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THE GLOBE rKINTLXG COMPANY 1882. -i ■7 67 />i2 202662 tr\dctt..v-twn, liy TilK ))are a luoinoirof the Into Hon. IiKOIuje l5is(»\v.N, tin- writer drsircd to prcst'iit to the i)ul)lit' a faithful r(>[in'Kctitatioii or his character in a personal and |» ulilic 8«mKC hut mam \y to kIi lovv Ins positutn as a r«'j»r(!scntativc or the jM'oj)h It was naturally supposed at the tinn- of Mr. Urown's ersonal ac(|uaintance, and a political connection of more than a tpiarter of a century, have enaliled the writer to supply to some extent what was found to 1k^ wantijig ; if the infoi-mation availalde on some sulijects is not tiuite as exact as would !«• desirahle, no opinions are expressed or conclusions arrived at which are not fully Justitied l»y wliiit is kn(»wn. No atteiii|)t lias lieeii made to record, in IJoswellian style, jietty incideul.-. .md events in which Mr. Urown Wore some part ; the iritention was lathei' to present such a general view of his character, and the puhlic events in which he figured .so prominently, as would he rea.sonal»ly satis factory to the puhlic generally, but especially to those with whom he was jtcrsonally pojmlar. Mr. Brown's eventful life, and his position in Canada as a political leader, made it almost indispensable that .some one should place on record the share he had in securing constitutional changes which made Canada a homt; of civil and religious equality and iT PREFACE. lilMjrty, in such a manner as would do some measure of justice to his chuructrr us u tru«) patriot. The writer regrets; that this duty did not fall into more compi^tent hands, and that a more graphic picture should not he prescuitftd of one who was so de«erve(ily popular, and who gave so much of his life and strength, us a Jour- nalist and politician, to combating puhlic wrongs, and cstahlishing a new constitution emitodying just principles of government. It is always a diHicult task to write contemporary history. That ditliculty had to be encounten'd in the present work. Other actors in the events described, who are still b«'fore the public, may be unwilling to accept the position assigned them. The wriUT would regn^t exceedingly if any of his remarks should, by any such persons, be considen'd ofli-nsive or out of jilace. The duty of the biograi)her of Mr. lirown is, however, while dealing fairly with others whose names or acts must be mentioned, to pre.sent a faithful }iicture of him as lie was, antl his services as they were, and (les(U'ved to be estimated by the public, uncaring wheth(«r this course should lead to censure or approval on the part of those whose paths wero crossed by the departed statesman during his lifetime. The asperities engendered amongst public men in Canada, strong as they Imvc bcrn, are not so bitti'r but that it may l)e assumed tiiat Mr. lirown's contemjiorary opponents will be dis- posed to look kindly on the record of one who was always an honourable foe and a faithful personal friend. A long continuance of ill health, which necessitated many months' enforced absence; from any labour, has alone delayed the eomph-tion of this memoir, which at tir.st the writer hoped to accomplish within a few months. ToKONTo, August, 1882. CONTENTS. INTROprrTION: State (if I'lilitical AlTiiii-A in Ciiiiadii on Mr. Hrdwn'H arrival in 1843 1 HI(>rjRAF»HY: (Jhai'tkh r. Mr. Bmwn'H Early History- KHtaMislnnont of the Ololw NtiwHitapor 9 CuAiTKH II.- Ri'fonn Miiiihtry of 1848 Mr. Hrown i>roBo- cut»»(l for LiI)ol 15 Chaptkr III. — TIh! Ri'licllion Lossca Bill — Mr. Brown (Uifends Lord El<,'in 18 Chaitku F v.- Mr. Brown donouncea the Ministry — Lottors to Mr. Hinoks 22 Chaitk.k v.- Cler},'y lluaervoM, Rectory En8 till' Aei|iiiHiti<>ii of the Ntn-tli-WuHt 'rtiiritory - Witlnliawiil from tho (irniiiuiit -Oonft>«lumtiMii AcctmipliHluMl 102 CiiAi'TKU XVIII iMr. Hi'iiwh'm wmk in ucliifviii;^ Roli- gidiiH Ki|tiiilily iiiid Cnloniul ritiou -Ciiiti'himiihIoiicu with Dr. HyoiHitii 108 CiiAiTKit XIX. The Uefonii ('.mvi-iilioii <.f 1867 lU's... liitiiiii of 'riiiiiikH to Mr. lirowii— Mr. Itrowii a iteply 112 Chai'TKK XX.— Mr. lirowii uuiitesta Soulli Oiitnrio- Hid llow Park Farm His liiteri'st in Confodvration .... 117 (^HAi'TKK XXI. — Ltittur to thu Iloman Catholic Committee 122 CiiAiTKit XXII. Mr.Sauilfu'hl !VIaclic Meoting 169 I'nhlic Muotiny, Hnintford 169 I'uhlic Mitutinj,' iit Striitiimy 170 Colioui-j,' Ili'forni AHSotMiition 171 ilttfonn AsHociatioti, (lodurich 171 lliiniilton I'l'foriii AHHooiiition 172 HotliWL'll Town Coinicil 173 I'riniitivo Mutliodist (Jliurch Toronto Uiatrict 173 Port ElLfin Reform AHsofiiition 173 Toronto Rt'ft)rni Litoniry antl Ui-biitiiiy Cliil) 174 Calcdoniun Socioty, Toronto 174 County Council, Haldiniiind 175 hoard of Trad.-, Montreal 175 ( iiilt Reform CluW 176 .Mount Forest Town ('ouncil 176 Public Meetin;,'. Ilarriston . . 177 St. Andrew's Society, llarrie 177 West Elgin Reform A.ssociatioM 173 CoUingwood Town Coinicii 178 From Grip 178 Funeral Sermon, preached in St. James' Presbyterian Churcli, Toronto, on tiie Sabbatli after tlie Funeral, by the Rev. Dr. John King 180 Funeral Sermon, preached in St. .Andrew's Cliurcii, Sarnia, on Sunday morning, Ibtli May, 1880, by Rev. Mr. Thompson 186 CORRESPONDENCE : Letter to tlie Hon. J. Sandficld Macdonald (Aug. 16, 1854) 192 " Mr. Holion (Jan. 29, 1858) 193 •♦ " (Sept. 17, 1858) 195 " " (Julys, 1859) 196 " (May ?., 1861) 197 U^ < ' 1" mm i iii viii CONTENTS. CORRESPONDENCE-co».ii;.ued ; Letter to Mr. Holton (Feb. 19, 1862) 198 (May 29, 1862) 199 " " (Juno 2, 1862) 200 " " (Sept. 3, 1862) 202 " " (Jan. 5, 1863) 203 Letter to Mr. (Feb. 12, 1863) 204 (Marcli 7, 1863) 205 Ltitter to Mr. Holton (June 26, 1863) 206 " (Oct. 23, 1863) 207 " " (Jan. 19, 1864) 208 " " (Jan. 29, 1864) 209 " " (Feb. 6, 1864) 209 " " (Jan. 17, 1867) 210 " «* (May 13, 1867) 210 " " (July 5, 1867) 211 ExTRArT.s FROM Mr. Brown's Private Lettkr.s to a Rklative on thk Recu'Rocity Treaty Neodtt- ations conditted by him in 1874 212 Extracts fro.m Family CoRREsroNUEm;*: 217 SPEECHES: Anti-Clergy Reserve Meeting (1851) 241 Anti-Slavery Demonstration (1852) 252 Representation by Poi)ulation (1857) 262 Policy of the Brown-Dorion Administration (1858) 268 Anti-Slavery (1863) 286 Confederation Resolutions (1865) 299 The Reciprocity Negotiations (1875) 348 INDEX 375 ,,[ I ;^ INTRODUCTION Statk <»k I'oLiTirAL Akkairs in Canaka on Mk. Brown's Arrival in 1845. It is impossible to i)ro8ent any fair estimate of Mr. lirown's lift- and cliuractor, or to do justice to his niurits .is a public man, without dealiu'^ to a certain extent with the public questions in the discus sion of which he was engaged for thirty-six years. When Mr. JJrown first appeared in Caiuula tlie country had not recovered from the sliock and confusion caused l)y tlio ill-advised insurrectionary inove^nents of 1837-9. These movements wei»^ brought about by a (juarter of a century's niisgovernment at the hands of a small but compact body of men, whose jirofessed excessive loyalty to king anil church, though marred by an ablioirence of popular rights, had generally secured to them the support of the British (Jw "at the system which rendered it possible for a party who could com- " mand only a small minority in the i>opular bninch of the legislature "to continue tlieir grasp on the reins of power." Wild attacks on the leaders (jf the Canadian oligarchy (sinnetimes embracing the (Jovernor). and petitions to the Secretary of State for the colonies, on subjects which the Canadian people, left lo themselves, would have inunediately ptit right, were perhajts to be expected ; nor would it be just now to severely blame, or to blame at all, that mode of procedure ; but sucli a course only anticipated some temporaiy relief in some specific ciisic of injustice caused by a bad system of government, rather than louke retain in his own hands an amount of power and influence wholly inconsistenii with a system of responsible government. No vigorous etibrt was put forth anywhere to demand the inaugu- ration of the new system by a full recognition of its principles. The presence of Robert Baldwin and R. B. Sullivan in company withWra. H. Draper, in an orelinaiy administration, sufficiently indicated the compromise character of the principles which would goveni it in its administrative capacity, and also in its legislative programme. The attempt to nuvintain the old system under a new and attractive name was continued with varying success until the hnal rupture with Sir Charles Metcalfe, a few months after his arrival in Canada, by the proper action of his then ministers, who formed the tirst Liberal or Reform administration of Canada, although at least some of them showed by their subsequent action that they held their principles of popular government very lightly. It is hazarding little to say that the principles of responsible government were not well understood by the people, nor much insisted upon by their leaders up to this period, while the representatives of the Crown were either hostile to them or believed them inapplicable in their fulness to Canada. Lord John Russell announced at the time Mr. Poulett Thomson went out as iiox. cKoRc.E nmnvx. 3 governor, tliat "The ]iniioi|ial ofKces in the colony wouhl not he con- " sidered as heing hehl hy a tenure ere-union contlicts, and which it was undoubtedly the desire of Lord Sydenham and Sir Charles IJagot to extinguish. The bitterness of a previous dominant faction whose governing power had been necessarily destrojed by tlie new, though imperfect, system established after Lord Durham's visit, was as yet by no means uprooted. The remnants of this faction immediately attached them- selves to the skirts of the dt!3i)otic Goveruoi' : they felt that they had in)W a potential leader. They recalled former times when ihey " sat by the flesh pijts" and " did eat bread to the full,"' and lamented the evil days and pnnciples which brought them " forth into this " wilderness, to kill the whole assembly with Iiunger. ' This class were veiy zeah)us and, perhaps, in their own estimation, patriotic ; defend- ers of the usurpation of authority by His Excellency, they saw much to gain and nothing to losi^ by vigorously taking up his cause. At this time the restrictions wliich surrounded the exercise of the franchise limited very much the political power of the people, and corresp<, exhibited as bold and self- asserting a tone as ever. Combinations of clerical magnates and prominent lay disciples sitting in high jilaces, striving to secure ilenominaticmal superiority, if not supremacy, were constantly v.it- ncssed, and challenged the attention of all liberal patriijts. HON. (il'JUKSE liliOWX. f) The struggle for freed(»in in leliijioiw <|iU'Htiuns from statu conti-ol, which had boon many years iiiaintnined by tho majority in the Scottish national church, had just terminated in tlie aecoasion of that majority from tho eRtablishment. The conflict extended itself to tho Canadian presbyterian body, some members of which had accepted a share of tho clergy reserve funds, and had supplied a strong detachment to give a vig(»rous stipport to the Family Compact oligarchy. It was ver)- important that so intluential and numerous a body should range itself on the side of perfect religious ey the representative of the Crown in Canada ; but wo must remend)er that this was precisely the kind of action which up to a very late period connnanded the support of English ministers. So late as 1873 we find Lord Kind)erlcy gravely telling Lord Duti'erin tluvt he was to act without tlie advice of his ministers when he deemed it necessary. Mr. Brown ilid not conunit the opposite fault of denouncing tlie fountain of authority because of the wrong exercise of power by the n^presentative of the Crown in Canada, but ojjposed his action by a strictly constitutional appeal to the people, seconding in an etlective manner the action of the expelled ministers. While there could be no doubt as to tlie tinal issue in the miseemly struggle which the Governor-General forced upon the country, there remained much jmxiety as to the duration of the interregnum during whicli constitutional autliority would practically be suspended. The tinal disposal of great measures of reform, such as the clergy reserves and King's College ((uestiona, whicli had agitated the country !- ) hjng, were necessarily delayed. Tlie struggle for irresponsible power absorbed all the attention and exhausted the mental resources of the Govenioi -General and tlie imliecile administration which succeeded the government that resigned on September 30th, 1843. For over two months tliere was no minister but Mr. Dominick Daly, who agreed with his hite colleagues in all tlieir acts and measures, until they gave eifect to their principles by resigning, when he determined to remain in ortice. For the succeeding nine months the ministry consisted of Messrs. Viger, Daly and Draper. Practically there was no government until after the general election in the autumn of 1844. The Governor- General in the meantime defended himself as best he could by means of letters and pamphlets, some of wliich were written by one gentle- man who had once been a liberal M.P. , and who found his well known inordinate vanity gratified by defending the usuri»ing Governor. Some were written by a reverend gentleman whom few would have sus- pected of a willingness to defend conduct like Lord Metcalfe's. Both a;entlemen had in early days been warm defenders of popular rights, though now enlisted in the ranks of the defenders of absolutism. <)ne was shortly afterwards appointed to a highly lucrative office, and though it was vehemently asserted that the office was n their duinandH for tho repeal of the rnipc- rial Act, aiul tho ruHtonition to Canada of tho right to deal with the whdo question of religious endowments. Many ahle wiiters were engaged in the Examiner and other news- papers in eonihating the advocates of exclusive rights ; but it is doing them no injustice to sjiy, that tlie Messrs. Brown, senior and junior, were the most trenchant and accomplished writers wiio iiud yet appeared on the questions involved. The entire population of Canada West, in 1844, did not exceed 600,000. Ill one res{)ect it was much easier reaching them, as the population was generally congregated in districts comparatively easily reached by water. The large population now in the counties of Grey, Bruce and Simcoe, till a region tlien almost without an inhabitant. It was therefore nnich easier for a vigorous public man, by personal contact or through the press, to reach tlie mivss of the people than it is now even with the aid of railways. When Mr. Baldwin led the reform party he knew, more or less, nearly every man who took an active part in political discussion, and in an emergency — such as pro- paring for a sudden general election — he could connnunicate with most of them personally. Mr, Brown, as the chief journalist of the time and tlie coming leader, enjoyed the same advantage ; and it may be df)ubted wliether at a later period, wlieii the country was practically larger, even his indomitable energy could have resulted in accomplishing in so short a period the secularization of tlie clergy reserves, and later in securing rejiresentatitm by population and the adoption fif the federal system. It will be admitted by his warmest friends that the times favoured him as a great popular advocate ; and his bitterest enemies will e(|ually admit that he made a most admirable use of his abilities and influence ; Ijy which he left his mark in inef- faceable lines on the histoi'y of his adopted country. lit iiDS. (I Hour, K nnons. BIOGR A PH Y CHAPTER I. Mr. Bkown'h Eakly History. — Estabushmknt ok thk ''(Ilobh" NkWSI'AJ'KU. Mr. Brown was a nativu of Ediiiburgli, in wliich uity he was boni on the 29th of Noveinbor, 1818. Ho was the son of the late Peter I^rown, who lived many years in Toronto ; his niotlier was a daugliter of Mr. George Macken/.ie, of Stornoway, in tlie Ishmd of Lewis. Lord Brougham, in his autobiograpliy, tolls us that he helioves he was indebted to the Celtic blood inherited from his mother (who was a Robertson) for the energy and power of his charactei". He says : " If " Mary Wlielpdale had been my mother, she would, no doubt, have " enriched the Saxon blood 1 derived from my father ; but \ should " have remained in the state of respectable mediocrity which seems *' to have l)een that of my many ancestors. ... I at least t)we " much to the Celtic blood which my mother brought from the clans " of Struan and Kinloch Moidart." Similarly we may as.sume that Mr. Brown derived nmch of liis energy, p(twer and religious zeal from his half Celtic origin ; these (pialities he possessed in an eminent degree, united with the proverbial caution and prudence of the Low- lander. Ycjung Brown received his eubiicati(m of a news- paper of liis own, under tho name of the HrHish i'fuonlrtr, aTid Mr. (icorge Brown first became known to the public as its publisher. The new journal first appeared in the month of December, 1842. It jjrofessed to have the same general character as the All>i<>>t, but it was doubtful if there was room for two papers of the same class. Tho Citron irir, was probably looketl Upon more as an organ of the Scottish poi)ulation than the Albion, but both jourjials had necessarily to take, in a general way, the same line in I'egard to British and I'nitcd States' afi'airs, and api>eal for support to the same constituency. The neces- sity for advertising and obtaining sujiport for the Chronicle, led Mr. Brown to visit Canada in 1843, as well as most t)f tho northern States. .\t this time the agitation in the Presbyterian church, in Scothuid, which led to that grand politico-religious movi'ment termed " The Disruption," liad extended itself to Canada. The Messrs. Brf)wn, father and son, were ardent adherents of the " Non-intrusion' party, but were also nnich in advance of the bulk of the Free Church party in the matter of church establishments. The greater part of the IVesbyteriana in Canada deeply sympathized with the popular party in Scotland, and were considering the necessity of formulating their ▼lews, even if it should split the church here. The arrangement made some years previously with the Toiy oligarchy ruling Canada, by which certain Presbyterian ministers received a share of tho clergy reserves, and thereupon ceased the agitation against the pensioning of English Church ministers from the national lands, was never approved by the mass of their people. The articles in tlie (■hronlric suited the majority, and paved the way for Mr. Brown's favourable reception when ho came to Canada in the interests of his journal. It was therefore natural that some anxiety should be felt to procure the establishment of the paper in the province where such important movements were on fr coiitinlliiii^' pnl>lio npiniuii. Thu liberal party wiiH in powor, Init lii>oral principles cnnld hardly be said to be in thu ascendancy, wiiilu thu obstinatu resiHtancu to thu principles of responsible goverinnunt of the (Jovernor-liuneral, Sir Oiarles Metcalfe (soon to cause an open niptnre with his ministers), made progress with nuasines of reform ditlicidt, if not ntterly impos- sible. There can be no doubt that at thu time of Mr. Hrown's visit to Canada, ministers must iiavu had a taste of Sir Charles Metcalfe's hos- tilit}' to poimlar i^overnment, and even then wert> aiiticipatiiij^ open war from the Uovernor-Cieneral. Some of the ministers were nolile, devoted men ; some others were able men, who would carry out reform measures, if they convenicnitly could ; others were mere time-servers, ready to serve on either side, as some did. At the time of Mr. Hrown's visit there was an inider- current of belief that an open rupture with Sir Charles Metcalfe could not be lon;^ avoided, nidess resi)onsil)le jjovernment was, with tin; con- sent of ministers, to be trampled underfoot. Althou;.{h there was no formal aj,'reement or understanding arrived at butwuen Mr. Ihown and Mr. Baldwin and others about publishim,' a papei -n Canada in the interests of the liberal party, there is no doubt but what Mr. Brown left for New York im[iressed with the belief tliat he should move permanently to the British Provinces, and that the liberal leaders would like to have his services as a journalist to aid them. The biograiihical sketch published in the dltihi' says : " Yonn<,' Mr. Brown " made a decided impression on the members of ti e admini.stration, " and had given them the idea that he would be a potent ally of any •' p(ditical cause to which he might attach himself. . . . And " when he left Kingston, he must liave felt that, in the event of iiis " taking up his abode in this country, he could count i>n a pretty " strong support from the government." As the result of deliberations on the subject, and of further ovei- tures from Canada, the publication of the lirifish ( hfiniiiir in New York was given uj), and Mr. Brown, with his fatlier and family, moved to Toronto, where tlie Bantwr made its appearance on the 18th of August, 1843, as a weekly paper, as an organ of the Free Church party, and partly as a [laper strongly supporting the liberal party and the existing administration. The anticipated rupture with Sir Charles Metcalfe occurred a few weeks after the liivmer appeared. His minis- ters resigned on his refusal to accept their advice respecting appoint- ments. It was clear that thu battle for responsible government had to be fought over again, before much attention could be devoted to internal and detailed reffirms, however important. m ♦ U ■14 !l r • 5< ill Hi IS LIFK AND srKKC/lKS HF m Mr. Hrown, throiifjli thu coIuiiiiih of tlio liitniuT, thruw liinmulf into the coiitlict witli nil iii-s iiniuoiiHo ciut}^, liiit it noon hucniiio apparunt, to hiiiiHtilf niul othurs, thut tluH joiirnul could not airry on thu win- with tho EniHtian party in thu church, and tight Lord Metcalfu and his clerical and lay HU|>porti'rH at thu fuiuiu tiiuu. Thu nucesHity for a puruly political papur wuh urgent, and thu loading niun of thu i>arty prusHtMl Mr. Itrown on thu Huhjuct. Thu runult wuh that thu pulilioa- tion of thu (ilohf woH luidurtakun, and thu tirut nundxu' wuh isHUud on thu 5th of March, 1844. Thu (tlohc proHpectUH had tliu following paragraph: "Thu widu circulation of thu lUimivr Iwih brought itn '' political views genurally buforu thu public, but in a paper in which " BO large a part is duvotcd to religious and uccUmiafltical information, ' it wiis iinposaiblu to do juHtiue to thuHu viewH. Thu sainu i>olitical '' opiniouH will bu niaintainud in the (tluhr, and a widur tiuld atl'ordud " for thu expression of them, as it will bu entirely devoted to secular ■'subjects." The //(tH/((!r was published by Mr. Hrown, senior, for several years after the first publication enitrHl luiil liiH iqtolom'iHtH, thiit tlii'y iiiiiKt liavi' fi'lt (hut Kiich a course foiild mvir bi; atti'mpted iij^iiin. Hiid tliiit II ri'turn to Hound loiiHtitiitioiiiil priniiplu wiih iiii'vitiibli'. Tlio m'l'vin'K rundt'ivd by Mr. IJrowii in tlio cobining of tl»c> dUiin wcrt' HO wi'll iiitprociiitod, tliiit lio wan pn-HHod to boconiu a candidutc at t!i(! f,'(iKral oliH.tioii of Novi-inbcr, 1844. Thiw hi- \visily di-ilinod. for personal and political ruaHonH. Hi- fult then, iih lio did on a latir occiiHion, to which rofcronci' will be made, that ho oouM more olfic- tiiiUly aid tlie liberal party by inlliuiicin^ piiblii; ojiinion throiicrh the pn^HH. Tlie (liiihv wan not wholly a political journal ; its rtputation an a newspaper, though hi-^h, had yet ;<■ be fully estaldished ; it would therefore necesnarily bo niuuh injured at that time by its ihief editor devoting him.self to the le^jislative w< rk of the province. Thi' Draper adiiiinistiation managed to nlitain a bau^ majority, and niaintained a precinioiiH existiiice until tiie general electit>n in 1847. Thi! country was, in the nieantiino, being much agitated by the tactics and policy of the governnieiit. Mr. lirowii was a chief instrument in workinj; up a public opinion, which was gradually boooniing extremely hostile to the ministry. From 1844 to 1847 ho travelled over a great portion of the country, and soon established intimato relations with loading men in all (|Uarters, and also a coirespondeiice, which gave him more accurate information than could bo i)btainoil by any ono else of the drift of public opinion. Tho circulation of tho (ihilw was greatly exteiidoil ; a .sciiiii-wookly issue was commenced in 1846, soon to be succeedetl by a tri-weekly in 1849 ; and a branch paper, under the name of the Wvaivrn (llolir. wi'.s established in London. In 1849, Mr. Brown was prosecuted at London for libol, by tlie late .Judge Prince at that time member for Esse.v. IMr. Prince, though only partially Buceossful in the suit, admired Mr. Ihown's ability, and becaino hit fast friend, as the following sympathetic letter will abundantly show : TiiK I'AiiK Faiim, tith Marcii, l.SfKS. My 1 >KAK SiK, I cannot refrain from writing a few lines to congratulntt- you upon the uoiir.se you have takin to protect yourself agaiiisi tlie iiiiaiiioiis conduct of that . . . Attoniey-tieneral Macdoiiald towards you, and to bring him to condign censure and disgrace. AsalJiiton, 1 am proud to witness your manly conduct, and that you so stoutly re8ist»?d the tenders of some puny Icyislators to give way. Kvery one \\ 14 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF friend John Wilson is one of them. You have acquitted yourself admir- ably in tlie matter. Go on, ami tlie country will sustain you ; and Macdonald could not promote your popularity more than by taking the course he has. I remain, my Dear Sir, sincerely yours, John Princk. To (JKoiuiK Hkown, Ks<|., M.I'. p., Toronto. When the general election took place late in 1847 and in January, 1848, Mr. Hrown devoted all his eli'orts as a .speaker and writer towards the defeat of tiio ministry. Many of his speeches delivered then on helialf of liberal candidates, are still remembered by tliose who heard them as being the most ofl'ective they liad ever listened to. Ho had a singular power in rousing entliusiasm in a popular assend)ly, and very few cared to encounter the tremendous tide of his rhetoric. This election campaign fully established las reputation as ime of the fore- most men in Canada both as a speaker and writer, ami then and ever afterwards he could have obtained a seat in parliament for many of the constituencies. Up to the triumph of the liberals at this election, Mr. Brown and the regular liberal leaders worked generally harmoni- ously together. They were all engaged in an ardent attem])t to secure, not the form alone, but the essence and spirit of I'esponsible govern- ment. Tliere could be no (juestion as to the C(nulei;ination of Lord Metcalfe's acts and i)olic}' with any reformers (unless, indeed, we except those who went over to the enemy, but who atl'ected to defend it as liberals, to whom allusit)n has .already been made). Points of disagreement, which subsequently became vital, had as yet no exist- ence. A common danger to the Hrst principles of representative government kei^t all reformers together. All were supposed to be agreed i>n certain great reforms as yet untouched, especially the secu- larization of tlie clergy reserves and King's College, Toronto. HON. ah'o. BltoWW. 15 M CHAPTER II. Refokm Ministky of 1848. — Mr. Bkowx Prosecuted for Libku Mr. Brown and the countiy were soon to learn that some of the leaders liad not courage to carry out their convictions, that some others hesitated about the ])rilicy and would not step over the Rubicon, and tliat some were actually hostile. Seldom had any country before witnessed the spectacle of party leaders being returned to power by the people l)y a large majcnity, to carry out certain specific reforms and to give effect ti> certain principles, and such leaders hesitating or refusing to introduce the measures they were bound by their principles and pledges to cany, as they could carry, in a friendly parliament. They seemed to forget tliat the ante-electoral l^attle was not fought to place Mr. Baldwin, Mr. Laf(jntaine, and their subseijuent associates, in power, but as means to a great public end ; the end being the passage of measures in parliament which would restore to the peoi)le projjcrty which had been seized by a sect or sects, and to abolish every appear- ance of a dominant cluircli. Other fundamental reforms relating to tlie franchise and electoral laws, municipal government, tlie marriage laws and other more or less important measures, were also reasDuably expected by the people. On such questions the mass of the people would have no compromise ; there could be no compromise witli honest men. Either it was right or it was wrong that C' ^ain sects sliould have a supremacy l)y law ; if wrong, it must be put an end to ; and few but the beneticiaries were disposed to defend the absurd and wicked policy which sought to impose an establislied cliurch on Canada, and so introduce the discord and constant agitation which prevailed in the mother land. Parliament was summoned to meet on the 25th day of February, being about a mouth after tlie return of the writs. Of course, every one knew that although the conservative government determined to meet parliament, they were ignominiously beaten at the polls.