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MlCIOCOfY lESOlUTKIN TtST CHAm 
 
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 THE GRADUATE AND 
 TJIE PEOPLE. 
 
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 ° 
 
 
 (SmamnufBunt Abbrru. 
 
 BOSTON UNIVERSITY. 
 
 Bt THEHOKOIRABLE WILLIAM RENWICK RIDDELL. 
 
 L.H.n.. r.R. HIST.SOC., i:ic.. 
 
 Juiticc of Iht Supreme Court of Onl^ri^. 
 
 TREMONT TEMPLE, BOSTON, 
 We''TtMdaT, lunc (he Third, Nineteen Hundred and Fourteen. 
 
 
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Ciimmenci'inont \llll^^^^. Kiistoii L'niviTsity, 
 Trcnionl T(;in|>li-. BimIcjh, Wi'iliit»rlay, Junf SrJ, I'.IM, 
 
 BY 
 
 TllK HONOUKABLK WII.MAM KENWICK KIDDKl.l., 
 L.ll.l)., F.R. HIST. SOC. En-. 
 
 JUSTIUK Of THK -SUI'RKMK COURT Of ONTARIO. 
 
 It is no small privilege which is given me this morning 
 in being permitted to address you, young men and women 
 of this University, ^or more than forty years connected 
 more or less closely with Universities and University 
 life, 1 am more and more convinced that the future of 
 the nation and of the world depends, as it should 
 depend, on the University — on the output of the 
 University. 
 
 While it is not to be expected that even those who 
 receive the benefits, of the higher and the highest edu- 
 cation will be wholly exerrpt from the failings and short- 
 comings of our common humanity, they must needs 
 he trained to think and to discriminate, to differentiate 
 the superficial and ephemeral from the essential and 
 eternal. 
 
 It is with full consciousness of the manner of men 
 and women I am addressing, that I speak: I may not 
 carry you with me in all respects; but at least, in a 
 University audience, careful thought must go before 
 adjudication, reasoned judgment before condemnation 
 as deliberate and well-grounded approbanon before 
 acceptance. 
 
 Civis Britannicus sum — Canadian tn the finger tips 
 — proud of the flag which floats ove- my 'gcrthe.-h home 
 
that fla^ which has braved a thousand years the battle 
 and the breeze, I come to bloston as to the cradle ot a 
 movement which has done much to make mv flag and 
 my land what they are: Canada, a land to be desired 
 and my British citizenship worth while. Not wholly 
 as a stranger or a foreigner do I jome, but as in some 
 sense a kinsman — for your people and mine cannot be 
 considered wholly alien from each other — yet I recog- 
 nize that we are not of the same allegiance; and I can 
 quite understand that it may sound strangely '. i the car 
 of an American for a non-American to speak as I have 
 done, even if our language is the same and in great 
 measure our descent. 
 
 It is not idle compliment but deep-felt, ,vell-justified 
 conviction which calls from a Canadian this tribute to 
 your city — a sense of gratitude as well as of fellowship. 
 
 Our rugged forefathers in the infancy — or at least 
 the childhood — of the race, met in their rude gatherings 
 and decided the course to be pursued by sept or clan. 
 This CO .Id not continue when the clan or sept became 
 a nation, numerous and wide-spread; every man could 
 not be present at a central point; the voice of every man 
 could not be heard; only a few could be engaged in 
 government. The experiment was tried of these few 
 being selected by the King — the King's Council, by 
 whatever name called — and the government of the 
 people wholly guided by these, responsible to the one 
 man who chose them. 
 
 That system lasted for many generations, and it is 
 not even yet entirely effete among civilized nations. In 
 most instances the adviser was either a priest or a noble, 
 a man noble by birth or made lohle by his Royal Master; 
 and the ennobled and their descendants, with the higher 
 orders of the priesthood, made a class, a preserve by 
 itself, from which most servants of the Crown were 
 chosen. 
 
