlio river

soarcliocl.

Ave saw tli^* the sound was full, and a very large river from
the north-eastward free from ice, and a strong streamc com-
ming out of it : and wee had sounding then, fourc and thirty
fathoms water. Wee all conceived hope of this northerly
river or sound, and sayling in it, wee found three and twen-
tie fathomes for three leagues, and after twentie fathomes
for five or sixe leagues, all tough ozic ground. Then the
winde vered more northerly, and the streame came down
so strong, that wee could do no good on it : we came to
anchor, and went to supper, and then presently I sent my
mate Juet, with five more of our companie in our boat, with
sayle and oarcs to get up the river, being provided with
victuall and weapons for defence, willing them to sound as
they went ; and if it did continue still deepe, to goe untill
it did trende to the eastward, or to the southwards, and wee
rode still.

The ^fi, in the morning, we had the wind at west : we
began to weigh anchor, purposing to set sayle and to runne
up the sound after our companie : then the wind vered
northerly upon us, and we saved our labour. At noonc
our companie came aboord us, having had a hard rought ;
for they had beenc up the river sixe or seven leagues, and
sounded it from twentie to three and twentie, and after
brought it to eight, sixe, and one fathome ; and then to
foure foot in the best : they then went ashoare, and found
good store of wildc goose quills, a piece of an old oarc, and
some flowers and greene things which they found growing :
they saw many deere, and so did we in our after-dayes
sayling.^ They being come aboord, we presently set sayle
with the wind at north north-west, and we stood out againe
to the south-westwards, with sorrow that our Ixbour was in

^ The existence of grass and of herbivorous animals in Nova Zembhi,
whicli is flatly denied by Do Veer, is clearly proved by Hudson. Liitke's
observations corroborate those of our navigator : see Dr. Bcke's De Veer,
pp. .% 83.

i'-

SKCONl) VOYAOK (1()08). 39

value : for, had this sound held as it did make shew of,

for breadth, depth, safcncsse of harbour, and good anchor

ground, it might have yeelded an excellent passage to a

more easterly sea. Generally, all the land of Nova Zembla novm /om-

that yet we have scene, is to a man's eye a pleasant land ; '^'"^''«'^'>'^'-

much mayne high land with no snow on it, looking in some

places grecne, and deere feeding thereon : and the hills arc ^

partly covered with snow, and partly bare. It is no marvel '\

that there is so much ice in the sea toward the pole, so many Ciiuseof "«-

imicli ice in -v

sounds and rivers being in the lands of Nova Zembla and ti'':«e*^f^rt«. '*

NcM^land to ingender it ; besides the coasts of Pechora, K.us- piissago"!'*^''' 4

sia, and Greenland, with Lappia, as by proofes I finde by
my travell in these parts : by meanes of which ice I suppose
there will be no navigable passage this way. This eeven-
ing wee had the wind at west and by south : we therefore
came to anchor under Deere Point ; and it was a storme at
sea ; wee rode in twcntie fathomes ozie ground : I sent my
mate, Ladlow, with foure more ashoare to see whether any
morses were on the shoare, and to kill some fowle; for we
had seen no morses since Saturday, the second day of this
moneth, that wee saw them driving out of the ice. They
found good landing for them, but no signe that they had
bcene there ; but they found that fire had beene made
there, yet not lately. At ten of the clocke in the ecven-
ing, they came aboord, and brought with them neere an
hundred fowles called wcllocks : this night it was wet,
fogge, and very thicke and cold, the winde at west south-
west.

The sixt, in the morning, wee had the wind stormie and
shifting ; betweenc the west and south-west, against us for
doing any good : we rode still and had much ice driving by
us to the eastward of us. At nine of the clocke this eeven-
ing wee had the wind at north north-west : we presently
weighed, and set sayle, and stood to the westward, being
out of hope to find passage by the north-oast : and my pur-

i !

I ■ t

'r.i

40 INFASTER HKNRY TIUDSOX.

wiiiouRh- pose was now to see whether Willoughbies Land' were, as it

bies Innil . . ...

n coMctit is layd in our cardes ; Avhich if it were, wee misfht findc

of rani- • ■» O

s'oomiii.'to niorses on it, for with the ice they were all driven from

th.i'i'i^New^' hence. This place upon Xova Zembla, is another then that

,., Grcpiibimi which the Hollanders call Costing Sarch, discovered by

.tMi.iwlll |j„ (US is before

,,,„^ observed, Olivcr Browncll : and William Barentson's observation doth

M- Hi cnp. '^j as

^ ^'"' sarcii"of witnesse the same.- It is layd in plot by the Hollanders out

, .^ " to'otifers'^ of his truo place too farre north : to what end I know not,

f,.H K, Nova Zem- ■, i • i i n • i i

unlesse to make it hold course with the compassc, not re-
specting the variation. It is as broad and like to yeeld
passage as the Vaygats, and my hope was, that by the strong
streame it would have cleered it selfe ; but it did not. It is
so full of ice that you will hardly thinkc it. All this day,
for the most part it was fogge and cold.

The sevoith, cleere but cold weather : in the morning the
lit,, ''ii„ ' wind was at the north ; from the last eevening to this morn-

'Ai, ''' - „ ing, we set saile and kept our course west and by south,

""-'f fifteene leagues : from morninsr to eight a clocke in the

"«*

■'■► ,^,

• J,

bhi.
Note.

• eevening it was calme : then we had the wind againe at

^ ^ '^ ' ^ The fact we here learn is imiDortant. Willoiighby's land was, on the

•"' ™ charts used by Hudson, laid down as part of Nova Zembla ; rather south

""**"'* than north of 72'^. When we consider how careful Hudson was in col-

lecting information, and further, that he was sent out by the only per-
sons in England who had an interest in north-eastern discovery (the
.,0*>. Muscovy Company), it becomes almost a certainty that Willoughby's

1.^,** land was, in 1G08, b)/ the English not thought identical with Spitzbergen

".rl"^ (the Greenland of Barentz and Hudson). If commercial jealousy of

^J'*' the Dutch, the real discoverers of Spitzbergen, had not a short time

'; after Hudson's voyage raised the almost absurd belief in that identity,

the scholars of our time would have been sjjared much labour. Purchas
himself is the most earnest, we might, perhaps, say the most insolent,
defender of the erroneous idea, which has been ably disproved by j\Ir.
* ' Rundail, in his work on northern voyages. Introduction, p. ix, where all

i the arguments bearing on both sides of the question may be found.

I 2 The mere amateur reader will hardly care about the intrinsic geo-

graphical questions involved in this sentence. The geographical scholar
will find them most amply and satisfactorily discussed, with special refer-
ence to the present passage, by Dr. Beke in his Introduction to De Veer,
pp. xxxii to 1.

SECOND VOYAGE (1G08).

north, and wc saylctl till nine a clockc next morning west
south-west, eight leagues ; then the wind being west and by
south, wee went north and by west, three leagues, and wee
had the sunne at the highest south south-west, in the lati-
tude of 71 degrees, 2 minutes. The ei</hf, faire weather ;
at noone we had the wind at cast north-east, we stood north
three leagues till foure a clocke : then the wind being at
west and by north, wee stemmed north and by west one
league and a halfe, till six a clocke in the eevening ; then
the wind was at north-east a hard gale, and wee stood till
next day at noone west and by north, by account three and
twcntie leagues : we had the sunne on the meridian, south
and by west, halfe a point neerest west, in the latitude of
70 degrees, 41 minutes. The ninth, clecre weather : from
this to the next day at noone, we sayled south-west and by
west twelve leagues, and northward three leagues ; and in
these courses had these soundings, 41, 42, 46, 48, and 45
fathoms : we had the sunne south and by west, halfe a point
to the west part of the compasse. The sea was loftie : our
latitude was 70 degrees, 20 minutes.

The tenth, cleere but close weather : from this till next
day noone wee had little Avind at west north-west : by ac-
count we made our way five leagues north-easterly. Wee
had the sun at the highest on the south and by west point,
and a tercc westward, in the latitude of 70 degrees, 55
minutes, ar.d I thinke we had a rustling tide under us ; and
in this timo had sounding betweene fortie-five and fortie
fathomes, white sand. The eleventh, cleere weather : from
this to the next day at noone, little wind at north north-east
and sometimes ealme ; wee sayled west and by north by
account five leagues ; and had the sunne on the meridian on
the south and by west point one-third west in the latitude of
70 degrees, 26 minutes, and found a rustling under us.
This fore-noone we were come into a grcene sea, of the Oreeno soa.
colour of the mayne ocean, which we first lost the eigJit of

•■n

I i;

,m» •

■••w>

43 MASTKR HENRY HUDSON.

June : since which time wee have had a sea of a bLackc blue
colour, which (both by the last and this yecres experience)
, is a sea pestered with ice.

The ttvclfth, faire weather : from noone to midnight wee

had the wind shifting bctweene the north and west ; our

"'"Si

"'"*■* course was betweenc west north-west and south south-west.

*'*• l! Then we had the wind at south ; we saylcd till the next day

***"" t at noone, west and by north, thirteene leagues ; wee ac-

'- ...!i counted our way from the last day till this day noone west-

■■"■■C ward, eightecne leagues. This after-noone wee saw more

.,«,,^ porpoises then in all our voyage afore. The tMrico?ith, close

weather : in the after-noone having much wind at south,

*- * with short sayle we stood away west and by north, till eight

• .\; a clocke in the eevening : then we had the wind at south,

but most times calme till noone the next day : wee stood

i,/ ,„'"'* away as afore, foure leagues, which made in all twelve

'1. K., ^ ' .

,^ il '" leagues : we had the sunne ere it began to fall, south and

^;;jf * by west, in the latitude of 70 degrees, 22 minutes.

"^' The fourteenth, wee stood west north-west till midnight,

* :: * seventecnc leaf?ues : then the wind scanted and came at

U'T "" west, we stood north north-west, one league and a halfe :

* '■"•».' It then the wind being more southerly, wee sayled west north-
...hT. " west five leagues. From the last till this day at noone, our

« way was out of divers courses north-west and by west, foure

and twentic leagues. We had the sunne beginning to fall
at south and by west, in the latitude of 70 degrees, 54
'!'*" minutes.

Thunder. Thc fftcentlf , fairc ; but towards night like to be stormie
with thunder, the wind betweene south and south south-
east ; from this, till the sixteenth day at noone, our course
was west and by north, seven and twentie leagues, and the
f. ' sunne then began to fall at south, three quarters of a point

westward, in the latitude of 70 degrees, 42 minutes. The
sixteenth, faire ; our way was from this till next day at noone
north-west, twelve leagues, out of divers courses : and wc

■•

««

SECOND VOYAGE (1608), 43

liatl the wincl shifting, sometimes at east, n,t west south-west,

and west and by north j the hititudc, by a bad observation,

71 degrees, 44 minutes. The sevcdce7th, in the forc-noonc,

faire ; the wind being at west and by north. At fourc

a clocke this mon ing we saw land beare off us, west and

south south-west, which Avas about Ward-house •} this after-

noone wee had a storme at west and by north, we layed it

to trie till eight a clocke in the eevening, and then set saylc \

Avith the wind betweene Avest north-Avest and north-Avest : 'f^

our course till the next day at noone Avas south-Avest and by -ll

south, tAvelve leagues : the Cape IIopcAvelP bore off us south i

south-AA'est, and we Avere foure or five leagues from land.

The eighteenth, gusty, with raine all the fore-noone ; then ■^'

Ave had the Avind shifting till next day at noone from south
south-east to east, and south-east : our course in generall
Avas north-Avest, foure and twentie leagues : then did North
Kene beare off us Avest halfe a point southAvard, being from
us foure leagues ; and the Norch Cape in sight bearing Avcst
and by north, etc.

The seven and twcntiei/i, cold, Avith raine and storme ; this
nifrht Ave bofjan to burne caudle in the betacle, Avhich Ave ^■^' "'^'''t ">
had not done since the nineteenth of May, by reason Avee
had ahvaics day from thence till noAV. The thirtieth, Ave
had the sunne upon the meridian due south, in the latitude
of 08 degrees, 46 minutes ; AA^hereby Ave found us to bee
afore our ship, ten or twelve leagues, and LoAvfoot^ bore east
of us, but not in sight.

The seventh of Attgust, I used all diligence to arrive at
London, and therefore noAV I gave my companie a certificate
under my hand, of my free and Avilling return, Avithout pcr-
sAvasion or force of any one or more of them : for at my
being at Nova Zembla, the sixt of July, voide of hope of a

^ Vardoohuus Island, 70" 35' N., 31° E, in the White Sea, close to
the coast of Fiumark.
^ North-west of Vardoohuus Island. ^ The Luffodeu Islands.

! I;

MASTER HENRY HUDSON.

I*,
'It,,,

'A;

.•mfflSln,,,

'tihiHi.

-f"

ll 'IW" lilt

north-cast passage (except by the Waygats, for which I was
not fitted to trie or prove), I therefore resolved to use all
nieancs I could to saylc to the north-west ; considering the
time and meanes wee had, if the wind should friend ns, as
in the first part of our voyage it had done, and to make triall
of that place called Lumlcys Inlet,' and the furious over-fall
by Captain Davis, hoping to runne into it an hundred
leagues, and to rcturne as God should enable mee. But now
having spent more then halfe the time I had, and gone
but the shortest part of the way, by means of contrary
winds, I thought it my duty to save victuall, wages, and
tackle, by my speedy rcturne, and not by foolish rashncsse,
the time being wasted, to lay more charge upon the action
then necessitie should compell, I arrived at Gravesend the
sixe and tioentieth of August.

1 See Ilakluyt, x, 3 (Purclias). The journal of Captain Davis, to
which Purchas refers, is not clear enough to allow us to fix the situation
of Lumlcys inlet with any degree of certainty. The inlet was perhaps
identical with Hudson's strait, or perhaps somewhat further north, Avherc
modern geographers place Frobisher's strait. The maps of these regions
are still too unsatisfactory to afford a fair ground for any guesses about
the real meaning of the still vaguer indications of the early navigators.

,#»i I

. . . J" ■

i ■..

TIllUD VOYAGE (1G09). 45

THE THIRD VOYAGE OP
MASTEll IIENllY HUDSON,

Written by Robert Jitet, of Lime-house,

TOWAllD NOVA ZICMDF.A, AND AT HIS IIETUHNE, HIS PASSING FHOJI KAIIUE

ISLANDS TO NKW-rOUND LAND, AND ALONO TO VOIITIE-KOUJIK DKdUEKS

AND TEN MINUTES, AND THENCE TO CAl'E COD, AND SO TO TIIIKTIE-

TIIliEE DEGKEES; AND ALONG THE COAST TO THE NOUTUWAKD, J

TO rORTIE-TWO DEOUEES AND AN IIALFE, AND LT THE
RIVEIl NEEKE TO EORTIE-TIIREE DEGREES.

On Saturday, \\ic Jlce and twentieth of Murcli, 1609, after
the old account, wc set sayle from Amsterdam, and by the
seven and twentieth day, we were downe at tlic Texel : and
by twelve of the clocke we were off the land, it being east
of us two leagues off. And because it is a journey usually
hnowne, I omit to put downe what passed till we came to
the height of the North Cape of Finmarke, which we did
pcrformc by the fft of May (stilo novo), being Tuesday. May 5,

. slilo novo.

On which day we observed the height of the pole, and found
it to bee 71 degrees, and 46 minutes ; and found our com-
passe to vary six degrees to the west ; and at twelve of the j ,

clocke, the North Cape did bearc south-Avest and by south ' j | |

tenne leagues off, and wee steered away east and by south i[\

and east. [ ■

After much trouble, with foggcs sometimes, and more i ' 1

dangerous of ice. The nineteenth, being Tuesday, was close ■ 1

stormie weather, with much wind and snow, and very cold : i ■

the wind variable betwcene the north north-west and north- j, I

cast. A\^c made our way west and by north till noone. I

,tlll,.i<«ll k

f>""^. ...

I'uiiU.

Zeiiniii.

46 MASTER HENRY HUDSON.

Then wc observed the sunne having a slake,' antl found our

heigth to bee 70 degrees, 30 minutes. And the ship had

out-runne us twentie leagues, by reason of the set of the

|;7,';;,,^,f;;;^r; streamc of the White Sea : and we had sight of Wardhouse.^

Then at two of the clocke wee tackt to the eastward : for wc

could not get about the North Cape, the wind was so scant ;

and at eight of the clocke at night, on the owe and twentieth,

Tiirvdou- tiiQ Nortli Cape did beare south-east and by south seven

Nciini (jnpc leagues off. And at mid-night Assumption Point^ did bearc

south and by east, five leagues off' us.

The two and twe)itieth, gusting weather, with haile and
snow, the sunne breaking out sometimes : we continued our
course along the land west south-west. And at tenne of the
clocke at night we were thwart off"Zenam.* The bodie of it
did bcare east off" us five leagues : and the course from the
North Cape to Zenam is for the most part west and by
iV ., ^ south, and west south-west, fiftic-foure leagues.

...jf* The three and twentieth, fairc sunshining weather; the

III

wind at east and by south, and east south-east ; wee steered

along the land south-west, and south-west and by west,

i'l!!!^. eight leagues a watch, for so we found the land to lye

*""*'*^ from Zenam to Lofootc.^ And the distance is fiftie leagues

•'"-> . from the bodie of Zenam to the westermost land of Lofoote.^

"* " And from the one to the other, the course is south-west and

»•■«■

"'\ ^ A spot? The word sfeZ'g, as a substantive, seems to be a uorth country

[.,i^i, word, meaning, according to Brocket, " an accumulation of mud or slime,

"!'* from slijcl\ cocnum, lutum." If Hudson observed a spot on the sun the

21st of March, ICJ!), he was undoubtedly the earliest discoverer of this
most interesting phenomenon ; the observation of Thomas Ilariot, which
is considered as the first on record, being more than a year and a half
later (Dec. 8th, IGIO). Hudson had the disadvantage of observing with-
out a telescope. '■'■ Vardoehuus Island.
^ Evidently to the south-cast of the North Cape, probably a oajje on
I one of the neighbouring islands, Maasoe, Jehnsoe, or Igenoe.

4 Probably the island of Senjen, lat. G9= 25', long. 17° E., lying west of
Norway, close to the coast.

" The Luffodeu Islands. « Vaoio Lslaud, lat. 07^ 40', long. 11° 36' E.

•t

THIRD VOYAGE (1G09). 47

by -west. For the needle of our compassc was set right to
the north. At twelve of the clockc at night, the bodic of
Lofoote did beare south-east, sixe leagues off. i.ofooic

The foiiro and Uoentieth, faire clcere sun-shining wea-
ther : the wind variable upon all points of the com passe, but
most upon the south-east, and sometimes calmc. AVe con-
tinued our course west south-west as before. And at eight •"*
of the clocke at night the souther part of Lofoote did beare )*
south-cast ten leagues oft' us. iiuuV"'^' **

The Jice a?id twentieth, much wind at north-cast, with "Ij,

some snow and hailc. The first watch the wind came to the
cast a fine gale, and so came to the north-east, the second
watch, at fourc of the clocke, and freshed in : and at eight ' .

of the clocke it grew to a stormc, and so continued. At -i

noonc wc observed, and made the ship to be in 67 degrees, •-

58 minutes. Wee continued our course south-west twelve
leagues a watch. At nine of the clocke, Lofoote did bcaro
cast of us 15 leagues off. And wc found the compassc to
have no variation. The wind increased to a storme.

The sixe mid twentieth, was a great storme at the north '

north-cast, and north-cast. Wee steered away south-Avcst
afore the wind with our fore course abroad : for we were
able to niaintayne no more saylcs, it blew so vehemently,
and the sea went so high, and brake Avithall, that it would
have dangered a small ship to lye under the sea. So we
skudded seventy leagues in foure and twentic houres. The
storme began to cease at foure of the clocke.

The seven and twentieth, indifferent faire weather, but a
good stiff'c gale of wind at north, and north north-east ; wee
held on our course as before. At noone wee observed and
found our heigth to be C4 degrees, 10 minutes. And wee
perceived that the current had hindered us in fortie-eioht ^^ sronf mr.

*■ ~ rent si'l.lin;^

houres to the number of 16 leagues to our best judgement. [4't.'""""'^'
We set our maync-sayle, sprit-sayle, and our maync-top-
sayle, and held on our course all night, having faire wea-
ther.

I 1,
il

,1= I
'ill

48 MASTER HENRY HUDSON.

The ci<jJit and tiocntieth, faire -weather and little wind at
north-east, wc held on our course south-west. At noonc
wee observed the hcigth, and were in 62 degrees, and 30
minutes. The after-noone was little wind at north north-
west. The second watch it fell calnie. At foure of the
^ii!5»ii." sot'ii^''^'^ clocke wee had sight of the iles called Farre,' and found

^^•^1";' f«iTe\Tos° them to lye out of their place in the sea chart fourteenc

'^Z ;; " leagues to farre westerly. For in running south-west from

i;;;^ ^ Lcfoote, wee had a good care to our steerage and observa-

C*;' tions ; and counted ourselves thirtic leagues off by our

course and observation, and had sight of them sixteenc or

''•'"» „

eighteene leagues off.

The dine and twentieth, faire weather, sometimes calme
^, „, and sometimes a gale, with the wind varying at south-west,

•"-« and so to the north-east. Wee got to the ilands, but could

*''"4 not get in. So we stood along the ilands. The ebbe being

come, we durst not put in.
...^l Thirtieth, faire weather ; the wind at south-east, and east

south-east. In the morning we turned into a road in Stromo,
. B«« * suoino. one of the Ilands of Farre, bctweene Stromo and Muggc-

i'^ ncs, and got in by nine of the clocke, for it flowed so there

,^^^1 r that day. And as soone as we came in we went to romage,

'"'"' ■' and sent our boat for water, and filled all our empty caskes

•.«, ^ with fresh water. Wee made an end of our roraaging this

"•"' niarht bv ten of the clocke.

'"\ The one and thirtieth, faire sunshining weather, the wind

Xijm at east south-east. In the fore-noone our master with most

of his company went on shoare to walke, and at one of the
clocke they returned aboard. Then we set sayle.
June. The first of June, stilo novo, faire sun-shining weather,

the wind at east south-east. We continued on our course
south-west and by west. At noonc wee observed the
sunne, and found our hcigth to be sixty degrees, fifty-
eight minutes : and so continued on our course all night
1 The Faroe Islands, lat. 61° 40' N. ; long. C 3U° W.

4.'

■'H

m
S

THIRD VOYAGE (1609). 49

with fairc weather. This nigbt we lighted candles in the
bittacle' againc.

The second, mystie weather, the wind at north-oast. At
noone wc steered away west south-west to find Bu -ise Iland,'^ ^^^^^
discovered in the yeere 1578 by one of the ships of Sir
iMartin Frobisher, to see if it lay in her true latitude in the
chart or no: wee continued our course as before all night,
Avith a faire gale of wind : this night we had sight of the T'lfir first «

~ on sight of ^

first stars, and our water was changed colour to a white furuie/""^

rpi IT • , • nonli they "'vi»

greene. i he compasse had no variation. inuiran- «

The third, faire sun-shining weather ; the wind at north- iif^'iit. Z
east. We steered on our course south-west and by west, '"^^^^•

with a stiflfe gale of wind. At noone we observed and found ;},'

our heigth to bee 58 degrees, 48 minutes. And I was before ',11

the ship 16 leagues, by reason of the current that held us so a strange •-

■•■ (D ' J current out '

strong out of the south-west. For it is eight leagues in "vest '**'""^'
foure and twentie houres. We accounted our selves neere
Busse Hand : by mid-night wee looked out for it, but could
not see it.^

The fourth, in the morning, was much wind, with fogge
and raine. AVee steered away south-west by west all the
fore-noone, the wind so increasing that wee were enforced
to take in our top-sale : the windc continuing so all the after-
noon e. Wee steered away south-west all the fore-part of
the night ; and at ten of the clocke at night it was little
wind, and that was south, and so came up to the south south-
east.

The fft, stormie weather, and much wind at south and

' The bittacle is a close place in which the comi^asse standeth.

'^ It is impossible to indicate the real situation of Busse Island, which ' |

was discovered by one of Frobishcr's ships on its- return to England. The

accounts of this voyage which have come down to us are even more i

unsatisfactory than most of the geographical materials of this period. I I

Frobisher's discoveries have always been, and still are, a puzzle to geo- ' i

graphers. : |

' Tlicy would probably not have found it, even in daylight.

■ I
' I

.wlL-wlfc ■»'■

•Wx,

50 MASTEU IIKNRY HUDSON.

south by cast, so that at fourc of the clockc in the morning

M'c tooke in our fore- say Ic, and Lay a try with our mayne

corse, and trycd away west north-west foure leagues. ])ut

at noonc it was lesse wind, and the sunne showed forth, and

we observed and found our heiyth to be 56 deurecs, 21

Note well, minutes. In tlie after-noone the wind vered to and fro be-

^'••l:!"' tweenc the south-west and the south-east, with raine and

*""*l"i foggc, and so continued all night. Wee found that our ship

^■-^i't. had gone to the westward of our course. The sixth, thickc

hasi(^ Aveather, with gusts of wiiul and showers of raine. The
wind varied betweene cast south-east and south-Avest, wee
steered on many courses a west south-west way. The after-
noone Avatch the Avind Avas at east south-east, a stifle gale
with niyst and raine. Wee steered aAvay south-Avest by Avest
eight leagues. At noonc the sunne shone forth, and avc
found the heigth to bee 50 degrees, 8 minutes. The seventh,
fairc sun-shining Aveather all the fore-noonc, and calmc
untill tAvelve of the clocke. In the after-noone the Avind
came to the north-Avest, a stiffe gale. Wee steered south-
;!*""■ Avest by Avcst, and made a south-Avest Avay. At noonc Ave

Jlj-jjl* found the height to bee 5(5 degrees, one minute, and it cou-

••Wf tinned all night a hard gale. The eight, stormy Aveathcr,

..i^ ' the Avind variable betAveeiu^ Avest and north-Avest, much Avind :

""*« • r.unotsaro and at eight of the clocke avcc tooke off our bonnets. At

^. those uliicli

•!»»«" lire laced noouc the sunuc shewed forth and wte observed, and our

]| „.JIi' [reuiarl^e''^ iif^igl^t Avas 54 dcgrt'cs, -SO miuutcs. The ;(i/7//A, fairc suu-

'"*' ivii'i'euco shining Aveather, and little Avind all the fore part of the daye

the iiiayiio uutill clcvcn of th(> clockc. Thcu the Avind came to the

■'■^tt

■ n

rq|;

'1.,

'^^...

'A;,

...,!•

'4W

course;
lui

uissen soutli south-cast, and Ave steered away Avest south-Avest. At

jourse, tore ' .'

umN>^r8iooii hoouc AVC fouud our height to bee 53 degrees and 45 minutes,
'B'ii>ieH\wih- and we had made our Avay south by Ave^t ten leagues. In

out tlieir ^ c i • i • i i • i n • i

boiiets. the after-noone the Avind nicreascu, and continued ail niglit
at east north-east and east.

The tenth, fairc Aveather, the Avind variable betweene east
north-east and south-cast ; avcc steered on our course as

THIRD VOYAGE (1(509). 61

before. At foiire of the clock in the aftcrnoone the wind
came iip at south-east. And we held on our course as be-
fore. At noone wee observed and found our height to be
52 degrees, 35 minutes.

The eleventh, in the morning, Avas thicke and foggie, the
winde varying betweene south south-west and north west.

At foure of the clocke in the morning, wee tackt about to

III"
the southward : at eleven of the clocke the winde came to '««

the north-west, and so to the Avest north-west. This day «

we had change of water, of a Avhitish greene, like to the ice "^

water to the north-west. At noone it eleered up, taid be- ,,j|

came very faire weather : wee put out our mayne top-sayle :

then we observed the sunne, and found our height to be 51 Ji'

degrees, 24 minutes. We had sayled many courses and i!

found our ship gone to the southward of our account ten !"

leagues, by reason of a current from the north-ward.^ The A.uinut

' . . friiui tlio

comiiasse varied one point to the east. >H>itii.

The twelfth, faire sun-shining weather, but much wind at °|,'^'i ''"''"'
the west : we stood to the southward all day, the wind shift-
ing between the south-west and the Avest and by north.
AV^ee made our way south halfe a point west, eight and
twentie leagues. Our height at noone was 50 degrees, 9
minutes. At eight of the clock at night we took off our
boncts, the wind increasing.

The thirteenth, faire sun-shining weather : the wind vari-
able betweene the west and north north-west. AA'ee made
our way south south-west, seven and twentie leagues. At
noone we observed, and found our height to be 48 degrees,
45 minutes, but not to be trusted, the sea >vcnt so high.
In the after-noone the winde was calmer, and wee brought
to our boncts, and stood to the southward all niglit with a
stiffe gale. ' ,

The fourteenth, faire and cleerc sun-shining weather : the , i i

. Ml

wmde variable betweene the north-west and south-west by i |

' Tho Arctic cunciit, from Davis' ami IIuilsou's Straits to the south. ' '

I I

l.''l '

52 MASTER HENRY HUDSON.

west. At midnight I observed tlic north starre at a north-
west by west guarde ; a good observation 49 degrees, 30
minutes. And at noone wee observed the sunne, and our
ly'deBrees, height was 48 degrees, (5 minutes. And I made account
we ranne betweene the two observations twelve leagues.
"'■•I'll "' At one of the clocke in the after-noone, wee cast about to

^■^■■■^'Hit', the westward, and stood so all night : the winde increased to

'*!^:';;,!']i a storme, and was very much winde with raine.

CI I"' * To spend Xlic fifteenth, we had a a^reat storme, and spent* over-

^■- '■' the )im»;, IS J J ^ O ^1

uiideisuui,! ][3QQj.(^i Q^j. fore-mast, bearing our fore corse lov/ set. The

01 ulCtlKlIlg^ * <J

weauler'" sixtcciith, wc wcrc forccd to tric with our mayne saylc,
by reason of the unconstant weather. So wee tried foi ire
watches, south-east and by south eight leagues and an hiilfe,
two watches, sixe leagues. The seventeenth, reasonable Taire
weather : the wind variable betweene west south-west and
west north-west. And a stifle gale of wind, and so great a
swelling sea out of the west south-west, that wee could doe
nothing. So one watch and an halfe wee drove north foure
leagues and a halfe, and foure watches and an halfe south
and by east halfe a point east twelve leagues. The eUjh-
teenih, reasonable weather but close and cloudie, and an
hard gale of wind, and a great sea. The winde being at
"21,' " the north-west, wee lay to the southward, and made our

•"«', drift south and by west, five leagues. The aftcr-noone

IJHH' prooved little wind, and tlie night part calme. The nine-

^Jj^, tcenth, in the fore-noone, faire weather and calme. In the

H** morning we set the ])iecc of our fore mast, and set our fore

'•MM ax

corse.

The one and ticcntieth, faire sun-shining weather, but

much wind and a great sea. We split our fore sayle at ten

\ imreTio"' '^' ^f the clockc ; then we laid it a trie* with our mayne sayle,

bu't'the^ " and continued so all day. In the night it fell to be little

„ uajie, etc. wiud. This day our lieigtli was 45 degrees, 48 miuutes.

The two and twentieth, very faire sun-shining weather,
and calme all the after-noone. At noone we made a very

•■■■■'4,„

■**•-.
^'•^..

.,f*

,,*•*

-v*.

*»r:,

••-*!f

THIRD VOYAGE (1609). 63

good observation, and found our lit-ijth 44 degrees, 58 mi-
nutes. At eight of the clocke at night wee had a small gale
of winde at south-east. And wee steered away west for New-
found Land.^ The true compasse varied one point east. vaiuuiun.

The three and twentieth, thicke weather with much wind
and some raine. At eight of the clocke in the morning, the '«•

wind came to the west south-west and west so stifle a gale, that 'Jj

we were forced to take our top-sayle, and steered away i!*

north north-west untill fourc of the clock in the after- noone. '*

Then we tact to the southward, the winde at west north- :j^

west. At eight of the clocke at night wee tooke in our top-
sayles, and laid it a trie with our mayne sayle, the winde
at west. J,'

'\lhe foure and twentieth, a stifFe gale of wind, varying be- »

tweene the west and north north-west ; we tried till sixe of "

the clocke: at Avhich time we set our fore saile, and steered
way west and by south by our compasse eight leagues in
(bure watches ; and wee tried away south in one watch and
an halfe.

The five and twentieth, faire sun-shining weather, the
wind at north north-west and north, we steered away west
by south by our compasse till twelve of the clocke : at which
time we had sight of a sayle and gave her chase, but could
not spcake with her. She stood to the eastward ; and we
stood after her till sixe of the clocke in the after-noone.
Then wee tact to the westward againe, and stood on our
course. It was faire all niglit, and little wind sometimes.

^ JVexfoumlland was, in Hudson's time, a very vague term. The
cuasts which it secuis to embrace were so imperfectly known, that a strict
geographical iuterpretation of the terra is quite impossible. It was, by
uuthoi-s and seamen, applied to all the North American coasts along which ' I i

the codfisheries were established. Hudson himself includes under the i ' ' ;

name of Newfoundland the coast down to about 43" :^0', that is to say,
iVora Scotia. Although Hudson's Neirfoundland stretches thus much
liirthcr south than the island which still boars that time-honoured name,
tlic island formed even then the main part of NetvJ\m)idiaad.

I. :

; "^

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"•''•*..

....■

64 MASTER HENRY HUJ)SON.

The six mid twentieth, all the forepart of the day very
faire weather and hot, but at foure of the clocke in the after-
noonc it grew to bee much Avinde and raine : the winde
was at south south-cast. At noone wee observed and found
our hcigth to bee 44 degrees, SS minutes. At eight of the
clocke at night the wind came to the south-west, and west
south-west. Wee steered north-west, one watch, and at
twelve in the night to the west, and west and by south,
very much wind. So we could lye but north north-west.

'J.'he seven and twetitieth, very much winde and a soare

stormc, the wind westerly. In the morning, at foure of the

clocke, wee tooke in our fore-corse, and layd it a trie with

,.^..M'*, our mayne-corse low set; and so continued all the day and

'■ ,, I." night, two watches to the northward. At eight of the clocke

' """■•< at night, we tackt to the southward.

'*« *""^n ., The ciqht and twentietJi, faire sun-shininor Aveathcr, the

jj "•* wind at west and by south ; we lay a trie to the southward

till eight of the clocke in the morning. Then we set our
fore-corse, and stood to the southward, a stifTc gale of wind,
■;** but faire weather and a great sea out of the wester-boord,

jliwi,i*i and so continued all night.

u^,f The nine and twentieth, faire sun-shining weather, the

"[^ " wind at west and by south ; we stood to the southward

untill sixe of the clocke at night, and made our way south

and by east foure leagues. Then the winde came to the

'""3li, south-west, and wee cast about to the westward, and made

11*" our way west north-west all night. At noone, I found the

height 43 degrees, 6 minutes. The variation one point
west.
j The thirtieth, fixire sun-shining weather, the winde at

i south-west and by west ; we steered north-west and by west,

I and made our way so, by reason of the variation of the com-

passe. At noone, I found the height to bee 43 degrees, 18
minutes ; wee continued our course all night, and made our
! way north-west and by west, halfe a point westerly, five and

, ! 1 twentic leagues.

THIRD VOYAGE (1609). 55

The ^rst of July, close, mystie and tliickc weather, but a luiy.
fairc gale of wind at south-west, and south-west by south.
We steered away north-west and by west westerly, and
nuule our way so, by reason of the variation of the compasse.
At eii'ht of the clocke at niyht wee sounded for the banke of ''i'^."""'^"

Si'W-

..Ji

New-found Land,i but could get no ground. '""'"' '"""'■

The second, thicke mystic weather, but little Avind, and I;i;j

that at west and west and by south. At eight of the clocke **

in the morning we cast about to the southward, and when '*

our ship was on stayes, we sounded for the banke, and had ''i^

ground in thirtic fathoms, white sand and shells, and pre-
sently it clecred : and we had sight of a saylc, but spake
not with her. In the night wee had much rayne, thunder
and lightning, and wind shifting. »

The third, faire sun-shining weather, with a faire gale of
wind at east north-east, and wee steered away west south-
west by our compasse, which varyed 17 degrees westward, viuintiuu
This morning we were among a great fleet of French-men, '/47.',,X"iiioii
which lay fishing on the banke ; but we spake Avith none of Ihi'bauke.
them. At noone Avee found our heighth to bee 43 degrees,
41 minutes. And we sounded at ten of the clocke, and had
thirtie fathoms gray sand. At two of the clocke Avee sounded,
and had five and thirtie fathoms, gray sand. At eight of the
clocke at night Ave sounded againe, and had eight and thirtie
fathoms, gray sand as before.

The fourth, at the fore-part of the day cleere, with a faire
gale of Avind, but variable betAveene the east north-east and
south and by east ; Avee held on our course as before. The
aftcr-noone Avas mystie, the Avind shifting betweene the
south and the Avest till foure of the clocke. Then Ave tooke
in our top-sayle and sprit-sayle, and sounded and had no
ground in seventie fathoms. The Avinde shifted still untill
eight of the clocke, then it came to the north north-east and

' Probably near Ccqie Sable, the most southern point of Nova Scotia ;
lat. 43" 22' N.; long. flO° 35' W. See note at p. 53.

'I ill

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5(> IMA.STER HENRY HUDSON.

north-cast and by north, and wcc steered away west nortli-
wcst hy our varycd compassc, which made a west way half'e
point north. The compassc varycd 15 degrees from the
north to the west.

The ^ff, fairc sun-shining weather, the wind at north-cast
and by north ; we steered away west north-west, which was
'••S''^ west halfe a point north. At noone we found our hciglith

"'» * to be 44 degrees, 10 minutes, and sounded and had no

"■^AC ground in one hundred fathoms. The after-noonc proved

}"'*■■ .,.

■""■>■ cahnc sometimes, and sometimes little wind, untill nine of

'■*'•.. . ' . ^ , '

.»,., _ the clocke in the night. Then the wind came to the

east, and we held on our course. At midnight I observed
'*''"'l and found the height to bee 44 degrees, 10 minutes, by the

lirdoglccs '"loi'th starre and the scorpions heart. The compassc varycd
13 degrees.

The sixth, the forepart of the day faire weather, and a stiffe
gale of wind betwcene south south-east and south-west j wee
steered west and by north and west north-west. The after-
iM,-(;ie nnii pr^j.j pf {[^q (Xrw , froui two of tlic clockc, was all foggic and
thicke weather ; the wind a hard gale, varying betweenc
south-west and by south and west and by north ; we made
our way north-west halfe a point northerly, ninetcenc leagues,
iipon many points foure watches. At night, at eight of the
• clockc, we sounded and had no ground at one hundred

fathoms.
'■r»f- The seventh, fairc sun-shining weather, the wind varying

betwcene west and by north and west and by south. At
foure of the clockc in the morning we cast about to the
southward, and stood so till one in the after-noone. At
noone we found our height to be 44 degrees, 26 minutes.
At seven of the clockc we tackt to the northward. At cis^ht
at night we tackt to the southward and sounded, and had
nine and fiftie fathoms, white sand.

The eight, in the fore-noone faire weather, but the morn-
ing foggie till seven of the clocke. At foure of the clocke

tljcr.

THIRD VOYAGE (1(309). 67

in the morning we sountlcd, and had five and fortic fathoms,
fine white sand, and we had runne five leagues south and
by west. Then wee stood along one glasse, and went one
league as before. Then we stood one glasse and sounded,
and had sixtie fathoms. Then we tackt and stood backe to
the banke, and had five and twentie fathoms ; and tryed for
fish, and it fell calme, and we caught one hundred and
eightcene great coddcs, from eight a clocke till one, and cod^takcli!
and after dinner wee tooke twelve, and saw many great
scoales of herrings. Then wee had a gale of wind at south ; y'oau's^^f'^'
and it shifted to the west north-west, and wee stood three ''"'""s^-
glasses and sounded and had sixtie fathomcs, and stood two to^tH^the*
glasses and had two and fortie fathoms, red stones and shells, ihfe ana

m 11 1 111 n !• nh- Icail.or

So wee sounded every glasse, and had several! soundings o5, poie, etc.
33, 30, 31, 32, 33 and 34 fathoms.

The ninth, faire calme weather ; we lay becalmed all day
and caught some fish, but not much, because Ave had small
store of salt. At three of the clocke in the after-noone wee
had a gale at south-east and south south-east, and we steered
away westerly; our compasse was west and by south halfe
a point south. At foure of the clocke we sounded and had
but fifteene, seventeene, and nineteene fathoms on a fishing
banke ; and we sounded every glasse. Then we could get
no ground in five and twentie fathoms, and had sight of a
sayle on head oft* us. At noone our height was 44 degrees,
27 minutes. We stood to the westward all night, and
spake with a French-man, which lay fishing on the banke of
Sablen,^ in thirtie fathoms, and we saw two or three more.

The tenth, very mystie and tliicke weather, the wind at
south-west, a faire gale. We stood to the south-ward, and
made our way south-cast and by east. At twelve of the
clocke we sounded, and had eight and fortie fathoms : againe
at two we sounded, and had fiftie fathoms. And at sixe of
the clocke we sounded, and had eight and fortie fathoms on
^ Banc des Sables, off Mahone Bay.

H
H

MASTKR HENRY HUDSON.

! I ■•«!!!

•»^

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'I ("S-u

I*:

Vnriation
17 degrees.

the end of the bankc. Againc at cipfht of the clockc at
night Avec sounded, and had no ground in eightie fathomes,
and were ovcx' 'he l)anke. So wee stood ah>ng till mid-
night. The compasse varycd seventeen degrees to the west-
ward.

The eleventh, very thicke and mystic weather. At twelve
of the clocke at niglit we cast about to the westward, and
stood so all day, and mt de our way west north-west. We
sounded at twelve of the clocke, but had no ground ; so wc
stood to the Avestward all the fore part of the night and
sounded, but could get no ground in fiftie or sixtic fathoms
till mid-night. Then I sounded and had ground at fifteenc
fathoms, white sand.

The ticclfth was very foggie, we stood our course all the
morning till eleven of the clockf^ ; at which time we had
?ow, whue^ sight of the land, which is low white sandic ground, right
an sandie. ^^^ J^ead off US ', and had ten fathoms. Then we tackt to the
southward, and stood off foure glasses : then we tackt to the
land againe, thinking to have rode under it, and as we came
ncere it the fog was so thicke that we could not see; so wee
stood off againe. From mid-night to two of the clocke wo
came sounding in twelve, thirteene, and fourteene fathoms
off the shoare. At foure of the clocke we had 20 fathoms.
At eight of the clocke at night, 30 fathoms. At twelve of
the clocke, 65 fathoms, and but little winde, for it deeped
apace, but the neerer the shoare the fairer shoalding.

The thirteenth, faire svn-shining weather, from eight of
the clocke in the fore-noone all day after, but in the morn-
ing it was foggie. Then at eight of the clocke we cast about
for the shoare, but could not see it ; the wind being at south
by our true compasse, wee steered west and by north. At
4n degreps, nooue WC obscrvcd, and found our height to bee 43 decrees,
25 minutes ; so we steered away west and by north all the
after-noone. At foure of the clocke in the after-noone wc
sounded, and had five and thirtie fathoms ; and at sixe of

TIUKD VOYAGE (1600). 59

the clockc wcc had si<>ht of the hmd, and saw two saylcs on i?,',:',' '',"/,:„„

ami lit two

licad off us. The hmd by the Avatcrs side is low land, and ahlp^.
white sandic bankes risint^, full of little liils. Our sound-
ings were 35, 33, 30, 28, 3J2, 3T, '6''], and 3:3 fothoms.

'Die fourteenth, full of mysts, flying and vading the wind
bctwcene south and south- west; wc steered away west north- '*

west, and north-west and by Avest. Our soundings were 29, I,

25, 24, 25, 22, 25, 27, 30, 28, 30, 35, 43, 50, 70, 90, 70, 64, "

86, 100 fathoms, and no ground. [[

The fifteenth, very mystie, the windc varying bctweene ilt

south and south-west ; wee steered west and by north, and .J

west north-west. In the morning we sounded, and had one

Imndrcd fathoms, till fourc of the clocke in the after-noone. j;

Then we sounded againc, and had seventie-fivc fathoms.

Then in two glasses running, which was not above two

English miles, we sounded and had sixtie fathoms, and it

shoalded a great pace untill we came to twentic fathoms.

Then we made account we were ncere the islands that lie

oft' the shoare. So we came to an anchor, the sea being very

smooth and little wind, at nine of the clocke at night. After

supper we tryed for fish, and I caught fifteene cods, some

the greatest that I have scene, and so we rode all night.

The sixteenth, in the morning, it cleered up, and we had
si^ht of five islands lying north, and north and by west from F'va ,
US, two leagues. Then wee made ready to set sayle, but the
myst came so thicke that we durst not enter in among them.

The seventeenth, was all mystie, so that we coidd not get
into the harbour. At ten of the clocke two boats came off

to us, with sixe of the savages of the countrey, seemin"- olad sixosavngos i i

of our comming. We gave them trifles, and they eate and "^®'°' ' r ',

drauke Avith us ; and told us that there were gold, silver, i ' \

and copper mynes hard by us ; and that the French-men , i

doc trade with them ; which is very likely, for one of them ' ; '

spake some words of French. So wee rode still all day and ! j,

all night, the weather continuing mystie. ' : i j

! I

'•Hi*

• .1

r-i |i

Ul»>

60 MASTER HENRY HUDSON.

The eighteenth, faire weather, wee went into a very good
harbour, and rode hard by the slioare in foure fathom water.

fisct^^ The river runneth up a great way, but there is but two
fathoms hard by us. We went on shoarc and cut us a fore
mast ; tlien at noone we came aboord againc, and found the

44dfifrroc9, height of the pLice to bee in 41 degrees, 1 minute, and the

1 minute. n i o ' '

sunne to fall at a south south-west sunne. We mended our

"^•■«» sayles, and fell to make our fore-mast. The harbour lycth

^*-^4'*'' south and north, a mile in where we rode.

The 7iineteenth, we had faire sun-shining weather, we rode

still. In the after-noonc wee went with our boate to looke

for fresh water, and found some ; and found a shoald with

many lobsters on it, and caught one and ' irtie. The people

.*'*;,* coming aboord, shewed us great friendship, but we could

not trust them. The tiventieth, faire sunne-shining weather,

the winde at south-west. In the morning, our scute went

11 * .' out to catch fresh fish halfe an hourc before day, and rc-

"*•' . ...

J3|» ' turned in two houres, brmging seven and twentie great

I coddes, with two hookes and lines. In the afternoone wee

3r|*' went for more lobsters and caught fortie, and returned

ijljg' aboard. Then wee espied two French shallops full of the

'••Wf country people come into the harbour, but they offered us

il »i^.' no wrong, seeing we stood upon our guard. They brought

3 ''^"•* many beaver skinnes and other fine furres, which they would

j«|jS* ule' French^ havc changed for redde gownes. For the French trade

„3l» saivuges. witli them for red cassockes, knives, hatchets, copper, kettles,

trevits, beades, and other trifles.

The one and tiventieth, all mystie, the wind easterly ; wee
rode still and did nothing, but about our mast. The tico
and tiventieth, fair sun-shining weather, the winde all north-
erly ; we rode still all the day. In the after-noone our scute
went to catch more lobsters, and brought with them nine
and fiftie. The night was cleere weather.

The three and twentieth, faire sun-shining weather and
very hot. At eleven of the clocke our fore mast was finished,

THIHl) VOYAGK (1601)).

and wee brought it Jiboord, and set it into the stop, and in
the aftcr-noone we rigged it. This night we had some little
niyst and raync.

'n\cfou7'c and twcnficfh, very hot weather, the winde at
south out of the sea. The fore-part of the day wee brought
to our saylcs. In the morning our scute went to take fish,
and in two hourcs they brought with them twentic great
coddes and a great holibut ; the night was faire also. Wc
kept good watch for fear of being betrayed by the people,
and perceived where they layd their shallops.

The^t?e and twentieth, very faire weather and hot. In
the morning wee manned our scute with foure muskets and
sixe men, and tooke one of their shallops aiid brought it
aboord. Then we manned our boat and scute with twelve
men and muskets, and two stone pieces or murderers, and
drave the savages i'rom their houses, and tooke the spoyle of i'^',',^'fesP°^'''
them, as they would have done of us. Then wee set sayle, siivlgeg.
and came downe to the harbours mouth, and rode there all
night, because the winde blew right in, and the night grew
mystic with much rayne till mid-night. Then it fell calmc,
and the wind came off the land at west north-west, and it
began to cleere. The compasse varyed ten degrees north-
north-west.

The sixe and tivoitieth, faire and cleere sunne-shining
weather. At five of the clocke in the morning, the winde
being off' the shoare at north north-west, we set sayle and
came to sea, and by noone we counted our ship had gone
fourteene leagues south-west. In the after-noone, the winde
shifted variably betweene west south-west and north-west.
At noone I found the height to bee 43 degrees, 56 minutes.
This eevening being very faire weather, wee observed the
variation of our compasse at the sunnes going downe, and yir'ation

I o o ' 10 degrees

found it to bee 6 degrees from the north to the westward. nonh!'\v'oljt

The seacfi and twentieth', faire sun-shining weather, the
winde shifting betweene the south-west and west and by

( ■ I

i,l

",t -III!

' «. iilM <

i; ->..

i 62 MASTER HENKY HUDSON.

north a stifFo gale ; we stood to the southward all day, and
made our way south and by west, seven and twentie leagues.
At noone, our height was 42 degrees, 50 minutes. At foure
I of the clocke in the after-noone, wee cast about to the north-

ward. At eight of the clocke, we tooke in our top-saylcs
I'***' *' and our fore-bonnet, and went with a short sayle all night.

''''*»|:ifl. J^'he eiffht atid twentieth, very thicke and mystie, and a

'*!t:^;;||' stiffe gale of wind, varying betweene south south-west and

t!!r,|,i* J^ south-west and by west; we made our way north-west and

by west, seven and twentie leagues ; wee sounded m'uiy
times and could get no ground. At five of the clocke we
cast about to the southward, the wind at south-west and
by west. At which time we sounded, and had ground at
.*:• seventie-five fathoms. At eight, wee had sixtie-five fathoms.

At ten, sixtie. At twelve of the clocke at mid-night, fiftie-
n *''^l.„ sixe fathoms, cfray sand.

^ « ,' decrees ^hc compassc varycd 6 degrees to the north point to the

t ■ *• «i to tile west. .

■...-1^ ' west.

L' [. *' i The 7}{nc and twentieth, faire weather, we stood to the

■J y^«' southward, alid made our way south and by west a point

4Mm» south, cightccne leagues. At noone we found our height to

i,^l be 42 degrees, 56 minutes; Avee sounded oft and had these,

i ^l"^" GO, 64, G5, 67, 65, 65, 70, and 75 fathoms. At night wee

"tw,^ tryed the variation of our compasse by the setting of the

:;jjj» sunnc, and found that it went downe ol degrees to the north-

*'^|, ward of the west, and should have gone downe but 31 de-

uim variiition r) gi-ees. The compasse varyed 5 and a halfe deK''<jes.

iicgiees. r^j^g thirtieth, very hot, all the fore part ol the day calme,

the wind at south south-east ; wee steered away west south-
west and sounded many times, and could find no ground at

A Bi-cat . .

j furrctit Qj^g hundred and seventie fathomes. We found a threat cur-

aml many ~

oveiiuis. j.gj^j. j^j^j many over-falls. Our current had deceived us.
I For at noone we found our height to be 41 desfrees, 34

minutes. And the current had heaved us to the south-

'l ward fourcteene leagues. At eight of the clocke at night I

TIIIKD VOYAGE (1609). 63

sounded, and had ground in fiftic-two fathom-, .5, In the end

of the mid-nitrht "watch Avce had fiftie-three fathomes. This

last observation is not to be trusted.

The one and thirftcth, very thicke and mystie all day,

untill tenne of the clocke. At night the wind came to the

south, and south-west and south. AYe made our way west *

. . 'I*

north-west, nineteene leajjues. Wee sounded many times, *

. . . '"

and had difference of soundings, sometimes little stones, and ,,

sometimes grosse gray sand, fiftic-sixe, fiftie-fourc, fortie- ■!,

clgh<", fortie-seven, fortic-foure, fortie-sixe, fiftie fathoms; 'S

and at eight of the clocke at night it fell calme, and we had ii

fiftie fathomes. And at ten of the clocke we heard a great
rut, like the rut of the shoare. Then I sounded and found '^ e'^it »"'. |;

the former depth ; and mistrusting a current, seeing it so
still that the ship made no way, I let the lead lie on the
ground, and found a tide set to the south-west, and south-
west and by west, so fast, that I could hardly vere the line
so fast, and presently came an hurling current, or tyde with Acunvnt

' I J o ' ./ to tlie south-

ovcr-fals, which cast our ship round ; and the lead was so so^,f,\"'v',!gt,
fast in the ground that I feared the lines brealcing, and we oveTiuis!'''
had no more but that. At midnight I sounded againe, and
M'c had scventie-fivc fathomes ; and the strong streame had
left us.

Thcjit^st of August, all the fere part of the day was mys- August.
tie ; and at noone it cleered up. We found that our height
was 41 degrees, 45 minutes, and we had gone nineteene
leagues. The after-noon wa» reasonable cleere. We found
a rustling tide or current with many over-fals to continue
still, and our water to change colour, and our sea to bee very
deepe, for wee found no ground in one hundred fathomes.
The night was cleere, and the winde came to the north, and
north-east ; we steered west.

The second, very faire weather and hot ; from the morn-
ing till noone we had a gale of wind, but in the after-noone
little wind. At noone I sounded, and had one hundred and

It , ;
I i

: 64 MASTER HENRY HUDSON.

{I ;

ten fathomcs ; and our height was 41 degrees, 56 minutes.

'! And wee had runne four and twentic leagues and an halfe.

At the sun-setting we observed the variation of the com-

' passe, and found that it was come to his true place. At

I eight of the clocke the gale increased, so wee ranne sixe

!; iJkii «i"" leagues that watch, and had a very faire and cleere night.

' '''^»l'f<!» -'-^^^ third, very hot weather. In the morning we had

'! ^si' 'i" sight of the land, and steered in with it, thiui ing to go

r^4«»' to the northward of it. So we sent our shallop with five

?!;r..',";i nien to sound in by the shore: and they found it deepe five

JauduectT f^thomes within a bow-shot of the shoare ; and they went on

Cape Cod. jj^^^-j j^ ^^^^ fouud goodly grapes and rose trees, and brought

them aboord with them, at five of the clocke in the eeven-

„.r ing. We had seven and twentie fathomes within two miles

>. ■>'».« ^ <r.

of the shoare ; and we found a floud come from the south-
si ^^ east, and an ebbe from the north-west, with a very strong
i '^»> , streame, and a great hurling and noyses. At eight of the
^ l»,^"' ' clocke at night the wind began to blow a fresh gale, and
■J i •• i continued all night but variable. Our sounding that wee
! ij;Hi,, had to the land was one hundred, cightie, seventie-foure.

I •>'

1 i'

.,^. fiftie-two, fortie-sixe, twentie-nine, twentie-seven, twentie-

• ,'' foure, nineteene, sometimes oze, and sometimes gray sand.

"1^. The fourth, was very hot ; we stood to the north-west,

^1^ two watches, and one south in for the land, and came to an

,i^» anchor at the norther end of the headland, and heard the

•'•^ voyce of men call. Then we sent our boat on shoare, think-

ing they had beene some Christianr left on the land : but
Savages, -wcc found them to bee savages, which seemed very glad of
our comming. So wee brought one aboard with us, and
gave him nieate, and he did eate and drinke with us. Our
master gave him three our foure glasse buttons, and sent
him on land with our shallop againe. And at our boats
comming from the shoare he leapt and danced, and held up
his hands, and pointed us to a river on the other side : for
we had made signes that we came to fish there. The bodie

THIRD VOYAGE (1609).

of this headland lycth in 41 degrees, 45 minutes.^ We set
sayle againe after dinner, thinking to have got to the west-
ward of this headland, but could not ; so we beare up to the
southward of it, and made a south-east way ; and the souther
point did beare west at eight of the clocke at night. Our
soundings about the easter and norther part of this headland,
a league from the shoare, are these : at the easterside, thir-
tie, twentie-seven, twentie-seven, twentie-foure, twentie-five,
twentie. The north-east point, IT degrees, 18 minutes, and
so deeper. The north end of this headland, hard by the
shoare, thirtie fathomes : and three leagues off north north-
west, one hundred fathomes. At the south-east part a
league off, fifteene, sixteene, and seventeene fathomes. The
people have greene tabacco and pipes, the boles whereof are
made of earth and the pipes of red copper. The land is
very sweet.

The Jfft, all mystie. At eight of the clocke in the morn-
ing wee tact about to the westward, and stood in till foure
of the clocke in the after-noone ; at which time it cleered,
and wee had sight of the head-land againe five leagues from
us. The souther point of it did beare west off us : and we
sounded many times, and had no ground. And at foure of
the clocke we cast about, and at our staying wee had seven-
tie fathomes. Wee steered away south and south by east
all night, and could get no ground at seventie and eightie
fathomes. For wee feared a great rifFc that lycth off the
land, and steered away south and by east.

The sixth, faire weather, but many times mysting. Wee
steered away south south-east, till eight of the clocke in the
morning ; then it cleered a little, and we cast about to the
westward. Then we sounded and had thirtie fathomes, grosse
sand, and were come to the riffe. Then wee kept our lead,
and had quicke shoalding from thirtie, twentie-nine, twentie-
seven, twentie-foure, twentie-two, twentie and an halfe,
^ At the south sulo of Stage Harbour, Massachusetts.

I >

G6 MASTER HENRY HUDSON.

twcntie, twentie, nincteene, ninetccne, nineteene, cighteene,
' eighteene, seventecne ; and so deeping againc as proportion-

ally as it shoalded. For we steered south and south-east till
we came to twentic-sixe fathomes. Then we steered south-
west, for so the tyde doth set. By and by, it being calmc, we

'"2^,„ tryed by our lead; for you shall have sixteene or seventeene

Id*''"' fathomes, and the next cast but seven or six fathomes. And

„«.,*"' farther to the westAvard you shall have foure and five foot

,».>. ^^.,,1 water, and see rockes under you, and you shall see the land

■ ,..!„"| K.'nnisTiffo ^^^ ^'^^ ^^P" Upou tliis riftc WO had an observation, and found

Jfei'iees, in that it lyctli in 40 degrees, 10 minutes. And this is that
ana iveti'i off headland which Captaine Bartholomew Gosnold discovered

eiist tVmn

Cape Cod in the yeere 1602, and called Cape Cod,^ because of the store

iiuo the sea. ./ ' i. ■-

of cod-fish that hee found thereabout. So wc steered south-
west, three leagues, and had twentie and twentie-fourc
fathomes. Then we steered west two glasses, halfe a league,
and came to fifteene fathomes. Then we steered off south-
east foure glasses, but could not get deepe water ; for there
the tyde of ebbe laid us on ; and the streame did hurle so,
that it laid us so neere the breach of a shoald that wee were
forced to anchor. So at seven of the clockc at nisjht wee

'■1.

.•.i»«'i

; r-*"":ii

IP '"'"• » >IM I

-s..

!*.yr

"•*.♦

, Ml*

'O'

^ The real locality here described is probably some riff near Cape
Malabar, for Cape Cod is under 42° 4', 130 miles farther north than the
point mistaken for it by Hudson. Gosnold's explorations were but
vaguely known to him, and this accounts for his mistake. Purchas, who
edited Juet's journal sixteen years after it was written, had a better,
though not an exact knowledge of the real situation of Cape Cod, which
had frequently been visited in the meantime. Struck by Hudson's
mistake, he makes, in his side note, the conjecture that the 40° 10' of
the journal was originally meant for 41° 10'. This supposition, which
would shake our faith in all the latitudes recorded in that same paper,
is fortunately not borne out by the preceding part of the voyage. Hud-
son was, on the 4th of August, under 41° 45' ; he sailed south and south
by east the whole night of the .'Jth, and part of the 6th, and it is there-
fore impossible that he should have been only 5' (about six and a quarter
miles) farther south on the 6th than on the 4th. Besides, 41° 10' is still
nearly a degree to the south of Cape Cod. We ought to thank Purchas
for not having introduced his conjecture into the text.

THIRD VOYAGE (1009). 67

were at an anchor in tenne fathomes : and I give God most
heartie thankes, the least water wee had was seven fiithomes
and an halfe. We rode still all night, and at a still water
I sounded so farre round ahout our ship as we could see
a light ; and had no Icsse then eight, nine, ten, and eleven
fathomes : the myst continued heing very thicke.

The seventh, faire weather and hot, but mystie. "Wee
rode still hoping it would cleere, but on the floud it fell
cahne and thicke. So we rode still all day and all night.
The floud commeth from the south-west, and riseth not
above one fathome and an halfe in nepe streames. Toward
night it cleered, and I went with our shallop and sounded,
and found no lesse water then eight ftithomes to the south-
east off us; but we saw to the north-west off us great breaches.

The eight, faire and cltere weather. In the morning, by
sixe of the clocke, at slake water, wee weighed, the wind at
north-east, and set our fore-sayle and niayne top-sayle, and
got a mile over the flats, ^ Then the tyde of ebbe came, so Thofluta.
M c anchored againe till the floud came. Then we set sayle
againe, and by the great mercie of God wee got cleere off
them by one of the clocke this afternoone. And wee had
sight of the land from the west north-west to the north north-
Mest. So we steered away south south-east all night, and
had ground untill the middle of the third watch. Then we
had fortie-five fathomes, white sand and little stones. So
all our soundings are twentie, twentie, twentie-two, twentie-
sevcn, thirtie-two, fortie-three, fortie-thrcc, fortie-five. Then
no ground in seventie fathomes.

The ninth, very faire and hot weather, the wind a very
stifle gale. In the morning, at foure of the clocke, our
shallop came running up against our sterne, and split in all
her stemme ; so we were faine to cut her away. Then wee

' There are so many sandbanks in these parts, that it is impossible to
guess, from Hudson's rather vague observations, what sandbank he
means.

!■

1.' 1

68 MASTER HENRY HUDSON.

tooke in our maync-saylc, and lay atrie under our forc-sayle
untill twelve of the clocke at mid-day. Then the wind
t ! eased to a faire gale, so wee stood away south-west. Then

'I we lay close by, on many courses a south by west way fif-

ri teenc leagues ; and three watches south-east by east, ten

;■) ijliJii......" leagues. At eight of the clocke at night wee tooke in our

' iCl'**'"!! top-sayles, and went with a low sayle, because we were in

.is#*«'" an unknowne sea. At noone we observed, and found our

^"^ „»»■ heigth to be 38 degrees, 39 minutes.

j;;;;;-^.>«.;j.|i The tenth, in the morning, some raine and cloudle wea-

ther : the winde at south-west, wee made our way south-east
by east, ten Icagvics. At noone wee observed, and found
our heigth to bee 38 degrees, 39 minutes. Then wee tackt
^ \-.*- 2:%- about to the westward, the Avind being at south and by east,

„ •"H.^li", little wind. At foure of the clocke it fell calme, and we had

^ '•^1^" two dolphines about our ship, and many small fishes. At

|i •**»•, I \ eight of the clocke at night wee had a small lingring gale.

ill * '
t (^**«' , All night we had a great sea out of the south-west, and

I [/"'•i I another great sea out of the north-east.

I *}{»,, The eleve7ith, all the fore i^art of the day faire weather,

""*• and very hot. We stood to the west south-west till noone.

Then the wind shorted, and we could lye but south-west
and by south. At noone wee found our heigth to bee 39

a ,„ * A current degrees, 11 minutes, and that the current had laid us to the

j '""■•» pelting to r> ' '

i • tlie north

in 11

'<Mt Vnriation

one point.

,iM»» the north, nortliward thirtie-two minutes contrary to our expectation.

At foure of the clocke in the after-noone there came a myst,
which endured two houres, but wee had it faire and cleere
all night after. The compasse varied the north point to the
west one whole point.

The tioelfth, faire weather, the wind variable bctweenc
the south-west and by south and the north : little wind. In
the morning we killed an extraordinary fish, and stood to
the westward all day and all night. At noone we found our
heigth to be 38 degrees, 13 minutes. And the observation the
varmtion (|j^y before was not good. This noone, we found the com-

10 degrees. j o »

passe to vary from the north to the west ten degrees.

/ f

THIRD VOYAGE (IGOO), 69

The thirteenth, fiiire weather and hot, the wind at north-
cast. Woo steered away west, and by our compasse two
and twcntie leagues. At noone wee found our height to bee
37 degrees, 45 minutes, and that our way from noone to
noone was west south-west, halfe a point southerly. The
compasse was 7 degrees and a halfe variation from the north
point to the west.

IChe fourteenth, faire weather, but eloudie and a stifFe gale
of wind, variable betwecne north-east and south-west ; wee
steered away west by south, a point south, all day untill
nine of the cloeke at night ; then it began to thunder and
lighten, whereupon we tooke in all our sayles and layd it a
hull, and hulled away north till mid-night, a league and a
halfe.

The fifteenth, very faire and hot weather, the winde at
north by east. At foure of the cloeke in the morning we
set sayle, and stood on our course to the westward. At
noone wee found our height to bee 37 degrees, 25 minutes, nrdefrrees,

/- ^ _ jio luiuuteB.

The after-noone proved little wind. At eight of the cloeke
at night the winde came to the north, and wee steered west
by north and west north-west, and made our way west. The
compasse varyed 7 degrees from the north to the west.

The sixteenth, faire shining weather and very hot, the
wind variable betwecne the north and the west ; Avee steered
away west by north. At noone wee found our height to bee
37 degrees, 6 minvites. This morning we sounded and had nr dPKieos,

. . . . minutes.

ground in nnietie fathomes, and in sixe glasses running it
shoalded to fiftie fathoms, and so to eight and twentie
fathoms, at foure of the cloeke in the after-noone. Then wee
came to an anchor, and rode till eight of the cloeke at night,
Mie wind being at south and moone-light; we resolved to
goe to the northward to finde deeper water. So we weighed
and stood to the northward, and found the water to shoald
and deepe from eight and twentie to twentie fathomes.
The setcntcentli , faire and clecre sun-shining weather, the

Hit

I '

! ' I

70 MASTKR HKNRY llUnsOX.

windc at south by west; wee steered to the northward till

foure of the clocke m the morning ; then wee came to eigh-
' teenc fathomes. So we anchored untill the sunne arose, to

[ looke abroad for land, for wee judged there could not but be

land neere us, but we could see none. Then we weighed,
|J2^ft.M>»'* find stood to the westward till noone. And at eleven of the

iid"*'' ' wiUiVwhUe ^^°^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^^ siglit of a low land, with a white i^audie

'«-»■*•'" bhuaro. shoarc. By twelve of the clocke we were coma into five

i'-^ ,p'* fathomes, and anchored; and the land was foure leagues

from us, and wee had sight of it from the west to the north-
ardpgrces, west by north. Our height was 31 desfrees, 26 minutes.

20 minutes '' ^ n '

f"""- .......

..,«**"

""*•»!»*

Then the wind blew so stifFe a gale, and such a sea went,
that we could not weigh; so we rode there all night an hard
rode {sic).

The enjhtecnth, in the morning, faire weather, and little
► '^f'* winde at north north-east and north-east. At foure of the

„ ••*%.; ' clocke in the morning we weighed, and stood into the shoare

t i7^»' to see the deeping or shoalding of it, and finding it too

j i*"^«. I deepe we stood in to get a rode : for wee saw, as it were,

j| ;;i||, , I three Hands. So wee turned to windward to get into a bay,

' as it shewed to us to the westward of an ilaud. For the

ii* III

' J"

three ilands did beare north off us. But toward noone the
wind blew northerly, with gusts of wind and rayne. So we
stood off into the sea againe all night ; and running off we
found a channell, wherein we had no lesse then eight, nine,
ten, eleven, and twelve fathomes water. For in comming
\ '"'^ ' over the barre wee had five and foure fathomes and a half'e,

"'*' Barre of and it Ivctli fivc Icagucs from the shoare, and it is the barre

Virginia. j a

of Virginia. At the north end of it, it is ten leagues broad,

' and south, and north, but deepe water from nintie fathomes

I to five and foure and a halfe. The land lyeth south and

M J^!"g« north. This is the entrance into the King's River in Vir-

ginia, where our EngKsh-men are.^ The north side of it

' The early settlement alluded to, the romantic history of which every
schoolboy knows, was more than thirty miles farther south than the

'? .

THIRD VOYAGE (1G09).

lyeth in 37 degrees, 26 minutes: you shall know when
you come to shoald water or sounding, for the water will
looke greene or thicke, you shall have ninetie and eightie
fathomcs, and shoalding a pace till you come to ten, eleven,
nine, eight, seven, ten, and nine fathomes, and so to five,
and foure fathomes and a halfe.

The nineteenth, fuire weather, hut an hard gale of winde
at the north-east ; Avee stood off till noonc, and made our
way south-east hy east, two and twentie leagues. At noone
wee cast about to the westward, and stood till sixe of^'^'"'
the clocke in the after-noone, and went five leagues and a
halfe north-west by north. Then wee cast about againc to
the eastward, and stood that way till foure the next morning.