* The liberal leaders knew eijually well that they would have to assume the responsibilities of ottice, and that tliis carried with it the respon- sibility, to the people who placed them there, of cariying into effect * The conservative press and leaders, in 1S78, joined in vigorous denunciation of Mr. Maclienzie's srovernnieiit rcniainin); in oHlce from tlie polling day, Sept. 18th, to October 10th, a period sufficiently short to Pnish up business ; imt in this case, the spectacle o conservatives retaining office for three mouths, after sustaining a decisive defeat at the pollB, attracted no censure. ^![ 10 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF the measures already alluded to, as cnntaining tlie just and pi'oper demands of the nation, the advocacy of which was to give them power and authority. It appeared, however, from the first that no agreement had been arrived at for a decisive policy. Tlie new reform ministry was formed on the 10th of March, and consisted of Messrs. Lafontaine, Baldwin, Sullivan, Hincks, Aylwin, Lesslie, Caron, i*rice, Viger, Tache and Cameron. Wliile much important legislation was accomplished in this session, none of the burning (juestions alluded to were touched. The great mass of ministerial supporters were, however, disposed to consider it as not very unreasonable that ministers should have time during the first recess to consider their measures, and therefore waited patiently. In 1849 Mr. Brown accepted an appointment as one of the com- missioners instructed to iiK^uire into the management of the Provincial Penit(!ntiary, also acting as secretary. This institution had been left almowt entirely to the care of Mr. Smith, the warden, without a suffi- cient inspectiem by some competent officer. It was charged that many prisoners were cruelly used ; that extensive tran8acti(ms in the business affairs had been grossly nusmanaged ; that the institutitjn liadbeen made a comfortable resort for relatives of the warden ; and uhat the funds placed at his disposal for the accfjunts had, to a greater or less extent, been improperly a[)plied to other objects. The result of the inquiry was to establish the truth of many of the charges, if not all, and the conse(pient removal of tlie wardtin. The son of th.at gentleman (Sir Henry Smith) tat in parliament :is member for Frontenac. He bitterly resented the exposure made, and laid the report chiefly at the door of the active secretary, whom he never ceased to attack when opportunity oficred. The report, liowever, was looked upcm by the public as an able and exhaustive one, and the conclusions and reconmiendations as the just and inevitable outcome of facts elicited during the incjuiiy. Many yeai's afterwards this repoit was made the occasiut a crimin.il information against him for copying some injurious ccmunents on him in the capacity of Crown counsel, and for some criticisms afterwards indulged in at the Colonel's expense. The offensive articles appeared in an edition of the Globe, published in London as the Wcderu Globe, late in 1847. He was indicted in 1848, but it wns not until May 1849 that he was brought to trial. On this as on subseipient occasions ho defended himself. His cross-examination of the gallant Colonel was one of the most amusing court scones ever witnessed in Canada. At that time the law of libel in Canada wjis most unjust, and behind that of England. A defendant HON. UKoHdE nnoWN. i: was not allowed to ploail the truth of the libellous allegations as a justi- Kcation, nor was he allowed to examine the prosecutor or plaintill' on matters of difference which may have led uj) to the motive for com- mencing the prosecution. In this case tlie indictment was in throe counts. The first was having publislied evidence at some trial which reflected on the Colonel ; the second and third counts were grounded on criticisms on Mr. Prince's conduct in a subsetjuent paper. Mr. Brown boldly threw away all technical grounds of defence, admitting the publication, and defended himself on the merits of his case, a perilous course to pursue in the then state of the law. He derived no benefit from proving liis case. He was stopped by the .ludge when h.; ventured to broaden liis defensive ground by examining the prosecutor as to the ditferences of opinion which led him to seek satisfaction in a libel suit. Colonel Prince had been elected by the reformers as a reformer in 1847, but soon went to the other side, for wliich action tjie Glt)be had paid liim .some unwelcome attention. Tliis was probably the real cause of the ofi'ence. Mr. Brown conducted his case with great ability for a layman, and addressed tlie jury in a speech of great power. The juiy acquitted him on the fir.st count, but found him guilty on tlie second and third counts, as they were compelled to do by the charge of the. Judge. He was sentenced to pay a fine 1)liged to divert public money to reward rebels. The real reason was Lord Elgin's refusal to make liimself, as his predecessor had done, the tool (jf the Tory party, and tiiis bill was selected as the most profitable to raise an issue ui)on, as its scope could be .so easily misrepresented. Mr. Br(/wn's share in encountering the riotous obstructionists was a large and prominent one. His chivalrous nature would at once lead him to defend the person of the Governor-General, but he felt that afar UKjre important interest was at stake. Tlie question whether a ccjnstitutional system (jf government, with ministers responsible to parliament, could exist in Canada or not, Ciime up. " The first really efhcient and "working government that Canada had had since the Union" (to use Lord Elgin's words) was t'lssailed by force. The most seditious language was used towards the Governor. No greater crisis could have arisen. The party who then assailed Governor and ministers with violence, who defied the solenni decision of parliament, liad succeeded six years before, with a Govern: )r-General wlio was a suitable instru- ment, in destroying parliamentary government for a time before there had been time to fairly develop its principles. Had they succeeded in securing the recall of Lord Elgin, and, as a necessary conse([uence, the disallowance of the Rebellion Losses Bill, another severe blow would be struck at parliamentai-y or responsible government. As Mr. Brown stated at the time, " all such attempts to damage the new system '* must be put down with a strong hand, and free action be accorded •■to it." The violence and insults ottered to the Queen's represen- tative were to be at once resented and deplored. But the " ark of " tV - constitution" had to be defended first of all, as the peace and !;.ii.ppincss of the whole people depended on its preservation, especially . the defence of the one implied and necessitated the defence of th« otner. The Montreal disturbances ultimately gave birth to a new organi- zation under the name af " The Briti.sh North American League. " This association was a (^ueer mixture of Tories and Annexationists, \ HON. HKiiRQE H/!()WN. 21 and comprised all the* disiii»pi>iiiti'(l itiiiis. Like KiiiLC David's famous army at the Cave i>i Adullaiu. " Pjvery one that was in distress, and " eveiy one tliat was in debt, and everyone tiiat was discontented, "gathered themselves" to tlie meetings uf the League. Tim (i I ohc, and liberal journals generally, greeted the new ixditieal mongrel with a storm of ridicule. They nere dubbed " Children of the Sun." After one brief attempt to ofi'ect s onietliiug l>y tlieir meeting at Kingston, the concei'n collapsed from the slieer rottenness of its material. They advocated extreme Toryism, extreme disloyaltj', and tinally threatened to drive the French into the sea. Tlie clumsy attempt at revolution had failed. The Governor- General had proved himself a true constitutional ruler. By his moder- ation, firnniess and prudence, he had averted serious dangers while giving full eli'ect to the new sj'.stem of goverinuent. Long before the close of the year many of his opponents showed they were ashamed of their conduct towards him ; and he ultimately left Canada one of the most popular Governors that ever held sway over it, and proljably the ablest of them all. 22 /.//•'/•: AND SI'KtX'IIKS OF CHAPTEH IV. Mr. liRow.N Dknoimks thk Ministry.- LKrrKRs t<> Mh. Hin<;ks. Mr. Brown, in tlio Ulnln articles, also took tliis viuw of the uiiniH- terial position rcspucting tho non-iutroduution of niea-iurea to settle tlie questions (lisciisHed at the elections in 1847, that some inoro time should have been allowed, but at the same time kept up the fire of iigitation (m the.se (piestions, whicli at no distant day bore fruit, in forcing legislation upon them, tliough at tliee.\pense of the disniption of the liberal \>iwiy. The writer thinks Mr. Brown showed to(( much indulgence in tliis matter. There is no doubt but that the si^inencss of the libend leaders at this time laid the foundation of the dissensions which were to rend the party asunder at no distant day. It would be Urn much to say that tlieir inaction was due to treachery, but it is impos.sible to avoid the conclusion that their cimrse had all the effect, on public ((uestions to wliich the party were com- mitted and on the party itself, which deliberate treachery would pro- duce. Some of the leaders subse(juently went over bodily to the conservative party, .softening their action by dubbing the party they acceded to as a coalition. The smaller minds slipj)ed backward into the Torj' line.s, with the words " Baldwin Reformer" pinned (ju their breasts or painted on their backs. These people had none of the high character belonging to Mr. lialdwin ; tiiey were not actuated Vjy his unselfish spirit and devotion to the public interests generally ; but they grasped his political blunders, and considered themselves sutticiently clothed therewith. Probably they were right. Some important sections of tlie party, however, notably ilviExamhwr newspaper, refused to endorse or condone the passive attitude of ministers, and bitterly assailed them as being untrue to their promises. Mr. Brown, for a considerable time, defended ministers, no doubt believing that the delay was caused by unforeseen obstacles, and having faith in the men individually who composed the ministry. This defence, mild as it was, drew, not unreasonably, some censure on Mr. Brown from many reformers, who ci>uld not and would not excuse the apparently needless delay ; and Mr. Brown never entirely regained the confidence of some f>f the discontents, who thought he defended the ministry too long. Before the second session was over, it became evident that a serious break would soon take place in the reform raixks, unless the govern- HON. UEnlidt: /(/{OWN. 23 hi ment hIiouIcI adopt a Ixild and vigorous policy should, in a word, fulfil tlioir promises. It becauio known also, that one of tliu ditlicultios lay in tho dotorniination of tho leading Friincli liberals not to assent to the secularizjition of the clergy reserves. This was a most unexpected obstacle, and naturally had to be seriously consid(?red by the govern- ment and the newspapers sujjporting them. It has been claimed that this alone was a suthcient reason for ministerial delays. While this cannot be admitted, it must be allowed that so unexpected an embar- rassment naturally would have postponed action for the Hrst session, but only that. At the same time, it was impossible for the liberals of Canada West to consent to any compromise on this (piestion which would admit of any church, with the national sanction, express or implied, assuming the status of an established or dominant church. The demand was imperative that all denominations t)f Clu-istians must stand e([Ual in the eye of the law. It was, however, the duty of lead- ing men, not only in the interest of the liberal party but also in the general interests, to avoid, if possible, a split, which would liave the ett'ect of restoiing the Tory party to power, and so retarding for a time the triumph of the voluntary principle, and the adopticm of liberal measures generally. The reluctanct! of Mr. Brown t{» break with the government was sutticiently shown l)y the attacks made upon him in some liberal journals for supporting the ministry, not- withstanding their apparent infidelity to jirofesscd principles, while he was endeavouring to inHuence the ministers to a right course without an open rupture. The accusation was, however, enough to cause his defeat in Haldimand, where he bec^auu- a candidate at a si)ecial elec- tion early in 1851. The state of feeling in the country and in the House is well given, as follows, in one of Mr. Hrown's letters, published in Se))tember, 1851, and addressed to Mr. Hincks : SiK, — At the close of the Session of l!S."»0, thei-e cxi.sti'il iiuicli di.s.satis- fiictioii with tlu! proL'oedings of the ailniiiiistratioii, and strong suspicions of your integrity on important (|Uesli<>ns. 'I'hese tVelings were entertained by your supporters in parliament as well as out of it ; and a Icttei-, signed by nearly all the Upper Canada aillx rents of government in tlie Mouse of Assendily, was addressed to the leader. I'xprtssing the general dissatisfac- tion, and tile inevitable consutpiences, unless a more progressive policy and greater deference to public sentiment were innnediately exhibited. No atten- tion whatever was paid to that letter ; and tlie marked contempt thereby shown towards its authors, coupled with tlie singula)- good understanding seen to exist between you and several leailing conservatives, strongly con- tirnied theprevailing rumourstiiat a coalition niinistrj', toendjrace modei'ate reformers, moderiite conservatives, and moderate French Canadians, was seriously contemplated. Many tlnngs cond)ined to lead well-informed persons to this conclusion, and so early as tlie 8th October, 18.")0, the (Holn denounced the project in the following language : " We see constant allusions to a coming Coalition Ministry, which, in the opinion of many, the position of parties naturally points to. We sin- cerely trust that, so far as the ministerialist party are concerned, no such I i 'JiSJ 24 LIFE A SI) srnKCIIKS OF :l I I I \\\ iiiovemcnt w in any way i^onti-in plated. 'I'ln; wniMtitutional reform party of Upper ( 'anaila ir'imI.s no as.site fatal to all wlio toiieiied it. That a reorj,'anization of the lilieral paity iH iieeessary few will deny ; hut that a nioiu progrcisMive policy, a hrnuM- Hte|), and more Mympathy within the party than huietofore, would I'eiinite the conHtitutionalpoition moiv heartily than ov(u', and carry it triumpliantly throii;^h the electionH of l.S.")l, we feel perfectly conliduiit." Six months* jvftei' tlii« article appeared in the GUiliv, Mr. Brown accepted tlio nctiuinatioH (if the Liberal Conveiition for the represen- tation of llaldinnind. 'I"he following extracts from his address shuw the grounds on which he sought election : I adhere to the lilteral party because I think that the principles and nieasiU'es of that party are hest adapted to advance the interests of our country. 'IV) the reformers, Canada is indebted for the tl>otough contiol now exercised by the peoijle over the executive government. 'J'o them we owe the enjoyment of religious e<|uality ; a national system of education free from sectarian l)ias ; nuuiicipal institutions, simple and ellicient ; pub- lic wtjrks, unsurpassed in any country. We are indebted to the liijeral party for an amended jury law, an improved assessment sj'steni, cheap postage, and many other valuable measures. In matters of commerce and linauce they have ever been in advance. To them we ai'e inclcbted for tlie present high standing of oui' public .securities, and througli their exertions the trade of Canada was freed from Hritisli navigation laws and difl'ereutial duties. Ihuing the few years tlie reform party have enjoyed power very uuich gooil has been etleeted. But there is much to be done ; and 1 douiit if there ever has been a time when men holding liberal sentiments were more loudly called ui)on to sink minor ditlerences and stand togetiier on the great (|iU!stiy division. The discussion on thu subject of Roman Catholic separate schools and religious cor- porations also alienated tho llonian Catholics from I\Ir. Hrown. It is probably, also, not incorrect to say that the ministeis did him what injury they cciikl, notwitlistanding his services, as they luul no desire to see such a man obtain more influence and power by obtaining a seat in Parliament. Tliu regular nomination he received as the party candi- date was not sufKcient to save him from defeat, with so many adverse inlluences ranged against him. Shortly after this Mr. lirown made ui> his mind to publicly de- nounce the ministry €as the lack, and the temptations of pi'otit all on the other side. From March, 1844, to March, 1S48, wiule tlie party were out of power, we "battled the watcli" with an earnest zeal not surpassed, \m' tiiink, by any of our contempoi'arie.s, and we believe cdutrilmted our full quota to tlie change of feeling which sent the reform leaders liauk to power ■with overwiielming majorities. The succesb of hi.s party might have l)eeii .supposed to give the eilitor of the (Uohf some influence with the new government. Did he abuse that possible claim — did he assert it at all ? Of the many lucrative and permanent otHces which fell to the disposal of the late government while in power, was he ever an ap})licant for one for hintsolf, or relative* or personal friend 't Not in one inst.ance : he was too fully alive to the danger of such favours. . . Let our contemporaries leave vague vituperation for once, and show from facts, if they can, wherein we did wrong as the organ of the late administration. We were not ignorant of their errors, we were not blind to their foibles ; but we are bound to say, now that we are in opposition to most of its members, that our ditl'er- ences with the late government were on matters of high public principle \l fcl; m, Pi 26 LiFK AND si'h:i':viii:s or ami expi)(lieiu;y, niul tliiit wo know of no jobs, no trickery, which woii- chnrgi'iil)lc iipoii it. The liigh pciHonal integrity of Mchhi-h. Hnhlwin, l^a- foiit4iinc, I'ricc and lA-Hlit;, wuh cvit ii protection against micii things. Let iiH hope that one l)ehin(l the Mcienes for tiie next four yeiirw, wiien parted from tiie ac^torx upon the Htage and in oppoHition to tiuni, may lie able to Hay aH nmoh { actx on tiie part of tilt! iSaldwin-i^afontaine miniHtry, hut we are prepared to vindicate' them against all conu'rs fi-om the einirge of corruption. Nay, nntre, for all tln.'ir pnhlic acts during the HCHHiouH of 1,S4.S, KS4!» and I.S.'jO, while we sup|)orted them, we are (piite willing to hear full responnil)ility. .Sonm things we thought w rong, and we Hftid HO at the tim(';otherH we doulited and held our peai'c; hut thcircourHe U8 a whole we justilied then, an1 ? Why did we leave; the ministry? Why did we join the comhinations ? Why do we not HUi)port the present government '' Wc now go to these points. Till! great dillicnlty in tiie way of the late ministry and of every libond ministry in Canada, is the fact that the reformers of I'lijuir Canada have no large party in tlu^ Lower I'rovince thoroughly with tlieiii. The great causes of political ditlerence in Upjier ("rnada hang upon the (|Uestiiin of state-churchism. The Upper Canada reformers arc entirely opposed to it in every shape, their allies in Lower Canada are in favour of it. For some time after the government was formed, it was hoped that the Kreneh Cana- dians would give us their aid in the settlement of the ecclesiastical griev- ances of Cpper Canada, hut when the trial came in the session of l.sr)0, it was too evident thiit our idlies were not to he relieil' upon on tiicsc (pies- tions. in the debate on Mr. I'rii:e's clergy reserve resolutions, Mr. Lafoiitaine, the leader and exponent of the views oi the Lower (."anada inemhers, used the fallowing language ; " At last a decision was given hy the law otHcers (jf the Crown in Kng- land. Tin; tnu; meaning of the .\ct of 17'JI was declared to be that the churches of l']iiglaiid and Scotland were entitled to share in the reserves, but no otiier bodies whatever. That division was kept secret, he had reason to believe, from the members jf tlu- Church of Scotland, which was another mistake, as it might have gone far to allay the excitenu^nt then prevalent in the province. The two bodies might have shared the lands between them, and set the (piestion at rest. . . In I.S40, the year in which the Act was passed, the opinion of the judges of Knglaiid was given to the eH'ect that the words 'protestant clergy' in the Constitutional Act, did not mean the Church of England or the Church of Scotland, but all the. protestant denominations. Tl'is was the decision upon the matter by the judges, and hi- held that the inilommeiifK of that Art must lie held sacrnd, mid l)f citrntd into rfl'cct if prdcliait)!'-. . . . If some sects refused to take their share, it might be given to others. . ." The French ( 'anadians joined us in the application to the Home Government asking for full power over the reserves, but what they would do with them when that power was received, they had not declared. There was hopt; yet, and we stuck to the ministry on the strength of that hope. We saw that the reformers of Upper (,'anada could get their vital (luestion .settled more easily and quickly hy the assistance of the French if they could be carried right, than by any other process ; and we saw clearly that the policy of the Upper Canada reformers was not to cast loose fror: them while there was a hope, but to use every means to carry them with ns, to use their assistance while we had it, in obtaining other measures necessary to strengthen us in Upper Canada in the event of a separation ; and when that separation was inevit- able, that it should be made on the clearly defined (juestion of the tabolition of all connection between churcJi and state. Again and again, in public //o.v. iiFjnuiH /i/f(), up tu tlif nit-i^tiiiK of piirliiuncnt ill IS'il, prcHMcl tliix policy on tlic I'lptr ('uiiiiiln IctidciH. III! iiisintt'ii with pertiiiacioiiH rariK^HtiicHM on hiic!i h ci;iin;,'c of the coiisti- tiiDiiiMfM an woiihi ^ivf JiiHtiro to the hir>,'<' bounties, ami (•(ni.HCfiui'iitly to the reform party, and on a thorou^'h reform of tii<' franchise ; and, this done, he urged tiiat the Upper Canada nieiidieih of tiie governiiient xhoidd come to a el(!ar iinder.standing with tiieir l,o\\ er < 'anada eoliea^;ue.s, tliat tiiey Hhoidd tjike their Htand on tiiorougii anti-Mtati; ehiireh pi'iiii'i|)k'M, and in ease of refusal, eome out of the go\ernilient and a[i|ieal to tiie peojih' at the eoming election. . Oeeiirreiiees at the time of the llaldiniand election and immediately after prepared iim fortlie inliiU'lity of tiie administration, hut certainly not to the extent which we alterwards witnessed. From tlio com- mencement of the session, it liecanie too unparent that Mr. MinckH and his colleagues had siiccumlied to l''reiich Canadian intlnence, and that the minis- terial policy was to he in open hostility to the views of the refuiiii party of Ufiper Canaila on the ecelesiastical (|iiestions, No hill was pro]ioHi'd to rearrange the coiistitnencies, none to e(|Uali/e the sntl'riige ; no action wafl proposeo erected and ".endowed, have the same ecclesiastical authority within their respec- " tive limits as is vested in the rector of a parisli in England." The difference in the two opinions was altogether based on the interpreta- tion given to the royal instructions, and the terms (jf the royal com- mission issued to Sir Patrick Maitland in 1825, so tliat the rectories were established simply by virtue of a royal permission, and not on any legislative authority. The Act of 1851 practically settled the question in favour of the incumbents on the c(jndition that the patents had been validly issued. The English opinion obtained was liostile, but the Court of Chanceiy decided tliat they were valid. The following extracts frona Gluh<'. editorials of January 15th, 1852, and March 9th, will show the view taken inunediately after the general elections : Had the reformers of Upper Canada lieeii rallied to tlie polls upon clearly-defined principles and measures — on issues framed to meet tlie difficulties encountered in the previous parliament ; luid tlu; ground of "union" been in full accordance with those principles and iu)t tlie support of Dr. Rolph and Mr. Hincks, the dissensions and apathy in the ranks would have been removed, and the victory at the polls the most triumph- ant ever witnessed. . . . The reformers have been greatly injured as a party by tliese proceed- ings ; they have no acknowledged leaders, no avowed policy, no great defined aims as a party. The premier of our government was returned by a Tory constituency, vliich, if true to his party, he nuist stand leady to disfranchise ; and in his own county, one of the most decidedly reform constituencies in Upper Canada, he owed his election to men who but a day before were denouncing him, and only gave him their votes under ,rtf W 32 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF ill I. ': the pressure of circumstances which tliey deplored. But if the injury to the reform party has been great, how much more serious has been the evil of breaking down those constitutional bulwarks which our system of government requires, and permitting the public men of our country to shirk the avowal of their opinions and po'.icy, and to obtain the reins of government, not by virtue of their principles, but by the cleverness of their fi)U'K-'andoned. Another effort indeed was made of a very clumsy character to divide the party. A Mr. Wilkes appeared suddenly as a third reform candi- date. His supiiorters and Mr. Rankin's supporters made this proposal to Mr. Brown's committee : That each of the candidates or thoir friends should nominate a committee of six, and that the eighteen so selected should designate the candidate as a kind of arbitration board. Of course all was supposed to be done in the party intei'csts. Mr. A. McKellar, the chairman of Mi\ Brown's connnittee, agreed to the arbi- tration, but said that as many of the electors were as nuich interested as tlie proposed committee could be, he j)r(jposed that the decision should be referred to the whole body of the electorate, and that the vote should be taken on the 13th and 14th < )f December (the i-egular polling diiys). This concluded the negotiations, and all i)ai'tie8 prepared for the struggle. The result was Mr. Brown's election by a fair majority. Although he was forced into a position of hostility to the government by the logic of events, there was no reason to feai'his opposition if reform measures were honestly brought forward. The new administration doubtless desired to do all they comfortably coidd to meet the just expec- tations of the country, without imperilling their own position. But it contained a reactionary element ; one gentleman was there who, instead oi meeting western reformers by argument, designated them as " Phari- saical brawlers." The truth is, that Mr. Tache (afterwards Sir E. P. Tache) was not a reformer ; his appropriate place was in the conser- vative ranks, to which he drifted by easy gradations, and where he filled a respectable position f(jr many years. Mr. Brown expressed himself as follows immediately after the contest, respecting the principles involved in it : State-churchism has been the great pivot on which Ithe election has turned, and there is no misunderstanding the public feeling upon it here. I i:: w 40 I.IFK AND SPKICCNES OF ii ■A. Sh. {laiikid :ini) mynv\l wcit tlio ivvowod ads'ooates of total Hcparation of cinircli Hiid Htiiti! of hNMu^piiig iiwivy vcsi-ivcs, i'e<'t(ii'k's, mniiey-^'riviitH, and uvery shadow of coiiiifctioii, iind togetliur wc o)itaiii('d an iimui'iisc ina- jority of tlic HuffiageM. Kveii Mi'. Larwill, tlic high clnircli candidati!, did not daii! to avow tho uwuivl pn^tenaionM of his party ; ho talked of a more " iMiiiitalili! ananguniciit" tiian tin; piTHunt— ot tho ilijlinilfi/, not tlio "in- justice" of uiiHotting tho wliolo system— and Imndrods of his voters, to my personal knowlodgc, sti'ango as it may apptar, would swoop away at once every .'estigo of Mtate-oiiurchism wore tho powci in tlioir hands. They had l)oon so often appealed to on tho same (piestion tliat tiiey do- sjiaired of any good l)oing ellected, and vt)ted from old party associations; but thtar hearts wore w itii tlic volinitaries. And who that cares for tho prosperity of his country would not ho with them? Lookback as far as you can recollect, and tell me if all the other causes of discord and strife and had fooling in tho province put together have ontailod such aggra- vateil evils upon us us this one ipiestion of ehurcli endowments? Church has l)oon set against church, family against family, sectarian liutrod lias l)een fostered, religion 1ms l)een l)rought into contempt by the scramble for public plunder, and inliilolity has iieon in no small degi'ee promoted by the sight of men preaching one day the worthlessness of lucre, and battling on the lu^xt to clutch a little of that sanuj commodity, though gained by the grossest partiality and injustice. And all this to serve tlie cause of religion ! Nlon do not <(uarrel about religion. A Voic!K : It's all al)out tho liitwhcfK.' Miv. BitowN : Yes ; it is all about the lniwbd'^ — take away the cash, and our sectarian animosities will be at an end. Settle, and settle finally, this (jucstion of oudowmcuts to churches, and I know not where wo sliall find a country with lighter grievances than Canada ; religion will prosper better by the voluntary gifts of (Ik; Christian people, and our political till! latter charge, it is well known that i\w(iU)hi\ tleclined to fol- low the ynvcrunient, not that the niiniatiy abandoned tiie (ilohf. Mr. lirown'a own rc\)Iy to siicJi insinuations waa as follows, addressed to Mr. Hincka : " I am accuaed by your new idlios of being actuated iu uiy " preaent course by aeltiah pecuniary motives. They allege that I wa,\ " the pliant instrument of your government while 1 enjoyod its jiatron- "age, and only apoko independently when that patronage was with- " drawn. You well know, air, how utterly unfounded ia such a charge, "and that from the beginning to the end of my connection with the 'government, you have had and have made a very ditlerent com- " plaint ; you know that I have been at open i.ssue with you throughout "in regard to your ayatematic disregard of the feelings and wishes of " your supporters, and the disastrous effects on the party thereby pro- " duced. ... 