 This could never be wholly satis' actory, and a system 
 was adopted whereby the governeu ct'ose from among 
 themselves representatives to express and assert their 
 wishes,. fheif needs, th^ir aspirations. At first but those 
 
who are called the upper classes were allowed to have 
 any choice in the selection of representatives; but even 
 then, many and f" ler were the strujijgles between the one 
 element, at least , .,rtially popular, and the other, a caste. 
 The one grew more and more f )wcrful until it could 
 measure itself against not only the Noble class but even 
 agamst the King himself; and personal rule seemed to 
 meet its doom when the head of Charles Stuart fell at 
 Whitehall. 
 
 But there was a recrudescence of personal and 
 kingly ri le; the class of people to choose representatives 
 remained much the same and the representatives were 
 subject to kingly influence, so that almost as much as 
 before, the King ruled, though he ruled in form through 
 these representatives — these in theory representing the 
 people. 
 
 In the American colonies were many ardent lovers of 
 freedom ^nd self-government, who desired the substance 
 as well as the form. In the Mother Country was a King 
 who believed himself to have been specially chosen by 
 Providence to govern; he thought that so long and 
 so far as he could procure the majority of those who 
 in theory were the representatives of the people, so long 
 and so far was he entitled to govern all the people of the 
 Realm. George 111. was a sincerely pious and con- 
 scientious man; and there never was a grosser calumny 
 than to charge the errors of his political conduct to defect 
 in his moral character. He anxiously endeavoured to 
 do his duty as he saw it; and his failure to govern the 
 American Colonies wisely would have been the failure 
 of almost any other who did not know America and 
 Americans at first hand. His theory of government was 
 that of most of the governir • class in England at the 
 time. Many of the American people refusec^ to admit 
 that persons chosen by a class in an island across the 
 seas represented them, and insisted that they should be 
 governed by and through representatives of their own 
 choosing. 
 
 As under the Stuart the century before, while most 
 objected to arbitrary measures, the people divided not 
 
very unequally upon whether armed resistance should be 
 resorted to or more peaceful anu moderate means 
 adopted— divided into Roundhead and Cavalier — so 
 under the Guelph, while most Americans resented their 
 treatment, they divided not very unequally upon armed 
 resistance or constitutional opposition. The Revolution- 
 ists claimed the name of Patriots — their enemies called 
 them Rebels, the other party were detestable Tories or 
 United Empire Loyalists, according to the point of view. 
 Bitter things were said by each class of the other, 
 some of them true. Revolutions are necessarily non- 
 moral; rosewater neither creates nor quells great public 
 movements, and neither elections nor battles are always 
 won by prayer alone. Time has not wholly allayed 
 the feeling of antagonism; but it is dying out, and 
 I, though knowing that youth is always intolerant 
 and believing v ith Plato that patriotism is neces- 
 sarily cruel (and I add, unjust)— nevertheless I now 
 venture to say to a young and patriotic audience 
 that in essence and in the main both classes were 
 Tiuch alike, and both alike were ardent and sincere 
 lovers of their country. Descendants of Cavalier 
 and Roundhead can do justice to the ancestors of the 
 other; and Daughters of the Revolution and Daughters 
 of the Empire, the Society of the Cincinnati and the 
 United Empire Loyalist Association might unite in their 
 celebration and agree that each should recognize virtue 
 in the ancestor of the other. It may not be of evil omen 
 that Boston University is to-day holding its Commence- 
 ment on the birthday of King George V. 
 
 It is idle to speak of the stamp tax, the duty upon 
 tea, an impost here, a restriction there, as being the cause 
 of the American Revolution. These were but the tokens, 
 the outward excrescences, which could not hide th.^ 
 essential and fundamental— the determination to govern 
 themselves, inherent in all of the descent which the 
 Patriots claimed. Kings they could abide, for who so 
 loyal as they, so long as they could be loyal? An 
 appointed Governor was not only tolerated but was even 
 regarded with affection, so long as he did not ?nempt 
 
to impose upon them the will of others; hut that they 
 should be in fact governed by themselves, whatever the 
 form, they were determined. 
 