The tioentictli, faire and cleere weather, the winde varia-
ble bctweene east north-east and north-east. At foure of
the clocke in the morning wee cast about to the westward,
and stood till noone ; at which time I sounded, and had two
and thirtie fathomes. Then we tackt to the eastward againe ;
wee found our height to bee 37 degrees, 22 minutes. We ^InmS.
stood to the eastward all night, and had very much wind.
At eight of the clocke at night we tooke off our bonnets,
and stood with small sayle.

The one and twentieth, was a sore storme of winde and
raync all day and all night, wherefore wee stood to the east-
ward with a small sayle, till one of the clocke in the after-
noone. Then a great sea brake into our fore-corse and split
it ; so we were forced to take it from the yard and mend it :

locality here alluded to by Hudson. Our navigator was but imper-
fectly acquainted with its whereabouts, and this explains his failing
to visit his friend John Smith, though the opportunity was so tempt-
ing. If the latitudes in the journal are correct, the description here
jriven applies to the coast of Northampton (Virginia) under 37° 26'.
The tliree islands are a group to the north-east of Prout Island, and
between them and Prout Island there is a sort of strait, which may be
mistaken for the entrance of a river. The journal shows plainly that
Hudson never attempted to explore the supposed river, and thus had no
opportunity for finding out his mistake.

■ r !

'\.

72 MASTER II?:NIIY HUDSON.

wee lay a trie with our inayne-corse all night. This night
our cat ranne crying from one side of the ship to the other,
looking over-hoord, which made us to wonder ; but we saw
nothing.

The two and twentieth, stormy weather, with gusts of

'^^^ ,1 rayne and wind. In the morning, at eight of the clockc,

iir*ii»'' '*' ^^^ ^^^ ^^^ fore- corse, and stood to the eastward under our

,,,». (l*"" fore-sayle, mayne-sayle and misen; and from noonc to noonc,

.r% ,,,.f we made our way east south-cast, fourtecne leagues. The

f"*. ..►•,„ifc variiition nijrht reasonable drie but cloudie, the winde variable all day

■— i..,Ill'^ 4 derives O _ ' J

"*",... • wostwani. j^j^j night. Our compasse was varycd 4 degrees westward.

'**•""' ' The three and twentieth, very foire weather, but sonic

thunder in the morning, the winde variable betweene east

.^_ ": by north. At noone wee tackt about to the nortliNvard, the

^- *" . .

Z,.'"^* winde at east by north. The after-noone very fuire, the

C'Jf" wind variable, and continued so all uight. Our way wc

-K^^j ; made east south-east, till noone the next day.

•••' ; '\l\\efoure and twentieth, iaavc and hot weather, with the

'"^,, j wind variable betweene the north and the east. The after-

:.^ noone variable winde. But at foure of the clockc, the wind

"*• came to the east and south-east ; so wee steered away north

•*«■ by west, and in three watches wee went thirteene leagues.

,.^, At noone our height was 35 degrees, 41^ minutes, being

"^' farre off at sea from the land.

,^, The Jice and twentieth, faire weather and very hot. All

the morning was very calme untill eleven of the clocke ; the

wind came to south-east and south south-east; so wee steered

away north-west by north two Avatches and a halfe, and one

watch north-west by west, and went eighteene leagues. At

noone I found our height to bee 36 degrees, 20 minutes,

being without sight of land.

The size and twentieth, faire and hot weather, the Avinde

variable upon all the points of the compasse. From two of

the clocke in the morning untill noonc wee made our way

^ Off Nag's Head, South Carolina.

THIRD VOYAGE (1609). 73

north by cast, seven leagues. In the after-noonc the wind

came to the north-cast, and vcring to the cast soutli-cast ;

wee steered away north-west fiftecne leagues, from noone till

ten of the clocke at night. At eight of the clocke at night

wee sounded, and had eightcene fathomes, and were conic

to the banke of Mrginia, and could not see the land. AVee o,'\'irni','|'i'j'j.

kept sounding and steered away north, and came to eight

fathomes and anchored there ; for the wind was at cast

south-east, so that wee could not get off. For the coast lycth i.v.'tifsoutu

along south south-west and north north-east. At noone our n>i<i "onii '

lidilli-cast.

height was 37 degrees, 15 minutes. And wee found that .'^'t't"''o
we were returned to the same place from whence wc were ^'' """"'^'"*'
put off at our first seeing land.^

The seven and ticcnticth, faire weather and very hot, the
winde at east south-east. In the morning, as soone as the
sunne was up, wee looked out and had sight of the land.
Then wee weighed, and stood in north-west two glasses, and
found the land to bee the place from whence avcc put off
first. So wee kept our loofe and steered along the land,
and had the banke lye all along the shoare ; and wee had in n[.rp^,,th
two leagues oil the shoare, nve, sixc, seven, eight, nine, and Tinduii.
ton fathomes. The coast lycth south south-west, and is a
white sandie shoare, and shcweth full of bayes and points.
The streame settcth west south-west and east north-cast. At
sixc of the clocke at night wee were thwart of an harbour
or river, but we saw a barre lye before it ; and all within
the land to the nortliAvard, the water ranne with many ilands
in it. At sixc of the clocke we anchored, and sent our boatc
to sound to the shore-ward, and found no lesse then fourc
and a halfe, five, sixe, and seven fathomes.

The eight and twentieth, faire and hot weather, the winde

^ Hudson, on his return from the south, sailed along the mainland of
Virginia, and thus entered Chesapeake Bay. It is not quite clear how
far he explored it. The latitude .37° 15' seems to be a mistake. He
probably means 37^ 10' : that is to say, Charles' Cape, which he called

Dry Cape, according to De Lact.

lu *

MASTKU IIENKY HUDSON.

cit!:;;:'

I I

'-■^'"^r

'I'lin jKiiiit
ut' laud.

A i-'rriit, buy
mill rivui';].

A ttiiiiiU

kIiiiHoii

aicuiilull.

'I'lio iKirilitr
Iniiil is lull
Ot'bhuillcls,

Miiiiy
UauJs.

at south south-west. In the morninf?, at sixc of the clockc, wcc
"weighed, and steered away north twelve leagues till noone,
and eame to the point of land ;^ and Lacing hard by the land
in five fathomcs, on a sudden wee came into three fathomes;
then we beare up and had but ten foote water, and joined to
the point. Then as soone as wee were over, wee had five,
sixe, seven, eight, nine, ten, twelve and thirteene fathomes.
Then wee found the land to trend away north-west, with a
great bay and rivers. But the bay wee found shoald ; and
in the offing wee had ten fathomes, and had sight of breaches
and drie sand. Then wee were forced to stand backe againe ;
so we stood backe south-east by south, three leagues. And
at seven of the cloeke wee anchored in eight fathomes water ;
and found a tide set to the north-west, and north north-west,
and it riseth one fathome and floweth south south-cast. And
he that will thoroughly discover this great bay, must have
a small pinasse, that must draw but fourc or five foote
water, to sound before him. At five in the morning wee
weighed, and steered away to the eastward on many courses,
for the norther land is full of shoalds. AV^ec were amonc:
them, and once wee strooke ; and wee went away, and
steered away to the soutli-east. So wee had two, three,
foure, five, sixe, and seven fathomes, and so deeper and
deeper.

The 7iine and twentieth, fiiire weather, with some thunder
and showers, the winde shifting betwecne the south south-
west and the north north-west. In the morning wee weighed
at the breake of day, c^nd stood toward the norther land,
which we found to bee all ilands to our sight, and great

^ Juct's account of the explorations made on the 26th, 27th, and 28th,
is very far from clear. But by making De Laet (see p. 156) bear upon
it, we see that the Half Moon explored during those days the neighbour-
hood and the mouth of Delaware River, The bay described on the present
page is Delaware Bay. Later historians, chiefly Van der Donck, have
asserted that Hudson took possession of the surrounding country. This
seems, however, a pure invention.

TIIIU!) VOYAOK (1(500). 76

stortncs from them, and arc shoald three leagues off. For

we comming hy tlicm luvd but seven, sixe, five, foure, three,

and two fathoms and a halfc, and strookc ground with our They auiko.

rudder ; wc steered off south-west one ghisse, and had five

fathoms. Then wee steered south-cast three glasses ; then

we found seven f\xthomes, and steered north-cast by cast

foure leagues, and came to twelve and thirtccnc fathoms.

At one of the clocke I went to the top-mast head and set the

land, and the bodic of the ilands did bcarc north-west by

north. And at foure of the clocke, w ^c had gone foure

leagues cast south-cast, and north-cast by east, and found

but seven fathoms ; and it was calmc, so wc anchored. Then

I went againe to the top-mast head, to see how farre I could

see land about us, and could see no more but the ilands.

And the souther point of them did beare north-west by

west eight leagues off. So wee rode till mid-night. Then

the winde came to the north north-wxst, so wee waighcd and

set sayle.

The tJifrtieth, in the morning, betweene twelve and one,
we weighed, and stood to the eastward, the winde at north
north-west ; wee steered away and made our way east south-
east. From our weighing till noonc, eleven leagues. Our
soundings were eight, nine, ten, eleven, twelve and thirtccnc
fathomes till day. Then wc came to cightcene, ninctcene,
twcntie, and sixe and twentic fathoms by noone. Then I
observed the sunnc, and found the height to bee 39 degrees, r.fititnde
5 minutes,^ and saAV no land. In the after-noone, the winde •^'"'""tes.
came to north by west ; so wee lay close by with our fore-
sayle and our mayne-sayle, and it was little winde untill
twelve of the clocke at mid-night ; then wee had a gale a
little while. Then I sounded, and all the night our sound-
ings were thirtic and sixe and thirtic fathomes, and wee
went little.

The one and thirtieth, faire weather and little wind. At

1 Oft" Hereford Inlet.

r i. I

76 JMASTKU IIKN'UY HUDSON.

sixe of the clockc in the morning wo cast about to the north-
ward, the wind being at the north-east, little wind. At
'■'";""'" noone it fell calme, and I found the height to bee 08 de-
hcrwi'i'uiT' gi'ceS; 39 minutes. And the streames had deceived us,^ and
s icmiie, ^^^^_ Sv)unding Avas eight and thirtie fathoms. In the after-
i»2i*»"»"' noone I sounded againe, and had but thirtie fathoms. So

ilClftf**'!!! ^^^ found that we were heaved too and fro with the streames

..tj*,.**""" of the tide, both by our observations and our depths. From

ii«»,„.. " noone till foure of the clocke in the afternoone it was calme.

»* 411

•v'-^jr'

■»-.|lilij At sixe of the clockc we had a little gale southerly, and it

continued all night, sometimes calme and sometimes a gale ;
wee went eight leagues from noone to noone, north by east.
soptcin'oi. The Jirst of Scptc7nhci\ faire weather, the wind variable
bctweenc cast and south ; we steered away north north-
i.atitiiin west. At noone we found our height to bee 39 degrees, 3
'■^[" oijiiiiui.s. minutes.^ Wee had soui dings thirtie, twentie-seven, twcn-

■**.> tie-foure, and tv/entie-two fathomes, as wee went to the

northward. At sixe of the clocke wee had one and twentie

fathomes. And all the third watch, till twelve of the clockc

at mid-night, we had soundings one and twentie, two and

* twentie, cightccrc, two and twentie, one and twentie, cigh-

'j .J' teene, and two and twcitic fathoms, and went sixe leagues

|"*«» nccre hand north north-west.

i.,1^^ The second, in the morning, close weather, the windc at

|jig» south in the morning ; from twelve un'ill two of the clocke

[*'S we steered north north-west, and had sounding one and

'^ twentie fathoms ; and in running one glasse we had but six-

teene fathoms, then seventcene, and so shoalder and shoalder

untill it came to twelve fathoms. We saw a great fire, but

' could not see the land ; then we came to ten fathoms, whcre-

^ Twenty-six minutes farther south than according to his last observa-
tion. Unacquainted with the nature of the polar current along these
\\ ' coasts, Hudson had been unconsciously drifted back. " The streams had

deceived hiiti/' as Juet says.

'^ Still two niiiiutes farther south than they had been on the 31st of
August. The polar currents made them lose two entire days.

■11

r.i.

THIRD VOYAGE (1609). 77

upon we brought our taclccs aboorcl, and stood to tlie east-
ward cast south- cast, foure ghisscs. Then the sunne arose,
and wee steered away north againe, and saw the land from
the west by north to the north-west by north, all like broken jii''',i',,',''i'^^.„
islands,^ and our soundings were eleven and ten fathoms. "'"'"'''■
Then wee looft in for the shoare, and fliire by the shoare
we had seven fathoms. The course aloncj the land we found t'io oomso

" aloiit; tlio

to be north-east by north. From the land which we had ti'"'l,!'j',',',',\
first sight of, untill we came to a great lake of water, as wee loiho'.Mouth
could judge it to bee, being drowned land, which made it to iicmiuibny
rise like islands, which was in length ten leagues. The
mouth of that land hath many shoalds, and the sea breaketh
on them as it is cast out of the mouth of it. And from that
lake or bay the land lyeth north by east, and wee had a
great streame out of the bay ; and from thence our sounding
was ten fathoms two leagues from the land. At five of the
clockc we anchored, being little winde, and rode in eight
fathoms water ; the night was faire. This night I found the
land to hall the compasse 8 de"rees. For to the northward vminLicm
off US we saw high hils.^ For the day before Ave found not j|?,^^^' ^''°
above 2 dccfrees of variation. This is a very "'ood land to ~ '^^Brpo<i

o Jo viu latiou oil

fall with, and a pleasant land to see.

^ Sandy Ilook, the well known island at the mouth of the Hudson.
The following extracts from modern works on American geography will
show how minutely this locality was explored by its discoverer, and how
well it is described in the Journal : " Sandy Hook Bay is a sandy beach,
extending north from Old Shrewsbury Inlet (New Jersey) and the south j I

point of the highlands of Nevesinck, six miles, and is from half a mile I

to a mile wide." — '^h.om^oxx'ii Geogr. Diet. " Sandy Hook Bay runs south | |

into the town of Middleton, and is bounded to the south-west by the j 1

highlands of Nevesinck, and on the east by the sand beach forming Sandy '. ',

Hook. Drained by Swimming and Nevisinck rivers." — U. 8. Gazetteer. '

' In approaching Sandy Hook, Harbour Hill, on Long Island, and Ncvi- i

sinck, on the Jersey shore, may be seen at the distance of about twenty-
four to twenty-five miles. The first is 319, the second 281 feet above
the water." — Mitchill, Geolocjij ; and Akerley, Geologij of Hudson River:
•luoted by Moulton, liiHt. of the State of New York; i, p. 209.

'■* See last note.

al sen.

78 MASTER HENRY HUDSON.

The third, the morning mystie, untill ten of the clockc ;

then it clecred, and the wind came to the south south-east,

so wee weighed and stood to the nortliward. The hind' is

iiif:ii(in(in vei'v pleasant and hi^^h, and bokl to fall withall. At three

''.''""'<^si'!''' of the clock in the after-noonc, wee came to three "xc^xX.

t^ rivei's. o

■''^*"""" ''"', rivers.'^ So wc stood alonj? to the northermost, thinkin"- to

.«■ i,„!«i iioitlier- _ _ o _ ' o

■iWlK,,,,".. biured. ^vci\e gone into it, but we found it to have a very shoald

"^•ikiMM barre before it, for Ave had but ten foot water. Then we

'♦'"K'!.." An excel- q^^^^ about to thc soutliAvard, and found two fathoms, three

^ ^ IfUlriver. '

-- '•4..Jii^ fathoms, and three and a quarter, till we came to the '^outlier

••••-.Jiii'i'' ^^^^ °^ them ; then we had five and sixe fathoms, and

anchored. So Avee sent in our boate to sound, and they

,'-***"^3ii ' found no lesse water then foure, five, sixe, and seven fathoms,

- .tt!t £111^^ returned in an houre and a halfe. So wee weighed and

'*"' went in, and rode in five fathoms, oze ground, and saw

13 ' Laiitiuio many salmons, and mullets, and rayes, very great. The

jl.,^"' 3uiui.mus. height is 40 degrees, 30 minutes.

,J|» ' The fourth, in the morning, as soone as the day was light,

\ wee saw that it was good riding farther up. So we sent our

d?* ^^ ^"o t,'ooa boate to sound, and found that it was a very f^ood harbour, and

tr'J', foure and five fathomes, two cables length from the shoare.

♦'Wl Then we weighed and went in with our ship. Then our

'"Ml*

j.«i%, boate went on land^ with our net to fish, and caught ten great

*'^* mullets, of a foote and a halfe long a peece, and a ray as

**S^ 1 The south coast of Staten Island,

'■' It is impossible to make the observations of the Srd fully agree with
njik thc real localities. Wheresoever we place the tJiree rivers, some diffi-

culties arise which cannot be explained away. jMr. Brodhcad's opinion,
" that two of the three rivers are undouhtedlij the Rariton and Narrows,
the third prohahly Rockaway Inlet," we can subscribe in neither of its
parts. It is not even certain whether the place where Hudson anchored
under 40° 30', is to the east or west of Staten Island.

^ According to a generally received American tradition, Coney Island
(near Long Island). This is quite possible. Only it seems singular that
the insulated nature of this small spot should have been cither over-
looked, or if perceived, not noted down as such, in our circumstantial
account.

I'll

V''

THIRD VOYAGE (1G09). 79

great as foure men could hale into the ship. So wee trimmed
our boate and rode still all day. At night the wind blew
hard at the north-west, and our anchor came home, and wee
drove on slioare, but tooke no hurt, thanked bee God, for
the ground is soft sand and oze. This day the people of '!"' i ""ii''
the countrey came aboord of us, seeming very glad of our X)[,I.,'i''i'i';,.y
comming, and brought ■ -ene tobacco, and gave us of it clviiV.'^
for knives and beads, x ley goe in deere skins loose, well
dressed. They have yellow copper. They desire cloathes, ^'''\\'^l
and are very civill. They have great store of maize or In-
dian wheatc, whereof they make good bread. The countrey
is full of great and tall oakes. 'J »" "'^'■^cs.

The fifth, in the morning, as soonc as the day was light,
the wind ceased and the flood came. So we heaved off our
ship againe into five fathoms water, and sent our boate to ^'I'ogiont

^ ° ' bay 111 ID

sound the bay, and we found that there was three fathoms l|,',"^,ViiuirJ."'

hard by the souther shoare. Our men went on land^ there,

and saw great store of men, women, and children, who gave

tlicm tabacco at their comming on land. So they went up

into the woods, and saw great store of very goodly oakes

and some currants. For one of them came aboord and clmmus.

brought some dryed, and gave me somc_. which were sweet

and good. This day many of the people came aboard, some

in mantles of feathers, and some in skinnes of divers sorts of J^r'nitios of

good furres. Some women also came to us with hempc. ""^•'"^"'r''-

They had red copper tabacco pipes, and other things of i^^'^i copiicr.

copper they did wearc about their neckcs. At night they

went on land againe, so wee rode very quiet, but durst not

trust them.

The sixth, in the morning, was faire weather, and our

master sent John Colman, with foure other men in our boate,

1 According to the American historians, " in Monmouth County, New
Jersey," that is to say, cither on the mainland or New Jersey, or some-
where near Richmond, on Staten Island. We should not even presume
on this vague assertion. There is no evidence to show that the landing
place was not still furtho. cast, on or near Long Island.

MASTER HENRY HUDSON.

mill

-.v'-^jr

it.

lip

Aiintlier
I'ivoi- t'.iuro
l('iif,'Ui's 10

lll(.' MOl'tll-

wiird.

A iiari'ow
riviT to tlin

Wt'StWlllll.

Coliuiin
hiliiioo iiiul
lW(] iiiuro
liurt.

C'olnifins
I'oiiit.

over to the north-side to sound the other river/ being foure
leagues from us. They found by the way slioahl water, two
fathoms ; but at the north of the river eighteen, and twcn-
tie fathoms, and very good riding for ships ; and a narrow
river' to the Avcstward, betweene two iLands. The lands,
they told us, were as pleasant with grasse and flowers and
goodly trees as ever they had seene, and very sweet smells
came from them. So they went in two leagues and saw an
open sea, and returned ; and as they came backc, they were
set upon by two canoes, the one having twelve, the other
fourteenc men. The night came on, and it began to rayne,
so that their match went out ; and they had one man slaine
in the fight, which was an Englishman, named John Colman,
with an arrow shot into his throat, and two more hurt. It
grew so darke that they could not find the ship that night,
but labored too and fro on their oares. They had so great
a streame, that their grapncll would not hold them.

The seventh, was faire, and by ten of the clockc they re-
turned aboord the ship, and brought our dead man with
them, whom we carried on land and buryed, and named
the point after his name, Colmans Point."^ Then we hoysed
in our boate, and raised her side with waste boords for de-
fence of our men. So Ave rode still all night, having good
regard to our watch.

^ The Narrows ?

2 The hills between Staten Island and Bergen Neck. Moulton, Ilist.
of New York, \, p. 211.

^ According to the Dutch maps and charts of the seventeenth cen-
tury, Colman's Point (also called Godyn's Point and Sand or Sant Point),
is identical with, or forms part of, Sandy Hook. No great amount of
criticism is, however, displayed in those delineations ; and they cannot
be considered as sufficient proofs that Colman really was buried on
Sandy Hook. We have, on the contrary, every reason to believe that
Hudson was, on the 7fch of September, farther north than the above sup-
positions would lead us to assume. Hudson's Colman's Point and the
Colmans Point or Punt of the early maps, arc therefore probably not
identical.

THIRD VOYAGE (1609). 81

The eight, was very fairc weather, wee rode still very
quietly. The people cauiC aboord us, and brought tabacco
and Indian wheat to exchange for knives and bcadcs, and
offered us no violence. So we fitting up our boate did marlce
them, to see if they would make any shew of the death of
our man ; which they did not.

The ninth, faire weather. In the morning, two great
canoes came aboord full of men ; the one with their bowes
and arrowes, and the other in shew of buying of knives to i'"?"'^'"-''-
betray us ; but we perceived their intent. Wee tooke two
of them to have kept them, and put red coates on them, and
would not suffer the other to come neerc us. So they went
on land, and two other came aboord in a canoe ; we tooke
the one and let the other goe ; but hee which wee had taken,
got uj) and leapt over-boord. Then we weighed and went
off into the channell of the river, and anchored there all
night.

The tenth, faire weather, we rode still till twelve of the
clocke. Then we weighed and went over, and found it
shoald all the middle of the river, for wee could finde
but two fathoms and a halfe and three fathomes for the
space of a league ; then wee came to three ftithomes and
foure fathomes, and so to seven fathomes, and anchored,
and rode all night in :oft ozie ground. The banke is
sand.^

The eleventh was faire and very hot weather. At one of

the clocke in the after-noone wee weighed and went into

the river, the wind at south south-west, little winde.

Our soundings were seven, sixe, five, sixe, seven, eight,

nine, ten, twelve, thirteene, and fourtecne fathomes. Then

it shoalded againc, and came to five fathomes. Then wee j i j

anchored, and saw that it was a very good harbour for all ^l°^■^^^^J.

windes, and rode all niglit. The people of the country

came aboord of us, making shew of love, and gave us tabacco

' East Sandbank, in the Narrows. Moulton, i, p. 211.

i I

I , ' '

I 1'-

82 MASTER HENHY HUDSON.

and Indian -Nvhcat/ and departed for that night ; but we

durst not trust them.-

The ticelfth, very faire and hot. In the after-noone, at

two of the clocke, wee weighed, the winde being variable

bctweeno the north and the north-west. So we turned into
2iij»,Bipi the river two leagues and anchored. This morning, at our

lll?*i#»"''' 2s canoes first rodc in the river, there came eight and twentie canoes

,«..*•"'" full of men, women aad children to betray us : but we saw

j"^.,.,» "' their intent, and suffered none of them to come aboord of us.

C»;'^yii:! -^t twelve of the clocke they departed. They brought with

Oysters and them oystcrs and bcanes, Avhereof wee bought some. They

|fH beanes. J ' a j

Copper have great tabacco pipes of yellow copper, and pots of earth
to drcssc their meate in. It flowcth south-east by south
within.

The thirteenth, faire weather, the wind northerly. At
""nJ^ seven of the clocke in the morning, as the floud came Ave

^«t weighed, and turned foure miles into the river. The tide

,^*,' ■ being done wee anchored. Then there came foure canoes

aboord : but we suffered none of them to come into our

"* '*■'

I •!

•jjip,, ship. They brought great store of very good oysters aboord,

->»■

jil»»

*•«►«•

which we bought for trifles.^ In the night I set the varia-
Variation tion of the compassc, and found it to be 13 degrees. In the

'•■Nij 13 degrees. _ _ *"

after noonc we weighed, and turned in with the floud, two

leagues and a halfe further, and anchored all night; and had
,ii«»» five fathoms soft ozie ground; and had an high point of land,

*"\

,.jP^ ■ ^ According to Van der Donck maize had been first brought to these

regions by the Spaniards.
■ '■^ So says Juet. Hudson himself, in the few scraps of his original log-

book preserved by De Laet, and also in the communications which Van
Meteren seems to have received from him, always speaks most kindly of
the North American Indians. He and his crew entirely disagreed Avith
regard to the treatment due to the poor natives ; and his kindness was
rewarded by friendship, their sullen mistrust by acts of hostility. The
poor Indian has but too often been thus both ill-treated and ill-judged by

ii . prejudiced Europeans.

,:■ ' According to the opinion of Moulton, Hist, of N. Y., i, p. 238, near

the point where Manhattansville now stands.

! t

THIUI) VOYAGK (1()09). 83

Avhich shewed out to us, bearing north by cast five leagues
off us.

The fourteenth, in the morning, being very faire weather,
the wind south-east, we saylcd up the river twelve leagues,
and had five fathoms, and five fathoms and a quarter lesse ;
and came to a streight betweene two points,' and had eight,
nine, and ten fathoms ; and it trended north-east by north,
one league : and wee had twelve, thirteene, and fourtcerie
fathomes. The river is a mile broad: there is very hi"h '^'.'fV^^'f
land on both sides.'^ Then we went up north-west, a league
and an halfe decpe water. Then north-east by north, five
miles ; then north-west by north, two leagues, and anchored.
The land grew very high and mountainous. The river is von- i.iRh
full of fish. t"*"o»s

llllUl.

Thejifteeiith, in the morning, was misty, untill the sunne
arose : then it cleered. So wee weighed with the wind at
south, and ran up into the river twentie leagues, passing by
high mountaines.'^ AV^ce had a very good depth, as sixe,
seven, eight, nine, ten, twelve, and thirteene fathomes, and
"Tcat store of salmons in the river. This morning our two
savages got out of a port and swam away. After wee were
under sayle, they called to us in scorne. At night we came
to other mountaines, which lie from the rivers side. There
wcc found very loving people, and very old men: where vei7 loving

people.

wee were well used. Our boat went to fish, and caught
great store of very good fish.
The sixteenth, faire and very hot -weather. In the morn-

1 Between Stony and Vorplanck points, according to Moulton's com-
putation (Hist of JV. Y. i, p. 238).

^ Xear Peakskill. The land, as described by Juet, is high and moun-
tainous on both sides. The hills rise in several places to more than a
thousand feet, and the most elevated side is often near the water's
edge. Hudson seems to have sailed on the 14th to the neighbourhood
of West Point, at present the site of the celebrated military academy.

^ Hudson now saw the highest of the mountains that border the river,
the noble range of the Kaatshenge or Catskill Mountains, several peaks
of which rise above 3000', the highest (the Round Top) to near 40U0'.

I '

1,1

iiii

84 MASTER HENUY HUDSON.

' I

! ing our boat went againc to fishing, but could catch but few,

! by reason their canoes had bcenc there all night. This

morning the people came aboord, and brought us eares
' ^r^iz, pom- of Indian corne, and pompions, and tabacco : which wee

' pious, and ' i i '

tabacco. bought for triflcs. AVce rode still all day, and filled fresh
^*Mlk«iii«' water ; at night wee weighed and went two leagues higher,

"djS*'!i' ^^^^ ^^^^^ shoald water : so wee anchored till day.^

••C'tr' -^^6 secentcetith, faire sun-shining weather, and very hot.

••'iiiii'i' ,

('>.i„iii''i In the morning, as soone as the sun was up, we set sayle,

f* -^Mii" shoaids and g^d ran up sixe leasrues higher, and found shoalds in the

•>*.,,. Hands. middle of the chann.ll, and small ilands, but seven fathoms

••»., "II'!

water on both sides. Toward night we borrowed so neere

'"^"^iii *^^ shoare, that we grounded: so we layed out our small

-'- ^t anchor, and heaved off againe. Then we borrowed on the

"^,«,, banke in the channell, and came aground againe ; while the

••^[^ floud ran we heaved off againe, and anchored all night.^

, "^"v \ The eighteenth, in the morning, was faire weather, and

*•; . we rode still. In the after-noone our masters mate went on

; •* i land with an old savage, a governor of the countrey ; Avho car-

i 'jjjup,.. ried him to his house, and made him good cheere. 'Hhoninc-

! f.*^ teenth was faire and hot weather : at the floud, being neerc

; ,!' Grape^ani elcvcn of the cloclcc, wcc Weighed, and ran higher up two

[ •'^•» Beavers and Icagucs abovc the shoalds, and had no lesse water then five

\ ,»'ki» otters skins. °

\ '|.iU« fathoms ; wee anchored, and rode in eight fathomes. The

f»«ik 1 According to Moulton, Ilist. of N. Y., i, 244, near the shoal or marsh

• «■"'■ ■ in the river, between Athens, and directly opposite that and the city

that now bears the name of Hudson ; according to Brodhcad, between
Schadak and Castleton ; a place situated, according to Haskell and
Smith's Gazetteer, in Rensselaer county, New York, 8 S. by E. Albany,
362 W., on the eastern bank of Hudson river. These American histo-
rians are, better than we, able to compare Juet's account with the real
features of the country, and it is impossible for us to decide between
them where they disagree.
ijl'i j - All this happened undoubtedly at the distance of a few miles from

the spot where Albany now stands. The American authors disagree as
to the exact locality, and the matter is both beyond our cogriizance and
of but small interest to us Europeans.

THIRD VOYAGE (1009). 85

people of the countric came flocking aboord, and brought
us grapes and pompions, which wee bought for trifles.
And many brought us bevers skinncs and otters skinnes,
which wee bought for beades, knives, and hatchets. So wc
rode there all night. ^

The liccnlicth, in the morning, was faire Aveathcr. Our
masters mate with foure men more went up with our boat to
sound the river, and found two leagues above us but two
fathomes water, and the channell very narrow ; and above
that place, seven or eight fathomes. Toward night they re-
turned : and we rode still all nierht. The one and twentieth
was faire weather, and the wind all southerly : we deter-
mined yet once more to go farther up into the river, to trie
what depth and breadth it did bcare ; but much people
resorted aboord, so wee went not this day. Our carpenter
went on land, and made a fore-yard. And our master and
his mate determined to trie some of the chicfe men of the
countrey, whether they had any treacherie in them.^ So
they tooke them downe into the cabbin, and gave them so
much wine and oqua vitec, that they were all merrie : and
one of them had his Avife with them, which sate so modestly,
as any of our countrey women would doe in a strange place,
la the ende one of them was drunke, which had beene

^ It would undoubtedly be of interest to ascertain the exact locality
of this point, the highest reached by Hudson's shijis. The American
historians have spared no pains to arrive at a satisfactory result. But
the data on which their discussions rest do not warrant any positive
conclusion. The most exact statement, that of Van j\Ietcren, gives 42° 40'
as *\e latitude reached ; it forms, however, part of a mere summary,
in which the latitudes are but approximatively exact. For us Euro-
peans it is quite sufficient to know that the Ilalf Moon reached either
the very spot where Albany now stands, or its immediate neighbour-
hood. The latitude of Albany is, according to Haskell and Smith's
Gazetteer, 42° 39' 3" N.

^ " The prejudices," says Moulton, " which they imbibed in Europe,
or on their coasting voyage, against a people whom the Europeans de-
nominated savages, had given a tone of suspicion to their intercourse."
See also note 2, p. 82.

8(5 MASTKIl IIKNRY HUDSON.

aboord of our ship all the time tl^at wc hatl becnc there:
I and that was strange to them ; (or they could not tell how

to take it.^ The canoes and folke went all on shoare : but
some of them came ngaine, and brought stropes of beades r
some had sixe, seven, eight, nine, ten; and gave him. So

''l2^i»» he slept all night quietly.

lj*jjji ' The ttoo and liccntkth was fairc weather: in the morning

•■^'if °^^^ masters mate and foure more of the companie went up

jr» „„• with our boat to sound the river higher up. The people of

f -*.w|.„ the countrey came not aboord till noone : but when they

■•Mi^ mil"*'

came, and saw the savages well, they were glad. So at three
of the clocke in the afternoone they came aboord, and
brought tabacco, and more beades, and gave them to our
^h_ ^, f)nitic.ii. n aster, and made an oration, and shewed him all the coun-

.»^'^*J trey round about. Then they sent one of their companie on

•^['' land, who presently returned, and brought a great platter

•***>•. ' full of venison dressed by themselves ; and they caused him

*•' to eatc with them : then they mafic him reverence and dc-

"^•1 i parted, all save the old man that lay aboord. This night, at

yjip,. ten of the clocke, our boat returned in a showre of raine

ri vcKs"*^ ^''^ fi'om sounding of the river ; and found it to bee at an end
ij'csso!"^ for shipping to goc in. For they had becne up eight or
nine leagues, and found but seven foot water, and uncon-

Ml*

■'"I*

1^1^, stant soundmgs."'

jjjjjj* ^ A tradition connected with this scene of drunkenness seems to have

subsisted at the end of the last century among the Dehiware and Mo-
hican Indians. We reprint as part oi the present collection the observa-
tions of the Rev. John Ilcrkowelder, where this fact is noted down.

^ These beads were made of some sort of shells, and strung. The

strings served both as a rude sort of jewelry and as money. They were

called wamjnim. The early travellers in these regions make frequent

mention of them. We refer the reader to the extracts from Van der

Donck's description of New Netherland, which forms part of the present

collection.

'il^i 2 We refer the American reader to the interesting observations on

(|!^| ,1 this passage, in Moulton, i, pp. 259 to 2GG. To Europeans, who are un-

I acquainted with the localities themselves, these observations are of less

] interest. Mr. Brodhead thinks that Hudson's boat reached the place

THIRD VOYAOK (IGOOj.

The three and ticenlicth, fairc weather. At twelve of the
clockc wee weighed, aiul went dowue two leaj'ues to a ' '"y i'>

" ' " turn.' (l.i« 110

shoald that had two channels, one on the one side, and another '•^'' ''^''''•
on the other, and had little wind, wherehy the tyde layed
us upon it. So there wee sate on ground the space of an
lioure till the floud came. Then wee had a little gale of
wind at the west. So wee got our ship into decpe Avater,
and rode all night very well.

The foure and txcentielh was faire weather : the winde at
the north-west, wee weighed, and went downe the river
seven or eight leagues ; and at halfe ebbe wee came on
ground on a banke of oze in the middle of the river, and
sate there till the floud. Then wee went on land, and ga-
thered good store of chest-nuts.^ At ten of the clocke wee ^,""'';"'',

~ cliustiiuts.

came off into decpe water, and anchored.

The /?fe and twentieth was faire weather, and the wind at
south a stifFe gale. We rode still, and went on land^ to
walkc on the west side of the river, and found good ground
for corne and other warden herbs, with great store of goodly okos.wni-

^ ' O O J ,im trees,

oakes, and walnut-trees, and chest-nut trees, ewe trees, and S'!'"'''"'

' ' ^ ' ti oes, two

trees of sweet wood in great abundance, and great store of [rees'^eic!"^
slate ibr houses, and other good stones.

The sixc and twentieth was faire weather, and the wind
at south a stifle gile ; wee rode still. In the morning our
carpenter went on land, with our masters mate and foure
more of cur companie, to cut wood. This morning, two
canoes came up the river from the place where we first
found loving people, and in one of them was the old man
that had lyen aboord of us at the other place. He brought
another old man with him, which brought more stropes of

where the town of Waterford now stands (Brodhead, Hist, of Neic Vorl;
i, p. 32).

^ According to the computation of Moulton (i, p. 2G7), near the spot
where the town of Hudson now stands.

^ At or near Catskill Landing, three miles from Hudson, and about
forty from Albany.

MASTKR HENRY HUDSON.

* •« «i

boadcs and gave them to our master, and slicwcd liim all the
countrey there about as though it were at his command. So
he made the two old men dine with him, and the old mans
■wife : for they brought two old women, and two young
maidens of the age of sixtecne or seventcenc yeares with
them, who behaved themselves very modestly. Our master
gave one of the old men a knife, and they gave him and us
tabacco. And at one of the clocke they departed downe the
river, making signes that wee should come downe to them ;
for wee Avcre within two leagues of the place where they
dwelt.

The scveti and tweyiticth, in the morning, was fairc wea-
ther, but much wind at the north ; wc weir^hed and set our
fore top-sayle, and our ship would not firt, but ran on the
ozic banke at half cbbc. Wee layed out anchor to heave her
off, but could not. So wee sate from halfe ebbe to halfe
floud : then wee set our fore-saylc and mayne top-sayle, and
got downe sixe leagues. The old man came aboord, and
would have had us anchor, and goe on land to catc with
him: but the wind being faire, we would not yeeld to his
request ; so hee left us, being very sorrowfull for our de-
parture. At five of the clocke in the afternoone, the wind
came to the south south-west. So wee made a boord or two,
and anchored^ in fouretcene fathomes water. Then our boat
went on shoare to fish right against the ship. Our masters
mate and boatswaine, and three more of the companic, went
on land to fish, but could not finde a good place. They
tooke foure or five and twentie mullets, breames, bases, and
barbils : and returned in an houre. We rode still all

night.

;:;i

The eigJit and tioentieth, being faire weather, as soonc as
the day was light, wee weighed at halfe ebbe, and turned
downe two leagues belowe water ; for the strcame doth runnc

* In the vicinity of Red Hook (Moulton, 267), that is to say, fourteen
miles from Catskill Landing.

TiiiKi) voya(;k (1()(M)).

ilUll-

tiiinoti.

the last quarter cbbc : then wc ancliorcKl till high vatcr.' At
throe of the clocke in the iil'tcr-noone we Avcighed, and
lurncd downe three leagues, untill it was darke : then wee
anchored.

The nine and twentieth was drie close weather ; the wind
at south, and south and by west; we weighed early in the
morning, and turned downe three leagues by a lowc water,
and anchored at the lower end of the long reach ; for it is
sixc leagues long. Then there came certaine Indians in a
canoe to us, but would not come aboord. After dinner
there came the canoe with other men, whereoff' three came
aboord us. They brought Indian wheat, which we bought
for trifles. At three of the clocke in the aftcr-noone wee
weighed, as soone as the ebbe came, and turned downe to
tlic edge of the niountaines, or the northermost of thu moun- m
tiiines, and anchored : because the high land hath many
points, and a narrow channell, and hath manie eddie winds.'"^
So we rode quietly all night in seven fathoms water.

The thirtieth was faire weather, and the wind at south-
cast, a stiffe gale betweenc the mountaynes. We rode still
the afternoone. The people of the countrey came aboord
us and brought some small skinncs with them, which we Smnii skins.
bought for knives and trifles. This is a very pleasant place -^ pUnsant

f J 1 1 place Icj

to build a towne on. The road is very ncere, and very good [™',',e'on.
for all windes, save an east north-cast wind. The moun- I'ik.iibooa

(if miuerals.

taynes look as if some metall or minerall were in them. For

^ Probably near the Esopus Island, twelve miles from Red Hook.

^ Below Poughkeepsie (JMoulton). Beacon Hill, in the neighbourhood
of that place and opposite New Windsor, is 1G85 feet high. This part
of Hudson river is noted for its heavy winds. " The banks of Hudson
river, especially on the west side, as far as the highlands extend, are
chiefly rocky cliffs. The passage through the highlands, which is sixteen
or eighteen miles, affords a wild romantic scene. In this narrow pass, on
each side of which the mountains tower to a great height, the wind, if
there be any, is collected and compressed, and blows continually as
through a bellows. Vessels, in passing through it, are often obliged to
lower their sails" (Thompson, Geogr. Diet, of America).

C\t:

90 ]\IASTKH IlKNRY HUDSON.

the trees that grow on them Avcre all blasted, and some of

them barren^ with few or no trees on them. The people

brought a stone aboord like to an emery (a stone used by

October, glasicrs to cut glasse),^ it would cut iron or Steele : yet being

bruised small, and Avater put to it, it made a colour like

blacke lead glistering : it is also good for painters colours.

,1 At three of the clockc they departed, and we rode still all

night.

Tlic^rst of October, faire weather, the Avind variable be-

tweene the west and the north. In the morning we weighed

'.Zl* ' at seven of the clocke with the ebbe, and got downe below

-*»„»,!ll'' the mountaynes, which was seven leagues. Then it feh

calme and the floud was come, and wee anchored at twelve

"^* <?" of the clocke. The people of the mountaynes came aboord

' 'im* US, wondiuig at our ship and weapons. AV^e bought some

.»..* small sk'.nn s of them for trifles. This afternoone, one canoe

,K^ *i kept hanging under our sterne with one man in it, which

it-,,,'' we could not keepe from thence, who got up by our rudder

in*' ; to the cabin window, and stole out my pillow, and two

shirts, and two bandeleeres. Our masters mate shot at him,

and strooke him on the brest, and killed him. Whereupon

*'*„ all the rest fled away, some in their canoes, and so leapt out

*""**" of them into the water. We manned our boat, and fjot our

•'"*■ things againe. Then one of them that swamme got hold of

* our boat, thinking to overthrow it. But our cooke tooke a

"
j^J"' sword, and cut off one of his hands, and he was droAvncd.

••'^^ ' By this time the ebbe was come, and we weighed and got

/•(•^ downe two leagues : by that time it was darke. So avc

I , anchored in foure fathomes water, and rode well.

I The second, faire weather. At break of day wee weighed,

jl the wind being at north-west, and got downe seven leagues;

then the floud was come strong, so we anchored. Then

Treaoheiie camc ouc of the savagcs that swamme away from us at our

savatieH. going up tlic rivcr with many other, thinking to betray us.

' Pyrilis >.

•»

A skirmish

lUlil

THIRD VOYAGE (1609). 91

]jut wcc perceived their intent, and suffered none of them

to enter our ship. Whereupon two canoes full of men, with

their bowes and arrowes shot at us after our pterne : in oni['e' *'

recompence -whereof we discharged sixe muskets, and killed

two or three of them. Then above an hundred of them

came to a point of land to shoot at us. There I shot a falcon

at them, and killed two of them : whereupon the rest fled

into the woods. Yet they manned off another canoe with

nine or ten men, which came to meet us. So I shot at it also

a falcon, and shot it through, and killed one of them. Then

our men with their muskets killed three or foure more of

thcm.^ So they went their way ; within a while after wee

got downe two leagues beyond thot place, and anchored in

a bay, cleere from all danger of them on the other side of

the river, where we saw a very good piece of ground ; and

hard by it there Avas a cliffe, that looked of the colour of

a white o-rcene, as thou"'h it were either co])per or silver ^ ™>"^ °

inync : and I thinke it to be one of them, by the trees that '^''^'''''

grow upon it. For they be all burned, and the other places

are greene as gr^sse ; it is on that side of the river that is

called Manna-hata.' There we saw no people to trouble t|'ey^,f"""

us : and rode quietly all night ; but had much wind and imuiT

raine.

' IMoiilton (i, 271) thinks that this scene took place at the upper end
of the island of Manhattan (on which New York now stands), near Fort
AVashington and Fort Lee, and that the next place mentioned (see
note 2) was opposite Manhattan island. This assertion seems doubtful,
us will be explained in the next note.

" Moulton \\, 272) places this site near Ilohohen, opposite New York.
This oi>inion of the else so accurate historian is very improbable. Hud-
son's words, " That side of the river which is called Manna-hatUr'' ,
cannot possibly apply to anything but Manhattan island itself. All the
early chroniclers, as well as the Ccarly maps and views, agree in giviiii?
to that island the Indian name which it still bears ; whilst the opposite
shore, though, perhaps, also inhabited by the ^Manhattan tribe, is never
called Manhattan. It had, on the contrary, an Indian name of its own,
Jlopoff/ian, now corrupted into llol ''ken. Moulton, indeed, adduces no
reason for his supposition.

...HI''

I . 92 MASTER HENRY HUDSON.

i The third, was very stormic ; the wind at east north-cast.

j , . In the morning, in a gust of wind and rainc, our anchor

came home, and we drove on ground, but it was ozie. Tlicn
as we were about to have out an anchor, the wind came to
' the north north-west, and drove us off againc. Then wc

"2i»«i»"" ^^^'^^ ^^ anchor, and let it fall in foure fathomes water, and

di?'""' weighed the other. Wee had much wind and raine, with

•«ff«'*f" thicke weather ; so we roade still all night.

,r^ ^.►"'' The fourth, was faire weather, and the wind at north

.*,„ij.. north-west ; wee weighed and came out of the river, into

which wc had runnc so farre.' AVithin a while after, wee
came out also of the great mouth of the great river, that
I TiKproiU runneth up to the north-west,'~ borrowinoj upon the norther

i,fc, Jl 1^6^'^''' ^^'^^ of the same, thinking to have deepe water; for wee had

.»^'|*| sounded a great way with our boat at our first going in, and

•"r^^f" found seven, six, and five fathomes. So we came out that

••*«.„ I way, but m'c were deceived, for we had but eight foot and

■*•' i an halfe water : and so three, five, three, and two fathomes

*^%\ j and an halfe. And then three, foure, five, sixe, seven,

yjj„|i eiglit, nine and ten fathomes. And by twelve of the clockc

Theyioavp WC werc clcerc of all the inlet. Then we took in our boat,

Iho i'oa«t of

viigiiiin. and set our mayne-sayle, and sprit-sayle, and our top-saylcs,
and steered away east south-east, and south-east by east off
into the mayne sea : and the land on the souther side of the
bay or inlet did beare at noone west and by south foia'e
leao'ucs from us.

The fifth was faire weather, and the wind variable be-
j"p. twcene the north and the east. Wee held on our course

south-east by east. At noone I observed and found our
height to bee 39 degrees, oO minutes. Our compassc varied
iji sixe degrees to the west.

AVc continued our course toward England, without seeing

^ Hudson river, from the source to New York Bay.
^ The mouth of the Hudson treads to the north-west, where Raritou
river falls into it.

k "j^

AHSTRACT OF TIIK JOURNAL. 93

;my land by the way, all the rest of this moneth of October :
and on the scccnth day of November, sfilo novo, being Satur-
day, by tlic grace of God we safely arrived in the range of
Dartmouth, in Devonshire, in the yecre 1609.

AN ABSTRACT OP THE JOURNALL OF
MASTER HP]NRY HUDSON,

] OR THE msCOVEIilE OF THE NORTH-WEST PASSAGE, BEGINNE THE SEVKN-

TEENTH OF APRIM,, KilO, ENDED WITH HIS END, BEING TKEACHEROl'Sl.Y

EXPOSED BY SOJiE OF THE COIIPANIE.

The seventeenth of Apr ill, IGIO, Ave brake ground, and Ainii ir.
went downe from Saint Katharines Poole,^ and fell downe to
Blackewall \ and so plyed downe with the ships to Lee,
which was the two and twentieth day.

The two and tiventicth, I caused Master Coleburne- to bee
put into a pinko bound for London, Mith my letter to the
Adventurars, importing the reason wherefore I so put him j

out of the ship, and so plyed forth. i«

The seco7id of May, the wind southerly, at eeven we were jiny.
thwart of Flamborough Head. i

The fft, wc were at the iles of Orkney, and here I set the rhoUosoi'

•^ "^ _ . Orkney.

north end of the needle, and the north of the flie all one.
The sixt, wee were in the latitude of 59 degrees, 22 Note.

' Where St. Katherine's Dock now is ; near the Tower.

- According to Pricket the man's name was Coll^ert ; according to Fox
(N. W. Fox, p. 70) it was Coolbrand. The occurrence took place near
iSheppey ishind, in the road of Lee. Fox's curious notice about this
Master Coolbrand is given iu the present collection.

j 94 MASTER HENRY HUDSON.

I minutes, and there i)erccivcd that the north end of Scotland,

! Orncy, and ShotLand^ are not so northerly as is commonly

i r,'""'? ,., set downe.' The eiqht day wee saw Farre Ilands,^ in the

•.''Mnlmites. hititude of 62 degrees, 24 minutes. The elctcnth day we
fell with the caster part of Ishuid, and then plying along the
;i2>k*««'" NVestmony. southcr part of the land we came to Westmony,* heing

fClfJili' the fffeenth day, and still plyed about the mayne iland

"^CH' 1 untill the last of May, with contrary winds, and we got

f'^t„,»'"' some fowles of divers sorts.

?!ir, -"aii;; •'""*• The ^^'5^ day of June we put to sea out of an harbour, in

'"**•"•',, the westernmost part Island, and so plyed to the westward in

""* the latitude of 66 degrees, 34 minutes, and the second day

.plyed and found ourselves in 65 degrees, 57 minutes, with
little wind easterly.

The third day wee found ourselves in 65 degrees, 30
••nI^ minutes, with winde at north-east ; a little before this we

^-<» i saylcd necre some ice.

uroiieiniui. '!l\\c fouvtli day M'e saw Groneland'* over the ice perfectly,

•^"^.r

it '

*' i and this night the sunnc went downe due north, and rose

'i)tt%t north-north east. So jjlying the Jift day we were in 65

degrees, still cncombred with much ice, Avhicli hung upon
the coast of Groneland.
Kroiiisiieia ')^\\e ninth day wee were off Frobishers Streights," with the
.,^^ winde northerly, and plyed unto the south-westwards untill

;«^» \\\G fifteenth day.

*"% 'WxQ fifteenth day we were in sight of the land, in latitude

••*' ^ Orkney and Shetland.

r- " They are often laid down on old charts nearly a degree too high.

'^ The Faroer islands.

■* The Westmau or Westnianna islands, south of, and close to, Iceland.
TJiey belong to the province of Iceland.

° That is to say, the northern part of Greenland. The southern part
was called Desolation. Frobisher's strait, which Hudson's contempora-
ries believed to be \a Greenland, was thought to separate (Sronland
i'lom Desolation, x he origin of these notions is most curious. The reader
will find them explained in the Introduction to the present volume,
!'i. I « Sec last note.

AHSTIIACT OF THE JOUllXAL,

west north
west.

ranco
inti) Iha

59 degrees, 27 minutes/ which was called by Captaync John
Davis Desolation, and found the errour of the former laying Desolation
downe of that land : and then running to the north-westward
untill the tiventicth day, wee found the ship in 60 degrees,
42 minutes, and saw much ice, and many riplings or over-
fals, and a strong streame setting from east south-east to ^^ «">"''«"*
west north-west.

The one and tiocntie, two and tiventie, and three and
ticentie dayes, with the winde variable, Ave plycd to the
north-westward in sight of much ice, into the height of
62 degrees, 29 minutes.^

'\l\\efotire and twe^itie va\A fve and tioentie dayes, sayling ''-'*st
to the westward about midnight, wee saw land north, which s",'ei,4us.
was suddenly lost againe. So wee ranne still to the west-
ward in 62 degrees, IT minutes.^

The fft of Juhj wee jilycd up upon the souther side, "^"'y-
troubled Avith much ice in seeking the shoare untill the Jift
day of July, and we observed that day in 59 degrees, 16
minutes.'* Then we plyed off the shoare againe, untill the
eiylit day, and then found the height of the pole in 60 de-
grees, no minutes. Plere we saw the land from the north-
west by west, halfe northerly, unto the south-west by west,
covered with snow, a champaigne land, and called it Desire pj^vo^ijeu,
Provoketh.

We still plyed up to the westward, as the land and ice
Avould suffer untill the eleventh day ; when fearing a storme,
we anchored by three rockie ilands in unccrtayne depth,

^ This latitude, T)!)" 27', can, unfortunately, not be maintained. The
most southern part, even of the islands about Cape Farewell, does not
reach down farther than 59^ .35'. The cape itself is, according to the
best authorities, under 59^ 45'. Hudson's mistake therefore extends to
eight or nine minutes at least, and may be greater.

' Near Cape Elizabeth, coast of Labrador.

'' In Hall's sound, south of Resolution island.

■* Near Ittimcnaktok island, eastern shore of Ungava bay, and south-
east of Akpatok island.

-•i,.,

96 MASTER HENRY HUDSON.

bctwccnc two and nine fathomcs ; and found it an harbour

unsufficient by reason of sunken rockes, one of whicli was

next morning two fathomcs above water. "Wee caUed them

Ues of Gods the Islcs of Gods Mcrcios.^ The Avatcr flowcth here better

Mercies.

then foure fathomes. The floud commeth from the north,
flowing eight the change day. The latitude in this place is 02
degrees, 9 minutes. Then plying to the south-westward the
sixtceyith day, wee were in the latitude of 58 degrees, 50
minutes,' but found our selves imbayed with land, and had
much ice : and we plycd to the north-westward untill tlic
nineteenth day, and then wee found by observation the
'*"*''^ Hold with heiafht of the pole in 61 degrees, 24 minutes, and saw the

Hope. . . .

land, which I named Hold with Hope.'^ Hence I plved to
^ j' the north-westward still, untill the one and twentieth day,

_"*' Amightie with thc wiud Variable. Here I found the sea more iirrowne

• • growue sea. "

then any wee had since wee left England.

The three and twentieth day, by observation the height of
^ '•' i the pole was 61 degrees, 3o minutes. The ^i^e and tiven-

"■^•1 1 Magna tictk day we saw the land, and named it Maf>^na Britannia.^

The sixe and twentieth day wee observed and found the lati-
tude in 62 degrees, 44 minutes. The eight and ticenticth
da)- we were in the height of Qo degrees, 10 minutes,^ and
plyed southerly of the west. The o)ie and thirtieth day,
plying to the westward, at noone wee found ourselves in 62
degrees, 24 minutes.

TYieJirst of August we had sight of the northerne shoare,
from the north by east to the west by south oiF us : the north
part twelve leagues, and the Avester part twentie leagues from
us : and we had no ground there at one hundred and eightic
fathomes. And I thinke I saw land on the sunne side, but

^ Saddle Back, and the surrounding islands, to the south of Jack-
man's sound, (62° 10' N.; 70° 25' W.)

2 Between Akpatok (G9° 15') and Tessinjak (58° 50'), on the west
shore of Ungava bay.
•^ \ ^^ Long island (Hudson's bay); 61° 25' N.; 70° 20' W. ^^" '- '

" About 61° 25' N.; 70= 20' W. « To the N.E. of Charles island.

ABSTRACT OF THE JOURNAL. })7

could not make it perfectly, bearing east north-east. Tlcrc
I found the latitude 62 degrees, 50 minutes.'

The secofid day we had sight of a faire headland on the
norther shoare, six leagues off, which I called Salishuries ■^.'>ii«''"iips

^ ' I' ore-land.

Fore-land :~ wee ranne from them west south-west, fourteene
leagues : in the midway of which M'ee were suddenly come
into a great and whurling sea, whether caused by meeting a groat and

wliurling

of two streames or an over-fall, I know not. Thence sayling ^ca.
west and by south seven leagues farther, we were in the
mouth of a strcight and sounded, and no ground at one a strcii^ht

hundred fathomes : the streight being there not above two into tiio

drepi' liiiy

eat
lorcies.

leagues broad, in the passage in this wester part: which, "'*^"'

"■'■'-' A ' Great

from the caster part of Fretum Davis, is distant two hun- ^^
drcd and fiftie leagues thereabouts.*^

The thh'd day we put through the narrow passage, after
our men had beene on land, which had well observed there,
tliat the floud did come from the north, flowing by the
shoare five fathomes. The head of this entrance on the south
side I named Cape Worsenholmej* and the head on the north- capo wo
wester shoare I called Cape Digs.'' After wee had sailed with Cftpe])t3
an easterly winde, west and by south ten leagues, the land
fell away to the southward, and the other iles, and land left
us to the westward. Then I observed and found the slip at
noone in 61 degrees, 20 minutes, and a sea to the westward.

^ The land they saw was Charles island, the most northern point of
which is about G2° 47'. (Latitude 77° 20' W.)

2 Salisbury island, 63° 40' N. ; 77° W.

^ This calculation is not far wrong. The real distance, as the crow
Hies, is about one thousand English miles.

* Cape Wolstenholme of our present maps. The spelling of the name
was not settled. That which now prevails is taken from Purchas, who
follows it generally, though not always.

^ Not the cape which bears this name at the present day, but a cape
on a small island, one of the Diggs' islands group, opposite Cape Wolsten-
holme, and only two leagues (about six sea miles or knots) from it. The
present Cape Diggs owes its name, most probably, to a mistake. On the
original chart of Hudson's Bay, the names are not very carefully put
down near the places to which they belong ; thus early geographers were
misled, and their successors have faithfully copied them. 13

1 1

98 A LARGEU DISCOURSE OV THE SAME VOYAGE,

A LARGER DISCOURSE OF THE SAME VOYAGE, AND THE
SUCCESSE THEREOF, WRITTEN BY

ABACUK rmCKETT.

■• '•mi

Orkney,

"«»«».i«p

J'lirio lies

---It-

Island.

•«•,.

it. i:

**•*•«. 1

The south-

eiist piirt

1 .1

I 1

of Isliind.

We began our voyage for the north-west passage, the scccn-
tecnili of Apr ill, 1610. Thwart of Shcpcy,' our master sent
Master Colbert back to the owners M'ith his letter. The

.•»,^3f next day we weighed from hence and stood for Harwich,

and came thither the eiglit and tiventieth of Api'ill. From

lV»'^j|i' Harwich w'e set sayle the flist of 3Iay, along the coast to the

north, till we came to the isles of Orkney, from thence to
the ilcs of Faro, and from thence to Island : on which we
fell in a fogge, hearing the rut of the sea ashoare, but saw
not the land whereupon our master came to an anchor.
Heere we were embayed in the south-east part of the land.
Wee weighed and stood along the coast, on the west side
towards the north : but one day being calme we fell a fish-
ing, and caught good store of fish, as cod, and ling, and
butte, with some other sorts that we knew not. The next
day we had a good gale of wind at south-w^est, and raysed
the lies of Westmonie, where the king of Denmarke hath a
fortresse, by which we passed to rayse the Snow Hill foot,^
a mountayne so called on the north-west part of the land.
15 ut in our course we saw that famous hill. Mount Hecla,
cnsteth out ^yliich cast out mucli fire, a signe of foule weather to come
in short time. Wee leave Island a sterne of us, and met a
niayne of ice, which did hang on the north part of Island,
and stretched downe to the west, which when our master
saw, he stood back for Island to find an harbour, which we

Westmoiiio
llftua.

:"). .

Mount
Jloolii-
cnsteth out
Are.

,1' • \

\ mayne
of ico.

' Sheppey island, in the mouth of the Thames.

^ Sneefials-Jiikull, a mountain on the west coast of Iceland, in West-
land, district of Sneeficlduess, 4,500' high.

WRITTEN BY ABACUK PRICK KTT. 99

(lid on the north-west part, called Dcrefer.*' where wee * or uiia-
killed good store of fowle. From hence we put to sea againc,
hut neither wind nor weather serving, our master stood
hacke for this harhour againe, hut could not reach it, but
fell with another to the south of that, called by our English-
men Lousie Bay :^ where on the shoare we found an hot ^ousieniiv.
hath, and here all our Englishmen bathed themselves: the *^"''"'^'"''^''-
water was so hot that it would scald a fowle.

From hence, the first of June, we put to sea for Grone- The fust
land, but to the west wee saw land as we thought, for which
we beare the best part of a day, but it proved but a foggie
banke. So wee gave it over and made for Gronland, which
we raysed ihe fourth of June. Upon the coast thereof hung
good store of ice, so that our master could not attayne to the
shoare by any meanes. The land in this part is very moun-
tayuous, and full of round hils, like to sugar-loaves, covered
with snow. We turned the land on the south side, as neere
as the ice would suffer us. Our course for the most part
was betweene the west and north-west, till we raysed the
Desolations, which is a great iland in the west part of JJg"',|^"^^,,jj
Groneland. On this coast we saw store of whales, and at wilaies!
one time three of them came close by us, so as wee could
hardly shunne them : then two passing very neere, and the
third going under our ship, wee received no harme by them,
praysed be God.

From the Desolations our master made his way north-
west, the wind being against him, who else would have gone
more to the north : but in this course we saw the first gieat
iland or mountayne of ice, whereof after we saw store.
About the latter end of June, we raysed land to the north of

' Dyre-fiord, a gulf on the north-west coast of the northern peninsula
of Iceland, C6° 42' N.; 24° 20' W.

'■^ Breyde Fiord (mostly called Brede Baj' on English maps), a largo
Lay on the west coast of Iceland, where some hot springs rise from the
bottom of the sea. (65° 20' N. ; 23° W.)

\ '-

a 'I
_. _ >'■

<*'

•;•(

Iliina of

•••(

iie uvoi-

11-1

tunielli.

100 A LAUGKR DISCOURSE 01" Tllli SAME VOYAGE,

US, which our master tookc to bco that iland which Master
Davis sctteth clowne in his chart.' On the west side of his
streight, our master woukl have gone to the north of it, but
the wind would not suffer him : so we fell to the south of it,
into a great rippling or overfall of current, the which sctteth
t,„t to the west. Into the current we went, and made our way

»>"' to the north of the west, till we met with ice which hung on

this iland. Wherefore our master casting about, cleared
himselfe of this ice, and stood to the south, and then to the
west, tlirough store of floting ice, and upon the ice store of
scales. "We gained a cleere sea, and continued our course
till wee mcete ice ; first, with great ilands, and then with
store of the smaller sort. Betweene them we made our
course north-west, till we met with ice againe. But, in this
our going betweene the ice, we saw one of the great ilands of
ice overturnc, which was a good warning to us, not to come
nigh them nor within their reach.'' Into the ice wee put
ahead, as betweene two lands. The next day wee had a
storme, and the wind brought the ice so fast upon us, that
in the end we were driven to put her into the chiefest of the
ice, and there to let her lie. Some of our men this day fell
sicke, I will not say it was for feare, although I saw small
signe of other griefe.

,,^ bv'l'ife!'^ "^'he storme ceasing, we stood out of the ice, where wee

„^» saw any cleere sea to go to : which was sometime more and

►'■"k sometime lesse. Our course was as the ice did lye, some-

yoK time to the north, then to the north-west, and then to the

'*'*« west and to the south-west : but still inclosed with ice.

^ Resolution island. Two delineations taken from Davis's survey

are still in existence. The one is on an engraved planisphere, in-

ll sorted into a copy of Hakluyt, in the British Museum ; the other

on the celebrated globe by Molyneux, quoted in Davis's summary
} account of his voyages, and still preserved in the library of the Middle

Temple.

- According to Burrow, this ovorturniug is caused by the melting and
I'j!' consequent splitting of the icebergs.

WKITTKN 1»Y ABACUK PRICK F,TT.

101

AV'^hlcli when our master saw, he made his course to the
south, thinking to clcere hinisclfc of the ice that way : but
the more he strove the worse he was, and the more inclosed,
till woe could goe no further. Plere our master was in
dcspaire, and (as he told me after) he thought he should
never have got out of this ice, but there have perished.
Therefore hee brought forth his card,^ and shewed all the
coniijunv, that hec was entered above an liundicd leacrues nudson
further then ever any English was: and left it to their 'i'"-";^'' '"'■
choice, whether they would proceed any further ; yea, or '^"l^^.'"^
nay. Whereupon some were of one mindc and some of ano-
ther, some wishing themselves at home and some not caring
where, so they were out of the ice : but there were some
who then spake words, which were remembrcd a great while
after.

There was one who told the master, that if he had an Diacoutouts.
hundred pounds, hee would give foure-score and ten to be
at home : but the carpenter made answere, that if hee had
an hundred, hec would not give ten upon such condition,
but would thinke it to be as good money as ever he had any,

' There is an evident blunder in Pricket's rather vague recollections.
The card here mentioned must have been based on Weymouth's explo-
rations, which Hudson was made acquainted with by Peter Plancius,
learning, as is expressly stated, t/iat WeijmoutJi entered 100 leagues into
the strait. If Hudson had really said that he had proceeded 100 leagues
furtlier than any Englishman, he would be guilty either of an idle boast,
or of a most enormous mistake. Desire Provokes (Akjjatok), which he
leached immediately after the mutiny, is no more than 60 leagues even
from the north-eastern extremity of the strait (where he entered it).
Several of his statements, beside the chart, prove that he had \ very fair
idea of the distances he had sailed. It is therefore imposs'' \q to suppose
that he believed himself to be 200 leagues from the moulh of the strait,
when he was really not more than GO. The following explanation may,
perhaps, solve the difficulty. Hudson had, undoubtedly, not sailed 200
leagues into the strait, when the mutiny took place. He had, however,
most probably sailed 200 leagues within it, exploring, as he did, both
the northern and southern shore, which are in some places more than
4 degrees (SO leagues) distant from each other. The scene of the mutiny
is in Uiigava Bay, between the soul/u-eastern shore and Akpatok island.

u ( on 1

I 102 A LAUCiER DISCOURSE OF THE SAME VOYAGE,

I and to bring it as well home, by the leave of God. After

I many words to no purpose, to workc we must on all hands,

I to get ourselves out and to clcere our ship. After much

labour and time spent, we gained roome to turne our ship
in, and so by little and little, to get cleere in the sea a
,ilili»«»"' league or two off, our course being north and north-west.

'CjjfSl In the end we rayscd land to the south-west, high land and

•«C*;J[^, Desire covered with snow. Our master named this land. Desire

(;;^jj;j;'i ]*rovokes.' Lying here, wee heard the noyse of a great over-

•-•4^3"^ fall of a tyde, that came out of the land : for now we might

'***"'sit' ^^^ yve\^ that wee had beene embayed before, and time had

made us know, being so well acquainted with the ice, that
I'^f^'^tf when night, or foggie or foule weather tooke us, we would

!"^ ,0f seek out the broadest iland of ice and there come to anchor,

""*••«' Kxerciscsof and ruunc, and sport, and fill water that stood on the ice in

n, 'I'lii I'luf't ponds, both sweete and good. But after we had brou2;ht

I on the ice. '^ '^ ^

this land to beare south of us, we had the tyde and the cur-
Differenco ^'cut to opcn the icc, as being carried first one way and then
bajea.''^ "'" another: but in bayes they lye as in a pond without moving.
'.i*»i In this buy'' where wee were thus troubled with ice, wee

saw many of those niountaynes of ice aground, in sixe or
sevenscore fathome water. In this our course we saw a
beare upon a piece of ice by itselfe, to the which our men
gave chase with their boat : but before they came nigh her,
Ice ftbout the tyde had carried the ice and the beare on it, and joined it

, lou luliiumu. . . I'll

^j , With the other ice : so they lost their labour, and came

I*' aboord againe.

' Akpatok island. There is again some confusion in the course as
given by Pricket. It lies too much west and not enough south. The posi-
tive statement by Hudson, that he was iu 59° IG' a few days before
I'r he reached Desire Provokes, in 60°, proves beyond all doubt that the

scene of these explorations was Ungava Bay, and that Desire Provokes

' is Akpatok. This is also supported by Pricket's own statement (see

, note 2) that they had been embayed before they reached Desire Provokes.

•■f ^ The bay in which they had been embayed before they reached

[i Desire Provokes (see nine lines higher up), that is to say, Ungava Bay.

»►

BBB

WIUTTEN HY ADACUK PRICK I/IT. 103

Wc continued our course to the north-west, and raysed
land to the north of our course, toward which we made, and
comming nigh it, there hung on the castcrmost point many
ilands of floting ice, and a hearc on one of them, which from
one to another came towards us, till she was readie to come
aboord. But when she saw us looke at her, she cast her
head hctweene her hindc Icgges, and then dived under the
ice : and so from one piece to another, till she was out of
our reach. We stood along by the land on the south side
ahead of us ; wee met with ice that hung on a point of land
that lay to the south, more then this that we came up by :
which when our master saw, he stood in for the shoare. At
the west end of this iland (for so it is) we found an har-
bour, and came in (at a full sea) over a rocke, which had a '!""«"■""»
two fathome and an halfe on it, and was so much bare at a
low water. But by the great mercie of God, we came to an
anchor cleerc of it : and close by it our master named them
the lies of Gods Mercie. This is an harbour for need, but iicaof cods

iMcrcio.

there must be care had how they came in. Hecre our master
sent me, and others with me, to discover to the north and
north-west : and in going from one place to another, we
sprung a covey of partridges which were young : at the ranriUgca.
which Thomas Woodhouse shot, but killed only the old
one.

This iland is a most barren place, having nothing on it but
plashes of water and riven rockes, as it were subject to earth-
quakes. To the north there is a great bay or sea^ (for I
know not what it will prove), where I saw a great iland of
ice aground, betweene the two lands which with the spring-
tide was set afloat, and carried into this bay or sea to the
north-westward, but came not backe againe, nor within
sight. Heere wee tooke in some drift wood that we found Drift woo.i.
ashoare.