1 am also charged with acting as 1 now do from "ambition, mortified ambition. As for the mortification, I am not "aware of any ground for it in the progress of seven years ; and if I "were unduly ambitious, I might have conciliated ilie French Cana- " dian phalanx, soothed the Tories, and finessed with the Rolphites, as "you have done. I have sense enough (n set! that jJain words help "not the ambitious, but I have denounced uithout scruple all these "in turn when duty to the public re(|uired i On the 10th day of June, 1851, Mr. HuM'ks .spoke as follows on the occasion of the Globe denouncing a Religious Corporation Bill, which gave extraordinary powers to hold iiropeiiy : "1 am ready to " give my cordial support to any combination of parties by which the " union shall be maintained. I would refer more particularly to the "course lately pursued by what ia considered the organ of the party "with which I act. Attempts are being made t() damage my in- " fluence." So it seems the Globe was " damaging Mr. Hincka' inflii- " ence," wliile it waa yet considered the organ of the party with which he acted ! It is of course a ([uestion for argument whether Mr. Brown's course was right or wrong ; whether he was chieily responsible for breaking up the reform party by the non-recognition of leadei's who had been unfaithful, or whether Mr. Hincks, who avoided the introduction of promised and needful reforms rather tlmn f)fiend his opponents, and who co(juetted with enemies, was the really responsible party. In the light of events no one can be at a loss to discover ui>on whom the blame must be cast. Every peraon who is conversant with the current poli- tical movements from 1844 to 1848, will readily recall the ([uestions which were submitted to the electors in the autumn of 1847, and will also keep in view the policy of the reform party alwaya. Was the policy of the liberal party on which the elections were carried acted upon by I. 1 It 1] 1: 1 , ! »-i f^ll I! i I. 42 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF the reform administratitjn ? This question must be answered in the negative so far as most of the great questions are concerned. It is true that Mr. Hincks pled that Mr. Brown defended all the acts of the administration until a few weeks before the general election of 1851. Were this literally true, it would neither palliate nor excuse the inaction, to use a mild term, of the government. The government had undoubtedly passed some good measures, for which Mr. Brown gave tliem ample credit, as shown by the extracts from his Haldimand address already given. Mr. Hincks, the new leader of the government, had resented certain articles in the Globe, which paper, he iays, " was " considered the organ of the party with which he acted," and in his wiath openly declared his readiness to support ' ' any combination of " parties " to oppose the Globe's views. lie also stated that " no wise " statesman would attempt to carry on this union upon any other prin- "ciple than that of efiual representation to both sections." He was also to "oppose all organic changes in the constitution. " He little thought that thirteen years after making this unwise speech, every statesman in both sections admitted that equal representation was not just, and therefore gave unequal representation, which now stands as 92 to 65. He evidently did not then dream that within two years he would himself propose another "organic change in the con- " stitution. " It would be easy to multiply to any extent extracts from speeclies, and to give votes, and cite cases of manifest omissions of duty in the liberal leader, which would show that he was then con- scious of having lost the confidence of a large portiflering himself as a c(jmponent part of a new combination, made up of all classes of poli- ticians who would join the ministerial omnibus. The miserable pre- tence of maintaining the union was too shallow ; no one knew better than Mr. Hinck.s that the only danger to the uniim arose from wrong legislation, which created new a)>uses, and the want of legislation to remove old grievances. That Mr. Hincks' personal views were wholly in favour of perfect religious eciuality, and the justice of the other measures sought by reformers, probably few will })e disposed to doubt. That he lamentably failed at a critical time to show that he had the courage of his convictions, no one will deny. If he had changed his opinions lie should have frankly avowed it, and resigned the position he had attained by liberal votes. It was no answer to the reproaches heaped upon him by those whose aid he obtained at the elections to fly into a passion, and threaten to join his political adversaries. HO^. GEORGE BROWN. 43 CHAPTER VII. Attitude Towards the Ministry. Parliament. -Maiden Speech in Mr. Brown's appearance in parliament justified the expectations of his friends who had hoped so much from his great knowledge of public affairs, political and commercial, and his ability as a speaker. It is very seldom that a new member is able, at the verj' start of his political career, to take rank as a leading man. He was tacitly ac- knowledged at once as the leader of reformers, who did not give Mr. Hincks and the government a regular support, though he was not regularly selected to occupy that post. Parliament was not called together until late in the summer, but Mr. Brown did not wait for the meeting of parliament to promulgate his views on matters of great concern to tlie state and to the liberal party. He had been elected for Kent and Lambton on a thoroughly independent platform as regards Mr. Hincks' government, and pledged only to promote the well under- stood policy of the reform party, either with or without the action of the government. Some reformers undoubtedly did desire t(j pursue a mild policy, and hoped for decided action from Mr. Hincks. That gentleman, however, repelled those who were disposed to still trust in him, and who urged him to adopt a policy wliich would unite the party and at the same time benefit the country, by passing measures of re- form urgently demanded. To remonstrance or tlireats his reply was, that if pressed, he would form other combinations which would maintain the status quo. In the meantime Mr. Brown continued his pungent writing in tlie Globe in the most direct hostility to the government. But eveiy member of the government knew that he would support them, if haply they would introduce the measures demanded by the countiy. In January tlie following piquant description of the ministry was given in the Globe • " In this remarkable collection of heterogeneous elements was to ' ' be found the cautious conservative and the fierce republican ; the " ardent admirer of Andrew Marvel and the meek subject of Pio " Nono ; the model constitution monger and the liaughty scorner of " 'all organic changes;' the unswerving voluntary and the high estab- " lishment man ; the panegyrist of Baldwin and the devotee of Rolph ; " the Roman priesthood of Lower Canada, and the evangelical minis- IV *- n ■•il mm ,«' ».''f •I >r il m 1:-^ i^il 44 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF i'^i I! 'a " try of Upper Canada. . . We have clergy reserve men and anti- " clergy reserve men ; rectory bill men and rectory lawsuit men ; " sectarian school men and secular school men ; sixteen million Trunk " Railway men, and the bitter foes of that precious scheme ; . .in ** short, the advocates of every conceivable change, and the advocates " of tiieir antipodes. No party supports the ministrj' . . . its sup- " porters are units from all parties, and they are suspicious of their " leaders, but hope they may go right." Mr. Brown did not, however, then or at the general election just over, oppose any reformer whut only an extension of thi; existing system, by which certain classes now unjustly deprived le geiitlenieii on the treasury benches to tell us now, if they can, in what manner their combinations have lieneiited the cause of ecclesiastical reform. I challeii'^'e them to show that they liavi; advanced one step bej'ond the ground of the late administration. I would have been unjust to my party, faitldess to responsible govern- ment, and false to the liighest interests of the country, had I sat silent on this occasion. The vote that 1 shall give may appear strange to many. If I rightly understand the practice, by voting against the ministerial address, we declare that we desii'c to sec the cabinet ejected from othee. Highly imjiroper as 1 view their proceevlings, I confess 1 am not prepared to say that 1 would like to see the present ministry out, and the gentlemen opposite in their places. I would tjy them by tlieir measures. It may be they will take warning by this debate, and yet justify by their action their claim to ]>e advociites of progression. ISut if they do not — if they trille with tiic great (|uestions of I'ppcr (."anada — 1 will not hesitate to^ prefer an open eiiemy in power to a fi'.ithless friend. ... I regretteil to hear from gentlemen opposite the allusions to the salaiy of the highest authority in tliis province. The appointment of that high luithority is the only power wiiieh (irijat Britain yet retains. Frankly and generously she has one l)y one surrendered all the rights which were once held necessary to tlie condition of a colony — the patronage of the Crown, the right owv the public domain, the civil list, tlie customs, the post otHce, have all been reliiKjuished, and the control over the reserves will soon follow with the rest. She guards our coasts, she maintains our troops, she builds our forts, she spends hundreds of tliousands among us yearly, and yet the paltry payment to her representative is made a topic of grumljling and popular .agitation. 1 know nothing so contemptible. However gentle- men opposite may view the matter, 1 am sure I speak the sentiments of the entire reform party when I say, tliat as long as we have such governors as the present there would be no grumbling from this side of the House were the tribute double what it is. Unlike other governors whom we have had, the distinguished nobleman who now graces the vice-regal throne has confined himself to the legitimate exercise of his authority, and respected the rights and privileges of the people ; and for the stability which his wise rule has given to our constitutional system, when he and those who now bear rule have long passed away from the stage of life, His Excellency will live in the grateful affections of the Canadian people. m i, HON. «;EOn<.h' HliOWN. 51 CHAPTER YIIT. IjJCREAsiNr, IxKi-UENCE.— The "Gloke" as a Daily. — The Coalition. After Mr. lirown's success in piirlianiont, liis influence in tlie country generally increased \v\y nuieli, while the power and influence of the Glohf was c(jnstantly "growing. Tlie ministry was nuniinally a liberal ministry, thougli tliree of its members, besides tlie premier, never again acted with the reform party. It was still largely suj)ported by western Canada lilierals, though very few had any confidence in it. Indeed, Mr. Brown himself, while freely exposing their course to blame, did not feel at liberty to take the j)osition of a regular opi)osition member. In a letter, written to a friend just before tlie election of 1851, he says : " The ministiy is formed. I have no confidence in it, but of " course prefer it to the Tories, and if returned will vote with it when- " ever I can, but against it on bad measures, and strive to have it "reconstructed on more out-and-out principles. This may change "your ideas in regard to my canditature, and if so, I hope you will " speak plainly." That reconstruction never came. Three years after- wards there was a reconstruction, but not of reform materials. Tlie Premier and a few of his followers Inul been consciously drifting to the Tory side during the life of tliat parliament, and when the election of 1854 developed his weakness in the county, like Burke, he " (piit the " camp," and from thenceforth was identified as having his sympathies with the c(mservative side. The threatened combinations were made, and when Mr. Hincks(now Sir Francis) returned to Canada, after some years" absence, he found that theunion was not " maintained;" on the contraiy, it was broken uj) as the result of the triumph of principles he refused to acknowledge, and afresh union establislied on a founda- tion more ju.st to liis own province. Sir Francis Hincks appeared again as a cj'Ueague fjf Sir John Macdonald, and curiously enough, issued an address as leader of the reform sectiim of the government appointed by Sir John IMacdonald, for which he got well laughed at. The exigencies of commercial no less than political I'easons neces- sitated the issue (jf the Globe as a daily pajjcr, and in the autumn of 1853 the publication of the Daily Globe was commenced. A vigorous agitation was mainttained in favour of the secularization of the clergy reserves, representation by population, and other meiisures long de- manded by reformers, and the effect of the trenchant articles on these subjects was very great on the public mind. I 1 : k It: •!' I :i ; ' i ■ fif ill 'li j , f: , ' 1' ^M ,4, 62 IJFl!: AND sniihX'lIES OF No lUdgioHH Imil been inado with tlic cleryy reserve <|Ut'8ti(>ii. In 1850 Mr. Price moved his resolution, and an address founded thereon, prayiny tlie paHsajL^e of an Act by tlie Jnijierial Parliament to authorize tlie Canadian Parliament to deal witli tlie (piestion conditi(.nally. Earl Grey in a formal despatch, early in 1851, advised Lord Elgin that the niinisti-y was compelled to jiostijone this bill to next session. A conservative government wliich succeeded declined to pass the necessary Act, and it was only in tlie winter of 1853 tliat tlie Iini)erial Act was finally passed. In the meantime a bill liad been passed by theCanadian parliament, increasing the number of representatives from 84 to 130, and in this piospective increase the ministers found an excuse for not proceeding with the Clergy lleserve liill. At tlie beginning of tlie session of 1854, a motion was carried by a majority of 13, con- demning the government for not introducing a measure for the settle- ment of the clergy reserves. The conservatives had not obtained a suJhcieiit share in the good things to keep them ([uiet, and therefore they united with the reformers against the government, and secured its overthrow. A general (;lection immediately followed tlie ministerial defeat. Mr. Brown became a candidate for Lambton, which county, under tlie new law, had a member for itself. He was (jp])o8ed by tlie Hon. Malcolm Cameron, Postmaster-General, whom he defeated liy a majority (jf about 200. Manj' other prominent sui>porter.s were defeated, making it tolei'ably certain tliat the government could not live. Mr. Brown gave liis support in certain cases to candidates of the con.servative type, on the ground tliat there was nothing to be hoped for from the ministiy, and conservatives doulitless led some to l)elieve that they w^ould agree to an immediate settlement of the clergy reserves. Supporting con- servative candidates was a perilous experiment which could hardly jii'o- duce any good, though of course in this case it secured the defeat of the government, and also secured the final settlement of the clergy reserve question, though not exactly as it should have been settled. Mr. Brown was entitled to the chief credit for the anti-ministerial success at the electi(m8 ; Mr. Hincks was entitled to the discredit of forming a new combination with the Tories for no apparent reason but to wreak his vengeance on reform opponents. Mr. Hincks did not himself form one of the new government, but he narrates that Sir Allan N. McNab, the new Premier, " t)pened a negotiation with him, the result of which "was thiit two of the Upper Canada supporters of the late govem- " ment became members of the new ministry," Messrs. John Ross and Robert Spence being the two members. Mr. R(jss had been a member of Mr. Hincks' government for over a year. These gentlemen and some other western reft)rmer8 who supported the new government never returned to their allegiance to the liberal party. The Lower Canadian H(tN. (lEonoE niiowN. S3 niombors of Mr. HinckH' govunimuiit, who jniuecl the sn-fiiUuil coali- tion i^ovoninioiit, wore MusHrs. Tiiclie, Morin, Clmhut, (yhiivtiiu, iiiul DruumioiHl ; tlie latter f^entluuian afturwarda actud witli the lilieral party, and becaino a member of the Brown-Dorioii adminiHtration. The other four liad been for some time leaning to the conservative camp, and now made it their permanent home. Indeed, Sir Francis Hincks does not refer to those Frencii gentlemen as jiartie.s to the coalition, as he does of the two Upper Canadians ; their iidhesion was treated of us a matter of course. The new government was savagely assailed by the (fli>l)i\ No one could expect that a g()vernmeut in which the names of .1. A. Mac- donald. Sir Allan McNab, and Mr. Cayley ajipeared, could be other than hostile to the determined demands of the Ipjier Canadian people. They had all declared by speech and vote against any meas- ure secularizing the clergy reserves, and by tliose who did not know them intimately, it was believed that their jtrinciples would compel them to resist any interference with the appropriation of these lands. The possession of ottice had a mollifying ett'ect on their political con- sciences, and they yielded their views of public (juestions or principles to the demands of otHce and public clamour, as some of them have often done since then. Several conservative candidates had, however, promised at the elections to aid in procuring a settlement of tiie clergy reserve (juestion according to the popular view. It is not the inten- tion of the writer to discuss the settlement here further than to say that though Mr. Brown and other reformers opposed some provisions of the bill, all were glad to have a troul)lesome ({Uestion disposed of. The principle long advocated by him, that no church sliould have any connection with, or support from, the state, was by that settlement con- ceded. The coacession was largely due to Mr. !5rown"s exertions in the (tIoIv' and his advocacy on the platform. Tiie amount of labour he undertook could be accomplished by few men. His own articles were easily recognized frlaced the Baniier, wliich was a presbyterian organ, but the management of the paper and its views on all ecclesiastical questions also counnended it to the intelligence of the Free Church element, wIkjsc views harmonized with Mr. Bi-own's. The high moral tone of the paper, and its growing excellence as a newspaper, did much for its circulation among all classes of the popu- lation. Greorge Brown and the Globe became, in fact, convertible terms. Both editor and paper had many opponents, some might be called ene- mies, but no man ever had so large a portion of the p(jpulatii LIFE AND SPEECHES OF ii'iin i\k tmim ' the HcluHin in tliu rt'fdriii ranks continued, tiioUjL^h events were matur- ing a feeling in favour of united action and formal organizjition. Mr. JJrown had in Heveral constitueiicicH HUpported conBervative candidates who pledged tlieniselves thoroughly in favour of reiaoHentation by population and Heculari/ation of the clergy renerveH ; this, in several instances, accomplished the defeat of liberal candidates wlio were more or less unwilling to conunit themselves to out-and-out measures. It may fairly be (juestioned whether this course was the best party movement for a leader to take, even under tlie peculiar circumstances then existing ; but if the triumph of righteous principles was the right thing to aim at, there can be no doubt that Mr. Brown's policy was successful. A comi)aratively gf)od government might be had under a vicious system for a time, but for permaneniy in good govern- ment it was necessary that tlie English population of Upper Canada must be put on terms of perfect eijuality with tlie Lower Canadians, and that legislative enactments which brought certain churches in close relationship to the state, thus giving them an exceptional standing, must be swept away, and all denominations of Christians be placed on terms of perfect e(juality in the eye of the law. To the advocacy of such measures Mr. Brown applied himself in this parliament with untiring zeal and indomitable energy. If others fell out by the way wearied with the march, he held on his way, making light of all obstacles; and looking forward with a hope that was never dimmed to the objects to be reached, he never allowed himself to doubt of ultimate success. The work he performed in the sessions of 1854, 1855, 1856, and 1857, was far more than any man should attempt. He had noble supporters in the toil in William Lyon Mackenzie and others, whoso patriotic efforts for good government will never be forgotten. //o.V. (iKoilflH lilinWN. ,y.\ I I '111 CHAPTER IX. AXTACKKtt IIV Mu. .1. A. Ma<'I>ONAI,Ii. I'.K.I'OItT ok CoMMITTKK <)!•' Invkmtkiation. In propoitioii to tlio vigour of Mr. IJrown and tho opposition in oppowiiig Vdid Hioasiires luul prouiotin<4 tlu; roviTso, did the bittorncHs of Tory and coalitioniHt in thu 1,'ovurninunt incieasu. This bittorness at last took sliapo in tho session of 1856 in a concerted attack on Mr. Brown by the government in connection with tlio Penitentiary Com- mission, whicli tliey ho[)ed woidd banish him from pailiament, Mr. Jolui A. Macdonahl made a violent siieech in relation to this subject in tile House on tho 26th day of February, in which Mr. IJrown was accused of falsifying tlie evidence, suborning witnesses, procuring jiardons fut lie demanded that the connnittee should lie required to find out what he did say, and then linrstigafc the conduct of Mi\ Broicn oh the rommmlon. Mr. Cayley put these extraordinary views in writing in amendment to Mr. Brown's motion. He moved " that a committt^e " of seven members be appointed to inquire into and report with all '* convenient speed as to the mdurc of the chorgcs made by the Attornej'- " General against Mi-. George Brown, a ni-niiber of this House, and as " to their triitl'., and tJiat this committee be struck to-morrow." Mr. Loranger, Mr. Cameron, and others on the ministerial side, urged the immediate appointment of the committee tt) have the charges gone into. Indeed the accuser, in making his charges, was bound in honour to make his charges good at once, as he alleged he could do, while the accuser was not bound, by law or custcmi, to prove a negative. Mr. Brown, however, at once waived his right and determined to disprove the charges, yet some ministerialists desired that he should not be allowed to do so, but that he should lie under the accusation as long as possible. An overwlielming majority were, however, determined that a committee should at once be granted, tlie Sjieaker aho ruling that the committee, if granted, must be struck tl . : day, and the motion was carried liy a vote of 94 to 12. The report T this c(jiiiniittee was presented on tlie 16th of June, every eli'ort having been made by the ministerial majority in the committee to delay its production until it should be too late to act upon it during tlie session. The minority report was also produced on the 16th of June. The ministerialists on the committee acted throughout in the most partisan manner. Instead of finding whether the charges were true — yes or no — they entered (m a I)r>,longed iliscussion as to the mode in which Mi\ Brown and his co- commissioners had conducted the penitentiary iiuiuiry. They assumed that the condensed evidence reported was the actual detailed evidence, and allected t<) find discrepancies, and so reported. The report cun- ningly implied blame to Mr. Brown, and finally blamed Mr. Mac- donald for having allowed himself to reiterate charges. It was coolly assumed that such charges had been made before, whei'eas the matter alluded to was on a general charge against the commission which IV'^x. Macdonald had made some years before. When the report was presented, on the motion " that the report " be received," Mr. Wilson iimved in amendment, seconded by Mr. Holton, " That all the words after that be left out, and the following HON. OEOUGE BROWN. 57 " words substituted: ' The evidence adduced before tlie said comniit- •' 'tee completely fails to substantiate any of the charges against Mr. "Brown."' Mi. Felton (a government supporter) moved, in amendment to the amendment, that the words following be inserted before the words "the evidence:" " While Attorney-Genercal Macdonald ap])ears to " have acted under a firm conviction of the truth of the charges made " against Mr. Brown, and to have been justified in doing so bj' alltiie ■"evidence within his reach." The eft'ect of the amendment would liave been solely and shuply to fully exonerate Mr. Brown; theefiectof the amendment to the amendment would have been to exonerate Jolin A. Macdonald from malice in his attack. It was supposed and generally believed tliat the original report of tlie penitentiary conmiission was burned in tlie parliamentary build- ings at Montreal in 1849. On tliis belief tlie attack was planned. It is said that at one of the first meetings oi the committee, Mr. Vaii- koughnet, counsel for Mr. Macdonald, in moving for an order to examine certain convicts in the penitentiary', stated that unfortu- nately it was found that the report of the penitentiary connuissionets was destroyed in the Mcjntreal fire. He said he regretted this, as, it tliat report were extant, he would be able to prove liis case without calling such witnesses as he now proposed to put in the liox. Mr. lirown was in the committee room sitting with his overcoat on waiting for tlie proceedings t(j connnence, and on liearing Mr. Yankouglinet's speecli, he unbuttoned his coat, and drawing from it the original report of the commission, said he was happy to hear that that document was all that v/as wanted, and throwing it on the table, said, " There it is."' Mr. Vankoughnet immediately left the room, and meeting Mr. Mac- donald, said t(j hiu), " Your case is dished." The connnittee was most mifairly constituted of five ministerialists, some the least scrupulous of any. and two oppositiim ministers. Mr. Brown took no exception to this, liowever, knowing that no man could avoid declaring the charges to be without foundation. It was remarkable that one of Mr. Macdonalds colleagues, Attorney-General Drununond, was candid enougli to de- clare that there was no evidence criminating Mr. Brown. Sir Allan McNab and other conservatives took similar ground, and boldly stated their views. Had a division taken place on the report, it is all but certain that the government would have been defeated. The utmost sympathy was manifested f(jr Mr. Brown, as may have been observed, by many still in active life, from the newspapers of the day of all political shades. Some indeed, while condemning the attack, said Mr. Brown had, by his violent attacks on his adversaries, provoked retort. Probably he did provoke some retaliation in kind, but this , !(,• ill m 1- 'VV If I 58 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF was not that, but ? personal attack of tlie vilest character, and pecu- harly out of place, coming from the head of tlie government. The ultimate effect of the attack was that Mr. Brown stood higher than ever in the national affections. Many people very naturally believed that when such charges were made by the leading man in the government, there must be some truth in them; and when an investi- gation, by a committee of Mr. Macdonald's own choosing, could not find a particle of evidence to establish one single charge, the reaction in the public mind was complete. HON. GEORGE BROWN. 59 CHAPTER X. Called on to form Ministry. — Correspondence with Sir Edmund Head. The next general election took place late in the autumn of 1857. Mr. Brown did not again offer himself for the connnuiiication of "Jitth inst. ,aiul undertakes tlic formation of a newadminis- tration. Ciiuucn Sthkkt, 31st July, 18.")8. On Sunday night at ten o'clock, Mr. Brown was waited on by the (iovernor-Geueral's secretary, and presented with tlio following mem- orandum ; His Excellency the Governor General forwards the enclosed memoran- dum to Mr. Brown to-night, because it may he convenient for him to liave it in his hand in good time to-morrow morning. The pai't which relates to a dissolution i.s in substance a repetition of what His !']xcelleucy said yestenlay at his interview with Mr. ISrown. The portion iiaving reference to the prorogation or adjournment of par- liament is important in determining the propriety of the course to ))e pui'- Hued. His Excellency therefore recjuests Mr. Brown to connnunicatc tlie mem- orandum to his futuie colleagues, in order to avoid all misapprehension hereafter. (iOVKU.NMENT HoUSE, TORONTO, .\ugust 1, 1858. (Mkmorandu:.,.) His Excellency the Governor-* Iciieral wishes Mr. Brown to consider tiiis memorandum, and to comnmnicate it to the gentlemen whose names he pro- poses to submit to His I'lxcellency as members of the new government. The Governor-General gives no plidi/r or promhic, c.rprcioi or implied, with rcfcrvnc' to (lissolvimj parlicuw id. When advice is tendered to His Excellency on this subject, he will make up his mind according to the circumstances then existing, and tlie reasons then laid before him. The (iovernor-General has no objection to prorogue the parliament without tlie members of the new administration taking their seats in the present session. But if he does so, it ought, His Excellency thinks, to be > HON. GEORGE BROWN. 