 Nor were they insensible to the importance of carry- 
 inn with them their Northern neinhbour; ht"" they 
 desired as the fourteenth colony. Not Ions before, A-hen 
 Canada was French, the cry of the Bostonians was 
 "Canada est delcnda " — so said Governor Dummer. 
 " Canada must be demolished — dclenda e> CarthaRo — 
 or we are undone," cried Govern' r iJvinxbton of New 
 Jersey; and the pastor of the old South Church in 
 Boston joined in the cry with statesmen throughout 
 all New England. But now ' mada become British 
 was to be won, not destroyed; and every means 
 was to be taken for that purpose. John Brown, the 
 forerunner of anotner John Brown nearly a century 
 later, and like him a hater of human servitude, ventured 
 his life in a mission to Montreal. The Conti ental Con- 
 gress addressed a letter to the Canadians; tur i as to our 
 present-day taste it is, with its appeals to philosophy, 
 it was in deadly earnest; the writers were little given 
 to idle frivolity, and the »imes were already trying men's 
 souls. When persuasion failed the sword was appealed 
 to — the mad raid of Ethan Allen, the Argonautic expe- 
 dition of Arnold, the campaign of Montgomery, which, 
 with its early summer sunshine of success was over- 
 whelmed with the black winter night of failure, disaster 
 and death. 
 
 But without Canada, and in spite of her, the men of 
 Boston and those of like mind, fought on to the triumph 
 of their cause; for they could dream and not make 
 dreams their master, could think and not make thoughts 
 their aim. 
 
 You are proud of Boston and her past; and you do 
 well. Your eyes fill with proud tears, your hearts with 
 proud exultation when you think of Bunker Hill; and 
 with justice. And I, a Canadian and a Briton, stand 
 here and openly proclaim that I am as proud as you, as 
 deeply grateful as you can be; for, as those embattled 
 farmers stood in their stern array one hundred and forty 
 3 
 
years ago, their ranks unwavering if uneven and owing 
 little to the drill sergeant, filled with patriotic fervour, 
 risking and willing to give all for freedom and self- 
 government, they stood not only for themselves and 
 succeeding generations of Americans, but for Canada 
 and for every British Colony; nay (as has been said 
 more than once) for England herself, for everything that 
 makes England the England we know and all that makes 
 the British Empire worth while. 
 
 The freedom they forcibly achieved for themselves, 
 has been readily, cheerfully and ungrudgingly granted 
 to the remaining colonies — the Commonwealth of Aus- 
 tralia, the Dominion of New Zealand, the South African 
 Union as well as the Dominion of Canada, are wholly 
 self-governing, and free with a freedom which would 
 have more than satisfied the heroes who fought on the 
 field where War'-en fell. 
 
 And the democracy fully established on this Con- 
 tinent reacted upon the mother country; and it is at 
 least in part due to that reaction that now the common 
 man has his say in the selection of those who will make 
 laws for him. The House of Privilege, still standing in 
 form, has been shorn of its power it is no longer the final 
 judge of what is right; and the King, once all-powerful, 
 is glad to be relieved of the burden of government. The 
 King now reigns but does not rule, while the President 
 of the United States rules but does not reign. 
 
 The principles of freedom underlying the conception 
 of government in the English-speaking peoples were not 
 born in your Revolution. The Revolution was but the 
 logical outcome of principles elaborated, declared and to 
 a certain extent lived up to for centuries before; but the 
 Revolution emblazoned them in letters of fire to be 
 known and read of all men and never to be forgotten 
 while the earth remaineth. The earth will sooner be 
 shaken from her place and the pillars thereof sooner 
 tremble than the fundamental right of a free man to 
 choose his own governor fail of full fruition. 
 