From hence we stood to the south-west, to double the land , ' U-

^ Jackinan's sound. I , j^ AW^

i '^v^

I 104 A LARGER DISCOURSE OF THE SAME VOYAGE,

, to the west of us/ through much floting ice : in the endc wee

found a clecre sea, and continued therein, till wee rayscd

land to the north-west. Then our master made his course

more to the south then before, but it was not long ere we

.-^ met with ice which lay ahead of us. Our master would have

„i doubled this ice to the north, but could not ; and in the end

' jiut into it downe to the south-west through much ice, and

then to the south, where we embayed againe. Our master
strove to get the shoare, but could not, for the great store of
ice that was on the coast. From out of this bay we stood to
'^.■mi^ the north, and were soone out of the ice: then downe to the

south-west, and so to the west, where we were enclosed (to

"" J" our sight) with land and ice. For wee had land from the

•••• south to the north-west on one side, and from the east to the

west on the other ; but the land that was to the north of us
and lay by east and west, was but an iland. On we went
till we could goe no further for ice : so we made our ship
fast to the ice which the tyde brought upon us, but when
the ebbe came, the ice did open, and made way ; so as in
seven or eight houres we were cleere from the ice, till we
came to weather ; but onely some of the great ilands, that
were carried along with us to the north-west.

Having a cleere sea, our master stood to the west along

by the south shoare, and raysed three capes or head-lands

Three cares, lying ouc abovc another. The middlemost is an iland, and

maketh a bay or harbour, which (I take) will prove a good

Prince ouc. Oxxv mastcr named them Prince Henries Cape or Fore-

Hiiiries

*-'ai'e- land. When we had layd this we raised another, which was
the extreme point of the land looking towards the north :
upon it are two hills,^ but one (above the rest) like an hay-

1 The Upper Savage Islands, and the lano around North Bay. (62" U'V
N. ; 70" W.)

2 North Bluff. (62" 36' N.; 71° 26' W.)
•* A pretty accurate description of the southern shore of the strait,

from Cape Hope (or Hope's Advance) to Deception Bay.

wmam'

WRITTEN BY ABACUK TUICKETT. 105

cockc, which ouv master named Kinfjf James his Capc.^ To kiikt .rmiK^s
the north of this lie certaine ilancls, which our master named
Quecnc Annes Cape or Fore-hand.^ Wee followed the north quom

, •!! -r» 11 -rr- /-i 1 • 1 Aiiiiosrnpf".

slioare still. Jicyond the Kings Cape there is a sound or
hay, that hath some ilands in it : and this is not to he for-
gotten, if need be. Beyond this lyeth some broken land,
close to the mayne, but what it is I know not, because we
passed by it in the night.

Wee stood to the north to double this land, and after to
the west againe, till wee fell with land that stretched from
the mayne, like a shewer'' from the south to the north, and
from the north to the west, and then downe to the south
againe. Being short of this land a storme took us, the wind
at west: we stood to the north and raised land, which when
our master saw he stood to the south againe, for he was
loath at any time that wee should see the north shoare. The
storme continuing, and comming to the south shoare againe, noip.
our master found himself shot to the west a great way, which
made him muse, considering his leeward way. To the south-
west of this land, on the mayne, there is an high hill, which
our master named j\Iount Charles.^ To the north and beyond Mount
this lioth an iland, that to the cast had a faire head, and

1 Probably Cape Wcggs. ((12" 25' N. ; 7^ 40' W.)

2 Evidently north-oast of Charles's island ; about (53" 50' N.; 73" 40' W.
This shore is very imperfectly known, at least according to the last
Admiralty chart of the Arctic Sea (1853) ; and it wonld be hazardous to
make any positive statement about this site.

' A rskewer^'' The rather confused course, before and afterwards, till
they reached Charles Island, allows \\s no satisfactory guess about the
position of this shever or skewer. Did they perhaps fall in with Charles
Island, then sail to the north, then a little to the west, and then to the
south, and thus again to Charles Island I The above description is iu
accordance with the real aspect of the northern shore of the island.

■* Charles's Island. According to Bccherelle, " sitite a 30 o?/ 35 l-ilo-
mi'tres de la cote iV. du Labrador, dnvs le dHrolt de Hudson, long, de 3f)
kd. sur 40 ; lat. 08" 40' ; longit. 77" 20'." Hudson mistook it for part of
the ma inland.

106 A LARGER niSCOURSE OF THE SAME VOYAGE,

beyond it to the west otlicr broken land/ which maketh a
bay within, and a good road may be found there for ships,
burie.^"'^' ^^^"' "i^^i^^ter named the first Cape Salsburic.=

AVhcn we had left this to the north-cast, we fell into a
rippling or overfall of a current, which at the first we tooke
to bee a shoald : but the lead being cast, M'ce had no
ground. On we passed, still in sight of the south shoarc,
till wc raised land lying from the mayne some two leagues.
Our master tooke this to bee a part of the mayne of the
-«'4«S*' north land ; but it is an iland, the north side stretching out

.* to the west more then the south. This iland had a faire

head to the east, and very high land, which our master
'.■4"^p' Dociies named Decpes Cape :^ and the land on the south side, now

■^^i*'' falling away to the south, makes another cape or headland.

Worsen- wliich our uiastcr named Worsenhams Cape.* When wee

liiims C'lipe. '■

V ore nigh the North or Iland Cape, our master sent the boat
ashoare, with my sclfe (who had the charge) and the car-
jicntcr, and divers others, to discover to the west and north-
west, and to the south-west ; but wc had further to it then
'^.' - wc thought, for the land is very high, and we were over-

taken with a stormc of raino, thunder and lightning. But
to it wc came on the north-east side, and up we got from
^' i^ one rock to another, till we came to the highest of that part.

"■« r)''"'""- Iferc we found some plaine ground, and saw some decre ;

as first, foure or five, and after, a dozen or sixtcene in an
» , '■> herd, but could not come nigh them Avith a musket shot.

Thus, going from one place to another, wee saw to the
west of us an high hill above all the rest, it being nigh us :
but it proved further off then we made account ; for, when

' Pricket's statement is obsciu'C. Docs he mean that the brokcMi laiul
here mentioned lies east or west of Salis))ury Island 1

'■* SaUsbury Island, 0,3° 40' N. ; 7!)^ W. It is marked as an island (not
as a cape) on the chart. That clears up one part of Pricket's coufiised
sentence, the other part remains obscure.

•' Di(]ff/s, not Deeiies. For the real locality, see above, p. !)7, note Cu

•* C. Wolstcnhohnc.

,^»

:^\.

^V KITTEN «Y ABACUK IMIICKKTT. 107

Avce camo to it, the land was so stcepc on the cast and north-
east parts tliat wee could not get unto it. To the south-
west we saw that wee might, and towards that part wee went
along by the side of a great pond of water, which licth
under the east side of this hill : and there runneth out of it
a streame of water as much as would drive an over-shot
mill; which fallcth downe from an high clifFe into the sea
on the south side. In this place great store of fowle breed, f^',Xu'na
and there is the best grasse that I had scene since we came s'-'***^-
from England, Here wee found sorell, and that Avhich wee ^",',pv\ "'"'
call scurvy-grass in great abundance. Passing along M-ee ^^'^'"'"'
saw some round hills of stone, like to grasse cockes, which
at the first I tooke to be the workc of some Christian. Wee
jiasscd by them, till we came to the south side of the hill ;
MC went unto them and there found more ; and being nigh
them I turned off the uppermost stone, and found them
hollow within and full of fowles hanged by their neckcs. {i°"!!ya.
Ilicn Greene and I went to fetch the boat to the south-

side, while Robert Billet^ and hee got downe a valley to the
sea side, where wee tookc them in.

Our mas (in this time) came in betweene the two lands,
and shot off some pceccs to call us aboord ; for it was a
loggc. AVce came aboord and told him what we had scene,
and perswadcd him to stay a day or two in this place, telling
him what refreshing might there bee had : but by no meanes
would he stay, who was not pleased with the motion. So
we left the fowle, and lost our way downe to the south-west,
before they went in sight of the land which now bearcs to
the east from us, being the same mayne land that wee had
all this while followed. Now we had lost the sight of it,
because it fallcth away to the et^st after some five and twenty

' Robert Bylot (thus his name is written by Fox and Purchas), was
jtevhaps the most active northern navigator alter Hudson had perished.
lie was also, as we shall see, made captain of Hudson's ship, after Green's
death, and brouglit her safely home.

i*<"

108 A LARGER DISCOUllSE OF THE SAME VOYAGE,

or thirty leagues. i Now we came to the shallow water,
Avhercwith wee were not acquainted since we came from
Island ; now we came into broken ground and rockes,
through which we passed downe to the south. In this our
course we had a storme, and the water did shoald apace.
Our master came to an anchor in fifteene fathoms water.

AVee weighed and stood to the south-east, because the land
in this place did lie so. When we came to the point of the
west land^ (for we now had land on both sides of us), we
came to an anchor. Our master sent the boat ashoare to
see what that land was, and whether there were any way
through. They soone returned, and shewed that beyond
the point of land to the south there was a large sea. This
,0f land on the west side was a very narrow point. Wee weighed

from hence and stood in for this sea betweene the two lands,

which (in this place) is not two leagues broad downe to the

south, for a great way in sight of the east shoare. In the

end we lost sight thereof, and saw it not till we came to the

*' I bottome of the bay, into sixe or seven fathomes water.

;j!»»' Hence we stood up to the north by the west shoare, till wee

K^, came to an iland in 53/'* where we tooke in water and ballast.

;,^( Diso.ird: From hence wee passed towards the north : but some two

••'n^''

'■I

tiie

Wiil-

iiMuse his or three daves after (reasonin<i^ concernin"' our commin<>'

•<«■, luUowiiig. iuto this bay and going out) our master took occasion to

;!jj* revive old matters, and to displace Robert Juet from being

), , his mate, and the boatswainc from his place, for the words

III* spoken in the first great bay of ice. Then hee made Robert

••••

■'!,'

* Somewhat to the north of the deep recess called Mosquilo Bay, the
eastern shore of James Buy bej^ius to trend in a southeast direction.

- Perhaps Charlton Island, in James's Bay, OiJ'' 12' N., the eastern
coast being the terra firma of Labrador.

'* There are several small I lands in that latitude. They have no
names on the charts the editor '.as seen.
,j V ' ■^'^^'*' '^l*-'^crij)tion (''nrcsponds \cry well with a recess in the south-

' W '/ ,» east corner of James's Bay, which has no name on the charts I am

||, i ' ' acquainted with. There is an island, also without name, at its mouth.

WRITTEN BY ABACUK PRICKETT. 109

]3illet his mate, and AVilliam AVilson our boatswaine. Up
to the north wcc stood till wc raised land, then down to the
south, and up to the north, then downc againe to the south:
and on Michaclmassc day came in and went out of certaine Mioiinci-

uiassi! (lay

hinds, which our master sets downe by the name of Michael- auUbuy.
masse Bay,' because we came in and went out on that day.
From hence wee stood to the north, and came into shoald
water ; and the weather being thickc and foule, wee came to
an anchor in seven or eight fathouie water, and there lay
eight dayes : in all which time wee could not get one hourc
to weigh our anchor. But the eight day, the wind begin-
ning to cease, our master would have the anchor up, against
the mind of all who knew what belonged thereunto. Well,
to it we went, and when we had brought it to a peake, a sea
tooke her, and cast us all off from the capstone and hurt
divers of us. Here wee lost our anchor, and if the carpenter Anchm- lost.
had not beene, we had lost our cable too ; but he (fearing
such a matter) was ready with his axe, and so cut it.

From hence we stood to the south and to the south-west,
through a cleere sea of divers sounding, and came to a sea seuotiwo

_ . colours.

of two colours, one blacke and the other white, sixteene or

seveuteenc fathome Avater, betweene which Ave went foure

or five leagues. But the night comming we tooke in our

top-sayles, and stood afore the wind with our maine-saylc

and fore-sayle, and came into five or sixc fathomes, and saw

no land, for it was darke. Then we stood to the east and had

decpe water againe, then to the south and south-west, and

so came to our westcrniost bay of all,^ and came to an anchor

nccrest to the north shoare. Out went our boat to the land

that Avas next us; Avhen they came ncere it our boat could

not fiote to the shoare it Avas so shalloAV : yet ashoare they

got. Here our men saw the footing of a man and a ducke looting of

ill the snoAvy roekcs, and Avood good store, Avhereof they

' 1

' Ilaiuiali Bay I V |

'■^ Probably North Bay, the south-west coruor of Jauics'Ji Bay. I

t' > ■ t- I. f " » • I I I- i» ■ • /■ ^^ '

i ;

c""

■IN

»*

Slic

]{.o on

11 I'd

•Ke.

110 A LARGER DISCOURSE OF THE SAME VOYAGE,

tooke some and returned aboord. Being at anchor in this
place, we saw a ledge of rockes to the south of us, some
league of length ; it lay north and south, covered at a full
sea; for a strong tide settcth in here. At midnight wee
weighed, and stood to go out as we came in ; and had not
gone long, hut the carpenter came and told the master, that
if he kept that course he would be upon the rockes : the
master conceived that he was past them, when presently wee
ranne on them, and there stucke fast twelve houres ; but (by
the mercy of God) we got off unhurt, though not unscarrcd.
Wee stood up to the east and raysed three hills, lying
north and south : we went to the furthermost, and left it to
v^ip" ^^^^ north of us, and so into a bay, where we came to an

•- ^0t anchor.^ Here our master sent out our boat, with myselfe

•-•.•p and the carpenter to seeke a place to winter in ; and it was

time, for the nights were long and cold, and the earth

covered with snow. Having spent three moneths in a

Last of labyrinth without end, being now the last of October, wc

October. •' ' r> J ^

went downe to the east, to the bottome of the bay ; but rc-
!Mf> turned without speeding of that we went for. The next day

we went to the south and the south-west, and found a place,

Avhereunto we brought our ship, and haled her aground : and

Koveinbpr this was the iirst of November. By the tenth thereof wc

the tenth ./ ./ J

fiozeu in. ^vcre frozen in : but now we were in, it behoved us to have
care of what we had ; for that Ave were sure of, but what wc
had not was uncertaine.

Wee were victualled for six moneths in good proportion,
and of that which was good : if our master would have had
more, he might have had it at home and in other places.
Here we were now, and therefore it behoved us so to spend,
that we might have (when time came) to bring us to the
capes where the fowle bred,^ for that was all the hope wcc

1 Probably the south-eastern corner of Jamcs^ Bay. This bay cor-
responds in almost every respect with the above description.

' Cape Wostcnholme and the opposite cape on one of the Diggs'
Islands (see p. 107).

-"•»
(»*•

WRITTEN I5Y ABACl'K PUICKKTT.

(litioiiH.

had to bring us homo. Wherefore our master tookc order,
fir^t for the spending of that wee had, and tlieii to increase
it, by propounding a reward to them that killed either beast,
fish, or fowle, as in his journall you have scene. About the
middle of this moneth of November, dyed John AVilliams, ■i"'"' \yi'-
our gunner : God pardon the masters uncharitable dealing
with this man. Now for that I am come to speake of him,
out of whose ashes (as it were) that unhappy deed grew
which brought a scandall upon all that are returned home,
and upon the action itsclfe, the multitude (like the dog) run-
ning after the stone, but not at the caster : therefore, not to
wrong the living nor slander the dead, I will (by the leave
of God) deliver the truth as ncere as I can.

You shall understand that our master kept (in his house
at London) a young man, named Henrie Greene, borne in "emy
Kent, of worshipfuU parents, but by his lend life and con-
versation hee iiad lost the good will of all his frinds, and
had spent all that hee had. This man our master would
have to sea with him, because he could write well : our
master gave him meatc, and drinke, and lodging, and by
nicanes of one Master Venson, with much adoe got foure
pounds of his mother to buy him clothes, wherewith Master
A'cnson would not trust him : but saw it laid out himselfe.
This Henrie Greene was not set downe in the owners booke,
nor any wages made for him. Hee came first aboord at
Gravcsend, and at Harwich should have gone into the field,
with one Wilkinson. At Island' the surgeon and hee fell
out in Dutch, and hee beat him a shoare'' in English, which
set all the company in a rage ; so that wee had much adoe
to get the surgeon aboord. I told the master of it, but hee
bade mee let it alone, for (said he) the surgeon had a tongue
that would Avrong the best friend hee had. Ihit llobert
Juct (the masters mate) would needs biune his finger in the
embers, and told the carpenter a long tale (when hee was

^ itt Iceland.

sore

112 A LARGER DISCOURSE OF THE SAME VOYAGE,

(Irunko) that our master had brought in Greene to cracke
his credit that sliould displease him : which words came to
the masters cares, who when hee luiderstood it, woukl have
gone hackc to Island, when lie M'as ibrtie leagues from
thence, to have sent home his mate Robert Juet in a fisher-
man. But, being otherwise perswadcd, all was -well. So
Henry Greene stood upright, and very inward Avith (Ik;
master, and was a serviceable man every wav for manhood :

*•"" but for reliction he would say, he was cleane pai:)er whereon

IZ' ""lis

t'Z**" . he miijht write what he would. Xow, when our gunner Avas

•••.^Jl? dead, and (as the order is in such cases) if the company

stand in need of any thing that belonged to the man de-
ceased, then is it brought to the maync mast, and there sold
to them that Avill give most for the same. This gunner had
a gray cloth gowne, which Greene prayed the master to
friend him so much as to let him have it, paying for it as
another would give : the master saith hee should, and there-
upon he answered some, that sought to have it, that Greene
should have it, and none else, and so it rested.
Greenes Now out of scasou and time the master callcth the car-

penter to goe in hand with an house on shoare, which at the
beginning our master would not heare, when it might havo
been done. The carpenter told him, that the snow and frost
were such, as hee neither could nor would goe in hand with
such Avorkc. Which when our master heard, hee ferreted
him out of his cabbin to strike him, calling him by many
foule names, and threatning to hang him. The carpenter
told him that hee knew what belonged to his place better
than himselfe, and that hee was no house carpenter. So this
passed, and the house was (after) made with much labour, hut
to no end. The next day ftfter the master and the carpenter
fell out, the carpenter tooke his peece' and Henry Greene
with him, for it was an order that none should goe out alone,
but one with a peecc, and another with a pike. This did

' His gun.

WRITTEN RY ABACUK PRICKKTT. 113

move the master so much the more against Henry Greene,
tliat Robert Billot his mate must have the gownc, and had
it delivered unto him ; which when Henry Greene saw, he
challenged the masters promise : but the master did so raile
on Greene, with so many Mords of disgrace, telling him,
that all his friends would not trust him with twenty shillings,
and therefore why should he. As for wages he had none,
nor none should have, if he did not please him well. Yet
the master had promised him to make his wages as good as
any mans in the ship ; and to have him one of the princes
<ruard when we came home. But you shall see how the
devil out of this so wrought with Green, that he did the
master what mischicfe hee could in seeking to discredit him,
and to thrust him and many other honest men out of the ship
in the end. To speake of all our trouble in this time of
winter (which was so cold, as it lamed the most of our com- I'lK^ir imni

WlUtllllg.

pany, and my selfe doe yet feele it) would bee too tedious.

But I must not forget to shew how mercifully God dealt
with us in this time ; for the space of three moneths wee had
such store of fowle of one kinde (which Mere partridges as ^to'""''
Mliite as milke) that wee killed above an hundred dozen,
besides others of sundry sorts : for all was fish that came to
the net. The spring coming this fowle left us, yet they were
wiih us all the cxtreamc cold. Then in their iilaccs came other rowies

■"■ succeeding

divers sort of other fowle, as swanne, geese, duck, and tcalc, i'l, ^'"'''"

' ^ o ' ' ' seasons.

hut hard to come by. Our master hoped they would have
bred in those broken grounds, but they doe not ; but came
from the south, and flew to the north, further then we were
this voyage ; yet if they be taken short with the M'ind at
north, or north-west, or north-cast, then they fall and stay
till the winde serve them, and thenflye to the north. Now
in time these fowles are gone, and few or none to be
scene. Then wee Avent into the woods, hillcs, and valleyes,
for all things that had any shew of substance in them, how
vile soever : the mossc of the sfround, then the which I take wis''>"'''«

~ ' diet.

■•ml

114 A LAROEH DISCOL'HSE OF THE SAME VOYAOF,

the powder of a post to bee much better, and the fror^^go (in
his ingendring time as loathsome as a toade) was not sj)ared.
lint amongst the divers sorts of buds, it pleased God that
Thomas Woodhouse brought home a budde of a tree full of
a turpentine substance. Of this our surgeon made a de-

bualio'""'^'' coction to drinke, and applyed the buddes hot to them that
were troubled with acli in any part of their bodies ; and for
my part I confesse, I received great and present ease of my
paine.^

Asnvnge. About tliis time, when the ice began to brcake out of the
bayes, there came a savage to our ship, as it were to see and
to bee scene, being the first that we had scene in all this
time : whom our master intreated well, and made much of
him, promising unto himselfe great matters by his meancs,
and therefore would have all the knives and hatchets (which
any man had) to his private use, but received none but from
John King the carpenter, and my selfe. To this savage our
master gave a knife, a looking-glasse, and buttons, who
received them thankefully, and made signes that after hce
had slept hee would come againe, which bee did. When
hee came hee brought with him a sled, which hee drew after
him, and upon it two deeres skinnes and two beaver skinncs.
Hee had a scrip under his arme, out of which hee drew those
things which the master had given him. Hee tooke the
knife and laid it upon one of the beaver skinnes, and his
glasses and buttons upon the other, and so gave them to the
master, who received them ; and the savage tooke those
things which the master had given him, and put them up
into his scrip againe. Then the master shewed him an
hatchet, for which hee would have given the master one of

^ The decoction here mentioned was probably an antiscorbutic medi-
cine. Pricket's description of the malady, though so extremely vague,
seems to justify this opinion. The editor has been unable to ascertain
what tree Pricket refers to, or whether it is still applied to medical
purposes.

Tiirke.

WRITTEN »Y AHACUK IMUCKKTT.

115

Ills (Iccrc skinnes, but our master would have them both,
and so hee had, although not willingly. After many signos
of people to the north and to the south, and that after so
many slocpes he would come againe, he went his way, but
never came more.

Now the ice being out of the sounds, so that our boat

might go from one place unto another, a company of men

were appointed by the master to go a fishing with our net ;

their names were as folio weth : William A^^ilson, Henry

Greene, Michael Perec, John Thomas, Andrew Motor,

Bennet Mathewes, and Arnold Lodlo. These men, the first

day they went, caught five hundred fish, as big as good

herrings, and some troutes : which put us all in some hope

to have our wants supplied, and our commons amended : but

these were the most that ever they got in one day, for many

dayes they got not a quarter so many. In this time of their

fishing, Henry Green and William Wilson, with some others,

plotted to take the net and the shallop, which the carpenter

had now set up, and so to shift for themselves. But the shallop

being readie, our mastjr would goe in it himselfe to the south

and south-west, to see if hee could meete with the people; for

to that end was it set up, and (that way) wee might sec the

woods set on fire by them. So the master tooke the sayne and

the shallop, and so much victuall as would serve for eight or

nine dayes, and to the south hee went. They that remained

aboord were to take in water, wood, and ballast, and to have

all things in a readinesse against hee came backe. But hee set

no time of his returne, for he was perswaded, if he could

meet with the people, he should have flesh of them, and that

good store : but hee returned worse than hee went forth.

For he could by no meanes meete wi':h the people, although

they were neere them, yet they would set the woods on fire

in his sight.

Being returned, hee fitted all things for his returne, and
first, delivered all the bread out of the bread roomc (which

lie A LARGER DISCOURSK OF TIIR SAME VOYAOK,

came to a pound a i)icce for every mans share) and delivered
also a bill of retiirne, ■willing tlieni to have that to shew, if it
pleased God that they came home : aiul hee wept when hec
gave it unto them. But to helpe us in this poorc estate
with some reliefe, the boate and sayne went to work on
Friday morning, and stayed till Sunday noonc : at which
time they came aboord, and brought fourescorc small fish, a
TirnUB poore reliefe for so many hungry bellies. Then we wayed
and stood out of our wintering place, and came to an anchor
without, in the mouth of the bay : from whence we wayed
and came to an anchor without in the sea, where our bread
being gone, that store of cheese we had was to stop a gap,
whereof there were five, whereat the company grudged,
because they made account of nine. 13ut those that were left
■were equally divided by the master, although he had conn-
sell to the contrarie : for there were some who having it,
would make hast to bee rid thereof, because they could not
govcrne it. I knew wlicn llcnrie Greene gave halfc his
bread, which hec had for fourteene dayes, to one to keepc,
and prayed him not to let him have any untill the next
INFunday : but before Wednesday at night hec never left till
hee had it againe, having eaten up his first wcekes bread
before. So Wilson the boat-swaine hath eaten (in one day)
his fortnights bread, and hath bcene two or three daycs
sicke for his labour. The cause that moved the master to
deliver all the cheese, was because they were not all of one
goodnesse, and therefore they should see that they had no
wrong done them : but every man should have alike the
best and the worst together, -which was three pounds and a
halfe for seven dayes.

The wind serving, wc weighed and stood to the north-
west, and on ]\Iunday at night (the ciyhtcenth day of Jiinef-

^ The vagueness of Pricket's geographicul statements, Avbich pre-
cludes the satisfactory determinatiou of the spot where Hudson wintered,
makes it equally impossible to ascertain his course during the few days

AVHITTKN BY AMACUK I' KK'IvKTT. 117

wcc fill into the ice, and the next day, the wind being at
west, we hiy there till Snnday in sight of land. Now being
here, the nuvstcr told Nicholas Sinnncs that there would bo
a breaking up of ehcsts and a search for bread, and willed
liiin, if liee had any, to bring it to him, which hce did, and
delivered to the master thirty cakes in a bagge. This deed
of the master (if it bee true) hath made, me marvell what
should bee the reason that hec did not stop the breach in
the beginning, but let it grow to that height, as that it over-
threw himselfe and many other honest men : but ** there are
many devices in the heart of mail, hut the counsell of the
Lord shall stand.''^

Being thus in the ice on Saturday, the one and twen-
tieth of June, at night, "Wilson the boats wayne, and Henry wiiBondud

•^ ' " ' _ . (iroeii, tlioir

(irccne, came to mee lying (in my cabbin) lame, and told ^^'i'^"'''
nice that they and the rest of their associates would shift
the company, and turnc th.^ master and all the sickc men
into the shallop, and let them shift for themselves. For there
was not fourteen daies victuall left for all the company, at
that poore allowance they were at, and that there they lay,
the master not caring to goe one way or other : and that they
had not eaten any thing these three dayes, and therefore were
resolute, either to mend or end, and what they had begun
they would goe through with it, or dye. When I heard this,
I told them I marvelled to heare so much from them, con-
sidering that they Avcre married men, and had wives and
children, and that for their sakes they should not commit so
foule a thing in the sight of God and man as that would
bee ; for why should they banish themselves from their
native countrie ? Henry Greene bad me hold my peace, for
he knew the worst, Avhich was, to be hanged when hee came

ho spent in his ship after leaving his harbour of refuge. The scene of
the important events narrated on the present and the next pages was at
no great distance (N.W.) from the south-eastern corner of James Bay.
It seems impossible to fix the locality with any greater degree of pre-
cision.

118 A LARGER DISCOURSE OF THT. SAME VOYAGE,

home, and therefore of the two he would rather be hanged
at home then starved abroad : and for the good will they
bare me, they would have mee stay in the ship. I gave
them thankeir, and told them that I came into her, not to for-
sake her, yet not to hurt my selfc and others by any such
deed. Henry Greene told me then, that I must take my
fortune in the shallop. If there be no remedy (said I) the
will of God bee done.

Away went Henry Greene in a rage, swearing to cut his
throat that went about to disturbe them, and left Wilson by
nic, with whom I had some t.^^ke, but to no good : for he
"••-J"^ was so perswaded, that there Avas no remedie now » ut to goe

on while it was hot, least their partie should faile Jiem, and
'*' the mischiefe they had intended to others should li^ht on

themselves. Henry Greene came againe, and demanded of
him what I said. Wilson answered : He is in his old song,
still patient. 'J'lien I spake to Henry Greene to stay three
daycs, in which time I would so dcalc with the master that
all should be well. So I dealt with him to forbeare but two
day,:s, nay twelve houres ; there is no way then (say they)
but out of hand. Then I told them, that if they would stay
till Munday, I would joyne with them to share all the vic-
tuals in the ship, and would justify it when I came home;
but this would not serve their turnes. Wherefore I told
them, it was some worse matter they had in hand then they
made shew of, and that it was bloud and revenge hee sought,
or else he would not at such a time of night undertake such
a deed. Henry Greene (with that) taketh my bible which
lay before me, and sware that hee would doe no man harmc,
and what he did was for the good of the voyage, and for
nothing else ; and that all the rest should do the like. The
like did Wilson sweare.
s "^wid"^ ■ Henry Greene went his way, and presently came Juet,
who, because hee was an ancient man, I hoped to have found
some reason in him ; but hee wa. worse than Henry Greene,

Seo Wid-

liouscs

notes.

L.t .1!

*^^

WRITTEN BY AIJACUK rUICKKTT. 119

for hce sware plainly that he would justifie this deed when
he came home. After hi in came John Thomas and INIichael
Perce as birds of one feather ; but because they are not
living, I will let them goc, as then I did. Then came jSIoter
and Bennet, of whom I demanded, if they were well advised
what they had taken in hand. They answered, they were,
and therefore came to take their oath.

Now, because I am much condemned for this oath, as one
of them that plotted with them, and that by an oath I should
bind them together to pertorm what they had begun, I thought
good heere to set downe to the viewe of all, how well their
oath and deedes agreed : and thus it was ; — " You shall "i"^'' ,
sweare truth to God, your prince and countrie : you shall
doe nothing, but to the glory of God and the good of the
action in hand, and liarmc to no man." This was the oath,
without adding or diminishing. I looked for more of these
companions (although these were too many) but there came
no more. It was darke, and they in a readinessc to put this
deed of darkness in exccntion. I called to Ileury Greene
and "Wilson, and prayed them not to goe in hand with it in
the darke, but to stay till the morning. Now, everie man
(I hope) would goe to his rest, but wickednesse sleepcth
not ; for Henry Greene keepeth the master company all
night (and gave mee bread, which his cabbin-mate gave
liiui) and others are as watchfull as he. Then I asked
Ilcnrie Greene, whom he would put out with the master ?
he said, the carpenter John King, and the sicke men. I
said, they should not doe well to part with the carpenter,
what need soever they should have. Why the carpenter
was in no more rc^gard amongst them was, first, for that he
and John King were condemned for wrong done in the
victuall. But the chiefest cause was for that the master
loved him and made him his mate, upon his return out
of our wintering place, thereby displacing llobert Billet,
whereat they did grudge, because hec could neither write

• I ttl

fiimied,

:i^ •'

120 A LARGER DISCOURSE OF TTIE SAME VOYAGE,

nor read. And therefore (said they) the master and his
ignorant mate woukl carry the ship whither the master
pleased : the master forbidding any man to keepc account
or reckoning, having taken from all men whatsoever served
for that purpose. AVell, I obtained of Henry Greene and
vented' Wilsou til at thc carpcutcr should stay, by whose mcanes I
hojied (after they had satisfied themselves) that the master
and the poore man might be taken into the ship againe. Or,
I hoped, that some one or other would give some notice,
cither to tlic carpenter John King or the master ; for so it
might have come to passe by some of them that were thc
•""^ most forward.

Now, it shall not bee amisse to shew how wee were
"' lodj'cd, and to begin in thc cooke roome ; there lay Bcnnct

and thc cooper lame ; without the cooke roome, on the
I* steere-board side, lay Thomas Wydhousc' sicke ; next to

,/ him lay Sydrack Funer lame; then the surgeon, and John

Hudson with him ; next to them lay Wilson the boatswaine,
and then Arnold Lodlo next to him: in the gun-roome lay
liobcrt Jiict and John Thomas; on the larboord side lay
Michael Ikite and Adria Moore, who had never beene well
since wee lost our anchor ; next to them lay Michael Perce
and Andrew rioter. Next to them, without the gun-roome,
lay John King, and witli him ]vobert liillct r next to them
my selfe, and next to me Francis Clements. In the mid-
ship, betwecne thc capstone and the pumpes, lay llenrie
Greene and Nicholas Simmes. This niyht John Kincr was
late up, and they thought he had beene with the master, but
he was with thc carpenter, who lay on the poope, and coni-
ming downc from him was met by his cabbin-mate, as if
were by chance, and so they came to their cabbin together.
It was not long ere it was dav : then came Bcnnct for water

' The " student of matlieiuatics," whose "impcr fouml in his desk"
foniis ])iirt of the jirescnt collection
- Dylut.

ABSTRACT OF THE JOURNAL. 121

or the kettle, hee rose and went into the hold : when hce
was in they shut the hatch on him (but wlio kept it downe
I know not), up upon the deck went Bennet.

In the racane time Hcnrie Greene and another went to
the carpenter, and held him with a talkc till the master
came out of his cahbin (which hce soone did) ; then came Tiioybind

tlie master

John Thomas and Bennet before him, while Wilson bound
his armcs behind him. He asked them what they meant ?
they told him he should know when he was in the sh '' n.
Now Juet, while this was a doing, came to John Kin^ ,'..o
the hold, who was provided for him, for he had got a sword
of his own, and kept him at a bay, and might have killed him,
but others came to hclpe him : aiul so he came up to the
master. The master called to the carpenter and told him
that he was bound, but I heard no answerc he made. Now
Arnold Lodlo and Michael Bute rayled at them, and told
them their knaverie would shew itsolfe. Then was the
shallop haled up to the ship side, and the poore, sicke, and
lame men were called upon to get them out of their cabbins
into the shallop. The master called to me, Avho came out
of my cabbin as well as I could, to the hatch way to speake
Avith him : where, on my knees I besought them, for the
love of God, to remember themselves, and to doe as they
would be done unto. They bade me kccpe myselfe well,
and get me into my cabbin ; not suffering the master to
speake with me. But when I came into my cabbin againe,
hoc called to me at the home which gave light into my
cahbin, and told mee that Juet would overthrow us all ; nay
(said I) it is that villaine Henrie Greene, and I spake it not
softly.

Now was the carpenter at libertie, who asked them if they
would bee hanged when they came home : and as for him-
sclfc, hee said, hee would not stay in the ship unlesse they The rariien.

ter let gue.

would force him : they bad him goe then, for they would

not stay him. I will (said hee) so I may have my chest with

ir>

I I :

122 A LARGER DISCOURSE OF THE SAME VOYAGE,

mce, and all that is in it : they said hcc should, and presently
they put it into the shallop. Then hee came downc to mee
to take his leave of mee, who persuaded him to stay, which
if he did, he might so workc that all should bee well : hee
said, hee did not thinke but they would be glad to take
them in againe. For he was so persuaded by the master,
that there was not one in all the ship that could tell how to
carry her home ; but (saith hee) if we must part (which wee
will not willingly doe, for they would follow the ship) hee
prayed mee, if wee came to the Capcs^ before them, that I
'"*"" would leave some token that we had been there, necre to the

l^lace where the fowles bred, and hee would doe the like for

.»^lii us : and so (with teares) we parted. Now Avcre the sickc

,0f men driven out of their cabbins into the shallop ; but Johu

•tail

••<•' Thomas was Francis Clements friend, and Bennet was the

Coopers, so as there were words bctweene them and Henric
Greene, one saving that tliev should goe. and the other
swearing that they should not goe, but such as were in the
shallop should returnc. When Ilenrie Greene heard that,
he was compelled to give piace, and to put out Arnold
Lodlo and Michael Bute, which with much adoe they did.

In the meane time, there were some of them that plycd
their worke as if the ship had been entred by force and they
had fi'ee leave to pillage, breaking up chests and rifling all
places. One of them came by me, who asked me, what they
should doe. I answered, hee should make an end of what
hee had begun ; for I saw him doe nothing but sharke up
Tiienamea and doAvuc. Nowc wcrc all the poore men in the shallop,

ofiliei'om-

^insni'inti, whose names are as followcth : Ilenrie Hudson, John Hud-
limiK.l" '° ^^^2 Arnold Lodlo, Sidrack Faner, Phillip Staffe, Thomas

^ Cape Worstenhohne and Cape Diggs.

^ Several works on arctic discovery assert that this John Hudson was
the son of the gresit navigator. This is merely a conjecture, though not
an unlikely one. It rests upon the fact that John was a boy when ho
lest his life together with his supposed father.

WlllTTKN IJY AbACUK PHlCKin'T. lUS

AVoodhousc or "Wydhousc, Adam Moore, Hcnric King,
INIichael Bute. The carpenter got of them a pcece, and
powder, and shot, and some pikes, an iron pot, with some
meale, and other things. They stood out of the ice, the
shallop being fast to the sternc of the shippe, and so (when
they were nigh out, lor I cannot say they were cleane out)
they cut her head fast from the stcrne of our ship, then out
with their top-sayles, and towards the east they stood in a
clecre sea. In the end they tooke in their top-sayles, righted
their helme, and lay under their fore-sayle till they had
ransacked and searched all places in the ship. In the hold
they found one of the vessels of meale whole, and the other
halfe spent, for wee had but two ; wee found also two firkins
of butter, some twentie-seven pieces of porkc, halfe a bushell
of pease ; but in the masters cabbin we found two hundred
of bisket cakes, a pecke of meale, of beere to the quantitie
of a butt, one with another. Now it was said that the
shallop was come within sight, they let fall the mainsayle,
and out with their top-sayles, and fly as from an enemy.

Then I prayed them yet to remember themselves ; but
William AV^ilson (more than the rest) woidd heare of no suck
matter. Comming nigh the east shore they cast about, and
stood to the west and came to an iland,* and anchored in
sixteen e or seventecne fathome water. So they sent the
boat and the net ashoare to see if they could have a draught ;
but could not for rocks and great stones. Michael Perse
killed two fowle, and lieere they found good store of that
weede which we called cocklc-grasse in our wintering-
place, whereof they gathered store, and came aboard againe.
Ilcere we lay that night and the best part of the next day,

1 Pricket's geographical statements about the rcti'rn voyage arc even
vaguer thau those about the voyage out. A few of them only serve
as foundations for guesses at the real localities touched by the returning
party. The statement to which the present note refers is not of that
number; and it is absolutely impossible to guess what island is hero
meant.

■«aii

124 A LARGER DISCOUIISK OF TIIK SAME VOYAGE,

Last Bight in all which time we saw not the shallop, or ever after.

ol tho ^ '

siiuiioj). Now Hcnric Greene came to me and told mec, that it was
the companies will that I should come up into the masters
cabbin and take charge thereof. I told him it was more fit
for llobert Juet . he said he should not come in it, nor
meddle with the masters card or journals. So up I came,
and Ilenrie Greene gave me the key of the masters chest,
and told me then, that he had laid the masters best things
together, which lice would use himselfe when time did serve:
the bread was also delivered to me by tale.

The wind serving, wee stood to the north-east, and this
was Robert Billets course, contraric to Robert Juet, who
would have gone to the north-west. We had the easternc
^f shoare still in sight, and (in the night) had a stout gale of

wind, and stood afore it till wee met with ice, into the which
we ranne from thinne to thicke, till we could goe no further
for ice, which lay so thicke ahead of us (and the '.vind brought
it after us asterne) that wee could not stirre backward nor
forward ; but so lay imbaycd fourteene daies in worse ice
then ever wee met to deale withall, for we had beene where
there was greater store, but it was not so broad upon the
■water as this; for this floting ice contained miles and halfe
miles in compasse, where we had a deepe sea, and a tide of
flood and ebbe, which set north-west and south-east. Heere
Robert Juet would have gone to the north-west, but Robert
Billet was confident to go through to the north-east, which
iiands. ^^'^ ^^^' -^^ ^^^^' being cleere of this ice, he continued his
course in sight of the easterne shore till he raysed fourc
islands, which lay north and south , but wc passed them
sixe or seven leagues, the wind tooke us so short. Then
wee stood backe to them againe, and came to an anchor
betwcene two of the most northernmost. We sent the boat
ashoare, to sec if there were any thing there to be had, but
found nothing but cocklc-grasse, whereof they gathered
1 Probably not far from Portland Point, 58° 50' N., 79° W.

WKITTEN HY AIJACUK PRICKETT. 125

store, and so returned aboord. Before we came to this place,
I might well see that I was kept in the ship against Henry
Greenes minde, because I did not favour their proceedings
better than I did. Then hee began (very subtilly) to drawe
me to take upon me to search for those things which liim-
selfe had stolnc : and accused me of a matter no Icsse then
treason amongst us, that I had deceived the company of
thirtie cakes of bread. Now they becran to talke amongst P^e wicked

•' " ° floe where

themselves, that England was no safe place for them, and guetu!'"'^'
Henry Greene swore the shippe should not come into
any place (but kcepe the sea still) till he had the kings
majesties hand and scale to shew for his safetie. They had
many devices in their heads, but Henry Greene in the end
was their captaine, and so called of them.

From these ilands we stood to the north-cast and the (
caster land still in sight : wee raysed those ilands, that our \
master called Rumnies Hands.' Betwcene these ilands and .
the shallow ground, to the east of them, our master went
downe into the first great bay.^ We kept the east shoare
still in our sight, and comming thwart of the low land, wee
ranne on a rocke that lay under water, and strooke but once ;
for if shee had, we might have beene made inhabitants of
tliat place ; but God sent us soone off without any harme
that wee saw. Wee continued our course and raysed land
a head of us, which stretched out to the north : Avhich when
they saw, they said plainly, that llobort Billet by his north-
erly course had left the capes to the south, and that they
were best to seekc downe to the south in time for reliefe
before all was gone; for we had small store left. But Robert
Ihllet would follow the land to the north, saying that he
hoped in God to find somewhat to releeve us that way as

' Theso islands arc not marked on Hudson's chart ; they are, how- ■
ever, certainly near the mouth of IVIosquito Bay. Perhaps some of the
islands near Cape Smith are meant.

^ INIosquito Buy.

^••**|« grussc.

•i«i

12G A 1>AKGER DISCOUKSE OF THE SAME VOYAGE,

soonc as to the south. I told them that this hmd was the maynu
of Worscnhonie Capo, and that the shallow rockie ground
was the same that the master went downe hy when he went
into the great bay. llobert Juet and all said it was not
possible, unlesse the master had brought the ship over land,
and Milled them to lookc into the masters card and their
course how well they did agree. AVc stood to the cast and
left the maync land to the north, by many small Hands into
a narrow gut betwecnc two lands, and there came to an
anchor.' The boat wxnt ashoaro on the north side, where
we found the great home, but nothing else. The next day
wee went to the south side, but found nothing there save
cockle grasse, of which we gathered. This grasse was a
jj great reliefc unto us, for without it we should hardly have got

to the capes for want of victuall. The wind serving we
stood out, but before we could get cleane out the wind came
to the west, so that we were constrayncd to anchor on the
north side.

The next day, wee weighed and doubled the point of the
North Land, which is high huul, and so contiuueu Lu the
capes, lying north and south, some five-and-twcntie or thirtie
leagues. To the north we stood to sec store of those foules
that breed in the Capes, and to kill some with our shot, and
to fetch them with our boat. We raised the Ca])es with joy
and bare for them, and came to the ilands that lie in the
mouth of the streight;^ but bearing in bctweenc the Rockie

^ They were near the eastern coast of the l)ay, and, as appears from the
statements on the next page, about twenty-five leagues (seventy-five
roots) south of Cape Worstenholnie. But they themselves had entirely
lost their way. We see them groping about like children in a strange
place, trying to find some locality the features of which they remember.
The cai)es, that is to say Cai)e Worstcnholme and Cape Diggs, were their
great hope. Their anxiety to reach them was so great, that they actually
were afraid they had passed them and were to the north of them, whilst
in reality they were more than a degree to the south of these capes.

" The strait between Cape Worstenholme and Cape Diggs. The
islands arc those of the Diggs' Islands group.

^MUTTEN UY ABACUK I'RICKETT. 127

lies, Avo rannc on a rocke that lay under water, and there a mcko.
stuckc fast eight or nine houres. It was cbbin<r water when
M'e thus came on, so the floud set us afloat, God guiding
hoth wind and sea, that it was caline and I'airc weather : the
cbbe came from the cast, and the floud from the west. When
wee were afloat wee stood more neerc to the cast shore, and ndio.
there anchored.

'i'he next day, being the seven and twentieth of Jahj, wc •'>•'>• ^r.
sent the boat to fetch some fowle, and the ship should way
and stand as neere as they could, for the wind was against
us. They had a great way to row, and by that meanes they
could not reach to the place where the fowle bred ; but
found good store of gulls, yet hard to conic by, on the rocks
and cliffcs ; but with their peeces they killed some thirtie,
and towards ni"ht returned. Now wee had broiiiiht our
ship more neere to the mouth of the streights,' and there
came to an anchor in eighteenc or twentie fathom Avatcr,
upon a rilfc or shelfe of ground ; which after they had
weighed their anchor, and stood more neere to the place
where the fowle bred,'-^ they covild not find it againe, nor no
place like it: but were faine to turne to and fro in the
mouth of the streight, and to be in danger of rockes, because
they could not find ground to let fall an anchor in, the water
was so dcepe.

The eight and twentieth day, the boat went to Digges his
Cape for fowle, and made directly for the place where the
foAvle bred, and being neere, they saw seven boates come
about the easterne point towards them. When the savages suv.igos.
saw our boatc, they drew themselves together, and drew
their lesser boats into theii bigger : and when they had done,
they came rowing to our boat, and made signcs to the west,
but they made readie for all assayes. The savages came to

' The northern mouth of the strait.

" The reader will remeniher, that on their first visit to Cape Diggs,
tlicy had found there an abundance of birds and eggs.

. ^* 4

1^8

A LAIUiEU DISCOUUSK OF TTIE SAMK VOYAGE.

SftVflROS

ijiainu'r (if
I'owliiij,'.

Greenes
contideuce.

them, and by signcs grew familiar one with anotlicr, so as
our men tooke one of theirs into our boate, and they tookc
one of ours into their boate. Then tJioy carried our man to
a cove Avhere tlieir tents stood towards the west of the ph^ce,
where the fowle bred : so they carried him into their tents,
wliere he remayned till our men returned with theirs. Our
boat went to the place where the fowle bred, and were
desirous to know how the savages killed their fowle : he
shewed them the manner how, which was thuf< : they take
a long pole with a snare' at the end, which they put about
the fowles nccke, and so plucke them downe. When our
men knew that they had a better way of their owne, they
shewed him the use of our peeccs, which at one shot would
kill seven or eight. To be short, our boat returned to their
cove for our man and to deliver theirs. AVhen they came
they made great joy, with dancing, and leaping, and stroking
of their breasts : they offered divers things to our men, but
they only tooke some morses teeth, which they gave them
for a knife and two glasse buttons : and so receiving our
man they cuuie aboard, much rejoicing at this chance, as if
they had met with the most simple and kind people of the
world.

And Henry Greene (more then the rest) was so confident,
that (by no meanes) we should take care to stand on our
guard : God blinding him so, that where bee made reckon-
ing to receive great matters from these people, he received
more then he looked for, and that suddenly, by being made
a good example for all men: that make no conscience of
doing evill, and that wc take heed of the savage people,
how simple soever they seeme to be.

The next day, the nine and twentieth of July, they made
haste to be ashoare,' and because the ship rid too farrc off,

^ A noose. This method of the Hudson's Bay Esriuiinaux, of catching
birds with a sort of lasso, has, the editor believes, not beeu rucntioued
by any other voyager in these regions.

2 On Cape Diggs' Island.

WHITTKN BY AUACUK PRICK KTT. If2i)

I hoy weighed and stood as neere to tlic place where the
lowlo bred as tliey could ; and because I was lame I was to
£^o in the boat, to carry such things as I had in the cabbin, of
every thing somewhat ; and so, with more haste then good
s})eed (and not without swearing) away we Avent, Henry
(jreene, William Wilson, John Thomas, INIichael Perse,
Andrew Meter, and my selfe. When we came neere the
shoare, the people were on the hils dancing and leaping : to
the covo we came, where they had drawne up their boatcs :
wee brought our boatc to the east side of the cove, close to
the rockes. Ashoare they went, and made fast the boat to a
great stone on the shoare ; the people came, and every one
had somewhat in his hand to barter ; but Henry Greene
swore they should have nothing till he had venison, for they
had so promised him by signcs.

Now when wc came, they made signes to their dogges f^nvaues
fwliercof there were many like mongrels, as biggc as
hounds), and pointed to their mountaine and to the sunne,
clapping their hands. Then Henry Greene, John Thomas,
and Y.'illiam AVilson stood hard by the boate head, Michael
Perse and Andrew INIoter were got up \ipon the rock a f''^ijff''f

" 11 treulicrio.

gathering of sorrcll ; not one of them had any weapon about
him, not so much as a sticke, save Henry Greene only, who
had a piece of a pike in his hand : nor saw I any thing that
they had wherewith to hurt us. Henry Greene and William
A\'ilson had looking-glasses, and Jcwes trumps,' and bels,
Avliich they w^erc shewing the people. The savages standing
round about them, one of them came into the boats head to
mc to shew me a bottle : I made signes to him to get him
ashoare, but he made as though he had not understood me,
whereupon I stood uj) and pointed him ashoare. In the
meane-time another stole behind me to the stcrne of the
boat, and when I saw him ashoare that was in the head of
the boat I sate downe againe, but suddenly I saw the logge

^ .Jew's harps.

IMAGE EVALUATION
TEST TARGET (MT-3)

1.0

I.I

1.25

•^ IM 12.2

I ^ IIIIIM

Uuu

1.4

1.8

1.6

'c='l

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Sciences
Corporation

23 WEST MAIN STREET

WEBSTER, NY. I4S80

(716) 872-4503

4U-

<?)^

130 A LARGER DISCOURSK OF THK SAMK VOYAGK,

and footc of a man by mcc. Wherefore I cast up my head,
and saw the savage with his knife in his hand, who strookc
at my breast over my head : I cast up my right armc to save
my brest, he wounded my arme, and strooke me into the
bodie under my right pappe. Ifc strooke a second blow,
which I met with my left hand, and then he strooke me
into the right thigh, and had like to have cut off my little
^, finger of the left hand. Now I had got hold of the string

', of the knife, and had woond it about my left hand, he

striving with both his hands to make an end of that he had
bcgune : I found him but weake in the gripe (God enabling
me), and getting hold of the sleeve of his left arme, so bare
V"^|i' him from me. His left side lay bare to me, which when I

t*' saw, I put his sleeve off" his left arme into my left hand,

holding the string of the knife fast in the same hand ; and
having got my right hand at liberty, I sought for somewhat
wherewith to strike him (not remembring my dagger at my
side), but looking downe I saw it, and therewith strooke
him into the bodie and the throate.
Just'tir'" Whiles I was thus assaulted in the boat, our men were
triiytors. sct upon ou the shoarc. John Thomas and William Wilson
had their bowels cut, and Michael Perse and Henry Greene,
being mortally wounded, came tumbling into the boat to-
gether. When Andrew Motor saw this medley, hee came
running downe the rockes, and leaped into the sea, and so
swamme to the boat, hanging on the sterne thereof, till
Michael Perse took him in, who manfully made good the
head of the boat against the savages, that pressed sore upon
us. Now Michael Perse had got an hatchet, wherewith I
saw him strike one of them, that he lay sprawling in the sea.
Henry Greene crieth Coracjio, and layeth about him with
his truncheon. I crycd to them to clcere the boat, and
Andrew Meter cryed to bee taken in. The savages bctooke
them to their bowes and arrowes, which they sent amongst
oiprno us, wherewith Henry Greene was slaine outright, aiul

WRITTEN JJY ABACUK PRICKETT.

131

Michael Perse received many wounds, and so did the rest.
]Michacl Perse clecreth the boate, and puts it from the
shoare, and hclpeth Andrew Moter in ; hut in turning of
the boat I received a cruell wound in my backc with an
arrow. Michael Perse and Andrew Moter rowed the boate
away, which, when the savages saw, they rannc to their
boats, and I feared they would have launched them to have
followed us, but they did not, and our ship was in the
middle of the channell and could not see us.

Now, when they had rowed a good way from the shoare,
Michael Perse fainted, and could row no more. Then was
Andrew Motor driven to stand in the boat head, and waft
to the ship, which at the first saw us not, and wlien they
did they could not tell what to make of us, but in the end
they stood for us, and so tooke us up. Henry Greene was
throwne out of the boat into the sea, and the rest were had
aboard, the savage being yet alive, yet without sense. But
they died all there that day, William Wilson swearing and wiekei ,iii,i
cursing in most fearefull manner. Michael Perse lived [^','.p,"{,p,|
two dayes after, and then died. Thus you have heard the^^'^"" ""^"*
tragicall end of Henry Greene and his mates, whom they
called captain e, these foure being the only lustic men in all
the ship.

The poore number that was left were to ply our ship to
and fro in the mouth of the streight,^ for there was no place
to anchor in neere hand. J3esides, they were to go in the
boate to kill fowle to bring us home, which they did, al-
th'Uigh with danger to us all. For if the wind blow there
was an high sea, and the eddies of the tydcs would carrie
the ship so neere the rockcs as it feared our master, for so I
will now call him. After they had killed some two hundred
fowle, with great labour, on the south cape,^ wee stood to

^ Tlic str<ait between Cape Worstenholme and Capo Diggs, in the
neighbourhood of which the scenes just related l)y J'ricket toolc phice.
'•' Cape Diggs.

I I

132 A LARGER DISCOURSE OF THE SAME VOYAGE,

the cast, but when wee were sixe or seven leagues from the
" .pes, the wind came up at east. Then wee stood backe to
the capes again, and killed an hundred fowle more. After
this the wind came to the west, so wee were driven to goe
away, and then our master stood (for the most) along by the
north shoare, till he fell into broken ground about the
Queen's For eland, i and there anchored. From thence wce
went to God's Mercies, and from thence to Rose llands,^
which lye in the mouth of our strcight, not seeing the land
■*•"'* till we were readie to runne our bosprite against the rockes

,^_^j| ni a fogge. But it cleered a little, and then we might sec

our selves inclosed with rockie ilands, and could find no
i'"^|»' ground to anchor in. There our master lay a trie all night,

./J,' and the next day, the fogge continuing, they sought for

'"*' ground to anchor in, and found some in an hundred and

odde fathomcb of water. The next day we weighed and
stood to the east, but before wee came heere we had put our-
selves to hard allowance, as halfe a foule a day with the
pottage, for yet Ave had some meale left and nothing else.
Then they beganne to make triall of all whatsoever. Wee
jMisenoimr- }iad fiavcd our fowle, for they will not pull, and Robert

Biietli ihe *' ' ./ r }

^''^^'■' Juet was the first that made use of the skins by burning of

the feathers ; so they became a great dish of meate, and as
for the garbidge, it was not thrown away.

After we were cleere of these ilands, which lie out with
two points, one to the south-east and the other to the north,
making a bay to the sight as if there were no way through,
we continued our course east-south-east and south and by
east, to raise the Desolations,^ from thence to shape our

^ Queen's Cape, a headland of the northern shore of Hudson's Strait,
to the north of Salisbury Islands. This locality is, though very vaguely,
indicated on Hudson's chart, and is even now very inaccurately known,
so that it is not easy to fix the exact locality of the Queeii's Foreland
of Pricket.

" Apparently some of the islands near Cape Chidley, perhaps Killinck
and Kikkertor»oak.

'^ The south-east coast of Greenland.

WRITTEN BY ABACUK PRICKETT. 133

coui'se for Ireland. Thus wee continued divers dayes ; but
the wind comming against us made us to alter our course,
and by the mcancs of Robert Juet, who perswaded the com-
pany that they should find great reliefe in Newfoundland if
our countrymen were there, and if they were gone before
we came yet should we find great store of bread and fish
left ashore by them ; but how true, I give God thankes we
did not trie. Yet we stood to the south-west and to the
Avest almost to fiftie seven degrees, when (by the will of God)
the winde came up at south-west. Then the master asked
me if he should take the benefit of this wind, and shape his
course for Ireland. I said it was best to goe where we knew
corne grew, and not to sceke it where it was cast away and
not to be found. Towards Ireland now wee stood, with
prosperous winds for many dayes together. Then was all
our meale spent, and our fowle restie and dry ; but (being
no remedie) we were content with the salt broth for dinner
and the halfe fowle for supper. Now went our candles
to vvracke, and Bennet, our cooke, made a messe of meate Poore diet,
of the bones of the fowle, frying them with candle grease
till they were crispe, and, with vineger put to them, made
a good dish of meate. Our vineger was shared, and to every
man a pound of candles delivered for a weeke, as a great
daintie. Now Hobert Juet (by his reckoning) saith wee
were within sixtie or seventie leagues of Ireland, when wee
had two hundred thither. And sure our course was so
much the longer through our evill steeredge, for our men
became so weake that they could not stand at the helme,
but were faine to sit.

Then Hobert Juet dyed for meere want, and all our men Robert
were in despaire, and said wee were past Ireland, and our aeath.
last fowle were in the steep tub. So our men cared not
which end went forward, insomuch as our master was driven
to looke to their labour as well as his owne ; for some of
them would sit and sec the fore sayle or mayne sayle flie up

■"1

»»■'*■

;»»*

rji

A siiyle of

l''owy.

*•*'■-

Mrie

,ji

Ihivcii in

lieliuul.

.*'

lo4: A LARGER DISCOURSE, ETC.

to the tops, the sheets being either flownc or broken, and
would not hclpe it themselves nor call to others for helpe,
which much grieved the master. Now in this extremitie it
pleased God to give us sight of land, not farre from the
place our master said he would fall withall, which was the
bay of Galloway,' and we fell to the west of the Derscs,'^and
so stood along by the coast to the south-west. In the end there
was a joyful cry, a sayle, a sayle, towards which they stood.
Then they saw more, but to the neerest wee stood, and called
to him ; his bark was of Fowy,"^ and was at anchor a fishing.
He came to us, and brought us into Bere Haven.* Here we
stayed a few dayes, and dclt with the Irish to supply our
wants, but found no reliefe, for in this place there was
neither bread, drinke, nor mony to be had amongst them.
Wherefore they advised us to deale with our countrymen
who were there a fishing, which we did, but found them so
cold in kindnesse that they would doe nothing without pre-
sent money, whereof we had none in the ship. In the end
we procured one John Waymouth, master of the barque that
brought us into this harbour, to furnish us with money,
which hee did, and received our best cable and anchor in
pawne for the same. With this money our master, with the
help of John Waymouth, bought bread, beere, and beefe.

Now, as wee were beholding to Waymouth for his money,
so were wee to one Captaine Taylor for making of our con-
tracts with Waymouth, by whose meanes hee tooke a bill
for our cable and anchor and for the men's wages, who
would not go with us unless Waymouth would passe his
word for the same : for they made show that they were not
willing to goe with us for any wages. Whereupon Cajitainc
Taylor swore he would presse them, and then, if they would
not goe, hee would hang them.

In conclusion, "wee agreed for three pound ten shil-

^ Galway. ^ Dursey Island, near the south-west coast of Irelaiiil.

^ Fowcy, in Cornwall. ■* Boer llavcu, south-west coast of Ireland.

MASTF.R SAMUKL MACIIINS LETTER. 135

lings a rnan to bring our ship to Plimouth or Dartmouth,
and to give the pilot five pound ; but if the winde did not
serve, but that they were driven to put into J3risto\v, they
were to have foure pound ten shillings a man, and the pilot
sixe pound. Omitting therefore further circumstances, from
Bere Haven wee came to Plimouth, and so to an anchor ^''ni'""'"
before the castle ; and from Plimouth, with faire winde and '""""■ '"
weather without stop or stay, wee came to the Downes, from
thence to Gravesend, where most of our men went a shoare,
and from thence came on this side Erith, and there stopped :
Avhere our master Robert Billet came aboord, and so had
nice up to London with him, and so wee came to Sir Thomas
Smiths together.

Forasmuch as this report of Pricket may happcly bee
sus2)cctcd by some, as not so friendly to Hudson, who re-
turned with that companie which had so cruelly exposed
Hudson and his, and therefore may seemc to hiy heavier
imputation, and rip up occasions further then they will
helecve, I have also added the report of Thomas Wydhouse,
one of the exposed companie, Avho ascribeth those occasions
of discord to Juet. I take not on mee to sentence, no not to
examine; I have presented the evidence just as I had it;
let the bench censure, hearing with both eares, that which
with both eyes they may see in those and these notes ; to
which I have first prefixed his letter to Master Samuel
Macham.

Master Maciiam, I heartily commend mee unto you, etc.
I can write unto you no. newes, though I have scene much,
but such as every English fisherman haunting these coasts
can report better then my selfe.
Wee kept our Whitsunday in the north-east end of Island,'

^ Iceland.

■ i

130 A NOTE FOUND IN THE DESK

and I tliinke I never fared better in England then wee
feasted there. They of the coiintrey are very poore, and
live miserably, yet we found therein store of frcsli fish and
daintie fowlc. I my selfe in an afternoone killed so much
iiHii(]or8 fowle as feasted all our company, being three and twentic

poore. _ . .

persons, at one time, onely with partridges, besides curlue,
plover, mallard, tcale, and goose. I have scene two hot
bathes in Island, and have bcene in one of them. Wee are
resolved to trie the uttermost, and lye onely expecting a faire
winde, and to refresh ourselves to avoid the ice, which now
"•""' Thecnuaeof ig comc ofF the wcst coasts, of Avliich we have scene whole

•• tlioir stay at '

^'''""^' islands, but God bee thanked, have not bcene in danger of
^.^jj' any. Thus I desire all your prayers for us.

- y From Island, this thirtieth of Mmj, 1610.

A NOTE FOUND IN THE DESKE OP
THOMAS WYDOWSE,

STtTDKNT IN THE MATIIEMATICKES, HEE BEING ONE OF TIIKII WHO WAS VVi

INTO THE SHALLOP.

The te7ith day of September, 1610, after dinner, our master
called all the companie together, to heare and beare wit-
nesse of the abuse of some of the companie (it having bcene
the request of Robert Juet) that the master should redresse
some abuses and slanders, as hee called them, against this
Juet : which thing after the master had examined and heard
with equitic what hee could say for himselfe, there were
prooved so many and great abuses, and mutinous matters
against the master, and action by Juet, that there was danger
to have suffered them longer : and it was fit time to punish
and cut off farther occasions of the like mutinies.

It was prooved to his face, first with ]3ennet Mathew, our

OV TTTOMAS WYDHOUSK. I -H

trumpet, upon our first sight of Island,' and he confcst, that
hee supposed that in the action Avould bee mansLiughtcr,
and prove bloodic to soire.

Secondly, at our comming from Island, in hearing of the
companio, hee did threaten to turne the head of the ship
home from the action, which at that time was by our master
wisely pacified, hoping of amendment.

Thirdly, it was deposed by Philip Staffe, our carpenter,
and Ladlie Arnold," to his face upon the holy bible, that hee
pcrs waded thom to keepe muskets charged, and swords
readie in their cabbins, for they should be charged with shot
ere the voyage were over.

Fourthly, wee being pestered in the ice, hee had used
words tending to mutinie, discouragement, and slander of
the action, which easily took effect in those that were
timourous ; and had not the master in time prevented, it
might easily have overthrowne the voyage : and now lately
being imbayed in a deepe bay, which the master had desire
to see, for fjome reasons to himselfe knowne, his word tended
altogether to put the companie into a fray of extremitie, by
wintering in cold. Jesting at our masters hope to see Ban-
tam by Candlemasse.

For these and divers other base slanders against the master
hee was deposed, and Robert Bylot, who had shewed himselfe
honestly respecting the good of the action, was placed in his
stead the masters mate.

Also Francis Clement, the boatson, at this time was put
from his ofHce, and William Wilson, a man thought more
fit, preferred to his place. This man had basely carryed
himselfe to our master and to the action.

Also Adrian Mooter was appointed boatsons mate, and a

promise by the master, that from this day Juets wages should

remaine to Bylot, and the boatsons overplus of wages should

be equally divided betweene Wilson and one John King,

^ Iceland. ^ Arnold Ludlow, or Lodlo.

138 A NOTE FOUND IN THE DESK, ETC.

to the owners good liking, one of the quarter masters, who
had very -svcll carrycd themselves to the furtherance of the
husinesse.

Also the master promised, if the offenders yet hehavcd
themselves henceforth honestly, hee would hee a meanes for
their good, and that hee would forget injuries, with other
admonitions.

These things thus premised touching Hudsons exposing,
and God's just judgments on the exposers, as Pricket hatli
related (whom they reserved, as is thought, in hope by Sir
"*"•■'' Dudley Digges his master to procure their pardon at their

returne), I thought good to adde that which I have fur-
^.,ni|,' ther received from good intelligence, that the ship com-

' f0t ming aground at Digges Island, in 02 degrees 44} minutes,

-»m< a great flood came from the west and set them on floate :

an argument of an open passage from the South Sea to that,
and consequently to these seas. The weapons and arts
which they saw, beyond those of other savages, are argu-
ments hereof. Hee which assaulted Pricket in the boatc,
had a weapon broad and sharpe indented, of bright Steele
(such as they use in Java), riveted into a handle of morse
tooth.

' Tbe latitude assigned by Wydhouse to i/iggs' Island is inco'-rcct,

at least as regards the Diggs' Island of Hudson, which is undoubtedly

. ;, opposite to, and therefore nearly in the same latitude as Cape Worsten-

holme (62° 25'). It is impossible to ascertain how the mistake arose.
But it is curious to observe that this mistake, by which Cape Diggs is
placed so much too far north, is of an opposite nature to that com-
mitted by Hudson himself with regard to Cape Farewell, which he places
several minutes too far south. Wydhouse's mistake has undoubtedly
influenced the opinion of modern map makers, who invariably place
Diggs' Island too far north-west, or rather give that name to an island
to which it did not originally belong.

139

PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMAGE.

POL., LOND., 1626, 817.
VI.

OF HUDSON'S DISCOVERIES AND DEATH.

Henry Hudson, 1607, discovered further north toward the
pole, then, perhaps, any before him. He found himselfe in
80 degrees, 23 minutes, where they felt it hot, and dranke
water to coole their thirst. They saw land (as they thought)
to 82, and further on the shore they had snow, morses teeth,
(Iceres homes, whale-bones, and footing of other beasts,
with a streame of fresh water. The next yeere, 1608, he
set forth on a discovery to the north-east, at which time
they met, as both himselfe and Juet have testified, a mer-
maid in the sea, scene by Thomas Hils and Robert Raiuer.
Another voyage he made, 1609, and coasted Newfoundland,
and thence along to Cape Cod. His last and fatall voyage
was 1610, which I mentioned in my former edition,' relating
the same as Hcsselius Gerardus had guided me, by his card
and reports, who affirmcth that he followed the way which
Captaine Winwood had before searched by Lumlcys Inlet,
in 61 degrees, so passing thorow the strait to 50, etc. But ire com-
haviner since met with better instructions, both by the helpe tome iiuj.

" ' . J f sons ab-

of my painfull friend Master Hakluit (to whose labours ^y-fniouse;
these of mine are so much indebted), and specially from rricUet, of

,., . ■,-, o -t r ^ 1 this voyage.

mm who was a speciali setter lortii oi the voyage, that

■^ Purchas Pilgrimage, fol., Lond., 1617, contains an account of Hud-
son's voyages entirely founded on the 1612 edition of Hessel Gerritsz's
Ddcctio freti.

''I'

140 ov Hudson's discoveries and death.

learned and industrious gentleman Sir Dudley Digges (how

willingly could I here lose my selfe in a parenthesis of due

praises ! to whom these studies have seemed to descend by

inheritance in divers descents, improved by proper industry,

employed to publikc good both at home and in discoveries

,.,, and plantations abroad, and for my particular ! but why

j^>«' should I use words, unequall pay to him, unequall stay to

.♦»' thee ?) from him, I say, so great a furtherer of the north-

t* west discoverie, and of your discoverer the poore Pilgrim

-.« and his pilgrimage, having received full relations, I have

•■"" becne bold with the reader to insert this voyage more

•"•^* largely.

^ . sii Tho. In the vcare 1610, Sir Tho. Smith, Sir Dudley Di"o:os,

I, and INIaster John Wostcnholme, with other their friends, fur-

nished out the said Henry Hudson, to try if, through any
of those inlets which Davis saw but durst not enter, on tho
westerne side of Fretum Davis, any passage might be found
to the other ocean called the South Sea. There barke was
named the Discoverie. They passed by Island, and saw
Mount Hecla cast out fire (a noted signc of foule weather
towards ; others conceive themselves and deceive others
with I know not what purgatorie fables hereof confuted by
A.Jo. ciy- Arnajrin Jonas, an Islander, who reprovcth this and manv
other dreames related by authors, say'ng, that from the
, yeere 1558 to 1592 it never cast forth any flames) they left

the name to one harbour in Island, Lousy liay : they had
there a bath hot enough to scald a fowle. They raised Gron-
land th.G fourth of June, and Desolation after that; whence
they plyed north-west among ilands of ice, whereon tlicy
miglit runne and play, and filled sweet water out of ponds
therein: some of them aground in sixe or seven score fadomc
water, and on divers of them beares and patriches. They

^ Extracts of Arngrim Jonas, an Islander, his Chrymogsea or Historic
of Island, published anno Domini 1609. — Purchas Pilgrims, iii, p. 054-
G5i).