61 m on an express understanding that parliament sliall meet again as soon as possible — say in November or December. Until the new ministers meet parliament, His Excellency has no assurance that they possess the con- fidence of the majority of the House. The Vnisiness transacted in the interval ought, in his opinion, to be con- fined to matters necessary for the ordinary administration of the govern- ment of the province. If Parliament is prorogued, His Excellency would think it verydesirable that the Wll for the Registration of Voters, and that containing the pro- hibition of fraudulent assignments and gifts ')y traders, sliould l)e prooeedod with and become law — subject, of course, to such nioditications as the wisdom of eitlier House may suggest. Besides this, any item of supply absolutely necessary should be provided for ])y a vote of credit, and the money for repairs of the canals, which cannot l)e postponed, should l)e voted. His Excellency can hardly prorogue until these necessary steps arr taken. If parliament merely adjourns until after the re-election of the members of the government, the case is different, and the responsibility is on the House itself. A prorogation is the act of His Excellency ; and, in this particular case, such act woidd be performed without the advice of ministers who Iiad already received the conHdence of parliament His Excellency's own opinion would be in favour of proroguing, if the condi- tions above specified can be fullilled, and if Mr. Brown and his colleagues see no objection. (Signed,) Edmund Hkad. GovKRNMENT HorsE, Toronto, July 31, 1858. Early on Monday morning Mr. Brown, on his own personal re- sponsibility, and without consulting his pnjposed colleagues, sent the following note to the Governor-General : Mr. Brown has the honour to acknowledge receipt of His Excellency the Governor-Generars note of last niglit, with accompanying memorandum. Before receiving His Excellency's note, .Mr. Brown had .successfully fulfilled the dutj' entrusted to him l>y the <4overnor-(ieneral, and will be prepai'cd, at the appointed liour this morning, to submit for His Excel- lency's approval the names of the gentlemen whom he proposes to be asso- ciated with himself in tlie new government. Mr. Brown respectfully submits that, until they have assumed tlie functions of constitutional advisers of the Crown, lie and his proposed colleagues will not be in a position to discuss the important measures and questions of public policy referred to in Hi.s Kxcelleney's memorandum. CniiRCH Street, 2nd August. On Monday morning at half-past ten, Mr. Brown waited on His Excellency, and submitted for his approval the names of the pi'oposed goverinnent. At noon, on the same day, the members of the govern- ment took the oaths of ofKce. On INIonday night advor.se votes were given against the administration in both Houses. On Tuesday Mr. Brown waited on His Excellency, and informed liini that the cabinet advised a prorogation f)f parliament with a view to a dissolu- tion. The (.Tovernor-General requested the grounds of this advice to be put in writing. In compliance with His Excellency's recjuest, the following memorandum was coniniunicated to the Governor-General : i: 'H ■'.V- Ui ' i (i-li'i ".f I.': mn . I 62 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF Memorandum for thk Consideration of Hi.s Excellency the Govkknor-General. His Kxcelleucy's present advisers haviiitj accepted office on His Excel- lency'e invitation, after the late administration had, by their resignation, admitted their mability successfully to conduct ti»e affairs of the counti-y in a parliament summoned under their own advice, and being unanimously of opinion that the constitutional recourse of an appeal to the people affords the best if not the only solution of existing ditticulties, respect- fully advise His lOxcellency to prorogue parliament immediately with a view to a dissolution. When His Excellency's present advisers accepted office, they did not conceal from themselves the probability that they would be unalde to carry on the government with the present House of Assend)ly. Tlie House, they believe, iloes not possess the confidence of the country ; and the public dissatisfaction has been greatly increased by the numerous and glaring acts of corruption and fraud by which many se.its were obtained at the last general election, and for which acts the House, though earnestly petitioned so to do, has failed to afford a remedy. For some years past strong sectional feelings have arisen in the country, which, especially iluring the present session, have seriously impeded the carrying on of the ailministiative and legislative functions of the govern- ment. Tlie late administration made no attempt to meet these difficulties, or to suggest a remedy for them, and thereby the evil has been greatly aggravated. His Excellency's present advisers have entered the govern- ment with the fixed determination to propose constitutional measures for the establishment of that liarmony between Upper and Lower Canada which is essential to the prosperity of the Province. They respectfully submit that they have a right to claim all the support which His Excel- lency can constitutionally extend to them in the ijrosecution of this all- important object. The unprecedented and unparliamentary course pursued by the House of Assembly — which, immediately after having by their vote compelled the late ministry to retire, proceeded to pass a vote of want of confidence in the present administration, without notice, within a few hours of their appointment, in their absence from the House, and before their policy had been announced — affords the most convincing proof that the affairs of the country cannot bo efficiently conducted under the control of the House as now constituted. At two o'clock this day tlie following memorandum was received from the Governor-General : (Memorandum.) His Excellency the Governor-General has received the advice of the Ex- ecutive Council to the effect that a dissolution of parliament should take place. His Excellency is no doubt bound to deal fairly with all political parties ; but he lias a tlnty to perform to the Queen and the people of Canada para- mount to that whicii he owes to any one party, (U- to all parties whatsoever. The question for His Excellency to decide is not, ' ' What is advantageous or fair for a particular party '!" but what, upon the whole, is the most advan- tageous and fair for the people of the province. The resignation of the late government was tendered in conse(iuence of a vote of the House which did not assert directly any want of confidence in them. The vote on Monday was a direct vote of want of confidence on the part of both Houses. It was carried in the assembly by a majority of forty, in a house of a hundred and two, out of one hundred and thirty membd-s, con- sequently by a majority of the whole house, even if every seat had been full at the time of the vote . HON. GEORGE BROWN. 6;j In addition to this a similar vote was carried in the upper House by six- teen against eight, and an address founded on the same was adopted. It is clear that, under such circumstances, a dissolution, to be of any avail, must be immediate. His Excellency the (iovernor-General cannot "i 'm 111 motive for a tlissolution of parliament, anil for the retention of the present government at all liazarils, if the two points were only conclnsively estab- fished, that is to say, if it could be shown that tlie measures likely to be adopted by Mr. Brown and Ids colleagues were a specific, and that the only spocitic, for these evils, and tliat the niend)ers of the present council were the only men to allay the jealousies so unhappily existing. It may be that both these propositions are true, but, unles.s tliey are establiahed to His Kxcellency's complete satisfaction, the mere existence of the nuschief is not in itself decisive as to the propriety of resorting to a general election at the present moment. The certainty, or at any rate the great probability, of the cure ))y the course proposed, and by that alone, would recpiire to be also proved. Without this, a great present evil would be voluntarily incun'ed for the chance of a remote good, 6. It would seem to l)e tlie duty of His Excellency to exhaust every possible alternative before subjecting the province for the second time in the sameyear to the cost, tlie inconvenience, and tlie demoralization of such a proceeding. The (iovernor-General is by no means satisfied thit every alternative has been thus exhausted, or that it would be iinj)ossible for him to secure a ministry who would close the business of this session, and carry ou the ad- iniiii.stration of the government during the recess with tiie coiilidence of a majority of the Legislative Assembly. After full and mature deliberation on the arLCuments submitted to him by word of moutli, and in writing, and with every respect for the opini(ju of the council. His Excellency ileclines to dissolve parliament at the present time. (Signed,) KuMi nd Hkad, (lOVKIt.N.MKNT Hoi'SP, TnCOXTO, C.W., Aug. 4., IS.xS. Iimuediatel}' on the receipt of thi.s docuniont, Mr. Brown proceeded to the Goveniiiient House, and placed in the liands of His Excellency the resignations of liiniself and colleagues in the folLiwing terms : Mr. Brown has the honour to inform* His Excellency the (. / ,s •I i % il..f: Ai i 66 fjfFE AND SPEECHES OF the action of tho Governor wiia disgrnceful, and manifestly the pro- ceeding of a HliainuluHH partiuan. Tho monioranduMi sent to Mr. Brown on Sunday evening was Hoeniingly written under tho nnproHHion that it was desirable to aupplonient the conversation relative to a dissolution by other conditions, in case Mr. Brown should advise a prorogation. Tn the nieinoranduin lie then proceeds to build up an ert'ectual barrier against prorogation, as follows: " Tho Oovernor-Geiieral has no ol)jection to " prorogue tho parliament," but " if parliament is prorogued. His " Excellency would think it veiy desirable that tho Bill for the " Registration of Vijtors, and that containing the prohibition of fraudu- " lent assignments and gifts by traders, sliould bo proceeded with " and become law. Besides this, any item of supply absolutely neces- '* sary should be provided for by a vote of credit, and the money for '* repairs of the canals, which cannot bo postponed, should bo voted." His Excellency afterwards incautiously admitted that " very little " wliich is absolutely essential for the ccjuntry remains to be done in " tho House." His Excellency can hardly "prorogue until these " necessary steps are taken." Sir Edmund Head knew perfectly well that his ministers could not be in their places in parliament for three weeks ; that a majority existed hostile t() them in tlie lower House, which would make it impossible for them, not having a seat in the House, to conduct legis- lation and vote supplies. Yet these conditions were imposed as tho price of prorogation. Eveiy step betrays the head and heart of the conspirator. On Monday morning Mr. Brown informed the Governor that he had, before receiving his memorandum, " fulfilled the duty entrusted "to him," and would at the appointed hour submit the names uf his colleagues. He also informed His Excellency that until they were sworn in as his councillors they would not bo in a position to discuss the important matters referred to in his memorandum. It would have been diHicult to have given a more correct and dignified rebuke. At noon on Monday the members of the cabinet were sworn in, and the same evening votes of want of confidence were passed in botli Houses. The government at once advised a prorogation, with a view to a dissolution. This was refused after a demand for reasons from the ministers. The reasons given embrace, as will be seen, statements relating to various matters of public policy which called for immediate action, especially some relating to sectional disturbances between Upper and Lower Canada ; but the strong reasons urged were, that they accepted office " on His Excellency's invitation after the late "administration had admitted their inability to conduct the afiairs " of the country ;" that they had a right to claim all the " support * s HON. (lEonOE liliVWN. 67 " whidi His Excolloncy ccmld constitutionally uxtund to them." The iiiumoriuuhnn concluded with a reference to the " unprecedented and " unparlianientai-y" course of the House in voting want of confidence in the absence of newly created ministers. The Governor in his reply enumerates all the reasons he can with the dilijjonco of an extreme party man. He admits heing "hound to " deal fairly with all political parties." He was, however, cmly called to deal with the men he had liiniHclf called to his aid. Tliey wore more than a "political party," they were his constitutional advisers. Tlie mere fact that the vote against late ministers did not, as he says, " assert directly any want of confidence in them," was no reason why lu! should refuse his confidence to tlio men lie had called to fill theii places. It might, as has been stated, be u reason why he should call on someone else to form a government. He might have known, and did know, tliat tlie elements hostile to Mr. Brown when he asked him to assume tlie duties of office were strong enough to vote want of confidence in him. It was the duty of His Excellency to see that the acti(m of the House towards the man who had accepted the trust at his liands wivs contrary to " parliamentary courtesy." He was bound, as a ruler and as an honest man, to see that no impediment should be tlirown in the way of his new advisers getting fair play in submitting their policy to the country through the medium ol a new election. He does nf)t in a single paragraph di.scu8s his duty as a constitutional governor towards his ministers. On the contrai-y, he urges that the business is not finished yet; that items of the estimates are not passed; that the Hudson Hay resoluti(ms were not passed ; the time of the year inconvenient ; pressure of money crisis not passed away ; that an election took place only last winter; and the cost and inconvenience of an election. He then devotes the remainder of his paper to a carping criticism of the ministerial paper. What assurance could he have, he asks, tliat a new election would in its results dill'er from the last ? He asserts that a general election should be avoided until more stringent laws are made. If it could be " conclusively established," he says, that Mr. Brown's measures respecting the sectional difficulties "between Upper "and Lower Canada would prove a specific." He also wished it con- clusively established that the members of the present council were the only men to allay the jealousies so unhappily existing ! Imagine a demand from the Crown to " coiichmxdij extabUah" the exact result of some amendment to the law or constituti snKKC/IKS nf "aluiiu, would ru<|uii'u to I lo proved ! " Mr. KvowiTh ntply to tliii* giiburnatorial timdo wiih Hiiiiplo. Hliort, and dij,'iiificd ; ho rcHignud for tho rouHou that tlui advico of tho iniiiicil wiih rofiiHud. Many of Mr. Hrown'H frii^idHconsidorud that tho (lovornor'H papor hIiouM havo 1)oon auHwurod in thttail, so Rt< to placo hiin cluarly and at once in tho wron;^. Tlioro was a ^rcat temptation to (hi ho, for a more vuhierahhi and Hcandahms ntate paper it wouhl ho ditKcult to tind in niodorn tinum. It watt not necoBHary, ho far aH puhlio oiiinion was concerned, for tlio ininiHtur to criticise thiw pajier. Hi.s Excellency's conduct provoked a feelinj^ of j^iviit indij^nation ani()ii<;fst liheralH and h)verH of fair play of all shades of opinion, and it was only defended hy rahid i>arty organs on his own [lolitieal side. 'riie transaction will ho over remendtered as a shameful viohition of constitutional u.saye on the part of a (ioveinor-Ocnenil, apjiarently entered upon for the henetit of the Tory party. The foUowinj? extract from the frli>l>r of August 5th yives a fair view of tho feeliuf,' of tho peo])lo generally reyarding tho (Jovoriior-dienerarH conduct : Sir KdiMUud Ifcad has chosen dclihcrately to place himself in an atti- tude of liostility towards his advisers anry side of party politics. There nuxy bo no [iroof of this available, T)ut it would not bo difticult to believe that the nam who could act with such perlidy to his own ministers would not hesitate to perpetrate the further crime of consulting their enetuies as to tho best moans of destroying them. ims. aHoRUH ItHnWS. 69 » CHAPTKH XI. TlIK " Doi'lll.K SmFKI.K."- LlHIIIlAI, CoNVKNTloN OK 1859. Hy tlie iinconstitutioiml oouihu pui-HUotl hy |iarliiiiiiunt, mid the unfair cmirsu of thu (invonior-lu'iioriil, Mr. Hrown niitl Iuh colleaguos wero at nnco out of ottice and out of iwirlianiciit. Mr. Ilrowu a^tvin apjiwdod to lii.s Toronto fonstitiU'uts for ri'-tdcction. when- lu« was oiipoHod by thf Hon. .). H. Cauaron, HupiiortiMl l>y the wlioh' inlluunce of tho governtuent and Ooveriunent House, and .sucli inthionoeH with a \ city constituency wen- very j,'reat. In the uieantinie, the old tj;overn- ! nioiit were recalled, when the jiolitical trick known as the "double f ".shufHe" was perfornuMl, whereby tiie ministers were enabled to avoid ; going to thoir constituencies for re-election. The Independence of ' Parliament Act provided that a minister resii^ninj^ one otHce and acccpt- inj< another within one montli would not rcijuire re-election. In this case all the ministers acc( ptc'd otiier oltices than tliose held before their resignation, and again changed to those they were to keep. It was ' siueneral in his dealings with tlie Brown-Dorion administration? Does he hold that Hi.s Exce]leiic\ violated the spirit of the constitution when he rejected the reasonable counsel of his sworn advisers, and attempted to dictate the action of pMriiamcnt on (|Uestions bef(n'e it? D(jes he approve; or coiidenm the unlawful and unconstitutional proceedings of the Cartier-Macdoiiald government in accepting and trcinsferring offices without appealing totlieir constituent.^ for re-election ? On the apiiearaiiCH of this article Mr. JJaklwin withdrew from the contest, and the same i)arties who brought him out brought nut the Hon. (icorge Allan, and elected liini as tlie coiiservati\e candidate. No person can be justly lilaiaed for declining to allow jiersoiial excel- lences to atone for political error. It i.s sufficient to recognize such excellences, but tlie political failings iiiiist be exposed after such recognition. This was done by Mr. Brown as a journalist, and imthing more. Tlie veteran statesman made no complaint himself of dl treat- ment, and doubtless he felt less offended by fair criticisih on his public acts than at the use made of liis name by men who shared all his mistaken views^ but wlio possessed none of ]iis strict integrity. The population of western Canada in 1858 was estiiuateil as being 1,300,000, while tiiat of Lower Canada was only estimated iit 1,000,000, showing practically that 300,000 were witluiut representation. It was also shown that the most important legislation regarding ("I'^ier Canadian matters was forced on the latter by a Lower Canadian majority. This state of affairs could not jiossibly last, and the treat- ment given by Governor and parIi'.:iiont to the oiiiy ministry which had determined to grapple with the evil iuteiisitied tlie de'"-""1 for some constitutional changes. This demand was theiicefiu'th scarcely opposed even by conservatives. Mr. Brown called a meeting of the reform members of both Houses for the 23rd of September, 1859, to consider the state of affairs. Tliis meeting decided to call a convention of the liberal party on the 9th of November. In response to this call 570 delegates met (m the appointed day and discussed very fully the mode of remedying the exist(!iit evils. The result was the passage of certain resolutions afiirming the failure of the existing union, the non-remediai cliaracter of thedou!)le majority plan, and that tlu' true remedy lay in a federal ■s Ji i I : :!!|> i. 72 A//''A' AND SPEECHES OF union of tlic provinces, with " ncmie joint authoriti/" charji;ed with " such matters us are necessarily common to both sections of the " province. ' An elaborate address of an exhaustive character was issued setting forth the great evils sufferei. by Upper Canada under the existing union. Tliis document was cliiefly the work of Mr. Brown, and bore ample testimony to his untiring zeal and industry. This c(mvention, held under his auspices as leader, presented in their resolutions and address the ])rinciples and policy upon which the liberal party made their ai)peal to the country in 1861, and which was j)redestined to prevail in the parliament elected in 1863. Resolutitms embodying the ])olicy adopted at this convention were submitted to parliament at the next session of parliament in the fol- iowhig resolution: "That tlie existing legislative union between " I p2)er and Lower Oaiiada lias failed to realize the anticipations of " its promoters ; lias resulted in a heavy debt, burdensome taxation, "great political abuses, and universal dissatisfaction ; and it is the " matured convii-tion of this assembly, from the antagonisms de- " veloped through dirterence of origin, h.ical interests and other causes, "that the union in its present form can be no longer continued with " advantage to tlie iieople. "" Mr. John Sandiield Macdoiiald, of tnurse, o2j|)03ed tlie policy l)ocause he clung to tlie doul)le majority plan, but Messrs. Coinior atul Foley strongly opposed tlie pijlicy of proceeding in parliament on the convention resolutions, because they hoped for some advantageous ministerial changes vmder the existi "g circumstances; in this course tliey wove .supported l)y several other memliers in the caucus meeting. Only Patrick and Wallbridge, of all those who usually fol- lowed the liberal leader, ultimately voted against the resolutions. Mr. Brown was uiidoulitedly right in proceeding as he did. He was bound, as the leader of the ]>artj , to cany into efl'ect the policy decided on at the great party gathering called togethtir for the express - arpose of adopting and formulating a decisive policy. He had for some time been convinced that jepresentation according to ]iopulation pure and simple would loiig l)e resisted, and tliat the exigencies of the country no less than those of political i)arty life called for some alternative policy which might l)e acce{)tal>le in Lower Canada. He did not, nor did his followers, intend for .-' moment to stay the agitation for tliu just prin- ciple of rejiresentation, which he lia ' conducted from small beginnings until it liad forced nearly evdj public man in the ranks of both parties in Upper Canada to i)ledge tliemselves to it. He did, however, intend to say in Lower Canada, " If you determine to nvsist our just " (hnnand for -Miresentation in the present union, let us di.ssolve the " union and form a new federal system which will leave each province "free to manage its own affairs, and have some central authority for l<^ i) It HUN. GEORGE BROWN 73 " matters of oouimon ooiiceru. " The subject had indeed been once discussed, on u motion of Mr. Gait, in parliament, but until 1860 no polititvil party had been as such oounnitted to such a policy. From this time until the final triumph in 1864, Mr. Brown kept tliis alter- native policy prominently before the public witliout for a moment abandoning the demand for reform under the existing constitution. 74 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF l«5 It s I'' w CHAPTER XII Repdtation Attacked. — Brilliant and Succkssful Defence. — Illness. The bitterness of the party warfare ttjwards Mr. Brown at this time found a fitting illustration in the attack made upon him by a Mr. Powell, the then member for Oarleton, who had the baseness to attack Mr. Brown through tlie person of his aged father, a gentleman who had made no enemies personal or political, thougli given to a plain expression of his views or all passing subjects. Mr. Brown, senior, had i bup'iijss failure in Edinburgh, in wldch he was not subject to moral blame, but was rather the victim of misplaced confidence. Even assuming there had been some blame attached to that incident of his life, none could attach to the son, wIk was a boy at the time. Never- theless, it had been the occasion of mean inuendo, or bold insolent attack, from unscrupulous opponents who could tind no vulnerable point in Mr. Brown's Canadian public life. The member for Carleton (m this occasion made ar attack on this subject in the most offensive manner, disgusting every respectable member on both sides of the House. Tp to this time Mr. Brown liad never noticed the gross attacks nuide outside the House, but now tliat he was u.^^ailed in the chamber, he dealt with the accusation, and showed its falsity and its uncharitable character, with a power, pathos and dignity never sur- passed. A few extracts may be given. He referred f(jr a moment to the tactics of the ministerialists in attempting to meet public accusa- tions of nusgovernment by private or personal attack, ai;d then said : I hesitate not to athrm tliat the assault the ^on. member lias just made is but the well understood climax of the scenes lately witnt'S.sed, that was to crush me forever .iS a public man. . . . This is not the first time tliat the insinuation has been inde that I was a public defaulter in my native city. It has been echoed before uow from the organs of tiie ministry. And R<1E liliOWN. 70 \\ is undoubtedly true. And it is, unliappily, also true, that he did hold a public ollice, and that funds conneotcd with that oflice were, at the moment of bis sequestration, mixed up with his private funds, to the extent, I l)e- lieve. of £2,800. For this sum four relatives and friends were sureties, and they paid the money. Fart of that money has been repaid ; every sixpence of it will be paid, and paid shortly. . . It happened in 18.S(i; I was at that time but 17 years of a^e. I was totally un;ic(iuainted with it; but young as I was, I felt then, as I feel now, the obligation it laid upon me, and I vowed I should never rest until every penny had been paid. There are those present who ha\ e known my every action since I set foot in this country ; they know I iiave not eaten the bread of idleness; but they did not know the great object of my labour, the one end of my desire for wealth, was that 1 might disciiarcfe those debts of my father's. . . . I have been accused of being ambitions ; I have been charged with aspiring to the office of Prime Minister of this great country, , . . but I onlv wish I could make my opponents understand how infinitely surpassing all this, how utterly petty and contemptible, in my thoughts, have been all such con.siderations in comparison with the one longing desire to discharge those debts of honour, and vindicate those Scottish principles that have been in.stilled into me since my youth. . . . But wiiy. asked the person who m:ido the charge, has he sat silent under it? \Vhy, if the thnig is false, has he endured it for so many yi'ars? What, sir! free myself from blame by inculpating one so dear I Say, " It was not I who was in fault ; it was my fatiier I" Rather would I have lost my right arm than utter such a woril. No, sir ; I waited the time when the charge could be met as it oidy might bo fittingly met ; and my only regret, even now, is that I have been compelled to speak before these debts have been en- tirely liquidated. But it is due to my aged father that I explain that it has not l)een with his will that these imputations have been so long pointed at me, and that it has only been by earnest remonstrance I have prevented him vindicating me in jublic long ere now. . . . The mem- ber for Carleton now pretends that he did not mean to insinuate anything against my father; that he has a high respect for his character. I thank im not for the acknowledgment. Xo man in Toronto, perhaps, is more neridly known in the community, and I think I could appeal even to nia political opponents to say if there is a citizen of Toronto at this day more thoroughly respected and esteemed. With a full knowledge of all that has passed, and all the conserjuences that h".ve iicnved from a day of weakness, I will say tliat an honester man does not breathe the air of heaven ; that no son feels prouder of his father than I do to-day ; and that I would have submitted to the oblo(]Uy and reproach of his every act, not lifteen years, but fifty — ay, have gone down to my grave with the cold shade of the world upon me rather than that one of his gray hairs should be injured. <)f this speech a leading conservative journal said : TI.e entire address fornix tlie mo-st refreshing episode which the records of the Canadian House of Commons present, livery true-hearted man must feel proud of one who has thus chivalriiusly dom; battle for his gray-haircii eiro. We snoak deliberately wlieii assertiny tliat (norge Brown's position in the counrry is at this moment immeasurably higher than it ever pre- viously has been. And ♦'hough our political c.ev d be diainetiically anti- podal to his own, we shall ever hail luni as a credit to the land we love so well. This was the general feeling over the whole country The nobility of his reply was cveiywhere contrasted with the meanness and b'-utality F ri, . .if'' to take some county ooiiBtitueuoy where his election would he certiiin, especially as such an arj'an^^enient would leave his hands free to aid in other (luarters. He declined this advice with his usual self-denial, believing that he could carry Toronto East. In the early part of this year Mr. lirown had a long and dangerous illness, which iuca])acitated him for numths frcDii giving any attendance on his parliamentary and other duties. Altliough his l)rotlier, Mr. Gordon Brown, kept the irlohfi, up to its usual vigour and excellence, yet the multifarious other duties devolving on a political leader natu- rally suH'ered much neglect. More especial!}' was tliis felt in the preparations for, and the management of, the elections. His defeat in Toronto and the h)8s of some otlier constituencies may not un- reasonal)ly l)e attributed to his physical inability to perform his usual work. One thing was very noticeable at this election. Tlie candi- dates in L'pper Canada generally pledged tliemselves to advocate con- stitutional changes iilmost as a mattei* of course. Then; was no further need to tight a battle to prove the wisdom and necessity for such changes. in this respect the work of the defeated leader and his coadjutors was practically complete, and the ten years' conflict was about to end in a complete vindication of the policy pursued by Mr. Brown since his entrance into parliament. It might be tliat the won- derful power of Canadian Tories to adapt them.selves to existing cir- cumstances would again place them in a condition to give elt'ect to principles they had steadily and vehemently oiiposed as h)ng as their advocates were comparatively few, or it miglit ])e th;it the true friends of the proposed changes would unite in giving legislative t'ti'ect to their views; but at any rate changes had no v become inevitable. It was never theless a great misfor'une to the liberal party that the loader should be defeated at suih i critical period. This was so generally felt, that innnediately several of the newly elected members ofi'ered to resign their seats in his favour. He resolutely declined any and all of the otiers made, having made up his mind to stay out of parliament, though not out of public life. He formally resigned the leader ship and gave himself entirely to tiie management of th< (Uohe. It is (juite probable that he viewed the attempt at leadership by Messrs. Foley, McDougall and Connor, with a grim satiafar-ion. These gentlemen and others i d often expres.