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THE ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.

IN visiting Ireland, the Prince of Wales ^ave a proof of his sense
of duty and of his courage ; for some courage was required
after all the fears that had been expressed, though really the Prince
and his Consort were in no danger, since the disunionist leaders must
have known too well that in this case a crime would have been the
worst of blanders. The prince, perhaps, may have thought of the
examples of history, and of the days when those who bore his title
took the field in defence of their heritage. He had good cause for
exertion. Not even when Hoche's armaments appeared in Bantry
Bay was the Crown of Ireland in greater peril.

If the Prince set us an example of duty, he also saw one. Amidst
all these wretched scenes of faction, intrigue and weakness, while
English noblemen and gentlemen are not ashamed for the sake of
office openly to conspire with the avowed enemies of the realm, the
eye of an Englishman who cares for only the country must rest with
pleasure on the figure of Lord Spencer. Praise of the living may
sound like flattery ; but distance gives somev/hat of the privilege of
history, and we who look from afar may pay our tribute to one who
has made such sacrifices to patriotism, and has so bravely and stead-
fastly held a most hateful ?iid dangerous post. The breath of calumny
will soon pass away from the mirror, and it will be better to have
served the country at Dublin than to have reposed amidst the social
delights of Althorp.

There are those to whom the Prince's visit, though late, seems to
have been the first step in the right direction. More than twenty
years ago an unheroic poh'-y was, after careful study of the question,
propounded for Ireland. It consisted of (i) Disestablishment and
religious equality ; (2) a reform of the land laws, abolishing prime

VOL. XLVIII.

- S"

Hf H-Jt4

I. • •

• • •

• •••

2 THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.

genilure and entail, and facilitating purchase ; (3) the residence of
the Court in Ireland ; (4) one or two Sessions of Parliament at
Dublin for the purpose of dealing with Irish questions ; (5) an
increase of local self-government, perhaps in the form of Provincial
Councils ; (6) a line of government emigration steamers running from
an Irish i)ort. It is needless to say that every item of the policy,
with the exception of local self-government, was meant for three
Celtic and Catholic provinces, which to the great confusion of our
ideas are miscalled Ireland.

Late the Prince's visit was, and being paid under the pressure of
State necessity, it was robbed of all its spontaneity and much of
its grace. Besides, it was that of the heir, not of the wearer of the
crown. Yet its result has surely been such as to justify a proposal
which has been treated by great practical authorities as paradoxical
and futile. The policy of cold and dignified indifference prescribed
by Mr. Parnell, at all events totally broke down. His lieutenants
were obliged to betake themselves to getting up hostile demonstra-
tions, which they did with imperfect success. It is evident what the
effect would have been if every other year the Phoenix Park, surely
no unlovely place of sojourn, had taken its turn with Balmoral.

A hand was at the same time held out, not before there was
need, to the Unionists of the North of Ireland, whom English
Radicalism, in its courtship of the Irish vote, has been doing its
utmost to disgust and estrange ; while the Government, deeming it
right to repress with impartial rigour Unionist as well as Disunionist
demonstrations, has appeared to turn a cold shoulder to its friends.
Lose the loyalty of the North, and all may be lost ; keep the loyalty
of the North, and rebellion elsewhere may be confronted without fear.

One great political grievance the Irish have, and they will not be
satisfied till it is redressed. Craving, most of all people, for objects
of personal attachment, they have never seen those by whom they
were governed. Constitutional liberties and privileges, to their
hearts, are cold comforts in the absence of a chief ; they ought to
see both the Sovereign and the Parliament. To hold one or two
short Sessions of Parliament at Dublin would be very inconvenient
no doubt, but it would satisfy as nothing else will satisfy the craving
for a Parliamen'. in College Green. The Parliament in College
Green before the Union is a strange object of wistful regret for
Catholic Ireland. It was a Parliament of exclusion as well as of
corruption and factious violence. It did nothing for the people ;
yet there is a not unnatural longing for something in its place. Let
the Parliament of the Union present itself to the eyes of the Irish
])eople ; then, and not till then, they will understand that boons
bestowed on them are the gifts of Parliament, and not the gifts of
Mr, Parnell.

THE ADMINISTRA TION OF IRELAND.