••■I

,, t

oi' Hudson's discovkries and dkath. 141

gave names to certainc Hands, of Gods mercy, Prince Hen-
ries Forland, K. James his Cape, Q. Annes Cai)c. One
morning, in a fogge, they were carried by a set of the tide
from N.E. into one of the inlets above mentioned, the depth
whereof and plying forward of the ice made Hudson hope
it would prove a through-fare. After he had sailed herein
by his computation 300 leagues west, he came to a small
strait of two leagues over, and very deepe water, through
which he passed betweene two headlands, which he called,
that on the south Cape Wostenholme, the other to the N.W.
Digges Hand, in deg. 62, 44' minutes, into a spacious sea,
wherein he saylcd above a hundred leagues south, confi-
(li-ntly proud that he had won the passage.

]jut finding at length by shole water that he was embayed, "u'Iso'ih
he was much distracted therewith, and committed many

crrours, especially in resolving to winter in that desolate

place, in such want of necessarie provision. The third of

Nocemher he moored his barke in a small cove, where they

had all undoubtedly perished, but that it pleased God to

send them several kinds of fowle : they killed of white

pitridges above a hundred and twcntie dozen. These left

them at the spring, and other succeeded in their place,

swan, goose, teale, duckc, all easie to take ; besides the bless- •

ing of a tree, which in December blossomed, with leaves a suimgo

rrtco

greene and yellow, of an aromaticall savour, and being
boyled yeelded an oyly substance, which proved an excel-
lent salve, and the decoction being drunke proved as whole-
some a potion, whereby they were cured of the scorbute,
sciaticas, crampes, convulsions, and other diseases, which the

coldnesse of the climate bred in them. At the opening of , i

the yeere also, there came to his ships side such abundance ,

offish of all sorts, that they might therewith have fraught | ;

themselves for their returne, if Hudson had not too dcspe ' '

lately pursued the voyage, neglecting this oportunitie of '

* Seo note to page 138.

Mi-y\

142 OF Hudson's discoveries and death.

storing themselves with fish, which hee committed to the
care of certaine carelesse dissolute villaines, which in his
absence conspired against him ; in few daycs the fish all for-
sooke them. Once a savage visited them, who for a knife,
glassc, and beades given him, returned with bevers skins,
deeres skins, and a sled. At Hudsons returne, they set sayle
for England. But in a few dayes, their victuals being almost
spent, and hee, out of his dcspaire, letting fall some words of
setting some on shore, the former conspirators (the chiefc
whereof was Hen. Greene, none of their allowed company,
These were but taken in bv Hudson himselfe: and one Wilson) entred

tlu worst, or •'

thTcom-°* ^^^ cabin in the night, and forced him the master, together
i""'y- with his Sonne John Hudson, Tho. Widowes,' Arn. Ludlo,

Sidrach Faner, Ad. Moce, Hen. King, Mic. Bute, to take
shallop and seeke their fortune. But see what sinceritie can
doe in tiie most desperate tryals. One Philip StafFe, an
Ipswich man, who, according to his name, had beene a prin-
cipall staffe and stay to the weaker and more enfeebled
courages of his companions in the whole action, lighten-
ing and unlightening their drooping darkened spirits, with
sparkes from his owne resolution ; their best purveyor, with
his peece on shore, and both a skilfull carpenter and lusty
mariner on board ; when he could by no perswasions, sea-
soned with tears, divert them from their divellish designes,
notwithstanding they entreated him to stay with them, yet
chose rather to commit himselfe to Gods mercy in the for-
lorne shallop, then with such villaines to accept of likelier
hopes.

A few dayes after, their victuals being spent, the ship

came aground at Digges Hand, and so continued divers

houres, till a great floud (which they by this accident tookc

we8't/a"\<iy ^^^^ noticc of) camc from the westward and set them on

nrgument flotc. Upou the cliffcs of this Islaud they found aboundance

passayo 111 of fowlcs tamc, whereof they tooke two or three hundred,

the South

Woodhouse, or Wytlhousc, or Wydowes.

OF Hudson's discoveries and death. 14o

and seeing a great long boat with forty or fifty savages upon "^,?;"";'.''"
the shore, they sent on Land ; and for some of their toyes ani'im'ts,'
had deeres skinnes well dressed, morse-teeth, and some few boyon'a""
furres. One of our men went on land to their tents, one oi savnges.
them remaining for hostage, in which tents they lived by
hoords, men, women, and children ; they are bigge boned,
broad faced, flat nosed, and small footed, like the Tartars :
their apparcll of skinnes, but wrought all very handsomely,
even gloves and shooes. The next morning Greene would
needs goe on shore with some of his chiefe companions, and
that unarmed, notwithstanding some advised and intreated
him the contrary. The savages entertained him with a cun-
ning ambush, and at the first onset shot this mutinous ring-
leader into the heart (where first those monsters of trcache-
rie and bloodie crueltie, now payed with the like, had becne
conceived) and Wilson, his brother in evil, had the like
bloody inheritance, dying swearing and cursing : Perse,
Thomas, and Moter dyed a few dayes after of their wounds.
Every where can Divine Justicee find executioners.

The boat, by Gods blessing, with some hurt men escaped fjX',"',, ^f
in this manner. One Abacucks Pricket, a servant of Sir Imru'fmy
Dudley Disrares, whom the mutiners had saved in hope to wuh oihera'

•^ /^° ' . ^ m.iiiy for

procure his master to worke their pardon, was left to keepe tiuse pnm,
the shallop, where he sate in a gowne, sicke and lame, at "^"^ "' ■''"^^"'
the Sterne : upon whom, at the instant of the ambush, the
leader of all the savages leapt from a rocke, and with a
strange kinde of weapon, indented, broad, and sharpe, of
bright Steele, riveted into a handle of morse-tooth, gave him
divers cruell wounds, before he could from under his gowne
draw a small Scottish dagger, wherewith at one thrust into
his side he killed this savage, and brought him oft' with the
boat, and some of the hurt company that got to him by swim-
ming. Being got aboord with a small weake and wounded
company, they made from this island unto the northerne
continent, where they saw a large opening of the sea north-

H.^S?

144 OF Hudson's discoveries and death.

westward, and had a great floud, with such a large billow,
as they say, is no where but in the ocean. From hence
they made all possible haste homewards, passing the whole
straits, and so home, without ever striking sayie or any other
let, which night easily have made it impossible. For their
best sustenance left them was sea-weeds fryed with candles
ends, and the skins of the fowles they had eaten. Some of
their men were starved, the rest all so weake, that onely one
could lye along upon the helme and steere. By God's great
goodnesse, the sixth of September 1611, they met with a
fisherman of Foy, by whose raeanes they came safe into
England.

145

TTUDSOX'S FIRST VOYAGE, (Ifi07).
ruoM kdok's nniEF prsroxTKRiK ov thk mttscoimv

MERCirAXTS.

(IMTRCUAS, III, P. 4fM.)

In the year IGOS,^ the said fellowship ;?rt forth a ship called
the ITope-woll, whereof Henry Hudson was master, to dis-
cover the pole ; where it a]ipeareth by his journal- that hcc
c'\nie to the hei"ht of eisfhtv-one de2:rees, M-hcrc he cfiivc
names to certaync places upon the continent of Greenland
formerly discovered, v.diich continue to this day, namely,
Whale l^av"^ and Ilakluvt's Headland ;* and heincc hlndred
with ice, returned home, without any further use made of
the country, and in ranoinsr homewards he discovered an

1 Tlie real date of the voyage to Spitzbergen is 1()()7. That of 1G08
was directed to Nova Zeinbla,

^ The log-book of the first voyage, which forms pp. 1-22 of the present
volume, is ascribed by Purchas ])artly to John Playse, partlj^ to Hudson.
According to a side-note on ]>. 12, Purchas thinks that the notes from
the 11th of July down to the end seem to be due to Hudson. The log-
book contains, however, no mention of Hakluyt's Headland nor of Hud-
son's Tutches, both mentioned in the journal which Edge saw. The
observation about the distance from Greenland to Spit7,bergon, derived
by Fotherby from the same journal, is likewise not to be met with in
the log-book.

•' The naming of Whale Bay is not mentioned in the log-book. The
bay is, however, spoken of as Whale's Bay on p. 20. A description is to
be found on p. 14, from which it appears that the bay is near Collins'
Cape, somewhere about the north-west extremity of 8pit7,bergen, not far
from 80°. Hudson saw there many whales, and lost part of his line in
fishing for one. That same whale nearly upset his ship. This occur-
rence is alluded to on p. 20.

■* Hakluyt's Headland appears on all the ancient maps of Spitzberger. ;

I!)

i 'i

146 Hudson's first voyagk.

island lying in scvcnty-onc degrees, which he named Hud-
son's Tutches.

1 ' me: islands

CAPTAIN FOTHERBY'S STATEMENT CONCERNIN(J
HUDSON'S JOURNAL OF HIS FIRST VOYAGE.

(puuciiAS, III, P. 730.)

Having perused Hudson's journall, writ by his own hands,
in that voyage wherein he had sight of certayne land, which
he named Hold-with-Hope,*^ I found that by his owne reckon-
ing it should not be more than one hundred leagues from
King James his Newland,^ and in latitude 72° 30'.

for the first time on that of the arctic regions, of Jodocus Hondius, in-
cluded in the present collection. Still it is impossible to fix the exact
locality. The headland is very near Collins' Cape and Whales' Bay, but
still farther north-west. Modern maps place it on the north-west extre-
mity of Spitzbergen, on the mainland, or on some one of the neighbour-

1 A direct clue to this important discovery is not furnished by the
logbook. It contains no detailed entry between the ship's departuie
from Bear Island (74° 3U' N., 19° E.), and its arrival at the Farcer Islands
in 02°. Still there can hardly be any doubt about the fact, that Jlud-
son''s Tutches is identical with the Jan Mayen Island of our maps
(71° 20' N., 19° W.) The number of European islands in latitude 71°
is very small. Those to the north of Norway were too well known in
Hudson's time to be mentioned as new discoveries, even had he touched
one of them ; but they are many degrees too far east to fall into his track.
Then only Jan Mayen remained. To touch it Hudson must have sailed
rather more to the west than was necessary. His purpose in doing so is,
however, explained by his observations on p. 20. (See the passage to
which note 1 on that page refers.)

^ According to the logbook (p. G) the latitude is 73°.

^ Spitzbergen. The logbook contains no calculations, like the one indi-
cated here, as forming part of Hudson's journal.

147

HUDSON'S THIRD VOYAGE (1609).
ruoM VAN mktkken's histokte der nedeulanden.

FOL., HAGUK, 1614, FOL, 629. a.

We have observed in our last book, that the Directors of
the Dutch East India Company sent out in March last year,
on purpose to seek a passage to China by northeast or north-
west, an experienced English pilot, named Henry Hudson,
in a vlie boat,^ having a crew of eighteen or twenty hands,
partly English, partly Dutch.'^

This Henry Hudson left the Texel the 6th of April,"*
1G09, and having doubled the Cape of Norway^ the 5th of

Wy hebben in t voorgaende Bocch gheseyt dat de Oost-Iudische
Bowindthebbers in Hollandt, in Meerte lest uytghesonden hadden
om passagie by het Noordt-oosten ofte Noordt-wcstcn tc socckcu
luic China, te wetcn cen Kloeck Enghels Piloot Herry Hutson
^flicnoemt, met eenen Ylieboot ontrcnt aclithieu ofte twintlcli
Manuen, Engelsclic ende Nederlauders op hebbcudc, wel besorcht.
Desen Herry Hutson is uyt Texel uyt-ghevaren den sesten April
1009. ende hy diibbelde dc Cabo van Norweghca den vijf'dcu Mey,

^ Vlie boats were rather flat bottomed yachts, constructed for the
(litTicuIt navigation of the sandy entrance to the Zuyder Zee, between
the islands of Vlieland and Texel, called the Vlie. These vessels and
even their name were imitated by the English, who called them fly-boats,
and by the French, who called them ff/Ues. (Compare Brodhead, /list.
of A\'u' York, pp. 23, 24, note.)

^ There is no such notice in the preceding book of Van Meteren.

' This is new style. Juet (p. 45) says that they sailed from the Texel
on the 27th of JVIarch. The difference between the two styles was, in
1()()!), ten days. Thus the 27th of March and the 6th of April are iden-
tical.

' The North Cape, (Juet, p. -ir,.)

148

Hudson's tuikd voyage.

JNIay, directed liis course along the northern coasts towards
Nova Zembla ; but he there found the sea as full of ice as
ho had found it in the preceding year, so that he lost the
hope of efl'ecting anything during the season. This cir-
cumstance, and the cold which some of his men who had
been in the East Indies could not bear, caused quarrels
among the crew, they being partly English, partly Dutch;
upon which the captain, Henry Hudson, laid before them
two propositions ; the first of these was, to go to the coast of
America to the latitude of 40°. Tliis idea had been suggested
to him by some letters and maps which his friend Capt. Smith
had sent him from Virginia,^ and by whicli he informed him
that there was a sea leading into the western ocean, by the
north of the southern English colony. Had this information
been true (experience goes as yet to the contrary), it would
have been of great advantage, as indicating a short way to
India. The other proposition was, to direct their search to

ende hielt sijnen cours na Nova Zembla laughs de Noortsche Kus-
tcn, maer vondt uldaer de Zee soo vol ijs, als by 't voorgaende
Jaer gbevonden badde, soo dat sy de hoope van dat Jaer aldaer den
moet verloren : waer over om do koude, die eenigbe die wel \n
Oost-Iiidieu gbesveest waren, qualijck berduren Konden, zijn sy
twistigb gbeworden onder den anderen, zijude Engbelscbe ende
Nederlanders, waer over de Scbipper Ilutson hun voor hiel twee
dinghen, d' eeiste was te gacn op veertigb graden na de custeu
van America, hier toe meest beweegbt zijnde, door Brleven ende
Caerten, die een Capiteyn Smlt hem uyt Virginia gbesondcu
badde, daer mede by hem aenwees een Zee, om te vaien bun
Zuytscbe Colonic aende Noordt-zijde, ende van daer te gaen in een
Wcsterlijcke Zee dat welcke soo alsoo gbcweest ware, (alsoo do
ervaientbeyt tot nocb toe contrarie wijst,) soo sonde bet een seer
vorderlijcke saecke gbeweest bebben, ende eenen korten wegh oa\
inde Indicn tc vaeren. Den anderen voorslagb was, den wegli te

' Tbe probable nature of these maps will be explained in the intro-
duction.

IIUUSOM S TllIKO VOYAGE.

14i)

Davis's Straits. This meeting with general approval, they
sailed on the 14th of May,' and arrived with a good wind at the
Faroe Islands, where they stopped but twenty-four hours to
supply themselves with fresh water. After leaving these
islands, they sailed on till, on the 18th oi" July, they reached
the coast of Nova Francia, under 44°, where they were
obliged to land for the purpose of getting a new foremast,
having lost theirs. They found this a good place for cod-
fishing, as also for the traffic in skins and furs, Avhich were
to be got there at a very low price. But the crew behaved
badly towards the people of the country, taking their
property by force ; out of which there arose quarrels among
them.' The English fearing that they would be out-nuni-

soecken door de strate Davis, dat welcke sy Generalijckcn besloten,
dies sy den 14 Meyc derwaerts toe zeylden, cnde quamen met
gocden Windt den lesteii Meye, aent Eylandt van Faro, ducr sy
ullecnlijck vieren-twintigh uren overbrochten, met vcrsche Water
in te nemen, vcrtreckende voeren sy tottcn 18 Julij tot op de Cus-
ten van Nova Francia, op vier en veertich graden, daer sy moesten
inloopen, cm eenen nieuwen voor-mast te bekomen, den haren
vei'loorcu liobbende, die sy daer vondeu ende opstelden, sy von-
dcn die plaetse bequaem om Cabbeliaeu te vanghen, als cock
otn TraiRque, van goede Huyden ende Pelsen, ot'te weyeringhc
dat aldaer om ecn kleyn dinghen te bekomen was, niaer het
schipvolck leefden qualijck mettet landt-volck, dinghen met ghe-
weldt nemende, waer over sy twistigh ondcr den anderen wcrden,
de Enghelsche vreesende dat sy vermandt waren ende weeckste,

^ Juct has purposely omitted all statements concerning the voyage
liom the North Oapo to Nova Zembla, and back to the North Cape.
There is no eiury between the 5th and the 19th of May. For the im-
portant events which passed in the interval, Van Meteren is the only
authority.

^ Near Pennobscot Bay, Juet, pp. GO, 01. Juet tries to justify the
couduct of the crew, saying that they distrusted the savages, and that in
robbing them and firing at them, they did so as the savages would have
dune to them.

: I

rji

150 Hudson's third voyage.

bei'cd and worsted, were therefore afraid to make any fur-
ther attempt. They left that place on the 26th of July, and
kept out at sea till the 3rd of August, when they were again
near the coast in 42° of latitude. Thence they sailed on till,
on the 12th of August, they reached the shore under 37° 45'.
Thence they sailed along the shore, until we (sic) reached
40° 45', where they found a good entrance, between two
headlands, and thus entered on the 12th of September, into
as fine a river as can be found, with good anchoring ground
on both sides.

Their ship sailed up the river as far as 42° 40'. Then
their boat went higher up. Along the river they found sen-
sible and warlike people; whilst in the highest part the people
were more friendly, and had an abundance of provisions,
skins, and furs, of martens and foxes, and many other
commodities, as birds and fruit ; even white and red grapes.
'These Indians traded most amicably with the people from

ende daeromme vrecsden sy vorder te versoecken, aldus scheydcn

sy van daer den 26 Julij, ende hielden de zee tot den deiden

Augustij, ende quamen by landt op twee-en veertich graden, van

diier voeren sy vorder tot den 12 Augustij, sy quamen Aveder by

landt, op de latitude van seven-en ertich drie quart, van daer

hielden sy by lant, tot dat wy quamen op veertich en drie quart

graden, aldaer sy vonden eenen goeden ingangh tusschen twee

f hoofden, ende voeren daerinne den 12 Septembris, een alsoo

(I , ....

' schoonen Reviere als men konde vinden, wijdt ende diepe ende

, goeden ancker grondt, ende was aen bey den zijden, eyndclijck

;; quamen sy op de latitude van twee-en-vcertich graden, ende veertich

\ minuten, met hun groot schip. Dan haer schips boot voer

hoogcr inde Reviere. Voor inde Reviere vonden sy Kloeck end''

' j weerbacr volck, maer binnen in t'uyterste vonden sy vriendelijck

ende beleeft volck, die vcel lijftocht hadden, ende veel Vellen ende

, j Pelterijen, Maertens, Vossen ende veel ander commoditeyten, vog-

•-. helenvrucliten, selveWijn-druyven, witte ende roode, ende handelden

beleef'delijcken metten volcke, ende brochten van als watmede : als

HUDSON S THIKI) VOYAGK.

161

the ship ; and of all the above mentioned commodities, they
brought some home. When they had tlius been about fifty
leagues up the river, they returned on the 4th of October,
and went a^ain to sea. More could have been done, if the
crew had been willing, and if the M'ant of some necessary
provisions had not prevented it. While at sea, they held
council together, but were of different opinions. The mate,
a Dutchman, advised to winter in Newfoundland, and to
search the north-western passage of Davis throughout.
This was opposed by Hudson. He was afraid of his mu-
tinous crew, who had sometimes savagely threatened him,
and he feared that during the cold season they would
entirely consume their provisions, and would then be obliged
to return. Many of the crew also were ill and sickly.
Nobody however spoke of returning home to Holland, which
circumstance made the captain still more suspicious. He
proposed therefore to sail to Ireland, and winter there ;
which they all agreed to. At last they arrived at Dartmouth,

sy nu ontrcnt vyftich mijlcn hoogh op dc llevierc ghewecst Imddeu
zijn sy weder-ghckeert den vicrdcn Octobris, cndc licbbcn liun
wcdev tcr /ce bcghcvcn, dacr hadden nicer konncn nyt ghcrecht
wordcn, liadde daer goedcn willo in t'sclnpvolck gliewcest, endc
son mede ghebreck van eenighe nootdruft, sidcks nict haddc ver-
hindert. In Zee hebben sy hmi beraedtslacght, cnde waren van
verscheydcn opinien, de Onder Schipper een Nederlandcr, was van
meyninghe op Terra Nova, to gaen verwinteren, ende de noordt-
wcste passagie van Davis te door-soecken, daer was de Schipper
Ilutson tegen, die vreesde sijn gemuytineert volck, om sy by
wijlen hem rouwelijck hadden ghcdreycht, ende datse mede, voor
de koudc des Winters, liun gheheel souden verterren, ende dan
moeten keeren, veel van 't volck teer ende sieckelijck, niemandt
nochtans sprack van t'huys nae Hollandt te varen, dat den Schipper
meerder-hande achter-denckcn gaf, dies hy voorsloech nae Irlant te
varen verwinteren, daer sy alle toestemden, dan ten lesten zijn sy in
Enghclandt, tot Dertmouth den sevenden November ghekomen, van

152 iirnsox's thikd voyaok.

in England, the 7th of Novomhor, whonco they infornird

their employers the Directors of the East India Company

of their voyage. They proposed to them to go ont again

for a search in the north-west, and that besides the pay, fifteen

hnndrcd florins should he laid out for an additional supplv

•i»«"* of provisions. Hudson also wanted six or seven of his crew

Cj^J» exchanged for others, and their number raised to tAventy.

^;5'^ He was then going to leave Dartmouth on the 1st of March,

Zi*;',1 so as to be in the north-west towards the end of that month,

r.j;;j) and there to spend the whole of April, and the first half of

"",1 May, in catching whales and other fish in the neighbourhood

of Panar Island ;^ thence to sail to the north-west, and there

^mii to pass the time till middle of September, and then to return

*" ,0i to Holland along the north-eastern coast of Scotland. Thus

' •••t ^

"••"I this vovaLTc passed off.

1 \
I

waer sy hacr Mccstcrs dc Bcwindt-hcbbcrs in IToUandl hcbbcn hacr
reyse vcrwittiglit, voorslagb docndc dat sy van het noort-wcstc to
gacn vcrsocckcn, met vijfthien hondcrt gulden in ghclde nicer in
noordruft tc bcstcdcn, bencffcns den loon, onde dat sy in t' schip
alrccdc baddcn, dies wilde by ses ofte seven van sijn voick verandcrt
hcbbcn, tot, twintich nianncn, 't goral op makcndc, etc,, ende soiidcn
van Dcrtmouth t'seylc gaen, ontrent den ecrsten Mecvtc, om in, t
noort-western tc wescn, tcgen t'cyndc van Mecrtc, cnde dacr dc
Macndt van April endc half Meye, over te brenghen met Walvis-
scbcn cnde Bcestcn tc doodcn, ontrent bet Eylandt van Panar,
cndc dan nac het noort-wcstcn tc varon, om aldaer den tijdt over
te brengcn tot half September, en dacr na door bet Noortoostcn

^ No such name as Panar Island occurs on old maps. The only likely
explanation is that the island meant is the Vs. de Arena of Ortelius,
about 49°, near the coast of Newfoundland, then a general fishing sta-
tion, and undoubtedly a most fitting starting-point for a north-western
expedition. This Ys. do Arena was somehow turned into Panar Island '>y
the somewhat negligent editor who published the MS. of the last books
\ of Van Metcren after his death. This mistake has been rendered quite

I ludicrous by Van der Donck, who actually states that Hudson touched

the Canary IdamJs on his third voyage.

Hudson's third voyage. 153

A long time elapsed through contrary winds before the
Company could be informed of tlie arrival of the ship in
England. Then they ordered the ship and crew to return
as soon as possible. But Avhcn they were going to do so,
Henry Hudson and the other Englishmen of the ship were
commanded by government there not to leave England but
to serve their own country. Many persons thought it rather
unfair that these sailors should thus be prevented from
laying their accounts and reports before their employers,
chieHy as the enterprise in which they had been engaged
was such as to benefit navigation in general. These latter
events took place in January 1610, and it was then thought
probable that the English themselves would send ships to
Virginia, to explore the river found by Hudson.

van Schotlandt, weder te keeren na Ilollandt. Aldus is die reysc
afgheloopcn, ende eer de Bewint-hebbcrs hebben connen gead-
verteert worden, van haer komste in Enghelandt, is het door con-
trarie wint langc aengheloopen, ende hebben 't schip ende volck
ontboden ten ecrsten t'huys to komcn, ende alsoo 't sclfde soudc
geschieden, is den schipper Herry Hutson van wcgen die Over-
licydt aklaer, belast met te moghen vertreckcn, maer dienst te
mocten doei., sijn cygen Lant, also mode de andcr Engelsche die
int schip waren, dat nochtans vreemt velen dunckt, datmen de
schippers niet toelaten sonde reeckeninghe ende rapport te docne
van haren dienst ende besoingne, &c. ; aen hun Meesters, zijndc
uytghesonden voor 't gemeyne beneficie van alderhande naviga-
tien, dit gheschiede in Januario, 1610, ende men achte dat de
Enghelsche hem selve wilden mette Schepen nae Virginia senden,
cm daer de voorsz Reviere vorder te versoecken.

•io

154

EXTRACTS RELATING TO HUDSON'S THIRD VOYAGE
(IG09), FROM JOHN DE LAET'S NIEUWE WERELT.

FOL., AMSTEnT)\M, 1625, 10.10.
T.

(from book III, CHAP. 7.)

'' As to tlie first discovery, ^hc Directors of the privileged

I'*' East India Company, in 1G09, dispatched the yacht, " Half

I Moon," under tlie command of Henry Hudson, captain and

super-cargo, to seek a passage to China by the north-cast.

i Eut he changed his course and stood over towards New

France, and having passed the banks of Newfoundland in
latitude 43° 23',^ he made the land in latitude 44° 15',^ with
a west-north-west and north-west course, and went on shore
at a place where there were many of the natives with whom,
as he understood, the French came every j^car to trade.

Wat dc eerste ontdccldnghc bclanght, in den jarc 1609 sondcn dc
Bcwindt-hobbcvs van dc gheoctroycerdc Oost-Indische compagnie
het jacht de halve mane, dacr voor scbipper ende koopman op vocr
Hendrick Hudson, om in 't noordt-ooston een door-ganc naer
China te soecken : dan sy verandcrden van Kours, ende stakcn
over naer Nova Francia, ende de banck van Terreneuf ghepassecrt
hebbende op de 43' graden ende 23 minuten gheraeckten't landt
met een w. n. w. ende n. w. Kours op de 44 graden ende 1-5
minuten, ende landen daer by sckere Wilden, by dc welcke, soo sy

' Near Cape Sable, Nova Scotia : see p. 53, note 1; p. 55, note 1.

2 On the coast of Maine, a few miles to the north of Pennobscot Bay,
where they afterwards cut a new foremast for their ship : see Juet, July
17th, p. 59 ; Van Meteren, p. 149, note 2.

Hudson's thiuu voyage.

155

Sailing hence, he bent his course to the south, until running
south-south-west and south-west by south, he again made
land in latitude 41° 43', which he supposed to be an island,
and gave it the name of New Ilolland,i but afterwards dis-

vcrstondcn, dc Francoyscn jacrlijckx komcn liandclcn : van hicr
kccrdcn sy zuydt-waert op tot dutsc met ccn z. z. w. cndc z. w.
ten z. gangh wcdcr't landt ghcwaer wicrdcn op dc 41 gradcn cndo
43 minutcn, wclck sy mcyndcn ceii Eylandt tc wcscn, cnde gavent
den nacm van Nieuvv llollandt, dan bcvondcn daer nacr dat hct

* It is a question of some moment whether Hudson really called Capo
Cod New Uolland. His doing so would imply au intention on his side
to take possession of the country in the name of the Dutch. De Laet is
the only ona of our authorities who saw Hudson's own journal of the
third voyage, and if we could fully believe his statements, every doubt
would be removed. But the discrepancies between him, Juet, and Pur-
chas, and the luistakes committed by each of them with regard to Capo
Cod, render a satisfactory conclusion impossible. De Laet believes
Cape Cod to be in latitude 41° 43', Juet places it under 40° 10', whilst
1 urchas assigns to it two difleront latitudes, 41° 10' and 41° 45' (see pp.
(iJ, 6G, and Purchas's side-notes to these pages). On the other hand the
name of New Holland is on the old Dutch maps, not given to Cape Cod
itself, but to the peninsula of Barnstaplo, of which Cape Cod forms the
extreme point ; and the mean latitude of that peninsula is, indeed, about
41° 43', whilst Cape Cod lies under 42° 4', and has, on all the old Dutch
maps, one or even more names of its own, viz., Cape Cod, Cape James,
Statenhoek, Withock. It is also certain, from .Juet, pp. 04, ()5, that
Hudson explored part of Barnstaple peninsula. Under these circum-
stances it might be thought that a very small correction would set De
Laet's account right, and that the peninsula of Barnstaple Avas indeed
called Xew Holland by Hudson. But it is quite clear from Juet, p. (J6,
that the spot mistaken by Hudson for Cape Cod was in latitude 40° 10',
a reef in the sea, which he very correctly considered as an island. This
reef was probably situated south of Nantucket. It is, under these cir-
cumstances, to be feared that De Laet set the example, afterwards fol-
lowed by Van der Donck, of tampering with his materials ; and that he
made Hudson give the name of New Holland, because he desired it to
be understood that Hudson wished to take possession of the country, a
fact which is very improbable. The name of New Holland was given to
Barnstaple before the year 1G15. It is to be found on a chart of that
date preserved in the Archives of the Hague. (A facsimile in
O'Callaghan's IJist. of New Netherlands vol. i.)

150 EXTRACTS KKLATING TO

covered that it was Cape Cod, and that according to his

observation, it hiy two hundred and twenty-five miles to the

Avest of its place on all the charts. Pursuing his course to

the south, he again saw land in latitude 37° 15'; the coast

was low, running north and south, and opposite to it lay a

bank or shoal, within which there was a depth of eight,

^•* nine, ten, eleven, seven, and six and a half fathoms, with a

*<»k» sandy bottom. Hudson called this place Dry Cape.^

^^••* Changing his course to the northward, he again discovered

"''"•* land in lat. 38° 9'/ where there was a white sandy shore, and

•.„;if within appeared a thick grove of trees full of green foliage.

The direction of the coast was north-north-east and south-
•'"'Jf south-west for about twenty-four miles ; then north and

• '.'„ south lor twenty-one miles, and afterwards south-east and

-i.r north-west for fifteen miles. They continued to run along

^^ *, ' the coast to the north, until they reached a point from which

'^„' ; the land stretches to the west and north-west Avhere several

I*' rivers discharge into an open bay. Land was seen to the

Cap Cod was, cnde dat het nacr hacr besteck wel vljf-en seventich
mijlen westelijcker leght als in alle Kacrten gliestclt wordt. Van
hier vervielen sy tot de 37 graden ende 15 minutcn, alwaer sy
weder landt saghcn, ende streckte hem z. ende n. Is een vlucke
Kuste, ende daer streckt een banck langhs de Kuste hcncn, waer
binnen het 8, 9, 10, 11, 7, ende 6 J vadem diep is sandt-grondt :
sy noemden dese plaetse de drooglie Cacp. Daer naer noordt-
waert aen loopcnde, gheraecktcn sy wtdcr't landt op acht-cii-
dertich graden en neglien minuten, ende was een wit sandt-strandt,
ende binnen vol groene boomen, streckte daer n. n. o. ende z. z.
w. outrent acbt mijlen, ende dan z. ende n. seven mijlen, ende
voort z, o, ende n. w. vijf mijlen : zeyldcn al langhs de wal noorden
aeii, tot dat sy aen een punt quamcn, ende t'landt streckte doen w.
I n. w. cnde was een baye daer ecnlghe ricviercn in qiiamen, van

^ Probably Cape Charles, at the mouth of Chesapeake Bay, 37° 10'.
2 Assatoaguc Island, near the coast of jMarylaud.

Hudson's third voyage. loT

cast-north-cast, which Hudson at first took to be an ishmcl,
but it proved to be the main 1 ind, and the second point of
the bay, in latitude 38° 5-1'. Standing in upon a course
north-west by east, they soon found themselves embayed,
and encountering many breakers, stood out again to the
south-south-east. Hudson suspected that a large river dis-
charged into the bay, from the strength of the current that
set out and caused the accumulation of sands and shoals.^

Continuing their course along the shore to the north, they
observed a white sandy beach and drowned land within,
beyond which there appeared a grove of wood ; the coast
running north-east by east and south-west by south. After-
wards the direction of the coast changed to north by east,
and was higher land than they had yet seen. They at length
reached a lofty promontory or headland, behind which was
situated a bay, which they entered and run up into a road-
stead near a low sandy point, in lat. 40° 18'.^ There they

dcsen hoeck sagen sy landt naei't o. n. o. welck sy meyndcn een
Eylandt te wesen, dan bevonden hot vaste landt, ende den tweeden
hoeck van die baye, op de hooghte van 38 gradcn ende 54 minuten:
ende alsoo sy haer Kours n. w. ten n. acn steldcn, vonden sy haer
sclven in een baye verscylt, ende ghemoeten vcel barninghen, soo
dat sy z. z. o. \veder uyt-stonden : sy vermoeden datter een groote
lievicr most uyt-loopcn, door de groote stroom die dacr uytsette,
ende velc sanden ende droogten veroorsaeckte : liielcnt van hier
voorts langs de wal, was wit sandt-strandt, ende binnen al ver-
droncken landt, ende 't binnen landt al vol boomen, streckte n. o,
ten n, ende z. w, ten z, daer naer streckte n. ten, o. ende was
hooglicr landt als sy nocli ghesien liaddcn, tot aen eenen hooghcn
hoeck, acliter de welckc een baye leght, alwaer sy op de rceden
lieppen, acliter een leeghen saudt-hoeck, op de veertich gradcn

^ The bay and river are the Dclav.are Bay and River. The second
point of the bay, in latitude 38° o4' (incorrect by a few miles;, is Cape
May.

^ Hudson river. They entered near Sandy Hook and Sandy Ilook
Bay. (Sec Juct, p. 77.)

158

EXTRACTS RELATING TO

t'J

were visited by two savages clothed in elk-skins, who showed
them every sign of friendship. On the land they found an
abundance of blue plums and magnificent oaks, of a height
and thickness that one seldom beholds; together with pop-
lars, linden ti'ces, and various other kinds of wood useful in
ship-building. Sailing hence in a north-easterly direction,
ihey ascended a river to nearly 43° north latitude, where it
became so narrow and of so little depth, that they found it
necessary to return.

From all that they could learn, 'here had never been any
ships or Christians in that quarter before, and they were the
first to discover the river and ascend it so far. Henry Hud-
son returned to Amsterdam with his report, and in the fol-
lowing year 1610, some merchants again sent a ship thither,
that is to say, to the second river discovered, which was called
Manhattes from the savage nation that dwelt at its mouth.
And subsequently their High Mightinesses, the States Gene-
ral, granted to these merchants the exclusive privilege

ende achlhicn minuten ; dacr quamcn twee Wildcn by hacr in
clandts vellen gcklcet, die hacr alio teeckenen van vrientschap bc-
thoonden, vondcn daer acn't landt menichte van blauw pruymcn,
en de schoonste eycken van lenghte ende dickte die men sic-n konde,
poplieren, lonen, ende alderhande houdt dat van noode is tot dc
schepen te bouwen ; vocren van hier n. ten o. aen, ende de rievieren
op, to by de 43 gradcn by noorden de linie, alwaer de rievier heel
nauw werdt ende ondiep, soo dat sy te rugghe kecrden. Naer alio
'tgene sy kondcn oordeclcn ende bevinden, soo en warcn in dit
quarticr noch noyt cenige schepen ofte Christcnen geweest, soo
dat sy de eerste warcn die dese rievier ontdeckten, ende soo lioog-
he op voeren. Hendrick Hudson met dit raport wcder ghckceit
zijnde 't Amsterdam, soo hcbbcn eenighe koop-lieden in den jare
1610 wcder een schip dcrwacrts gcsonden, te wetcn naer dcsc
twecde rievier, de wclcke sy don naem gaven van Manhattes ;
naer de naem van de Wildcn die acn't begin van dcse ricvicrc
wooncn : ende in dc volghcnde jaren hcbbcn dc Ho. Mog. Hccron

■i

Hudson's third voyage. 159

of navigating this river and trading there ;^ whereupon, in
the year 1615, a redoubt or fort was erected on the river,
and occupied by a small garrison, of which we shall here-
after speak. Our countrymen have continued to make voy-
ages thither, from year to year, for the purpose of trafficking
with the natives, and on this account the country has very
justly received the name of New Netherlands.

Staten Generacl aen dese koop-licdcn octroy verleent om alleen op
desc rieviere te mogen varcn cnde den handel te drijven : wacr
over in den jare 1615 boven op de voornoemde rieviere eenredoute
ofte fortjen wierdt geleght met een kleyn besettinghc, daer wy hicr
naer noch sullen van spreken ; ende is dese vaert by de onse sints
jacrlijcks ghecontinueert, cnde door-gaens van ons volck daer
blijven Icgglien om den handel met de Wilden te drijven; wacr
door dit quartier ten rechten den naem van Niew-Nederlandt beeft
verckreghcn.

It.

(FEOM book III, CHAPTER 10.)

Henry Hudson, who first discovered this river, and all
that have since visited it, express their admiration of the
noble trees growing upon its banks ; and Hudson has him-
self described the manners and appearance of the people that
he found dwelling within this bay, in the following terms: —

Hendrick Hudson die dese rieviere eerst heeft ontdeckt, ende alle
die naerderhandt daer hebben gbeweest, weten wonder te segghen
van do schoone boomen die bier wassen : de selve beschrijft ons
de manieren ende ghestalte van't volck, welck by stracx binnen do
baye vondt aldus : Als ick aent land't quam, stonde alle de Swarten

^ These facts are not quite correctly stated. See Brodhead, Hist, of
New York, pp. 60, 61.

160 EXTRACTS RELATING TO

•' When I came on shore, the swarthy natives all stood
around and sung in their fashion ; their clothing consisted
of the skins of foxes and other animals, which they dress and
make the skins into garments of various sorts. Their food
is Turkish wheat (maize or Indian corn), which they cook
by baking, and it is excellent eating. They all came on
board, one after another, in their canoes, which are made of
a single hollowed tree ; their weapons are bows and arrows,
pointed with sharp stones, which they fasten with hard
resin. They had no houses, but slept under the blue
heavens, sometimes on mats of bulrushes interwoven, and
sometimes on the leaves of trees. They always carry with thcra
all their goods, such as their food and green tobacco, which
is strong and good for use. They appear to be a friendly
people, but have a great propensity to steal, and are exceed-
ingly adroit in carrying away whatever they take a fancy
to."

In latitude 40° 48', where the savages brought very fine
oysters to the ship, Hudson describes the country in the

en songhen op hare wijse; haer kleederen syn vellen van vossen
ende andere beesten die sy bereyden, ende maken kleerderen van
vellen, van aller hande sorteringhcn, haer etcn is Turcxsche tarwe,
daer sy koecken van backen, ende is goet eaten; quamen al temct
aen boordt d'een voor d'ander naer, met haer prauwen van een
heel houdt gemaeckt ; haer geweer is bogen ende pijlen met scharpe
steentjens voor aen, die sy daer aen vast maken met spiegel harst;
hadden daer geen huysen, sliepen al onder den blaeuwen Hemcl,
sommige op mattijens aen malkanderen ghewrocht van bicsen,
sommighe op bladeren van boomen, dragon altijts al haer goet met
heur datse hebben, als eten ende groenen toback vvelck sterck is
ende goet om nemen ; schijnt vriendelijck volck te zijn, dan is
seer gheneghen tot stelen, ende subtiel om wegh te halen alles 't
gheene haer aenstaet. Op de hooghte van veertich graden ende
acht-en veertich minuten, al waer de Wilde seer schoone oesters
aen syn schip brachten, ghetuycht de voor-noemde Hudson van 't

Hudson's third voyage. 161

following manner : — " It is as pleasant a land as one need
tread upon ; very abundant in all kinds of timber suitable
for shipbuilding, and for making large casks or vats. The
people had copper tobacco pipes, from which I inferred
that copper might naturally exist there ; and iron likewise
according to the testimony of the natives, who, however, do
not understand preparing it for use.

Hudson also states that they caught in the river all kinds
of fresh-water fish with seines, and young salmon^ and
sturgeon. In latitude 42° 18' he landed : — " I sailed to the
shore," he says, " in one of their canoes, with an old man,
who was the chief of a tribe, consisting of forty men and
seventeen women ; these I saw there in a house well con-
structed of oak bark, and circular in shape, so that it had
the appearance of being well built, with an arched roof. It
contained a great quantity of maize or Indian corn, and

landt aldus ; Is soo schoonen landt als men met voeten betreden
mach, over-vloedigh van alderhande houdt, om schepen te bouwen,
ende om groote vaten van te makcn ; t' volck haddc daer koperen
toback pijpen, waer uyt ick vcrmocde dat daer koper meet zijn,
als Dock yser naer der Wilden beduydinghe, dan sy en hebben
gheen wetenschap om 'tsclve te bercyden. De selve ghetuyght
mode dat sy op de rievier allerhande rievier-viscb met de seghen
vanghen, cock jonghc salm ende steur. Op de hooglite van twec-cn-
vccrtich graden ende achthien minuten was dito Hudson acn Uuidt ;
Ick veer (seght hy) met een van haer prauvvcn acn landt, met cen
oudt man die daer overste was, van veertich mans ende seventhien
vrouwen, die ick daer sagh ; in een buys van hasten van eyckcn-
boomcn wel ghcmaeckt, ende rondtomsoo gclijck of hct een verwelft

^ This fact has been doubted. Dr. Mitchell, an American naturalist
informed Dr. Miller the New York historian, that no such fish had been
seen in Hudson river, as long as he could remember. But this may be
caused by the extraordinary movement even then (in 1820) existing in
the river's mouth. There is no reasonable ground to doubt that the
Hudson was, at the time of its discovery, as rich in salmon as many
other North American rivers are now.

IQ2 EXTRACTS RELATING TO

beans of the last year's growth, and there lay near the house
for the purpose of drying, enough to load three ships, besides
what was growing in the fields. On our coming into the
house, two mats were spread out to sit upon, and immediately
some food was served in well made red wooden bowls ; two
men were also despatched at once with bows and arrows in
quest of game, who soon after brought in a pair of pigeons
Avhich they had shot. They likewise killed a fat dog, and
skinned it in great haste, with shells which they had got
out of the water. They supposed that I would remain with
them for the night, but I returned after a short time on
board the ship. The land is the finest for cultivation that
I ever in my life set foot upon, and it also abounds in trees
of every description. The natives are a very good people,
for when they saw that I would not remain, they supposed
that I was afraid of their bows, and taking the arrows, they
broke them in pieces, and threw them into the fire, etc."

He found there also vines and grapes, pumpkins, and
other fruits ; from all of which there is sufficient reason

hadde gheweest, was overvloedigh van Maiz en boonen van 't voor-
gaende jaer, ende daer lagh by het buys wel soo veel te droogben,
als dry scbepcn mocbton voeren, sonder dat nocb stondt en wics ;
by bet buys komende werden twee matjens gbespreyt om op te
sitten, ende terstondt eenigbe gbericbten voort gbebracbt, in roodc
bouten-backen wel gbemaeckt, ende sonden terstondt twee mannen
uyt met boogben om wildt te scbieten, brocbten twee Duyven die
sy wel baest gbescbooten badden, sloegben terstondt oock eenen
vetten-bondt, ende kregben bet vel af mctter baest met scbelpen
die sy uyt bet water krijgben, meenden dat ick die nacbt by baev
blijven sonde, dan ginck terstondt wcder naer bet scbip ; 'tis bet
scboonste landt om te bouwen, als ick oyt mijn leven met voeten
betradt, ende oock van aldeibande boomen ; ende is seer goet volck,
want doen sy sagben dat ick niet blijven en wilde, meenden dat
ick van baev bogben vervaert was, namen de pijlen, braken die
aen stucken ende worpen die int vier, etc. Sy vonden daer oock

Hudson's third voyage. 163

to conclude, that it is a pleasant and fruitful country, and
that the natives are well disposed, if they are only well
treated ; although they are very changeable, and of the same
general character as all the savages in the north

wijngaerden cnde druyven, pompoonen cndo andere vruchten
A\ t Welches alles ghenoechsaem is af te ncmen dat hat een seer
schoon cnde vruchtbacr quartier is, cndc goet volck, als het maer
wel ghehandelt wordt; doch seer veranderlijck, cnde van den
selven acrdt als alle liet volck van die noorder quartieren.

164

EXTRACTS CONTAINING SOME ORIGINAL INFORMA-
TION ABOUT HUDSON'S THIRD VOYAGE.

FKOM MR. LAMBRECHTSEN VAN RIXTHEm's HISTORY OF NEW
NETHERLAM), 8vO., MIDDELUURG, 1818.

(the EXTBACTS AKE KEl'BINTED FKOM TUE TKANSLATION IN THE

COLLECTIONS OP THE N. Y. HIST. SOC, NEW SERIES,

VOL. I, P. 85, FOL.)

Thk inclinations of the directors of the East India Com-
pany were much at variance upon the proposals of Hudson.
The directors of Zealand opposed it ; they were probably
discouraged by the fruitless results of former voyages, con-
cerning which they could obtain sufficient information from
their colleague, Balthasar Moucheron,^ who long before had
traded to the north. It was said they were throwing money
away, and nothing else. If private merchants would ruii
the risk they had no objection, provided the company was
not injured by it. The Amsterdam directors, nevertheless,
M'ould not give up their plan, and sent Henry Hudson, in
the same year 1609, with a yacht called the Half Moon.
manned by sixteen Englishmen and Hollanders, again to sea.

^ Balthasar de Moucheron was a rich merchant, one of the active
emigrants who had left the southern provinces of the Netherlands during
the war of independance against S|)ain. He settled in Zealand, and was
the principal promoter of the maritime enterprise by which the young
republic rose so fast to a distinguished place among European powers.
Moucheron sent on his own account ships to Russia, to America, and to
the East Indies. The undertakings alluded to by Lambrechtsen arc the
three voyages to the North-East, which De Veer has described. Mou-
cheron was the principal instigator of these unsuccessful expeditions.
(See Dr. Beke's De Veer, Introduction, p. lii.)

■i

I
I <

EXTRACTS FROM LAMBRECHTSEN. 165

This vessel left the Texel on the 6th of April, 1609, sail-
ing towards the north. Prevented by the ice from reaching
the latitude of Nova Zcmbla, they went to Newfoundland,
and from there to Acadia or New France, till they were
driven into a bay known only to the French, who arrived
there annually to purchase hides and furs from the savages.
Hudson, unwilling to approach those chilling shores, re-
turned to sea, and steering south-Avest discovered land,
which was first considered to be an island, but which was
soon discovered to be a part of the continent, named Cape
Cod.

This industrious navigator felt (although born in Eng-
land) so sensibly his relation to the Holland East India
Company, who had employed him in discoveries, that he
could not have hesitated a moment to give the name of his
adopted fatherland to this newly discovered country. Fie
called it New Holland. But not wishing to fix his per-
manent residence on this spot, Hudson preferred the sea,
talcing a south-west course till he discovered a flat coast in
37° 35', which he followed in an opposite direction.

At this time he discovered a bay, in which several rivers
were emptying, which, no doubt, must have been the South
river, afterwards named Delaware. It ha., a, projecting
point, which then or afterwards obtained the name of Cape
Henlopen, probably from the family name of the first dis-
coverer. Now the bay was again left, and they steered
north-east along the coast at 40° 18', where, between Barn-
degat and Godinspunt, named thus afterwards in remem-
brance of him who first discovered this cape,^ there was a
good anchorage, to explore the country, and to open a com-
munication with the inhabitants. But Hudson's curiosity

^ Godyn wafi one of the Directors of the Dutch West India Company.
The cape was not discovered by him ; but received his name because
he possessed a lar^re estate in its neighbourhood. Godyns punt is iden-
tical with Colman's Point. Sec p. 80, note 3.

1G6

EXTRACTS FROM LAMBRPX'HTSEN.

was not so easily satisfied. He went again to sea, following
the coast in the same direction till the mouth of a large river
was discovered, which then was named by the sailors the
North river, and afterwards, in honour of the name of the
first discoverer, Hudson's river.

II.

The voyage was prosperous. But when he approached the
English coast a mutiny was stirring among the crew, among
which were several Englishmen. They compelled the skip-
per to enter Dartmouth, from which the rumour of his dis-
coveries ere long reached the capital.

Nothing Avas more averse from the views of king James
than of allowing to the Nctherlanders any advantage from
transmarine colonies, while he, in imitation of Queen Eliza-
beth, desired to convert the whole to the profit of his own
subjects, Hudson was considered as a person of import-
ance, and he was forbidden to pursue his voyage towards
Amsterdam, with the intention, ere long, to make use of his
services.

III.

After the ship, the Half Moon, had been detained at Dart-
mouth for some time, it was at length permitted to return
to the fatherland, where it arrived in the beginning of the
year 1610.

And now did the directors obtain such favourable reports
of the countries discovered by Hudson, that in their opinion
these were a full compensation for their disappointment in
their principal aim, the passage to India by the north.

EXTRACTS CONCERNING HUDSON'S THIRD VOYAGE
(1609), FROM ADRIAN VAN DER DONCK'S

BESCIIBYVINOE VAN NIEUW NEDERLANDT, 4tO, AMSTERDAM,

1655, 1656,

(\UE ORIOiINAI. PIECES AKE TAKEN TROM THE FIRST PAGES OF THE VOI.rME,

THE TRANSLATIONS IN (IREATER I'ART FROM THE COLLECTIONS OF THE

NEW YolUv nrSTORICAI, SOCIETV, NEW SERIES, VOL. I.)

This country was first found and discovered in the year of
our Lord 1C09; when, at the cost of the privileged East
India Company, a ship named the Half 3Ioon was fitted out
to discover a westerly passage to the kingdom of China.
This ship was commanded by Henry Hudson, as captain
and supercargo, who was an Englishman by birth, but
had resided many years in Holland, and was now in the
employment of the East India Company. This ship sailed
from the Canary Islands,^ steering a course north by west ;
and after sailing twenty days with good speed land was

DiT Lantschap is eerstmael gevonden en ontdeckt in den J are onses
llceren Jesu Christi 1609. als wanneer tcr koste van de Geoctro-
ycerde Oost-Iudische Compagnie af-gevaerdight is hct Schip do
Halve Maen, cm by Westcn eenen doorgangh naer het Coningrijck
van China te soecken : op dit Schip was Schipper en Coopman
eeiicn Hcndrick Hudson, wel ecn Engelsman geboortig, maer lang
onder de Nederlanders verkeert hebbende, ende nu in dienst en
macutgelt van de Oost-Indische Compagnie. Dit Schip, van de
Canarische Eylanden af t' zeyl gaende, stelde sijne cours West ten
Noorden aen, hebbende so by de twintigh etmael met redelijcke

1 See p. 152, note 1.

1G8

-'c

EXTRACTS FROM VAN DKR DONCK S

t I

(Hscovcred, which by their calculation lay 820° by west.
On approaching the land, ami observing the coast and shore
convenient, they landed, and examined the country as well,
as they could at tlie time and as opportunity offered.

spoct gczcylt, ontmoctcn landt nae hucr gissingc op dc drie hondert
en twintigh gradcn bj' Wcstcn, onde mcrckendc acn vcrschcydo
tceckencn, dat noyt ocnigh Christen daor tc voorcn gewccst was,
macr dat nu hot lant by gcval daer ccrst ontdeckt wcrde. Onder
hot landt dan nadcr komendc, en siende dc oust en strantbeqiiaeni,
begaven haer daer na toe, namen bet gesicht en besit daer van sooso
best kondc, naer tijdts gclcgcntbcydt.

IT.

The country having been first found or discovered by
the Netherlandcrs, and keeping in view the discovery of the
same it is named the New Netherlands. That this country
was first found or discovered by the Netherlandcrs, is evi-
dent and clear from the fact that the Indians or natives of
the land, many of whom arc still living, and with whom I
have conversed, declare freely, that before the arrival of the
Dutch ship, the Half 3Ioon, in the year 1609, they (the
natives) did not know that there were any other people in

Soo is dan oock Nieuw Ncdcrlandt, als ecrst van Nederlandcis
gevonden zijnde, mede ten aensicn, do vindingc also genaemt. Dat
dit Lant eerst van Nederlandcrs gevonden is, blijckt mode klaer
daer uyt, dat de Indlanen oftc Inboorlingbcn die der noch vecl
in 't leven zijn, ende wy dickwils en verscheyden hebben hoorcn
spreken, soo oudt datsc daer van heugen, rent uyt verklaren, dat
voor bet aenkomen van ons Neerlants scbip de Halve Maen, in 't
Jaer 1609. sy Inboorlingen niet wisten datter meer menschen in de
werelt waren, als daer van baers ghr-lijrk ontrent haer, veel niin

:'i
: 1

I
llESCnilYVINOE VAN NIEUW NEDKULAND. lOl) H

the world than tliosc who were like themselves, much less
any people who differed so much in appearance from them
as we did.

Their men were without hair on the breasts or about the
mouth, like women, whilst our men arc hairy ; they were ' I

without clothing and mostly naked, especially in summer,
while we arc always clothed and covered. When some of them
first saw our ship approaching at a distance, they did not
know what to think about her, but stood in deep and solemn
amazement, wondering whether it were a ghost or apparition

coming down from heaven or hell. Others of them supposed ,

her to be a strange fish or sea monster. When they dis- j

covered men on board, they looked upon them rather as .

devils than human beings. Thus they differed about the ship r

and men. A strange report was also spread about the country j

concerning our ship and visit, which created great astonish- j

mcnt and surprise amongst the Indians. These things we !

have frequently heard them declare, and we regard them as ' '

certain proofs that the Netherlanders were the first finders

menschcn so veer van hacr slach en fatsocn vcrschillende uls hare
en onsc Natie, zijiulc hare Natie op de burst cndc omtrendt den
mont gantsch kacl, cndc den Vrouwen ghclijckt, dc onso heel
luiyrigh, sy onghcklect, cndc mcest ontdckt, voornemclijck des
Zomcrs, en wy altijt gcklect en bcdekt, so dat docn sommigc van
liaer, ons Schip van verre eerst sagen acnkomen, al heel niet \visten
wat daer van tc oordclen, ende in swaer beduchten stonden, of het
oock spoock of dicrgclijckc wcrck was, dan of het uyt den Hcmel
of uyt de Hcl moclite liomcn, andcre mcenden of het wcl een
schsamc Vis ofte Zee -monster sonde moglicn wesen, cndc of die
gene die daer op waren, beter nae Duyvels of nae Menschcn
gek'ken, ende soo voorts gclijck yder sijn vcrscheyden gevoelcn
hecft : altijt daer liep ccn heel vreemt gerucht van door tiet lant,
ende 't gaf groote versslagentheydt by alle de Indianen, glielijck
my dickwils verscbcyden Indianen gctuyght hebbcn, dies wy het
oock voor een scker bewijs houden, dat de Nccrlanders de eerste

1*.

I (i

■i

170

EXTRACTS FROM VAN DER DONCK's

or discoverers and possessors of the New Netherlands. There
arc Indians in the eountry whose memory carries them back
a hundred years/ and if there had been any other people
here before us they would have known something of them,
and if they had not seen them themselves they would have
heard an account of them from others. There ai'c persons
who believe that the Spaniards have been here many years
ago, when they found the climate too cold to their liking, and
again left the country ; and that the maize or Turkish corn,
and beans found among the Indians, were left with thcni
by the Spaniards.'- Tliis opinion or belief is improbable, as

vinders en besitters van Nicuw Nederlant zijn, want dacr zijii
Wiklen die over de hondcrt Jarcn hcughcn, cndc soo der nocli
eenigli volck voor d'onse gcweest waren, dacr van soudcn sy al
yetwes weteu te scggen, soo sy't selfs niet gesicn hadden, soudcn
ten minsten van hacr Voor-oudcrs gehocrt hebbcn. Dacr zijn cook
luydcn die raeenen dat over vecle Jaren de Spangiaerts in dit lant
gewccst zijn, maer hot voor liaor wat tc kout bcvindcnde, wedcr
vcrlatcn licbbcn, en dat de boontjcs en Turksche tarwe of Mayes,

^ The character and purpose of Van der Donck's book is explained in
the introduction to the present volume. He was anxious to prove that
New Netherland (a vast tract of land, of which the States of New York
and Pennsylvania form the principal part) belonged by right of dis-
covery to the Dutch. Being by profession a lawyer, he is not very
scrupulou"! in his special pleading. The argument drawn from the
memory of the Indians must elicit a smile in any one acquainted with
them. They have no means of measuring past time, they do not even
know their own ages, and are therefore themselves quite unable to ascer-
tain how far their memory carries them back.

'■^ Notwithstanding Van der Donck's assertions to the contrary, the
whole coast of New Netherland was undoubtedly known to the Spaniards.
The first of their vessels that visited these shores was commanded by
the Portuguese Estevan Gomez, who seems to have spent part of the
spring and summer of the ye.ar 1525 in exploring them. Their ships
frequently visited them afterwards, and gave names to the rivers and
islands. Hudson's river was called by them Bio de Oamas (Roe river).
This matter is explained at some length in the introduction to the pre-
sent volume.

■1 I

BESCHRYVINGE VAN NIEUW NEDKRLAND. 171

wc can discover nothin„ of the kind from tlic Indians. Tlicy
say that their corn and beans were received from the southern
Indians, who received their seed from a people who resided
still farther south, which may well be true, as the Castilians
have long since resided in Florida. The maize may have been
among the Indians in the warm climate long ago ; however,
our Indirais say that they did eat roots and the bark of trees in-
stead of bread, before the introduction of Indian corn or maize.

clacr van ondcr de Wildcn glieblcvcn sonde /ijn, maer 't is nict
waevschijnclijck, heb het cock noyt van de Wiklcn konncn ver-
nemen, ende dc boontjes met hct coorn, scggcnsc hacr van de
zuydtse Wildcn wcl ecrtijts overgelevertte zijn, die het oock voor
cen tijt, noch al vry vcel zuydelijckcr van menschen die dacr
woonen, bekomen haddcn, dat wel wacr kan weson : "Want in
Florida liebben aloverlangh Castilianen gewoont, ofle misscliicn is
dc Mayes oock wel eerdcr in die warme landen ondcr de I idiancn
gcwccst, maer onsc Wilden seggcn, ilatsc van te vooren, eersc van dc
Mayes wisten, hasten van boomen, en wortclen "n plaetse van
broot aten.

III.

When this country was, in 1G09, first found by the Dutch,
they learned from the natives that no Christians had been
there before ; and considering themselves as the first dis-
coverers they took possession in the name of their High
Mightinesses the States General ; first along the South Bay,

Docn dan eerstmael in het Jacr 1609 by de Ncerlanders dit landt
op-ghedaen werdt, ende aen de Jnboorlinghcn bcmerckcnde, dat
sy aldaer de ecrste Christcncn ende Vindcrs warcn, namen sy op
den nacm cndc van weghcn hare Ho. Mog. mijn Ilecrcn dc Staten
Gcuerael der Vcrcenighde Nederlanden posscssic, ccrst by de Suyt-
buy acn Cacp Hinloopcn, die sy docnmacl soo noeuidcn, ghclijck

EXTRACTS FROM VAN DER DONCK.

I I

near the cape, which they then called Cape Hinlopen,i the
name it still bears. Thence they sailed along the coast,
giving various names to rivers and places, till into the great
north river, which they sailed far up. The English on this
account call it Hudson's river. The first discoverers called
it Mauritius- river, after Prince Maurice, who was then
Statholder. Thence they sailed to Cape Cod, where they
took possession, calling it Neiv Holland.^

sy den selven naem noch hccft, ende voeren so al voort langhs de
custc, ende op de Rivieren de plaetsen verscheyde benaminge
gcvende tot aen de groote Noort-rivier, die sy ver op voeren, soo
datsc dc Engelschc noch sommighe Hutsons Rivicr, willen noemen,
macr sy noemdense doen Mauritius Rivier, naer Prins Mauritis,
die docnmael in Nederlandt Gouverneur was ; van daer voerensc
voort tot voorby Caep Codt, daerse oock posscssie namcn, ende
noemden de selve Nieuw Hollandt.

^ This taking possession is an invention of Van der Donck. They
never landed near Cape IIiulo])en, (See Juet, pp. 73 to 75 ; De Laet,
pp. 154, 155.)

^ Tliis is also an invention of Van der Donck. The name was
given several years afterwards.

^ This is quite inconect. They sailed straight home without
even seeing laud. Hudson touched the coast near Cape Cod lefore he
explored Hudson river.

AMERICAN TRADITIONS CONCERNING THE Till II I)

VOYAGE (1609).

THE TRADITION ABOUT THE EIKST LANDING OF IlENKY HUDSON
ON THE SHORES OF NEW YORK DURING HIS THIRD

VOYAGE.

(prom YATES AND MOULTON's HISTORY OF NEW YORK, I, P. 210.)

According to tradition they first landed in Coney Island,
opposite Gravescnd (Long Island), and now a part of King's
County, in this state.

II.

the tradition of the american indians concerning
Hudson's first intercourse with them, as preserved

BY THE REV. J. HECKEAVELDEll.
(prom NEW YORK HIST. SOCIETY, COLLECTIONS, NEW SERIES, VOL. I.)

the following introductory note, as well as the explanatory foot
notes, are from the n. y, h. s. collections.

Note.
The following paper is derived from the manuscripts deposited among
the collections of the Society by the Rev. Samuel Miller, D.D., to whom
it was communicated by the Rev. John Ilcokewelder, for many years a
Moravian missionary to the Indians of Pennsylvania. In a letter accom-
panying it, dated at Bethlehem, Jan. 2()th, 1801, Mr. Heckewelder says:
" As I receive my information from Indians, in their language and style,
I return it in the same way. Facts are all I aim at, and from my know-
ledge of the Indians, I do not believe every one's story. The enclosed
account is, I believe, as authentic as anything of the kind can be ob-
tuiiied/'
A Voluminous correspondence of Mr. Ilockeweldcr with Mr. Du I'ou-

174 AMERICAN TRAUITIOXS

ccRii^ concerning the languages of the Indians, together with an account
of the history, manners, and general character of the native tribes, de-
rived from personal observation, was published by the American Philo-
sophical Society, at Philadelphia, 1819, This paper, in a somewhat
altered, perhaps improved, form in respect to his phraseology, was com-
prehended in that publication ; but as the original draft is more likely
to convey accurately the language and style of Mr. Ileckcwelder's Indian
informants, there seems to be a manifest propriety in adopting it for
publication in the present collection.

The following account of the first arrival of Europeans at
New-York Island, is verbatim as it was related to me by
aged and respected Delawares, Momcys and Mahicanni
(otherwise called Mohigans, Mahicandus), near forty years
ago. It is copied from notes and manuscripts taken on the
spot. They say :

A long time ago, when there was no such thing known to
the Indians as people with a white skin (their exjiression),
some Indians who had been out a-fishing, and M'licrc the
sea widens, espied at a great distance something remarkably
large swimming or floating on the water, and such as they
had never seen before. They immediately returning to the
shore apprised their countrymen of what they had seen, and
pressed them to go out with them and discover what it might
be. These together hurried out, and saw to their great sur-
prise the phenomenon, but could not agree what it might
be ; some concluding it either to be an uncommon large
fish or other animal, while others were of opinion it must be
some very large house. It was at length agreed among
those who were spectators, that as this phenomenon moved
towards the land, whether or not it was an animal, or any-
thing that had life in it, it Avould be well to inform all the
Indians on the inhabited islands of what they had seen, and
put them on their guard. Accordingly, they sent runners
and watermen off to carry the news to their scattered chiefs,
that these might send off in every direction for the warriors
to come in. These arriving in numbers, and themselves

CONCEUNING IIUDSON's TIIIKD VOYAGK. 175

viewing tho strange appearance, and that it was actually

moving towards them (the entrance of the river or hay),

concluded it to be a large canoe or house, in wdiich the

i\Iannitto (great or supreme being) himself was, and that he

probably was coming to visit them. By this time the chiefs

of the different tribes were assembled on York Island, and

were deliberating on tlie manner in which they should

receive their Mannittoon his arrival. Every step had been

taken to be well provided with plenty of meat for a sacrifice ;

the women were required to prepare the best of victuals ;

idols or images were examined and put in order ; and a

grand dance was supposed not only to be an agreeable

entertainment for the ^lannitto, but might, with the addition

of a sacrifice, contribute towards appeasing him, in case he

was angry with them. The conjurors were also set to work,

to determine what the meaning of this phenomenon was, and

what the result would be. Both to these, and to the chiefs

and wise men of the nation, men, women, and children were

looking up for advice and protection. Between hope and

fear, and in confusion, a dance commenced. While in this

situation, fresh runners arrive, declaring it a house of

various colours, and crowded with living creatures. It now

appears to be certain that it is the great INIannitto bringing

ihcm some kind of game, such as they had not before ; but

other runners soon after arriving, declare it a large house of

various colours, full of people, yet of quite a different colour

tlian they (the Indians) arc of; that they were also dressed

in a different manner from them, and that one in particular

appeared altogether red, which must be the Mannitto

liimself. They arc soon hailed from the vessel, though in a

language they do not understand ; yet they shout (or yell)

in their way. Many are for running off to the woods, but

are pressed by others to stay, in order not to give offence to

their visitors, who cou.ld find them out, and might destroy

them. The house (or large canoe, as some will have it)

176 AMERICAN TKADITIONS

stops, and a smaller canoe comes ashore Avith the red man
and some others in it; some stay by this canoe to guard it.
The chiefs and wise men (or councillors) have composed a
large circle, unto which the red-clothed man with two others
approach. He salutes them with friendly countenance, and
they return the salute after their manner. They are lost in
admiration, both as to the colour of the skin (of these whites)
as also to their manner of dress, yet most as to the habit of
him who wore the red clothes, which shone Avith something
they could not account fur.^ lie must be the great jNlannitto
(supreme being) they think, but why should he have a
white skin ?' A large hockhack' is brought forward by one
of the (supposed) Mannitto's servants, and from this a
substance is poured out into a small cup (or glass) and
handed to the Mannitto. The (expected) Mannitto drinks ;
has the glass filled again, and hands it to the chief next to
him to drink. The chief receives the glass, but only
smellcth at it, and passes it on to the next chief, who does
the same. The glass thus passes through the circle without
the contents being tasted by any one ; and is upon the point
of being returned again to the red-clothed man, when one of
their number, a spirited man and great warrior, jumps up,
harangues the assembly on the impropriety of returning the
glass with the contents in it ; that the same was handed
them by the Mannitto in order that they should drink it, as
he himself had done before them ; that this would please
him; but to return what he had given to them might
provoke him, and be the cause of their being destroyed by
him. And that since he believed it for the good of the
nation that the contents offered them should be drank, and
as no one was willing to drink it he would, let the con-
sequence be what it would ; and that it was better for one
man to die, than a whole nation to be destroyed. He then

^ Lace. ^ Their owu expression.

^ Their word for gourd, bottle, decanter, etc.

I I

CONCERNING IIUDSON's TTIIUI) VOYAGE. 177

took the glass and bidding the assembly a farewell, drank it
off. Every eye was fixed on their resolute companion to see
what an effect this would have upon him, and he soon
beginning to stagger about, and at last dropping to the
ground, they bemoan him. He fiills into a sleep, and they
view him as expiring. He awakes again, jumps up, and
declares that he never felt himself before so haj^py as after
he had drank the cup. Wishes for more. His wish is
granted ; and the whole assembly soon join him, and be-
come intoxicated.^

After this general intoxication had ceased (during which
time the whites had confined themselves to their vessel), the
man with the red clothes returned again to them, and dis-
tributed presents among them, to wit, beads, axes, hoes,
stockings, etc. They say that they had become familiar to
each other, and were made to understand by signs, that
they now would return home, but would visit them next
year again, when they would bring them more presents, and
stay with them awhile ; but that, as they could not live
without eating, they should then want a little land of them
to sow seeds in order to raise herbs to put in their broth.

^ The Delawares calls this place (New York Island) Mannahattanink
or Mannahacktauink to this day. They have frequently told me that it
derived its name from the general intoxication, and. that the word com-
prehended the same as to say the island or place of general intoxica-
tion.

The j\Iahicanni (otherwise called Mohiggans by the English, and
Mahicandus by the Low Dutch) call this place by the same name as
the Delawares do : yet think it is owing or given in consequence of
a kind of wood which grew there, and of which the Indians used to
make their bows and arrows. This wood the latter (Mohicanni) call
" gawaak."

The universal name the l\Ionseys have for New York is Laaphawack-
king, which is interpreted, the place of stringing beads (wampum). They
say this name was given in consequence of beads being here distributed
among them by the Europeans ; and that after the European vessel had
returned, wherever one looked, one would see the Indians employed in
stringing the beads or wampum the whites had given them.