«ed the opinion thaa the party would do l)etter without Mr. Brown, because uf liis very dr-cided opinions and his mode of expressing them. Some of them were only waiting to get Mr. Brown out of the way to form other combinations. The work of tlie oppositioTi i^ide of the House, so far as I'pper (,'anada was concerned, was entirjly in their hands for tlie sessions of 1861 and 1862, and it was only characterized by the want of vim, earuestneas and power, the po.sse.ssion of whicli always distinguished Mr. Brown's ni>\. iiEoiKiK nnaws. 77 leadcrsliip. In 1862, an informal vnto was takon in the roforni caucus for till! Icadoryhip, in wliii'li Mr. Foley got. eleven votes, being one more than anyone v\w. The leudershii) rewulting was only a farce whicli was ended two years afterwai'ds by hia joining the conservatives, a stej) he deo|ily regretted afterwards. In a letter to a friend, Mr. Brown remarked : "I confess 1 do cliii.'Ulu a little occasionally at the gentleni(!ii wno were so keen to g(!t me out of tiie way, ' were it only for .i week. ' ' \\'liy, sir,' tlu.'y woidd .say, ' this govt' umcnt woulil not stand a day were Hi'own out of the way :" and now they have luid a wiiole session to theniselves, witli opportunities never enjoyed by men liefore, and they are just where I left them. . . .In tlie eiglit years in \\hicli I led tlie opposition tiiere were many to doubt tlie ultimate success of my policy, and many in const^quenee to condenm it ; l)Ut I recolk'ct of no instance in w hich J was ciuirtred with want of vigilance, or grave blundering or incapacity. I don't think the gentlemen wlio were .so anxious to tinnist me aside can say so nnich for their one session '' | KS(>I |. Mr. Brown coutem]dated retiring from tin; leadershij*, if not from parliament, a year Ixd'ore this. Towards tlie clo.se of 1860 he addressed a lettei' to Mr. Mowat, from wliich we give an exti'act : ■'I need not remiinl you of my determination to retire from parliament- ary life at the earliest possil)le moment, and that for the last two years notlung has [ji'evented me from tloing so except the fears tiiat new combi- nations might result from my retirement iiigldy injurious to the c.iuse we have so mucJi at heart. I tliink, howevci', tlie moment has lonie when I may retire not only without fear of that danger, but witli tlie prol)ability that my doing so may largely conduce to secure the great (Mids we have been lighting for. >'ou must have observed that throughout their whoh- tour in UpiHT Canada the mcnd)ers of the adnniiistratiou have tried to excite personal ho-stility against myself, and revive the feelings inspii'ed by the tierce pai't\ contests of tiie past. There has been no (juestion wlietlier re- presentation by popul.ition is just ami should be adopted, but whether by falst- colouring (Jeorge Ihowu can be made to appeal' to have abandoned it There has been no attem|)t to argue from or for principle. ... It may be that some otiier person w ho would excite less personal hostility might i>e inoi'e su<'cisslul at this moment." A few months aft ■!• tliis he w^•ls strieki'ii down by a. lougand severe illness, whicli incapacitated liini from attending in his place in parlia- ment during the wlnde session of 1861, or indeed to take a very active part in the general election of that year. The vast amount of labour lie had undertaken as a political leader and as oditoi -in-chief of the dfohi' was more than any man could bear. He however, for sftrne years previous to this tinu\ coninienced farming on an t'xtensivo scale on a tract of laud he owned in the ccjunty of Kent. He also erected extensive .saw and gri.st mills and a cabinet factory in tlie village of Bothwell, which was built on the i)if their professions. Early in July, 1862, Mr. Brown left Canada for a lengthened so- journ in Europe to recruit his strengtli and obtain some relaxation from the cares and anxieties of his ardu(jus labours. While on his visit to Scotland, one of the great events of his life happened. On the 27th of November of thiat year he was joined in nuirriage to Miss Anne Nelson, daughter of the late well known publisher, Mr. Thomas Nelson, and sister of the present publishers, Thomas, William and James, and -' ,li t] . 80 LIFE AN/) srh'KVIIhS HF ] -'A mm of the Into llov. Dr. Jnlm Nolsou, of (Inioiiuuk. Ho aluntly nfter- wards mturnud to Oiiniula with gri'atly iminovcd hwilth, hut rather averse to again entering parHament. Wlien the new parliament met in Marcli, 1862, Mr. Brown was without a Heat, having declined all the Heats ottbrtid him. TheCartior- Macdonald government was tottering to its fall. Vigorous attacks were made hy the opposition on s»sveral (piestions, aii'l at last they fell on a vote re8[»ei;ting tlie militia. At the time of their defeat Mr. Foley was nominally leader of the Ontario oyiposition. Practically the leader- ship was in conniiiHsicn. The (iovernor-General did not send for Mr. Foley, hut for Mr. John Sandtield Macdonald, although that gentleman liad adopted views hostile to the main plank of the reform I>latform, I'opreaentation hy population, suhstituting therefor his plan of government hy having a majority in each half of the province. Mr. Brown strongly opposed the formation of any government that did not provide for a reform of the representation. The liberal members at their caucus declined to support the govennnent on the doidde majority iirincij)le, hut agreed on all things else to support it. This ({ualihed suppoit, Mr. Brown's opposition, and Mr. Dorion's early resignation, weakened it so much that it became necessary in 1863 to make some changes, which gradually brought it into greater harnnmy with the party generally. When reconstructed in 1863, Mr. Brown gave the government his active support. Early in May Dr. Connor, member for South Oxfoid, was ajjpointed Judge, and Mr. Brown, at the urgent solicitation of his friends, consented to re-enter parliament as member for thiat county. The reconstruction of the nnnistiyby the introduc- tion fif Messrs. Holtcjn, Mowat, Dorion, Letellier and Thibaudeau was largely the wf)rk of Mr. Browji, and as the re[)resentati()n ([uestion was to be an open ([ucstion with the government, the double majority scheme being tficitly abandoned, he gave his influence in parliament and in the Globp strongly in its favour Merely making the represen- tation <|uestion an open one was not considered a sufficient advance on Mr. Sandtield Macdonald's previous policy, but it was clear to Mr. Brown that nothing could then be obtained in advance of that at this time, though various indications might be seen that concessions on the representation ([Uestion might be proposed by more than one party in the House at no distant day. The Lower Canada leaders could not go further, and the Premier was believed to be ready to make pro- positions to other (piarters unless his proposals were accepted. The weakness, however, was incurable, and the elections of 1863 added no perceptible strength to the government. The fall session of 1863 was got through with some difficulty ; but in 18()4 it became clear that the government could not effectively conduct the legislati(m and business SI V. HVN, atJOliHE li/tolVN. 81 l« of tlio CDUnti-y with only a majority of one or two, and rather thati continue siicii a stru<,'yle, tlie niini.stry resij^ned on the 2lHt of March, Mr. Brown, Honior, died in 1863. He was a noble old man, and univerHally beloved wherever he was known. Dr. IJurns, of Hali- fax, Hay.s of liiin : " H.> was a fine-lool 71 Photographic Sciences Corporation 33 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. MS80 (71*) 872-4503 m ^ M ^^ ^. * 'C %° m ^ ^ 82 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF This was the only answer he miwlo to the all-important ijuestion. What need for more ? Pew men were more missed by a large circle of devoted friends, personal and political. His health had been seriously impaired by the loss «>f a beloved daughter, Miss Catherine Brown, who was killed a few years before in a railway accident at Syracuse, when on a journey from New York with her father. This tragic event touched father and mother very deeply, and saddened their declining years. His habitual cheerfulness, nevertheless, brightened his face and warmed his manner to the last. Mr. George Brown's chivalric devotion to his father has been already referred to ; his tenderness towards him might be daily witnessed. Fatiier and son might be seen any day going to or returuiu!^ from the office to the home on Church Street, the father leaning heavily on the son's arm ; attention was often called to the care taken by the stalwart son of the liged father. The elder Mr. Brown's general information, his genial liumour, and his fund of anecdote, made his company of an evening very delightful, and of course caused liim to be all the more missed in the oHice and the home. ! I m ■■! Ill ims. OEORGM RROIVS. 83 CHAPTER XIV. CORKEHI'ONDKNTK CoNiJEKNINO TUB ReCIPKCMTITY TrKATV. CONHTITl'TIONAL ClIANtJES PkOHOSEU. Towards tho climu of Mr. Saiultield Macdonald's otlicial life aa Premier, the reciprocity treaty with the United States excited much attention, as notice Iiad been given, or was aV>out to be given, by the United States to tunainate it as soon us its terms permitted. Mr. Macdonald asked Mr. Hrown to visit Washington, and seethe public men there respecting the continuance of tlie treaty. Mr. Sandtield Macdonald addressed the following letter to Mr. lirown: QuKBKc, .lainiary 7th, 18()4. My Dkar Bkowx, — Tho agitation in coiiuruss, as well as tlio action ot some of tlie northern states, point unmistukabiy to the termination uf the reciprocity treaty. You can well nnagine tliis has not encajwd tiie atten- tion of the government. If we have abstained thus far from indicating by any pultbe announcement the pohcy to lie adopted, or from taking stepn eitlier by representing tho anxiety we feel to tlie home government, or to the British minister at W.ashingtoii, with a view to imperial action, it is be \aiting the result of events which we could not control. The aspect in which the matter now presents itself admonishes us to prepare for the tight. We have considi;red that the first movement to be mtule is to select a competent individual who could be entrusted to ileal with the subject at Washington, and who by his position coulil approach all parties ;it that capital. Hy the freedom of the intercourse thus allbrded, it is coujeutured that much of the existing prejucs to W^ashiiigton, 1 will gladly lend him all the aid, personally and otJierwise, that I possibly can. Faithfully yours, Gkorok Brown. Hon. J.S. Ma<"»onaij>, Quebec. •*•, IIOX. i.Eonah' BliOWX. 85 The propoBed negotiations at this time never Hsaunivd any uhape. They were proceeded with eighteen months afterwards under other auspices, and proved abortive. In the eventful session of the Cana- dian parliament about to open, Mr. Sandtield Macdonald's govennnent received the full aui»port of Mr. Brown. The conservative opposition showed their usual roved by the libenil party, and it n.iiy be dfjulited whetlier it was in a tactical sense a wise movement. It did, however, lead at once to tlie event which precipitated the con- stitutional changes which were so soon to be concreted in the British Nortli America Act forming the present federal union of all the provinces. On the 30th of March a new conservative government was formed under Sir E. 1'. Taclie. Tliis administration had a very precarious existence ; indeed, only succeeded in living a day by the purchase of two members of the liberal party l)y oHice. In the mean- time Mr. iirown obtained a coniuiittee of the leading members of both sides of the House to "consider the l)est means of .settling the " conatitntioiial clianges wliicli miglit l)e recounuended, to avoid " trouble." The connuittee consisted of Messra. .Fohn A. Macdonald, (ialt, Cartior, Chapais, Street, J. H. Cameron, Turcotte and McOee, from the conservative side ; and Messrs. .F. S. Macdonald, M«»wat, Holton, McKellar, Scoble, McDougall and Brown, from the liberal side. The repui-t was pre.sented at the opening of the House on the 14tli. Mr. Brown — from the select committee appointed to inejuire into the injportant subjects embracRil in :i dispatcli to the colonial minister addressed to liini on the 'Jiul day of Fol)niaiy, ISo!), by the Hon. (J, E. Cartier, the Plon. A. T. M •iV •'■»•■ 'm\ 86 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF |l I l«ii III! remedying the evila therein Het forth prcRented to the Hoiiae the report of the said committue, which W)»a read as followeth : That the cominittuo h:ive held eight Hittineu and have endeavoured to tind L,iii.3 solution for ixisting ditliculties likely to receive the asaent o{ both sections of the province. A Htrong fuclint{ was found to exist among the members of the oomuiittee in favour of chanues in the direction of a federative system, applied either to Canada niono, or to the whole itritisb North American provmues, and such progress has been made as to warrant the committee in recommending that the subject be again referred tu a committee at the next session of parliament. The whole respectfully submitted. «1ko, Bkown, Chairman. The Hun. John A. MacdonaUl, John S. Macdonald and John Scoble, alonu opposed the adoption of this report. The day after the committee came to the decision to make this re- port, the goveninient was defeated on a motion of want of confidence, moved by Mr. Dorioii. Mr. John A. Macdonald had on tbe previous day recorded liis vote against the conclusion readied by the sonimittee in favour of a solution of the constitutional crisis as one which both sections might agree to. Tlie want of confidence motion in the government, of which lie was a prominent member, (piickened his per- ceptions, and a few hours sufficed to induce him to acknowledge the existence of a serious crisis, and the wisdom of meeting it by the very plan suggested by the committee, but which was promulgated by the reform convention in 1859 as an alternative to representation by population with the existing union. The first use made of the victory by Mr. Brown, as the western loader, was to consider how to turn the defeat to account in securing the constitutional changes retpiired. He consulted some of his most intimate friends and supporters witli a view of ascertaining whether they would bo disposed to abate tlie ordinary party advantages now in their grasp in order to achieve a more signal triumph in securing such constitutional changes as would ett'ectually do justice to Upper Canada. Finding a general disposition prevailing to adopt his view, he next addressed himself to some government supporters — notably Mr. Morris, member for Lanark — suggesting that they should press on their leaders the wisdom of trying to come to some agreement on con- stitutional changes which could be accepted by east and west. The Lower Canadian liberals declined to be parties to any arrangement with the conservative government, preferring to allow the ordinary course to be pursued wliich must foUow the defeat of a government. During the negotiations which succeeded the conversations alluded to, Mr. Brown was pained to have to act witii do so in the interests of his own province. Many of the Upper Canadian menibert agreed, with much reluctance, to the negotiations, partly because they feared treachery on the jiart of the conservatives, and partly because it seemed probable that a separation from their Lower Canadian allies would be the result. ii II 88 LIFE ASH SPEECHES OF CHAPTER XV. A Coalition I'hoposei). — Mk. Hkown UrtOKH to Entkh thb MiN'isTRY. — A Fkdekal Un'ion Resolvkd on. Mr. Morris having roiM»rtotl to the ctHiservativo leaders Mr. Brown's conversations, on the following day, June 16th, Mr. John A. Mao- donald asked if Mr. Brown would meet Mr. Gait and himself to dis- cuss the situation and the proposed remedy. This was at once assented t<>, and a preliminary meeting was held next morning, at which Messrs. Macdonald and (Jalt appeared as a delegation from the defeated administration, authorised to invite Mr. Brown to strengthen them, with a view to their caiTying on the government for the pur- pose of settling the sectional ditliculties between Upper and Lower Canada. Wlien this proposal was made Mr. lirown at once informed them that nothing but the extreme urgency of tlie present crisis, and the hope of settling the sectional trouliles of the province for ever, could, in his opinion, justify tlieir meeting together with a view to common political action. . . . Mr. Brown then stated, on grounds purely personal, that it was ([uite inr-ossible that he could be a mem- ber of any administration 'it present, .and that even had this been otherwise, he would have conceived it highly objectionable that parties who had been so long and so strongly op})08ed to each other, as he and some members of the administration had been, should enter the same cabinet. He thought the public mind would be shocked by such an arrangement, but he felt very strongly tliat the present crisis pre- sented an o[)portunity of dealing with this (luestion that might never occur again. Both political parties had tried in turn to govern the country, but without success ; and repeated elections only arrayed sectional majorities against each other more strongly than before. Another general election at this moment presented little liope of a much altered result ; and lie believed that both parties were far better prepared than they had ever been before to look the true cause of all the difficulties finnly in the face, and endeavour to settle the represen- tation ({uestion on an equitable and permanent basis. Mr. Brown added that if the administration were prepared to do this, and would pledge themselves clearly and publicly to bring in a measure next session that would be acceptable to Upper Canada, the basis to be now settled and announced to parliament, he would heartily co-operate with them, and try to induce his friends — in which he hoped to be .../• HON. a no RUE ItlUtWN. succuHsful — to sustain tliuni until they had an opjMjrtunity of pruseut- ing their measure next session. Mr. Macdonuld replied that lie considered it would be essential that Mr. Itrown liiinself should become a member of tlie cabinet, with a view to give guarantees to the opposition and to the country for the earnestness of the government. Mr. Brown rejoined that other members of the opposition could, ociually with himself, give that guarantee to tiieir i)arty and the country by entering the government in the event of a satisfactory basis being arrived at. He felt that his position liad been such for many years as to place a greater bar in the way of his entering the government than in that of any other member of t7ie opposition. Mr. Macdonald then Siiid he thouglit it would be necessary that Mr. Brown himself sliould, in any case, be identified with the nego- tiations tliat would necessarily have to take place, and that if he did not himself enter the cabinet he might undertake a mission to the Lower Pnivinces, or to England, or both, in order to identify himself with the action of the Canadian government in canying out the measure agreed upon. It was then suggested by Mr. Brown, and agreed to, that all ques- tions of a personal cliaracter, and the necessarj' guarantees, should be waived for the present, and the discussion conducted with a view of uscertaining if a satisfactoiy solution of the sectional difticulty could be agreed upon. Mr. Brown asked what the government proposed as a remedy for the injustice complained of by Upper Canada, and as a settlement of the sectional troubles. Mr. Macdonald and Mr. (Jalt rejilied that their remedy wjis a federal union of ull the British North American provinces ; local matters being conunitted to local bodies, and matters common to all to a general legislature, constituted on the well under- stood principles of federal governiuent. Mr. Brown objected that this was uncertain and remote, as there were so many bodies to be consulted, and stated that the measure ac- ceptable to Upper Canada would be parliamentary reform based on population, without regard ti) a separating line between l'i>i>er and Lower Canada. Messrs. Macdtmald and Gait said it would be impossible for them tt> accede to or for any government to cari-y sueli a measure, and that unless a basis could be framed on the federative principle suggested by the report of Mr. Brown's committee, it did not appear to them that anything could be settled. Ultimately it was found that a compromise might probably be had in the adoption of the federal principle for all the provinces as the '^^ [^ ► vl '?;n' 90 LIFE ANV SPEKCIIES OF I i |i larger quostinn, or for Canada alone, with provision for the admission •if the Maritime Provinceti and the North- West Territory. Mr. Brown contended that the Canadian confederation should be constituted iirst, in order that such securities might be taken in regard to the posititMi of Upper Canada as would satisfy that section of the country, and that in the negotiations with the Lower Provinces, the interests of Upper Canada would in no case be overlooked. It was then agreed to communicate to parliament that day, June 17th, a statement that the state of the negotiations warranted a hope of an ultimate understanding. On the 19th, a general accord was reached, " that ... as the " views of Upper Canada could not be met under our present system, " the remedy must be sought in the adoption of the federal principle." At tliis stage of the negotiations Mr. Brown reciuestcd to have the views of the government in writing. This was diiue that same after- noon, Mr. Brown in the meantime seeing the Governor-General. The following memorandum, approved by tlie government and the Gov- enior-General, was tlien given to liim : Memorandum. — Conkidential. The government aro prepared to state that immediately after the pro- rogation thuy will address tliuiiisi^lves in the most earnest manner to the negotiations for a confederation of all the British North American pro- vinues. Tliat, failing a successful iusue to such negotiations, tliuy are prepared to pledi^e theinselvest to legislation (luring next .session of parliament for the purpose of remedying existing ditficulties, by introducing tlie federal principle for Canada alone, coupled with such provisions as will permit the Maritime Provinces and the North-West Territory to be hereafter iucor- poratctl into the Canadian system. That, for the purpose of carrying on the negotiations, and settling the details of the proposed legislation, a royal commission shall be issued, com- posed of tiiree members of the government and three members of the opposition, of whom Mr. Brown shall be one, and tiie (lovernment pledge themselves to give all the influence ot the administration to secure to the said commission the means of advancing the great object in view. That, subject to the House permitting the government to carry through the public business, no dissolution of parliament shall take place, but the admiuistratiou will again meet the present Houhc. Shortly after six tlie parties met at the same place, when Mr. Brown stated that ... he had seen a sufhcient number of his friends to warrant him in expressing tlie belief that the bulk of them would accept a measure for tlie federative union of the Canadas, with provision for admitting the Maritime Provinces and the North-West Territory. Tlie proposal was then formally agreed to in the following terms, subject to the approval of His Excellency : The government are prepared to pledge themselves to bring in a measure next session, for the purpose of removing existing difficulties by introduc- ing the federal principle into Canada, coupled with such provision as will permit the Maritime Provinces and the North-West Territory to be incor> porated into the same system of government. h t^f: HON. GEORGE EROWN. 91 And the govornment will mok, hy scmling repreientativcH to the Lower Provincei and England, to hccufc the OMHent of those intcrusta which are beyond the control of our own legislation, to such a nieoiiure oa may enable all British Nortli America to be united under a general legislaturo based upon the federal principle. Mr. Brown then atated that, having arrived at a baflis which he believed wuuld bo generally acceptable to the great mass «>f hia poli- tical friends, he had tu add, that aa tlie proposition was so general in ita terms, and the advantages of the nieanure dei>ended on the details that might finally be adopted, it was the very general feeling uf his friends that security must be given for the fairness of those details, and the good faith with which the whole movement would be prose- cuted, by the introduction into the cabinet of a fair representntion of his political friends. Mr. Hrown stated that he had not put this ({Uestion directly to his friends, but that he perceived very clearly that this was the strong opinion of a large majority of them, and that his own personal opinion on this (to which he still adhered) was participated in by only a small number. Messrs. Macdonald, Cartier and Gait, replied that they hat! of course understood, in proposing that Mr. Brown should enter the government, tliat he would not come alone, but that the number of seats at his disi)osal had not been considered by their colleagues. Mr. Brown was requested to state his views on this point, and he replied that the opposition were half of the House, and ought to have an e(|U>il influence in the government. On Monday, .June 2l8t, at 10.30 a.m., Messrs. Macdonald, Cartier and Gait, called on Mr. Brown, and tliey went together to the secre- tary's oflice ; when Mr. Brown, having been asked how he proposed to arrange etjuiil representation in the cabinet, replied that he desired to be understood as meaning four members for Upper Canada and two for Lower Canada, to be chosen by the opposition. In reply, Messra. Cartier and Gait stated that, so far as related to the cimstitution of the cabinet for Lower Canada, they believed it already afforded ample guarantees for their sincerity, and that a change in its personnel would be more likely to produce embarrassment tlian assistance, as the majority of the people of Lower Canada, both French Canadians and English, had implicit confidence in their leaders, which it would not be desirable to shake in any way. That in approaching the important question of settling the sectional difficulties, it appeared to them essential that the party led by Sir E. P. Tache should have ample assurance that their interests would be protected, which, it was feared, would not be strengthened by the introduction into the cabinet of tlie Lower Canada opposition. Mr. Macdonald stated that, as regards Upper Canada, in his opinion Mi Hli 1);: :^Cl u lie -1 ^'Wu R If u' ' *JmiKa p'fiHml I I 92 IJFK AND SPEECHKS OF tho rutluotion t(» two of thu inunbur of the geiitluineii in tho cubinet who now ro|irefU3iit Uppur Ciiniuln wouM involvu thu witlidmwal of thu contidunuu of thoHu wlio now HUpport thuui in tlio Honsu of AHHcnihly, hnt that hu would hu prupiirud for tliu iidniiBflion into thu cabinet of tliruu ^untleniun of tho npponition, on its being lutcurtainud that thuy wouhl bring witli thuni a support uipnil to that now unjuyud by thu govurnniunt from I7]i|»tir Canada. Mr. Hrown askud in wliat inainiur it won proponed thu six I'ppur Canada niiniaturs hIiouUI bu Hulectud. Wim uacli party to havu rnrtv bhtiwlu' in HUggusting to tliu liuad of tiiu govurninunt thu nanius to bu choBun f To winch Mr. Macdonald roplied, that as a nmttor of courau hu wouUl uxpuct Mr. Brown hint»elf to bu a nienibur of thu adniinin- tration, lui affording thu bust if not tliu only guaiiintuu for thu adhe- sion of his friunds. Tliat Mr. Macdonald, on Mr. Hniwn giving his assunt, would confer with him as to thu seluction of the lTp])or Canada oolloagues from both sidus, wht> would be tlie most acceptable to tlieir respective friends, and most likely to work harmoniously for thu groat sition, but that he was, as lie had been for some time, anxious to retire from the govurnment, and would bu i|uite rtsady to facilitate arrangements for doing so. Of course, he could not retire from the government without Sir E. P. Tachu's consent. Mr. Brown thun stated tliat, witliout discussing thu propriety or reasonableness of the i)roposition, he would consult his friends and give an early reply. Inunediately after this meeting Mr. Brown summoned a meeting of the Upper Canada oi)position members, to whom hu fully ro (N. lluHtin^s), WclU, White and Wri^dit. Tliu follnwiug mendtcrs tie- clineci to vote lithcr yea or nay, nainelv : McttHrH, Kitr^ar, MncDonahl ((ilcMifjiiry), Mauhonald ((."ornwall), Mact'onaUl (Toronto), and Scatehird. It waH moved hy tho Hon. .1. S. .NlacdonaM, " That tho propoNitiou for at louHt tlireo iiicmliurH of the oppodition cnterini; thi* government bo nu- copti'd." Mr. Mackt-nzifl (of Lamhton) moved in amendment, " Tliat tho pro- position for three nuMnhcrx entering tlie cahinet be rejected, and tliat tho propo.