This absence from their sight and their hearts of the powers that
govern them has been called the one political grievance of the Irish
people. If there is another, what is it ? What is there which the
Irish Members of Parliament have with anything like unanimity or
perseverance sought to obtain for their country, and which Parlia-
ment has obstinately refused ? Two literary chaniijions of the Irish
revolution have essayed to state its case. One dwells mainly on
defects in local self-government, from which Ireland does not alone
suffer, and to the cure of which Parliament was actually addressing
itself when this rebellion broke out. The other dwells on ('astle
government, which his patriotic fervour leads him to represent as
not less arbitrary and tyranical than that of an Austrian Governor
of Venetia, as though the Austrian governor of Venetia had been
the servant of a Parliament in which Venetia was fully represented
or had been restrained by a free press, habeas corpus, and trial by
jury. The Vice-royalty is a survival from the time when Ireland was
really remote and the carriage of the Lord-Lieutenant had to be
taken to pieces to be carried over Penmaen Mawr. Whether it
should be retained has long been an open question among British
statesmen, but it can hardly be abolished with safety unless the
Court will take its place. If it is retained, the limitations to
Protestants ought of course to be abolished. Home Rulers demand
in its room an Irish Secretaryship to be held by an Irishman. Would
a Protestant Irishman from Ulster serve their turn ?

The question of local self-government is necessarily suspended by
the continuance of a smouldering rebellion. The police cannot be
handed over to the management of Moonlighters and people who
avow their intention of extirpating the English. Otherwise a good
deal might be done in this way. Public education itself might
perhaps be wisely assigned to local Councils. In the ("atholic
Provinces the priests might cripple it at first, as most of them
opposed its introduction ; but local opposition to them would spring
up and the Imperial Government would be relieved of the strain.

It is from its union with the agrarian movement that the jjolitical
movement derives its present strength. Movements purely political
have always come to nothing. O'Connell's Repeal was a ])rolix
farce, saving that it brought him rent. The aims of the leaders are
political, but the aims of the people are agrarian. The people are
persuaded that if they can get rid of the English connection they
will be at liberty to deprive the landlords of the rest of the rent.
Despoiling landlords will not make land which does not produce
grain capable of feeding a population which, even if it did produce
grain, it could not feed. Like the French in Canada, the Irish,
having a low economical standard, multiply with a rai)idity which
defies the laws of prudence and overflows the limits of subsistence ;

X 1 1

TB^£ CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.

the Church in both cases encouraging early marriage. Quebec is
relieved by profuse emigration into the States ; otherwise she would
be the scene of chronic famine : and Ireland must be relieved in the
same way. If she is to be permanently cured of her complaint,
there must be not only emigration but clearance. Socialists who
call upon the State to provide food for everybody on the spot, will
find it necessary to invest the State with the power of determining
how many people shall be brought into the world. Priests oppose
emigration because it carries off their flocks, demagogues because it
carries off discontent. But it is the prime and most absolute
necessity of the Irish situation ; and a Government line of emigra-
tion steamers running from an Irish port is a proposal which invites
consideration. Whither the emigrants shall be sent is a difficult
question. To send them to the Northern States is to swell the
ranks of the enemy. The same may be said as to Canada in a
somewhat less degree. In the Southern States there is as yet no
Fenianism, and the rise of manufactures is improving the market for
labour. The emigrant from Celtic Ir-iland hardly ever takes to
farming. But Australia is more within reach than it was, and
Tasmania seems lo have room for a good many inhabitants, while
the climate is one in which an Irishman will not suffer as he does
v/hen he is sent from the mild climate of Ireland to a country where
the winter is long and severe.

Agrarian legislation is beneficial just in so far as it increases
production and gives more bread to the people. This will hardly
be done by confiscation, which puts an end to investment in land
and to the advance of money ui)on it, or by encumbering the
country with a multiplicity of complicated and unsaleable tenures.
What Ireland, and not Ireland alone, wants in this ^vay is a free
land market and the Torrens system of conveyance. It is strange
that by the side of a drastic, not to say socialistic, Land Act, Parlia-
ment should allow primogeniture, entail, and the costly and cumbrous
system of conveyancing to flourish as before.

A free market would put the land into the hands of those who
would till it, either on the large scale or on the small. In this way
absenteeism, which undoubtedly is a great social evil, will be cured ;
it is not likely to be cured in any other way. The notion of
treating estates again as fiefs and reviving feudal duties is surely
chimerical. Landlordism, it is to be feared, however beneficent and
picturesque in theory, is practically a failure. Where there is no
obligation to work, pleasure in most of us gets the better of duty,
and it carries off the squire to London or the Continent. Absenteeism
is becoming very common in England. It is likely to become
commoner still if scientific agriculture and democracy put an end
to fox-hunting and game-preserving, as they probably will. But the

THE ADMTNISTRA TION OF IRELAND.