»* '

178

AMERICAN TKADITIONS

That the vessel arrived the season following, and they were
much rejoiced at seeing each other; but that the whites
laughed at them (the Indians) seeing they knew not the use
of the axes, lioes, etc., they had given them, they having had
these hanging to their breasts as ornaments ; and the stock-
ings they had made use of as tobacco pouches. The whites
now in\t handles (or helves) in the former, and cat trees
down before their eyes, and dug the ground, and showed them
the use of the stockings. Here (say they) a general
laughter ensued among them (the Indians), that they had
remained for so long a time ignorant of the use of so
valuable implements ; and had borne with the weight of
such heavy metal hanging to their necks for such a length
of time. They took every white man they saw for a
Manitto, yet inferior and attendant to the supreme Manitto,
to wit, to the one which wore the red and laced clothes.
Familiarity daily increasing between them and the whites,
the latter now proposed to stay with them, asking them only
for so much land as the hide of a bullock would cover (or
encompass), which hide was brought forward and spread on
the ground before them. That they readily granted this
request ; whereupon the whites took a knife, and beginning
at one place on this hide, cut it up into a rope not thicker
than the finger of a little child, so that by the time this hide
was cut up, there was a great heap. That this rope was
drawn out to a great distance, and then brought round
again, so that both ends might meet. That they carefully
avoided its breaking, and that upon the whole it encom-
passed a large piece of ground. That they (the Indians)
were surprised at the superior wit of the whites, but did not
wish to contend with them about a little land, as they had
enough. That they and the whites lived for a long time
contentedly together, although these asked from time to
time more land of them ; and proceeding higher up the
Mahicanittuk (Hudson river), they believed they would soon

CONCKUNING IIUn.SON's TIIIKl) V()YA(;i':

179

want all their country, and which at this time was already
the case,

[Hehe ExNds this Relation.']

III.

THE SAME TUADITION CONFIRMED BY DR. BARTON.
(from TAXES AND MOULTON's UISTOKY OP NEW YORK, P. 257.)

Mr. Heckewelder received the tradition about sixty-five
years ago, and took it down verbatim, as it was related to
him by aged and respected Delawares, Monseys, and Mahi-
canni. Dr. Barton says the story is told in the same way
by all the Indians of the tribes of Delawares, the *' Monces,"
and Mohiccans ; and in relating the incidents, they laugh
at their own ignorance. But what still further shows (says
Dr. B.) that considerable dependence may be placed upon
the tradition is this, that to this day the Delawares, the
INIonseys, and Mohiccans call New York Manahachtanienks,
that is, the place at Avhich we were drunk, being the name
they bestowed on the place immediately after the incident
related.

^ At the head of this article there is a t\ ographical error in the
name of a tribe of Indians — Mouieys should ' , Monseys, often written
Minsis. For an exact account of this and oilier Delaware nations, see
Gallatin's t^j/nopsin of the Indian Tribes, -tX work of extraordinary ability,
contained in Transactions of American Antiquarian Society, vol. ii, p.
44, etc.

180

AN EXTRACT FROM CAPTAIN LUKE FOX'S DESCRIP-
TION OF HUDSON'S FOURTH VOYAGE.

(north-avest, fox, r. 70.)

In the road of Lee, in the river Thames, he caused Master
Coolbrand^ to be set in a pinke to be carried backe again to
London. This Coolbrand was every way held to be a better
man than himselfe, being put in by the adventurers as his
assistant, who envying the same (he having the command
in his own hands) devised this course, to send himselfe the
same way, though in a farre worse place, as hereafter fol-
loweth.

1 Hudson (p. 93) calls him Colburne ; Pricket (p. 98) calls him Col-
bert. Hudson's version of the name, the only one that forms part of a
logbook written during the voyage, is most probably the correct one.

181

IIESSEL GERRITZ'S VARIOUS ACCOUNTS OF HUD-
SON'S TWO LAST VOYAGES.

lUOM TIIK LATIN AND DUTCH EDITIONS OF THE DESCRIPTIO

ET DELINEATIO GEOGRAPIIICA DETECTIONIS FRETI

AB H. HUDSONO INVENTI.

4to., AMSTERDAM, 1012, 1013.

The following accounts are all due to the same hand ; they even form
part of the ditt'ercnt editions of the same work ; and the natural suppo-
sition would therefore be, that they must be repetitions of each other.
This is, indeed, in a small degree, the case. But the variations between
them are very great and very curious ; showing, as they do, the uncer-
tainty of Gerritz's information, and how it was gradually corrected. It
has, therefore, seemed advisable to reprint them all.

HUDSON'S FOURTH VOYAGE,

A SUMMARY 1>RINTKD ON THE BACK OF THE CHART.

An Account of the Voijage and New Fo2ind Ki'trait of Mr. Hudson.

Mr. Hudson, who has been repeatedly engaged in the
search of a western passage, long intended to undertake an
expedition for this same purpose through Lumley's Inlet,
a channel leading out of Davis's Strait ; as we ourselves
have seen pointed out on his map, which is in Mr. Plancius'
hands. He hoped thus to reach the Pacific by the west of

Mr. Hudson die ettclijcke malen Westwaerts eon dooi'gangh
{^hesocht hecft, had zijn oogh-merck oin door Lumbleys inlet in
Frctum Davis in een doorgaende Zee te comen, ghelijck wy sulcx
in zijn Caerte by Mr. Plantius gesien hebben-en by westen Nova
Albion in Mar del Zur tc loopc, dacr ecu Enghcls man, soo hy
ghclccckcnl liad, door ghcpusseert was. Maor nac veel mocytens

■ \

IIKSSKL (iKlUU'l/ S VARIOIS ACCOUNTS

Nova Albion,! where another Englii^hinan had, according to
his drawings, passed tlirough. Hudson found after many
labours the way represented on our map, and he was only
prevented from following it further up, by the resistance of
his crew. This mutiny took place under the following cir-
cumstances. They had been absent from home about ten
months, being provisioned only for eight, and during their
whole voyage they had met but a single man, who brought
them an animal which they ate ; but ha been badly

treated, the man never returned. Having tixus left the lati-
tude of 52'^, where they had wintered, and having sailed up
to GO", along the western shore of their bay, they fell in
with a wide sea and with a great flood from the north-west.
The commanders intended to proceed further. The crew
then rose against him, and put all the officers out of the
ship into a boat, and sailed, home to England. For this

liccft hy desewech, die bier op decs Cacrte ghctccckcnt staet, gcvon-
(Icu, die hy vervolclit soude hebbcn, hadde 't g^^emcen Schceps-
vokk niet soo onwillich ghcwcest : want also 'el 10 maende

uytgcwcest hadden, dacrse noclitans maer voox .enden gevict-

alieert waron, ende op de heele week maor ccn man ghesien heb-
ben, die baer een groot Dicr brocbt dat sy atcn ; die, om dat hy
qualijck glietracteert wiert, niet wcer en quam, soo isset gemeen
Scheeps-volck (als sy wcder vandc hoochte van 52 gr. daor sy
vcrwintcrden, tot op de hoocbte van 60 grad. langbs de Wcst-
zydc vandc Baye, dacr sy in geloopcn waron), op-gbeclommen,
daer sy een ruymc Zee ende groote baren uyten Noordwestcn
vernamcn, cndclick tcgens baer Mcesters op gcstaen, die vor-
der voort wildcn, ende hebbcn d' Overheyt altesamen in ccn
Sloep ofto scbuyt biiyten scbecjis gbeset, ende zijn alsoo met hct
Scbip nat Enggelant gcsc}dt : Hicrom zijn sy, als sy t' buys qua-

^ Nova Albion is a vague term embracing all the possessions of the
English in North America, The geographical notions involved in this
passage and in the rest of Gcrritz's various accounts will be discussed
in the iuti eduction.

01' Hudson's two last voyaoks.

18:3

cause they have, on tlicir arnval at home, all been put in
prison; and in the course of tiie present summer (1(51;^)
some sliips have again been sent to tliose regions by order
of the king and of the Prince of Wales/ to discover a passage
and to look for iNIr. Hudson and his companions. These
have received orders that, in case the passage be found, two
of them shall pass through it, the third shall be sent home
with the news, which we are expecting.

men, nltcsamen in prison ghcsct, ende dose Somcr zijnder op
iiicus schcpe ter ordonnantie van den Coningh ende den Prince
van Wallis dcrwaerts ghcsonden, om dc doorgangh vcrdcr t' ont-
docken, cndo Mr. Hudson met den syncn op te soeckcn : wclcko
schepcn bevel hebbcn om met him twccn, als dc passagic glicvon-
dcn sal zijn, door to passcren, cndc cen t' huysto scndcn met do
tydinghe die wy vcrwachtcn.

II.
HUDSON'S THIRD AND FOURTH VOYAGES,

FROM TIIE rnOLEGOMENA TO HIE FIRST LATIN EDITION.

But as even after these voyages of William Barentz"'^ the
English had repeatedly tried that northern way, the Direc-
tors of the East India Company resolved three years ago to

QuoNiAM vero ctiam post navigationes praodictas Guilclmi Ber-
nardi, viam illam aquilonarem aliquoties Angli adhuc tcntaverant,
visum fuit ante triennium D.D. Indicai navigationis procfectis co

^ Henry, Prince of Wales, a young man of great promise, who died in
November, 1()12.

^ The preceding passages of the Prolegomena, or Preface to Ilessel
Gerritz's work, contain a short account of Barentz's voyages to the
North-east in search of a short way to China. The members of the
Ilakluyt Society possess Dr. Beke's excellent edition of De Veer's de-
scri[)tion of these voyages.

'l-T'

184

IlKSSKL GERUTTZ S VARIOUS ACCOUNTS

send there a certain Mr. Hudson, an Englishman. Pie,
having found no way to the east, but, instead of it, the ocean
ahnost entirely obstructed by ice, went to the west and re-
turned without any profit to England. He was then sent
out again by the English, and his voyage was far more
prosperous, but his own fortune far worse. For, having
after many labours passed beyond the Terra de Baccalaos^
for about three hundred miles- to the west, and having win-
tered there in latitude 52^, and being sure to be able to go
still farther; then, not only he himself, but all his officers
were put into a boat by their mutinous crew i nd left to drift
on the waves. The sailors returned home without delay.
We have added his geographical observations to the present
book. We expect more certain news by the ships which
have already been sent there ; and even the much desired
report that they will have passed through the strait. These
ships will thus obtain eternal fame and glory. . .

mittere quendam M. Hudsonum Anglum, qui cum nullam ad
Ortum viam, sed ejus vicem Occanum invenesset glacie prorsus
obstructum, ad Occasum dcflexit, unde sine ullo profectu in
Angliam appullt. Emissus autcm de novo ab Anglis, cursu qui-
dcm longo prosporiorc, at detoiiorc tamcn succe?su usus est ; cum
enim post varios laboies ultra Terram de Baccalaos 300 circiter
milllaria Occusum versus emensus esset, inibique ad altiiudinem
graduiHu 52 jam hibernasset, et ulterius tendere certus esset, eccc
non tantum ipse, sod omnis cius Senatus (ut sic dixerim) nauti-
cus scaphae ab importunis nuutis impositus et in undas demissus,
ipsi sine mora domum reversi sunt. Nos vero notas ejus ad cal-
ceiii liujus libclli adjunximus, certiora per naves eo jam missas,
imo optatum de Freto pervio nuntium expect an te^. Quae naves hoc
ipso JEternam sibi famam paratura) sunt.

^ Terra de Baccalaos, or Codfish land, is a vague terra, embracing
most of the codfish stations north of 49°. On tho old maps the name is
generally written in latitude 05'^ or 56°. For the origin and history of
the terra, see the introduction to the present volurao.

^ Prol)ably German miles. The other accounts have leucas (leagues).

OF Hudson's two last voyages.

185

These news of Pludson's recently found passage to the
north of Newfoundland and the hope of a strait, are con-
firmed by the testimony of the Virginian and Floridan
savages, who all state most distinctly that their country is
washed on its south-western side by a vast ocean, in which
they have seen ships similar to those of the English.

Confirmatm' ha^c nuper Inventi ab Hudsono supra Terram
Novam transitus sive P'reti spes, Virgiriiarum Floridanorumque
concordibus testimoniis, discrte adfirmantium, terras suas ab oc-
casu tcstivo vasto Oceano, in quo et naves Anglicanarum similes
viderunt.

III.
HUDSON'S THIRD AND FOURTH VOYAGES,

FROM THE LATIN EDITION OF 1612.

An account of the Discovery of the North-western Passage, v:hich is
expected to lead to China and Japan, by the North of the Ame-
rican Continent, fo'-.md hy Mr.. II. Hudson, an Englishman.

The English nation, encouraged by previous success, have
grown bolder and bolder in tlicir naval enterprise. Thus,
besides their frequent voyages to the cast, to Nova Zembla
and to Spitzbergen,^ they have made almost uninterrupted
efforts to discover a western passage or strait to China and

Felicissim^e Anglicoe gentis expeditioncs maritima^, et prosper-
rimi quibus in ijs usi successus, eos ad rariores quoque profccti-
ones tentandas magis magisque extimularunt : nam prajter crebra
suorum ad Ortum et Novam Zemlam Gra3laudiamq. itinera, per-
petuo fere laborarunt in investigando ad Occidentem, Chinam

* Gorritz has Groenlandiam. The curious history of this name and
of the geographical ideas and discoveries connected with it, will be found
ill the introduction to the present volume.

I 1

186

HESSEL GERTIITZ'S VARIOUS ACCOUNTS

Japan. They expected that sailing by this road they would
have on their left the North American shores, where they
have founded their Virginian colony.

Several of those who set out in search of that passage
entered Davis's Straits. Their example was followed by
Captain George Winwood,^ who sailed in 1602 neariy five
hundred English miles up that strait, but was then forced
by the ice to return. He now attempted to find the desired
passage by exploring the narrows under 61°, which the
English call Lumley's Inlet. But having sailed a hundred
leagues into them he again turned back, partly on account
of the sufferings which the great length of the voyage pro-
duced among his crew, partly because he desired to explore
two more bays, situated between Lumley's Inlet and Bacca-
laos, whence the sea was streaming out with great might.
These facTf are stated in his logbooks, which Mr. Peter
Plancius, a diligent investigator of such mutters, commu-
nicated to Mr. H. Hudson during his stay in Amsterdam in
1609, when Hudson was going to undertake a search for a

atque Japonem versus, transitu, sivc freto, itlquc relicto ad Isevam
scptcntiionali America littorc, occupata jam illic et colonijs suis
insessa Virginia. Viam vero, quam eorum ploerique in freto hoc
indagando ingrcssi sunt, secutus est annos 1602 Capitaneiir, quo-
que Georgius Winwood, qui quingentas fere Anglicas leucas
in Freto Davis sursum decorsum vagarus, et prae fiflacie tandem
coactus retrogredi, tentavit num per sinum ilium, quern Angll
Lumles Inlet appellant, sub gradibus uno et scxaginta positum,
invenire forte posset optatam viam, sed centum in eo leucas Hypa-
fircum versus progressus, pedcm et hinc quoque retulit, tum quod
diuturna itinevis molestia nautioum vulgus esset attritum, tum
quod statu isset lustrare et alios duos sinus inter Lumles Inlet ct
Ba^ccalaos, unde cxeuntem vidissc: ingentcm fluxum pro ut constat
ejus Ephemeridibus, quas M. Petrus Plancius, curiosissimus talium
novitatum investigator, tradidit M. Henrico Hudsono Anglo,

* George Weymouth. The mistake, is corrected in the later editions.

OF Hudson's two last voyages. 187

passage to the north of Nova Zembla for the Directors of
the Dutch East India Company. He did set out, but
achieved nothing in the east ; he sailed therefore straight
westward, to attempt again the way searched out and drawn
by Captain Winwood ; which way, after passing for about
a hundred leagues through a narrow channel, leads out into
a wide sea. Hudson hoped to find a way through this sea,
though Plancius had proved to him the impossibility of
success, from the accounts of a man who had reached the
western shore of that sea. Hudson achieved in 1609 nothin":
memorable, even by this new way. But he was again sent
out in 1610 by his own countrymen. He now followed the
way through Lumley's Inlet pointed out to him by AVin-
wood-^'s papers. Having passed under many labours through
the strait, he reached the latitude of 52°, where he wintered.
Here he fell in, for the first time during the voyage, with
one of the natives of the country. This Indian brought
some merchandise, and M'as armed with a Mexican or Japa-

Amstcrodami per id tempus, anno videlicet 1609, agcnti, et In-
tlica) navigationis prasfectis, in quserendo siipra Novam Zemlam
transitu, operam impensuro, qui et ipse cum ad Ortum nil pro-
fecisset, ad occasum recta defiexit, dcnuo tcntaturus ilium a Capi-
laneo Winwood qua;situm delineatumque mcatum, post centum
plus minus leucarum anguslias, in amplum tandem pelagus desi-
nentem, quod ipsum mare hie noster Hudsonus spcraverat fore
perivium, licet contrarium ei, ex relatione cujusdam, qui occiden-
tale maris ipsius littus adnavigaverat, idem Plancius ostcndisset.

Hudsonus, cum ne hoc quidem Itincre quidquam memoria dig-
mim gcssisset, anno proximo insecuto 1610, a popularibus suis
rursus emissus est, et secutus ilium in Lumles Inlet sibi a Georgio
Winwood ex parte calcatum tramitem, post multas tandem moles-
tias fretum hoc superavit, et ad gradus 50, et 51, progressus est.
Ubi et hibernavlt, atque liic demum, cum alioqui nuUos toto
itinere obvlos usquam et nescio quid pra;terea adferret in com-
mcatum crisso Mexicano seu Japonensi accinctus. Unde se non

188 HESSEL GERRlTZ's VARIOUS ACCOUNTS

nese cris ;^ from which circumstances Hudson concluded
that he was not far from Mexico. The native, however, not
being well treated, never afterwards returned. The Eng-
lish thus lost this only chance of adding to their victuals,
and being provided for eight months only, they left the
harbour they had entered and sailed along the western shore
of the bay till up to 62° or 63° north. Here they found a
wide sea and more powerful tides from the north-west,
which Hudson and the officers intended to examine further.
But the crew, who had already been two months longer
from home than their provisions had been intended for, rose
against their commanders, and exposed Hudson and his
friends in a boat in the open air. The crew then returned
by the way they had come and reached their home in
September 1611, where they were thrown into prison.
They are going to be kept prisoners till their captain will
have becii found. In search of him three ships have been
sent out this summer (1612) by the Prince of Wales and

procul a terris Mexicanis abesse noster illico suspicatus est. Vir
autem ille, parum comiter tunc exccptus, nunquam-postea redijt.
Quare Angli, cum pra^tcr octimestrem ilium, quem secum advexe-
rant commeatum, nihil aliunde nanciscerentur, e sinu, quem erant
ingressi, occidentale legcntes littus, septemtrioncm versus ex-
currerunt ad gradus 62, et 63, ubi et mare invenerunt late diffu-
sum, et grandiores ab Cauro impulses fluctos, qua} Hudsono
quidem et scnatui nautico animus erat ulterius indagandi ; sed
refragantes navales socij, quod bimestri jam spatio, ultra quam de
annona prospectum esser, dome abfuissent, insurrexerc tandem in
suos pra)fectos, atque Iludsonum una cum sais scapha exposuc-
rvmt in mare: ipsi vero qua venerant navi, anno 1611 Scptcni-
bri mcnsc, domum reversi sunt, iibi in carcerem hac de caiissa
i compacti, tantispcr asservantur, dum inveniatur Pra}fectus, qucni

requirerc jusste sunt tres ille naves, quas emiserunt hac ipsa icstatc

^ Thus the Mexicans call their rtarac-shaped poniards. (Gcrritz's
notes.)

OF HUDSON S TWO LAST VOYAGES.

189

some merchants. They are to explore the passage through-
out, and when they have found the open ocean, one of them
is to return with the desired news. This ship is daily ex-
pected home.

3ei.sim. VVallaj Princcps et mercatores, transitum plane perlus-
traturas, ac pernavigaturas, quarum iinl injunctum, ut detecto ad
plenu meatu recurrat, nuntium illud tarn diu desideratum feliciter
allatura, quod in lioras nunc expectatur.

IV.

HUDSON'S THIRD AND FOURTH VOYAGE,

FROM THE SECOND LATIN EDITION (1613).
WITH NOTES INDICATING THE VARIATIONS OF THE DUTCH

EDITION.

A Description and Chart of the Discovery of the Strait or Passage
by the north of the American continent to China and Japan.

The English, stimulated by the happy success of their
maritime enterprise, undergo without hesitation the troubles
which these expeditions involve ; and in spite of the labori-
ous nature of their voyages to the east, to Moscovia, Nova
Zembla and Spitzbergen, they are still bent on new dis-
coveries. They have chiefly made uninterrupted efforts to
find a passage in the west, where they have already occu-
pied Virginia and peopled it with their colonists. This

Felicissim-E Anglorum navigationcs, et prosperrlmi, carum suc-
cessus, magis ac magis isti genti stimulum addidcrunt, ut facile
omnia taidia devorarint et novas detcctiones suscepcrint, quic licet
laboriosissima! fucrint in Orientem ad era Moscovite, Novic Zemla)
ct Grocnlandia;, nihilominus desudarunt in partibus Occidentalibus
(occupata jam ctiain illic, et colonijs suis inscssa Virginia) ut sibi

190

HESSEL GERRITZ S VARIOUS ACCOHNTS

passage they have sought for between Greenland and Nova
Francia. Their eflforts have as yet been fruitless, and
through ice and snow they have in vain fought their way
up to 70° or even 80° of northern latitude. The strait which
they have thus explored bears the name of its first disco-
verer, John Davis. The last navigator who went along
that way was Captain George Weymouth, who sailed in the
year 1602, and who, after a voyage of five hundred leagues,
was, like his predecessors, forced by the ice to return. But
on purpose to draw at least some advantage from his expe-
dition, he directed his course to the bay under 61", which
the English call Lumley's Inlet, and sailed a hundred
leagues in a south-westerly direction into it. Having gone
so far, he found himself landlocked, and despairing of a
passage, he was, by the weakness of his crew and by other
causes, forced to return. He, however, first explored two
more bays between that country and Baccalaos, and found
there the water wide and mighty like an open sea, with very
great tides.

This voyage, though far from fulfilling Weymouth's hopes,

transitum, intra Groenlandiam, ct Novam Franciam quoererent scd
frustra hactenus, seducti via in Scptcmtrionem obducta nivibus et
glacie, elaboratum est, usque ad altitudinem spptuaginta, aut
octaginta graduum, nomenque traxit frctum ab invcntorc primo
Joanne Davis, postremus qui idem iter instituit, pra^fectus fuit
Georgius Weymouth, qui anno millesimo sexcentcsimo sccundo
quingentas leucas navigando emensus est, scd glaciei copia coactus
est, ut et alij antecessores, in patriam redne. Sedne irritus plane
esset conatus, navigans denuo, ad altitudinem sexaginta et unius
gradus, per sinum quern Angli Lumles Inlet dicunt, ibi ob occi-
dcnte in meridiem deflectens centum leucas, postea objectu terras,
transitum non inveniens, imbecillitate sociorum, alijsque dc causis,
coactus est reverti nihilominus ct duos alios sinus lustravit, non
sine maxima aquarum copia maris in star, et maximo fluxu ct
refluxu, intra tcrram banc, et earn quam Baccalaos appellant.

' 4

OF Hudson's two last voyages. 191 1 r

I
assisted Hudson very materially in finding his famous strait.

George Weymouth's logbooks fell into the hands of the

Rfev. Peter Plancius, who pays the most diligent attention [

to such new discoveries, chiefly when they may be of ad- I

vantage to our own country ; and when in 1609 Hudson I

was preparing to undertake a voyage for the Directors of I

the East India Company, in search of a passage to China

and Cathay by the north of Nova Zembla, he obtained these

logbooks from Peter Plancius. Out of them he learnt this

whole voyage of George Weymouth, through the narrows I

north of Virginia till into the great inland sea ; and thence i

he concluded that this road would lead him to India. But

Peter Plancius refuted this latter opinion from the accounts

of a man who had searched and explored the western shore

of that sea, and had stated that it formed an unbroken line of

coast. Hudson, in spite of this advice, sailed westward

to try what chance of a passage might be left there, having

first gone to Nova Zembla, where he found the sea entirely

blocked up by ice and snow. He seems, however, accord-

Htec navigatio licet turn temporis, votis, non responderit, tamen
cliaria Georgij Weymouth (qua? inciclerunt ip mamis D. P. Plantij
curiosissimi rerum novarum investigatoris, in usum patriae hujus
reique nauticsc) usui fuerunt maximo, H. Hudsoni, in investiga-
tione hujus famosissimi freti, cum enim anno millesimo sexcen-
tesimo et nono, ille ageret cum Prsefectis Indies navigationis, do
via inquirenda in Chinam et Cathayam, supra Novam Zemlam,
lisec a D. P. Plantio impetravit Diaria, ex quibus totu istud iter
Georgij Weymouth per angustius supra Virginiam didicit, usque
ad Oceanum qui earn alluit, hinc ista opinio invaluit, hac via sola
patere aditum ad Indos ; sed quam fallax sit, docuit ilhim D. P.
Plantius, ex relatu cujusdam, qui in parte Occidentali, terram esse
continentem asseverarat, eamque lustrarat. Hudsonus nihilominus
in Oriente, et Nova Zemla, viam sibi a glacie, nivibus, praeclusam
videns, in Occidentem navigavit, ut quid spci superesset inquireret;
non recto itineve (ut hie i'ertur) ut patriaj huic nostrae, et prsefectis

192 HESSEL GERUITZ'S VAUIOUS ACCOUNTS

ing to the opinion of our countrymen, purposely to have
missed the right road to the western passage, unwilling to
benefit Holland and the Directors of the Dutch East India
Company by such a discovery. All he did in the west in
1609 was to exchange his merchandise for furs in New
France. He then returned safely to England, where he was
accused of having undertaken a voyage to the detriment of
his own country. Still anxious to discover a western pas-
sage, he again set out in 1610, and directed his course to
Davis's Strait. There he entered in latitude 61° the path
pointed out by George Weymouth, and explored all the
shores laid down in the present chart,^ up to the height of
63°. He then sailed to the south, down to 54V where he
wintered. When he left his winter quarters he ran along
the western shore for forty leagues, and fell in, under 60°,
with a wide sea, agitated by mighty tides from the north-
west. This circumstance inspired Hudson with great hope

prodessct, tantum in Nova Francia mercibus suis commutatis, pro
pellibus, salvus in Angliam reversus est, ibique accusatus in detri-
mentum Patriae Anglian navigationcs suas instituissc. Itcrum iter
succepit, non minori studio de transitu investigando in Occidente,
tcndens in Fretum Davis, anno millesimo sexcentesimo e dccimo,
usque ad altitudincm unius et sexaginta graduum, ingressus semi-
tam Georgij Weymouth, omnes eras lustravit, hac in tabula deli-
neatas, usque ad gradus sexaginta tres, dcflexit in Meridiem usque
ad gradus quinquaginta quatuor, sub ijs hybcrnavit, solvens istinc
littus Occidentalc leges, ascendit usque ad gradum scxagesimfi,
recta navigans, quadraginta leucas, amplu pclagus depreliedit,
fluctibus a Cauro agitatis superbiens : Ex his non exigua spcs
transeundi Hudsono affulsit, nee voluntas senatui nautico defuit,
sod fastidium, et malevolcntia sociorum scrupulum injicere, ob
victus inopiam, cum ijs tatum in octo menses prospectum esset,
nihilque toto itinerc alimcnto dignum in manus eorum incideret,

^ His Chart {Zyne Caerte), according to the Dutch edition.
" 52 degrees (52 ste. graed) Dutch edition.

^::«

OF Hudson's two last voyages. 193

of finding a passage, and his oiTicers were quite ready to
undertake a further search ; but the crew, weary of the long
voyage, and unwilling to continue it, bethought themselves
of the want of victuals, with which they had been provided
for eight months only, and to which no additions had been
made during the voyage, except one large animal which an
Indian brought. This Indian was armed with a Mexican or
Japonese cris (poniard), from which fact Hudson concluded
that a place which possessed Mexican arms and productions
could not be far distant from that country.^ At last the ill will
of the crew prevailed. They exposed Hudson and the other
officers in a boat on the open sea, and returned into their
country. There they have been thrown into prison for their
crime, and will be kept there until their captain shall be
safely brought home.'^ For that purpose some ships have been

nisi forti Indus quidam, qui Crissio Mexicano, sou Japoncnsi
armatus, fcram attulit, ex quo Hudsonus conjiciebat, se non longe
a Mcxicanis abessc, qviorum arma, et commercia vidcret. Tandem
pvaivaluit sociorum malevolcntia, qui Hudsonum, cum reliquispra)-
fcctis scaplia oxposuerunt in mare, ipsi patriam peticre, quam cum
appulisscnt, ob scclus commissum in carcercs detrusi sunt, ibique
ilctincntur, donee pra^fcctus corum Hudsonus salvus suis rosti-
tualur, ab ijs, quibus id nogotij superiori anno millcsimo sexcen-

^ Whcrefrom it appears that the people of that country have some
communication with those along the Pacific Ocean. {Daer wt dattet
schijnt die natie daer te lande (jhemeenschaii te hehben met die aen de
Zwjder Zee.) Dutch edition.

'^ The Dutch edition, i)ulilishcd several months before the Latin, has
from this point an entirely different termination : "He is being searched
for by the ships which have been sent out this summer by the mer-
chants and by the Prince of Wales, who is said to assist them. These
ships are not expected to return before they will have been in Mare del
Zur. We wish them good luck." {Die c/hesocht ivort van de scheepens
die dese somer derimert gesonden zijn van de Cooplui/den ende van den
Prince van Wallis die daer de hand aen /tout, soo gheseyt wort, Welcke
sc/wepens men meent niet te sidlen weder komen eer sy al heel sidien tot
ill Mar del Ziir geweeat hebhen, daer lOji haer gheluck toe icenschcn.)

..I

f
if

\ I

,.. :^

194 HESSEL GKURITZ'S VARIOUS ACCOUNTS, ETC.

sent out last year (1G12) by the late Prince of Wales^ and by
the Directors of the Moscovia Company, about the return of
which nothing has as yet been heard. Wc may therefore
hope that they have passed beyond that strait, and we do not
think that we shall hear anything about them before they
return to England from East India or China and Japan,
by the same road by which they went out. This, we hope
and pray, may come to pass. Nor has the zeal of our
fellow citizens of Amsterdam cooled down. They have
some months ago sent out a ship, to search for a passage or
for Hudson's Strait, to try whether any convenient inter-
course can be established with those places, or, if this should
be found impossible, to trade on the coasts of New France.^

tesimo et duodecimo, jussu Principis Wallite pise memorise, et
Prsefectorum Russise navigationis commissum est; dc quorum reditu
hactenus nihil inauditum, hinc spes aliqua afFulget, eas angustias
illas superasse nee judicamus quid certe nos inaudituros prius-
quam ex Indise Orientali rcdierint, aut ubi cum Chinensibus,
aut Japonensslbus sua transegerint, eademque via in Angliam rcdie-
rint : quod felix et faustum sit precamur unice.

Nee fervor iste in nostris Amsterodamensibus deferbuit plane
superioribus enim mensibus ab ijs emissa est navis, eo tantum fine,
ut de transitu, vcl Frcto Hudsoni inquireret, et num commercij
locus sit in istis oris, si vero eventus votis non respondeat, in oris
Novse P''rancise negotiabuntur.

^ Henry, Prince of Wales, died in November, 1012, between the pub-
lication of the first and second editions of Hesscl Gcrritz. The ships
sent out were commanded by Button, the discoverer of Button's Bay, a
gentleman of Prince Henry's household. Button wintered in Hudson's
Bay and returned in autumn, 1613.

^ For an account of this expedition see O'Callaghan, History of New
Netherland, i, p; G8, 69.

APPENDIX.

Hi
f

APPENDIX.

VOYAGE OF JOHN DE VEUAZZANO ALONG THE

COAST OF NORTH AMERICA FROM CAROLINA

TO NEWFOUNDLAND (CONTAINING THE

FIRST DISCOVERY OF HUDSON'S

RIVER), A.D. 1524.

lUANSLATEI) FUOIM THK OUIOINAL ITALIAN, UY JOSEPH fi.
COr.SAVELL, ESQ., MEMliEU OF THE N. Y. HIST. SOC, ETf.

(I'UOM " N. Y. HIST. SOC. COLL.," NEW SEHIES, VOL. I.)

PRELIMINARY NOTICE BY THE TRANSLATOR.

The following paper is a new translation of the letter written by
Vcrazzano on his return from his first voyage to the western con-
tinent, giving an account of his discoveries to Francis I of France,
by whose orders he had undertaken it. It is made from a copy of
the original manuscript in the Magliabeccliian Library at Florence,
which was presented to the New Y'ork Historical Society by G. W.
Greene, Esq., now Consul of the United States at Rome. A trans-
lation of part of the same letter is printed in the first volume of
the Society's "Collections", which was ttiken from Hakluyt,'who
followed the original as given by Ramusio ; but as that varies in
substance, in some few instances, from the Magliabecchian ; and
as Hakluyt's translation is throughout obscure and antiquated in
language, it seems requisite to publish the one which has been
made from the Society's copy. This letter is in itself highly inte-
resting and important ; and is rendered still more so from the fact
uf its being the earliest original account in existence of the Atlantic

' From IlakluyVs Divers Voyages, a new edition of wliicli, liy J. Winter
.'I'Mos, Esq., forms part of the publications of tlh; llalduyt Society.

i-M

198 VERAZZANO's VOYAOK, AND KIUST

coast of the United States, nearly the whole extent of which was
visited by Vcraziiano during the voyage described in it. It is
worthy of remark that the name by which the western continent is
now known, is not used by Vcrazzano in the account of his visit
to it, owing probably to the recent and not universal adoption of
it: it is possible even that he was ignorant of its having been
applied.

With respect to the comparative authenticity of the manuscript
used by Ramusio, and that from which our copy is taken, we have
nothing conclusive to offer : we can only say that the internal evi-
dence is greatly in favour of the latter. Mr. Greene, who took up
the whole subject in an article in the North American Revieiv for
October 1837, remarks that there are in Ramusio such variations
from the Magliabecchian manuscript as can only be accounted for
by supposing that the editor must have worked the whole piece
over anew, correcting the errors of language upon his own autho-
rity. Something of the kind was evidently done : the language of
the two is very different ; and that used in the manuscript from
which the present translation is made, has strong marks of being
in the very form in which it was moulded by Verazzano. It is
throughout just as sailors of little education commonly write : little
or no regard is paid to grammar ; the sentences run into each
other ; the subjects are thrown together confusedly ; parenthetical
clauses constantly break the thread of the narrative ; and there are
no points from beginning to end. From such a labyrinth of words
it is not easy to affirm that the precise meaning has always been
unravelled ; but all possible pains have been taken to render the
Italian original as exactly and as clearly as the barbarous style in
which that is written would admit. The cosmographical descrip-
tion at the close is not found in Hakluyt, and it was not published
in the volume of " Collections" before cited. It is now added,
rather on account of the curious evidence it furnishes of the state
of nautical science at that time, than of any valuable knowledge

to be drawn from it.

J. G. C.
New York, Jan. 9th, 1841.

The editor of the present volume, whilst acknowledging his
great obligations to Professor Cogswell, cannot share his opinion^;

DISCOVERY OF HUDSON S llIVEll.

199

about the cosmographical appendix. Before that appendix was
published, Verazzano's voyage seemed without a purpose. In the
appendix it is clearly stated that Verazzano, like the Cabots and
Hudson, and like nearly all the north-western discoverers, sought
a way to Cathay. This fact, which connects the first discoverer of
Hudson's river so closely with the navigator whose name the river
bears, is of paramount importance for our subject. It is the prin-
cipal reason for inserting the letter in this collection.

VOYAGE,

ETC.

Captain John de Verazzano to his most Serene Majesty
THE King op France, writes :

Since the tempests which we encountered on the northern coasts,
I have not written to your most Serene and Christian Majesty con-
cerning the four ships sent out by your orders on the ocean to
discover new lands, because I thought you must have been before
apprized of all that had happened to us ; that we had been com-
pelled, by the impetuous violence of the winds, to put into Brit-
tany in distress, with only the two ships Normandy and Dolphin ;
and that, after having repaired these ships, we made a cruise in
them, well armed, along the coast of Spain, as your Majesty must
have heard; and also of our new plan of continuing our begun
voyage with the Dolphin alone. From this voyage being now

Da poi la fortuna passata nellc spiaggo scttcntrionali, Ser'"" Signore
non scrissi a vostra scrcnissiina et cristianissima Macsta (piello chc era
RCguito dclli quattro Icgni chc quclla mando per lo oceano ad iscoprir
nuove tcrre, pensando di tutto sia stata certificata come dalle iuipetuose
forze de' venti furamo costretti con sola la nave Normanda c Dalfina
afflitti ricorrcre in Lrettagna dove resturate avia V. S. M. inteso il dis-
corso facemmo con quelle arraate in guerra per 11 lidi di Spagna, di poi
la nuova disposizionc con sola la dalfinu in sc(iuirc la prima navigazionc,

I .

200 VERAZZANO'S VOYAGE, AND FIRST

returned, I proceed to give your Majesty an account of our disco-
veries.

On the 17th of last January we set sail from a desolate rock
near the island of Madeira; belonging to his most Serene Majesty
the King of Portugal, with fifty men ; having provisions sufficient
for eight months, arms, and other warlike munition and naval
stores. Sailing westward with a light and pleasant easterly breeze,
in twenty-five days we ran eight hundred leagues. On the 2 1th of
February we encountered as violent a hurricane as any ship ever
weathered, from which we escaped unhurt by the divine assistance
and goodness, to the praise of the glorious and fortunate name of
our good ship, that had been able to support the violent tossing of
the waves. Pursuing our voyage towards the west, a little nortli-
wardly, in twenty -four days more, having run four hundred leagues,
we reached a new country which had never before been seen by
any one either in ancient or modern times. At first it appeared
to be very low ; but on approaching it to within a quarter of a
league from the shore, Ave perceived, by the great fires near the
coast, that it was inhabited. We perceived that it stretched to the
south, and coasted along in that direction in search of some port

dalla quale essendo ritornato dard adviso a V. S. M. di quello abbiamo
trovato.

Dallo dcserto scopulo propinquo alia isola di Madera del Scr'"" re di
Portogallo con la detta dalfiua alii 17. del passato meso di gcnnajo ooii
cinquanta uomiDi forniti di '.cttovaglic, armc ct altri strumcnti bellici c
muniziono navale per otto mcsi partiramo navigando per zeffiro spirando
sub.solano con dolcc e soavo levita, in venticinquc giorni correramo Icghe
800, c il di 14 di Febbrajo passammo una tormcnta tanto aspera quanto
mai alcuno clic navigasse passasse. l)ella quale con lo divino ajuto c
boutadc laudo, del glorioso nomo e fortunate fatti atti a sopportare la
violenta oiida del mare, fummo libcri, c scguiramo nostra navigazioue
contniuando verso 1' occidcnte pigliando alquanto del scttentrione, c in
venti cinque altri giorni corremrao piu oltre loghc 400, dove ci apparsu
una nuova terra mai da alcuno antico o niodorno vista. jNIostravasi
alquanto bassa al principio, ma approssimatici a un ([uarto di lega cor.os-
cemrao quclla per li grandissimi I'uochi facevano al lito del mare esserc
abitata: vcdemmo correva verso I'Austro, custrandola per trovar alcnna
porto dove potessimo con la nave sorgorc per invostigare la natura i-li

DISCOVERY or Hudson's river

201

in which wc might como to an anchor and examine into the nature
of the country ; but for fifty leagues wc coukl find none in which
wc could lie securely. Seeing the coast still stretched to the
south, we resolved to change our course and stand to the north-
ward ; and as we still had the same difficulty, we drew in with the
land, and sent a boat on shore. Many people who were seen
coming to the sea-side, fled at our approach ; but occasionally
stopping, they looked back upon us with astonishment, and some
were at length induced, by various friendly signs, to come to us.
These shewed the greatest delight on beholding us, wondering at
our dress, countenances, and complexion. They then shewed us
by signs where we could more conveniently secure our boat, and
offered us some of their provisions. That your Majesty may know
all that we learned, while on shore, of their manners and customs
of life, I will relate what we saw^ as briefly as possible. They go
entirely naked, except that about the loins they wear skins of small
animals, like martens, fastened by a girdle of plaited grass, to
which they tie, all round the body, the tails of other animals,
hanging down to the knees. All other parts of the body and the
head are naked. Some wear garlands similar to birds' featliers.
The complexion of these people is black, not much different

quella in spazio di leghc 50 uon trovammo porto prossimo alcuno dove
sicuri potessimo posare e visto che contiuuo scendeva verso 1' Austro
dcliberamrao tornare a rigarla verso il settentrionc Jonde il medesimo
trovammo sorgendo alia costa mandando il battello a terra avemmo vista
di molta gente che venivano al lido del mare ct vedendo approssimarci
fuggirono alcuna volta fermaudosi si voltavano addietro con grande
amndrazione risguardando, ma assicurandoli noi con varj segni, venivano
alcuni di quegli, mostrando grande allegrczza a vederci maravigliandosi
di nostri abiti e figure c bianchezza facendene varj scgni dove col battello
dovessimo piit commodamente sccndore ofi'erondonc di loro vivande:
fummo alia terra e quelle potessimo di loro vita e costumi conosccre con
brevita diro a V. S. M. Vanno del tuto uudi salvochti alio parti pudi-
bunde portano alcune pelli di piccoli auimali siraili a martori con una
eintura d' crbe tessutu con code d' altri animali che pendono circucndo
il corpo seno alle giiiocchia il resto nudo, il capo simile. Alcuni di loro
portano ccrte ghirlaude simili di pennc d' ucccHi. S.u di colore ncri

202 VERAZZANO'S VOYAGK, AND FIRS'''

from that of the Etliiopiana. Their hair is black and thick, and
not very lonfr ; it is worn tied back upon tlie head, in the form of
a little tail. In person they arc of good proportions, of middle
stature, a little above our own ; broad across the breast, strong in
the arms, and well formed in the legs and other parts of the body.
The only exception to their good looks, is that they have broad
faces ; but not all, however, as we saw many that had sharp ones,
with large black eyes and a fixed expression. They arc not very
strong in body, but acute in mind, active and swilt of foot, as far
as we could judge by observation. In these last two particulars
they resemble the people of the East,* especially those the most
remote. We could not learn a great many particulars of their
usages on account of our short stay among them and the distance
of our ship from the shore.

We found, not far from this people, another, whose mode of life
we judged to be similar. The whole shore is covered with fine
sand, about fifteen feet thick, rising in the form of little hills.

non molto dagli Etiopi difforme i capolli neri c folti non molto lunghi i
quail legano insieme dietro alia testa in forma d' una piccola coda.
Quanto alia similitudiue dell' uono somo bene proporzionate di mezza
statura c piu presto a noi eccedono in nel petto ampli, nolle braccia dis-
postc le gambe e 1' altro del corpo bene composti : non hanno altro
salvo alquanto nel viso tcndono in larghezza, non perd tutti che a molti
vedemmo il viso profilato, gli occhi neri e grandi la guardatura fissa,
non sono di molta forza ma di ingcnio acuti agili e grandissimi corri-
dor! per quello potcmmo per esperienza conoscere. Somigliano per due
estremi agl' oriental! massime a qucgli delle ultime region!. Non po-
teinmo di loro costum! molto in particulare comprendere per la poca
stanza faccmrao alia terra, per essere suso 1' ondc alia piaggia. Trovammo
non lung! di quegl! altr! popul! dc quali pensiamo !1 vivere sia con-

1 The resemblance between the nations of the eastern shores of Asia and
the abor' 'ncs of North America is a fact more and more confirmed by
modern ri-'^ ^arch and travel. Still Vernzzano, the first man who asserts it,
could not possibly make the comparison. His repeated assertions can only
be taken as proofs of the tendency of human nature strikingly descril)ed by
Ciusar : " Iloiiiines fere libcntcr quod volant, credunt," He wished to reach
Catliay ; and, therefore, li<! believed hiniself to l)e near it. Another not less
striking instance of the same tendency is to be found in Hessel Gorritsz's
remarks about the poniard of a Hudson's Bay Esquimaux, (p. IKK.)

DISCOVERY OF HUDSON S RIVER.

203

about fifty paces broad. Ascending farther, we found several arms
of the sea, which make in throu<i;h inlets, washing the shores on
both sides as the coast runs. An outstretched country ai)pears at
a little distance, rising somewhat above the sandy shore, in beau-
tiful fields and broad plains, covered with immense forests of trees
more or less dense, too various in colours, and too delightful and
charming in appearance to be described. I do not believe that
they are like the Hercynian forest, or the rough wilds of Scythia ;
and the northern regions full of vines and common trees ; but
adorned with palms, laurels, cypresses, and other varieties, unknown
in Europe ; that send forth the sweetest fragrance to a great dis-
tance ; but which we could not examine more closely for the reason.':
before given, and not on account of any difficulty in traversing the
woods ; which, on the contrary, are easily penetrated.

As the "East" stretches around this country,' I think it cannot
be devoid of the same medicinal and aromatic drugs, and various
riches of gold and the like, as is denoted by the colour of the
ground. It abounds also in animals, as deer, stags, hares, and

forme, e 11 lito b copcrto tutto di una minuta rcna alto piedi quindici,
estendosi in forma di piccoli colli largo passi cinquauta. Poi ascendendo
si trovaiii alcuni bracci di mare che cntrano per alcune foci rigando il
lito dair una all' altra parte come corre il lito di qucUo. A presso si
mostra la torra lata tauto eminente che eccede il lito arenoso, con belle
campagne e province pieue di grandissime selvc ; parte rare c parte
dense, vestite di varj colori di abori di tauta vaghczza c dilettovole guar-
datura quanto esprimere sia possible, ne credo quelle sicno come la
crcinea selva o le aspre solitudiui di scitia o piaggic scttentrionali prere
di viti e arbori, ma ornate di palmc, lauri, e ciprcssi e altrc varictil d'
arbori incogniti alia nostra Europa quali da lungo spazio spirano sua-
vissimi odori i quali non possemmo conoscero per la causa sopra narrata
nou che a uoi fosse difficile per Ic selve discorrerc die tutte sono pcnc-
trabili, ne pcnsiamo participando dello orieute per la circumfereuza

' The cui ious reader will fiiul a furtlior dcvolopineiit of ^'^'l•i^zzilnu's geo-
giniihiciil uotious iu his cosniographiciil niipcmlix to tlio IctUi' to Fiaiiins 1.
Il is easy to perceive that tliese notions, tliough oxpresscil in cli'nr i;nil ol'tiii
vi'ry precise terms, were extremely vague, and tluit they cannot, without
violence, he tortured into a pitl[iahle shapi'. 'I'lii'y are, in this respi'ct, closely
akin to the cunlenqiurary fjenyraphical (lelineutiuus.

I'll

204 VERAZZANO'S VOYAGE, AND FIRST

many other similar, and with a great variety of birds for every kind
of pleasant and delightful sport. It is plentifully supplied with
lakes and ponds of running water ; and being in the latitude of
34°/ the air is salubrious, pure, and temperate, and free from the
extremes of both heat and cold. There are no violent winds in
these regions ; the most prevalent arc the north-west and west. Tn
summer, the season in which we were there, the sky is clear, with
but little rain. If fogs and mists are at any time driven in by the
south wind, they are instantaneously dissipated, and at once it be-
comes serene and bright again. The sea is calm, not boisterous,
and its waves are gentle. Although the whole coast is low and
without harbours, it is not dangerous for navigation, being free from
rocks, and bold, so that, within four or five fathoms from the shore,
there is twenty-four feet of water at all times of tide ; and this
depth constantly increases in a uniform proportion. The holding
ground is so good that no ship can part her cable, however violent
the wind, as we proved by experience ; for while riding at anchor

sieno senza qualche droghcria o liquore arontatico ct altre divitic oro ed
altro de quale colore la terra tutta tcndo, e copiosa di molti animali
daini, cervi, lepre, e simili. Di laghi c stagni di viva acqua copiosa con
varj numcri d' uccelli atti e commodi a ogni dilcttevole piacere di vena-
gione. Sta questa terra gradi 31, 1' aria salubre pura e teuiperata dal
caldo e dal frcJdo. Vcuti uon impetuosi in (pielli regione spirano e quelli
clie pill continui rcgnano souo coro e zcftiro. Al tempo estivo del quale
noi fummo il cielo e screno con rara pluvia, e sc .alcuna volta da vcnti
australi 1' aria incorre in qualche pruina o caligginc in uno stante non
durando ii diafatta tornando pura e chiara, il marc trau(juillo e non Hut-
tuo.so le onde del quale souo placide ancora che il lito tutto rcnda in
bassczza, e nudo di porti non per5 e infcsto a a navigauti essendo tutto
netto e senza alcuno scopulo e profondo the per insino a 4 o 5 passi si
trova presso alia terra scuza flusso o riilusso picdi venti d' acqua cre-
scendo tal proporzione uiiiforme alia profondita nel pclago con tanto
luiono territorio che qualsivoglia nave da tcmpcsta afflitta uiai in quelle

' Either tliis indicfition, or tlio iliroctimi of the course mentioned next pa?e
(line (i^, nuist be wrong. This citcnnistunce rondcn's a Ciii'cal invcstigutioii
of Vernzznno's track nbsohitely impossible. We must bo satisfied with the
rather vngue assertions, tbat the sliore ho first saw now forms part of
Carolina,

DISCOVERY OF HUDSON S RIVER.

^205

on the coast, we were overtaken by a gale in the beginning of
March, when the winds are high, as is usual in all countries ; we
found our anchor broken before it started from its hold or moved
at ail.

We set sail from this place, continuing to coast along tlie shore,
which we found stretching out to the w^est (cast ? ); the inhabitants
being numerous, we saw everywhere a multitude of fires. While
at anchor on this coast, there being no harbour to enter, we sent
the boat on shore with twenty-five men, to obtain water ; but it
was not possible to land without endangering the boat, on account
of the immense high surf thrown up by the sea, as it was an open
roadstead. Many of the natives came to the beach, indicating, by
various friendly signs, that wo might trust ourselves on shore. One
of their noble deeds of friendship deserves to be made known to
your Majesty. A young sailor was attempting to swim ashore
through the surf, to carry them some knick-knacks, as little bells,
looking-glasses, and other like trifles ; when he came near three or
four of them he tossed the things to them, and turned about to
get back to the boat ; but he was thrown over by the waves, and
so dashed by them, that he lay as it were, dead upon the beach.
When these people saw him in this situation, they ran and took
him up by the head, legs, and arms, and carried him to a distance

parti non rompendo Ic funi potra pcrire e questo abbiamo provato per
espcrieuza. Iinperocchu per valore ncl principio di Marzo come sempre
ogni regiouc essere t o^ j le forze de vcnti seudo noi in alto mare surti
da procella oppress! prima trovammo la aucora rotta che nel foudo
arrasse o faccsse moviuiento alcuno.

Partimmo di questo luogo continue scorrcndo la costo qual trovammo
tornava alio occidcnto veggcndo per tutta quella grandissimi fuochi per
la moltitudine delli abitatori. Surgendo in quolla alia piaggia per non
tenere porto alcuno, per nccessita d'acqua mandammo il battello a terra
con 25 uomini, per le grandissime oude gittava il mare al lito per essere
la piaggia aporta non fu possibilo seuza pericolo di battello che alcuno
potesso in terra scendere, vedemmo molta gento venivano al lito facoudo
varj segni d'amista mostrando fussimo a terra, fra quali vidi uno alto
itiaguifico come intendera V.S.M. Mandaudo noi a nuoto uno giovanc
dc' nostri mariuaria terra portando a quegli iilouuc fantasie come sonagU
spocchi cd altrc gentilizze, ed essendo 3 o 4 giuuti prossimo a (^ucgli git-

206 VERAZZANO'S VOYAGE, AND FIRST

from the surf. The young man, finding himself borne off in this
way, uttered very loud shrieks, in fear and dismay, while they an-
swered as they could in their language, showing him that he had
no cause for fear. Afterwards, they laid him down at the foot of
a little hill, when they took off his shirt and trousers and examined
him, expressing the greatest astonishment at the whiteness of his
skin. Our sailors in the boat, seeing a great fire made up and their
companion placed very near it, — full of fear, as is usual in all cases
of novelty — imagined that the natives were about to roast him for
food. IJut as soon as he had recovered his strength, after a short
stay with them, showing by signs that he wisbed to return aboard,
they hugged him with great affection, and accompanied him to the
shore, then leaving him that he might feel more secure, tliey with-
drew to a little hill, from which they watched him until he was
safe in the boat. This young man remarked that these people were
black, like the others; that they had shining skins, middle stature,
and sharper faces, and very delicate bodies and limbs ; and that
they were inferior in strength, but quick in their minds ; that is all
that he observed of them.
Departing hence, and always following the shore, which stretched

tando loro le mercc e volendo adietro tornarsifu tanto dalle onde rlmosso
che quasi morto cadde trasportato alia riva del lito quale visto la gente
della terra. Subito corsono pigliandolo per la testa e gambe c braccia
lo portarono alquantolontano onde veggendo il giovane in tal forma por-
tarsi da terrora spaventato metteva graudissimi gridi — il che loro in
loro lingua simile facevauo dimostrando non temesse — de poi quollo in
terra a pie d'uno colletto posto facovano grandissimi atti di ammirazione
guardando la bianchczza delle sue carni per tutto lineandolo e spoglian-
dogli la camicia ed i calzamonti e restate nudo feciono apprcssodi quello
uno graudissimo fuoco approssimandolo al calore. II che visto i mariuari
che erano al battelo restate pieni di spaveuto come in ogni case nuovo o
costume di quelli pensavauo che per cibo lo volessero arrostiro, riavuto
lui le forze, con quelli alquauto dimorato per segui diraostro volersi tor-
nare alia nave e quelli con graudissimo amore tcnendolo scmpre stretto,
con varj abbracciamenti 1' accompagniarno fino al mare e per piii ar-si-
curarlo allargandosi in uno colle cmineute stettero a riguardarlo fino che
quelle fu vA battello. II giovane di queste gcntc couobbe che tali souo
di colore ncro come gli altri c le carue molto lustre di mediaua statrua,

DISCOVKUY OF HUDSON 's UIVEU.

207

to the north, wc came, in the space of fifty leagues, to another
hvnd, which appeared very beautiful and full of the large forests.
We approached it, and going ashore with twenty men, we went
back from the coast about two leagues, and found that the people
had fled and hid themselves in the woods for fear. By searching
around, we discovered in the grass a very old woman and a young
girl of about eighteen or twenty, who had concealed themselves
for the same reason. The old woman carried two infants on her
shoulders, and behind her neck a little boy eight years of age.
When we came up to them they began to shriek and make signs to
the men who had fled to the woods. We gave them a part of our
provisions, which they accepted with delight ; but the girl would
not touch any; everything we offered to her being thrown down
in great anger. We took the little boy from the old woman to
carry with us to France, and would have taken the girl also, who
was very beautiful and very tall ; but it was impossible because of
the loud shrieks she uttered as we attempted to lead her away.
Having to pass some woods, and being far from the ship, we de-
termined to leave her and take the boy only.^ We found them

11 viso piti profilato, il corpo e 1' altre membra assai piu dilicati di molta
poca forza e piu presto d' ingegno altro non vide.

Di qui partiti seguendo sempre il leto che tornava verso settentrione
pervenimmo in spazio di leghe 50 a un' ultra terra che molto si mostrava
bella e plena di grandissime sclve. Giugnemmo a quclla andando 20
uomini circa duo leghe fra terra c trovammo le genti che per paura s'erano
fuggite alle selvc, cercando per tutto scontraramo una femina molto
vecchia ed una giovane d' anni 18 in 20, le quali per timore si erano
ascose fra l' crbe. Aveva la vecchia due fane iullettc quale purtava sopra
le spalle c dietro al coUo uno fanciullo tutti d' eta d' anni viii in circa,
giuntc noi a quelli cominciorno a giidare e farno segni agli uomini
che s' erano fuggite alle solve. Donammoli noi a mangiare delle uostro
vivando quale con gran gusto accettorno, la giovane tutto rinunziava e
con ira a terra gittava e pigliammo il fanciullo alia vecchia per mcnare
in Francia, c volcndo prendere la giovane quale era di molta bcllczza,
e d' alta statura, non fu mai possibile per i grandissimi gridi spandeva
la potessimo coudurre al marc avendo a passare per alcune selve ed

' When we compare this conduct with that of the natives related in the
last page, we may well ask, " Wliiclj are the savagcsT' The i-arly navigators,

208 VEUAZZANO'S VOYAGE, AND FIRST

fairer than the others, and wearing a covering made of certain
pUints wliich hung down from the branches of the trees, tying them
together with threads of wiltl licnip. Their licads are witliout
covering and of tlie same shape as the otliors. Tlicir food is a
kind of pulse, which tliere abounds ; different in colour and size
from ours, and of a very delicious flavour. Besides, they take
birds and fish for food ; using snares, and bows made of hard
wood, with reeds for arrows, in the ends of which they put the
bones of fish and other animals. The animals in these regions
are wilder than in Europe, from being continually molested by the
hunters. We saw many of their boats, made of one tree, twenty
feet long and four feet broad, without the aid of stone or iron, or
other kind of metal. In the whole country, for the space of two
hundred leagues, which we visited, we saw no stone of any sort.
To hollow out their boats, they burn out as much of a log as is
requisite, and also from the prow and stern, to make them float
well on the sea. The land, in situation, fertility, and beauty, is

essendo dalla nave lungi deliberammo lasciarla portandosolo il fanciullo.
Trovammo costoro piii bianchi che i passati, vestiti di certe crbe che
stavano pcndenti k rami degli albcri quale tessono con varic cordi di
canape silvestra,il capo nudo nella mcdesima forma degli altri il rivere lore
I in genere h di legumi de quali abondano differenti nel colore a grandezzo

f de'nostri di ottimo e dilettevoli sapere. In oltre di venazione pesci ed

' ucelli quali pigliano con lacei cd archi fanno de duro legno, le freccie

di calamo e nella estremita mettono ossi di pesci, e d' altri aniiuah.
Sono in questa parte le fiere piii salvattiche che non sono in la nostra
Europa per la continua molesta hanno dei venatori. Vcdemmo moltc
delle lore barchette construtte d' un solo albero lunghe picdi 20 larghe
piedi 4 non con ferro o pietra o altro genere de metallo sono fabbricatc
imperoccht tutta quella terra in spazeo de fyhe dugento che vi oor-
remmo alcuna pietra d' alcuna sorta mai da noi fu vista. Auitansi del
quarto clemento del legno tale parte quanto basti alia concavita dela
barca ed il simile dolla prora e poppa tanto che navigando possa solcare
le onde del mare. La terra del site, bonta e belczza e come 1' altre selve
vare di vario genere d' alberi piene ma non di tanto odore per essere pii^i

prompted by too natural a curiosity, and not respecting men whom they con-
sidered as little better than wild beasts, tried to kidnap some of the natives
■whenever opportunity ofTered. They thus caused the spirit of distrust and
hostility, which was afterwai'ds evinced by the North American Indians.

uiscovKRY OK Hudson's kivkk. 209

like the otlier ; abounding also in forests, filled with various kinds of
trees ; but not of such fragrance, as it is more northern and colder.

We saw in this country many vines, growing naturally, which
entwine about the trees, and run up upon them as they do in the
plains of Lombardy. These vines would doubtless produce ex-
cellent wine if they were properly cultivated and attended to, as
we have often seen the grapes which they produce very sweet and
pleasant, and not unlike our own. They must be held in estima-
tion by them, as they carefully remove the shrubbery from around
them wherever they grow, to allow the fruit to ripen better. We
found, also, wild roses, violets, lilies, and many sorts of plants and
fragrant flowers different from our own. We cannot describe their
habitations, as they arc in the interior of the country, but from
various indications Ave conclude they must be formed of trees and
shrubs. We saw also many grounds for conjecturing that they
often sleep in the open air, without any covering but the sky. Of
their other usages we know nothing ; we believe, however, that all
the people we were among live in the same way.

After having remained here three days, riding at anchor on the
coast, as wo could find no harbour, we determined to depart, and
coast along the shore to the north-east, keeping sail on the vessel
only by day, and coming to anchor by night. Afnr proceeding

settentrionale e frcdJa. Vcdemmo in quelle molte vite dalla natura
produttc, quali alzaudosi avvoltano agli alberi come nclla cisalpina
Gallia costumano, Ic quali se dagli agricoltori avcssino il pcrfctto ordine
di cultura senza dubbio produrrebbono ottrini vini, pcrche piil volte il
frutto di quello bccndo, veggendo suave c dolce non dal nostro diffcrento
sono da loro temiti in ostimaziono impcrocchS per tntto dove nascono
levano gli arbuscoli circustanti ad causa il frutto possa gcrminare.
Trovaranio rose silvcstrc e violc gigli e molte sorte di erbc e fieri odori-
feri da nostri difFerente. Le abitazioni loro non conoscemmo per esscre
dcntro infra terra, estimiamo per molti segni vcdemmo sieno di Icgno e
erbe composte, credendo ancora per varie congetture e vestigii molte di
quegli dormire alia campagne ed altra che il cielo non abbiano per
copcrtura. Altro di costoro con conoscemmo, pensiamo tutti gli altri
dclla passata terra vivino nel medesimo mode. Essendo in questa terra
diraorati tre giorni, surti alia costa per la rarita de' porti dclibcrammo
partirc scorrendo sempre al lito infra settentrionc cd oricnte, il di sola-

210 VI',UA/,7,,\No'.S VOYAOK, AM) IMUS'l'

one luindii'd leagues, \vc t'oiiiul ii very plca.stmt situation amon^
some steep hills, through wliich a very large river, deep at its
mouth, forced its way to the sea; IVoiu tlie sea to the estuary of
the river, any sliip heavily laden might pass, with the lielp oi' the
tide, which rises eight feet. But as we were riding at anchor in a
good berth, we would not venture up in our vessel, without a know-
ledge of the mouth ; therefore we took the boat, antl entering the
river, wc found the country on its banks well peopled, the inliahi-
tants not differing much from the others, being dressed out willi
the feathers of birds of various colours. They came towards us
with evident delight, raising loud shouts of admiration, and show-
ing us where we could most securely land with our boat. Wc
passed np this river, about half a league, when we found it formed
a most beautiful lake three leagues in circuit, upon which tlu y
were rowing thiuty or more of their small boats, from one shore to
the other, filled witli midtitudes who came to see us. All of a sud-
den as is wont to happen to navigators, a violent contrary wind
blew in from the sea, and forced us to return to our ship, greatly
regretting to leave this region which seemed so commodious and
delightful, and which we supposed must also contain great riches,

mente navigando c la notte posando la ancora in termini di leghc cento

trovammo un sito niolto amcuo posto infra piccoli colli cmincnti uel

mezzo do' quali corrcva al marc una grandissima rivicra, la quale dentro

alia focc era profonda e dal marc all' ominenza di qucUa col ricresci-

ujcnto dcllc aoquc quali trovammo piedi otto e vi passata ogni oucravi:i

nave a per esserc surti nella costa in buono ohbligo non volemmo scnza

intcllcgeuza dclla focc avcnturarci funimo col battello ed entraiulo

nella riviera alia terra (juale trovammo molto populata c le genti quasi

conforme all' altre vcstiti di pennc d' uccelli di varj colori venivano verso

I di noi allegramcntc mcttcndo graudissimi gridi di ammirazioni mostran-

i done dove col battello avossimo piii securamcnte a possare, entraninio in

i detta riviera dentro alia terra circa mezza Icga dove vcdemmo faceva uu

I bellissimo lago di circuito di leghc tre in circa, per lo quale andavi.no

i discorrendo dall' una all' altra parte al numcro di trenta di loro bai-

' chette con infinite genti chc passavano dall' una all altra terra per vcr-

derci. In uno stante come advenire suole nel navicarc movendosi im-

petuoso contrario vcnto dal mare fummo forzati tornacci alia nave

I lasciando la detta terra con molto dispiaccrc per la commodita c vaghezza

DISCOVliRY ()!• HUDSON S RIVKR.

211

nH the hills showed many imlieatlons of minerals. Wciffhing
anclioi',' wc sailed cij^hty lea<iues towards the cast, as tlio coast
stretclied in that direction, and tilways in sijj,lit of it; at len<ftli we
discovered an island of a trianj^ular form, about ten leagues from tlie
main land, in sJ/c about equal to the island of Rhodes, having
many hills covered with trees, and well peopled, judging from the
grea*; nunibcr of fires whicli we saw all around its shores ; wc
gave it the name of your Majesty's mother.^

"We did not land there, as the weather was unfavourable, but
proceeded to another place, fifteen leagues distant from the island,
where wc found a very excellent harbour. Before entering it, we

cli quella pcnsando non fosse senza qualchc facoltadi prczzo mostrandosi
tuttc li colli di quclla minerali. Lcvata 1' ancora navicammo verso
r orieutc clic cosi la terra toriiava, discorse Icghc ottanta. Scmpre a
vista di quclla discoprimnio vma isola in forma triangolarc lontauo dal
contineute legho x. di grandczza simile alia isola di Rodi picna di colli,
coperta d'al:>cri, c molto populata per li continui fuoclii, per tutto
interno al lito vcdemmo clio facevano. Hattezzammolo iu nomc dclla
vostra clarrissima genitvice. Nou surgendo a quclla per la opposizione
del tempo vcnimmo a lui' altra terra distunto dalla isola Icghe xv tro-
vammo uno hulissimo porto e prima iu qucllo cntrassimo vcdemmo circa

' It is qnito clear, from llio course of the vessel, that the river liore de-
scribt'tl is the Iliulson, ami the buy, its moutli. Tlio doscripliou also is per-
fectly accurate. As is stated further on, by Professor Cogswell, an American
historian, Dr. ^Miller was of opini(in,that not the bny here summarily sketched,
bnt the one move amply depicted on a later page of Verazzauo's journal, is
Kew York harbour. Dr. iMiller was most probably misled by his patriotism.
The charming description of tlie second bay cannot bo misi dien for that of
the moutli of the Hudson, by any one whoso judgment is oi".iiely unbiassed.
Tlio mistake has for a long time been generally acknowledged in America.

The second bay, wliieli Verazzano afterwards entered, is Narrangaset Bay
(Newport harbour, Piliode Island). The praise given to it by its discoverer
is not by any means oxagg(!rated.

- It may perhaps be allowed to hazard the conjecture that this tribe was
descended from the Welsh emigrants, who had reached America in the early
pnrl of the middle ages : and of whom many travellers, but most especially
Mr. Catlin, believe to have found some traces. They need not huve been
venj white to appear fair to a sunburnt Italian mariner. Tlie emendation
introduced into the text by ^Mr. Cogswell, seems of too bold a nature. Di
colore bianchissiino can hardly be interpreted into inclining to a white
[lifonzc) colour.