>n for tiif >i*:ttlcmcnt uf Ncctional ditiicultieH receive an outxide support." \\r, Mowat Huugested that a division he taken on the underatanding that those votiii:,' •• yea " were in favour of the hr^t proposition, and those voting " iia\ " were in favour of the si'cond iiropositi<»n. -Agreed to. The yeas and nays were then taken as followH : Veas -Mossih. Ault, Hell, Dunaford, llowland, Macdon.vld (Olt-iigarry), MacDonald (Cornwall), McKarlane, Mc( onkey, McDougall. Mdiivcrn, .Mclntyre, Munro, Not- man, I'arker, Rankin, Hohh (rrincc Kdward), Rymal, Smith (Toronto), Smith (Durham), Stirton, Tliompson, \Valll^rid^'0 (Speaker), Wallbridge (N. H.istiiiijs), Wells, White and Wright -2(5. Nays -Messrs. BowniMi, Brown, I'lurweli, Cowan, Uickson, Mackenzie (I.ambton), Mackenzie (Ox- ford), NlcKellar, Mowat, Scatchord and Scohle — 11. Mr. Macdonahl ('J'or- onto) declined to voti'. Moved hy Hon. Mr. M,icI>onald, of Cornwall, " That it ia all import- ant that Mr. Iliown ahould be one of the 'party' to enter tho cabinet." — Carried unanimously, with the exception of Mr. Scatcherd, Mr. Brown, and Mr. Bnrwili. Moved by Mr. White, anil carried unanimously, "That Mr. Brown be requested to (continue the negotiations with the government." R. Bei.i , Chmrmnn. Anotlior ineetiujj was held i>ti Tuesday, 22nd, by Mr. Hrowii and the Messrs. Tache, Macdonuld, Curlier, and Gait, when Mr. IJrngly that tlie reformers shouhl have a larger representation in the cabinet tlian tliree members. To which it was replied tliat the administration l)elieved it was accepting ottice. On Wednesday Mr. Brown met the same ministers, and informed them of Ilia linal pinion to the great majority who held otherwise. Mr. Brown Iiimself also liad misply any pressure. This was undoubtedly done 1)y Mr. Card well, and doubtless at his instance Mr. Arthur Gordon, governor of New Brunswick, applied all the pressure in his power, and not very fairly. He succeeded, but at the expense of some keen feeling, in the expression of which by some Mr. Brown was unjustly blamed On the 30th day of July Mr. Taclie, the Premier of the coalition government, died, and negotiations for the continuance or recon.struc- ti(m of the government were commenced witli Mr. Brown by Mr. Macdonald, who was the senior member. He desired to be Premier himself, but failing tliat, he was willing Mr. Cart ier should be placed in that positiim. Mr. Brown, as leader of the liberal section, was bound to see that neitlier the reform party nor tlie i)olicy agreed cm were jeopardized by the new arrangements to be made. The following corre8i»ondence will best show the ground he took, sui)iiorted by liis two colleagues : •I ■I t - • *! ■ ■ A- ■ Ministerial Nkuotiatiovs fok the RFcoNsTitrrTioN of the Govf.rn- MENT CONSEl^UENT OS THE L)E.\TII OK SiR E. P. TaCHE. No. 1. — A/(in<)rn»dum modf ,'ffli Auiiiixt, ISH'i, of' Conrcrnathn lulil on thr preccdiiiij day Ixfirefii Mii^srx. Mitcdotuild and Brown. Mr. Macdonald, yesterday, souglit an interview with Mr IJrown and in- formed him that His Exucclleny the«ioveninr-General had sent for him that morning, and had stated his desire that tiie administration, as it was formed in 18()4, should e(mtinue in office, with as few clmnges as possible, in order to carry out the policy announced by the government fni its formation ; that, with that view, His Excellency had expressed the opinion that the most obvious mode of supplying the place, vacated by the death of Sir Etienne Tache, would be for Air. Macdonald to assume the position of First Minister, as being the senior member of the ministry ; and that Mr. Cartier would, on the same principle, become the leader of the Lower Canadian section of the government ; and that, for the purpose of carrying those views into etlect, lie had commissioned Mr. Macdonald to take the post of First Minister, at the same time requesting all the other ministers to retain their offices. Mr. Macdonald further informed Mr. Brown that he had assented to this proposition of His Excellency, and had seen Mr. P; (f,l 111 Hi '! ii ; b I It i 1^'. 98 LfFE AND SPEECHES OF Cartier, who at once agreed to it. He then iuvited Mr. Brown to accede to the proposal of His P]xcellenoy. Mr. Brown replied tliat hu was (}uite prepared to enter into arrange- ments for the continuance of the government in tiie same position it occu- pied previous to the death of Sir Etieuiie Tache ; but that tlie proposal now made involved a grave departure from that position. The government, heretofore, had been a coalition of tlireo political parties, each represented bv an active party leader, but all acting iintler one chief, who had ceased to ))e actuated by strong party feelings or personal ambitions, and who was well fitted to give conhdence to .<11 the three sections of the coaiitioii that the conditions which united them would be carried out in good faith to the very letter. Mr. Macdonald, Mr. Cartier, and liiinself (Mr. Brown) were, on the contrary, regarded as party leaders, witii party feelings and aspira- tions; and to place any one of tlieni in an attitude of superiority over the others, with tlie vast advantage of the premiership, would, in the public mind, lessen the security of good faitli, and seriously endanger the existence of the coalition. It would be sin entire change of the situation. Which- ever of tiie three was so preferred, the act would amount to an abandon- ment of the ooaUtion basis and a reconstruction of the government on ordinary party principles, under a patty leader unacceptable to a large portion of those on whose support the existence of the ministry depended. Mr. Brown reminded Mr. Macdonald that when the coalition was formed, the liberal party in opposition constituted a majority of the House of Assembly; that, sulely for tlic acconiplisliment of a great measure of reform essential to the peace and progress of the country, tiiey iiad laid aside, for the time, i)arty consider.-vtiinis, and consented to form a coalition with their opponents, on conditions which nothing but the strongest .sense of public duty could liave induced them to accept. He reminded Mr. Macdonald of the disadvantageous and embarrassing position he (Mr. Hrown) and his colleagues. Mi'. McDougall and Mr. Howland, had occupied during the past year, united as they were with nine political opponents who held all tlie important dei>artinents of state ; and he asketl him to reflect in what light the liberal party must regard this new proposition to abandon their distinctive position, and place one of their chief opponents in the premier- ehip, though his conservative supporters in iiarliament were much inferior, numerically, to the reform supporters of the coalition. Mr. Brown stated his conviction that the right mode of settling the question wouhl be to invite some gentleman, of good position in the legislative council, under whom all the three great parties to the coalition could act with confidence, to become the successor of Colonel Tache. In no other way, he thought, could the position heretofore existing lie continued. Mr. Brown concluded by saying that the proposal of Mr. Macdonald was palpably one for the construction of a new government, and that if the aid of the reform party of Upper Canada in the assembly were desired in its formation, a distinct statement of the policy of the new government must be made, and a definite Eroposition submitted. Speaking, however, for him.^elf alone, he (Mr. rown) occupied now precisely the ground that he had held in the negotia- tions of 18(54 ; he stood prepared to give an outside but frank ai.-i earnest support to any administration that might be formed, pledged, like the coali- tion government, to carry through parliament, in the spring session of next year, either a measure for the final completion of the confederation scheme of the Quebec conference, or one for removing existing difficulties in Canada, by the introduction of the federal principle into the system of govern- nlent, coupled with such provisions as will permit the Maritime Provinces and the North-West Territory to be incorporated into the system. Mr. Macdonald stated in answer that at the time the coalition was elFected in 1864, Sir Etienne Tache held the position of Premier, with him (Mr. Macdonald) as leader of the Lower House, and of the Upper Canadian section of the government. That on reference to the memorandum con- I ; HON. GEORUE BROWN. 99 taining the basis of coalition, it will be seen that Mr. Hrown at first pre- ferred to support the eovernmeut in its policy as tlien settled without entering thu government, but that it was afterwards agreed, in deference to the wirthes of his supporters and at the pressing instance of Mr. Macdonald, tliat lie and two of his political friends shouM enter the government. These tcTnis were acceded to, the offices that happened to be then vacant placed at Mr. Brown's disposal, and tho coalition was completed. Mr. Macdonald further stated that Sir Ktienne Taohii was not selected at the time of the coalition, or a.s a part of the agreement for tlid coalition, a,» First Minister, but bo had been pieviously and was tlicn the head of the conservative g(ivernment, and was accepted witli all his Lower Canadian colleagues without change. That on tlie lamented decease of Sir Ktienne, His Excel- lency had, without any previous comnmidcation of his opinion to him or (■•IS he undenstood) to any ontj else, come to tho conchisiou tliat the i)e.st mode of carrying on tlie government was (as already stated) f'>r Mr. Mac- donald to take one stop U()ward ; that Mr. 'Jartier, as next in seniority, sliouid do so also, iind that the other arrangements should remain as betore. Tliat ho (.Mr. Maedonahi) tliou<.'ht with His Excellency that this was the best solution of the matter, and could not but accede to it ; that, hovever, ho bad no personal fculing in the matter, and that if lie had, he tiiouglit it his duty to set a.side sucli feeling for the sake of carrying out the great scheme, so happily commenced, to a successful issue. He therefore would riadily stmid aside and waive his preteii.sions, so tiiat some otiier party tlian himself niiulit be appointed to the premierahip ; that lie thought Jlr. ('artier should 1)(! tlm'. party ; that after the death of '.'olouel Tiiclic, Mr. ('artier, beyond a doubt, was the most intltiential man in his section o!' the cipimtry, and would bo seiceLcd by tlic Lower (Janudian supporters of the ^•overnmeiit as their le. ' ; that ncitlier Mr. ilrown nor .Mr. .Macdonald eould dictate to Lower Canada as ':} tlieir selection of leader ; that the I'remier must be, according to usagn, the leaiier or senior member either trom Upper or Lower Canada ; and th;it as be (Mr. Macdonald) had, in consequence of the i)ositioii taken by Mr. Jirown, waived his own preten- tions, it followed that Mr. Cartier siiould be appointeil as I'rime Miiiistcr. ^Ir. Macdonald stated in conclusion tliat altliough he had no reason to suppose that His Excellency would object to the si;lecti(ni of Mr. Cartier, yet he must of course submit the pioposition to him, and obtain His Excel- lency's assent to it. Mr. Hrown replied that in some of the views suggested liy Mr. Mac- oli- tical attrition daily render his position more unpleasant. It was there- fore with a sense of relief that he felt bound, a few weeks after the confederate council adjourned, to adopt such decided views on the (juestion of reciprocity with the I'nited Status, against the views of his colleagues, as to render his resignation necessary. This wsis the immediate cause of his resignation. During Mr. Brown's absence from Ottawa on public business, Messrs. fJalt ami Howhuid were sent to Wivshington, and were negotiating there with the committee of ways and means. The ministers 8ubse([Uuntly agreed to accept a scheme of concurrent legislation for the interchange of commodities instead of a treaty. Commercial intercourse by reciprocal legislation would inevitably derange our trade relations with the United States. Stability is an element that cannot be dispensed with in commerce, and so Mr. Bi'own considered. There can be no doubt, however, that Mr. Brown felt a personal slight was offered him when Mr. Howland was sent with Mr. Gait on a mission to promote reciprocity — wlijen Mr. Howland, who was not a member of the confederate council on commercial treaties, was sent on such a mission, although Mr. Brown and Mr. Gait were the members of that council. m M-.J W ;S ! < txi I' ■•\r\. i ■\'.: ■':%.• nil l!"i'J Is 101 LIFE A SI) SI'EECHKS (tF n i :'' Mr. Brown felt that in leaving the government tlien ho was not jeopardizing tlie confederation Hchenie. To use hit* own words, lie thotiglit " that confederation liad even then reached that point where "no danger of its faihire need be apprehended." It was true the great ({uestion had readied audi a stage, hut it is o<|ually true that some important clianges were afterwards made, and action in other matters adverse to the liberal party taken, which his presence would probably have i)revented. Still, the resignation was not only justifiable but unavoidable. Strenuous eH'orts were made by some of his colleagues to induce him to remain. The following letter was sent liy Mr. Cartier : KxKCtTIVK CoiNni, ClIAMItKR, Ottawa, IKtli Dec, lS(i.">. Mv Dkah Hkown, — Ihave just called atyour liotel witli Canipl)pll, with a view to have witii you a friendly interview. We were veiy sorry and mucli (lisappfiiiited to tind that you were out. lioth of us left our curds. We intend calling again this afternoon in the iiope of ))uing more sue- ccsstul. If perchance you )ia)ipcn to be in wiien tins uotu reaches you, be kind enough to send me word that you are at your hotel. I hope, and every one of your colleagues hope, tliat after a friendly interview you will be induced to reconsider your jiresent intention. Believe me, my dear IJrown, your devoted colleague, (Signed), a. K. ('. Hon. Geo. Bkown. To tliis letter Mr. Urown sent the following reply : KrssKLL HorsK, 10th Dec. Mv Dkar Cartikr, — I. have received your kind note, and think it right to state frankly at once that the step I have taken cannot be revoked. The interests involved are too great. I think a very great blunder has lieen committed in a matter involving the most important interestn of the country, and that the Order in Council you have passed endorses that blunder and authorizes persistence in it . . . I confess I was much annoyed at the personal atlVont oU'ered me, but that feeling lias passed away in view of the serious character of the matters at issue, which casts .all personal feeling aside. 1 ilesire to leave you in perfect harmony. I shall, of course, place m writ- ing my grounds of resignation, but seeing tlie prejudicial ettect their present publication might have on the negotiations, I propose that no reason be given for my resignation until the reciprocity (piestion is settled one way or other. I propose to state in to-morrow's (jloltc that my resignation has occurred from a grave ditt'erence in the cabinet, in whicii I stand alone on an important public (piestion ; that tlie explanations will be given in parlia- ment in due time, and that it would be inex)iedient for the public interests that they should be given sooner. I make tiiis suggestion believing it the best thing for the puolic interest, and on that (jround alone ; but any other proper course of procedure I am ready to adopt at the wish of my late colleagues. In conclusion, let me say that if you stick to the compact you made with me when Sir Narcisse came into the government, my being out of the government will not change my course in the slightest, and that you will have my best aid in carrying out the constitutional changes we were pledged to. Believe me, my dear Cartier, faithfully yours, Geo. Brown. Hon. G. E. Cautikr. HON. UEomiE lilioWN. 105 Ottawa, Ifltli Doc, ISHTi. My Dkah HitowN, — I feel very Horry nt your telliiiu n»u that this step you have t^ikeii cannot l>v revoked. Wliatuver nii^ht he, at thin ni, ure the most couHistent with the ]iublic interoMtH. The same announcenu-nt will have to be made by us. Allow me to Hay to you that whatever may be the result of our interview this evening, I will always feel very thankful to you for the patriotic and generous sentiments you are .so kind to express in your note to me. Iteliove me, my dear Mrown, yours very truly, (iKOKdK Kt. CaHTIKR. Hon. Ueo. Buown. The [)er8<>n!il interview with Messrs. Cartior and Canipbull did not att'ect tlio decision Mr. Hmwn had arrived at. To use his own words, he stood alone ; Mr. McDougall was not in Canada, and even had he been it is more tluin probable lie would not have stood by liis leader in resignation ; Mr. Howhind had committed himself to the policy of the govenunent on the reciprocity ((uestio'<. and tliere was a possible danger ahead of his getting himself counnittod to a perpetua- tion of tlie coalition after the cause aiul justification for its existence had passed away. As already stated, Mr. Brown entered tlie coalition government reluctantly, and only on the urgent representation of a i)arty caucus. That the circumstances were sucli as justified a coalition of political parties no one will doubt, unless indeed it be aflinned that no circuni- Btances will justify sucli a movement. Tluit there were strong reasons to he urged for his entering the government as leader of tlie Upper Canada liberals cannot be denied. He was the originator of the revolu- tionary movement just commenced. The strongest man in the cabinet, Mr. John A. Macdonald, only accepted ihe pro[>osed policy as an immediate political necessity. He was opposed to a federal union, and made n(» secret of his preference for a legislative union. It was there" fore feared that, if'Mr. Brown, with two strong colleagues, were not in the cabinet, the opposing pinver would render the federative system about to be adopted more or less incomplete, with a view to an early return to the other system, whicli was then abandoned. He felt himself the greatest repugnance to joining the government, and this feeling was shared by his mcjst intimate friends, but the force of the reasons on the opposite side were at last admitted and acted tipon. One prominent member of the assembly, now dead, wrote to Mr. Brown t fevT I ■ 106 LIFE A St) SPEEVItES OF , 1 ii '■ i as follows : " How can you hopu to socuro tho settloniont of the con- " Btittitional (luoations withmit your own personal participation in the " preliminar}' and advanced stages of the negotiation. The negotia- " tion must go on during recess and session, 'hail, rain, or shine.' " But you, unless a minister, cannot bo on tho spot, cannot enter tho "council chamber — cannot, in short, speak, think or act for yourself, " unless you are a member of tho government." The general feeling amongst liberals was one of pleasure that their leader had retired from a position whicli was by them regarded with more or less dislike from the first. The promise made by Mr. Brown to Mr. Cartior, to give the government liis " best aid in carrying out " the constitutional changes " if they adhered to the compact, was reli- giouslykept. Ho gave tho ministiy his full support in getting thoaddresB through tho Mouse. f Tlio govurnmont did not, however, adhere to the determination formerly arrived at, to avoid any unnecessary legislation which could place any section of tho combined forces in a false jtosition, or force tliem to divide. Legislation on banking, tlie tariff, and other (pies- tions, which forced Mr. Brown to oi)poso the government, was pro- posed at tho ensuing session. His intention was that as soon as the Confederation Act becamo law tho two parties'sliould resume their normal position, and tliat tho general election which must ))e held would s. nt:oi{iw alno thu con- HorvativcH wlio oppoacd it to tlio hwt now reaping the fruit of their opponent'.s hihour. Thenceforward Mr. MacthmaUl wouhl he abh; tu boast that he waH tlie father of confederation, on the same ground tliat ho, boasted of carrying tho moasuro to Hecuhu'i/.o tlie clergy reserve hinds. He stron^dy oppoHed Ixitli measures, on principh!,aH long as it was possible to do h«; bravely plucks the laurel from the brows of tho actual combatants antl real victors, and fastens it un his own liead. m I ' I" 1 ,'*; I. ■• ., 108 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF I 1 1 I t \ \\ CHAPTER XVIII. Mk. Brown's Work in Acuikvino Relkjious Equality and Colonial Unu r. — Correspondence with Dk. Ryerson. Althougli not in office, no one rejoiced more over the accomplish- ment of confederation than Mr. Brown. No political objects lay nearer his heart than the union of .all the British provinces and perfect relifjious equality. Both objects were now accomplislied. No cliurch could lay claim to any superiority in the eye of the law ; no man could Lay that he was not represented in parliament. Every one could feol proud of being a citizen of a new colonial nation, about to work out its destiny in copartnership with the motherland. To use Mr. Brown's eloquent words : " The histoiy of old Canada, with its contracted "bounds and limited divisions of Upper and Lower, East and West, " has been completed, and this day a new volume has boon opened ; " New Brunswick and Nova Scotia uniting with Ontario and (Quebec " to make the liistory of a greater Canada, already extending from the " ocean to the head waters of the great lakes, and destined ere long to "embrace the larger half of the North American continent from the " Atlantic to the Paciiic. Let us gratefully acknowledge tlie hand of " the Ahnighty disposer of events in bringing about this result, preg- " nant with so important an iuHuence on the conditions and destinies "of the inhabitants of these provinces, and of tlio teeming millions " who in ages to come will people the Dominion from ocean to ocean, " and give it its character in the annals of time. Let us acknowledge " too, the sagacity, the patriotism, the forgetfulness of seltish and " partisan considerations, on the part of our statesmen, to which under " Providence are due the inception of a project of a British American " confederation, 'and the carrying of it to a successsful issue. Without " much patient labour, a disposition to make mutual concessions, and " an earnest large minded willingness to subordinate all party interests to " the attainment of wliat would be for the lasting welfare of the whole " people of British America, the result we celebrate tliis day would " never have been achieved. It has taken just three years to acconi- " plish, not certainly an unreasonable period of time for a work of such " magnitude." Mr. Brown might indeed say that, chiefly by his own labour, the work of his life had been accomplished. Deeply attached to the !!• O e HON. GEORGE BROWN. 10& mother country as a matter of interest as well as sentiment, neither the blunders of British governf)r8 or colonial ministers, nor the ri- diculous assumpti(ms of leaders of the governing class at home, that cohjnists vere unequal to the task of working responsible government, for a moment shook his ardour for the continuance of good relations witli tlie empire, or his faith in tlio possibility of the permanence of a union nmtually beneficial. He felt that, with a central government possessing wider powers and more extensive application, the chances of any coUisiim were more remote ; that the desire to interfere in strictly American business, not involving the interests of the empire, would be reduced to a mininmm. As an Ontario citizen he frecjuently referred with great satisfaction to the freedom of action obtained by the provinces. Ontario could now, unhampered by the lows i)rogre8- sive province, take an independent course in developing tlie vast re- sources of the country, and adjust taxation to suit its own interests. The immediate acquisition of the North-West Territf tries, to attain which he had done so much, he looked forward to with great pleasure, as aftbrding a large and almost limitless field for the enterprise of Canadians to fully develop. Tlie removal of matters relating to edu- cation from tlie domain of Dominion political discussion, and the limit- ation of the i)owers of local governments to maintain the systems of education as they existed at the time of the union, so far as sectariiin schools were concerned, was peculiai'ly welcome to Mr. Brown, who had at one time incui'red some odium in one (juarter for the strong ground he had always taken in favour of a non-sectarian system. Tliis was one of the ([Ueations he was bound to deal with and settle when lie formed his government in 1858. It was one of the ditticult points which had to be dealt with in the confederation compact. Th. settle- ment miglit not be exactly all that he desired, or tliat his opponents •m the education (piestinn demanded, but it was loyally accepted by all at the time as a fair compromise. The effects of the long and .sometimes bitter controversy did not, however, at once disappear. Some disputes were afterwards brought before the Dr>minioii parlia- ment, and some local irritation prevailed for a time in some provinces. In Ontario the last incident in tliat connection occuri'ed in a cor- respondence between Mr. Brown and Dr. Ryerson. The controversy respecting Lord Metcalfe's struggle for absolutism necessarily involved sharp comment from the Gliilw. on Dr. Ryorsoiis course as liis princi- pal — we will not say defender, but apologist. The disputes concern- ing the establishment of separate schools, which continued for many yeiirs, also resulted, ultimately, in the (ihibe blaming Dr. Ryerson for allowing himself to be made the instrument in ministers' hands in ex- tending and perpetuating a system which he had frecfuently denounced as unsound ; and charging him with being substantially rewarded by )i <\ ' 1 • I t:'!'?' r=^ 110 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF ! ' h II : h ::1 t the minister for yielding when principle, opinions and duty coun- selled him to resist. An article in the Globe, of December 8th, 1858, reviewing the question and the superintendent's various opinions on it, provoked a lengthy reply from Dr. Ryorson, addressed to Mr. Brown personally. Mr. Brown, while not admitting the authorsliii) of the article, replied in person ; botli letters were_ published in the same number of the Globe. This reply was a severe one, but as the .severity consisted chiefly in references to former expressions of opinions ])y Dr. Ryerson, and in references to (luestions of [fact which had transpired in the committees of parliament, the doctor liad no special ground of complaint. This was the only occasion cm which Mr. Brown was personally brouglit into contact with Dr. Ryerson, and that was caused by the doctor addressing him in person, and iutnKlucing matter which had no connecticm with the subject of separate schools, such as accusing Mr. Brown with forming a political alliance with Thomas D'Arcy McGee. Tlie chief superintendent was bold enough, while at the liead of the school system, to express Jiimself freely on political topics and even to publish electioneering pamphlets. He was a hard hitter, but preferred to give blows rather than take tliem ; he was never known to turn the other cheek to the smiter. Nevertheless, so impatient was he of contradiction, that he was disposed to regard those who did controvert his opinions, and did so in decided and severe terms, as personal enemies. An acknowledgment of his admitted services in the cause of education, to use the language of Mr. Brown\s letter, wtmld not alone satisfy the pugnacious superintendent. An amusing proof of this disposition was shown in the terms of a letter he wrote to Mr. Brown in 1868; which, however, while showing the disposition referred to, was tempered by an oiler | .' " i. 114 LIFIC AND SPEECHES OF ' f i •I « >"i % 5 li f! Is ' n :' 1 Pi 3 ''; 1 5; A ■ I hope the meinbera of the convention will grant mo their indulgence in the position in which I iind niystilf. I have had hut little sleep for several successivi! nijjhts, and was totally niiprepni-ed for the high honour you have done ine liy the passing of this resolution. liut I think it is due to you, and an act ot justice to myself, that I should explain the reasons which induced nic to decide on letiring from parlianientiiry life. There were many reasons which, in my opinion, made it desirable, not only on personal hut on public grounds, that 1 should adopt this course. One of these was very strong, and was the reason on which I mainly based it. I entered parliamtntary life, in 1851, strongly against my will, inasnnich as I entertained the conviction that the editorship of a leading party journal was, to some extent, incompatible with holding a leading position as a member of the higislature. And I hav(' since learned by many years" ex- perience that the incompatibility is vastly stronger then [ had conceiveil. •So strongly have 1 felt this, that years ago I would have lesigncd my posi- tion in parliament, but that I feareil that my doing so might have injured the cause of constitutional reform foi- wiiich I had struggled so long. As a general rule, the sentiments of the leader of a paity are oidy known from his public utterances on public occ isions. If a wrong act is c(jm- mitted by an opponent, or l)y a friend, he may 8ini])ly shrug his sliotdders and say it is very bad, I'ut no one need know his opinion of the transaction unless it is forced on the consideration of the legislature. ]{ut this is not the ease with the public jouiMialist. if true to his country, and true to his position, he must sp(iak out, and say wrong is wrong and right is right, no matter whether it olfends friend oi- foe. S'ou have often seen attacks ou myself, even by some portions of the reform press, for my having acted lirndy in this May. They say, " Mi', lirown has iiei'cely assailed public men ;" but I tell you, if the dailj' thoughts and the woids daily uttered by other public men were written in a book, as mine have been, and circulated all over the country, there would have been a very different comparison from what now exists as belueen tiieni and myself. I have ])een in the peculiar position of haviu'; a double duty to perfoi in. If I had l>cen simply the leader of a party, anil had not controlled a public journal, such things would not have been left on I'ecord. 