Liebec is

I would
d in the
mplaint,
sts who
)ot, will
Tiiiining

oppose
cause it ,
absolute

emigra-
ti invites
difficult
well the
ida in a
Ls yet no
aricet for
takes to
^ras, and
ts, while
, he does
ry where

ncreases

II hardly
t in land
ing the

enures,
a free
strange
Parlia-
Limbrous

ose who
lis way
cured ;

)tion of
, surely
ent and
re is no

of duty,
nteeism
become
an end
But the

days of great estates, held for the purposes of political influence or of
social pride, are past in Ireland and England alike. Territorial
r istocracy is being killed by American harvests.

The residence of the Court in Ireland would tend to banish the
fancy, which malignity is trying to inflame, that Irishmen are
socially disliked and dis[)araged. At the public schools or at the
universities, where social prejudice shows itself without disguise, will
anybody say that Irish boys or youths are treated with contumely
by «-heir fellows? Are they not rather favourites? There are
jokes about Paddy no doubt : so there are about Sandy and Taffy,
It is hardly to be exi)ected that the behaviour of certain Irish
Members in the House of Commons will be taken for that of gentle-
men, or that it will fail to cast its shadow on the body to which
tlM^y belong. The "comic Irishman/' which has been cited as a
proof of British insolence, is largely the creation of two Irish pens
— those of Miss Edgeworth and Mr. Lever. Everything in the
Empire, social grade included, is open to Irishmen as freely as to
Englishmen or Scotchmen, and they do in fact hold many of the
highest place ; in the State, the Army, and the Church. Greater
honour, we are told, ought to be paid " to the country which
has produced Castlereagh, Canning, Gough, the two Lawrences,
Nicholson, Roberts, and Wolseley." That list of names is itself the
answer to the complaint. It has only to be added that the names
all belong to the British element of the population which the
Nationalists propose to drive out of the country.

History cannot be abrogated, but it may be read in the light of
common sense and equity. In the age of conquest Ireland was
conquered, as England was, by the Normans, and special evils were
entailed by the circumstances of the conquest which produced a
local separation of the races and the " Pale." In the age of
religious wars, Catholic Ireland was involved in religious war ; she
did what she could in support of the Catholic powers which were
trying to extirpate Protestantism and liberty with the sword ; and
happening to be in the part of the field where Catholicism was
worsted, she suffered a small portion of that which the party of
Protestantism and liberty suffered in the part of the field where
Catholicism was victorious. All this belongs to the past as com-
pletely as the Inquisition and the Dragonnades. That England
crushed a brilliant civilization is a preposterous fable, as in fact,
apologists of the present rebellion admit when they call Englishmen
unfeeling for letting in on the fiction the light of history. The only
native civilization which Ireland ever had was ecclesiastical, and this
was ruined, not by England, but by the barbarism of the clans.
Commercial exclusion was very bad, though this also was in the
spirit of the age ; but it has been compensated ten times over by the

• • •

"BWW

THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW.

market whicli England has afforded to Ireland, and the employment'
which her manufactures have given to Irishmen who would not have
found bread in their own island. If it is called harsh to tell these
truths, the answer is that no people have suffered more than the
Irish from lies, and ihat they have no worse enemies than those who
teach them to subsist by the exhibition of historic sores and by>
getting up abortive rebellions instead of exerting themselves, like
other nations which have been unfortunate, to make up the lost>
ground. That Catholic Ireland has been most unfortunate, and that>
great allowance ought to be made for the political shortcomings o|J
her people on that ground, no one has striven harder to show thari
the writer of this paper. It is a different thing to say that thc^
political shortcomings of the Irish, even in Ireland, much more irt
the United States, where their political character is just the same^
are the results of British oppression. Does courtesy require us tc>
believe that the Government of Mr. Gladstone is in the habit oi
"causing puling infants to be tossed on bayonets, and calling in
famine to exterminate the Irish people when the sword has failed to
do the work ? " There is no justice, as Mr. Moriey truly says, in
being unfair to one's own countrymen ; or, it may be added, to one's
own country.

That history has left its trace in the bitterness of the Irish against
England is true. Yet about this there is a good deal of exaggera-
tion. Twenty- three years ago, when the writer of this paper first
visited Ireland, the feeling was nothing like so strong. Its present
intensity is the work of a vitriolic press in the hands of men whose
aim is not to improve the condition of the people, or to tell them any
sort of truth, but to fill them with hatred of their British fellow-
citizens for the purpose of getting up a rebellion. With that press
it will be found necessary to deal, however unwelcome the necessity
may be. Freedom of opinion is precious, but inciting to murder and
civil war is not opinion, nor does every villain who can buy a fount
of type become thereby sacrosanct and privileged to do the com-
munity any mischief that he pleases.