2153 VERAZZANO'S VOYAGE, AND FIRST

saw about twenty small boats full of people, who came about our
ship, uttering many cries of astonishment, but they would not ap-
proach nearer than within fifty paces ; stopping, they looked at the
structure of our ship, our persons and dress, afterwards they all
raised a loud shout together, signifying tliat they were pleased.
By imitating their signs, we inspired them in some measure with
confidence, so that they came near enough for us to toss to them
some little bells and glasses, and many toys, which they took and
looked at, laughing, and then came on board without fear, among
them were two kings, more beautiful in form and stature than can
possibly be described ; one was about forty years old, the other
about twenty-four, and they were dressed i, the following manner :
The oldest had a deer's skin around his body, artificially wrought
in damask figures, his Lead was without covering, his hair was
tied back in various knots ; around his neck he wore a large chain
ornamented with many stones of different colours. The young man
was similar in his general app-^arance. This is the finest looking
tribe, and the handsomest in their costumes, that we have found in
our voyage. They exceed us in size, and they are of a very fair
complexion ( r) ; some of them incline more to a white (bronze?),
and others to a tawny colour ; their faces are sharp, their hair long
and black, upon the adorning of which they bestow f;reat pains ;

XX ba.vchette di genti che vouivano con varj gridi c maraviglie intorno
alia nave non a[)prossiniandosi piu che cinquanta passi fcrmavansi
vedendo lo edifizio nostro cfligie ed abite : di poi tutti insieme spanJc-
lano ua altro grido, significaudo rallcgrarsi assicuratigli ahjuanto imi-
tando loro gcsti si approssimurono tanto che gitamrao loro alcuni sonagH
e spccclij molte fantasie quale prose con riso e riguardandole sicura-
mente nclla nave entrorno. Erano inira quelli duo re de tauta bclla
statura e forma quanto narrate sia possibilc 11 primo d' anni 40 in circa
r altro d'anni 24, 1'abito de' quali tale era — il piu vecchio sopra il corpo
nudo aveva una pcllc di ccrvo lavorata artifiziosamanto alia damaschiiui
con vai'j ricanii, la testa nuda, li capelli aditro avolti con varic Icgaturo,
al coUo una catena larga ornata di molte pietri di diversi colori. Jl
giovane quasi nclla mcdesiina forma. Era questa la piu holla gente c la
pill gontile di costumi abbiamo trovata in questa navigazionc, eccedono
!i(ii di grandezza. sono di colore bianchissinio. alcuui pcndono piii in
biaucliixza ma altri in colore llavo, il viso i>iolihito, i oapcgli luiighi c

DISCOVEUY OF UUUSOn's KIVER. 213

their eyes are black and sharp, their expression mild and pleasant,
greatly resembling the antique. I say nothing to your Majesty of
the other parts of the body, which are all in good proportion, and
such as belong to well formed men. Their women are of the same
form and beauty, very graceful, of fine countenances and pleasing
appearance in manners and modesty ; they wear no clothing except
a deer skin, ornamented like thoac worn by the men ; some wear very
rich lynx skins upon their arms, and various ornaments iipon their
heads, composed of braids of hair, which also hang down upon
their breasts on each side; others wear different ornaments, such
as the women of Egypt and Syria use. The oUlcr and the married
people, both men and women, wear many ornaments, in their ears,
hanging down in the oriental manner. We saw upon them several
pieces of wrought copper, which is more esteemed by them than
gold, as this is not valued on account of its colour, but is considered
by them as the most ordinary of the metals, — yellow being the
colour especially disliked by them ; azure and red are those ir. high-
est estimation with them. Of those things which we gave them, they
prized most highly the bells, azure crystals, and other toys to hang
in their ears and about their necks ; they do not value or care to

ncri nei quali pongono grandissimo studio in adornargli, gli occhi ncri e
pronti, la aria dolce e soave iinitando molto Tantioo. Dellc altrc parti
del corpo uon dir5 a V.S.M. tenendo tutte le proporzione del corpo 1' ap-
partiene a uno bene composto. Lc donuc loro souo della medesima
forma e belle/a uiolto graziose e di venusta aira e grato aspetto di cos-
tumi e continentia, nude con solo una pelle di cervo ricamata come gli
iioraini alcune alle braccia portauo pclle di lupi ccrvieri molto ricchc, il
capo con varj ornamenti di trcccie composte de' medesimi capcgli che
pondono dall' uno e I'altro lato del petto. Alcune hauno altro accon-
ciaturc come le donue d' Egitto e di Soria usano, e (jucste sono quoile
che eccedono alia ctsl e giunte in spozalizio agli orecchi tengono varie
fautasie pcndcnti come gli oricntali costuuiano cosi gli uoniini come lc
douno a quali vcdciumo luultc lauiinc di ramc lavoratc da quelli teuute
in prcgio piii che 1' oro ; il quale per il colore non stimano ; imporocchc
fra tutti i mctalle da loro per il piii vile e tenuto per il giallo colore che
ahorrono, lo azzurro ed il rosso sopra ogni altro csaltando. Quello cho
ila noi gli lil doiii\lo che piii tcncssino in prczzo crauo sonagli. cristal-
Uui iizzuiri cd allrc tautatfic da tcucrc agli orocohj cd al collo iiou proz-

214 VKKAZZANu's ^()VAGE, A^'D FIRST

have silk or gold stuffs, or other kind of cloth, nor implements of
steel or iron. When we showed them our arms, they expressed no
admiration, and only asked how they were made; the same was the
case with the looking-glasses, which they returned to us, smiling,
as soon as they had looked at them. They arc very generous; giv-
ing away whatever they have. We formed a great friendshij) with
them, and one day we entered into the port with our ship, having
before rode at the distance of a league from the shore, as the wea-
ther was adverse. They came off to the ship with a number of their
little boats, with their faces painted in divers colours, showing us
real signs of joy, bringing us of their provisions, and signifying to
us where we could best ride in safety with our ship, and keeping
with us until we had cast anchor. Wc remained among them fif-
teen days, to provide ourselves with many things of which wc
were in want, during which time they came every day to see our
ship, bringing with tliciu their wives, of whom they v.ere very
careful ; for although they came on board themselves, and remain-
ed a long while, they made their wives stay in the boats, nor could
we ever get them on board by entreaties ov any presents we could
make them. One of the two Kings often came with his Queen and

zano drappi di seta o di oro o di oltri goncri di drappi, no si curano
quclli avere, simile do mctalli come acciajo ferro, pcrchc piCi volte m(^s-
trandoli delle uostre armi non no pigliavano ammirazione e di (piellc
domaudavano solo lo artifizio risguardando dolli speccbj il simile facevano
Bubito quclli guardando, ridendo rcnunziavano. Sono molto liberali die
tutto qucllo hanno donato. .Facemmo con loro grandc aniista cd uno
giorno avauto cntrassimo con la nave ncl porto stando per li tcinpc
adversi una Icga nel marc surti venivano con uu numcro di loro bar •
chette alia nave puntata ed acconci il viso con varj colori mostrandoci
Tcro segno di allcgrczza putandone dcUc loro vivande, facendoci segno
dovo per salvazione della nave nel porto avessimo a surgere di contiuuo
accoinj)agnaiidonc pcrfino a (|ucllo posammo la ancora, pel quale posaiu-
ma giorni (piindici rostauraudone di molta opportuiiita, dove ogni giorno
vcniva gcnte a vederc alia nave mcnando lo loro donuc dcUe (juali sono
molto curiosi imperocchc cntrando loro in t|uella dimorando lungo spazio
facevano Ic loro donue aspcttarc nolle barchette e con quanti prieghi li
faccssimo offerendo donarc loro varic cose non era possibilo die laciah-
sino (jucllc in nave cutrarc c moltc volte vencuilo uiiu dolli duo re cuii la

DISCOVKUY OK HUDSON S lllVEU.

:>ir>

many attendants, to sec us for his amusements ; but he always
stojjped at the distance of about two hundred paces, and sent a
boat to inform us of his intended visit, sayinj^f they would come and
see our ship, — this was done for safety, and as soon as they had an
answer from us they came off, and remained awhile to look around ;
but on hearing the annoying cries of the sailors, the king sent his
queen, with her attendants, in a very light boat, to wait, near an
island a quarter of a league distant from us. while he remained a
long time on board, talking with us by . , and expressing his
fanciful notions about everything in the ^.'.ip, and asking the use
of all. After imitating our modes of salutation, and tasting our
food, he courteously took leave of us. Sometimes, when our men
stayed two or three days on a small island near the ship for their
various necessities, as sailors are wont to do, he came with seven
or eight of his attendants to incjuirc about our movements, often
asking us if we intended to remain long, and offering us evtiy-
thing at his command ; and then he would shoot with his bow,
and run up and down with his people, making great sport for us.
We often went five or six Iragues into the interior, and found the
country as pleasant as is possible to conceive, adapted to cultiva-

regina c molti gcntili uomiui per suo piaccre a vcdcre in prima si fer-
mava scmpre a una terra distantc da noi 200 passi, mandando una
barchetta, ad avisaruc della sua vonuta, dicendo volarc venire a vedoro
la nave, (jucsto facendo in spezic di sicurta, c come da noi avovano la
risposta sul)ito vcnivano e stati aluuanto a risguardare scntcndo il nojoso
clamore della turba niarittima mandava la rogina con le sue damigelle
in una barchetta molto Icggiera a riposare ad una isola distante da noi
un quarto dc Icga rcstando in grandissimo spazio ragioi'ando per scgni
e qucsti di varie fantasic riguardando tutto lo sostanze delUi nave
domandando in particolare la propricta di quelle imitando i nostri sahiti,
gustando i nostri cibi, di poi benignaraento da noi si partiva cd alcuna
volta due e tre giorni stando le nostre genti ad una isola piccola vioina
alia nave per varie necessita come e costume de' marinaj vcniva con 7 o 8
Jo suoi gcntili uouiini in quolla guardando nostre operazioni, doman-
(lundone piu volte so volcvauio restar quivi per lungo tcnqio ofTerondone
cgui sua facidta, di poi tiraudo con 1' arco corrcndo faccva coa li suoi
^eutili uomini varj giuochi per darne piacerc fumrao piii volte infra
terra v o vi leghe quale trovammo tauto amcna quauto narrarc sia possi-

216

VERAZZANO'S VOYAGE, AND FIRST

tion of every kind, whether of corn, wine, or oil; there .ire often
plains twenty-five or thirty leagues in extent, entirely free from
trees or other hindrances, and of so great fertility, that whatever
is sown there will yield an excellent crop. On entering the woods,
we observed that they might all be traversed by an army ever so
numerous ; the trees of which they were composed were oaks,
cypresses, an'l others unknown in Europe. We found also apples,
plums, filberts, and many other fruits, but all of a different kind
from ours. The animals, which are in great numbers, as stags,
deer, lynxes, and many other species, are taken by snares and by
bows, the latter being their chief implement ; their arrows arc
wrought with great beauty, and for the heads of them they use
emery, jasper, hard marble, and other sharp stones in cutting
down trees, and with them they construct their boats of single logs,
hollowed out with admirable skill, and sufliciently commodious to
contain ten or twelve persons ; their oars are short, and broad at
the end, and are managed in rowing by force of the arms alone,
with perfect security, and as nimbly as they choose. We saw
their dwellings, which are of a circular form, of about ten or twelve
paces in circiT inference, made of logs split in halves, without any

bile, atta a ogni genere di cultura frumento, vino, olio, impcrocchc in
quella sono campagne larghc xxv iu xxx Icghe apcrte o nude d' ogni
iuipediracnto d' arbori, di tanta fcrtilitii che qualsivoglia seme in quclla
produrebbe ottimo frutto. Kntrando poi nolle sclvc tuttc a ogni uume-
roso escrcito in qual modo sia sono penctrabili, dclle quali gli arbori
sono qucrcic, ciprcssi, cd attri incogniti nclla Europa. Trovammo pomi
luculliano prune, avcllano c molte altrc frutto. II genere di esse e dif-
forcnte dalle nostre. Auimali vi sono di grandissimo numero, cervi,
daini lupi ccrvieri, o di altre spezic quali nel modo degli altrc pigliauo
con lacci, archi, che sono per loro principalc armo, le frcice do quali
sono con molta pulchritudinc lavorate ponendo nella estreraita per fcrro
smeriglio, diaspro e duro marmore cd altre taglicnti pietre dclle quali si
servono per ferro ncl tagliarc albcri c fabricare le loro barchctte di uii
sob fusto di Icguo con mirabilc artifizio concave, nclla quale couiiuo-
damentc andra x o xii uomini, cd il remo corto nella estrcmita larga
operandc quel solo con forza di braccia in pelago senza alcuno pcricolo,
con tanta vclocita quanto a loro piace e stcndendoci vedemiuo loro abita-
zione in forma circolare di x in xii passi di and)ito fabricate di serai-

DISCOVKKY Ol" III'DSON S RlVKl!.

217

regularity in architecture, ami covered with roof's of straw, nicely
put on, which protect them from wind and rain. There is no
doubt that they would buiUl stately edifices if they had workmen
as skilful as ours ; for the whole sea- coast abounds in shining
stones, crystals, and alabaster, and for the same reason it has posts
and retreats for animals. They change their habitations from
place to place as circumstances of situation and season may re-
quire. This is easily done, as they have only to take with them
their mats, and they have other houses prepared at once. The
father and the whole family dwell together in one house in great
numbers : in some wc saw twenty-five or thirty persons. Their
food is pulse, as with the other tribes ; wliich is here better than
elsewhere, and more carefully cultivated. In the time of sowing
they are governed by the moon, the sprouting of grain, and many
other ancient usages. They live by hunting and fishing, and they
arc long lived. If they fall sick, they cure themselves without
medicine, by the heat of the fire; and their death at last comes
from extreme old age. We judge them to be very affectionate and
charitable towards their relatives, making loud lamontulions in
their adversity, and in their misery calling to mind all their good

circoli di legno separate 1' una dall altr.a sensa online d' architcctura,
coperte di tele di paglia sottilnicnte lavorate che da vuuto c pioggia li
ttifondono, non e dubbio se avissiuo la pcifczione dcgli artifizj, noi abi-
amo che conducessino magni edifi/.j, imporocchc tutto il lito maritlimo
ili vivc pictre d' auralee e cristalliuc e di alabastro c picno c per talo
causa e copiose di porti c ricettacoli di aniniali. Pormiitauo Ic dctto
cose di uno in altro luogo secondo la espcrienza del cito cd il tempo iu
quello diraorati — levano solo le tele, in uno stantc hauuo altrc abita-
zioni fabricate e diniora, in ciaschcduna padre e fanuglia in grandis-
simo numero c in cpialchc una vedemmo xxv o xxx animc ed il viverc
lore e come gli altri di legumi i (piali producono con piu ordine di cul-
tura, dcgli altri asscrvando nolle scmenzo lo influsso liuiarc il nasci-
lucnto delle biade e molte modi dall antichi dati — iu oltre di veriagionc

c pcsci — vivono lungo tempo. In egritudiiie incorromo so da

soiio opprcssi scnza floniito col fuoco da loro medesiiui si sanauo ed il
fine loro b dolla ultima vccchioza quidichianio sicno di loro prossimi
molto pietosi e caritativi, facondo nolle advcrsita gran lanienti, nolle
iniscrio ricordando tutto Ic loro fclicita od i parenti 1' uno con 1" altro

I i

218

VRIIAZ/ANO S VOYAGK, AM) FIRST

fortune. At their departure out of life, their rehitions mutually
join in weeping, mingled with singing, for a long while. This is
all that we could learn of them.

Thif region is situated in the parallel of Rome, being 41° 40' of
north latitude; but much colder, from accidental circumstances,
and not by nature, as I shall hereafter explain to your Majesty, and
confine myself at present to the description of its local situation.
It looks towards the south, on which side the harbour is half a
league broad ; afterwards, upon entering it, the extent between the
coast and north is twelve leagues ; and then enlarging itself, it
forms a very large bay, twenty leagues in circumference, in which
are five small islands of great fertility and beauty, covered with
large and lofty trees. Among these islands any fleet, however
large, might ride safely, without fear of tempests or other dangers.
Turning towards the south, at the entrance of the harbour, on both
sides, there are very pleasant hills, and many streams of clear
water which flow down to the sea. Tii the midst of the entrance
there is a rock of freestone, formed by natarc, and suitable for the
construction of any kind of machine or bulwark for the defence of
the harbour.'

nel fine di loro vita usano 11 pianto siciliauo raisto con canto jier lungo
tempo durando. E qucsto e qua'ito di loro potcssimo comosccre. Questa
terra e situata nel paralello di lloma in gradi 41? ma alquanto piil
fredila per accidcnte, non per natura, come in altra parte narrero a
V.S.M. descrivendo al preseute il sito di detto posto guarda verso lo
austro augusta mizza lega dipoi entrando in (|uollo infra oriente e sct-
tentrione s' esteude leghe xii dove allargaudosi causa uno amplissimo
seno di circuito di leghe xx in circa nel quale sono v. isolette di molta
fertilita e vaghezza piene di alti e spatioso alberi infra le quali isole
ogni numero di classe senza timore di tumpesta o di altro impedimcnto
di fortuua secura puo quiescere. Toruando iwv vorso meridio alia cii-
trata del porto all' uuo c 1' altro lato sono amcuissimi colli con molti rivi
che dalla eminenza al mar j saituriscono chiare acque. Nel mezzo della
hocca si trova uno scoglio di viva pietra dalla natura prodotto atto a
fabbricarvi qual si vuole niacoliina o propugnacolo per custodia di
quelle.

1 Tliu tibuvu doscripliun applies lo Nnnagunsot, 13iiy iind Ihn harbour of
NcwjjoiM in l!li(iil( rslmiil. althoiif,'li inistukiMi by Dr. Rlillcr, in his iliscourso

BISCOVKRY OV IILUSOn's UIVKH.

2l\)

Having supplied ourselves witli everything necessary, on the
fifth vji' May we departed from the port, and sailed one hundred and
fifty leagues, keeping so close to the coast as never to lose it from
our sight. The nature of the country appeared much the same as
before J but the mountains were a little higher, and all, in appear-
ance, rich in minerals. We did not stop to land, as the weather
was very favourable for pursuing our voyage, and the country pre-
sented no variety. The shore stretched to the cast ; and, fifty
leagues beyond, more to the north, where we found a more elevated
country full of very thick woods of fir trees, cypresses, and the like,
indicative of a cold climate. The people were entirely different
from the others we had seen, whom we had found kind and gentle ;
but tlicsc were so rude and barbarous that we were unable, by any
signs we could make, to hold communication with them, 'ihey
clothe themselves in the skins of bears, lynxes, seals, and other
animals. Their food, as far as we coulil judge by several visits to
their dwellings, is obtained by hunting and iishing, and certain

T'lssondo di ogni nostra oppurtuiiita rcstaurati il giorno sei di maggio
partimiuo dall dctto porto continuaudo il lito uon pcrJeudo mai la vista
dclla terra navigainmo Icghe loO, trovandola di una modesinui natura cd
alquanto piu alta con alcune montagne che tuttc si mostravano minerali,
non posammo a quella per la prospcrita del tempo ue serviva in rigare
la costa pensammo fosse all' altra contbrme — correva il lito alio oriente,
in spazio de Icghe 50 toiiando piu al scttentriouo trovammo una terra
alta plena di sclvc molto folte dcUe (^uali li albcri furouo abeti, ciprcssi,
e simili che si gcnerano in regioue frcdda, la gcnte tutf < lalle altre dif-
forme e quauto i passati erano d'ogui gesto gcntili, questi erano di ruvi-
dezza e visi tanto barbari, che mai potcmmo con quauti segnali 11 faces-
simo avcre con loro conversazione alcuna vestono di pelle di orsi, di
lupi cervieri consocore aiiJando piii volte dove avcvano la abitataziouo
stemiamo Ic piii volte sia di vciiagione e pcsci c di alouni frutti che souo

!■ 'I

before this Society (us publislu'd in the firsl vohmio of the tVu'iiier sorios of
Collections), for llie bay and harbour of New York. The latter nre briefly
described in a in'ocedin;^ iiaragraph of this translation (p. 45) witii siillicient
clearness to ailniit of their being easily recoj^'nizeJ. The isbnul, "of a trian-
gular form, resembling the i-.laiiil of llhoiles" ( \vh it'll Vorrazzuiio mentions
as fifty Icagi'.is to tile east of New York, — ji. l(i),is iloubtless Hbck l>liiiiil.
— Cv/.suv//.

'220

VEKA/ZANO S VUVAUK, AM) FlKSl"

fruits, which are a sort of root of spontaneous ,t,no\vth. They have
no pulse, and we saw no signs of cultivation. Tlic hind ai)pear3
sterile, and unfit for growing of fruit or grain of any kind. Jf we
wished at any time to truilick with them, tliey came to the sea
shore and stood upon the rucks, from which they lowered down by
a cord, to our boats beneath, wliatcver they had to barter, conti-
nually crying out to w^ not to come nearer, and instantly demand-
ing from us that which was to be given in exchange. They took
from us only knives, fishdiooks, and sharpened steel. No regard
was paid to our courtesies. When we had nothing left to exchange
with them, the men at our departure made the most brutal signs
of disdain and contempt possible. Against their will we penetrateii
two or three leagues into the interior with twenty-five men. When
we came to tlie shore, they shot at us with tlieir arrows, raising
the most horrible cries, and afterwards fleeing to the woods. In
this region we found nothing extraordinary, except vast forests and
some metalliferous hills, as we inl'er from seeing that many of the
l)eople wear copper earrings.

Departing from thence, we kept along the coast, steering north-
east, and found the country more pleasant and open, free from

I'l

spezie di radici quale la terra per se medisima produce. Non haimo
logumi nc vedenmio segno alcuno di culturaj uemmouo farebbe la term
per la sterilita nou alta a producerc frutto o some alcuno. Se da (juegli
alouna volta rciiunziando volevamo dellc loro cose nc veuivauo al lito
c'ol maro sopra alcuuc pietre dove, piu frangcva e staiulo uoi uel batello
con una corda, quullo ciic volevan dare ci maudcvauo, contiuuo griJaudo
alia terra non ci approssimassimo, domaudando subito il cauibio alio
incontro, non pigliando se nou coltclli, lauu da pescare e metallo tagli-
eute, ne stiinavano gentiliczza alcuna, e quaudo non avcvamo piu cho
pcrmutaro da loro partendo gli uomini nc facevano tutti gli atti di dis-
pregio verecondia che puo faro ogni brutta creatura. Funuiio contra
loro volouto dcutio fra terra due o tre leghe xxv uouiiui e quaudo sceu-
devano al lito ci tiravano con loro avchi mcttando gridi grandissimi, poi
si fuggivano uclle selve. Nou coniioscomnio in (picsta tena facolta (ii
mouiciito alcuno fec non gniudi.shime selve c(Hi alcuni colli jiu.^souo avcro
qualchc metallo che a molti vcdeninio pater no.stri di ranie alii oreccbi.
Partimuio scorcudo la cu^ta infra oriente e sctlcntrionc <jua!c truvaauau

UlSCOVKKY OF HUDSON S HI VEIL

221

tf'

woods ; and distant in tlio interior wc saw lofty mountains, but
none which extended to the shore. Within fifty leagues wc dis-
covered thirty-two islands, all near the mainland, small, and of
pleasant appearance ; but high, and so disposed as to afford excel-
lent harbours and channels, as we see in the Adriatic Gulf, near
Illyria and Dahnatia. We had no intercourse with the people ;
but we judge that they were similar in nature and usages to those
we were last among. After sailing between east and north the
distance of one hundred and fifty leagues more, and finiling our
provisions and naval stores nearly exhausted, we took in wood and
water, and determined to return to France, liaving di.stovered o02,
that is 700 {sic) leagues of unknown land.

As to tiie religious faith of all these tribes, not understanding
their language, wc could not discover cither by sign or gestures
any thing certain. It seemed to us that they had no religion nor
laws, nor any knowledge of a First Cause or Mover, that they wor-
shipped neither the heavens, stars, sun, moon, nor other planets ;
nor could we learn if they were given to any kind of idolatry, or
offered any sacrifices or supplications, or if they have temples or
houses of prayer in tlieir villages ; our conclusion was, that they
have no religious belief whatever, but live in this respect entirely

pill bclla, apcrta e nuda di selve con alte montagne dcntro infra terra
diininucndo verso il lito del mare — in leghe cinquanta discoprimmo xxxii
isolc tutte propinque al coutinentc, piccole e di grata prospettiva, alte
tcncndo la verzura della terra fra le quali si causava bcllissiini porti o
canali come uel seno adriatico, nella Iliredo e Dalmazia fanno. Non
avcmina con la gente couosccn/.a e stimianio come le altre lasciate di
costumi e natura siano. Navigaudo infra '1 subsolano ed acquilone in
spazio (U leghe 1.50 e di gih avendo consumato tutte le nostre sostanze
navali e vettovaglic, avendo discoperto leghe (302 cioe leghe 700 piii di
luiova terra fornendoci di acque o legnc dcliberammo di tornare in
Fnuicia.

Quauto alia fede tencgono tutti questi popoli abbiamo trovate per
luaiicauicuto di lingue non possemmo couoscere ue per segui o gesti
alcimi. Consideriamo tenessino legge o fede alcuna, ne couoscono una
per una causa e motore ne veuerasino ciclo o stello. Sole luna o altri
piancti, iic uianco tenessino spezie di idolatria ne conoscemmo facessino
sagriticio o altre prcci no iu la loro populazionc hanno teuipj o case di

2^2 VKRAZZANo's VOYAOK, AM) FIRST

free. All which proceeds from ignorance, as they are very easy to
be pcrsiiiulcd, and imitated us with earnestness and fervour in all
which they saw us do as Christians in our acts of worship.

It remains for me to lay before your Majesty a cosmograi)hical
cx2)osition of our voyage.' Taking our departure, as I before

orazione. Stimiamo non tcngl\ino fedc alcuua ma vivino in qucsta
libcrta, c tutto dalla iguoranza proccde pcrchc sono molti facili a persua-
dcre tutto (lucllo hauno i cristani circa il culto divino vcndcvano fare c
faccvano con qucllo stimolo e forvorc che noi facciamo.

Restami a narrare a V. S. M. 1' ordine di dctta navigazionc circa la
cosmographia.^ Come di sopra dissi partcndo dalli prefati scopcrti chc

' In the remainder of this loiter, which is cliieily cosmngrftphical, Vtiriaz-
zuno sliows how many degrees lartiier westward he liad sailed, than the kiiow-
leilge of the ancients extended, and liow erroneous were their notions about
the relative proportions of land and water, on the earth's snrface. As to the
lirst point, the whole cnleulaiioii it will he observed is based upon an error in
estimating his meridional distance, whieh is too large by nearly one half, and
of coiuso his diU'erenee of longitude in the same proportion; but this is no
disparagement to his nautical skill, for navigation was in its infancy at tlie
time of his voyage, and he had not the aid of a lunar observation or a chro-
nometer to correct his dead reckoning. Nor does it appear from the letter
precisely in what way he determined his ship's progress ; he says only that he
took observations of the sun (probably with an astrolabe as Jie quadrant had
not then been invented), and that he kept notes of his daily run; but the
%yhole account, and particularly his deductions I'especting the relative
proportion of land and water, prove how very imperfect all such knowledge
then was. This part of the letter is now, we believe, for the first time,
translated into English. In giving it lliis new dress we have endeavoured
to keep as close as possible to the original ; but such is its obscurity and
confusedness of exi)reshion, that we do not venture to assert wo have derived
the exact meaning of every passage; still we are confident that no essential
idea has been omitted or nustrauslated. In the numerical computations the
fractional parts are neglected, as they were found to be often wrong, owing
most likely to the copyist's carelessness, and as they are not important to the
right understanding of the statements. Cogsivcll.

2 Some very summary remarks about this cosmographical appendix will
be found in tlic introduction. If it was the object of the present book to
illustrate the voyage of Yera/.zano, not that of Hudson, the cosmographicnl
appendix ought to have been treated at grtat length, as being one of tlic
most curious monuments of geographical literature. Its complete elucida-
tion recjuires however a very ample eonimentary ; and it would be un-
justifiable if wc were to introduce such a treatise into the present already
somewhat overgrown volume.

DISCOVKUY OK HUDSON S UIVKU.

observed from the above mentioned desert rocks, whicli lie on the
extreme verge of the west, as known to the ancients, in the me-
ridian of tlio Fortunate Ishinds, and in the hititude of 32 degrees
north from the equator, and steering a westward course, we had
run, when we iirst made hind, a distance of 1200 leagues or 4800
miles, reckoning according to nautical usage four miles to a league.
This distance calculated geometrically, upon tlie usual ratio of the
diameter to the circumference of the circle, gives 92 degrees ; for
if we take 114 degrees as the chord of an arc of a great circle, we
have by the same ratio 95 degrees as the chord of an arc on the
parallel of 34 degrees, being that on which we first made land, and
300 degrees as the circumference of the whole circle, passing
through this plane. Allowing, then, as actual observations show,
that 621 terrestrial miles correspond to a celestial degree, we find
the wliole circumference of 300 degrees as just given to be 18,759
miles, which divided by 360, makes the length of a degree of lon-
gitude in the parallel of 34 degrees to be 52 miles, and that is the
true measure. Upon this basis, 1200 leagues, or 4800 miles
meridional distance, on the parallel of 34, give 92 degrees, and so
many therefore have we sailed farther to the west than was known

son situate nel fine dello occidcnte alii antichi noto, c ncl mcridiano dc-
scritto per Ic insule fortunate in latitudiuc gradi 32 dallo c(|uatore del
nostro cmisperio navigando alio occideute perKno alia prima terra tro-
vammo legho 1200, che contcugono raiglia 4800, computando iniglia
cjuattro per lega sccondo lo uso marittimo degli navclerii goouictrice
giusta la proporziouc tripla scttima del diametro alia circoTifcrcnza gradi
^^T> V ?' V ^' 3"' ^°'^ ^^^ ^'* ^^^ essendo la corda del arco del massimo
circolo gradi 114-fi e la corda del paralello gradi 34, dclla prima terra
da noi trovata alia raedesima proporzione gradi 9o2 5^ l^osserc si nostra
I'ambito di tutto il circolo gradi 300 IV, I--.' cho daudo per ogni grado
corao confermano la maggiore parte di quelli cho hanno specimentato
rispondcre in terra alia proporzione del cielo miglia G2i fariano miglia
187o9J_- A quale ripartite in 360 perveneria per ciasoheduno miglio
521 9 r. e tanto vale uno grade di longitudine in detto paralello di
gradi 34, Soi>ra il quale per la retta del meridcano di detti scopcrti che
stauno in gradi 32 abbiamo calculata la ragiono in questo che Ic dette
leghe 1200 per rctta linea in gradi 34 da occidentc in oriente abbiamo
trovato, pcrvcnia adunquc perquella gradi 02-^^4-,^,^,^,^, e tanto abbi-

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224: VERAZZANO'S VOYAGE, AND FIRST

to the ancients. During our voyage we had no lunar eclipses or
like celestial phenomenas, we therefore determined our progress
from the difference of longitude, which we ascertained by various
instruments, by taking the sun's altitude from day to day, and by
calculating geometrically the distance run by the ship from one
hori/on to another ; all these observations, as also the ebb and
flow of the sea in all places, were noted in a little book, which
may prove serviceable to navigators; they are communicated to
your Majesty in the hope of promoting science.

My intention in this voyage was to reach Cathay, on the extreme
coast of Asia, expecting, however, to find in the newly discovered
land some such an obstacle as they have proved to be, yet I did
not doubt that I should penetrate by some passage to the eastern
ocean. It was the opinion of the ancients, that our oriental Indian
ocean is one, and without any interposing land; Aristotle supports
it by arguments founded on various probabilities ; but it is con-
trary to that of the moderns, and shown to be erroneous by expe-
rience. The country which has been discovered, and wh'ch was
unknown to the ancients, is another world compared with that

amo navigato piu alio occidente e non fu cognito alii antichi, nel detto
paralello de gradi 34, questa distanza a noi fu nota per la longitudine
con varj strumente navigando senza cclissi lunari o altro aspetto per al
moto solare pigliando sempre la elevazione a qual si voglia ora per la
differenza faceva dall uno all' altro orizzonte correndo le nave geome-
trice, ne era note lo intervallo dall uno meridiano all' altro come in un
libretto tutto amplamente notato insienie col crescimento del marc in
qualsivoglia clima ad ogni tempo ed ora il quale non inutile stimo abbia
a essere a naviganti, spero meglio per la teorica conferilo a V. S. M.
Mia intenzione era di pervenire in questa navigazione al Cathaj alio
estremo oriente dell Asia pcnsaudo trovare tale impedimcnto di nuova
terra quale ho trovata, e se per qualche ragione pensava quella trovare
non senza qualche futo dl penetrare alio oceano oricntale essere stimava
questa opinione di tutti gli antichi e stata credendo certcamente il nostro
oceano orientale di India uno essere senza interpozeone di terra questc
afferma Aristotile argomentando per varic similitudini la quale opinione
e molto contraria a moderni e la espericnza falsa imperocche la terra e
stata trovata da quegli antichi incognita un altro mondo a rispetto di
quella a lorj fu note — raanifestamcnte essere si mostra e di maggiorc

before known, being manifestly larger than our Europe together
•with Africa and perhaps Asia, if we rightly estimate its extent.
We shall now be briefly explained to your Majesty. The Spaniards
have sailed south beyond the equator, on a meridian 20 degrees
west of the Fortunate Islands, to the latitude of 54 ; and there still
found land. Turning about, they steered northward on the same
meridian, and along the coast to the eighth degree of latitude, near
the equator ; and thence along the coast, more to the west and
north-west, to the latitude of 21°, without finding a termination to
the continent. They estimated the distance run as 89 degrees,
which, added to the 20 first run west of the Canaries, make 109
degrees; and so far west they sailed from the meridian of these
islands. But this may vary somewhat from truth. Wc did not
make this voyage, and therefore cannot speak from experience.
We calculated it geometrically from the observations furnished by
many navigators who have made the voyage, and affirm the distance
to be 1600 leagues, due allowance being made for the deviations of
the ship from a straight course by reason of contrary winds. I
hope that we bhall now obtain certain information on these points
by new voyages to be made on the same coasts.

della nostra Europa, della Africa e quasi della Asia se rettamente specu-
liamo la grandezza di quella come sotto brevita ne faro un poco di dis-
corso a V. S. M. Oltre lo equatore distante dal meridiano dalle insule
fortunate verso lo occidente gradi 20 -3 2 o. ^ o. glj spani verso lo austro
gradi 54, hanno navigato dove hanno trovato terra senza fine tornaudo
poi al settentrione giusta la detta linea meridionale correndo il lito per-
fino in 8 gradi propinqui alio equatore piu alio occidente participando
pill al settentrione giusta la detta linca meridionale continuando il lito
perfino in gradi 21, nou trovando termine gradi 89 2 9109 hanni na-
vigato quali giunti con gradi 20 ^^ 4 ^ -6. 1^ fanno gradi 110 J. | i s
e tanto hauno navigato del detto meridiano dalle isole fortunate piu alio
occidente nel paralello gradi 21 della altitudine, questa distanza da noi
nou e stata sperimenta per uon avere fatta detta navigazione potria
variare poco piu manco abbiamo quella calcolata geouietrice per la
notizia di molti navicalieri che la hanno frequentata quali affennano
esscre leghe 1600 giudicando per lo arbitrio il discorso della nave
sccondo la qualita del vento per la continua navigazione spero in breve

■,'n

DISCOVKUY OF H UDSON S RIVEK.

225

,^'

'•{ i

Ad J^

226

VERAZZANO S VOYAGE, AND FIRST

But to return to ourselves. In the voyage wliicli we have made
by order of your Majesty, in addition to the 92 degrees we nm
towards the west, from our point of departure, before we reached
land in the latitude of 34, we have to count 300 leagues which \vc
ran north-eastwardly, and 400 nearly east, along the coast, before
we reached the 50th parallel of north latitude, the point where wc
turned our course from the shore towards home. Beyond this
point the Portuguese had already sailed as far north as the Arctic
circle without coming to the termination of the land. Thus, add-
ing the degrees of south latitude explored, which are 54, to those
of the north, which are 66, the sum is 120 ; and therefore more
than are embraced in the latitude of Africa and Europe, — for the
Jiorth point of Norway, which is the extremity of Europe, is in 71
north ; and the Cape of Good Hope, which is the southern extre-
mity of Africa, is in 35 south ; and their sum is only 106. And if
the breadth of this newly discovered country corresponds to its
extent of sea-coust, it doubtless exceeds Asia in size. In this way
Ave find that the land forms a much larger portion of our globe
than the ancients supposed ; who maintained, contrary to matlic-
matical reasoning, that it was less than the water ; whereas actual
experience proves the reverse. So that wc judge, in respect to

ne avremo ottima certitudine dall' altra parte noi in questa nostra
navigazionc fiitta per ordine di V. S. M. oltra i gradi 02 che dal dctto
meridiano verso lo occidente dalla prima terra trovammo gradi 34
navigando leghe 300 infra oriente e settentrione leghe 400 quasi alio
oriente continue 11 lito della terra siamo pevenuti per infino a gradi 50,
lasciando la terra che pi\l tempo fa trovorno li Lusitani quali seguimo
piu al scucentrione pervenendo sino al circulo artico il fine lasciendo
incognito. Giunta aduntpie la latitudino settentrionalo con la mcridconale
videlicet i gradi 54 con le gradi 66 fanno gradi 120 che tanto contieue
di latitudine la Africa con la Europa perche giungendo lo estremo della
Europa che sono i limiti di Norvegia che stanno in gradi 71 con lo
estremo dell' Africa che e il proraontori di capo di Buona Speranza in
gradi 35, faranno solo gradi 106 e se lo equestre di detta terra in parte
cori'esponde al lito marittimo non e dubbio di grandezza la Asia ecceda
in tal forma troviamo il globo della terra molto niaggiore non hanno
tenuto gli antichi a ripugnanza matematici quelle rispetto alia acqua
sia minima il che per esperienza lo opposite veggiamo e quanto alio

■Iff

DISCOVEllY OF HUDSON S 111 VEIL

'221

extent of surface, the land covers as much space as the water.
And I hope more clearly and more satisfactorily to point out and
explain to your Majesty the great extent of that new land, or new
world, of which I have heen speaking.

The continent of Asia and Africa, we know for certain, is joined
to Europe at the north, in Norway and Russia ; which disproves
the idea of the ancients, that all this part had been navigated, from
the Cembric Chersonesus eastward as far as the Caspian Sea.
They also maintained that the whole continent was surrounded by
two seas situate to the east and west of it ; which seas, in fact, do
not surround either of the two continents ; for, as we have seen
above, the land of the southern hemisphere, at the latitude of 54,
extends eastwardly an unknown distance ; and that of the northern,
passing the 66th parallel, turns to the east, and has no termination
as high as the 70th.

In a short time, I hope, we shall have more certain knowledge
of these things, by the aid of your Majesty, whom I pray Almighty
God to prosper in lasting glory, that we may see the most import-
ant results of this our cosmography in the fulfilment of the holy
words of the Gospel.

arce corporalc, di spazio non meno la tcrre che la acqua posscdcrc
giudichiamo come alia prcscnza meglio spero e con piil ragione espc-
riraentare c mostrare a V. S. M. tutta quella nuova terra o nuovo mondo
che disopra abbiamo narrate contienc Insicme congiungeudo alia Asia
ed Africa ct che sappiamo certo porria giungcre alia Europa con la
Norvegia e Russia che sarebbe false secondo gli antichi quali dal pro-
montorio do cimbri quasi tutto il scttcntrionalc decono cssere state
navigate alto oriente circucndo circa il mare caspio il medesimo afFer-
mano restercbbe adunque solo iuterclusa da due mari situati dallo
orientale ed occidentalc, e equellc due nc chiude 1' uno e 1' altro pci'che
oltre a' gradi 54 della equinoziale verso lo austro s' estende alio oriente
per lungo spazio e dal settentrionale passando i gradi 6G. Seque tor-
nando in verso lo oriente giungende perfino a gradi 70. Spero con lo
ajuto di V. S. M. ne avremo in breve migliore certitudine, la (juale Die
omnipossente prosper! in diuturna fama ad causa veggiamo ottiujc fine
di questa nostra cosmografia che si adempie la sacra voce dello cvau-

228

VKHAZZANO S VOYAGK, KTC.

On board the ship Dolphin, in tlie port of Dieppe in Normandy,
the 8tli of July, 1524.

Your humble servitor,

Janus Vekkazzanus.

gelio' — nella nave Delphina iu Normandia in porto di Diepa a di

8 Luglio, 1524.

Ilurailis Servitor,

Janus Vebrazzanus.

■]W

2i?9

WRITINGS OF WILLIAM BARENTZ IX IIUDSOX'S

POSSESSION.

(PuucHAs HIS P1LGRIME8, V. iii, pp. 518-20.)

I thought good to adde hither for Barents or Barentsons sake,
ccrtaine notes which I have found (the one translated, the other
written hy him) amongst Master Hakhiyts Paper.

This was written by William Barentson in a loose paper,

which was lent mee by the Reuerend Peter Plantius in

Amsterdam, March the seucii and twentieth, 1609.

The foure and twentieth of August, sttlo nouo, 1595, wee spake
with the Samoieds, and asked them how the land and sea did lye
to the east of Way-gates. They sayd, after fiue dayes iourney
going north-east, wee should come to a great sea, going south-east.
This sea to the east of Way-gats they sayd was called Marmoria,
that is to say, a calme sea. And they of Ward-house haue told vs
the same. I asked them if at any time of the yeere it was frozen
ouer ? They sayd it was. And that sometimes they passed it
with sleds. And the first of September 1595, stilo nouo, the Russcs
of the lodie or barke affirmed the same ; saying, that the sea
is sometimes so frozen, that the lodies or bprkes going sometimes
to Gielhsidi from Pechora, are forced there to winter ; which
Gielhsidi was wonne from the Tartars three yeeres past.

For the ebbe and flood there, I can find none ; but with the
winde so runneth the streame. The third of September, stilo nouo,
the winde was south-west, and then I found the water higher then
with the winde at north north-east. Mine opinion is grounded on ex-
perience : that if there bee a passage, it is small, or else the sea
could not rise with a southerly winde. And for the better proofc to
know if there were a flood and ebbc, the ninth of September, stilo

[ II

230

WUITINOS OF WILLIAM IIARENTZ

nouo, I went on slioarc on the soiith end of the States Hand, where
the crosse standeth, and layd a stone on the brinkc of the water,
to prouc whether there were a tide, and went ronnd about the
iland to shoote at a hare ; and returning, I found the stone as I left
it, and the water neither higher nor lowere : which prooucth, as
afore, that there is no flood nor ebbe.

A Treatise of Ivcr Boty a Gronlander, translated out of the Norsli

langunge into High Dutch, in the yeere 15(i0. And after out of High

Dutch into Low Dutch, by WilHam Barentson of Amsterdam, who

was chiefe Pilot aforesaid. The same copie in Iligli Dutch

is in the hands of lodocvs Hondivs, which I hauo seene.

And this was translated out of Low Dutch by Master

William Stere, Marchant, in the yeore IfiOB, for the

vse of me Henrie Hudson. "SVilliam Barentsons

Booke is in the hands of Master Peter

Plantivs, who lent the same vnto me.

Inprimis, it is reported by men of wiscdome and vnderstanding
borne in Gronland, that from Stad, in Norway, to the east part of
Island, called Horn-nesse, is seuen dayes sayling right west.

Item, men shall know, that between Island and Gronland lyeth a
riffe called Gombornse-skare. They were wont to haue there pas-
sage from Gronland. But as they report, there is ice vpon the
same rifFe, come out of the long north bottome, so that we cannot
vse the same old passage, as they thinke.

Item, from Lono-nesse, on the east side of Island, to the aboue-
said Horn-nesse, is two dayes sayle to the Brimstone Mount.

Item, If you goe from Bergen in Norway, the course is right
west, till you bee south of Roke-nesse in Island, and distant from
it thirtcene miles, or leagues. And with this course you shall
come vnder that high land, that layeth in the east part of Gronc-
land, and is called Swafster. A day before you come there, you
shall haue sight of a high mount, called Huit-sarke ; and betweene
Whitsarke and Groneland lyeth a head-land, called Hernoldus
Hooke ; and thereby lyeth an hauen, where the Norway merchant
ships were wont to come ; and is called Sound Hauen.

Item, if a man will sayle from Island to Gronland, hee shall set

IN HUDSON S POSSESSION.

r^*9 1

his course to Snofncsse, which is by west Roke-ncssc thirteenc
miles or leagues, right west, one day and nights sayling, and after
south-west to shun the ice that lyeth on Gombornse-skare ; and
after that one day and night north-west. So shall hce with tins
course fall right with the abouesayd Swafster, which is high land,
vnder which lyeth the aforesayd head-land, called Hcrnoldus
Hookc, and the Sound liauen.

Item, the caster dorpc of Groneland lyeth cast from Hcrnoldus
liooke, but necrc it, and is called Skagen Fovd, and is a great vil-
lage.

Item, from Skagen Ford cast lyeth a hai.cn called Beare Ford :
it is not dwelt in. In the mouth thereof lyeth a rifFe, so that great
ships cannot harbour in it.

Item, there is great abundance of whales ; and there is a great
fishing for the killing of them there, but not without the bishop's
consent, which kcepeth the same for the benefit of the cathedrall
church. In the hauen is a great swalth ; and when the tide doth
runne out, all the whales doe runne into the sayd swalth.

Item, cast of Beare Ford lyeth another hauen, called Allabong
Sound ; and it is at the mouth narrow, but farther in very wide :
the length whereof is such, that the end thereof is not yet knownc.
There runneth no streame. It lyeth full of little iles. Fowles
and oxen are there common : and it is playne land on both sides,
growne oucr with greene grasse.

Item, east from the icie ■ . ^ayne lyeth an hauen, called
Fendebothcr; so named, because -Saint Olafes time there was a
ship cast away, as the speach hath beene in Groneland, in which
ship was drowned one of Saint Olafes men, with others ; and those
tliat were saued did burie those that were drowned, and on
their graues did set great stone crosses, which wee see at this
day.

Item, somewhat more east, toward the ice mountayne, lyeth a
high land, called Corse Hought, vpon which they hunt white
beares, but not without the bishops leaue, for it belongeth to the
cathedrall church. And from thence more easterly, men sec
nothing but ice and snow, both by land and water.

Now wee shall retm-ne againe to Hcrnoldus Hooke, where we
first began to come to the first towne that lyeth on the east side of

o^o

WHITINGS 01' WILMAM llAUKNTZ

Heinoldus Hooke, culled Sliagcu Ford : and so wc will write the
names of all that lye on the west side of the ford or sound.

Item, west from llernoldus Hooke lyetli a dorpe called Kodos-
ford, and it is well built : and as you sayle into the sound, you
shall see on the right hand a great sea and a marsh, and into this
sea runneth a great streame : and by the marsh and sea standeth
a great church, on which the holy crosse is drawnc, of colour
white : it bclongeth to Enelncsse de Ilokesong, and the land to
Peters Wike.

Item, by Peters Wike lyeth a great dorpe, called Wartsdale, by
which lyeth a water or sea of twelue miles or leagues oucr, in
which is much fish : and to Peterswiko church belongeth "Warts-
dale Boy or Towne and the villages.

Item, necre this boy or towne lyeth a cloyster or abbey, in which
arc canons rcgnlar; it is dedicated to Saint Olafes and Saint
Augustines name. And to it belongeth all the land to the sea-side,
and toward the other side of the cloyster.

Item, next Godosford lyeth a ford, called llompncs Ford ; and
there lyeth a cloyster of nuns of Saint Benedicts order.

Item, this cloyster, to the bottom of the sea, and to Wegen
Nerke, was dedicated to Saint Olafe the king. In this ford lye
many small iles. And to this cloyster bclongeth halfe the ford
and the church. In this sound are many warme waters. In the
winter they arc intollerable hot, but in the summer more moderate ;
and many bathing in them are cured of many diseases.

Item, between lloinpnes and the next sound, lyeth a great
garden, called Vose, belonging to the king. There is also a costly
church dedicated to Saint Nicholas. This church had the king
before this. Neere it lyeth a sea of fresh water, called >

in which is great abundance of fish, without number. And when
there falleth much rayne, that the waters doc rise therewith and
after fall againe, there remayneth vpon the land much fish drie.

Item, when you sayle out of Emestnes Ford, there lyeth an inlet,
called Soutli-woders Wike ; and somewhat higher in the same
sound, and on the same side, lyeth a little cape, called Bloming ;
and beyond that lyeth another inwike, called Granwike ; and
aboue that lyeth a garden, called Daleth, which belongeth to the
cathedrall church. And on the right hand, as you sayle out of the

IN Hudson's rossrssiox.

233

same sound, lycth a great wood, which pcrtaj'tieth to the church,
■where they feede all their catlell, as oxen, kinc, and horses. And
to the church pertayneth the sound of Emcstncs Ford. The hi^li
land lying by Emcstncs Ford is called the Ramos hayth : so called,
because that on those hills doc runne many roe dccrc, or reyne
deerc, which they vse to hunt, but not without the bishops Icaue.
And on this high land is the best stone in all Groneland. They
make thereof pots, because fire cannot hurt it. And they make of
the same stone fattes or cisternes, that will hold ten or twclne
tunncs of water.

Item, west from this lycth another high land, called the Long
High Land : and by another called , whereon are eight

great orchards, all belonging to the cathedrall church. But the
tenths thereof they give to Warsedall church.

Item, next to this sound lyeth another sound, called Swalster
Ford, wherein standeth a church, called Swalster. This church
belongetli to all this sound, and to Romse Ford, lying next it. In
this sound is a garden belonging to the king, called Saint
Henlestate.

Item, next to that lyeth Ericks Ford ; and eutring therein lyetli
an high land called Eiicks Ilought, which pertayneth the one
halfe to Deuers Keike, and is the first parish church on Groneland,
and lyeth on the left hand as you sayle into Ericks Ford : and
Deuers Kerke belongeth all to Meydon Ford, which lyeth north-
west from Eiicks Ford.

Item, farther out then Ericks Ford standeth a church, called
Skogel Kerke, which belongeth to all Medford. And farther in the
sound standeth a church, called Leaden Kerke. To this church
belongeth all thereabout to the sea, and also on the other side as
farre as Bousels. There lyeth also a great orchard, called Grote
Lead, in which the gusman (that is, a chlefe or bayliffc ouer the
boores) doth dwell.

And farther out then Ericks Ford lyeth a ford or sound, called
Fossa, which belongeth to the cathedrall church : and the sayd
Fossa Sound lyeth as men sayle out towards Ericks Yovd; and to
the north of it lye two villages, the one called Euer-boy, and the
other Forther-boy, because they lye so.

Item, from thence farther north lyeth Breda Ford, and after

f>;]4

WRITINGS OF WILLIAM JIAKENTZ

that liormont Ford from that west, and from TiOrmont Ford to the
west is Ice Dorpc. All these are places built, and in them dwell
people.

Item, from the caster bnildcd land to the wester dorpe, is twcluc
miles or leagues ; and the rest is all waste land. In the dorpe, in
the west, standeth a church, which in time past belonged to the
cathcdrall church, and the bishop did dwell there. But now the
Skerlcngers haue all the west lands and dorps. And there are
now many horses, oxen, and kine, but no people, neither Christian
nor heathen ; but they were all carryed away by the enemic, the
Skerlcngers.

All this before written was done by one lucr Boty, borne in
Gronland, a princlpall man in the Bishops Court, who dwelt there
many yeeres, and saw and knew all these places. He was chosen
by the whole land for captayne, to goe with shijjs to the west land,
to driue away their enemies, the Skerlcngers. Bat bee comming
there, found no people, neither Christian nor hcathm, but found
there many shecpe running, being wilde, of which sheepe they
tookc with them as many as they could carrie, and with them
returned to their houses. This bcforenamed Indo Boty was
himselfe with them.

To the north of the west land lyeth a great wildernesse, with
clifes or rockes, called Hemel Hatsfelt. Farther can no man
sayle, because there lye many swalgen or whirlepooles, and also
for the water and the sea.

Item, in Groneland are many siluer hills, and many white bearcs
with red patches on their heads ; and also white hawkes, and all
sorts of fish, as in other countries.

Item, there is marble stone of all colours, also zeuell stone or the
load stone, which the fire cannot hurt, whereof they make many
vessels, as pots, and other great vessels.

Item, in Groneland runneth great streames, and there is much
snow and ice : but it is not so cold as it is in Island or Norway.

Item, there grow on the high hills, nuts, and acornes, which are
as great as apples, and good to eate. There groweth also the
best wheate that can grow in the whole land.

This sea card was found in the iles of Fero or Farre, lying
betweene Shot-land and Island, in an old reckoning booke, written

IN HUDSON S POSSESSION.

J235

aboue one huntlrcd yccrcs agoc : out of which this also was ull
taken.

Item, Punnus and Potharsc hauc inliabited Ishmd ccrtayne
yceres, and some times hauc gone to sea, and haue had their trade
in GroneUvnd. Also Punnus did giue the Islanders their lawcs,
and caused them to bee written ; which lawes doe continue to this
day in Island, and are called by name Punnus lawes.

VAN DER DO.NX^K'S OBSERVATIONS ABOUT THE

WAMPUM OR BEAD MONEY OF THE INDIANS,

MENTIONED BY HUDSON.

(from n. y. uist. soc, n. s., v. i, p. 20(J.)

Tjiat there should be no miserly desire for the costly metals
among the natives, few will believe : still it is true, the use of gold
and silver, or any metallic coin, is unknown among them. The
currency which they use in their places to which they resort, is
called wampum, the making and preparing of wliich is free to all
persons. The species are black and white ; but the black is worth
more by one half than the white*. The black wampum is made
from conch shells, which are to be taken from the sea, or which
are cast ashore from the sea twice a year. They strike oflT the thin
parts of those shells, and preserve the pillars or standards, which
they grind smooth and even, and reduce the same according to
their thickness, and drill a hoV- through every piece, and string
the same on strings, and afterwards sell their strings of wampum
in that manner. This is the only article of moneyed medium
among the natives with which any traffic can be driven ; and it is
also common with us in purchasing necessaries, and carrying on
our trade. Many thousand strings are exchanged every year for
peltries, near the sea-shores, where the wampum is only made, and
where the peltries are brought for sale.

2CS

TlTLli AM) rilOLKGOMENA TO THli

T1TIJ-: AND PROLEGOMENA TO THE FIRST EDITION
OF THE DETECTIO FRETI.

Dcscriptio (ic (hUneafio Gcnyraphicn Dctectionis Freti. Sive
TransltVH ad Occusum, supra terras Avwricanas, in Chlnam
atq: Japoncin ducturi, Ilecens invcstKjatl ah M. Henrico
Jlndsuno Aiujlo. Item, Narratio Ser^"'''. llegi HisjHmitv facia,
super tractu, in quinta Orhis tcrraruni parte, cut Avstraliie
Incoynifai nomcn est, rccens dctecto, per Cap'itaneum Petrum
Ferdinnndez de Quir. Vnu cum descriptione Terra Sanioie-
darvm et 'Finyoc&iorvni, in Tartaria ad Ortum Freti Wai/yats
sifa; nvpcrq : Impcrio Jiloscovitanan siihactce. Amsterodami,
Ex ujicina IlesseliJ Gerardi. Anno 1612.

Hue quic'inq. novas ardes cognoscere terras,

Hue iuleas, atq. isto fontc levato sitini.
Hie liber cxtronios Borea) Oauriq. rcccssus,

Et frcta iaiu uautis pervia nosse dabit.
Pervia ; quid reiiuis I possunt, qui posse videntur.

Et maiora dodit sapi vidcre Deus.
Si tamcn addiibitas, turn tu tc confer ad Austrum,

Et lege queis ccrtam fasadliibere fidem.

IN TRACTATUS SEQUENTES niOLEGOMENA AD LECTOREM.

LvcKi et utilitatis spes animos hominum numquan!. non excitavit
ad percgrinas rcgioncs natloncsq' lustrandas. It;'. pretiosEB like
nobis (i mcrcatoribus Russis allatoc pelles mcrcatoves nostrates in-
flammarunt acri quadam ciipidinc incognitas nobis ipsorum terras,
si fieri posset, peragrandi. Profuit ipsis quadam tenus hac in
parte iter quoddam a llussis conscriptum, Moscow ia Colmogroviam,
atcpie inde Pctzorani (ubi incolaj anno Ciivisti 1518 Christiauam
fidcni amplcxi sunt), liinc porro ad fluviuni Obi, pauloquc ultcrius

FIUST EDITION OF DETKCTIO FUETl.

237

ducens. Quod quidem plurima falsa veils admiscet, puta de
Slatibala anu ilia (ut fertur) aurea, eiusque filijs, nee non monstu-
iosis illis trans ipsum Obi hominibus. Transtulit vero descrip-
tionem banc Russieam, camque suis de regionibus Moscovitarum
libris inseruit Sigismundus ab Ilerberstein, Impcratovis Maximi-
liani Orator. Ediditque postea tabulam Russiaj Antonius quidam
"Widus, adjutus ab Joanne a Latski, Principe quondam Russo, &
ob tumultus post obitum Magnl Duels Joannis Basilij in Russia
excitatos, in Poloniam profugo. Quic tabula J. euidam Copero,
Senatori Gedaensi, dieata, Russlcisque & Latinis descriptionibus
aucta, in lucem prodijt apud Wildam anno Christi 155o. Aliam
quoque Russian tabulam ediderunt post modum Angli, qui in traetu
illo negotiati fuerant. Atque hdc quidem tabulae, & qualescunque
descriptiones, qu£)eque pra;terea do regionibus hisce comperta sunt,
clicuerunt Oliverium quendam Bunellum, domo Bruxella, uti eon-
scenso navigio Eucliusano, animum induxcrit eo sese conferre.
Vbi aliquandiu vagatus, & pellium pretiosarum, vitri Russici, crys-
tallique montani, ut vocant, adfaliin n<' :tus, omnium opum suarum
scaphae commissarum in undis fluvij Pcrzora^ triste fecit naufra-
gium. Qua? tum Anglorum, tum hujus Bunelli, qui & Costinsar-
cam Novae Zemkc lustraverat, navigationes, cum & Batavis nostris,
opum Chine nsium Catliaicarumque odore allectis, animum acccn-
dissent, Nobiles ac Prsepotentes Provinciarum Fccderatarum Or-
dines, duas naves, ductore Joanne Ilugonis a Linschot, versus
Fretum quod vulgo Weygats, totidemque ductore Guilielmo Ber-
nardi suasu D. Petri Plancij, recto supra Novam Zemblam cursu
Scptcmtrionem versus ituras, destinarunt. Et Guilielmus quidem,
cum pervenisset ad altltudincm graduum 77, ac apud Insulas Oran-
goDas terram inter & glaciem esset obsessus, Calendis Augusti
domum revcrsus est: Linschotanus vero & Fretum ipsum emesus
est, & 50 ipsa milliarid ultra illud progressus, tandem & ipse, flan-
tibus fere perpetuis aquilonibus, temporisquc oportunitate jam
lapsa, coactus ad suos reverti. Anno proximo insecuto, qui fuit
Christi 1595, iterum uterque co cursum instituit, animo signa sua
ulterius proferendi, vel & navigationem banc feliciter absolvendi.
Sed enim frigoris vehementia & immensis glaciei montibus impe-
dlti spe sua frustrati sunt, neque vol ipsum Fretum potuere trans-
mitlcre, sed ad Insulam Oidinum cum venissent domuitioneui

238 TITLE AND PROLEGOMENA TO THE

parare coacti sunt, metuentcs videlicet, ne totum Frctum glacic
tandem obstrueretur Gulielmus anno 1596, tertium repetito cursu
non paulo quam primo itinere longius progressus, navim. coagmen-
tatis e glacie montibus supcrimpositam, eo quo pervenerat loci
destituit, in perpctuam cxtrema3 ad Septemtrionem navigationis
mcmoriam. Cuius veri prodigiosan! Historiam, dolenduin interi-
tum, turbae que nauticoo in HoJlandiamreditum, qui volet, ex ipso-
rum Ephemeridibus publico extantibus discat.

Nos, ut qualemcunque illam, quam mercatores nostri ex itino-
ribus jam dictis consecuti sunt regionum istarnm notitiam, quo ad
fieri potest, promoveamus, ex hibernis liic inirrationem quamdam
super novo Russorum in Tartaria? partibus dominata, quae prajter
descriptionem Siberia, situm quoquc exponit regionum longe trans
Obij ad Ortum vcrgentium.

Adjunximus liuic Siberi Septemtrionaliorisq. Tartaria? descrip-
tioni tabulam quamdam omnium illis adjacentium regionum ex
idiomate Russico versam, & multis in partibus cum accuratis Lins-
cliotani locoruni aliquot delincationibus concordantem. In qua
Russi delinearunt nobis universum ilium Freto Weygats ab ortu
adludcntem Oceanum, & simul viam inde Mcridionalem Cathaiam
ducentem. Sicci autem ilia ipsa via videbitur a?quo Septemtriona-
lia, pro ut sane ex ipso tabuloj adspectu apparet : veri simili tamen
est, usque ad ipsum Obi, vel alium aliquem majorem fluvium mari-
timo itinere perveniri posse : cum Russi oras istas navigijs suis
obnaviget, inde que vel scaphis, vel & teriestri itinere, tendaut in
mcdltcrranea, ubi notabilia multa detcgi posse, veri simillimum est.
Quoniam vero Fretuni Weygats per ipsam quoque anni itstatem
tantum ad breve tempus apertum est, ut constat ex Linscliotani &
Gulielmi naviga*^iouibus, difficilis admodum foret hicc indagatio.
Videtur cnim natura cupidltari nostrse coerccnde? glaciem ibi &
frigus, ceu repagula quaedam opposuisse. Nee obstantibus tamen
hisce tot peritissimorum naucleorum, Gulielmi Bernardi, Jacobi
Heemskerckij, Joannisque Linschotani exemplis, & parum pros-
pecte itineris a Kerchovio quodam, nomine Isaaci Lemerij, in eas
oras facti evontu, ausi sunt imperiti quidam homines apud illustris-
simos ordines ac rerum maritimarum Consiliarios instare, pro obti-
nendo itineris ad Aquilonem supra Novam Zemlam de integro
reperendi commeatu atque diplomatc, temere asserentes, remissius

FIRST EDITION OF DT/FECTIO FRETI.

239

esse frigus ad 80 Sc 85, qimm ad 72, altitudinis gradtis, ac pvopc
convcn'.ontes cum Hclistco llo9.tino doctore Hanovicnsi, qui ad cal-
cem libelli, Foederutis ordinlbus apud Beigas inscripti, palam ad-
firmat, a^stivo tempore, quo propius polum accesseris, eo esse cali-
dius, nequc posse navigijs uUum a frigorc glacievc obstacluni
adferri. Quin cxistimabant insupor nostri homines, ut quidem pvaj
sc forebant, solem in extrerao Septem rione salem potuis gencra-
turun esse, quam glacicm : obliti videlicet, ipsum solem, qui inibi
demum operationes suas efficasissime pcvficit, ubi radios suos ex
alto directe in tcrram excrit, in Aquilonaribus illis locis tota hieme,
ipsisque adco 23 hebdomadis nunquam splendere : quin & bonam
a-statis partem usqueadeo deprimi, ut non nisi obliquis radijs
tcrram ipsam illustrct, ncque brevi illo tempore, quo ad gradus 28
in ipso tantum mcridie supra terras crepidines elcvatur, fieri posse
ut illos e glacie montor, dissolvat. Hac itaque opinione imbuti,
aimo superiorc 1611 anclioram illi solverunt, idque initio statim
veris, ne videlicet impcdirentur a glacie per sestatem solvcnda,
magnorumque flumlnum ostijs cvornenda ; (^nvc nulla quidem ipsis
occurrit, sed enim mare, in quo salem se inventuros speravercnt,
prajter opinionem, sua ipsius glacie tam dense invcnerunt adstric-
tum ut nihil plane memoria dignum officere potuerint. Quarc
glacie prajpediti, littora Nova Zemla.', ubi et Costcnsarcam lustra-
runt, legere, indeqne accepto non lev! detrimento Kildunam, Lappitc
Insulam pefere, resarciendae rulna; coacti sunt. Vnde rursus
digressi hibernatum profecti sunt ad littora Nova3 Francia;, sub 44
graduum altitudine. Vbi quidam eorum Prsefectus, alioqui fere in
triclinio nautico deletcscere solitus, cum descendisset in terram,
barbarorum sagittis, una cum alijs quinquc confectus est, longe
quidem extra suam opinionem, qua persuasus erat se per extrcmum
Scptemtrionem longinquo supra Novam Zcmlam cursu, ad pridem
quaisitas Cathatam Chinamquc, Icvi negotio perventurum. Et ex
hoc comitatu altera navium cum Proofecto suo reversa est, altera
vero Joannes Cornelij cognomcnto Antropophagus, valde a peritia
rei nautica) commendatus, rursus ad Aquiloncm profectus est, qui
oportuno tempore plura quam hactenus nobis comperta sint, detoc-
turus speratur, cuj usque navigationis cvcntum nos brevi narraturos
tibi confidimus. Quonia vero etiam post navigationes pra)dictas
Guiliclmi Bernardi, viam illam aquilonarcm aliquoties Angli adhuc

240 TITI.K AND PROLEGOMENA TO THE

tentavcrant, visum fuit ante triennium D. D. Indicsc navigationi«
Praofectis eo mittere quendatn M. Hudsonum Anglum, qvii cum
nullam ad Ortum viam, scd ejus vicem Oceanum invcnisset glacio
prorsus obstructum, ad Occasum dcfiexit, undc sine uUo profectu
in Angliam appulit. Emissus autem de novo ab Anglis, cursu
quidem longc prospcriorc, at deteriorc tamen successu usus est :
cum enim post varios labores ultra Tcrram de Baccalaos 300, cir-
citer milliaria Occasum versus emensus asset, inibique ad altltu-
dine graduum 52 jam hibernasset, & ulterius tendere certus esset,
ecco non tantum ipse, scd & omnis eius Senatus (ut sic dixerim)
nauticus scaphoo ab imjiortunis nautis impositus, & in undas de-
missus, ipsi sine more domum reversi sunt. Nos vero notas ejus
ad calcem hujus libelli adjunximus, certiora per naves eo jam
missas, imo optatum de Freto prorsus pervio nuntium expectates.
Quae naves hoc ipso aeternam sibi fama ac gloriam paraturae sunt :
tot potentibus vitis, sagacissimisque Naucleris tot jam annos com-
pendiosam ad Carthaitc, Chinee, Moluccarum, Pernanorumque
populorum divitias adfectantibus viam : inter quos, praetcr nos-
trates (qui in Aquilone & Oriente sua ediderunt specimina) fucrc
Martinus Forbisherus & Joannes Davisius, qui annis Christi 1585,
86, 87, inter Terram novam atque Groenhxndiam Septemtrionem
versus currentes pervcnerunt ad gradus 72, sed glacie praepediti,
re i)lane infecta, ad sues reversi sunt.

Confirmatur hsec nuper inventi ab Hudsono supra Terram Novam
transitus sive Freti spes, Virginianorum Floridanorumque concor-
dibus testimonijs, diserte adi'umantium, terras suas ab Occasu
aestivo allui vasto Oceano, in quo & naves Anglicanarum similes
viderint. Legcrc quoque est apud Josepluim Acostam cap. 12,
lib. 3, natural. Indiue Occident. Ilistor. Hispanos sibi habere per-
suasum, Thomam Candium Anglum ccrtam habuissc Freti istius
notitiam. Et feruntur Hispani viam hanc sedulo occultare, qua
eorum nonnuUi post expugnatas a se Philippinas in Hispaniam
sunt reversi. Atque hinc adeo est, quod Philippus II, ut ex fide
nobis relatum est extruendam curavit validam illam arcem ad mare,
quod vulgo appellant Vermeis, supra Novam Granatam, quo vide-
licet impedirel, ne aut nostrates, aut' alij sui hostes, opes illas
immensas, quas ad marc del Zur pacifice possidet, per hanc viam
aliquando vehirent direptum. Quod si ergo haec via rcsponduit

TITLE AND PROLEGOMENA, ETC. 241

suis principijs, compendium sane hominibus nostris futura est, non
ad Chmas duntaxat, Moluccas, atque Peruviam, sed ad eas etiam
gentes, qu^ Australem Maris del Zur tractum incolunt, perlustran-
das, explorandumque quosnam inibi portus & merces invenire sit
Neque defuturum est usquam ijs, qui ad iter hoc se accinxerint
unde refocillentur, nauseamque marinam excutiant, sive ad Insulas
illas accedant, quas lustravit Antistes Quitensis (de quibus constat
nobis ex relatione nautae cuisdam nostrates, Episcopi in itinere
comitis. qui & Amplissimo Barneveldio, & Indict navigationis
Pra^fectis multa hue pertinetia denarravit) sive ad Continentem.
De quo tractu exhibemus tibi discursum seu relationem Ducis
cujusdam Hispani, sperantes id non futurum ingratum ijs qui ad
commercia in ultimis iUis Mundi partibus exercenda adspirant,
quive tenentur globi terrestris & Incolarum ejus magis magisque
cognoscendorum adfectu. Cujus quidem cognitionis studium ut in
ammo tuo accrescat, donee solide perficiatur, utque & opes tibi &
immortalem gloriam adferat, omnibus votis exopto.

Hesselius Gerardus Assumensis
Philogeographus.

I I

' ■ 1
(

']i?lil:

242 TITLE ANT) PROLEGOMENA TO THE

TITLE AND PROLEGOMENA TO THE SECOND
EDITION OF THE DETECTIO FRETI.

Dfiscriptio ac dclineatio GeograpMca Detectionis Freti. Sive,
T'runsitus ad Occasuni supra terras Americanas, in Chinam
atq : Japoneni ducturi, Mecens investigatl ah M. Henrico
liudsono Anglo. Item, Exegesis Regi His2)anice facta, super
tractu recefis detecto, in quinta Orbis parte, cui nonien, Avstra-
lis Incognita, Cum descriptione Terrarum Samoiedarum, et
Tingcrsiorum, in Tartaria ad Ortuni Freti Waggats sitarum,
nuperq : sceptro Moscovitarmn adscitartim. Amsterodami, Ex
ojficina Hcsselij Gerard i. Anno 1613.

LIBER AD LECTOKUM.

Qui cupis ignotas Lector cognoscere terras,

Corpore c^uas fulgens contegit Vrsa ="0,
Et simul extremos Borcac Cauriq. recessus,

Et freta iam nautis pervia fluctivagis.
Quasq. Samojedns commutet vellere raerces,

Quam late Moschus proferat Imperium.
Impiger Hudsonius freta quoe petretraverit, efc quce

Restat adhuc Batavis gloria Martigenis.
Me pretio parvo redimas animoq. rcvolvas,

Sim licet exiguus commoda magna feram.

AD LECTOREM PROLEGOMENA, IN TRACTATUS SEQUENTES.

Vt antehac uovoe terrarum detectiones, laboriosissimocquc naviga-
tiones, tarn Hispanorum, quam Anglorum, necnon Batavorum,
maximo novitatum stucliosorum oblcctamine, in lucem editae fuerc :
Non alienum a publico commodo duxi, in Theatrum orbis hac
tabulam Prsefecti H. Hudsonis producere dc navigatione ipsius
American!, in Chinam, & Japan : maxima cum viderem earn a
proDftantissimis viris magnopcre expcti : Ne autem ob brevitatcm,

VI i|l

SECOND EDITION OF THE UETECTIO FRETI.