 A Canadian thankfully acknowledging the leadership 
 of this City in matters of civil freedom, may nevertheless 
 
say with some pride tiiat it was not Boston or Massachu- 
 setts which led in the cause of religious freedom, freedom 
 to worship God in the form each man desired. The 
 Pilgrim Fathers were not content to worship God in 
 their own way, but they desired to make all others follow 
 their method. It was the defect of the time. My own 
 collateral ancestors on either side sealed their faith with 
 their blood on the scaffold, but Riddell and Renwick 
 would undoubtedly, had they had the power, been execu- 
 tioners and their judges the victims and they would have 
 been perfectly confident that they were thereby doing 
 God service and approving themselves good Christians. 
 
 We must come to Canada to find the first English- 
 speaking country to allow complete freedom of religion. 
 After the Reformation (I do not speak of Maryland, 
 anomalous in many respects), Canada was the first to 
 allow the Roman Catholic to take part in legislation and 
 to be a freeman in every respect equal to the Protestant. 
 And indeed it was one of the strongest charges levelled 
 by the Continental Congress against the Imperial 
 Government and King George that they tolerated a 
 religion " bloody, idolatrous and hypocritical." 
 
 We have in most, if not in all, English-speaking com- 
 munities got far away from the point of view of the 
 Revolutionary fathers. We think Carroll of Carrollton 
 just as good a patriot, as thorough a Republican as John 
 Hancock or Samuel Adams. 
 
 But the proper course in matters pertaining to civil 
 government may still be to discuss and to determine. 
 
 Here, then, is the true field of the University. '' Let 
 them obey who know not how to rule," said the proud 
 Plantagenet; and he read well the signs of his times. 
 Now, those who Know not how to rule are not made 
 slaves with no part in the Commonwealth except to serve 
 and obey; they choose those who are to rule and in no 
 small measure how they are to rule. We do not say 
 "Jack is as good as his master," but it is because Jack 
 knows no master. In the nature of things there must 
 be leaders. It is said that during the evil days 
 of the French Revolution a mob was hastening 
 
past a house where sat, with a friend, one much 
 in the public eye. "Where are they going?" said his 
 friend. " I do not know, but 1 must go with them, 
 for I am their leader," was the reply. Even in that 
 crowd there were leaders, though perhaps not those 
 ostensibly such— no movement is purely spontaneous. 
 There always have been and there always will be— 
 human nature remaining the same — men to whom their 
 fellows look for light and guidance. 
 
 And where are they to be found? Not m the 
 cloistered shade haunted by the recluse and the misan- 
 thrope. .^ , . . L 
 
 Herodotus tells of the envoys sent to Delphi by the 
 Dolonci to consult the Oracle. The Pythia said " The 
 first man who offers you hospitality, take with you. 
 Miltiades, son of Cypselus, sat by his door in the cool 
 of the evening, and seeing them on the highway aweary, 
 invited them into his house, and so became their 
 King. Axylus sung by Homer who lived by the side 
 of the road was the friend to man, for he loved all — 
 
 {[JavTiti Y"9 ipiXhattfy, <)<5o5 fVi niiiia vkIqov.) 
 
 Diomedes, the mighty master of the warcry, slew him, 
 but he was not a failure, his name and fame are eternal, 
 embalmed in deathless verse. 
 
 " There are hermit souls that live withdrawn 
 In the place of their self content; 
 There are souls like stars that dwell apart 
 In a fellowless firmament " ; 
 
 and they often are the very elect; but they must be few 
 in number. .... 
 
 He who shuns his fellows, may have a high mission, 
 a lofty outlook, and he may be worthy of all praise. But 
 there must be some to mingle with the people, to know 
 their n.eds at first hand, to take an immediate and not 
 simply a mediate part in directing their thoughts and 
 their aspirations. Those who do that, there must always 
 be whether worthy or unworthy, whether for good or 
 for ill. 
 