1 might have passed my observations in the conlidence of pi'ivate life, and nothing more would have been heard of them, l-int as a journalist, it was necessary I should speak the truth before the people, no matter whetlier it helped my party or not ; and tids, of course, rcHiicted on the position of the party. How often have 1 had several political friends candidates for the same otlice -all eciually urgent for .the support of the journal nuder my control- —and totally unwilling to believe that the candidate supported was the right nuiu in the right place, and best entitled to the oHice Freiiuently, when I have seen a man doing a wrong thing, I nniy have felt sorry for him as an indiviilual ; I may have known the circumstances of temptation under which he was placed, and as a man have felt deeply for him. liut as a journalist, I had but one duty to the public to discharge, and that was to maintain a high standard of political morality. And I do not doubt that, when the political history of this country comes to be written, and justice is done to me, as 1 am sure it will be, it will be seen that when I have been compelled to denounce the '?onduct of public men, it was because the public interests were at stake — » <^ that the verdict o*" public opinion has sustained me in every case, ■'lor.b. :j lently, I have long felt very strongly that I had to choose one pr .sitnm or the other— that of a leader in parliamentary life, or that of a monitor in the public press. And the latter has been my choice, being '"(bably more in consonance with my ardent temperament, and at the &tme time, in my opinion, more iuduential ; for 1 am free to say that, in ▼iew of all the grand offices that are now talked of — governorships, pre- mierships, and the like — I would rather be editor of the Globe, with the hearty confideace of the great mass of the people of Upper Canada, than 1 - ' lad lent to |tce, ing ive ind ity ot of it Ithe e — be. one U a ling Ithe in are- Ithe lan Hox. (iE'Hi'iK niiowy. Uf) have the choice of thuni all. No one will faiuy tiiat [ claim for a nioincut that in my long career there have not been many mistakes. Human natun? is liable to err, and 1 liave a full sliaru of liuiium frailties. But of this 1 am quite sure, that when the twenty-live volumes of the (ilolir are examined to find what ha.s been tle> political history of this country during the last (juarterof a century — and a lictler record of that history docs not exist tlian is to be found in tinjse volumes -it will be found that fair play between man and man, justice and eaiiiostn'-ss with logard to all public (|Ui'stinns, and an ardent desire to serve the people of ( anada, have marked tiiat record from the beginning to tlie enn. In this resolution which ha;-' Itcen read to me, 1 find th<; conlirnuition oi t'.iat wliieb has iiccii my stay and comfort during many years of arduous political contest, when we were hoping almost again.-'t hope, when wo hardly dared to hope th;it we would be able to accompli-li our great ends withir) any r(;asoual>le p riod. i)uring those contests, it was this whicii ^n.-^tai.ii' I the g.dlant baud of rel'ormers wlio so long struggled for po[)iilai' rights, that, .iliuscd a.-^ we miglil be, snbjecttMl to re])roach and slamier as \\c nnght lie, we iiad this consoiatiuii, tliat we could not go anywiiere among our fellow-countrymen from one end of the country to tlic other - in Toiy constituencies as well as in reform constitu- encies without the ccitainty of receiving fiom tlic honest, intelligi-nt ycomaiiry of the co'.mtry — from the truv', rigiit-hearted, right-thinking people c)f I'pper Canada who came out to meet us - the hearty grasp of the liand, and the hearttelt gjCeting that iniply rujiaid the labour we had ex- pended in their beh.ilt. That is the highest reward 1 have hoped for in public life, and I am sure that no man who earns that reward will ever in I'pper Canada ha\e occasion t(j speak of the ingratiuule of the people. I have received, at tlie hamls of the yeomen of Upper Ci'.nada, far more kindness than my services deserved, and far more than any public man couhl have a right to expect. Hut 1 had another urgent cause toi' retiring from parliamentary life. You arc aware that daily journalism is no ligiit task. A daily journalist has to consume the midnight oil, not only from year to year and from month to montii, but fr(jm day t" day. Seldom does he lay his head upon the pillow until tlie late hours uf the morning : and. with a near relative -who has for a nundier <>( year.s greatly lessened my laiiours, and taken nuiny responsibilities oti' my hands now in intirm health, it seemed tome imp(>ssililc that I sliould think of continuing the l)urden of the two jiositions. I had looked forwanl to tin.' triumph of re- presentation by population as tlie day of my emancipation from parlia- mentary life, and ntjw that it has ('ome, 1 resolved to take advantage of it. But 1 am free to admit that what has now taken place -the announcement of this new coalition — this secession from our party — somewhat alters the case. Where work is to be done for the refcu-mers of Canada, and for the people of Canada, I shall not shrink from it. .\nd 1 am free to state what IS t!ie course I now intend to pursue. I tiiink it is desirable tliat the. members of parliament, and the candidates, who are present, as well a.s those not here who agree generally witli th- resolutions wc have pa.>sed, should have communication together at the earliest moment, ami tluit we should arrange for the political campaign on which we are alxjiit to enter. And if it shall be found, in the course of this communication among our- selves, that my services for a short while in parliamentary life can be of use to the party, ! shall not refuse. At the same time, 1 reoeat that my determination is not in the slightest degree altered. There is this further ditliculty that I encounter in going into parliamentary life, and if my doing so can be dispensed with, I strongly desire that it should be. ft is abso- lutely impossible that 1 could in any way take ujMm me an oHicial position — and this was one of the reasons which made me think it exceeilingly desirable that I should retire at once — that I might not sit in pafliameiit in the way of those who would become leaders of the party when it assumed olticc. 1 thouglit it \vould not be just or generous to stand there m -m (irf rH I ^ i 1 1 f i LIFE AND SPEECHES OF as the leador of a party in opposition, taking, puiliapa, some popularity jiway from others who might hu calliMl upon to assunie thu roinw of olfico. But if tlmro is work to he done, ami a liard liglit to be gone tlirough, pro- ijably thia can be arranged. We will have a eoiiiinunication with the lepresentativo im'U of the partj, and wliiitever (h.-cision ia arrived at, I am prepared to bow to their judgment. I again heartily thank the eonvontion tor the great compliment thuy liave paid me. 1 value it altove all the testimonials I have received in my i)ublic life. I THE PROPERTY OF SOARBORO MECHANICS INSTITUTE. h ''■ HON. GEDliat: lilioWN. 117 m CHAPTER XX. Mk. Browx Contests South Ontakio. — His Bow I'akk Farm. — His Interest in Confederation. Aa tlio foregoing extracts show, Mr. Brown promised to reconsider his expressed intention of retiring from purliamcnt. Several constitu- encies were at once offered for his acceptance, where tlie seat would l)e perfectly safe. His cliivalric disposition was sliown in his acceptance i)f an invitation to contest the riding of South Ontario. This county, for various reasons, whicli need not be here discussed, had politically degenerated from being a strong reform constituency to be a very doubtful one. Mr. Brown's oppiment was a strong local man, who liad previously been elected on some pi'elensions to be more or less in sympathy with the liberals. He had now the full supjwrt of the government and tlie whole Toiy party, as well as tlie local sup]M)rt wliich he would naturally conunand where he carried on an extensive VjusiTiess. The contest was a keen one on both sides, and resulted in Mr. Brown's defeat by a majority of 69. His best friends strongly objected to his acceptance of the candi- dature in any weak constituency when perfectly safe ones were at his command ; but their remonstrances were overborne by hiseutluisiastic confidence in his ability to carry the C(Mitest to a successful issue. His exclusion from the first parliament of the Dominion was a public loss, and was deplored by not only his own political friends and followers, but by many wlio did not claim to be cither. On the other hand, it afforded great satisfaction to the Tory leaders and the Tory press. One gentleman, aspiring to be a liistorian, and who occupied a seat in the House of Commons for a time as a member enjoying an official salary but having no cabinet office, had the bad taste, in liis work on Confederation, to spe.ak of Mr. Brown's defeat as "his suicide," and also wrote that "throughout the vast province of Ontario, in which he " had been wont to be a moving power, no constituency returned him. " Mr. Gray knew — every one knew — that Mr. Brown could have made a selection from twenty constituencies had he so desired ; with his wonted bravery and patriotism he left the safe counties to be won by weaker men, and devoted himself to a brilliant attempt to win a county from the enemy. Mr. Gladstone pursued precisely the same course in accepting a nomination for Midlothian, a notoriously danger- ous county for a liberal candidate ; he succeeded, Mr. Brown failed. | Both leaders were bold, and both were imprudent, though Mr. Glad- m il8 IJFK AND SPEECHES (>F 1 1 1 1 stdiioH friuiuls took tlu! iiroeaution of olcctint,' him for iinotlu-r cini- stituency ; Mr. Hmwn'B friends iiiHistt-il nn !ulni»ting tlio Haiiiu cniiiKC, but he rofusud liis assont. Tlimo is iki (lcared in par- liament in 1863, he was tacitly acknowledged to be leader. After the election of 1867 no one was for some years formally chosen as leader, not indeed until after the general election of 1872, when Mr. Mackenzie was chosen to fill the vacant place. Mr. Uruwn very poperly re- frained from expressing any opinion, eitlier per.soiially or in the press, as to the choice of his successor, his opinion lieiug that the selection rested in the hands of members of parliament. After the genei-al election in 1867, Mr. Brown, with his family, paid a visit of some months duratiim to Europe, but made no puldic appearance anywhere except at a reunion of the old students of his academical time, at the High School, Edinburgh, At this meeting he met many of his ohl college comjianiona from all parts of the world. Some were in prominent i)osition.s in Australia; some were tilling liigh t)ffice3 in India; and many were amongst the prominent men of their native country. Mr. Rrown afterwards often spoke with deliglit of this mei'ting, and the penional pleasure it atiorded hiin ; also of the healtJiy iiilliience of the thorough, thougli severe, educational system of the school in which he had been trained for the active duties of life. After his return to Canada Mr. Hrown devoted much of his time to his Bow J'ark farm, where he had made great improvements, and commenced the formation of the shoi-t-horn herd of cattle which in latter years became so famous, and was deemed one of the tinest in the world. As in 1861, when defeated in Toronto, Mr. Brown had ofi'ers of seveml constituencies. He was not, however, desirous of remaining in parliament, and therefore resolved firmly, as ho was defeated, to decline election elsewhere, at least for a time, (jr until circunistancea should show an urgent reason or necessity for his reappearance there. In a letter to a friend shortly after the election, he wrote as fol- lows: " I am not a bit discouraged l)y the result of the elections, and " did not feel two minutes' chagrin at my own defeat. Our friends ' ' behaved very generously to me. I had at once several offers to ' ' make way for me — even Mr. and Mr. , on whom I had no " particular claim, wrote nie — but 1 was too glad to be a free man " to think of accepting these kind offers. But if out of parliament HON. GKOmW liliOWN. 119 *' rlofiiiitivoly, I don't by any inoanH intoiid to \w out of imblic lifo, " and will work for tlio aHotiiidaiicy of my frinuds, fcdciid and local, " as tul)lif Imiii'lit of a lai'^! cliarautisr no oni- can douht : tliat it waH not produrtivt', in Iuh tinit', of any adwiuute return to the (.mturiniHinf,' i>roji'ctor, ovory onu will rugrot. It Ih to Im liopod, liowovL-r, fi'oMi ifcont apiioaranccs, tliat tho conn)any will now roap a t,'ol(k'n harvest, as tlu- losult of oial)arkin<^ in an cntorprisu which has l)oun MO hunutiuial to Canada. Mr. Ui'own, an tho cntluisiaHtic advocate of a political iniion of all till! Uritish Anu'iican provinces and the consolidation of Hritish power on the continent, was, very naturally, niiich pli'iiscd at tin- prospect of Hritish (Jolunihia, Prince Edward Island, and Newfonntlland joininj^ the coiifeilerate provinceR, and he worked hard, hy corresi)oiidence and peraonal intercourse with puhlic men, from the two latter lUdvinces especially, to pi'oniote their acci-ssion to the union. On one occasion lie had a Ion;; inti'i'vii^w witii two Newfoundland puhlic men wliicii pleased him much, as he considered all obstacles to tho union practi- cally removed ; meetin;^ the writer shortly afterwards, he asked, " What " is the pulilic event desired that would ifive you most satisfaction .at " the present time '." Not receivinj; an immediate reply, he asked if the complete consolidation of the confederacy, by the ac([uisitioii of Newfoundland at an early date, would not be the most pleasant event that could be looked for.' On bein^ answered that the jileasure would be iiualitii^l by the attendant coiulitioiis, he said scarcely any condi- tions could i>revont him rejoicing over such a consummation. Similarly on another occasion, when some one suggested the expense of building tho Intercolonial Railway as a serious condition to the union of the [iro- vinces, Mr. Brown reidied that he would rather build six Intercolonial Railways than fail in the project. < )f course this was only an exaggerated form of expression to convey his hearty advocacy of the new political movomont. He fully believed that the time had come when political changes of some .serious kind were inevitable ; that concerted action from all the provinces hi relation to colonial office management, and the foreign relations of the empire, where the North American colonies were chieriy or wholly concerned, would be ditHcult without a union of these provinces. He believed that the public men of tho colonies wore more likely to negotiate, under the Crown, in their own interests with certain foreign powers, and that the union of all the provinces would naturally carry with it an ficcession of power which could not be dis- regarded by any colonial secretary sitting in Downing Street, and therefore lesson the probabilities of any serious complications occurring between the imperial and colonial authorities. He, in common with all colonial statesmen who have had to arrange colonial business in Hon. (jh'o/mE imows. 121 Dnwiiiii;,' Strti't, knew how iiiLiiiniliU" tlit! avi'iiigo colonial Hcoivtiuy in to ooiiiin'olicixl nice (dloiiiiil <|ii(-stioiiM, iiinl how satiHtiod ho Ih of the suporiority of British iniiiistoiH, ovuu in niiittoi'H whoro tho ooloniHt inimt ni'coHHarily Ins lu.'ttor inforiiicd. TIh> North Aniorican coloiiitm hail now ivac'Iu'tl a .sta;,'i! of matuiity wiiich forltailo any atlininiHtration of thoir allairH from thi' colonial olhcc other than that involved in its bi'inuf tho chatnii-l of coniinnnicati>>n hotwuen tin- provinccH anil tho HUprcnu' anthority. Their consolidation into one dominion, with a fodoi'al constitution and central authority, would, in Mr. IJrown's opinion, add to their importance, and reliuve all anxiety at homo ao to the course of events on this continont. Mr. Brown, in his spouch on the confederation project, after pointini^ out its ettects on ijeneral in- dustrial pursuits and political im!)ortanco, said : " [ ask any member " of tho Houso to say whether we will not, when thus united, occupy " a position in the oyos of tho world, and command a de<,'reo of respect " and inlluonco, that we never can enjoy as separate provinces '. . . . " I am iiersuadud that thiii union will inspire new contidenco in our "stability . . . it will raise tho value of our public socuritios, it " will draw capital to our shores.'' His closini; words in that momor- ablo debate contained the followiiv^ passage : '• The future destiny of " these throat provinces may be atl'ected l)y the decision we are .about '* to give to an extent whicii, at this moment, we maj' be unable to "estimate; l)ut assuredly the welfare, for many year.s, of four mil- " lions of i)eople hangs on our decision. Shall we then rise eipial to " the occasion >. Shall we apiiroach this discussion without partisan- " shij), md free from every liorsonal feeliny but the earnest resolution " to discharifo conscientiously the duty which an overrnlinj,' Providence " has placed upon us '. It may l)e that some amoui,' us will live to see " the day when, as tlie result of this measure, a great and powerful " people may iiavo grown up in these lands — when the boundless " forests shall have given way to smiling tields .and thriving towns — "and when one united government under tlu; British flag shall extend " from shore to shore." Mr. Brown himself lived to see the day he longed for. He saw the w'i'tinu most unwise and unjust to constrain catholics, or any others, to cast their votes in a manner contrary to their conscientious convictions. I (juite undeistand that the entire scope of your present application is to enable you to lay b(.'foi-e your catludic fel- low-countrymen the pvinciples and policy to )>c niaint<'iined Ity tiie liberal party of Ontario in the future, so that the largo portion of them who hold reform principles, as contra-distinguished from oonservativt; principles, may judge wiiether it is expedient for them to cast in their lot with the great liberal party. In the early days of the political history of Upper Canada, the great mass of the Roman Cath'dies were earnest and relialjle nicnd)ers of the reform party. They suli'ered from Downing Street rule, fruiii family coin- pactism, from a dominant Anglican church establishment, and from clergy reserves, rectories, and ecclesiastical disabilities, in common with the numerous protestant bodies who with thcin were insolently styled "dis- senters ;" and they fought the battle of civil and religious lib»'rty and equality side by side with theii- protestant fellow-reformers. And had Upper Canada remained as it then was, a separate province, they would, I di'ubt not, have fought tiie same battle up to the hour of its linal triumph. The union of Upper and Lower ('an;ida in IS41 was the coirnnencement of a change. The French Canadian (dement tlien came into the political Held and gave the catiiolics a position of doniinimce tin y had not previously held. Fi-oni 184.S (when Mr. Kalduin as leader of the Upper Canada re- formers formed a political alliance with Mr. l^^ifontaine as leader of the French Canailians), up to the year 1S.">0, the jirottstant anil catholic reformers continued to act together harmoniously. The (iMx was the recognized organ of the party in Upper t 'anada, and I remendur with pleasure the intelligent and cordial nuvnner in which the Irish catholics through these years sustained all liberal and progri'ssive measures. We were then fighting the battle for responsible governnient in oppobition to Sir Charles Metcalfe and his conservative advisers —which was clos<;d tri- umpliantly in the Avinter of 1S47-4S by a grand success at the polls, and the complete establishment (>f tlie great reform for which we had so long and so earnestly contended. Messrs. lialdwin and Jjafontaine came into othce in March, 1848 ; the reform party was all-powerful in both houses of parliaineut : and the reformers of Upper ( 'anada had the right to expect that the principles and measures they ())rotestant and I'atliolic alike) had contended tor, and lieen taught l»y their leaders to expect, would now be carried into full operation. The French Canadian members of the cabiiK't and their supporters in par- liament blocked the way. Not only were reformers refused that which had been promised for years, but primiples and measures were urged or endorsed by the reform government in direct hostility to the views and feelings of the reformers of Upper t'anada. A large section of the liberal party becamed alarmed, and remonstrated ; but without ('fh-'it. Indigna- tion and estrangement followed. The French Canadians felt their power and used it relentlessly ; a section of the Upper Canada reformers went into opposition, while another section adhered to the government, and the party became thorougldy disorganized. Need I remind you of what followi,/! ? Although much less numerous than the people of Upper Canada, and contributing to the common purse hardly a fourth of the aimual revenue of the united provinces, the I^ower Canadians sent an equal number of representatives with the Upper Cana- dians to parliament, and by their unity of action obtained complete domi- uancy in the management of public atiairs. Acting on the well-known adage ;! ''M M i ;• m i,- . ;, i: :" fi Ir: ir. .. .1 i I I 124 LIFE AND SPEECHES Ob "Noufi (ivoiix CdrdHfnt/i', profitoni^-cn !'' the French Canadians turned tlie divisions a;;iong Upper ('auadians to their own advantage in every possible way. Unjust and injurious legislation, waste and extravagance in every public department, increased debt and heavier taxation, were the speedy conse(juences, until the credit of the country was seriously imperilled. A remedy had to be applied to this state of things ; and it had to be such a remedy as would overthrow tlie unjus*" dominancj' of the Lower Canadians over Upper Canaila affairs, and remove from the public arena as far as possible all such (juestions as excited strife and heartburning amont; our own people. That remedy was believed to be found, first, in the adop- tion of population as the basis of parliamentary representation, thereby securing to Upper Canada her just influence in the legislature ; and, second, in the entire separation of cliurch and state, placing all denominations on aliice footing, and leaving each to support its own religious establishments from tlie funds of its own people. The reform party became strongly impressed witli the conviction tliat until tiiese measures of reform were obtained, good government was impossible, and sectional and sectarian strife would continue to aHlict the country. They as heartily believed that if legislation and tlie control over the public expenditures were placed by just representation in the hands of those wiio paid the taxes, and if the state were debari'cd from regarding the people in tlieir sectarian character, but treated all alilce witiiout regard to their religious opinions, a day of solid prosperity and internal peace would dawn on Canada such as had not before been witnessed. Acting on tiiese strong convictions, and in the conscientious belief (rightly or wrongly entertained) that by no other measures could the end sought be perniancntly secured — the reform party entered on an organized agitation for a reformed system of represent.. tioii, and for the sweeping away from tlie public arena of .'dl sectarian issues. Tlie men who led in that agitation fully comprehended the gravity of the responsibility they assumed, and the painful separations that it must entail ; but tliisy were upheld by earnest belie.f in the absolute necessity of the course they were taking : and they looked forward with hope and pleasure to the day wiiun their policy would be vindicated ity the results it would achieve. In parliament and out of it, the agitatioij was prosecuteil with all vigour. The injustice of the existing system of representation was attacked on all occasions, and the prai.'tical evils flowing from it were pressed on the public mind ; petitions for its reform were poureil into parliament, and at every election throughout the laml the hustings was made a battle-field for the promotion of the great end sought. At the same time, i;hi' most determined efVorta were put forth for the final but just settlement of ail those vexed questions by which religious sects were arrayed against each other, clei-gy- men dragged as combatants into the political arena, religion brought into contempt, and opportunity presented to our French Canadian friends to rule us throTigli our own dissensions. The clergy reserve injustice was assailed, the 57 rectories were exposed, the impolicy of separating the youth of our country, and studding the land with sectarian schools, was strongly enforced ; and the waste and impolicy of using the pulilic funds for sec- tarian uses was firmly maintained and enforced. On all these and many aimilar (juestions we were met by the French Canadian phalanx in hostile array ; our whole policy was denounced in language of tlie strongest charac- ter, and the men who upheld it were assailed as the basest of mankind. We on our side were not slow in returning blow for blow, and feelings were excited among the catholics of Upper Canada that estranged the great bulk of them from our ranks. But the cause advanced. Our annual motions for reformed representa- tion got a stronger support every session, until hardly a candidate dared present himself for election without pledging himself to go for it. Our anti-sectarian motions were still more successful. Tlie justice of them li HON. UEOIiGE liliOWN. •lb -./Pil commended itself to the public mind, and one after another all these vexed questions found permanent solution and disappeared from parliamentary discussion. And I call your attention to this fact, tliat 8»;ttled though some of these (juestions were in a very unsatisfactory fashion, the day of their settlement was the hvst of their existence as topics of debate. Not in a single instance was it proposed to rake their ashes from the tomb, or make the mode of their settlement, after the event, the subject of party warfare. Need T remind you how, year after year, the reform party stuck to their great purpose ; and how, at last, by a party sacriHce having few parallels in party history, they won for the people of Upper Canada — protestant and catholic alike — that gi'eat measure of justice embodied in the Act of X^JH. Under that Act the people of Ontario enjoy representjition according Xopopulation ; they have entire control over their own local affairs ; and the last remnant of the sectarian warfare — the separate school ((uestion — was settled forever by a compromise that was accepted as linal by all parties concerned. 1 deny not that in this protracted contest words were spoken and lines were penned that had been better clothed in more courteous guise. But when men go to war they are apt to take their gloves off ; and assuredly if one side struclv hard blows the other was not alow in returning them. And looking back on the whole contest, and the ends it has already accomplished, I do think every dispassionate person must confess that had the battle lieen ten times fiercer than it was, and tlie words spoken ten times more bitter than they were, tiie triumphant success th.at has attended the long agitation would have sunk all the evils attending it into utter insignificance. We have obtained our just share in the administi-a- tion of the affairs of the Dominion ; we have obtained exclusive control over our provincial affairs ; we have banished sectarian discord from our legislative and executive chambers ; and we enjoy a degree of material prosperity, and have a degree of consideration for the religious views and feelings of each other, that no living nuin ever witnesseil in Canada till now. I claim that to accomplish these greiit ends was, all through (mr agita- tion, the avowed object for which we fought. I claim that the principles involved in our agitation were precisely those that the catholics of Canada held and firndy contended for in the olden time when they worked cordially in the lil)eral ranks. I repeat my conviction that, had it not been for the intrusion of French Canadian dictation in our affairs, the reform party might have remained intact until this day. And I ask those of you who can do so, to carry your minds back to the position held by catholics in times gone by, and say whether any other section of the people of Upper Canavla has such good reason to rejoice in the banishment of sec- tarian issues from the political arena, and the perfect ecjuality of all denominations now so finnly and so happily enjoyed, as have the catholics of Ontario. There are teriK' of thousands of catholics throughout the province who can well remember the days when protestant and catholic reformers acted cordially together. Tiiey have h;id lifteen years trial of alliance with our opponents, and I ask them to say frankly how the position they have helil, as hewers of wood and drawers of water for the iiigh church and state Anglican party, compares with the just consideration they received when allied with us ? How many Irish catholics have been elected for eonser- vati\e constituencies ''. How much of the enormous patronage of the Crown in the past fifteen years has fallen into catholic hands ? What pre- tence of consideration has been shown to the prominent catholics of the province, except the honouv of marching up to the polls and voting for , Tory candidates? Ay, and what disadvantages might not the catholics to this hour have been labourintf under, had protestant reformers left them to the tender mercies of the men whom they are now striving to bolster up? !il ^ u ■ li • '.'