243

exiguitatenique apud nonnullos vilcsccrct opusculum hoc adjunxi
historiam Ducis Petri Fernandez de Queiros, qiiam in libello sup-
plici Ilegl Hispanioe exhibito, narrat de regionibus Meridionalibus,
detectis in mavi del Zur ; earn nonnulli magni fccerunt, aliq li qui-
bus de certitudine rei constat, veram esse asserunt. Octavius
Pisanus, in sua totias Orbis tabula, quam invcrsa delincatione,
circulo comprchendit, de Regionibus a Petro Fernandez dc Queiros
detectis, delineationem suam se coparasse ait, t\ Nauclero quo-
dam, statuitque eas a, parte occidentali, Lima?, cidado de los reyos
in Peru. Viginti quinque gradus in longitudinem, qui supcrant
tricenta, & quinquaginta miliaria Germanica, extcnditurque secun-
dum illius delineationem, plus quam quingenta miliaria Germa-
nica occidentem versus, at versus Meridiem extenditur usque £l
octogesimum gradum ab ^quatore. Sed cum superiori Anno ab
Illustri Viro Emanuele a figueiredo, Geographia), & Hydrograpbiaj
Professore Vlixbonte, nunciatum esset, Petrum Fernandez a Quei-
ros nihil Geographiae dignum prodidisse, sibiq : relationem tantum
obscuram delatam esse, situ, latitudine regionum carentem : in-
super hoc adderet, se diligentius inquaisiturum, num quid apud
eum esset, quod usui esse possit ; & adhuc cum esse in Curia vel
Aula Regia Madritij, nee quid certi de profectione ejus statutum
esse ; Exemplar Octavij Pisani secutus non sum, maxime cum hie
ex amicis quidam, affirmet apud se esse delineationem Regionum,
aut Insularum novitu detectarum in Mari del Zur, quam brevi
impetrabimus, eamq : cum Octavij Pisani delincatione conferemus.
Cum vero apud Batavos ferbuerit aliquandiu studium investigandi
transitum, in Chinam & Japoniam, eumque tentarint nonnulli Sep-
temtrionem versus, nonnulli per Weygats & mare Tartaricum,
opera) pretium duxi, in publicum proferre, quae a Russis proxima
loca incolentibus detecta sunt. Tabula ab Isaaco Massa ex Idio-
mate Russorum translata, ut quid de oris Somojedarum sit sentieii-
dum certo constet. Assiduse etiam navigationes Cantabrorum,
Batavorum, Anglorum in Septentrionum, venatione balaenarum, &
euniculorum marinorum, gaudentium, quos Morsas idiomate pro-
prio Russi nominant videntur quid certi promittcre, de oris Novae
Semlae, Nieulandiae, usq : ad Groenlandiam adhuc incognitis, sed
de futuris contingentibus non est determinata Veritas.

244 LETTER FROM PRESIDENT JEANNIN

A LETTER FROM PRESIDENT JEANNIN TO HENRY IV

OF FRANCE, CONTAINING AN ACCOUNT OF HIS

NEGOCIATIONS WITH HENRY HUDSON,

THROUGH ISAAC LE MAIRE.

DATED THE HAGUE, THE 21 ST OP JANUARY, 1609.

Sir, — Some time ago, I made, by your Majesty's order, overtures
to an Amsterdam merchant, named Isaac Le Maire, a wealthy
man of considerable experience in the East India trade. He
offered to make himself useful to your Majesty in matters of this
kind, and intends to form (for this purpose) an association with
some other merchants. He also wishes to engage the services of
some mariners, pilots, and sailors, acquainted with northern navi-
gation, whose services he has provisionally retained. He has now
repeatedly urged me to give him an answer, and I have always
told him that your Majesty could not come to any decision in this
affair before it had been settled, whether the present negotiations
to obtain a truce for the States General would be successful or not.

Sire, — J'ai ci-devant confere par commandement de votre Majeste, et
sur les lettres qu'il lui a plu m'ecrire, avec un marchand d'Amsterdara,
nomme Isaac Le Maire, lequel est homme riche et bien entendu au fait
du commerce des Indes d'Orient, desireux d'y servir votre Majeste, sur
les ouvcrtures que je lui en ai faites, et de joindre avec lui d'autres
marchands, comme aussi des pilotes, mariniers et matelots exp6rimentes
en telles navigations, qu'il dit avoir empeches de prendre parti d^s le
temps que je lui en parlai. Or, comme il m'en a presse plusieurs fois, je
lui ai toujours dit que votre Majeste n'y pouvait prendre aucune resolu-
tion qu'apr^s celle des Etats, et le traite de tr^ve qu'on poursuit k
present fait ou rompu : ce qu'il juge etre bien veritable, et s'est aussi

\] V

TO HENRY IV OF FRANCE. 245

Le Maire considered this to be perfectly fair, and was satisfied with
the answer. But a few days ago he sent to me his brother, to in-
form me that an English pilot, who has twice sailed in search of a
northern passage, has been called to Amsterdam by the East India
Company, to tell them what he had found, and whether he hojied
to discover that passage. They had been well satisfied with his
answer, and had thought they might succeed in the scheme. They
had, however, been unwilling to undertake at once the said ex-
pedition, and they had only remunerated the Englishman for his
trouble, and had dismissed him, with the promise of employing
him next year, 1610.

The Englishman, having thus obtained his leave, Le Maire, who
knows him well, has since conferred with him, and has learnt
his opinions on these subjects ; with regard to which the
Englishman had also held intercourse with Plancius, a great
geographer and clever mathematician. Plancius maintains, ac-
cording to the reasons of his science, and from the information
given him, both by the Englishman and other pilots, who have
been engaged in the same navigation, that there must be in the
northern parts a passage corsesponding to the one found near the
south pole by Magellan. One of these pilots has been there, three

contente de cette reponse ; mais il ra'envoya ici son frere, il y a quelques

jours, pour me faire entendre qu'un pilote anglois, lequel a 6te deux

fois en mer pour rechercher le passage du nord, auroit ete mand6 il

Amsterdam par la Compagnie des Indes d'Orient, pour apprendre de lui

ce qu'il en auroit reconnu, et s'il espcroit de trouver ce passage ; de la

reponse duquel eux etoient demeures forts contents, et en opinion que '

cette esperance pouvoit reussir. lis n'avoient toutefois voulu pour lors j

faire la dite entreprise, mais contente seulement I'Anglois, et renvoye

avec promesse qu'il les viendroit trouver en I'aunee suivante 1610. Ce

cong6 lui ayant ete donne, Le Maire, qui le connoit fort bien, auroit i

depuis confere avec lui, et entendu ses raisons, dont il a aussi comma- ]

nique avec Plancius, qui est grand goographe et bon mathematicien, le

quel soutient, par les raisons de son art, et ue ce qu'il a appris tant de

cet Anglois que d'autres pilotes qui ont faik la mSme navigation, tout

ainsi que du c6te du midi on a trouve en la mer du Sud, approchant le

p61e antarctique, un passage qui est le detroit de Magellan, qu'il y en

doit pareillcraent avoir un autre du c6te du nord. L'un des pilotes, qui

246 LETTER FROM PRESIDENT JEANNIN

(thirteen) years ago, engaged in the same search, and has gone as
far as Nova ZcmUi, which is situated under the seventy-third
degree of latitude, on the coast of the sea of Tartary towards the
north. This pilot has declared that he was at that time not suf-
ficiently experienced, and that instead of penetrating into the open
sea, which is never frozen, on account of its depth, and of the
great force of its currents and waves, he kept near the coast. He
there found the sea frozen, and both he and his companions were
prevented from penetrating any further, and were obliged to
return.

The Englishman also reports, that having been to the north as
far as eighty degrees, ho has found that the more northwards he
went, the less cold it became ; and that whilst in Nova Zembla,
the land was barren, and there were none but carnivorous animals
of prey, like bears, foxes, and the like, he had found under the
eighty-first degree grass on the ground, and animals that lived on
it. Plancius confirms this by scientific reasons, and says, that
near the pole the sun shines for five months continually ; and,

fut aussi, 11 y a trois^ ans, employe en cette meme recherche, et passa
jusqu'fl Nova-Zembla, qui est ii, soixante-trcizc degrfes de latitude en la
c6te de la mer Tartarique, tirant au nord, a declare que, pour n'etre lors
assez experimente en cette navigation, au lieu d'entrer avant en pleine
mer, ou elle n'est jamais gelee H cause de la profondeur et de la grande
impctuosite de ses fiots et vagues, il se 'lontenta dc c6toyer les bords, oil,
ayant trouve la mer gelee, lui et ses compagnons furent arretes et
contraints de s'en retourner sans passer outre.

L'Anglois a encore rapporte qu'ayant eto du c6t6 du nord jusqu'a
quatre-vingt-un degres, il a trouve que plus il approchoit du nord, moins
il y avoit de froidure, et au lieu que vers Nova-Zembla la terre n'etoit
couverte d'herbe et n'y avoit sinon des b^tes qui vivcnt de chair et de
proie, comme ours, renards et autres semblables, il avoit trouve, ^sdits
quatre-vingt-un degres, de I'herbe sur la terre, et des betes qui en vivent :
ce que Plancius confirme par raison, et dit que prfes du p61e, le soleil
luisant sur la terre cinq mois continuels, encore que les rayons d'icelui

1 This trois ought probably to be treize. The expedition meant by Jeannin
must be that of Barents in 1590, this being the last Dutch expedition to the
north-east previous to 1009.

TO HENRY IV OF FRANCE. 247

although his rays are weak, yet on account of the long time they
continue, they have sufficient strength to warm the ground,
to render it temperate, to accommodate it for the habitation of men,
and to produce grass for the nourishment of animals. He
compares it to a small fire, which is but lighted, and then
immediately extinguished. He also adds, that one ought not to
be satisfied with the opinion of the ancients, who considered the
regions round the poles as uninhabitable, on account of their cold,
and that they may have been mistaken in this respect, as much as
they have been with regard to the tropics, which they also con-
sidered as uninhabitable on account of their great heat. For the
tropics have nevertheless been proved to be habitable, temperate,
fertile, and favourable to the existence of man : and there is more
heat on the borders of the tropics than near the line. For this
reason, Plancius thinks that the cold increases (as you proceed
from the north pole), and is greatest under the seventieth degree ;
but that passing nearer to the pole it becomes less. Thus the
Englishman and other pilots, who have gone to these regions, have
found it to be ; and they conclude, that to find the northern
passage with greater ease, we ought not to sail along the coasts in

y soient foibles, neanmoins, a cause du long temps qu'ils y demcurent,
ils out assez de force pour ochauffer le terroir, et le rendre tempere et
commode pour I'habitation des horames, produire herbe etnourrir butail;
alleguant cette similitude d'un petit feu qui ne feroit qu'etre allumo et
aussitot eteint. II y ajoute aussi qu'il ne se faut arreter a I'opinion des
anciens, qui estimoient la terre pres des deux p61cs inhabitable il cause
de sa froidure, et qu'ils se peuvent aussi bien tromper qu'en ce qu'ils ont
dit la zone torrido etre inhabitable a cause de sa grande chaleur, qu'on
reconnait neanmoins par experience etre habitee, fort temperee, fertile,
et commode pour la vie des hommes, et qu'il y a aussi beaucoup plus de
chaleur sous les tropiques du Cancer et du Capricorne que sous la zone
torride ; et par cette meme raison, Plancius juge que la froidure croit, et
est toujours plus grande jusqu'au soixante-sixi^me degr^s, mais qu'en
passant plus outre devers le p61e, elle devient moindre, et ainsi I'ont
trouve I'Anglois et d'autres pilotes, les quels ont ci-devant fait tels
voyages, dont ils concluent que, pour trouver le passage du nord avec
plus de facilite, au lieu de rechercher les cotes de la mer a soixante-dix,

I i 1

248 LKTTKR FROAI PRESIDENT JEANNIN

the 70, 71, 72, and 73 degrees, as the Dutch have done; but
that, on the contrary, we ought to advance into the open sea, and
so go as far as to the 81, 82, and SJi degrees, or even further, if
necessary; because the sea not being frozen in that latitude, they
trust to be able to find the passage ; and then sailing eastwards, to
pass through the Straits of Anian, and then following the east
coast of Tartary, so go to the Kingdom of Cathay, to China, to the
islands of Japan, and also to the Spice islands, and the Philippines.
For east and west join on account of the spherical shape of our
earth. This whole voyage, both out and home, can be finished in
six montKs, without approaching any of the harbours and fortresses
of tlie King of Spain ; \ hilst by the road, round the Cape of Good
Hope, which is now in common use, one generally requires three
years, and one is besides exposed to meet and to fight the
Portuguese.

He proposed to me in his overtures with regard to the northern
passage, that your Majesty might undertake the search openly, and
in your Majesty's name, as a glorious enterprise, or else under the
name of some private man, whose success, if good, would not fail

soixante-onze, soixante-douze ou soixante-treize degr&s, comme les Hol-
landais ont fait ci-devant, il so faut avancer en pleine mer, ct monter
jusqu'il quatre-vingt-un, quatre-vingt-deux et quatro-vingt-trois degrfes,
ou plus, s'il est besoin, 6s quels lieux la mer n'etant point gelee, ils se
promettent qu'on pourra trouver ce passage, et par icelui, en tiraut vers
Porient, passer le detroit d'Anian. et suivant la c6te orientale de Tar-
taric, aller au royaume du Cattay, h, la Chine, aux iles du Japon, comme
aussi, attendu que I'orient et I'occident aboutissent I'un a I'autre, h
cause de la rondeur de la terre, aller par meme moyen aux Moluques et
aux Philippines ; lequel voyage, et toute cette navigation, tant pour
aller que pour retourner, pourroient etre faits en six mois, sans approcher
d'aucuns ports et forteresses du roi d'Espagne ; au lieu qu'a le faire par
le cap de Bonne-Esp6rance, qui est le chemin ordinaire qu'on tient i\
present, on y met ordinairement pr6s de trois ans, et si on est sujet aux
rencontres et incursions des Portugois.

II me proposoit done cette ouvcrture du passage du nord pour savoir
si voire Majeste auroit agreable de I'entreprendre ouvertement, et en son
nom, comme chose fort glorieuse, et qui lui acquerroit une grando
louange envers la posterite, ou bien sous le nom de quelque particulier,

TO TIKNUY IV or FRANCE. 249

to be attributed to the kin<j. Le Mairc offered, in the name of his
brother Isaac, to furnish the vessel and the crew, unless your
Majesty should wish to employ some of her own men, togetlier
with tlioso whom he would send out, and who arc experienced in
this kind of navigation. lie says, that to execute this enterprise,
he would require but three or four thousand crowns at the utmost,
which money he wishes to obtain from your Majesty, because he,
who is but a private man, would not lay out so large a sum ; nor
does he dare to speak about it to any one, because the East India
Company fears above every thing to be forestalled in this design.
Therefore, Isaac Le Maire would not converse about this matter
with the Englishman except in secret. Ho also adds, that if this
passage be discovered, it will greatly facilitate the means of
forming an association to traffic with all these countries ; and that
more people will engage their capital in the new society, than in
the East India Company, which is already in existence. The East
India Company will not even have a right to complain, because the
charter granted to them by the States General authorises them to
sail only round the Cape of Good Hope, and not by the north. Of
this latter passage the States have reserved to themselves the right

dont on nc laisseroit do lul. attribuer I'honnour si le sucecs en etoit bon,
oft'rant do la part de sou frore, de fournir le vaisscau et les hommes, si
non que votre Majestu y on vcuillo aussi employer quelques-uns des
siens avec ccnx qii'il y uiettra, Ics quels sont cxperimentcs en tols
voyages, disant f(uc, pour executor cctte entrcprisc, il ne faut quo trois
ou quatre millo ecus au plus, lesquels il desire tirer de votre Majcste,
pour ce que lui, qui n'cst qu'un particulier, n'y voudroit employer cette
sorame, et n'en ose communiquer a personne, d'autant que la Compagnie
des ludes d'Orient craint sur toutes choses qu'ou Ics previcnne en ce
dessein, et qu'il cctte occasion son fr^re n'avoit oser parler a I'Anglois
qu'eu secret. II dit encore que si ce passage est trouve et decouvert,
qu'il facilitera bien tort le moycn de faire une compagnie pour aller en
tous les lieux susdits, et que plus de gens y mcttront leurs fonds qu'en
I'autre qui est deja faite, sans que la Compagnie s'cn puisse plaindre,
attendu que I'octroi qu'clle a obtenu des Etats n'est que pour y aller du
c6te du cap de Bonne-Esperance, non de celui du nord, dont les Etats se
sont reserves le pouvoir dc disposer au cas que le passage puisse en etre

lUJ

250 LETTEll FROM PRF/lDENl JEANNIN

of granting the privilege in case it should he discovered. And in
order <o encourage some hold piluts to undertake this search, they
promised a reward of 80,000 livn j to the first discoverer.

I told tlie hrother of Le '^iairc who had made me these
overtures, and I have also writte . to him, that I would immediately
submit the matter to your Majes'' , to know your pleasure, and that I
would inform him of it as soon '■s possible ; for he says, that if one
wishes to engage in this voyi ^e in the present year, one must
begin it in March at the very latest, if any success is to hoped
from it. Others who have beiorc begun it in July, have suffered
gr'^atly, and have been overtaken by the winter. Having also
been informed that Plancius had come to the Hague two days
after the above conversation, I invited him to call upon me, in
order to speak witli him. TM? I have done, without, however,
letting him know that Le Mai 'e had made overtures to me, for Le
Maire wishes nobody to be a^lare of it. Therefore I have spoken
to Plancius only in the wa^' of a scientific discussion, on the
northern passage, and as if I were desirous to instruct myself, and
to learn what he knows iibout it, or what he concludes on
scientific grounds. He has confirmed to me all the above facts.

trouv6, et pour inviter quelqiies pilotes couragcux de se hasarder a en
faire la recherche, promis vingl-quatre mille livrcs de loyer a celui qui
eu seroit le premier inventcur.

J'ai dit au frcrc de Le Maire, qui m'en a communique de sa part, et
lui ai aussiecrit que j'cn donmrois incontinent avisavotre Majeste pour
en savoir sa volonte, et la lui faire entendre au jilus tot, attendu qu'il
dit. si on veut penser a ce voi age des cette annee, qu'il le faut com-
mencer en mars au plus tan I pour en esperer bon succes, et que les
autres qui I'ont ci-devant fait en juillet s'en sont nial trouves, et onteto
surpris de I'hiver. Ayaut aiissi etc averti que Plancius etoit venu a la
Haye deux jours apres avoir communique au frbre de Le Maire, je le
maudai aussitot pour en conft er avec lui, comme j'ai fait, sans toutefois
lui faire connoitre quo Le Uaire m'en eut fait parlei", ni que votre
Majeste eut aucun dessein '-'entreprendre cette recherche ; car le dit
sieur Le Maire ne d6sire pa? que personne en sache rien : aus.si n'en ai-
je parle a Plancius que ;;ur forme de discours, et comme etaut curicux
de m'instruire et V'.ipprendre ce qu'il en sait, et juge par raison pouvoir
etre fait ; icijuel m'a confirme tout ce que dessus, ct qu'il avoit excite

TO IIKNUY IV OF FRANCE. 251

and he also told me that it was lie wlio incited the late Jacob
llcomskerk, the admiral of the fleet which beat the Spaniards in
the Straits of Gibraltar, to undertake the above enterprise.
Heeniskerk had consented to do so, and Plancius had expected
great achievements from him, because Hcemskerk was greatly ex-
perienced in navigation, and was anxious to acquire the honour
of finding a passage through the Arctic Regions, like Magellan,
who had discovered the passage to the Sou'h Sea. But
Heeniskerk fell in that battle in the Straits of Gibr.iltar.

It belongs to your Majesty to command me what I am to do in
this affair. The truth is, that one cannot guarantee the success
of this enterprise with certainty; but yet, it is also true, that Le
Maire has for a long time inquired into the chances of the under-
taking, and that he is generally considered to bo an able and
industrious man. Besides, the risk would not be very great.
When Ferdinand of Spain received the offer of Columbus, and
caused three ships to be fitted out for him, to sail to the West
Indies, the proposal seemed still more hazardous, and all the other
potentates, to whom he had applied, had laughed at him, con-
sidering his success as impossible, and yet he has obtained such
great results. It is also the opinion of Plancius, and of other

feu Ams(|uerque, amiral de la Hotto qui fit Texploit du detroit de
Gibraltar, de faire cette entreprise, lequel s'y etoit rosolu, dont il csperoit
bien, pour ce que le dit Amsquerque etcw fort entendu aux navigations,
et dosircux d'acquerir cet honneur, comme Magellan avoit fait de-
couvrant le passage du coto dc la mcr du Sud ; mais il mourut eu ce
combat. C'cst a votre iMajcste de me commander co .^u'il lui plait que
je fasse en cet endroit. La verite est qu'on ne pent ropondre du succes
de cette entreprise avcc certitude ; mais il est bien vrai que dcs long
temps Le Maire s'est informc de ce qu'on pouvait esperer de telle entre-
prise, et qu'il est tenu pour liomnie avise et industrieux ; puis on n'y
hasarderoit pas bcaucoup. Quand Ferdinand re^'ut I'avis de Christophe
Colomb, et lui fit equiper trois navires pour aller au voyage de? Indes
d'Occident, I'cntreprise sembloit encore pour lors plus incertaino, et tous
les autres potentats aux quels cet homme s'etoit adresse s'en etoient
nioques, jugeant son entreprise impossible ; et toute-fois elle a produit
un si grand fruit. C'cst aussi I'avis de Plancius et d'autres geographcs,

lift,

252 LETIER FROM TRESIDENT JEANNIN

geographers, that in the northern parts there are many countries
Avhich have not yet been discovered, and which God may be
keeping for the glory and the profit of other princes, unwilling to
give every thing to Spain alone. Even, were nothing to come of
this search, yet it would always be honourable to have undertaken
it, and the regret will not be very great since so little is risked.

This letter having been terminated, and I being ready to send it
to your Majesty, Lc Maire has again written to me, and has sent
to me the memoir, which is joined to the present letter, which also
contains an ample discussion of the above subject. He also writes
to me, that some members of the East India Company, who had
been informed that the Englishman had secretly treated with him,
had become afmid that T might wish to employ him for the dis-
covery of this passage. For this reason, they have again treated
with him about his undertaking such an expedition in the course
of the present year. The directors of the Amsterdam chamber
have written to the other chambers of the same company, to
request their approval ; and should the others refuse, the Am-
sterdam chamber will undertake the expedition at their own risk.
Le Maire, nevertheless, persists in advising your Majesty to

qui ont ecrit que du c6te du nord 11 y a encore beaucoup de terrcs qui
n'ont etc decouvertes, lesquelles Dicu pcut reservcr a la gloire et au
profit d'autres princes, n'ayant voulu tout donner a la seule Espagne.
;: Quand mome il n'en succedcroit rien, sera toujours chose louahle de

i I'avoir cntr-jpris, et le repentir n'en sora jamais grand, puisqu'on y

hasarde si pen.

Cettc lettre etant achev6e, et raoi pres de I'envoyer a votrc Majesto,
Le i\raire m'a derechef ecrit, et envoyo lc mcmolre qui est ci-joint,
lequel contient un discours assez ample, ensemble les raisons uo ce que
>..essus. II me mande pareillemcnt qu'aucuns de la Compagnie des
Indes, ayant ete avertis que TAnglois avoit coaferc secrctement avec lui,
sent entres en apprehension qu'il s'en vouloit servir et I'employer lul
memo pour decouvrir ce passage, qu'a cette occasion ils ont de nouveau
traitt' avec lui pour entrcprendre la dite navigation d5s cette annee,
ayant ccux de la chambre d'Amsterdam ecrit a cet effet aux autres
chambrcs qui sont de la meme compagnie pour le faire approuver, avec
declaration, s'ils le refusent, qu'ils cntrcprendont eux seuls. Le Maire
ne laisse pourtant exhortcr votre Majcstc a cettc entreprisc, memandant

TO HENRY IV OF FllANX'E. 253

engage in tins enterprise, telling me that he has at his disposal
a pilot, who has alrcad}' been engaged in a similar voyage,' and
Avho is more experienced and more capable than the Englishman.

It belongs to your Majesty to order what I am to do. I Jiave
had several conferences with other men about expeditions to the
West and East Indies, and I feel confident, that when it will
please your Majesty to take the matter into serious consideration,
with the intention of profiting by it, there will be means of ob-
taining very able and experienced men. There are also many rich
merchants who will gladly join in the commerce with East India,
and yet more willingly if this northern passage be found ; but
as to the West Indies, they all think that far greater armaments
will be required. It is true that the voyage is also shorter, and
those who have some knowledge of the intercourse which may be
established with tliose parts, promise great success. They also
prove this by such good reasons, that we may well believe them.^

qu'il a un pilote, lequel a deja fait ce meme voyage, et est plus experi-
mcnte et capable que I'Anglois. C'est a elle de commander son inten-
tention. J'ai eu plusieurs conferences avec d'autrcs, soit pour les
voyages dos Indes d'Orient ou d'Occident, et suis assui'c, quand il lui
plaira d'y penser a bon escient, et pour en tirer du fruit, qu'il y aura
moycn dc lui faire avoir de trcs-bons homraes, et fort experimentos ; qu'il
y a aussi de riches marchands lesquels seront de la partie pour le com-
merce des Indes d'Orient, et plus volontiers encore si ce passage du nord
est trouve : mais, quant aux Indes d'Occident, ils tiennont tons qu'il y
faut employer un plus grand apparcil de forces. II est vrai que le
voyage est aussi beaucoup plus court ; et ccux qui ont quelque connois-
sance des entreprises qu'on y peut dresser, en promcttant tout bon
succ^s, dont ils discoureut avec de si bonnes raisons, qu'il y a sujct d'y
ajouter foi ; j'cn attendrai ses commandcmens, priant Dieu, Sire, qu'il
donne h, sa Majesto et a sa Royale famille tout heur et prospcrite.

Votre etc.

P. JEANNIN.
De la Ilaye ce vingt-cinquUme Janvier 1C09.

1 Probably Nai.

2 Tbe principal advocate of the West Indian enterprise was William Usso-
linex, who at that ver}' time published several very eloquent pamphlets in its
dofLnce. He is most probably the person referred to by Jeannin.

254

EXTRACTS FROM imODHEAD.

I am expecting your Majesty's commands, praying God, sire, that
he may give to your Majesty and to the whole lloyal family all
happiness and prosperity.

P. JEANNIN.

The Hague, the 25th of Jaimary, 1609.

EXTRACTS CONCERNING A SHIP BOOK FOUND AT
AMSTERDAM BY JOHN ROMEYN BRODHEAD, ESQ.

I. TROJI BRODIIEAD, REPORT TO THE ASSEMBLY OP THE STATE
OF NEW YORK, QUOTED BY o'CAELAGHAN, HIST. OF
NEAV NETIIERE. T, p. 33.'

The only trace of this voyage that was to be discovered in the
papers of the East India Company, consisted of a memorandum
in one of the ship books, stating the fact that the yacht Halve
MauH, of forty lasts burden, had been sent toward the north in the
year 1G08.

II. FROM BRODHEAn, HIST. OF X. YORK, p. 41.

The subsequent career of the Half Moon may perhaps interest
the curious. The small ship book before referred to, which I found
in 1841, in the Company's archives at Amsterdam, besides
recording the return of the yacht on the 15th of July 1610, states
that, on the 9th of May, 1611, she sailed in company with other
vessels to the East Indies under the command of Laurens Reael,
and that, on the 6th of March, 1615, she was wrecked and lost on
the island of Mauritius.

' Great efforts have been made to procure facsimiles of these two docu-
ments, but in vain. The editor of the jiresent volume has, however, received
from Holland a MS. copy of the first document, from the above quoted
privately printed work of Mr. Murphy. But as Mr. Murphy seemed desirous
not to let the writer of the present pages obtain a glimpse of that pamphlet,
it would have been contrary to the rules of literary intercourse to take from liim
in secret wnat he would not communicate openly. The title of Mr. Murphy's
pamphlet, togetlier with a descriptive note from a catalogue of Mr. Fr. Muller,
of Amsterdam, is to be found in our bibliographical list.

EXTRACTS FROM A CHARTER, ETC. 255

EXTRACTS FROM A CHARTER GRANTED TO THE

COMPANY OF THE MERCHANTS DISCOVERERS

OF THE NORTH-WEST PASSAGE,

apud Blctsoc, Juhj 2Q)th, 1G12.

A. Beginning.

James, by the grace of God king of England, etc. Whereas, we
are credibly informed that our cozens and councellors Henry
Charles Earl of Northampton, keeper of the privy scale ; Charles j
Earl of Nottingham, admirall of England ; Thomas Earl of Suffolk,
chamberlain of our own household ; our right trusty and well
beloued cozen Henry Earl of Southampton ; William Earl of
Salisbury, our right trusty and well beloued Theophilus Lord
Walden, Sir Thomas Smith Maunscll, Sir Walter Hope, Sir
Dudley Diggs, Sir James Lancerote, Knights ; Rebecca Lady
Romney, Francis Jones, one of the aldermen of our city of
London; John Wolstenholme, Esq., John Edred Robert Sand}',
William Grcenwell, Nicholas Seats, Hovet Stapers, William
Russell, John Mericks, Abraham Chamberleine, Philippe Burlo-
mathis, merchants of the cittie of London ; the Muscovy Company
and the East India Company of the sixth voyage, did in Aprill
one thousand six hundred and tene, with great charge sett fourth a
shippe called the Discovcnje, and certainc persons under the com-
mand of Henry Hudson to search and find out a passage by the
north-west of America to the sea of Sur, commonly called the
south Sea, and have in that voyage found a strcight or narrow sea
by the which they hope and purpose to advance a trade to the
great kingdoms of Tartaria, China, Jaj^an, Solomons Islands,
Chili, the Philippins and other countrys in or upon the said sea . . .

B. Summary of the grant fat the bottom of the charter J.

This bill conteyneth your Majesty's grant unto the merchants of
London, discoverers of the north-west passage, to be made and

256

EXTRACTS FROM RAFN S

treated a corporate body, and to be invested witb powers and
capacities thereunto incident, so that the trade through that
passage may be managed with some order and government, and
not loosely at the discretion of every private adventurer. The
frame and constitutions of this company is not restrained to any
number certain, nor confined to any particular citty, town or place,
nor tending to any degree of monopoly. The Prince is the
supreme protector, under your Majesty, of this company. The
custom subsidy, and impost accruing to your Majesty of all goods
and merchandize shipped outwards and homewards through the
said passage, in the 7th year after the date of the present patent
(by which time it is conceived the trade may settle and growe some-
what beneficiall) are therein graunted to the first discoverers, in
consideration of their charges in the discovery; and the like graunt
to Captain Button, and the masters and marines in the two shippes
lately sett forth for the perfecting of the said discoverye, of the
customs, subsidy and impost happening in the 5th year after the
date of the present patent (which as supposed will be a lessc
matter), in consideration of their services therein.

EXTKACTS FROM RAFN'S ANTIQUITATES
AMERICAN.l^, p. 295.

GRIPLA.

Nunc diccndum est, quid e regione Groenlandiao objaccat ct
recessibus, ante commemoratis. Furdustrandaj nomen terrae est,
ubi tantum gelu est, ut quantum scire datur, inhabituri non pos-
sit ; ab ea austrum versus est Hellulandia, regio Scrselingorum
appellata ; inde brevi spatio abest Vinlandia Bona, quam nonnulli
ex Africa protendi aestimant. Inter Vinlandiam et Groenlandiam
est Ginnungayap, quod influit ex mari dicto oceano, totum terra-
rum orbem ambientc.

ANTIQUITATES AMKRlCANiE. 257

r. 300. DESCRIPTIO GRCENLANDI.li: AUCTORE IV ARE BARDI, folio.
(treatise of IVER ROTY )

Hoc relationes servattc sunt ab arcliieplscopo Nidrosicnsi Erico
Walckendorph, qui anno 1516, novam ad Grccnlandiam iterum
inveniendam expeditionem molicns, varia ad hujus terroo descrip-
tioncm pertinentia collcgit. Procter supra, p. 282, allata manu-
scripta et editiones, quarum Extrupii ex. manuscripto Rcgitc
Dresdensis Bibliothcca?, G. No. 52a, signato est dcsumta, alieo
versiones quscdam adhibcrl merentur. [^Ilere /ollotvs the title in
English, as to he found on pay e 230.]

Quam multlfariam nominum topographicorum in Danicis manu-
scriptis, et graviorem quidem in duobus horum vetustissimis editioni-
bus dcpravationem consideremus, similis, et ex aliqua parte pcssima,
confusio in translatione, qua} tria porro diversi generis idiomata,
Germania), Belgia) et Angliae permeaverat, minime erit miranda.
At nihilominus dictam versionem vetustissimo cuidarn originalis
exemplari, quod bonas quasdam Icctiones servaverat, superinstruc-
tam esse cernimus, quam igitur (P notatam) in hac collatione negli-
gere noluimus. Addidit hujus transcript! auctor (p. 230) ipsam
relationera in insulis Fiereyensibus fuissc rcpertam, in an old
reckoning hook tvritten ahove one hu7idred yeeres ago.

OTHER NAMES OF HUDSON'S STRAIT, HUDSON'S

BAY, HUDSON'S TOUCHES, HUDSON'S POINT,

AND HUDSON'S RIVER.

Hudson'' s Strait: Rio Nevado (Sebastian Cabot, 1498).

Hudson's Bag: Baia dos Mcdaos (Ortelius, from the Portuguese
1558-1570).

Hudson's Touches : Jan Mayen Island (Jan May, 1611).

Hudson's Point : Rudson's Point (a corruption ; Zurgdragcr,
Scoresby.)

Hudson's River: Rio de Gamas, Rio Grande (Spaniards, 1525-
1600); Cahohatatea (Indian name); Manhattan's Rivier, Grootc
Rivier, Noort Rivier, Montaigne Rivier, Maurits Rivier (Dutch
Maps, 1615 to 1664).

2f)8

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL LIST,

CONTAINING THE BOOKS, MAPS, ETC., ETC., MENTIONED IN
THE mESEM WOKK.

Adelung. Geschiclite der SchifFahrtcn und Vcrsuclie wclclic
zur Entdcckung des nordostlichen Wegcs nach Japan und China
von vcrschiedenen Nationcn unternommen wurden. Zum Behufe
der Erdbeschreibung und Naturgcschiclite dieser Gegenden ent-
worfen von Joliann Christoph Adelung. Halle, 4to, 1768.

Akerly. An Essay on tlic Geology of the Hudson river, and
the adjacent regions : illustrated by a geological section of the
country, from the neighbourhood of Sandy Hook, in New Jersey,
northward, through the highlands in New York, towards the
Catskill Mountains : by Samuel Akerly, one of the Vice-Presi-
dents of the New York Lyceum of Natural History. New York,
12mo, 1820.

Alcedo, see Thompson.

Amekican Biography. The Library of American Biography.
Edited by Jared Sparks, assisted by several of the most distin-
guished writers. First Series. Portraits. Ten vols., 12mo, New
York. Vol. X, pp. 187-261. Life of Hudson, by R. H. Cleveland.

Antiquitates Americans sive Scriptorcs Septentrionales

rerum ante-Columbianarum in America.

Saniling af de i nordens Oldskrifter iiuleholdte Efterretninger vmdo gamle
Nordboers Opdagelsesreiser til America, fra det 10 de til det 1-L de Aarhun-
drede.

Edidit Societas Regia Antiquariorum Septentrionalium. Hafniaj.
1837. (Edited by C. Rafn.)

Aech^.ologia Americana, see Gallatin.

Barrow. A Chronological History of Voyages into the Arctic
Regions ; undertaken chiefly for the purpose of discovering a

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL LIST. 259

North-east, North-west, or Polar Passage, between the Atlantic
and Pacific : from the earliest periods of Scandinavian navigation
to the recent expeditions under the orders of Captains Ross and
Buchan, by Sir John Barrow, F.R.S. London, 1818.

Beeciiey. a Voyage of Discovery towards the North Pole,
performed in His Majesty's ships Dorothea and Trent, imder the
command of Captain David Buchan, 11. N., 1818; to which is
added a Summary of all the early attempts to reach the Pacific by
the way of the Pole. By Captain F. W. Beechey, R.N., F.R.S.
one of the lieutenants of the expedition. Published by autho-
rity of the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty. (With a map
and many illustrations.) 8vo. London, 1843.

Begin en Voortgang von de Nederlandsche Oostindischc
Compagnie. 2 vols., 4to, obi., consisting of twenty-one parts with
separate pagination. Amsterdam, 1646. (Daniell's Map, part i,
p. 13; Hudson's Voyage, part i, p. 54.)

Beke, see De Veek, Gerrit.

Bescherelle. Grand Dictionnaire de Geographic universelle,
ancienne et moderne. Par M. Bescherelle, aine. 4 vols., 4to,
Paris, 1856-7.

Beschryvinoiie van Virginia, NieuAV Nederlandt, Niew-
Engelandt, en d'Eylanden Bermudes, Barbados, en S. Christoffel.
Dienstelyck voor elck een derwaerts handelende, en alle voor-
planten van Nieuw Colonien, met Koperen figuren verciert. 't Ams-
terdam, by Joost-Hartgers, Bouckverkooper op dem Dam, bezyden
't Stadthuys, op de hoeck van de Kalverstraet, in de Boeck-
winckel, anno 1651. 4to. Title, 60 pp. Map.

BiBLioGRArniE Neerlando-Russe, see Ortehus.

BiDDLE, see Cabot,

BioGRAPHiA Britannica, or the Lives of the most eminent
persons who have flourished in Great Britain and Ireland, from
the earliest ages down to the present times : collected from the
best authorities, both printed and manuscript, and digested in the
manner of Mr. Bayle's Historical and Critical Dictionary. London,
folio, MDCCE. (Volume the fourth, pp. 2691-2695. Hudson, Henry).

BioGRAPiiiE Universelle, ancienne et moderne, ou Histoire,
par ordre alphabetique de la vie publique et privee de tous Ics
hommes qui se sont distingues par leurs ecrits, leurs actions, leurs

2G0 uiULioauAriiicAi, mst.

talents, Icurs vcrtus ou Icurs crimes. Oiivrage cntierement ncuf,
redigi' par unc Societe de Gens do Icttres et de Savants. Tome
xxi. Paris, 1818. (Page 10-12, IIudHon Henri.)

Blaku, ^Vilh. et Joh. Lc Grand Atlas, ou Cosmographic
Blaviane, en lequel est exactemcnt descritte la terre, la mer et lc
ciel. Amsterdam. J. Blaew. 1GG3. 12 vol , fol.

Blefkin. Dithmavi Blefkenii Islandia, sive populorum &
mirabilium qua; in ea Insula rcperiunter, accuratior Dcscriptio :
cui de Gronlandia sub finem quondam adjecta. Lugduni Batavo-
rum. Ex Typograplicio Ilenrici ab Haestens. cioiocvii. IGO.
pp. 71.

Brockiiaus. AUgemcine deutschc Ileal Encyklopadie fiir die
gcbildeten Stiindc. Conversations Lexikon. Zchntc verbesscrte
und vermehrte Aufiage in 15 Biinden. Leipzig -. 1851-55. (Vol. viii,
p. 102, Hudson's bay).

This edition, wliich is to be found in the reading room of the British
Museum, does not contain the Anskoold Mytli ; on the contrary, tho discovery
of Hudson's Strait is attributed to Sebastian Cabot. But in the earlier edi-
tions, we believe down to the eighth, the Anskoeld story exists.

Brodhead. History of the State of New York, by John
llomeyn Brodhead. First Period, 1609-16G4. Illustrated with a
Map of New Netherlands, according to the charters granted by
the States General, on the 11th of October, 1G14, and the 3rd of
June, 1621. Svo. New York, 1853.

BucHAN, see Jeannin.

Cahot (Sebastian). His great Planisphere. A copy of this
celebrated work, bearing the date of 1544, is preserved in the
Imperial Library in Paris. This map is pasted upon a roller. On
both sides of the engraving there are pasted explanations in letter-
press, on one side in Spanish and on the other in Latin. The
whole map is very lar^?. The Latin letterpress alone fills more
than twenty pages in a reprint which we are about to speak of.
It is in one of these letterpress explanations that the date of 1544
occurs. Mr. Jomard has published part of the map in his " Monu-
ments de Geographie" ; that is to say, three of the four sheets it is
composed of. But the most important sheet, containing North
America, is yet wanting. The letterpress also has not yet ap-
peared.

mHLIOGRArillCAL i ^ST. 261

There seems to have been a second edition of this map jiublishcd
in tlic year 1549, probably in EngUxnd, where Sebastian Cabot was
then residing. 'J'his is to be concluded from a book by Nathan
Chytrajus, called " Itinerum Dcliciro." ChytroDus travelled through
vai'ious parts of Europe and visited Oxford in 15GG. lie there
copied a series of inscriptions, corrf^sponding, except in some very
slight respects, with the Latin explanations of the Paris map ; but
with that important difference, that the date is 1549 instead of
1544. These inscriptions are reprinted in the " Itinerum Delicia)."

In Hakluyt's Collection we find the following heading: "An
extract taken out of the Map of Sebastian Cabot, cut by Clement
Adams, concerning his Discovery of the IFest Indies, tvhich is to be
scetic in Her Majesties' privie Gallerie at Westminster, and in many
other ancient merchants'' Houses.^' This heading is followed by a
description of Baccalaos or Terra Nova, which is evidently bor-
rowed from the 1544 or 1549 edition of the Cabot map, but it is
not by any means a literal copy. One important change consists in
the alteration of the date of the voyage described in it, which is
1494 in the earlier edition and 1497 in that of Clement Adams.
Adams has besides completely altered the phraseology of his text,
which he has made most bombastic; lengthening out the passages by
superfluous u Iditions, so that his text is by about one-third longer
than that of the original, without containing any new information.

It would seem doubtful from Hakluyt's above-quoted heading,
whether Adams had copied the whole of Cabot's map or merely
the delineation of Terra Nova ; because the word extract might
refer to an extract made by Adams from Cabot's map, or to an
extract made from Adams's map by Hakluyt. This doubt is
removed by a passage in the third volume, p. 807, of Purchas'
Pilgrims, where the same map is more fully described. Purchas
has evidently himself seen the map, which was most likely the
identical copy also seen before by Hakluyt in Whitehall Gallerv.
It is not certain whether another map mentioned by Willcs as
having been in the library of the Earl of Bedford, is also identical
with that seen at Whitehall. This map contained a delineation
of Hudson's Strait, the description of which we have reprinted
in the Introduction. This description does not correspond in
all its parts with the 1544 map, and there are besides some

2G2 UIULIOGUAI'HICAL LIST.

more details given by Willcs, which arc in still stronger contra-
distinction with the indications of the Paris copy. This circum-
stance has led us to the supposition that tlic Earl of Bedford's
copy also belonged to the Clem jnt Adams' edition, and that Adams
had altered the lines of the chart as well as the words of the
text. We cannot suppose that he would have dared to do so in
Cabot's lifetime, and therefore think that Adams' map was pub-
lished after Cabot's death (about 1557).

A Memoir of Sebastian Cabot, with a Review of the His-
tory of Maritime Discovery. Illustrated by Documents from the
lloUs now first published, by R. Biddlc. London, 1831.

Notices concerning John Cabot and his son Sebastian ;

transcribed and translated from original manuscripts in the Macrian
Library at Venice, by Rawdon Brown. Communicated to the
Society by Edw, Cheney. Philobiblon Society, Bibliographical
and Historical Miscellanies. London, 1854-56.

Catlin. Letters and notes on the Manners, Customs, and Con-
dition of the North American Indians, by George Catlin. Written
during eight years travel, from 1832 to 1839, amongst the Wildest
Tribes of Indians in North America. With 312 Plates. 2 vols.,
royal 8vo, pp. 264 and 266. New York, 1841.

Chytb^us. Variorum in Europa itinerum Dcliciae, seu, ex

variis Manuscriptis sclectiora tantum inscriptionum, maxime re-

centium Monumenta. . . .Omnia nupcr collecta et hoc modo digesta

a Nathans Chytra;o. Herborna) Nassoviorum, 1594.

(The same book, second edition, ibid., 159!) ; the same book, third edition,
ibid., I'JOO.)

Cleveland, see American Biography.

Collections of the New York Hist. Soc. For the year 1809.
Vol. i. New York, 1811, 8vo.

P. 19. A discourse designed to commemorate the discovery of
New York by Henry Hudson, delivered before the New York
Hist. Soc, Sept. 4th, 1809, being the completing of the second
century since the event. By Samuel Miller, D.D., one of the
pastors of the first Presbyterian Church in the city of New York,
and member of the Hist. Soc.

P. 41. A Communication from Dr. Mitchill, with respect to the
several sorts of fish to be found in the Hudson.

HinMOCJHAl'IIICAI, LIST. J3B3

P. 45. The Relation of I)e Verazznno to the King of France,
of the Land by lum discovered in the name of II. M.

P. ()1. The Voyage of 11. Hudson towards the North Pole,
anno 1G07.

P. 81. A Second Voyage of 11. Hudson for finding a Passage
to the East Indies by the N.E., anno 1G08.

P. 102. The third Voyage of H. Hudson towards N.»va Zcm-
bla, etc., and along the coast to 42 degrees and a half, and up the
river (the Hudson) to 42 degrees, anno 1609.

Collections of the New York Hist. Soc. Second Series. Vol. i.
New York, 1841, 8vo.

P. 37. Verazzano's Voyage.

P. 69. Indian Traditions on the First Arrival of the Dutch on
Manhattan Island.

P. 75. Lambrcchtsen's History of New Netherlands.

P. 125. Van der Donck, Description of New Netherlands.

P. 281. Extracts from De Laet's New World.

P. 317. J net's Journal o'' Hudson's Voyage.

Conversations Lexicon, see Bkockiiaus.

Daniel. Map of Spitsbergen, London, 1612, see Begin und
Voortgang, part, i, p. 13. (The knoivledye ivhich up to the present
day we have been able to obtain of this new country, which our
people call Spitsbergen and the English Greenland, we are going
to represent, in a small map, in ivhich tve folloiv, for the most
jrnrt, the Design made in London, in 1612, by John Daniel). The
map in the Begin und Voortgang, to which this notice alludes,
corresponds in almost every particular with the map of Spitzbergon
in the last edition of Hcsscl Gcrritz's " Hudson," which is also to
be found in a special work on Spitzbergon by Hessel Gerritz,
published in two editions in the year 1613.

Davis. The Seaman's Secrets. Dcvidcd into two partes,
wherein is taught the three kindes of sayling, Horizontall, Para-
doxall, and sayling upon a great circle : also an Horizontall Tyde
Table, for the easic finding of the ebbing and flowing of the Tydes,
with a Regiment newly calculated for the finding of the Declina-
tion of the Sunne, and many other most necessary rules and
instruments, not heretofore set foorth by any. Newly corrected by '

the author, John Davis, of Sandrudge, ncere Darthmouth, in the

il!^

264 BinLIOORArHICAL MST.

countic of Devon, Gent. Imprinted at London by Thomas Dawson.
4to, 1607.

De Laet. Nieuwe Weieldt of'te Beschrijvinghc van West-
Indien wt veclerhande Schriftcn ende Aenteekoningcn van ver-
scheyden Natien by een versamelt door Joannes de Laet, ende
mit noodighe Kaerten en Tafels voorsien. Tot Leyden, In de
Druckerye van Isaack Elzevier, anno 1625. Met Privilegia der
IIo. Mo. Heeren Staten Gcnerael, voor 12 Jaren. Fol. Title,
xxil a, 526 pages. Chapter vii to xi, pp. lt)0-109, description of
New Netherland.

— ^— — Beschrijvinghe van West-Indien door Joannes De
Laet. Tweedc druk : In ontallycke plaetsen verbetert, vermeer-
dnrt, met eenige nieuwe caertcn, beelden van verschcijden dieren
ende planten verciert. Tot Leyden by de Elzeviers. Ao. 1630, fol.

De Quir, see Gehritz-Hessel.

De Veer Gerrit. Three voyages by the Norlh-East towards
Cathay and China, undertaken by the Dutch in the years 1594,
1595, and 1596, with their Discovery of Spitzbergen, their resi-
dence of ten months in Novaya Zcmlya, and their safe return in
two open boats. Edited by C. T. Beke, Ph.D., F.S.A. 8vo,
London, 1853 (Hakluyt Society).

DoNCK (Adrian Van der). Vertoogh van Nieu Nederland,
Weghens de Gheleghentheydt, en soberen Staet deszelfs. In's
Graven-Hage, ghedruckt by Michiel Hael, Bouckverkooper woon-
ende op 't Buyten-Hof, tegenover de Gevangc-Voort. 1650, 4to.
Title, 49 pages ; a vignette in wood on the title.

'■ Vertoogh van Nicu Nederland und Breedcn Raedt
aende Vereenichc Nedcrlandsche Provintscn. Tico rare tracts,
printed in 1649-1650, relating to the Administration of Affairs in
Neiv Netherland. Translated from the Dutch hy Henry C. Murpky.
4to. New York, 1854.

Beschrijvinge van Nieuw-Nederlant, ghelyck het

tegenwoordigh in Staet is, Begrijpende de Nature, Aert, gele-
gentheyt en Vruchtbaerheyt van het selve Lant ; mitsgaders de
proffijtelijcke ende gewenste trevallen, die aldaer tot onderhout
der Menschen (soo uyt haer selven als van buyten ingebracht)
gevonden woorden. Als metle de maniere en onghemcyne eygen-
schappen van de Wilden ofte Natureleen van den Lande. Ende

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL LLST. 265

een bysonder vcrhael van den wonderlijcken Aert ende hct Wccsen
der Bevers ; dacr noch by gcvoeght is eon d'scours over de gclc-
gentheyt van Nieuw-Nederlandt, tusschen een Nederlandts Patriot,
ende een Nieuw Nederlander. Beschreven door Adriacn van der
Donck, beyder Rechten Doctoor, die tcgenwoordigh noch ni Nieuw
Nederlandt is. t' Amsterdam. By Evert Nieuwhof, Bouckver-
kooper, woonende op 't lluslandt in't Schrijfboeck, anno 1G55, 4lo.

A second edition, under nearly the same title. Ito.

Amsterdam, 1C56.

Du Ponceau. Report made to the Historical and Literary
Committee of the American Philosophical Society by their Cor-
responding Secretary on Languages of the American Indians. By
P. E. Duponceau. 8vo. Philadelphia.

Eden. A treatyse of the Newe India, with other new founde
landes and Ilandes, as well Eastwards as Westwards, as they arc
knowen and founde in these oure days, after the description of
Sebastian Munster, in his booke of Universal Cosmographie ;
wherein the diligent reader may see the good successe and rewarde
of noble a'.id honeste enterprises, by the which not only worldly
ryches are obtayned, but also God is glorified, and the Christian
faylh enlarged. Translated out of Latin into English, by Richard
Eden. Prater sjoem sub spe. Imprinted at London, in Lombard-
street, by Edward Sutton, 1653.

The History of Travayle in the West and East Indies, and

other countrcys lying eyther way, towardes the fruitful! and ryche
Moluccaes. As Moscovia, Persia, Arabia, Syria, Acgypte, Ethio-
pia, Guinea, China in Cathayo and Giapan. With a Discourse of
the N.W. Passage. (" In the Hande of our Lord he all the corners
of the Earthy — Psal, 94.) Gathered in parte and done into
Englyshe by Richarde Eden. Newly set in order, augmented and
finished by Richarde Willes. Imprinted at London by Richarde
Jugge, 1577. Cum privilcgio. See also Martyr.

FousTER. Geschichte der Entdeckungen und Schiffiihrten im
Norden aller Nationen, von J. H. Forster, Dr. der Medlcin und
der Weltweisheit, etc. Berlin, 1 784.

History of the voyages and discoveries made in the

North, translated from the German of John Reinhold Forster,
T.U.D., and elucidated by several Maps. London, 4to, 1786.

266 BIBLIOOIIAPHICAL LIST,

FoxE. North-west Fox, or Fox from the North-west Passage,
beginning with King Arthur, Malga, Octhur, the two Zenis oi
Isclanil, pjstotilantl, and Dorgia ; following with briefe abstracts
of the voyages of Cahot, Frohisher, Davis, Waymouth, Knight,
Hudson, Button, Gihhons, Bylot, Baffin, Haivhridge : together
with the Courses, Distance, Latitudes, Longitudes, Variations,
Depths of Seas, Sets of Tydes, Currents, Races, and Over-Falls,
with other observations, accidents, and remarJ ble things, as our
Miseries and Sufferings. Mr. James Hall''- ree voyages to
Gi'oynland, with a Topographicall Description of the Countries,
the Salvages lives and treacheries, how our men have beene slayne
by them tliere, with the commodities of all those parts, whereby
the Marchant may have Trade, and the Mariner Imployment.
Demonstrated in a Polar Card, wlierein are all the Maines, Seas,
and Islands herein mentioned. With the author his own Voyage,
being the xvith, with the opinions and collections of the most
famous Mathematicians and Cosmographers ; with a Probabilitie to
prove the same by Marine Ilemonstrations, compared by the Ebbing
and Flowing of the Sea, experimented with places of our owne coast.
By Captaine Luke Foxe, of Kingstone upon Hull, Capt. and Pylot
for the voyage, in His Majesties' Pinnace the Charles. Printed
by His Majesties' Commands. Printed by B. Alsop and Tho.
Favvcet, dwelling in Grub-street. 4to Map, 1635 {quoted t^. Ivii).

Fkobisher. a true discourse of the late voyages of discoverie,
for the finding of a passage to Cathaya, by the North-Weast,
under the conduct of Martin Frohisher, Generall. Devided into
three Bookcs. In the first wherof is shewed his first voyage,
wherein also by the way is sette out a Geographicall Description
of the Worlde and what partes thereof have bin discovered by the
Navigations of the Englishmen. Also, there are annexed certayne
reasons to prove all partes of the Worlde habitable ; with a gene-
rall Mappo adjoyned. In the second, is set out his second voyage
with the adventures and accidents thereof. In the thirde, is de-
clared the strange fortunes which hapned in the third voyage, with
a severall description of the countrey and the people there inhabit-
ing. With a particular Card thereunto adioyned of Mcta Incognita,
so farrc forth as the secrets of the voyage may permit. At London.
Imprinted by Henry Bynnyman, servant to the Right Honourable

inULlOGRAPHlCAL LIST. 2()7

Sir Christopher Hatton, viz., Chamberlaine. Anno Domini, 1578,
4to, pp. 68.

Gallatin. Synopsis of the Indian Tribes of North- America,
by Albert Gallatin, LL.D.

Archa;ologia Americana. Transactions and Collections of the American
Antiquarian Society. Published by Direction of the Society. Vol. i, »vo,
pp. 430. Worcester, Mass., 18^0 ; vol. ii, Map, 8vo, pp. xxx and 57!]. Cam-
bridge, 18-"16; vol. iii, pp. cxxxviii and 377. Boston, printed for the Society,
1857 (vol. ii, p. 44).

Galvano. Tratado dos vurios, e diversos caminhos por onde
nos tempos passados a pimenta e especiaria veio do India as nossas
partes, e assim de todos os descubrimentos antigos c modernos
que sao feitos ate a era de 1550 com os nomes particulares das
pessoas que os ficerao, em que tempos e suas alturas. 8o, Lisboa,
por 1560.

Galvao. Tratado dos descobrimentos antigos e modernos,
feitos ate a Era de 1550, com os nomes particulares das pessoas
que OS fizerao : e em que tempos, e as suas alturas, e dos desvaira-
dos caminhos por vnde a pimenta e especiaria veyo da India as
nossas partes ; obra certo muy notavcl, e copiosa. Composto pelo
famcGO Antonio Galvao. Lisboa Occidental na Ofiicina Ferrei-
riana, mdccxxxi. (We quote this edition.)

Gekritz-Hessel. Detectio Freti. First Edition. Exemplar
Libelli supplicis, Potentissimo Hispaniarum Regi exhibiti a Capi-
taneo Petro Fernandez de Quir : super Detectione quintse orbis
terrarum partis, cui Australioe Incognitac nomen est. Item, Relatio
super Freto per M. Hudsonum Anglum qua3sito, ac in parte
detecto supra Provincias Tcrrte Novae, novajque Hispanioe Chinam
et Cathaiam versus ducturo : una cum Freti ipsius, quatenus iam
detectus est. Tabula Nautica. Nee non Isaaci Massa; Harlemensis
Samoiediaj atque Tingoessa; llegionum ad Orientem ultra Fretum
Wcygats in Tartaria sitarum, nuperque Impcrio Moscovito adquisi-
tarium descriptio. Et Tractus ciusdem Tabula Russia. Latine
versa ab R. Vitellio. Amsterodami. Ex oiRcina Hesselij Gerardi,
anno 1612.

Contents :

1. In tractatus sequentes Prolegomena ad Lectorem : signed
Hcssclius Gcrardus Assumcnsis Philogeographus. Six pages.
{These Prolvyomcna are reprinted in the present book, pp. 236, 241).

2C8

lUHMOGUArinCAl. LIST.

2. Reliitio memoilulls libclli supplicis Majestati siuu oblatl,
per Cupitancum Pctrum Fernamloz cle (liilr, etc. , , Eleven payos.
o. Samojoilunim. . . .cfKgic's (a woocleut). One pafj;e.

4. Apograpluim Descriptionis llegionum Siberia) Samojediic et
Tingoes'uo. Eight pages.

5. Itineruia attpic Eliiviorum, Ortum & Atpiilonem versus in

Moseoviam & Siberian! Samojediani etc dueentiuni, Descrip-

tio. Thirteen pages, one page white, one white leaf; then follows :
Deseriptio ac delitieatio Geographiea Detectionis Freti. Sivc
Transitvs ad Oecasuni, supra terras Americanas, in Chinam atq:
Japonem ducturi, Recens investigati ab ]\I. lleiirieo lludsono
Anglo. Item, Narratio Ser"">. Regi llispania) facta, super tractu,
in ipjinta Orbis terraruni parte, cui Avstraliie Incognitic nonieu
est, recens detecto, per Capitaneum Petruni Ferdinandez de Q,uir.
Vna cuiu descriptioiie Terrio Sanioiedarvni et Tingoesiorvni, in
Tartaria ad Ortum Freti Waygats sitio nu|)er(i : Imperio Mosco-
vitarum subacta\ Amsterodami, Ex otlicina llessclij Gerardi. Anno
1G12. Three i)ages (^reprinted in the j'rcsc'if voltiine, pp. 185-
189).

Second Edition. The Second Edition, or what, perhaps, may
be called so, has been produced in the following manner. The
first title has been cut away, and the supplement, with its title,
Deseriptio ac Delinvatio, etc., has been placed at the beginning.
Nearly all the existini^ copies of the 1G12 edition answer this
description.

In both shapes the 1612 edition ought to contain the following
maps. a. The "World in two hemispheres; h. Hudson's map;
c. Massa's map of Nova Zembla, etc. (a fac-simile in Dr. Rckc's
De Veer).

Third Edition. Deseriptio ac delincatio Geographiea Detec-
tionis Freti. Sive, Transitus ad Occasum supra terras Americanas,
in Chinam atq: Japonem ducturi, Recens investigati ab M. Henrico
Hudsono Anglo. Item, Exegesis Regi Hispaniic facta, super tractu
recens detecto, in quinta Orbis parte, cui nomen, Avstralis In-
cognita. Cum descriptione Terrarum Samoicdarum, et Tinga'sio-
rum, in Tartaria ad Ortum Freti Waygats sitarum, nuperq: sceptro
Moscovitarum adscitarum. Amsterodami, Ex oflicina Ilesselij
Gerardi. Anno 1G13.

Ml iti.iofniAriiicAi, i,isT. 2(5!)

CONTKNTS :

1. Pri)lcgomcnii. Three i)iif^eH.

12. Dearriptio, etc. (IIiuIhou'h Voyage, see present volume, 189-
104). Three jiages.

;5. lOxegc.sis Libclli sujjplicl.s ohhiti Kcgiir Mujestati l[i.s[)aniu}
a Duee Petro l''eni:indez iW. (iuir, etc. Ten pages.

4. Deseriptio Jlegiomiin Siberia-, Saniojcdiu!, Tingojesia^ etc.
Seven pages, one page white,

C). Itrevis Descrlptio itinerum dueentiinn, & fluvioruni hihciitium
e Moscovia Oricnteni &. Atpiihinem versus. (^Signed Ivj l.s(uu:
3l(isN(i, llucrlcm.) I'Ueven pages, one page while.

(). In prel'ationc, etc. (^l)i-svriplion of Nai\s \''i)i/i(ij(:,) 'i'l'rec
pages.

8. I)e (letcctlono terra; polaris sub latitude octoginta graduum
^by llcsad (/crri/z). Three pages.

i). Balena woodeut. One l)age, one page while. ]''»r niujui and
phites sen iicrt ctHlion.

FouiiTii MniTioN. The lourlli edition is almost ideutieal witli the
third, only it contains an appendix of I'our pages, consisting —

a. 01' a preface by Jlessel Gerrit/, beginning with the t'oUovving
words : Cum tcmcre v.t hwonsidvntta antca scrlpscrhii. . . .One page.

b. Of a treatise by i'eter I'lancius, intitled : llefutatio rationum
(piibus Angli Dominationem ])iscationis ad insulam Spitzbergen-
sem. .pretenderc. .conantur. Three pages.

The third and fourth editions ought to contain the following
illustrations, a. The World in two hemispheres. f>. Hudson's
Map. c. Massa's Maj). d. An engraving representing two sea-
horses, c. In the fourth edition there ought to be a map of Spit/-
bcrgen and Nova Zembla.

]Jeschryvinghe vander Samoyeden Landt in Tarta-

rien Nieulijcks onder 't ghebiedt der Moscovilen gebracht. Wt
de llussche tale overgheset, anno 1009. Met een verhael vandc
opsoekingh cnde ontdeckinge vande nieuwc deurgang ofte straet
int Noord-westen na de Rijcken van Ohina cnde Catliay ; ende
cen Memorial gcpresenteert aenden Conningh van Spaengien,
belanghende de ontdcckingho ende gheleghenheyt van 't Land
ghenacmt Australia Incognita, 't Amsterdam, by Ilessel Ger-
ritsz., Bocckvercooper opt Water ijulc I'ascaert. Anno 1612.

270

lUIU.lOORArillCAL LIST.

Contents :

1. Tot den Leser {Preface, translation of the preface to the Latin
edition of \G12.) Six pages.

2. Verhael van d' ontdeckinghe vandc nieu-ghesochte Strate
in't Noord-westen, om te seylen boven langhs de Landen van
America en Japan, ghedaen door Mr. Henry Hudson. Three
pages, one white.

3. Copie van de Beschryvinge der Landen Siberia, Samoesia,
etc. Eight pages.

4 Een Cort Verhael vande Wege ende llivieren uyt Moscovien
Oostwaerts, etc. Fourteen pages.

5. Verhael Van seker Memoriael ghepresentcert aen zyne Ma-
jesteyt by den Capiteyn Pedro Fernandez de Guir. Six pages,
one page blank.

Gilbert. A Discourse of a Discoverio for a new passage to
Cataja, written by Sir Humfrey Gilbert, Knight. Imprinted at
London by Henry Middleton, for Richarde Thones, anno Domini
1576, Aprilis 12. (Map.) xS'ee also Hakluyt's Collections, iii, p. 16.

Hakluyt. Divers voyages touching the discoverie of America,
and the Islands adiacent unto the same, made first of all by our
Englishmen, and afterward by the P'renchmen and Britons : and
certaine notes of advertisements for observations, necessarie for
such as shall heereafter make the like attempt. With two mappes
annexed heereunto for the plainer understanding of the whole
matter, by E-ichard Hakluyt. Imprinted at London for Thomas
Woodcocke, 1582.

Hakluyt (Richard, Prebendary of Bristol in the year 1582).
Divers Voyages touching the Discovery of America, and the Islands
adjacent ; collected and published. Edited, vvith Notes and an
Introduction, by John Winter Jones, Esq., of the British Museum.
Svo, London, 1850 (Hakluyt Society).

Hamel. Tradcscant der Aeltere, 1618, in Russland. Der
Handelsverkehr zwischen England und Russland in seiner Entste-
hung. Riickblick auf einige der iilteren Reisen im Norden.
Geschichtliche Beitrage mitgetheilt der Kaiserlichen Akademie
der Wissenschaften zu St. Petersburg, von Dr. J. Hamel, Akade-
miker, etc. Mit Tradescant's Portrait und einer Karte. 4o, 1847,
St. Petersburg. Leipzig.

lilHLlOGUAl'IIICAL LIST. 211

Haskei, and Smith. A complete Descriptive and Statistical
Gazetteer of the United States of America, containinj^ a particular
description of the states, territories, countries, districts, parislies,
cities, towns and villages, mountains, rivers, lakes, canals, and
railroads; with an Abstract of the Census and Statistics for 1840.
By Daniel Huskel, A.M., and T. Calvin Smith. New York, 8vo,
pp. 752. 1814.

Heckewei.uer. a narrative of the Mission of the United
Brethren among the Delaware and Mohegan Indians, from 1704
to 1808; interspersed with anecdotes, historical facts, speeches of
Indians, and other interesting matter, by John Heckewelder. 4to,
Philadelphia, 1820.

HoMEM. A Portolano of nine large Charts on vellum, drawn
on a plane scale by D. 11. MS., British Museum.

No. 4. A Chart of the Work), on a phxne scale :

" Universalis Mundi figura atque Navigationum Orbis tcrrarum

scitus." Dicgus Homem cosmographus fecit hoc opus anno salutis

1558.

No. 10. The Eastern Coast of North America, tlie West Indian Islands,
with the westernmost coasts of Europe and Africa, southward to Cupe liosse.

{Quoted p. xcvii.)

Jeannin. Les Negociations du President Jeannin, publiees

dans les Collections des Memoires relatifs a I'Histoirc de France,

depuis I'avenement de Henri IV, jusqu'a la Paix de Paris conclue

en 1763 ; avec des Notices sur chaque auteur et des observations

sur chaque Ouvrage, par M. Petitot, Paris, 1822.

Lettre au Roi ecrite par M. Jeannin, le dit jour vingt-cinqui^me Janvier
1600, sur la recherche du passage du Nord.

Vol. XV, p. 141. See also Pantheon litteraire ; Choix de Chroniqucs

et Memoires, sur I'Histoirc de France, avec Notices litteraires par

J. A. C. Buchon. Paris, 1838. Negociations du President Jeannin,

p. 578.

Jonas. Brevis Comentarius de Islandia : quo scriptorum de

hac Insula errores detcguntur, et extraneorum quorundum convitijs

ac calumnijs quibus Islandis liberius insultarc solent, occurritur;

per Arngrimum Jonam Islandum.

A briefe Commentarie of Island: wherein the errors of such as have written
concerning this Island are detected, and the slanders and reproaches of cer-

r '

272 BIBLIOGRArHICAL LIST.

taine strangers which they have used over-boldly against the people of Island
are confuted, by Arngrimus Jonas of Island. Written at Holen Hialtednlein
Island, the yeere of our Lord 150;?, the 17 of tlic Kalends of May.

See Hakliiyt's Voyages, vol. i, j). 515.

Jones, see Hakluyt.

Lambuechtsen'. Korte Bcschrijving van dc Ontclckking en
dor verdere Lotgevallen van Nicuw-Nederland, weleer cenc volk-
planting van het gcmecnebest der verecnigde Nederlanden in
America, door Mr. N. C. Lambrechtsen van Ritthem. Te Middel-
burg, bij S. van Benthcm, mdcccxviii. With a Map of New
Nethcrland.

Lele"\vel. Gengraphie du Moycn age, etudiee par Joachim
Lelewel, accompagnee d'Atlas et de Cartes dans chaque volume.
4 vols., 8vo, Bruxcllcs, 1852. Atlas, 4to obi. Bruxelles, 1850.

LiNSCHOTEN (van Huyghen). Itinerario Voyagie ofte Schip-
vaert, von Jan Huj'ghen van Linschoten. Folio. Amsterdam,
1595, with following supplements : a. Bcschrijvinghc van Guinea.
b. Rcys Geschrijft van de Navigation der Portugaluysers. c. Een
seker. d. Extract vande Renten des Coninglis var Spaengien. The
same, second edition, folio, Amsterdam, 1G04 and 1605. Third
edition, folio, Amsterdam, 1614. Fourth edition, folio, Amsterdam,
1624. Fifth edition, folio, Amsterdam, 1644.

Voyagie ofte shipvaert, van Jan Huyghen van Lin*

schoten, van by Noorden vm langes Noorwcgen de Noortcaep,
Laplant, Vinlant, Ruslandt, de Witte Zee, de Custen van Can-
denoes, Swetenoes, Pitzora, etc., door de strate ofte Engte van
Nassau tot voorby de Revier Oby. Waer inne seer distinctelicken
verhaels ghewijse beschreven ende aenghewesen wordt, alle t'
ghene dat hem op de selve Reyse van dach tot dach bejeghent
en voorghecomen is. Met de afbeeldtsels van alle de Custen,
Hoecken, Landen, Opdoeningen, Streckinghen, Coursen, Mijlen,
ende d'ander merckelicke dingen meer : Gelijc als hy 't alles selfs
sichtelicken end waerachtelicken nae 't leven uytgewerpen ende
gheannoteert heeft, etc. Anno 1594 end 1598. Ghedruct tot
Franekcr, by Gerard Ketel. Containing a large number of geo-
graphical diagrams. Second edition. The same title. Amster-
dam, 1624.