Is that function to be left to tfie ward heeler, to the 
 boss who makes his living by it, to the party hack with 
 no thought above the immediate success of some 
 scheme? It is not unusual in your land, as it is not 
 unusual in mine, to speak contemptously of the 
 politician, as though it were a degradation to take part 
 in the government of the country; a disgrace to put into 
 practice that for which your forefathers fought and 
 died. A Washington, a Jefferson, an Adams, a Lincoln 
 — these may receive commendation, for they were states- 
 men. He was wise who first said that the difference 
 between a politician and a statesman is that the statesman 
 is dead. 
 
 Some one must lead; who is it to be? " Freely ye 
 have, freely give." The inestimable gift of civil free- 
 dom, the highest privilege an honourable man may enjoy 
 is yours as a birthright. 
 
 " We must be free or die who speak the tongue 
 That Shakspere spoke, the faith and morals hold 
 Which Milton held." 
 
 You have been educated in an institution where 
 thought is free as the air you breathe, you have been 
 trained to think, your whole education has been to cast 
 off from your minds and souls the trammels of ignorance, 
 of superstition and of cant, the example of the great and 
 good of all ages has been ever held before your eyes and 
 you have been taught to fear God and to eschew evil. 
 
 Noblesse oblige; and as "with the same measure 
 that ye mete withal it shall be measured to you again," 
 so with the same measure with which it has been meas- 
 ured to you, with that measure, mete ye. 
 
 This University was not founded simply to give in- 
 formation to intending ministers or doctors or lawyers or 
 engineers. Those who bore the burden and heat of the 
 day when Boston University was but a young and strug- 
 gling institution did not have in view simply learned 
 savants, acute theologians, skilful surgeons, astute and 
 subtle lawyers. These indeed they hoped for and 
 expected; but their desire was for men and women who 
 9 
 
should indeed know their rights, and knowing dare main- 
 tain hut who should also their duty know. Bnlliant 
 graduates, graduates of compelling ability who should 
 make their Alma Mater famous in their own fame, their 
 faith gave them to foresee, and they have not been dis- 
 appointed; but most they wished graduates who should 
 recognize their duty to their God, to the world, to their 
 country and their fellow-countrymen. 
 
 And it should be the glory of a University that from 
 its walls go forth the leaders of the people. If the 
 blind lead the blind, both shall fall into the ditch; it is 
 the function of a University to supply those who can see, 
 who both can and will prevent their countrymen from 
 falling into the ditches, that are all too common, ditches 
 of ignorance, ditches of prejudice, ditches of class hatred, 
 ditches of international ill-will, ditches which lead to 
 national discord or it may be to bloody devastating war 
 " He loved his fellow men " is the greatest praise which 
 an honourable man should covet, if that love has been 
 made manifest in deed and not in empty rhetoric. It 
 love of fellow men be not the effect of University study 
 and training, better that the University should cease to 
 exist. It is for the public service, the public good, that 
 public support is given to such institutions of learning, 
 and the public should in common honesty receive the 
 reward which is due. ^ c u 
 
 The neighbouring college which trained a Oartield, 
 the venerable and historic elder sister across the way 
 which gave this land a Roosevelt, and that of another 
 State which produced a Taft, or another a Wilson, did 
 not crush in their minds the desire for public service. 
 It may be that the true place in history of some of these 
 Is not certain, but that the United States and the world 
 are the better for their having lived, few will gainsay 
 —big men, true men, tried men filled with a common 
 patriotism for a common country. 
 
 All fhe problems of government have not been solved ; 
 many remain calling for the clearest thinking, the 
 renunciation of prejudice, honest and sincere determina- 
 tion to do the thing that is right. " Because right is right, 
 
 10 
 
to follow right," is "wisdom in the scorn of conse- 
 quence." 
 