Of the Roman Catholic religion nobody wants to say anything
discourteous. In Ireland it has numbered among its adherents
Bishop Moriarty, Dr. Russell, and Lord O'Hagan. But its effects
on national character are much the same everywhere, and the respon-
sibility for them certainly does not rest on England or on the
Union.

To withold the extension of the franchise from Ireland would nc
doubt have been difficult. The objection to the whole measure is
that it is another blind alteration of the basis of the governmeni
without a fresh survey of the constitution as a whole or any attempi
to provide sufficient safeguards, another step in the progress of unor-

- ^y»iaft <i i tisi n il

THE ADMINISTRATION OF IRELAND.

Dloyment'
not have
tell these
than the
hose who

and by;
■Ives, like

the lost*
, and thai.
)mings ol'
how thari
that thf'
1 more irf
the same5
aire us tc>

habit ot
calling in

failed to
y says, in
., to one's

>h against

exaggera-

»aper first

s present

en whose

them any

h fellow-

at press

necessity

Lirder and

a fount

the com-

anything
idherents
its effects
le respon-
ir on the

would nc
leasure is
vernmeni
y attempt
of unor-

ganized democracy of which the bourne may be pretty certainly fore-
seen. But it was a special stroke of statesmanship to i)ut political
power into hands by which you are assured beforehand that it will
be used for the subversion of the Legislature and the dismemberment
of the nation. Is everybody, fit or unfit, entitled to the suffrage by
the law of nature ? Why, then, are not votes given to the two hun-
dred millions of Hindoos ? Give an Irishman a vote, and he hands
it over at once to the priest, to Mr. Parnell, or to Mr. Tweed. His
political instincts and habits are those of the tribesman,' not those of
the citizen. Instead of being more free when invested with the suf-
frage, he is rather less free, because he becomes the willing slave of
his head centre, who is at this moment nominating his representatives.
To govern the Celtic province as a Crown colony is what nobody has
proposed. But if civil war should break out and a strong Govern-
ment should be the temporary consequence, that Government will
perhaps be found more suitable to the temperament of the people, as
well as more conducive to the improvement of the country, than the
demagogic system. In time, Ireland, if she remains in the Union,
will be brought up to the level of British progress in self-government.
At present she is in an earlier stage.

Let positive assurance be given of the inviolability of the Union
and of the hopelessness of all attempts to destroy it. This is^the
great political need of Ireland at the present moment. A nationality
the Irish may have in the Union, like Jthat of the Scotch, with all
the memories, sentiments, and symbols. Home Rule also they may
have in the Union like that of tlie Scotch, if the Irish members of
Parliament will only follow the example of the Scotch members, and
instead of trying to wreck the Legislature, take counsel and act to-
gether on local questions. But let all doubt be removed at once from
the minds of Irish Unionists about the determination of England and
Scotland to uphold the Union, as the people of the United States
upheld their Union, with the whole power of the nation. Nationalist
leaders will then begin to direct their efforts to practical and attain-
able reforms. At present that at which they aim is not reform, but
the severance of the Union, and to intrigue with them is to intrigue
with dismemberment. No measures of reform, however extensive,
have ever moderated the virulence of their abuse.

Ireland lias been connected with England for seven centuries,
surely a sufficient term of prescription. Nature has manifestly
linked the two islands together, so that they must be united or
enemies, while if they are enemies the weaker must suffer. The
races are now mingled both in Ireland and Great Britain. What
can be more ridiculous than to hear a man bearing the name of
Parnell, Biggar, or Sexton, talk of driving the British out of
Ireland ? Supposing separation to take place, what is to be done

THE CONTEMPORARY REVIEW

with the Irish in England ? Is every member of a nation of com-
posite or federal structure to deem itself privileged at will, instead of
bringing its grievances constitutionally before the United Legislature,
to secede and break up the nation ? Is every local demagogue to be
at liberty to get up a civil war for that p-.ipose? When Sicily or
Naples become restless, do English Radicals call upon Italy in the
name of morality to let the disaffected province go ? Why is this
duty of self-dismemberment to be enjoined on Great Britain alone ?
To the writer of this paper Jingoism and aggrandizement have
always been hateful. But the Radicals must surely own that their
country is a great moral power, that her influence in Europe is
good for humanity, that it depends upon her retention of her high
place among the nations, and that human progress, political and
general, would suffer greatly by her fall. Nor can they doubt that
with a hostile republic, for hostile it must always be, carved out
of her side, she would sink to the level of a second-rate power, and
lose her voice in the councils oi Europe.