Lopez de Gomaka. La Historia General de las Indias, con

IMHMOOUAPIIICAL LIST. 273

todos descubrimicntos, y cosas notables que han acacscido en ellas,
dcndc que se ganaron hasta agora, cscrita por Francisco Lopez
de Gomara, clerigo. Afuidiose dc luicvo la dcscrij)cion y tra^a
de las Indias, con una Tabla alphabetica de las Provincias, Islas,
Puertos, Ciudades, y nombres de conquistadorcs y varones prin-
cipales que alia ban passado. En Anvcrs. Anno M.n.i.iiii.

.liiTHK (Li'iTicK). 'lcTi)ip(>i;paTiioo nyrt'iiiocTiilo wh ctiii('iiiii.iii .TcuibiitmII
OiJcaiii, concpuiciiiioc no iioDp.ifeiiiio IlMiicpaTopa A.ioitcaii.ipa I, iia iiO(!iiiioMi
ftpnrS "IIOBan BL-Jun," Bb 1821, 1822,1823 u 1824 rojaxi., <RioTa Kaiiirraiii-
JciiTCiiaiiTOMTi OcAopoMi .liiTUC. CaiinTncTppdvpr-b 1828, (2 Vols. 4t(). niaiis.)

LuTKK. Viermalige Reise durcb das nordlicbe Eismecr. Ger-
man translation by Erman (forming vol. ii of Bcrgbaus's Kabinets-
Bibliotbek dcr neucsten Rciscn). 8vo, Berlin, 1835.

M'Clintock. The Voyage of the Fux in the Arctic Seas. A
Narrative of the Discovery of the Fate of Sir John Franklin and bis
Companions, by Captain Sir F. Leopold M'Clintock, R.N., LL.D.,
Honorary Member Royal Dublin Society. With Maps and Illus-
trations. London, 1859.

Marco Polo. The travels of Marco Polo, a Venetian, in the
thirteenth century ; being a description by that early traveller of
remarkable ]>laces and things in the Eastern parts of the World.
Translated from the iailian, with notes, by William Marsden.
With Maps. London, 1818, 4to.

Maksden, see Marco Polo.

Martvr. De orbe novo Petri Martyris Anglcrii Mediolancnsis,
Protonotarij, & Caroli quinti Scnaloris, Decades octo, diligent!
tcmporum observatione & utilissimis annotationibus illustratcc,
suoque nitori rcstituta} ; Lahore et industria Richard! Uakluyti,
Oxoniensis Angli. Additus est in usum lectoris accuratus totius
operis index. Parisiis, m.u Lxxxvir.

The Decades of the Newe Worlde or West India,

conteynyng the navigations and conquestes of the Spanyardes,
with the particular description of the moste ryche and large landes
and ilandes lately found in the West-Ocean perteynyng to the
inheritaunce of the lunges of Spayne. In the which the diligent
reader may not only consyder wluit commoditie may hereby chaunce
to the hole Christian Worlde in the tyme to come, but also learne
many sccreates touchynge the lande, the sea, and the starres, very

274 innLioGTiAriiicAT, list.

ncccssario to be knowu to al such as shal attcmptc any naviga-
tions, or otlicnvisc have dclite to bcholdc the strange and woonder-
full woorkes of God and nature. Wryttcn in the Latine toungo
by Peter Martyr of A.nglcria, and translated into Englysche by
llycharde Eden. Londini. In aidibus Guilhelmi Powell, anno
1555.

Meteren (Van). Emanuels van Meteren Historie der Ncder-
landschcr cndc hacrdcr Naburen Oorlogen cndc Geschiedcnissen,
Tot den Jarc mvicxii. Nu dc laestemael bij hem voor sijno
doodt merckelyck vcrbctcrt end in xxxii Boecken voltrocken. Is
mcde hier by gevocgt des Authcuvs leven. Verrijckt bencfFens
de Land-Caertc met by na hondevt correcte Contcrfcijtscls vande
voortreflijeste Pcrsonagicn in dcse Historie verhaelt. AUe cicrlijck
na d' leven ghcdacn ende in Copcren platen gesteken. Gedruckt
int' Jaer ons Hcercn mdcxiv. In s' Graven-Haghe by Hille-
brandt Jacobssz, Ordinaris ende Ghcsvooren Drucker van de Hog.
cnde Mo. Heeren Staten Generael, anno 1614. Met Privilegie.
Folio, pp. 671. (Map.)

MoLYNEUx Globe. This Globe is mentioned by John Davis,
in a work called " The World's hydrographical Description," 4to,
London, 1594, from which an extract, containing the passage hero
alluded to is to be found in Hakluyt's Collection, vol. iii, p. 120.
The following is the passage in question : " Hoiv far I proceeded
and in ivhat fourme this discovery lyeth, doth appeare upon the globe
ivhich Master Sander so7i to his verye great charge hath published,
tvhose labouring endeavor /or the good of h's coimtrie deserveth great
favor and commendation. Made by Master Henry Mtdlineux, a
man icell qualified, of a good judgment, and verye expert in many
excellent practises, in my selfe being the onely means ivith Master
Sanderson to imply Master Mtdlineux therein, whereby he is now
groione to a most exquisite perfectio)i."

A later edition of the same Globe is to be found in the Library
of the Middle Temple. It is about two feet high, and bears the
following inscription : Lectoris. In hoc globo scribendo, amice
lector, ubique sequuti sumus castigatissimas chartas marinas, qui-
bus Hispani et Lusitani in suis Americis et Oricntalibus Indicis
navigationibus utuntur. Nee non Anglicorum aliquot hominum
excellentium probatissimas geographicas descriptioncs in septcn-

muuoouArHicAi, list. 275

tiionallbus hiijus Globi dclincandis purtibus, siimma cum fide,
diligentia, summaque cura imitati sumus. Anno Domini 1G03.
Emerius MuUencux, Angl. sumptibus Guilelmi Sanderson! Lon-
dinensis dcscripsit.

There are also some other inscriptions, especially a long dedi-
cation to Queen Elizabeth ; and the following note, which ia in
letterpress : This glohe, helonyiiuj to the honourable Socicfi/ of the
Middle Temple, ivas repaired In the year 1818 by F. ^* W. Newton,
Globe makers. Chancery Lane.

Sir John Barrow, who saw the globe shortly after its restoration,
thought that the date (1603)must be wrong, because Davis had made
mention of this globe in 1594. Sir John is, however, mistaken.
The globe in the Middle Temple Library contains liarents' deli-
neation oi Nova Zembla, which was drawn in 1596 and published
in 1598. The date of the globe is therefore very probably correct,
only the copy in the Middle Temple is not of the first edition.

MouLTON. see Yates.

MuiLKEUK, Mynheer Eerg van Dussen. Bydragen tot Ges-
chiedenis onzer Kolonizatie in Noord-America. Two parts, with-
out place or date. (Amsterdam, about 1851.)

MuLLER, «eeBj[BLioGUAriiiE Neeiilando-Husse, AecMuuniY,
see Ortemus.

MuRPiiY. Henry Hudson in Holland. An inquiry into the
origin and object of the voyage whicli led to the discovery of the
Hudson River. With bibliographical notes. By H. C. Murphy.
Hague, large 8vo, pp. 72. 1859.

Aprhs V impression de cette feuille f at regu la notice tres-interes-
sante de Mr. II. C. Murphy (^Ministre des Etats-Unis aupres de la
cour des Pays-Bas), sur H. Hudson et le livre de Massa, travail
hautement remarquable qui traite a fond tout ce qui se rapporte d,
ce sujet. Cette notice qtti n^est tiree quW tres-petit nomhre d'ex-
cmplaires et pas dans le comynerce n'cst fut distribut par I'aufeur
qu^d peu de personnes. Fred. Muller, Bibliographie Neerlando-
Russe, p. 172.

Mr. Murphy is said to be a studious man, who bestows con-
siderable pains on his researches. He is the translator of Van
der Do7ick's Vertoogh {see Donck),

Navaretxe. Colleccicn de los viages y descubrimientos que

270

UlUMO(iUAl'llICAL LUST.

hicieron por mav los Espanolcs tlesde fines del siglo xv. con varlos
documcntos incditos conccinicntes a la Historia dc la Marina
CastcUana y dc los cstablecimientos espanolcs en Indias, coor-
dinada e illustrada por Don Martin Fernandez de Navarrete, dc la
orden de San Juan, etc., etc. Tom. v. Madrid., 80, 1825-37.

NoKTii Amkuican Rkview and Miscellaneous Journal. Com-
menced in May, 1815, at Boston. Vols, i to ix, forming the First
Series, i^ublishcd from May, 1815, to September, 1819. New
Series, . x to Ixxxv, from January, 18:^0, to October, 1857,

and conunucd quarterly. Two parts forming a volume.

O'Callagiian. History of New Netherlands; or. New York
under the Dutch, by E. B. O'Callaghan. Two vols., 8vo, New
York, 184G {quoted [ip. Ivi, Ivii).

Oktelius. Ortulii, abr. Theatrum orbis Terrarum. Antverp.
Aegid. Coppcnius Diesth. 1570, fol. [lieunprim^ par le meiiie
cditeur en 1571 et en 1573, et puis chez Plimtin en 1584, 1592,
1595, IGOl, 1624, etc.) Fr. MuUer, Bibliographic Ncerlando-
Ilusse, p. 118.

Petitot, see Jeannin.

Pj( > l -^iBLON Society Miscellanies, see Cabot.

Po> Ts. llerum et urbis Amstelodamensium Historia. In

qua Hoii^ tia) primum atque inde Amstelandia?, oppidique natales,
exordia progressus, privilegia, statuta, cventaque mirabilia cum
novis urbis incrementis comercijsque ac navigationibus longinquis,
aliaque ad politiam spectiantia, additis suo loco tabulis eri incisis,
ad haec usque tempora, observata annorum serie accurate omnia
deducuntur. Auctore Joh. Isacio Pontano. Accedunt sub calccm
auctores vetustiores duo nunquam editi. Quorum nomina et
seriem versa pagella indicabit. Amstcrodami. Sub Cane vigilant!
eicudit Judocus Hondius. An. D. 1011. (Folio, pp. 292 ; App.,
pp. 40.)

Historische Beschryvinghe der seer wijt beroemde

CoopStadt Amsterdam. Waerinne benevens de eerste beginselen
ende opcomsten der Stadt, verscheyden Privilegien, ordonantien,
ende andere ghedenskwcerdighe Geschiedenissen, met het ghene
de nieuwe vergrootinghen der Stadt, als oock de handel ende
verre reysen ende Politic betrcfFende is, tot desen tegenwoordighen
tijt, nae het vervolch der jaercn verhaelt werdt. Eerst in Latyn

lUHLIOGllAl'HICAI, LIST.

277

ghcstclt xin'd bcschrcven door Joh. Isacium Pontacum. Endc by
den sclven oock vodcrhundt wcerstich ovcrsicn ende op vccl
plactscn vermccrdcrt cndc verbetcrt. Ende nu wt dcs Autbcurs
laetste Copijc in Nedorduyts overgbcsct door Pctrum Montanum.
Allcs met copcrc Figurcn afgbcbov^U ende vcrciert. Tot Amster-
dam, gliedruckt by Judocum Hondium, wooncnde in de Cilvcr
Straot, in den Wackoren Hont. Anno 1G14. Met Privilcgic.

PuRCiiAS. His Pilgrimage, or Relations of tbe World and the
lleligions observed in all ages and places discovered from the
creation unto the present. In foure parts. With bricfe descrip-
tion of the countries, nations, states, discoveries, private and publikc
customes, and the most remarkable rarities of nature, or humane
Industrie in the same. London, by William Ilanby for Henrie
Fetherstone. 1613. Folio. Contains an account of Hudson's
Voyage from Gerritz.

His Pilgrimage. The third edition, much enlarged, with

additions through the whole work. London, 1617. Folio. This
edition is, at least as regards the chapter on Hudson, like the one
of 1626. The Hudson chapter is to be found on pp. 924-926.

Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas his Pilgrimes. Con-

tayning a History of the World, in Sea Voyages and Lande
Travells, by Englishmen and others. Wherein God's Wonders in
Nature and Providence, the acts, arts, varieties, and vanities of
men, with a world of the world's rarities, are by a world of Eye-
withnesse related to the world. Some left written by Mr. Hakluyt
at his death, more since added, his also perused and perfected.
All examined, abbreviated, illustrated with notes, enlarged with
discourses, adorned with pictures and expressed in maps, in fewer
parts, each containing five Bookcs. Purchas, his Pilgrimage. The
fourth edition, much enlarged, with additions, etc. London, by
William Hanby for Henry Fetherstone. 1625-6. Folio. Five vols.

Rafn, see Antiquitates Americans.

Ramusio. Navigazioni e viaggi raccolti gia da M. C. B. Ra-
musio. Vinegia, Giunti. 3 vol. in fol. 1550-1613.

RiBEEO, see Spuengel.

RuNDALL (Thomas, Esq.) Narratives of early voyages under-
taken for the Discovery of a passage to Cathaja and India, by the
N. West; with selection from the Records of the Worshipful

>sl

~78 BIHLIOGRArmCAL LIST.

Fellowship of the Merchants of London trading into the East
Indies, and from MSS. in the Library of the British Museum, now
first published. 1849. London (Hakluyt Society).

ScoRESBY. An Account of the Arctic Regions, with a History
and Description of the Northern Whale-Fishery, by W. Scoresby,
jun., F.R.S.E. (Maps and Illustrations.) Two vols. Edinb , 1820.

Smith. Description of New England, by Capt. John Smith.
London. 4to, pp. 61, and a Map. 1616.

Sparks, see American Biography.

Sprengel. Ueber T. Ribero's alteste Welt Charte, von M. C.
Sprengel. Weimar, 1795. Containing the following Map : Charte
von Ame ica aus der altesten noch unedirten Welt-Karte von
Diego Ribero, Cosmograph Karls V. vom Jahre 1529, ausgehoben
und nach dem handschriftlichen Originale in gleicher Grosse ge-
zeichnet von F. K. Gussefeld.

Stow. The Annales or Generall Chronicle of England, begun
first by Maister John Stow, and after him continued and augmented
with matters forreyne and domestique, auncient and modcrne, unto
the ende of this yeere 1614, by Edmond Hov^^es, Gentleman. Lon-
dini. Impensis Thomse Adams, 1615.

Thompson. The Geographical and Historical Dictionary of
America and the West-Indies, containing an entire translation of
the Spanish work of Don Antonio de Alcedo, with large additions
and compilations from modern voyages and travels, and from ori-
ginal and authentic information, by G. A. Thompson, Esq. In five
volumes. London, ^^to, 1812-1815. (Vol. ii, pp. 263-266. Hudson.)

WiLLES. For M. Cap. Furbysher's Passage by the Northwest,
Or China in Cathayo, situated in the East side of Great Asy. Of
the Hand Giapan, and other litle lies in the East Ocean, by the
way from Cathayo to the Moluccaes, by Richarde Willes. To the
ryght honourable and vertuous Ladie, the Lady Anne, Countesse
of Warwyke. (Eden, History of Tnvayle in the Indies, p. 230).

Winter Jones, see Hakluyx'.

Yates and Moulton. History of Now York, including its
Aboriginal and Colonial Annals, by John V. N. Yates and Joseph
W. Moulton. 8vo. New York, vol. i, A. Goodrich. 1824 ; vol. ii,
E. Bliss, 1C26.

INDEX.

Adams, Clement, his Map, a pre-
tended copy of Seb. Cabot's Map,

civ, clii, clxxi
Adelung, see Bibl. list
Adrey, John, one of the crew, second

voyage, 23
Akerly, see Bibl. list
Albany, see Hudson's river
Alcedo, see Bibl. list (Thompson)
American Ant. Soc, see Bibl. li.st (An-

tiquitates Americana;) ; Biography,

see Bibl. list
Anian, Strait of, a mere delusion,

clxxiv
Anskoeld, !fyockbaus', corruption of

the namp: of Johannes Kolnus,

xcviii
Antiquitate3 Americana), see Bibl. list
Appendix, contents of, 1
Archcologia Americana, see Bibl. list
Archives of the East India Company,

search for materials relating to

Hudson, XXXV

Baccalaos, meaning of the term,
Ixxxvi ; or cod fish, Ixxvii, Ixxviii

Balak, see Belgians

Barentson, see Barents

Barents, Wm., see Dutch ; map-
making ; papers of, 11 ; writings,
229

Barnes, John, one of the crew, second
voyage, 23

Barrow (Sir John), see Bibl. list

Barton, Dr., Legend of Hudson's
arrival among the Indians, xli, 179 ;
confirms the tradition of Ilecke-
welder, 179

Bassendiue, see Moscovy Company

Baxter, Thomas, one of the crew,
first voyage, 1

Beacon Hill, 89 ; see Hudson's river

Bear Island or Cherie's Island, see

Hudson's geoj^raphical notions,
clxi ; touched b}' Hudson, cxc, 22

Beechey, see Bibl. li.^t

Begin en Voortgang van de Neder-
landshe Cost Indische Compagnie,
reprint of Van Meteren, account of
Hudson, xxviii ; French translation,
by Constantia de Rennoville, xxix ;
see Bibl, list

Beke, Dr., see Bibl. list (De Veer)

Belgians, origin of their expeditions,
Oliver Brunei's expedition, his an-
terior adventures, cxxxi ; Brunei
made a prisoner by the Russians,
sent to the Oby, and to Nova
Zembla, is sent to Antwerp, calls
on John Balak, cxxxii ; Brunei
goes to Enchuysen, sails to the
Pechora, is shipwrecked, cxxxiii ;
Brunei is introduced to Mercator,
Balak's letter, cxxxiii ; first Dutch
expedition, Brunei, Moucheron,
Peter Plancius, cxxxiv ; Mouche-
ron (Balthasar de), his undertak-
ings ; Plancius (Peter), founds a
school of navigation, his pupils,
Barentz and Hceraskerk, cxxxv

Belgium, emigrants from, in Holland
and Zealand, xxi

Bell Sound, clxxxix ; see Spitzbergen

Bescherelle, see Bibl. list

Beschryviuge van Virginia, Nieuw
Nederlandt, etc., xxxiv; see Bibl,
list

Best, see Bibl. list (Frobisher)

Beuberry, James, one of the crew,
first vo_v ,\ge, 1

Bibliographical materials, li

Biddle, see Bibl. list (Cabot)

Biographia Britannica, see Bibl. list

Biographic Universelle, see Bibl. list

Bird, Cape, see Vogel Ilookc

Blaeu, see Bibl. list

Blefkin, see Bibl. list

280

INDEX.

Boncts, meaning of the word, 50

Braunch, John, cook, second voyage,
23

Brede Bay, see Lou sic Bay

Breyde-Fiord, see Lousie Bay

Brockhaus, see Bil)l. list ; Conversa-
tions Lexicon, see Anskoeld

Brodhead, Romeyn John, researches
in the European Archives for docu-
ments, Iv ; History of the State of
New York, Ivi ; see Bibl. list

Browne, see Moscovy Company

Brownei, see Brunei

Brunei, Oliver, mentioned by Hudson,
40 ; see Belgians

Burrough, his voyage, cxxv; discovers
Burrough strait, cxxviii ; Strait,
see Novaya Zembla

Busse island, a geographical illusion,
its origin, cix ; not to be seen, 49

Bus island, see Hudson's geographical
notions, clxix

Button, three ships sent out (1612)
for his search for Hudson, 188 ; ex-
pedition in search of Hudson, 194

Cabot, John, influence of the Scandi-
navians upon him, Ixii ; his early
history, Ixvii; supposed death, Ixxii

J., S., Ludovico and Sancio,

patent of 1496, Ixviii

J. and S., start the search for a

N. W. and N. E. way to China, Ixiii ;
origin of this scheme, ib., Ixvi; first
expedition, discovery of America,
Ixvii ; first expedition, its date,
Ixviii; Pascjualigo's letter, ib.; first
voyage and discovery of America,
Ixxi

S. Search for N. W. passage,

1498, Ixxii ; voyages in 1516 or
1517, ib. ; discoverer of Hudson's
and Davis' strait, Ixxxiii; his return
to England in 1548, ciii ; re-enters
the English service, his adventures
since 1497, cxx, cxxi ; his plan to
sail to the north-east, its origin, at
first intended for Venice, cxxii-iii ;
planisphere, Clement Adams' copy,
clxxi ; the real originator cf the
logbook, his precepts followed by
the Moscovy Company, clxxix ; see
longitude ; see map-making

Canada, the coast of, clxxii

Cape Charles, see Virginia

Cape Cod discovered by Captain Gos-
nold, 66 ; Juet's and Purchas' mis-
takesabout its latitude, ^■6.; whether
discovered by Hudson, 165

Cape Hopewell, Scandinavia, 43

Cape of Norway (North Cape), 147

Capo Sable, 55

Cape Severe- Vostochnoi, see Hudson's
geographical notions, civ

Cape Tabin, see Hudson's geographi-
cal notions, cliv, civ; cxcv; (Capo
of Tartary), Fromontorium Scijthi-
cum, 36

Cape Taimur, see Hudson's geogra-
phical notions, civ

Cape Tapin, Pliny's only authority,
cliv

Cape Walsingham, see Davis

Cape Weggs, see King James his Cape

Cape Wolstenholme, 96, 106

Cartier, see French

Cartwrighte, John, see Waymouth

Cathay or Northern China, vaguely
described by Ilubruquis and Marco
Polo, Ixx ; searched for by the
Cabots, supposed to be found, Ixx

Catlin, see Bibl. list %

CatskiU Landing, 87 ; mountain, see
Hudson's river

Chancellor, Richard, reaches Russia,
cxxv

Charles's island, clxxxvi; see Hudson's
geographical notions, clxii ; see
Mount Charles

Cherie Island, see Bear Island

Chesapeake, see Virginia ; Bay en-
tered by Hudson, 73

Chytrajus, see Bibl. list

Claudia Island (Maria's Vineyeard),
see Verazzano

Cod, crew of the Half Moon, fishing
for, 57

Cogswell, Joseph, see Verrazzano

Professor, translation of Ve-

razzano's letter, side notes, 1

Colbert, st'e Coolbrand ; Colbert, Cole-
burne, Coolbrand, see Colcburne

Colburne (Colbert or Coolbrand),
Master, fourth voyage, xliii, ccx,
93, 98, 180 ; see Coolbrand

Coligny, t<ee French

Collections of the Hist. Soc. of New
York, see Bibl. list

Colin's Cape, s^c Hudson's geographi-
cal notions, clxii, clxxxvii

w^rjr^m

INDEX.

281

Collins Cape discovered, 14 ; in 81°
30', IG

Collins, William, mate, first voyage,
1 ; lands on the shore of Spitz-
bergen, 14

Colman, John, boatswain of the crew,
first voyage, 1 ; lands on the shore
of Spitzbergen, 14; his death, 30

Colman's point, 80

Columbus, influence of the Scandina-
vians upon him, he visits Iceland,
Ixii

Compass, see Longitude

Coney Island, tradition about Hud-
son's landing, xlii; see Hudson's
river

Cooke, John, one of the crew, first
voyage, 1 ; boatswain, second
voyage, 23 ; goes on shore in Nova
Zembla, 33

Cornelisoon, see Dutch

Cortereal, Caspar de, his voyage, dis-
covery of S. Lawrence river, Ixxvi ;
explores Newfoundland, Ixxvi

Cortez, Ferdinand, interest in the
search of a passage, relatio quarto,
Ixxxiv ; plan, Ixxxv

Costin Shar, cxcv ; exploration of,
cxcvi

Costing Shar (Costing Sarch), name
of Strait in Nova Zembla, 40

Cris, name given by the Mexicans to
a flame-shaped poinard, 188

Cross-staff, 15

Cumberland Strait, see Davis

Current near Greenlaud, 4, 29 ; near
Scandinavia, 47, 4!), 51 ; near the
new England shore, 02, 03

Currents, N.E., clxxxviii ; near Nova
Zembla, 34 ; polar, 7G, 95

Da Cosa, see Map-making

Daniel, clix, clx

Davis, John, first voyage, ex ; dis-
covers the south of (ircenland, and
calls it Desolation, discovcrsCiilbert's
Sound, discovers Cape Walsinghara,
explores Cumberland Strait, cxii ;
;-.ccond voyage, reaches the south
of Greenland, reaches Gilbert Sound,
mutiny, cxiii, cxiv ; second voyage,
sends the Mermaid home, sails in
the Moonshine, explores Cumber-
laud Strait, Frobishcr Strait,

Hudson's Strait, Davis' Inlet,
Tovuctoke Inlet, cxv; third voyage,
sails to Gilbert Sound, tries to set
up a pinnace destroyed by the Es-
quimaux, leaves Gilbert Sound,
sails up to 72^ 12', returns, crosses
Davis' Strait, explores Cumberland
Strait, visits Frobishcr's and Hud-
son's Strait, cxvii-viii ; see Bibl.
list. ; see map-making

Davis' Inlet, see Davis

Davis' Strait, see Davis, John ; clxx ;
exploration of, cxliv ; discovered
by Cabot, Cabot's map, Mr. D'Ave-
zac's opinion, Ixxiii

Day, Richard, one of the crew, first
voyage, 1

Deer Point, 39 ; see Nova Zembla

De la Dale, see Dutch

De Laet, John, Director of Dutch
East India Company, xxix ; cele-
brated geographer, his description
of America, its character, xxxii ;
makes Hudson return to Amsterdam,
xxxiii ; tries to connect the voyage
of H. Hudson with the West India
Company's claim, xxxiii ; manu-
script materials, false rumour about
their having turned up, xxxiv ;
Nieuw Werelt, when published,
XXXV ; see Bibl. list

Denmark, see Hudson's geographical
notions, clxii

Desolation, see Davis

De Veer Gcrrit, sec Bibl. list

Diggs, see Cape Digs

Donck's, Van der. Description of New
Netherland,xxxvii;ncw statements
seem to be spurious, xxxvii ;
Vertoogh van Nieuw Nedcrland,
its purpose, xxxix ; Beschry vinghe
van Nieuw Nederland, its purpose,
inventions with regaid to Hudson's
career, xxxix ; legend of Hudson's
arrival among the Indians, xli ;
fictions, :,il ; sources, xli ; note
about ^Vampum or bead money, li ;
description, extracts from, about
Hudson's third voyage, 107; anxiety
to prove that New Netherland be-
longs by right to the Dutch, 170 ;
observations about the Wampum,
285 ; see Bibl. list

Drake, Francis, see Frobishcr

Drift wood, in the Gulf stream, 25, 27

3t;

282

INDEX.

Dutch, first expedition, Enchuysen
men, Vaick, Maelson, Nai, Lin-
schoten, cxxxiii ; the Mercury,
Linschoten, Tetgalcs, Cornelisoon,
cxxxv ; the Swan, Nai, Strick-
bottc, De la Dale, Spliudler, cxxxv;
Amsterdam vessel, commanded by
Barents, cxxxvi ; they Hail,cxxxvi;
Nai and Tetgales penetrate into
Kara Sea, believe to have passed
the Oby, cxxxvii; Barents separates
from the others; Nai and Tetgales
sail through Pel's Strait, calling
it Nassau Strait, cxxxvii ; different
instructions given to Nai and Tet-
gales by Maelson, and to B.arents
by Plancius, cxxxvii ; Barents dis-
covers the Orange Islands, returns,
meets Nai and Tetgales, they sail
home together, cxxxviii ; Lin-
schoten's exaggerated account,
cxxxviii ; second expedition, seven
ships under Nai and Barents, no
success, jNIoucheron and his friends
give up the N.E. search, cxxxviii ;
third expedition, Plancius' plans,
rewards promised by the States,
two vessels fitted out under Ileems-
kcik, Barents, and Ryp, cxxxix ;
Ryp and Barents quarrel, dis-
covery of Bear Island, discovery of
Spitzbergen, cxxxix ; Spitzbergen
explored, Dr. Beke's and Mr.
Peterman's theory, Ilondius's
ophiion, cxl ; Barents and Ryp
separate, Barents sails to Nova
Zembla, winters and dies, Ileem-
skerk's return, cxli

Dyre-fiord, see Derefer

Du Ponceau, see Bibl. list

East India Company, its purpose, and
privilege, cc ; Archives of the, at
Middleburgjfateof, xxxvi ; present
state of, XXXV

Eden, see Bibl. list

Edge's Journal, xix

Enchuysen, see Dutch

England, see Hudson's geographical
notions, clxii

English, privileges of the Ilanse,
profits from them no longer
adequate to the sacrifices, cii ;
suffer from the changes in the

roads of trade, cii ; return of

Sebastian Cabot, ciii
Engroneland, 4 ; of the Zeni, cxciii
Esopus Island, see Hudson's river
Everet, see Juet

Fair Foreland, clxxxvi

Faroe Islands, 22, 149

Faroer Islands, see Hudson's geogra-
phical notions, clxii

Feirce, Michel, one of the crew,
second voyage, 23

Fishing for cod and herrings, 57 ;
savages, 59, GO

Florida, meaning of the term, Ixxxvi

Foreland Fiord, clxxxvii

Foreland, see Prince Henries Cape

Forster, see Bibl, list

Fotherby'b Journal, xix

Foxe's, Luke, Captain, description of
Hudson's fourth voyage, 180 ;
(North-west Fox) its character,
xlii ; insinuations, xliii ; see Bibl.
list

French, North West Expeditions
begin, Ixxviii ; discover the St.
Lawrence river, Ixxix ; colonize
North America, Cartier, Roberval,
Coligny, c ; continue their fishe-
ries near Newfoundland, ib.

Frobisher, Gilbert, and Willis, their
illusions, civ

Martin, his voyages, their cha-
racter, their originality much ex-
aggerated, cvi ; advised by Willes,
Gilbert, Barrow, Dee, Ilakluyt, and
Lok, lb. ; brings much powerful in-
terest to bear on his enterprise, ib.;
first voyage, cvii ; second and third
voyage, cviii; voyages produce geo-
graphical errors, ib.; tries to raise
money for a fourth voyage, his
ill-success, assistance of Francis
Drake and of the Earl of Leicester,
ex ; voyages, their geographical re-
sults, cix

Frobisher 's Strait, exploration of,
cxliv ; see Davis ; errors as to its
situation, cviii-cix ; (Lumley's In-
let), clxx ; see Bibl. list ; see also
Willes and Ilakluyt, Bibl. list ; see
map making

Gallatin, see Bibl. list
Galvao, see Bibl. list

INDKX.

283

Gainas, Rio cle, see Hudson's river

(lorauia, see map making

Geographical notions of the fifteenth
century, Ixiv

Gerrard, see Gerritz

Gerritz, or Gerrard Hessel, names
iSpitzbergen, 5 ; his position, xliii ;
Collection of Voyages, xliv, xlv ;
German reprints, xlviii ; charac-
teristics of them, xliv ; accounts of
Hudson's two last voyages, 181 ;
third and fourth voyage from the
Prolegomena, 153; Hudson's third
and fourth voyage from the Latin
cilition of l(il:i, 185 ; Hudson's
third and fourth voyage from the
Second Latin edition, 1G13, 189 ;
see Bibl. list

Gilbert, Humfrcy, attributes a voyage
for a north-west passage toScolmus,
a Dane, cv ; see north-west passage ;
see Bibi. list

Gill)ert's Sound, see Davis

Gilby, liumfrey, one of crew, second
voyage, :!3

Godyn, one of the Directors of the
Dutch West India Company,
165

Gomez, Estevan, Peter Martyr's
opinion about him, Ixxxzii ; unde-
served contempt, Ixxxviii ; chart,
ib.; meets Cabot at Badajoz, Ixxxix;
opposed by Peter jNIartyr, il>.; offers
to find a north-west passage, ib. ;
opposed by the king of Portugal,
xc ; sails, ib.; his explorations, ib.;
captures savages, ib. ; outline of
Hudson's river, xci; anecdote about
claDos or esclavos, ib.; did he explore
the Hudson's River I xcii ; was he
acquainted with Verazzano's voy-
age I xciii

Gosnold, Bartholomew, discovers Cape
Cod, G6

Greenland, called Groenland, Grone-
land, and Engroneland, Ixi ; called
Groclandby Koluus, xcviii; history
of its geography, Zeni chart, Hon-
dius' map copied from the Zeiii,
Ortelius, Mercator, Frobisher made
use of it, clxiii ; exploration of,
ib.; given unto the Zealanders to
fish, cxci; names of, 4, 20 ; Hold
with Hope, the land of, ; Moiuit
of God's Mercic, 3 ; Young's Cape, |

ib.; is Spitzbcrgcn, clxix ; see Hud-
son's geographical notions

Grocland, see Greenland

Groneland, 4; is Greenland, clxix

Gronland, see Groneland

Gylbert, Adrian, receives letters
patent for a north-west voyage, ex

Hakluyt's Headland, clxxxvii ; see
Hudson's geographical notions

Hakluyt, see Bibl. list

Half Moon, The, compelled by the
crew to enter Dartmouth, Uifi; de-
tained at Dartmouth, and returns
to the fatherland IGIO, ib. ; sails
to the Canar}' islands, 1(57

Hamel, von, see Bibl. list

Haskel and Smith, see Bibl. list

Heckewelder, Dr., legend of Hudson's
arrival among the Indians, xli; see
Bibl. list

Henry VII assists Seb. Cabot, Ixxii ;
patent to the Cabots in 149G, Ixviii ;
privilege to the three Portuguese,
Ixxvii

Henry VIII, Thome's letter to him,
xciv ; sends out a north-west ex-
pedition in 1527, fate of that ex-
pedition, xcv

Herrings, near Nova Scotia, 57

Ililles, Thomas, one of the crew,
second voyage, 23; sees a mermaid,
28

Hist. Soc. of New York, see Collec-
tions, Bibl. list

Hold with Hope, clxxxv

Holland, sudden growth of, xxi; see
IIudson'sgeographicalnotions,clxii

Ilomem, Diego, see Bibl. list and map
making

Hondius, Jodocus, map of Arctic re-
gions, xlix

Ilopoghan, see Iloboken

Ilore, Master, his expedition, xcv

Hudson, Henry : i. Notices concern-
ing his 2^erson : Biographical frag-
ments, elxx ; he could not well
understand Dutch, xxxiv ; his long
stay in Holland according to Van
der Donck, xl, 167 ; his and Plan-
cius' intercourse, xlviii, 181, 186,
187, 191 ; his intercourse with
Jeannin, cxcvii ; was he a gentle-
man l clxxvi

284

INDEX.

- ir. Papers left ly him: His share
ill Playsc's logbook of i\vQ Jirst voy-
age, vi, vii, xix, 145, 140; his own
journal of the second voyage, vii,
viii ; his share in Juct's journal of
the third voyage, x; Van Mcteren's
account of the third voyage proba-
blydue to Hudson, xxviii; fragments
of Hudson's own journal of the third
voyage in Do Laet, xxxii, 158; ab-
stract of his journal of the fourth
voyage, xii, xiii, xiv, 93 ; letter
from Iceland, xv, 1.35 ; chart of
Hudson's Bay and Strait, xliv-
xlvi.

in. His geograi^hical opinions,

cliv-clxxvi

IV. Summary of his career, ill

V. First Vogar/e, Hudson takes

sacrament at Saint Ethelburga,
April 19, 1G07; his crew, 1; sails to
the North Pole, id. ; mentioned as
author of part of the logbook of the
first voyage, 1-12 ; Young's Cape
discovered, clxxxiv, 3, 0; Mount of
God's Mercy discovered, clxxxiv,
3, 6, 8; Hold with Hope, clxxxv, 7;
Spitzbergen first seen, 8 ; the first
navigator who sailed along the ice
barrier, clxxxvi ; Vogel Ilooke
Vogel-hoeck, Bird Cape, Fair Fore-
land), clxxxvi, 9; Ch.arles Island,
clxxxvii, 10; Foreland Fiord (the
Great Indraught), clxxxvii, 11 ;
west coast of Spitzbergen; morses;
seals, 11; colour of the sea, ib., 12,
13; Collins sees the north of Spitz-
bergen ; Colin's Cape ; Ilondius'
chart, clxxxvii, 13; Newland of the
Dutch, 13 ; Hakluyt's Headland,
Hondius' chart, clxxxvii, 145; Col-
man and Collins land on the north
shore of Spitzbergen, 14 ; Whale
Bay discovered, clxxxvii, 14, 20,
145; a whale comes under the keel
of Hudson's ship in Whale Bay, 14;
footprints of animals, il>.) passage
to the north stopped by ice ; no
passage between 7h^° and 82°, IG;
highest latitude reached by Hud-
son ; north-east current ? clxxxix ;
discovery of Bell Sound, ib., 17 ;
Ice Sound, 12; Point Lookout, 20;
intends to return by the north of
Greenland through Davis' Strait,

ib.; southern part of Spitzbergen,
cxcii, 21 ; Bear Island, cxc, 22;
Faroe Island, if>., ib. ; Hudson's
Touches (Jan Mayen), cxcii, 145;
Hudson's Point; Young's Foreland,
cxcii ; Faroe Isle, 22 ; home, ib. ;
the original plan of his first voy-
age developed by late experience,
cxciii

VI. Second Voyage. His crew.

23 ; Lowfoot (LofFoet), Loffoden
Island, Norway, 24; North Cape,
35; driftwood, ib., 27; search for a
passage between Spitzbergen and
Nova Zembla, cxcvii, 27, 28; whales
seen, 28; mermaid seen by Hillcs
and Rayner, 28-139; bears roaring
on the ice; seals, 30; Nova Zeml)hi
in sight, 32 ; Swart Clifte (Nova
Zembla), ib. ; Yuzhnuy Gusinuy
Musi (Nova Zembla), ib. ; Cooke,
Juet, and Ludlow go on shore, 33;
grass in Nova Zembla, ib.; crosses
in Nova Zembla, ib. ; whale fins
found in Nova Zembla, 34; birds
and eggs in Nova Zembla, ib. ; Cost-
ing Shar river and island, cxcv, 35;
Hudson intends to pass the Oby,
cxcv, 3G; Juet lands, 36; deer in
Nova Zeinbla,37 ; theriver searched,
38; Deer Point, 39; ice formed by
the many rivers, ib. ; Ludlow Ar-
nold goes ashore, ib.; Wardhuus,
Cape Hopewell, North Kiene, North
Cape, 43 ; Hudson unfit to go
through "Vaigats Strait, cxcv ; in-
tends to try for a passage through
Frobisher's or Hudson's Strait,
cxcv, 44; summary of his second
voyage, cxciv-cxcvi

• VII, Third Voyage, from Van

Meteren's Hist, der Nederlanden ;
Meteren's erroneous reference to
30th book, 147 ; Hudson at Am-
sterdam, cxcix-ccii ; his vessel a
vHeboat, 147; Half Moon, 154,
254 ; Goede Hoop, cciii ; crew
partly English, partly Dutch, ccv,
148 ; mate a Dutchman, 151, ccv ;
Hudson's propositions ; either to
go to the coast of America, as
suggested by some letters and
maps sent to him by Captain
Smith, or to direct their search to
Davis's Strait, 148 ; directs his

INDEX.

285

course northwards to Nova Zembla;
some of his men had been in the
East Indies; ijiuirrels between Eng-
lish and Dutch, 148; John Smith's
maps, ccvi, 148; North Cape, 45,
147 ; Assumption Point, Scandi-
navia, 46"; sun spot, ccvii, 46; Lo-
foote, ih., 47 ; Wardhouse, 46; Scn-
jen (Zenam, Sanien), ib. ; Faroe
Islands, Strome and Muggenes, 48,
149; Busse Island, sought for in
vain, 4!) ; Nova Scotia (Nova
Francia, Newfoundland), 55, 150,
154; Banc des Sables, off Mahony
Bay, 57; fishing for cod and her-
rings, ib.; savages, 59, 60; cuts a
new fore mast, 60, 14!) ; quarrels
with savages, 61, 149; Harnstaple
Peninsula, savages, 64; tobacco and
pipes. 65; copper, i7>.; Cape Cud (0
155 ; Barnstaple, whether Ci\llcd
New Holland by Hudson, 165 ;
Stage Harbour, Massachusetts, i\<i;
James River (King's River), Vir-
ginia, 70; off Nag's Head, South
Carolina, 72 ; banks of Virginia,
73; York River, ib.; reaches Cape
Charles, 74, 156; Now Point Com-
fort, 74; Virginia Islands probably
Smith Islands, ib.; Delaware Bay,
ib., 157; Sandy Hook, 77, 157;
Staten Island, 78 ; Coney Island, pro-
bable landing \)\-ACQ,ib. ; f ui's, mantles
of feathers, hemp, ib. ; dried cur-
rants, ib.; several sailors land, ib.;
yellow and red copper, ib.; stores of
maize, ib.; the country full of grea";
oaks, ib.; the natives come aboard
and seem very glad and civil, ib.;
mouth of Hudson's river explored
by Hudson, ib. ; natives bring to-
bacco in exchange for knives and
beads, ib.; John Colman lands, 80;
slain in the fight, ib. ; Colman's
Point, where Colman was buried,
ib.; East Sandbank in the Narrows,
good harbour, 81; intercourse with
Indian; two men taken; one escapes;
Indians accused of treachery by
Juet ; they bring copper and pots ;
they bring oysters; twenty canoes
full of men, ib., 82; Hudson's river
full of fish, salmon, 83; Verplanck
Point, ii.; Hony Point, ib.; Round
Top, ib. ; Catskill or Kaatshcnge

mountains, ih.; Hudson lands, 84,
161; neighbourhood of Albany, 84;
Indians bring maize, pompions, and
furs, ib. ; bring beavers' and otters'
skins ; scene of drunkenness, 85 ;
highest point reached in Hudson's
river by Hudson, ib,; boat expedi-
tion to the sources of Hudson's
river, return, ib., 158 ; Hudson's
Town, 87; stores of chestnuts, ib.;
Eso])Us Island, 89; trade with In-
dians, 150; they bring vnaize; ap-
proach in a canoe, 89; supposed to
be treacherous, 90; a stone to cut
glass with (Ai)rilis ib.; a cliff,
supposed copper or silver mine, 91;
Ilooken, oj)})osite New York, ib,;
Skirmish and slaughter of Indians,
ib, ; fight with Indians, Hudson's
river, by Juct's order, ib.; Manna-
hata (Manhattan), the country of
New York, ib.; leaves the coast of
America, 92; the mate, a Dutch-
man, advises to winter in New-
foundland, to which he is opposed
by Hudson, who, fearing they
would consume their provisions,
sails to Ireland, 151 ; arrives at
Dartmouth, 93, 151; the company
order Hudson to return, but he is
commanded by the government not
to leave England, 153; return of
Half Moon to Amsterdam ; Half
Moon finally lost, 254; summary of
his third navigation, cxcvi
— VIII. Fourth Voi/ac/e. Table
ccx; abstract of the journal, 93;
sails from Saint Katharine's Pool,
ib.; Harwich, 98; Sheppey Island,
ib.; Coleburne (Colbert, Coolbrand)
sent to London with a letter to the
Adventurers, 93, 98, 180; Orkney
and Shetland Islands, 94,98; Faroer
(Farre) Islands, ib. ; Westmony
(Westman or Westmanna) Islands,
ib.; Iceland, Hudson's letter, ib.,
135; Mount Hecla, 98; Dyre-fiord
(Derefer, Diraford), 99 ; Breyde-
fiord (Lousie Bay), ib. ; Green-
land, S. E. (Frobisher's Straits), ib.;
Greenland, E., Groneland, ib., 99 ;
Greenland, S. E. (Desolation), ib. ;
Resolution Island, 95, 100; coast
of Labrador, 95; (Akpatok) Desire
Provoketh, ib., 102; Saddle Back

286

INDEX.

ami neighbouring islands (Isles of
Goil's ]\Iercy), !)(J, 103; Long Island
(Hold with Hope), 90 j great and
whirling sea, 97 ; entered one
hundred leagues further than any
one else had been, 101 ; Mutiny in
Ungava Bay, ih. ; ice, aground in
one hundred and twenty fathom
depth, 102 ; Jackmau's Sound (a
great bay), 103; driftwood, ih.;
a covey of partridges, ih,; North
BlufF, 104; North Coast, Upper
Savage Islands, ih. ; South Coast,
Prince Henries Cape or Foreland,
ih. ; Queen Anne's Cape or Fore-
land, 105 ; King James his Cape,
ih.; Mount Charles, ih.\ Salisbury
Island (Salisbury Foreland), 97,
105 ; Salsburie, 106 ; Cape Wol-
stenholme, Cape Diggs, scurvy
grass, fowls, 97, 107 ; they lose
their anchor, 109 ; sea of two
colours, black and wliitc, ih. ; North
Bay, ib.; Michaelmasse Bay, pro-
bably Hannah Bay, ih. ; they see
footing of a man, ih. ; they strike
on a rock, ih. ; Juct, the mate,
and Clement, the boatswain, de-
posed, Bylot and Wilson in their
stead, ib., 137 ; they spend three
months in a labyrinth without end,
find a place, haul the ship aground,
and are frozen in, 110; John Wil-
liams, gunner, dies. 111; Greene's
bad condition, ih. ; his conspiracy
and quarelling, 112, Hudson dis-
putes with the carpenter about the
building of a house on shore, ih. ;
they suffer greatly from cold, 113 ;
stores of ptarmigan, which left the
place with the coming spring, ih.;
antiscorbutic medicine, 114 ; In-
dian comes to their ship, ih. ; they
go a fisliing and catch five hundred
fish, 115; Green and Wilson con-
tinue to plot to take the net and
the shallop, ih.; they weigh and
start north-west, fall again into the
ice in sight of land, 116 ; Hudson
orders a search for bread, 117 ;
Green and Wilson tell Pricket that
they Avill shift the company, ih. ;
Greene tells Prickett that he must
take his fortune in the shallop, 118;
Green and Wilson swear on the

bible not to harm any man, ii.; Juct
endeavours to persuade Prickett to
join the mutineers, 118 ; Michel
Perie, John Thomas, Adrian Molcr
join Green, 119 ; Prickett endea-
vours to persuade the mutineers to
desist, ih. ; Bennct follows Green,
ih. ; Prickett obtains from Green
and Wilson that the carpenter
should be spared, 120; Prickett be-
seeches the mutineers to desist, 121 ;
Green and another man bind Hud-
son, ih.; the crew put all the officers
outof theship and sail home to Eng-
land, 122 ; the shallop is hauled up
to the ship side, and the sick men
put in, 121; the carpenter follows
Hudson, his farewell, 122 ; names
of the persons exposed in the
shallop, ih. ; the shallop is left to
its fate, 123 ; they came to an
island and anchor, ih. ; they find a
weede which they called cockle
grass, ih.; Greene proposes to Juct
the charge of the ship, 124 ; they
go north-east contrary to Juct's
desire who wanted to go north-
west, ih. ; they reach foure islands,
probably not far from Portland
point, ih. ; Green accuses Prickett
of treason, 125 ; they reach the
Romney's island (certainly near
the Mosquito bay), ih. ; they go
into Mosquito bay, ih. ; they lose
their way, 126 ; they double the
point of the north land, ih. ; t ley
come nearer to the mouth of the
streights (Capo Diggs) and anchor,

127 ; they meet some Esquimaux,

128 ; Indian manner of fowling
(with a snare), ih. ; Esquimaux
dogs, 129 ; Indians prove traitors,
130 ; Prickett assailed by the
savages, ih. ; Green slain, ih. ;
Wilson dies, 131 ; Verse dies, ih. ;
Isles of God's mercy. Cape Chidley,
132 ; desolations (south-east coast
of Greenland, ih. ; near the coast
of Ireland, 133 ; Juet's death, ih. ;
they reach the Bay of Gal way,
Dursey island, Fowey, assistance
of Way mouth and Taylor, 134;
they arrive at Plymouth, 135 ; the
king orders an expedition for the
search of him and of his com-

INDEX.

287

panions, 183 ; mutiny, accordinp;
to llcsscl Gerritz, 193

Hudson's (Hudson's) Point, cxcii

Hudson's River, discovered by Ver-
razzano, Ixxxi, 211; did Gomez
explore it '] xcii ; called Rio de
Gamas, xciii ; Sprengel's opinion,
xciii ; on early maps taken from
Ribeiro, copied by Lok, from Vc-
raz?!ino, cli ; oysters and beanes
brou;4ht by Indians, 82 ; stores of
salmon found in, 83 ; very pleasant
place to build a town on, 89 ;
Dutch, supposed to be the first dis-
coverers, 170 ; said to be discovered
by the Spaniards, Van der Donck,
170 ; called Mauritius river, 172 ;
see Hudson's third voyage ; see
Bibl. list, Verrazzano

Hudson's Strait, discovered by Cabot,
cxliv; Wilkes' note, Ixxiii; Galvani,
ccxvi ; navigated by the Portuguese,
xcvi, xcvii; not discovered by Aus-
kocld, xcviii; entered by Frobisher,
cvii; its mouth, crossed by Davis,
cxv, cxviii ; called furious overfall on
the Molyneux globe, mentioned as
such by Hudson, cxcv, 44 ; Way-
mouth sails into it, cxix ; title and
prolegomena to the first edition of
the Detectio Frcti, 236 ; see Davis

Hudson's Touches, cxci, cxcii, 145 ;
see Edge's logbook

Hudson, John, son of Henry Hudson,
one of the crew, first voyage, 1 ;
second voyage, 23 ; is exposed with
his father, 120, 142

Ice barrier, the great, see Hudson's
geographical notions, clxii

Iceland, letter from, probably by
Hudson, authorship doubtful, xv ;
exploration of, cxliii

Ice Sound, see Spitzbergeu

Inclinations of the needle, observa-
tions of, 4, 25, 26, 29, 31, 34

Indians, mouth of the Hudson, two
of them come aboard, the one is
taken, but leaps over board, 81 ; ac-
cused of treachery by Juet, ib.; in-
tercourse with, Juet's distrust, 82;
bring copper and pots, ib.; twenty-
eight canoes of, ib. ; bring maize,
pompions, and tobacco, 84; opinion

with regard to the first discovcrera
of the Now Netherlands, 169, 170 ;
tradition concerning Hudson's first
intercourse with them, 173 ; tra-
ditions concerning the first land-
ing of Henry Hudson on the shores
of New York, third voyage, 173 ;
reception of the whites, 175, 176,
177, 178 ; Hudson's arrival among
them, legends, xli; tr.ade with, 150 ;
savages in Barnstaple Peninsula,
64 ; savages of Nova Scotia, inter-
course with, 59, 60 ; savages of
Nova Scotia, ([uarrels with them,
61 ; savages, French trade with, in
Nova Scotia, 60

Indraught, see Spitzbergen

Iver Boty, a Gronlauder, his treatise,
230

Ivuctoke Inlet, see Davis

Jackman, Charles, see Muscovy Com-
pany
James' River, 70

Jan Mayen, discovei'ed by Hudson ;
identical with Hudson's Tutches,
cxci
Jcannin, the president, ambassador
of Henry IV of France at the
Hague, cxcvii ; see BibL list
Jonas, Angrim, see Bibl. i .st
Juan Fernandez, see Nantucket
Juan Luis, island of, see Nantucket
Juet, Robert, mate, second voyage,
23; his nationality, x, xi; probably
an Englishman, xi; his name spelled
Everet, 36 ; called of Limehouse,
third voyage, 45; Journal of second
voyage, viii, 23, 30, 45; journal of
third voyage, viii; its character, ix ;
position on the card of the Half
Moon, X ; goes on shore in Nova
Zembla, 33; Juet's career after the
third voyage, xi

Kara Bay, see Hudson's geographical
notions, clvi

Kara Sea, cxcv ; see Novaya Zembla ;
Hudson's geographical notions,
clvi

King James his Newland, see Spitz-
bergen

288

liNDEX.

King's River, see James River

Knatshengc, see Catskill

Knight, James, one of the crew, first

voyage, 1
Knight, John, his north-west voyage,

cxx
Kolnus, Johannes, his voyage to

Greenland, corruption of his name

into Scohnus, and Anskoeld, xcviii
Kostin Shar (Kostinscharck), see

Hudson's geographical notions,

clvii

Labrador, the coasts of, clxxii
Lambrech tsen's history of New Nether-
land, statements borrowed from
e.arly documents at Middelburg,
xxxvi; extracts from, 104; see Hibl.
list; see also Collections, Bibl. list

Latitude, nearly correct observations
made ; very early instruments im-
perfect,; errors very common ; im-
pediments to correct observations
in the north, cxlviii ; observations
on, 2, 6, 8, 10, 11, 12, 15, 10, 17,
19, 20, 21, 23, 24, 20, 28, 29, 30, 31,
34, 36, 41, 42, 43, 45, 40, 47, 48, 49,
50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 50, 57, 58, OU, 01,
02, 03, 04, 00, 08, 69, 70, 71, 72,
149, 150

Leicester, Earl of, see Frobisher

Lelewel, see Bibl. list

Le Maire, Jacob, a ship's captain,
discoverer of the Straits of Le
Maire, xxiii

Le Maire, Lsaac, a merchant from An-
twerp, xxiii

Linschoten, see Bibl. list ; see Dutch ;
see mapmaking

Loffbet (Loftbden) Islands, see Hud-
son's geographical notions, clxi

Lok, see Hudson's River

Long Island, see Hudson's Bay

Longitude, Cabot's system of observ-
ing them by magnetic variations,
cxlvii; not observed by early navi-
gators; not b/ Hudson; Davis' ob-
servations incorrect; Cabot's obser-
vations of the mouth of Hudson's
Strait, nearly correct, cxlvii

Lookout Point, see Spitzbergen

Lopez de Gomara, see Bibl. list

Lovvfoot, 43

Ludlow, Arnold goes on shore in

Nova Zembla, 33
Lumley's Inlet (Frobisher's Strait),

cxcvi
Liitke, see Bibl. list
Liitke and Barents land, see Novaya

Zembla

M'Clintock, see Bibl. list

Maelson, see Dutch

Magna Britannia, 90

Muhony Bay, see Banc des sables

Maize brought by Hudson's river

Indians, 101
Mannitto, Indian great or supreme

being, 175
Map making, modern system of;

first

maps.

their

its

character ; first charts, their
character ; early Ilydrographers :
Da Cosa, Cabot, Ribeiro, Ilomem,
cl ; planispheres and portolani ;
Ribeiro's and Cabot's planispheres,
cli ; Barents, Davis, Frobisher,
Linschoten, Molyneux globe, cliii ;
Gemma. Mercator, Ortelius, clii ;
Maps ; Ilondius' chart (lOJl), cliii;
Hudson's chart (1010 and 1011),
cliii ; Marco Polo, see Bibl. list ;
his Cathay, Ixvii, Ixx

Martha's vineyard, see Verazzano

Mast-spend, a, meaning of the term,
52

Matsyn land, see Hudson's geogra-
phical notions, clviii

Matthew's land, see Novaya Zembla

Mercator, see Belgians ; see map-
making

Mermaid, 28

Mcteren (Van), Belgian emigrant ;
. Dutch consul, xxiv ; publishes
his memoirs ; character of this
book, XXV ; it consists of two parts,
XXV ; Hudson's voyage in the
second part, xxvi : false reference
to the 30th book, account reprinted
in Begin en Vooi'tgang, xxviii ;
Hudson's third voyage, 147 ; see
Bibl. list

Miller, Doctor, essay on Hudson's
third voyage, liv ; see collections

Muscovy Company, Bassendine,
Woodcock and Bronae, arc ordered

INDEX.

289

t( search to the cast and west of
Kova Zcmbla, cxxviii ; attention
paid by the, to Cabot's prints,
logbook, observations, clxxvii,
clxxx ; Pet and Jackman sail to
Wardhuus ; they separate, cxxviii ;
Pot reaches Nova Zembhi ; dis-
covers Pet's Strait ; reaches the
Sea of Kara ; struggles with the
ice ; is joined by Jackman, cxxix ;
their return ; renewed struggle
with the ice ; they pass back
through Pet's Strait ; Pet's return ;
Jackraan's death, cxxix-xxx ; a
vessel reaches the mouth of the
Oby ; agents of the Muscovy Com-
pany procure information with
regard to the roads to the Oby,
cxxx ; protest in the state paper
office, cxci

Mouchcron, Balthasar de, a merchant
from Antwerp, xxii ; see Belgians

Moulton, .see Yates

Mount of God's mercy, clxxxiv, 8 ;
see Greenland

Muggencs, see Faroe

Muilkerk, see Bibl. list

IMurphy's Hudson in Holland ; no
copy to be procured, Ivii, Ix ; Mur-
phy, see Bibl. list

Nai, see Dutch

Nantucket discovered by the Span-
iards, cxlvi ; Island called Juan
Luis, or Juan Fernandez, c

Narragansot Baj^, see Verazzano

Nassau Strait, see Nova Zembla and
Dutch

Navarette, see Bibl. list

Netherlands, revolution in the, xx ;
political parties ; Belgian emi-
grants, Calviuists, Orangists, demo-
crats, war party ; Arminians,
Republicans, peace party. Truce
of Antwerp negociated by Jeaunin.
Oldenbarnevelt and Hugo Grotius,
leaders of the Arminian or Repub-
lican party ; Peter Plancius one of
the chiefs of the Calvinist or
Belgian party, both wished to
obtain Hudson's services. The
East India Company formed by
Oldenbarnevelt, its privileges ;
cxcviii, cc

New Brunswick, the coasts of, clxxii

New England shore, clxxii
Newfoundland, the coasts of, clxxii ;

exploration of, cxlv ; meaning of

the term, 03 ; bank of, 55 ; see

Cortereal
Newhind, see Spit/.bcrgen
New Nethcrland, Dutch title to,

xxxvii ; description of, by Van dcr

Donck, xxxvii
New Point Comfort, see Virginia
New World ; its existence noticed by

S. Cabot, Ixxi
New York historical society, collec-
tions of, liv
Niculand, or the land under 80",

clxxxvii ; Spitzbergen, see Hudson's

geographical notions, clxi
North American coast, exploration of,

cxlv; review, see Bibl. list
North Cape of Tartary, see Cape

Tapin ; see Hudson's geographical

notions, clxi
North-eastern search, its beginning,

cxx
North Kien,see Hudson's geographical

notions, clxi
North Kiene, 43

North Pole, Hudson's expedition to, 1
North star, observation of, by Juet,

North-west passage, the search for,
begun by S. Cabot, Ixxi; search
for, advocated by Frobisher, Gil-
bert, and Willis, ciii ; rumours of
its discovery, Ixxxv

North-western expeditions, character
in first and in second period, Ixxiv,
Ixxv ; expedition to the north-west
in 1536 ; Master Ilore, his ship's
company, great sufferings, cannibal-
ism, xcv

Nova Francia, 149

Nova Scotia, the coasts of, clxxii

Nova Zembla, crosses found there,
33; birds and eggs, 34, 35; herd of
white deer, 37 ; ice formed by the
many rivers, 39 ; whale finncs, 34 ;
Costin Shar, 35 ; Costin Shar, bay
and river, 37; pleasant and green;
deer feeding there, 39 ; group, voy-
ages to, and explorations of, cxli-ii,
cxcv ; group, 'see Hudson's geo-
graphical notions, clvii ; Swartc
Klip (Swart Cliffe), 32, 33 ; disco-
vered by Willoughby, cxxiv

290

INDEX.

Novaya Zeml)la, description of; its
ishuKls, Waigats ; Movaya /oinlya-
projicr, cxxvi ; clescription of; ef-
forts of north-eastern navigators to
pass Iieyond or through It, cxxvii ;
a natural harrier hetwcen Spit/-
hergcn sea and Kara sea, cxxvii ;
AFatthew's Land, Lutke and ]Ja-
rents' Land, cxxvi ; Waigats disco-
vered, cxxvii; IJurrough Strait dis-

Oby (Ob), Hudson intends to pass by
the, ;}(;

Oby river, cxcv ; mouth of, see Hud-
son's geogra])hical notions, clvi

O'Calhighan, history of New Nether-
hand, ivi

O'Calhighan, see Bibl. list

Oldenharnevelt, sfg Netherlands poli-
tical parties

Orange islands, see Nova Zembla and
Dutch

Orkney, Isles of, 08

Ortclins, see ]V\h\. list ; see Map mak-
ing; map of Anicvcia, Hudson's Bay
drawn upon it; Hudson's Bay call-
ed Maia dos iMedaos, clxx

Overfall, the furious, see Hudson
Strait, cxcvi

Pigeons, brought by Hudson's River
Indians, 102

Pantheon Littcrairc, see Bibl. list.

Pasqualigo, Lorenz, see Cabot

Pet (Arthur), see Moscovy Comp.

Philobiblon Society, see Cabot, Bibl.
list

Plancius, Peter, communicated with
Hudson, 1()()9, 186 ; probably re-
ceived Hudson's chart, xlvi ; see
Netherlands political parties

Playsc or Pleyce, John, one of the
crew, first voyage; his logbook; au-
thorship of, whether divided or not;
character of, v, vi, vii; his rank, vii

Pleyce, see Playse

Pontanus, see Bibl. list

Pontanus's history of Amsterdam,xlix

Portuguese north-western voyages
begun, Ixxv; three proposed north-
west expeditions, Ixxvii ; begin
tlieir cod fisheries, Ixxvii; explora-
tions in the north- west from 1529

to IHTO; they discover Hudson's
Bay, xcvi

Poughkeepsie, 8!) ; see Hudson's river

Pricket, Altacuk, larger discourse of
the fourtli voyage ; its character,
xiv, !)8; Purchas' o|iinion about it

Proniontorium Scythicum, see Cape
Tapin

Purchas, documents in his Pilgrims ;
origin of these documents, iv; side
notes about Spitzbergen and Nova
Zembla, xvi, xvii, i;5, 40 ; motive
appended to Wydliouse's paper,
xvii; Pilgrims, fragments in, xviii;
Pilgrimage, chapter cntilhul of
Hmlion''s Discoveries and Deaths
and side notes to it, xviii ; post-
script to Pricket's discourse, xvii ;
see Bibl. list

Queen's Cape, see Queen's Foreland

Rufn, see Antiquitatcs Americana),

]5ibl. list
Ramusio, see Bibl. list
Rayner, Robert, one of the crew,

second voyage, 23; sees a mermaid, l'8
Ribeiro, Juan, his planisphere, xci ;

present at Badajoz, ih. ; mistakes

regarding Gomez's discovery, xcii;

see map making
Rio de Gamas, see Hudson's river
Rio de Tormenta, clxxi; see Hudson's

Bay
Roberval, see French
Round Top, see Hudson's river
Rundall, see Bibl list
Russian coast, exploration of, cxliii
Russia, northern shore of, clvi ; see

Hudson's geographical notions
Ryp, see Dutch

Saddle Back, 9(5

Sail, lay it a trie, meaning of the term,

52
St. Lawrence, exploration of, cxlv ;

see Cortereal
Salisbury Island, 97 ; see Cape Salis-

burie
Salmon in Hudson's river, 161
Sandy Hook, see Hudson's river
Sanien, see Seiijen
Scandinavians, their discoveries, Hx ;

their settlements in Iceland and

Greenland, Ix ; they construct geo-

INDEX.

291

{graphical systems of their own, Ix,
ixi; fifoographical comiminicatioii.s,
Ixi, Ixii

ScandiiiJivin, northern part of, .scf
lliiilsou's geojrra})hioal notions, clx

Peorcshy, nee IJihl. list

iScothind, clxii ; see Hudson's geogra-
phical notions

Sea, colour of the, black, 11 ; Mac
and green, 12; blue — blue sea freest
from ice, lU; green, ib.; black, 2(i,
41 ; i)v. Scorcsby's observations,
cxiv; Hudson's observations on, if).

Seals, an incredible number near Nova
Zembla, 30; .see Spitzbergcn

Seamen's secrets, by Davis, clxxx ;
Davis' jMolyneux globe, cliii

Seven Islands, see Spitzbergcn

Shetland, clxii; see Hudson's gcogra-
j)hical notions ; islands of, 1

Shotland, see Shetland

Siberia, coast of, civ ; see Hudson's
geographical notions

Skrutton, James, one of the crew,
first voyage, 1

Smith, see llaskol and Smith

Smith, Captain John, see Bibl. list

Smith Islands, see Virginia

Soundings, o7, /Jt), 59

Spaniards, search for a passage along
the west coast of America ; under-
take fishing expeditions to New-
foundland, xcix ; sail to Hudson's
river and to Nantucket, c

Spanish, N. W. expedition, begins ;
Dorvelos ; Agramonte ; Vclasco,
Ixxxii, Ixxxiv

Sparks, see American Biography

S])itzbcrgen discovered, cxxxix ; ex-
ploration of, cxliii ; names of, 4 ;
given by Ilessel Gerritz, 5 ; Vogel
Hooke, Dr. Petermann's opinions
about its situation, 9 ; indraught
or inlet between Charles Island and
Spitzbergcn, JO, 11 ; west coast of,
1 1 ; morses seen near, il>. ; seals
seen near, ib. ; discovery of, by Sir
Hugh Willoughby, according to
Purchas' opinion, 13, 4(^ ; great
■warmth in 80° of latitude, 14 ; land
stretching into 82°, supposed to be
the Seven Islands, 15 ; no passage
between 78° 30' and 82°, 16 ; Bell
Sound, 17 ; Ice Sound, 18 ; Point
Lookout, 20 ; Whale Bay, 14, 20 ;

the southern point of, 21 ; see Ilud-
soji's geographical notions

Splindler, see ])utch

Sprengc! see Bibl. list

Stacie, Philip, carpenter, second voy-
age, 23

Staten Island, see Hudson's river

Stony Point, see Hudson's river

Stow, see Bibl. list

Strickbolle, see Dutch

Stromo, see Faroe

Strutton, James, one of the crew,
second voyage, 23

Sturgeon, in Hudson's river, 1(11

Sun, observations on the, 12, 15, 24,
•2(>, 29, 30, 31, 34, 35, 41, 43, 48,
50, 51

Sun's spot, 40

Tabin, see Cape Tabia

Tetgalcs, see Dutch

Thorne, Robert, plan of sailing across
the north pole, xciv ; letter to
Henry VIII, if>.

Thompson, see Bibl. list

Tobacco and pipes in Barnstaple Pen-
insula, 05

Tomson, Richard, one of the crew,
second voyage, 23

Ungara Bay, see mutiny

Urdaneta, a friar, his pretended voy-
age through the north-west pas-
sage, cv

llssclincx, William, an Antwerp mer-
chant, founder of the West India
Company, xxiii

Vaigats Straits, cxcv

Valek, see Dutch

Vardoiihuus Lsland, 43

Variations, observations of, 2 ; of the
needle, 23, 24; west, 25, 47, 49, 53,
54, 55, 50, 58, 61, 02, 68, 09, 72,
77, 82, 92

Verazzano, Juan de, his geographical
notions, Ixxx; his letter; ai)pendix
to it, Ixxxii; report to the king of
France, 199; voyage and discovery
of Hudson's river, 1; original letter
preserved in the Magliabecchian
library in Florence, 1; searches for
the passage to Cathaya ; crosses

292

INDEX.

Atlantic; reaches Carolina; ascends
the coast; discovers the mouth of
the Hudson ; enters it ; di (.overs
Narraganset Bay and Claudia Is-
land ; returns ; writes to Francis
the First, Ixxxi, Ixxxii; probable
death, xcv; see Iludsou's river
Verplanck Point, see Hudson's river
Vines and grapes, Hudson's river, 162
Vlie boat, called flute by the French,

147
Vogel Hoeck, clxxxvi

Waigats, see Novaya Zembla

Wardhuys (Wardhuus), see Hudson's
geographical notions, clxi

Water, colour of, in the Gulf stream,
51

Waterford red hook, 87

Wampum or bead money, observa-
tions about, 235 ; see Van der
Donck

Waymouth, his voyage ; sails up to
C8° 53'; mutiny caused by John
Cartwright; returns ; enters Hud-
son's Strait, cxix; Foxe and Bar-
row's opinion about his voyage,
cxix

Weymouth's, Captain George, endea-
vours of, finding the passage, and
failure, 190; logbooks fell into the
hands of Plancius, 191

West India Company, Dutch, its cha-
racter and origin, xxix, xxx, xxxi

Whale Bay, clxxxvii

Whales and morses observed near
Spitzbergen, cxciv

Widewes, see Wydhouse

Willes, see Bibl. list; see north-west
passage

Willoughby, Sir Hugh, Purchas' opi-
nion about his discovery, 13, 40

Willoughby's Land, 13, 40

Willoughby discovers Nova Zembla ;
perishes in Lapland, cxxiii-iv; see
Moscovy Company

Willoughby's Land, clviii; see Hud-
son's geographical notions

Winwood, see Weymouth, 186

Woodcock, see Moscovy Company

Woodhouse, see Wydhouse

Wydhouse (Woodhouse, Widowes,
Wydowse), Thomas, note found in
the desk of — last document pub-
lished in the Pilgrims, xvi

Wydowse, see Wydhouse

Yates and Moulton, " History of the
State of New York," Iv; see Bibl. list
one of the crew,
; discovers Young's

Young, James,
first voyage, 1

Cape (Greenland), cxcii ; discovers
Young's Foreland (Van ^ln,ycn),ib.

Young's Cape or Greenland, clxxxiv,
cxcii

Young's Foreland (Jan Mayen), cxcii

Zcni, the brothers, the chart of, clxiv-

clxviii, 3
Zenam, see Senjen
Zorgdragcr, see Bibl. list

T. uioiiAuns, aniiAT qukkn strkkt.