 As an outsider, 1 can see many such— the conflict 
 between labour and capital (or rather between some who 
 are thought to represent labour and capital) , the old but 
 ever new question of the tariff, for no tariff can be per- 
 manent, at least not without constant defence against 
 constant attack; the problem of the black race and their 
 uplift, upon the solution of which almost certainly will 
 depend the prosperity of the Southern States and per- 
 haps that of the Northern States as well; prohibition and 
 whether it prohibits or when the evil spirit of intemper- 
 ance is thought to be driven out for good, has he not 
 simply gone and taken with him seven other spirits more 
 wicked than himself, and have they not entered into the 
 house empty, swept and garnished and dwelt there, so 
 that the last state is worse than the first? Are noble, 
 thoroughly educated women to have a voice in what this 
 country is to do, or must thev pay the traditional pen- 
 alty, bear the traditional disability of their sex? 
 An American woman, a graduate of Boston Uni- 
 versity perhaps with property and certainly with 
 brains— is she to see the navvy, descended from 
 long generations of serfs and himself a newcomer 
 on this continent, understanding our language but 
 little our institutions still less, casting his ballot, while 
 she must stand helpless by, because God made her a 
 woman' The specious talk about women being repre- 
 sented by their fathers, husbands, brothers or sons 
 reminds one of the contention a hundred years ago that 
 the American colonists were virtually represented in the 
 House of Parliament; this met its well-deserved doom at 
 the mouth of the cannon, the edge of the sword; is the 
 other, still heard even in the cradle of the Revolution, 
 more in accord with reason and justice? In the present 
 system in some lands the woman can exercise an influ- 
 ence onlv as did the slave in the Roman times and later 
 —coax but not persuade; wheedle, but not argue; talk, 
 but not act. I do not say that this is wrong— many 
 of the grandest women the world ever saw think it is 
 11 
 
right. The question must be settled not by prejudice 
 or appeals to old-established rules and customs, but by 
 reason, by arguments based upon justice and eternal 
 right. Whatever be the view one may entertain, he 
 should support it by reasoning which appeals to the intel- 
 ligence — and to that kind of reasoning women are as 
 responsive as men, for they are to at least as great an 
 extent as men intelligent beings. They who settle — 
 and settle right — this are as deserving as the Fathers 
 who settled right the question of the government of the 
 thirteen colonies — and it will not down until it 's settled 
 and settled right. 
 
 Not long ago, 1 asked the students of another Amer- 
 ican University to answer for themselves certain ques- 
 tions, (i have no opinion on these and have no right to 
 express it if I had, for I am not an American citizen) : 
 " Is the Democrat a traitor to business prosperity ? And 
 is the Republican a traitor to the consumer? Is the Pro- 
 gressive a wild-eyed, impossible enthusiast? Is the 
 Standpatter tied hand and foot to ' the interests ' ? Is the 
 President of the United States a receiver of stolen goods 
 and Wilson the nominee of the Trusts? Is Colonel 
 Roosevelt a self-seeking demagogue who would break up 
 a historic party for his own selfish ambition? Is the 
 Bull Moose nothing but a big overgrown bully who 
 thinks of nothing but himself and cannot keep away 
 from the light however fatal that may be, or is he a 
 noble creature, king of forest ; nd plain, splendidly show- 
 ing the way for the w caker to follow ?" Some of these 
 questions may have been answered or may have 
 answered themselves since they were first asked nine- 
 teen months ago; but the like grave and important ques- 
 tions are still pending, and must in the nature of things 
 arise from time to time. They must be answered in some 
 way in fact and in deed, if not in word. Where are the 
 men and women v/ho will show how they should be 
 answered? They should be here; and it was not he who 
 hid his talent in a napkin that received the Master's word 
 "Wei done, good and faithful servant." 
 