As to Ireland herself, does the most extreme of Radicals, if he
has anything statesmanlike or scientific about him, believe in the
feasibility of a Fenian Republic, or think that anything could come
of such an attempt but confusion and a renewal of the calamities
of the past ? Can the most extreme of Radicals, one may add,
watch the behaviour of the Disunionist leaders, listen to the almost
delirious calumnies which pour from their lips, observe the methods
and the engines of warfare to which they resort, mark their treat-
ment of Mr. Gladstone after all that he has done for Ireland, and
yet persuade himself that the cause which these men represent is
really a great cause ? The political insurrection is nothing but a
conspiracy, conceived mainly in the interest of personal ambition.
If on the part of the leader an actuating motive is venomous and
fanatical hatred of the English race, to which his own ancestors
belonged, this does not make the movement more reasonable or more
worthy of respect.

The dictates of patriotism, of statesmanship, of morality seem to
coincidj2 and to be clear. But the nation is governed by party ; and
on both sides a section is now bidding for the Irish vote ! not only
for the Irish vote in Ireland, but for the Irish vote in English and
Scotch cities, where the Irish unhappily are strong. A dismal sound
is the name of the Irish vote in the ears of all the lovers of good
government on this continent. Cities overwhelmed with debt by
municipal corruption are not the worst effects of its influence. The
political excesses which have brought discredit on republican institu-
tions in America were not the work of true republicans, but of the
Irish vote leagued with slavery, and under the patronage of the
slave-owner working its will in the Northern cities. The Celtic and

• • •

THE ADMINISTRA TION OF IRELAND.

\ of coin-
instead of
jgislature,
»gue to be
Sicily or
aly in the
^hy is this
lin alone ?
lent have
that their
Europe is
' her high
itical and
ioubt that
irved out
ower, and

cals, if he
;ve in the
3uld come
calamities
may add,
he almost
3 methods
leir treat-
land, and
aresent is
ing but a
ambition,
mous and
ancestors
le or more

seem to
arty ; and

not only
iglish and
nal sound

of good

debt by
ice. The
m institu-
)ut of the
ge of the
Deltic and

Catholic Irishman, as has been already said, is not a citizen but a
clansman. He belongs not to the nation or to any national party,
but to his race, the union of which within itself and its severance from
the rest of the community are pic;;ervfd by the Catholic Church,
which in Canada has been able to extort for itself a system of
separate schools. His vote is in the hands of his leaders, ecclesiastical
or demagogic. He fights at the polls, not for any national policy or
party, bu'. for the interest of the tribe and of its chiefs. At the
bidding of the chiefs and in the interest of the tribe he is ready to
connect himself with cither party, and to pass from one party to
the other. He does the same in Australia, as we learn from Austra-
lian write s on politics, and there also threatens seriously to mar
the working of Parliamentary institutions. As a labourer, the
Irishman in America has been most useful, and deserves a full
measure of gratitude ; though hi now in some degree cancelling
his services by maltreatment and ■ Aclusion of the Chinese. But
politically his influence, as an American journalist said the other
day, has been invariably evil. o thji inflnt^.ioe, however, politicians
have cowered ; any force wiiich i'^ rouipact and unscrupulously
wielded affects their imaginations ci .n out of proportion to its real
magnitude; and in the United bttites whatever remained of Anti-
British feeling has combined with this servility to make Tammany a
great power. But for this continent the day of redemption has
dawned. In the Presidential election, the Irish beli'^ving, and having
probably received some assurance, that the Republican candidate
would inaugurate a foreign policy hostile to England, deserted the
Democratic party, and cast, there is reason to believe, sixty thousand
votes against its candidate in the State ol New York alone. To rat
and then be beaten is ruinous ; that strange alliance, which nothing
but slavery could ever have cemented, between the Irishry and the
highly Conservative leaders of the Democratic party has been
broken ; and among the republicans of the New England stamp the
retainers of Tammany will scarcely find a political home. At Wash-
ington is now a President who owes his election largely to an
independent vote, and whose uprightness, courage and resolution
set the armies of corruption at defiance, and have opened a better
era for his country. Between this man and Tammany there can be
no fellowship ; even peace is not likely to be long maintained. And
while we are thus looking iorward to emancipation, is the mother of
us all going to bow her neck to this wretched 'yoke ? Is faction to
be allowed to lay the greatness of England at the feet of a Head
Centre ? Are these ti;c fruits of Party Government ?

GoLDwiN Smith.