 I have said nothing of religion. I know that this 
 University is a Christian University, that religion is of 
 
 13 
 
its very essence; that non-sectarian as it is, it does not 
 look with indifference and unconcern upon the spiritual 
 state of its students. Nevertheless, I have thought it 
 well not to cite the teachings of our holy religion, but to 
 address you purely from a secular standpoint. If, in- 
 deed, pure religion and undefiled were the mistress of 
 thought and action, nothing I have said needed saying. 
 /• ;i the national questions which have been suggested, 
 important as they are. pale almost into insignificance 
 compared with the greater question which has tortured 
 the world from times primeval. Our. intra-national ques- 
 tions we can settle by the ballot, disputes between man 
 and man we can settle by the Courts or by arbitration; 
 how are we to settle international questions, disputes 
 between nation and nation? Nature, red in tooth and 
 claw, shrieks loudly "the survival of the fittest" — not the 
 best and noblest, but the strongest, the best fitted to the 
 environment. In a very real sense " the whole creation 
 groaneth and travaileth in pain." If nature were the 
 last word of God as she is the first, we must needs bow; 
 SIC volo, sic jubeo, stat pro ratione voluntas; but the 
 natural man, the carnal mind is enmity against God; the 
 moral and ultimate governor cannot be as the brute crea- 
 tion; He must be as our highest thought demands. 
 
 Nothing can be good in Him 
 Which evil is in me, 
 
 and blood and agony and death cannot be the final argu- 
 ment. Might never yet made right. 
 
 The savage, unbridled by reason and justice, vindi- 
 cates his right by his own strong arm. Too often the 
 savage remains imbedded in the nation, and what it 
 wishes it takes. It is the glory of modern civilization 
 that all questions between individuals shall be settled 
 by an impartial tribunal on rules based upon the eternal 
 principles of justice and right. No personal pride or 
 sence of personal honour justifies an individual with- 
 drawing himself from the jurisdiction of that tribunal. 
 How do we settle questions between peoples? and do we 
 not sometimes think and say that national pride, national 
 
 13 
 
honour demands force and justifies withdrawal of the 
 national cause from all international adjudication? 
 
 I am not a peace-at-any-price man; war in my view 
 is unhappily sometimes not only a right but even a duty. 
 A standing army and a navy constitute, in the existing 
 stPte of humanity, a safeguard like a police force. In 
 the general case, however, of international disputes, war 
 can no more be necessary than it is necessary for two 
 persons who have a dispute to fight it out with lance or 
 club as was the custom centuries ago in England. 
 
 Your country and mine a hundred years ago were at 
 war — a war againot which this State, the mother of 
 heroes, protested and voted as long as she could, a war 
 which came near to rending the Union in twain, a war 
 which retarded the development of my Province more 
 than a quarter of a century. I do not mean to go into 
 the causes of that war; some of them may yet be obscure, 
 and the whole story may not yet have been told. iNeither 
 shall I dwell upon the indirect results of the war, co-Jly, 
 bloody as it was. Just about a century ago, American 
 soldiers were burning the Capital of Upper Canada and 
 destroying the Parliament Buildings and Public Library 
 there kicking the volumes along the streets of York; 
 British soldiers were destroying the Capitol at Washing- 
 ton Goth and Vandal were not much worse, and yet 
 it was the logic of war. Both peoples got tired of the 
 fratricidal struggle and both agreed to leave off as they 
 had begun. The war settled nothing; each set of nego- 
 tiators thought they had secured— and they had secured 
 —a triumph when they got the other side to refrain from 
 insisting upon stipulations which would modify the 
 status quo ante bellum. 
 
 We have four thousand miles of international boun- 
 dary without a soldier or a fortification; we have thou- 
 sands of square miles of international waters for nearly 
 a hundred years unpolluted by the keel of a ship of war. 
 During that hundred years there have never been dith- 
 culties so great— and there have been great diBiculties— 
 never controversies so acute— and there have been acute 
 controversies — never misunderstandings, charges ot 
 
 14 
 
wronK and recriminations, heart burnings and bitter 
 resentment so overpowering, and all these there have 
 been and too often, that it was necessary for brother to 
 raise up his hand against brother and dye his hand in a 
 brother's blood. 
 
 Leaving aside the settlement of the boundary at the 
 St. Croix River, and the mutual claims of American and 
 Briton settled under Jay's Treaty of 1794, for these 
 were before the War, we have since that war by peaceful 
 means, means at least analogous to a Court, settled the 
 boundary at Passamaquoddy Bay, along the Great 
 Lakes and International Rivers, at Vancouver Island, at 
 Alaska, the obligation to pay for runaway slaves taki.ig 
 refuge under the folds of the Union Jack and refusing 
 to return to the land of the free and the home of the 
 brave, for they knew that in all the broad land there was 
 no place where they might be free, none where for them 
 to be brave was not torture and ignominious death; th; 
 right of American fishermen to take cod, of Canadian 
 sealers to take seal, what the United States should pav 
 for land belonging to British subjects, for Hsh taken in 
 British waters, what Britain should pay for American 
 si ips wrongly taken, and for her defective municipal 
 I.Tws allowing i!'c escape of a Confederate cruiser. All 
 these and more by arbitration; diplomacy settled the 
 north-eastern boundary, after arbitration failed, and the 
 boundary from the Lakes to the Pacific after threat of 
 war (though " Fifty-four forty or fight " may have only 
 been an election cry). 
 
 Loud cries of injured national honour, of infringe- 
 ment of national territory, were beard on either side of 
 the line; but the plain common-scnse, the Christian senti- 
 ment of the mass of the peoples stilled the cry of the 
 jingo, and war was not. 
 
 The example of two such nations as these might well 
 he followed by others, and in good time it must and will 
 be followed. No doubt the watchman on the tower 
 will often bear the anxious question, " Watchman, what 
 of the night?" before, looking eastward he can say, 
 "The morning cometh," without adding "and also the 
 
 15 
 
niRht." But that answer will be made Weary hearts 
 looking for world peace will again and again be sad- 
 dened by wars and rumours of wars; but these must 
 cease at length. Christ died upon the tree to save man- 
 kind, and nineteen centuries after his sacrifice but the 
 fringe of heathendom has heard the good news, yet his 
 kingdom is secure, his throne as the days of Heaven. 
 
 Even if there is not to be a world peace, there may 
 at least be peace so far as your great nation is con- 
 cerned The United States does not need to show its 
 Dower its glory is gained and is imperishable, it can be 
 5imrnished^only bylhe United States itself; the a truism 
 exh Sited in the case of Cuba, the ardent love of peace 
 exK S ed in bringing about the Conference and freaty 
 of Portsmouth, the self-restraint ^^hen goaded by petty 
 shafts of malice launched by the m.schief-seekng and 
 infuries brought about by those desiring war, all are to 
 
 "'Xt'the graduates of Boston University to aid in 
 maintling fhe high standard set by {heir country^are 
 they to seek peace and ensue it? It so, they must 
 receive the blessing pro.^unced on the Mount upon the 
 
 "'ThTst not always easy; the poetry, the glamour, the 
 romance o,' war is part of our common inheritance We 
 arrfiehting animals by instinct, our literature is full o 
 battle^ and^^the successful general becomes the Pres.den 
 nr the DODular hero. Peace is tame and prosaic, i 
 aoDealsZ to he eye or ear, and it needs a strong heart 
 ?o'^reasure it despite the blare of trumpets and flash 
 
 °' X?vet it must triumph or all moral governance of 
 the Unl/erle is impossible' Far. far back the Hebrew 
 nroDhet saw what must come to pass, unless there is 
 nothing bSrWind chance. " The government sbaU be 
 unon His shoulder, and His name shaU be called Won- 
 derful . The Prince of Peace Of the increase of 
 His government and peace there shall be no end _ . . ■ 
 The zeal of the Lord of Hosts will perform this. 
 Do you believe it, and will you do your share.-' 
 
 10 
 
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