< \'i it 126 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF Aa I have already said, I am in no official position to entitle me to speak for the reformers of Ontario ; hut thirty years of journalism in close con- nection witii that party, and many years of leadership in parliament, have given me a thorough knowledge of their principles, and feelings, and opinions ; and I am persuaded I shall not err when I say that protestiuit reformers, with very triHiug exceptions, would welcome with gladness the return of catholic reformers to their party, and that as they M"ere treated in the olden time, so they would he treated now. All tlie vexed questions that caused the separation have l)een settled and swept away, and now all are free to act together for the advancement and prosperity of our country, and to treat all men alike, witiiout regard to their ridii'ioiis opinions. I hclieve ic is the universal feeling of protestaut rcfornieiH throughout Untario, now that French Canadian interference in our affairs has been brought to an end^— now that the protcstant majority is completely domi- nant in our province, and the catholics placed by their scattered position at disadvantage -that it is the incuml)ent duty of the reform party, dictated as well by their most cliLTished principles as by justice and good policy, th.it a full share of parliamentary representation according to tlieir num- l)ers, and generous consideration in all public matters, should be awarded to the catholic minoi'ity. And they have shown their -sincerity by placing Irish catholic reformers — not because they are catholicn, but because they are good men and true all of them -as candidates for seats in the assembly in four most important constituencies, and with every prospect of success --with certainty of success should their fellow-catholiu electors cast their votes in their favour. This the reform party has done voluntarily, gladly, wiiliont coiulitiou, although a vast preponderance of tlie catholic electors will in all prol)al>ility cast tiieir votes in the coming content in favour of our opponents and against our candidates. I leave you to judge from this, how dillei'eut your position as catiiolics would have been to-day, liad we been able to bring forward liberal caiulidatcs in otiier t:onstitiieni;ifs where, from tile screngtii of the catholic vote and its opposition to our candidates, we have been unable to make a move. In the position you now oc(;upy, you get but the little you can extort from the fears of those you serve ; but as members of the liberal party you would have all the iniluence and all the advantages that perfect eciuality and common interests can secure. Now, don't mistake the drift of this paper. I am not assuming to advise catholic reformers as to the course they should pursue in public atlairs. That is for them alone to judge and decide. .Neither .an I seeking to cloak over past feuds or apologize for past occurrences. The principles and measures my party contended for in :'ie past I contcml for stdl. I glory in the justice .and soundness of tlioae principles and measures. I am proud of the men who, amid long and bitter discouragement, stuck to the good cause until they carried it to victory — and I point with glad thankfulness to the banishment of religious jealous}' and discord that so long rent our country, and to the peace and prosperity that now reign amongst us, as the undeniable fruits of the twenty years' conflict of the great reform party of Upper Canada. I have written as I have done simply to show catholic reformers in plain language, from a reform point of view, how the separation between protcstant and catholic liberals a-'"'=e ; the great ends for which the agita- tion was carried on ; the signal success that has attended it ; and the entire settlement anil removal by it of all these (questions th.at barred the way to a reunion of the old reform party. All I ask is that they shall forget for a few minutes whose nan\e is attached to this paper, and read calmly what is written. Let them blaze away at George Brown afterwards as vigor- ously as they please, but let not their old feuds with him close their eyes to the interests of their country, and their own interests as a powerful section of the body politic. I am no longer in parliamentai-y life, and have no public favours to ask of anybody ; but I confess it i;? witli no s'ight I HON. QEOROE BROWN. 127 aatisfaction I entertain the conviction that the day ia near at hand, if indee. wa. It ni '.y here be stated that when Mr. Sai'aneid Mn invd^d was r^ttu with the formation of the tirst Ontario ad.uhustraciou ''v. Br) - i^v> SPEECHES OF Early in 1876 a local paper made violent attacks upon Senator Simpson in connection with certain elections, and for having received and resjwnded favourably to Mr. Brown's letter of August 15, 1872. Mr. Simpson applied for a rule to show cause why a criminal informa- tion should not issue against the editor of the paper in ([uestion on three counts. On tlie 29th of June the application came before Chief Justice Harrison, .fustice Morrison juid Justice Wilson. The Chief Justice delivered the judgment of tlie court, which was in brief tliat a criminal information sliould be tiled against ti.o editor for two of tlie offences mentioned ; the third was refused on the ground that a sulli- cient case had not been made out. Mr. Justice Wilson was not con- tent with the Chief Justice's unobjectionable statement of tlie opinion of the court, but availed himself of his technical right to enter into a long account of his reasons for concurrence in that judgment. In this extra-judicial speech — it would be an abuse of terms to call it a judgment — he had the bad taste to assail Mr. Brown, who was not in any way before the court, on the ground that the letter referred to " was written with a corrupt intent, to interfere with the freedom of " elections." Mr. Simpson was similarly assailed, because he was. si/_/j- poM'd to have received tliis letter and had contributed money for the purpose asked. The Judge knew that the fact of such a letter being in existence was not legally ascertained, and w;is not in any way before the court. If he read the public journals — and he read some very diligently as his speech sliowed — he must have read Mr. Brown's statement, published montlis before this, respecting tlie now famous letter, which was as follows: "1 have, then, to state " that the party subscription in (luestion was got up to aid in defray- " ing the legal and necessary expenses of candidates unable to bear " the whole cost of hotly contested elections, or lighting for the liberal " cause in constituencies hopeless at the moment ; and in defraying " the expenses of public speakers, circulating political documents, " and other similar legal and proper expenses of a great electoral con- " test. I believe that the whole of the money subscribed was applied " strictly to tiiese purposes. I further state that the entire amount " so raised and so expended was $3,700, or the trumpery sum of $45 " to each of the eighty -two constituencies, had they all participated " in it. And I state still further that there was no general reform " fund but this for election purposes at the election of 1872, and, had " there been any other, I think I must have heard of it." Judge Wilson also had before him Mr. Simpson's statement that he "had " no recollection of liaving received or having seen any such letter ; " and that he is quite certain he contributed no money to the fund " referred to." Clearly Mr. Justice Wilson had no right to refer to a letter not HOX. iJEonuE liHOWN. 131 til- led Int I45 led hu lad lg« lad }r; lud ot in any way before liini ; had no right to assume guilt to attacli to the writer of tlie letter until it was proven. Nay, he was bound to ac- cept the reasonable and true statement of its author respecting it, until he had legal evidence controverting it. Similarly he had no right to assume moral or political wrong in connection with Mr. Simpson's letter to the Finance Minister, for there was none; nor was there a pai'ticle of evidence to sustain such a contention. He pro- pounded the extraordinary doctrine that because Mr. Simpson made no statement about a letter not in his possession, when it was not incumbent on him to make any, therefore " it must be assumed that " he cannot make any satisfactory explanatiim to the court concerning " it."' There actually was, however, an explicit denial under oatli by Senator Simpson, in his original attidavit making the application for the rule, in the following words : *' 1 .say tliat the statements, charges, *' and imputations therein contained againyt me, are false, malicious, '■ and without foundation in fact. ... I further say, that the "imputations against me of political intriguing, and of procuring "substantial aid for corrupt purposes, and that \ have paid out money " for the purpose of bribery at elections, and that 1 used the money "of others corruptly, are untrue, false and malicious. " He then ))roceeded, nevertheless, to give the letter a nu-aning of his own, and upon that interpretation, which was wholly unsupported Ijy any evi- dence, to impute corru[>t motives to Mr. Simi>8on. Thi only justili- eation Justice Wilson gave fcjr his political deliverance from the higli scathe occupied was that he "might take notice of those matters "which every person of ordinary intelligence is ac(iuainted with." It: was 4in unfortunate circumstance that his "ac([uaintance" was wlioUy uitli what he thought would tell against tlie two senators. It was no wonder tliat, a few daj's after Justice Wilson made this speech on the bench, an article appeared in the Globe from Mr. Brown's pt'ii, headed " Justice Wilson on the War Path,"" in which the Judge was handled nnighly. The article was a very long and able one, and was a complete answer to tlie ill-advised attack of tlie .fudge. After a careful and critical analysis of the deliverance of Justice Wilson, combined with statements of fact to set himself right, the article pro- ceeds : " According to Mr. Justice Wilson's new doctrine, that the •' court may properly 'take notice of those matters which every person " ' of ordinary intelligence is .acciuainted with,' whatever the matter may " be, and whether beft)re the court or not at the moment, we sui)p(jse " we must accustom ourselves to such outrages from the l)ench. But "this Mr. Justice Wilson may rest assured of: that such slanders " and insults shall not go unanswered, and if the dignity of the bench " is ruffled in the tussle, on his folly shall rest the blame. We cast " back on Mr. Wilson liis insolent and slanderous interpretation. The ij'i-:! i s ffit a =1:1 1::! Ml' m 132 LIFE AND SPEECIfES of i u! 5^ )■• it " letter was )\i)l writteji for corrupt imriuises — it was not written to " interfere with the freedom of elections — it was )iiii an invitatiftn to "anybody to concur in committing lirihery and corruption at tlio "polls; and bo he Judge or not who says so, tiie statement is "false. " Does Mr. Wilson mean to say that no party fund for proper pur- " poses in election contests can exist- that there are no exfjenditun's of " money in keenly contested elections which are absolutely necessary, " perfectly moral and legitimate, and highly conducive to good govern- " ment ? Was there no such fund when Mr. .Justice Wilson was in " public life / When tl e hat went round in his contests for tlio " mayoralty of Toronto, was that, or was it not, a concurrence in " bribery and corruption at the ])olls / " Probably there never was an. )t]ier general election in Ontario, or " I PPL'r Canada, that on either side of politics cost so small a sum for "general party purposes as the reform expenditure of !?3,700 at the " ehjction of 1872 ; and assuredly there was at it neither tlie design " that a penny of it should be si)ent for corrupt purposes, nor was " there a shilling to sjjare from the legitimate and necessary expendi- " tures for any sucli pur\)ose. How could Mr. Justice Wilson, in his hunt for things that ' every person of ordinary intelligence is ac- (juainted with,' omit to state that while the entin; general election of the liberal party for that year (1872) was but !?3,700, raised by " subscription from a few private individuals, the conservative fund "on the same occasion amounted U) tlie enormous sum of 8200,000 — " raised by the flagitious sale of the l*acitic Railway contract to a "band of speculators on terms disastrous to the interests of the " country ? " Tlie law has been greatly changed since the election of 1872. " Every known mctliod of spending money, under which even the " 8Usi)icion of corrupting the elect(jrs could lurk, has boon most pro- " perly forbidden under severe penalties, and successfully enforced. " But do electiou contests even now cost nothing / Are there no pure, "legitimate, and legal modes of expenditure still remaining? Of " course there are. In Ontario, (tfticial returns on oath are made of " the total expenditure by each candidate in every contest for a seat " in the provincial chamber. And what do these show ? W'hy, that " in the last electoral contest the declared cost of Mr. John Robin- " soil's election for W^est Toronto was .S893.75; of Mr. Piatt's contest " in East Toronto, i?972.76 ; of Mr. M. C. Cameron's contest in East "Toronto, i?944.59; and of that of Mr. Crooks in East Toronto, " S957. 10 ; or in all, for the expenses of these four gentlemen alone, " .ir3,778. 20— more than the entire amount of the fund of 1872 for " the general conduct of the entire Dominion elections of Ontario. u (( 1 u HON. aEoiiut: liitowx. 138 It jit li- st k br " It is ill tho fivco of thoflo fiicts that Mr. .lustico Wilaon had the " audacitj' — without any uvidoiico tliat such a lottur over was writton, " or sunt, or rccuivod, or acted upon, and without tliu slightest ovi- " donco as to the ciroumstancos under which it niiyht have been writ- " ton, or tho special piirpose to wliioh the money was to he applied " — to denounce as a tiling of monstrous depravity a re([ue8t hy one " reformer to another for a subscription to a general election fund of " probably $50, but at most 8100. " Wo deeidy regret being comi)elled to write of the conduct of any '* member of the Ontario bench in tho tone of this article, but the " oflfonce wiis so rank, so reckless, so utterly unjustifiable, that soft " words would but have poorly discharged our duty to the public." Tho court or Judge so vigorously assailed did not take any formal notice of the article ; and severe as it was, tiie general verdict of tho countxy was that no man had a right to shield himself behind the judicial bench, the seat of justice, to make such assaults, and thai, if made they must be mot. Some mcjnths afterwards the editor against whom Mr. Simpson proceeded obtained a rule calling on Mr. Brown to show cause why a writ of attachment should not issue against him, or why he sluiuld not be committed for contempt of " this honourable court " for print- ing the said article. The case was tried before Chief Justice Harrison and Judge Morrison. Mr. Brown a])peared in person and claimed, 1st, that the party obtaining the rule had inj rights in tho matter — that he was not charged with protecting the dignity of the court ; 2nd, that live months had passed since tho publication of the article, during which time the court was silent, and that Justice Wilson's judgment and tho 6!^>/>('.s criticism were the subject of violent discus- sion 2rio or con over the whole Domini(jn; and that tho time had elapsed within which the court could by any rule or usage call him to account for any otlence against its dignity. Mr. Brown then boldly justified the publication of the article, on the ground that ho had sutlbred just provocation, and tiuoting one passage as follows : "No soimer had the Chief Justice finished than " Mr. Justice Wilson availed himself of the occasion to express his " views on the matter, with a freodor.i of speech and an indill'eronce to " the evidence before the ctmrt, and an indulgence in assumptions, " surmises and insinuations, that wo believe to be totally unparalleled " in the judicial proceedings of any Canadian court." Then proceeding, ho said: "I wrote so then, I say so now. I "have searched the law books in vain to find a case parallel to this, *' and I defy the learned counsel on the other side to show any language " ever used in the last half of the nineteenth century by any British or i I I;' t; 134 IJFK ANlt S/'h'/'Jaf/h'S OF M I ] I " HritiHli coloniiil •ludf^'e, tliat for indiHcretiuii and iiijuHticu buui's thu " slightijst piiiallel to that of Mr. .JuHtico WIIhoii, forcoimiU'iitiiiK f tinu! ; 2nd, that the applicant failed to sustain the constructive con- tempt ; and lastly, that the ai)]>licaiit, having failed to sustain his own complaint, was not entitled, under tho ccdour of such a complaint, to ask the court to punish, at his suggestion, the publisher of the article, upon tile i/roMud that it contains a direct contempt of tlio court itself. Tho motion, being sut^iortod by ono.Iudgo and oii[)oaed l)y another of the two present, fell to tho ground. Mr. lirown, by his boldness and skill, succeeded in what ho desired to do at tho conunencemont of tho case, to vindicate his right to defend himself against a gross attack niado u[)on him by a .ludgo in court, whore he was not present as a party to a suit or as a witness. In his day Mr. Brown had many a tight for popular rights and justice. In his journal ho never hesitated to I'xpose wrong-doing l)y high or low. In no case did he do such service as when he vigorously opposed and denounced the injustice of a Judge gravely attacking individuals apparently to gratify some per- sonal feeling of hostility or political prejudice. Mr, .lustico Wilson had for years been supported by the Globe in municipal and parliamentary contests ; ho had, in fact, boon made by the Glolie, so far as his public life was concerned, and it is difficult to say what could have led to such an attack on his former patron. It is, however, charitable ti) suppose that ho nmst have been labouring under some halluciiiation, and did not soo the great wrong ho had com- mitted. THE PROPERTY OF SCARBOEO MECHANICS INSTITUTE. //o.v. (;Ei>naK unows. .'{5 CHAPTER XX III. Mk. Mrown madk Kknatou. AiToiNTicn Joint I'i.kmi'otf.ntiakv to WasHINUTON. DkcMNKS THK LlKlTKNANT-CJoVKKNOllSHIl' OK ONTAIUO, ANI> THK TlTI,K OK K. C. M.(J. A fow wooka aftor Mr. MiiokoiiziuH aocussion to ottiou Mr. Hruwii was otlorod a soat in tlio Bonato, which ottur ho aocoptod. Ho waa not anxious to take tliis itosition, or toontorat all upon parlianiontary lifo ai,'ani, hut was iiulucud to accept a soat in tlio hody which ho y tho government early in BY'hruary, 1874, to proceed to Washington and ascertain what pro;-ipects therii were <)f neiiotiatin<; a connuercin.l treaty which wiiuld also embrace a settlement of the fishery (piestion. Mr. Brown was h>ng and favourably known to prominent public men in the United States. The cour.so he pursued as editor-in-chief of the (ihthr duriui,' the civil war in that country in upholding the national govern- ment anil tlie anti-slavery party made him po[)ular wherever his name waa known. Mr. Brown from the first, as well as hia brother, h)oke ascertain the value of tlie Canadian fisheries to citizens of the United States. 'J'his was, with much difticulty, reached two years afterwards, when Lord Carnarvon desired to name an English gentleman as commissioner. This Mr. Mackenzie declined to assent to, and he insisted that the Canadian goverinnent .should nominate the commissioner to be formally appointed by Her Ma- jesty's government, and also control the procedure of the commis- aion. This demand was ultimately conceded. Mr. Brown was (jfl'ered :t- yflp >' Hi- Hg J; . ) ' ■ i '\ ■, i m ' dt- 1 'm' p h j' .1 i: !< - mT i •! Mi .J 1 ! 138 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF the appointment, but declined it for private reasons, principally that he could not devote his whole time to the work so far from home. Mr. Brown liad, at great personal inconvenience, given four months of his time to the work at Washington, without making any charge against the govennuent, or accepting remuneration of any kind, for the vast amount of labour he had undertaken and accomplished. Al- though Sir Ed. Thornton was joint plenipotentiary with Mr. Brown, the labour of preparing the tables of trade statistics, and placing the information into proper shape for publication, devolved naturally and necessarily on Mr. Brown. A sum of -^10,000 was jilaced in the esti- mates to meet the necessary expenditure at Washington. Some time afterwards, when an attack was made liy the op[)osition on the govern- ment and on Mr. Brown in connection with this vote, it transpired that the whole expenditure liad only lieeii $4,000 ; tliat all payments had been made hy Sir Edward Thorntcm, and that the plenipotentiaries had not received t)ne dollar of it for their own puri)osea or expenses. Any one who chooses can compare the Washington expenses of 1854 with th(jse of 1874. More work was done in the latter year, but more injiin'iircti (a mild term) were ])ii)Ught to bear in tlie former year. It is not proposed to discuss hero the effect this treaty, if ratified, would have liad on Canadian commerce ; that, of course, would be a matter of opinion. Up to a very recent iierif the evil effects of a system of " pro- " tection," so called. The resurrection in Canada of a system of this nature, which Colulen and Bright buried tliirty years before in Britain, was however, as it turned out, imminent. The singular belief in a democratic country that it is desirable to discourage the very existence of foreign trade, in order that the wealth of the nation may be concentrated in the hands of the few at the cost of removing it from the hands of the mass of the people, is a craze which cannot last long. When the country returns to an enlightened comni'ncial policy the eti'orts of Mr, Brown and the late administration to i/romote international intercourse between the great nation on our southern border will be better understood and appreciated. Mr. Irown was a firm advocate of perfect freedom of purchase and sale, ;.s well as of personal niovonieiits. He was the firm opponent of attempts !^o compel the people to [jurchase from and trade I (I ■m HON. UEOHGE BROWN. 139 **1 with certain persons only, or clisses of persons — of all nujnopolies created for indivliuala — of all taxes imposed for any purpose exccjit to meet the necessities of the state. He had already, with others, encountered an olii^archy wliicli mono- polized political ]>ower. He was the principal opponent of an ecclesi- astical oligarcliy that insisted on lieing establisliod as the sole i^uardiana of the relij^ious life of the nation. The result of tlie conHict in both cases was that power remains vested in the hands of the people, and that every church is ecjually protected by the state, and none have special i)riviloges. If trade monoitoliea are of a ditierent character they are not the less dangerous, and no one ai>preciatud that danger more thoroughly. In neither speeches nor writings was an uncertain sound ever given on this sul)ject, so important tt) a nation's welfare. In the niy his own political friends to the otlice would have been more iigrecable to me than your own. Hut the circumstances attending your appointment appear to me so uiiconstitutioiiid, so much to be deprecated, thatit would be worse than inconsistent were I to attend the ceremony to-mormw. While 1 feel thus iu reganl to the otHcial ceremony of your inaugura- tion, I tru.st you will believe that no change has occurred in our personal relations, and that wlieii you are duly installed in your high otlice, no po- litical feeling will stand in the way of tlio.se marks of respect and considera- tion to which you will be entitled socially an SPEECHES OF doubt tliat Mr. Browns struggle with the wrctcli alone prevented him finishing his work, as he tried repeatedly to tire oft' his pistol after Mr. Brown seized him. The slKJck to tlie aysteni from the shot, and the intense nervous excitement conse(|uoiit on the struggle with tlie armed assassin, had a very injuriou.s effect, and materially retarded liis hoped-for recovery. Mr. Brown was removed at once to his private residence, and medical aid sunnuoned. A fatal result was not anticipated by any one. Mr. Brown himself made light of the wound, and lirmly believed that a few days' rest and care would .set him all riglit again. His restless energy was probably (piickened afresh by the nervous excitement, which never left him, as sliown by his determination to transact busi- ness in his room. Tliere was indeed no reason for apprehensions of evil, though Hie possibilty of a serious turn was clear to eveiy erne ; he was still in the fulness of his strength, and his cheerful, hopeful, sanguine nature must have been a favourable element looking to recovery. The excitement through the country was very great as .soon as the murderous assault was made known. This was particularly the case at Ottawa, where so many of his old political friends were gathered together for their parliamentary duties. When it was ascertained that, though the wound was serious, there was no likelihood of the danger proving verj- great, a great sense of relief was felt by every one on lioth sides of the House When two weeks passed with no improve- ment, an uneasy feeling again became [iredominant ; and one evening, when evil tidings respecting the patient's condition reached the House, tliere was no disposition among his friend? to pursue their ordinary legislative duties. The next morning telegrams were received which stated that the former report was not warranted, and that Iiis early recovery was conlidently anticii)ated. The writer well rememl)ers the feeling of ■ uaalh)yed pleasure which was expressed on all faces by the reassuring messages. The hope and pleasure s(t inspired were soon to ))e dashed to the earth, not suddeidy, but slowly, steadily and gradually. Bright intervals occurred, and seeming progress made now and then, only to be succeeded with deeper gloom. Like the descending of the sun in a cloudy evening, while passing behind a cloud, the earth is enveloped in gloom ; presently an opening appears in the cloudy pall, and the light streams out lighting up glen and mountain. Nearing the horizon, the greater compactness of the vapoury shade makes the glimpses of sunshine more and more brief, while the waning daylight shows the inevitable and near approach of niglit. So with the invalid : day after day developed some new sign of possible progress ; physician and friend thought, as some fresh display of reserved physical strength ! m noy. GEORGE BROWN. \\:\ and mental power was made, tliat there miglit be — there would be — a slow restomtic^n. But soon the symptoms of increasing exhaustion would reappear, and close observers saw with sorrow tliat eacli day on tlie whole left him weaker than he was on the ])receding one ; and unless this continuous uniform loss of strength could be arrested, it was apparent to all that there could be but tme result, though his own sanguine temperament and the illusive hoi)es of near friends buoyed the spirits of all imjuirers to a belief that the probabilities were in favour of his recovery. Hopes were entertained by the attendant pliysicians of his ultimate recovery up to within a few days of his death. His natural energy asserted itself in his illness, overcoming in the desperate struggle for life the nervous exhaustion and the waste of the system caused by tlie wound. The members of his family, who were in ccmstant attcndame upon him, were le.ss sanguine as t(^ the final result for the greater part of the time of liis illness. Except for the tirst eight or ten days, he was afflicted by delirium and such clouding of his mental powers as made it unadvisable to add to his weakness by interviews with any hut his medical attendants and members of the family. Througliout he hoped he would recover, but at the same time he felt that the cliances were even, if nf)t against him. Often in the stillness of his bed- chamber he was heard, when lie thought that none but God was near, praying earnestly for recovery in order to tinish'his work, but always expressing his resignation to God's will if it should lie otherwise (H'dered. About two weeks before his death, at a time when his family and medical attendants entertained the most serious apprelien- siiius, he had a long conversation with Dr. Greig, his old pastor, and members of his family, all of whom he had gathered round his bed. In that conversation he spoke freely to them of his faith and hope, and, we are told, poured out his soul in a full and fervent prayer. He then asked them to sing some psalms or hynuis, and in particulai- tlie well-known one, " Rock of Ages," in the singing of which he warmly joined. It was evident that liis mind dwelt much on the future, and that while he desired that his life might be spared for his family, the hopes of the Christian burnt brightly within, and enabled liiui to look forward without fear to a possible unsuccessful issue of his illness. For about a week previous to his death it could scarcely be said that any one expected his recovery, though some of his physicians still thought it possible. The intervals of consciousness were gradually becoming less freijuent and also more brief, but during their continu- ance they were characterized by inexpressible tenderness and love to the members of his family, all of whom he recognized almost to the last, even when, through growing weakness, the tongue refused its office of communicating to them his thoughts, hopes and desires. No 1 m II ij l\ : •■ i' m 144 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF doubt the knowledge that he was walking very near towards the verge of the unseen world drew his mind away from all other things ; hia physical strength was also steadily waning and indisposing him to further exertion. The writer had the melanclioly pleasure of seeing him on the "Vednesday morning preceding his death, but the invalid was not conscious of the presence 'ere for- gotten in the general desire to sliow kindness and symjiathy. Every person showed tliemselves onlj' anxious to say and do wliat could be said and done to assuage the grief and C(;mfort the hearts of those who liad heen so suddeidy and cruelly bereft of a tender husband an SPEECHES OF Tlio day was a beautiful May morning, and all without seenu-d bright and gay as the sad procession was formed. The streets in tlio vicinity of his late residenco were so densely crowded liy people from city and country tliat it seemed itni)o8.siblo to clear a way, yet a few moments sufficed to form into regular onler. The various delegati(tn3 promptly fell into line — that from the county of Lambton, led by Rev. Mr. 'liionipson of Sarnia, taking the lead, as the tirst cctunty that had given Mr. Brown a seat in parliament. The streets by which the [iro- cession moved to reach the Necropolis Cemeterj' were lined the wholu way by a mult'tnde of sympatiietic people, who reverently uncovercil as the cortege passed. With these manifestations of universtal sorrow and regai'd all that was mortal of George Brown was laid to rest beside a revered father and mother. Canada mourned for her accomplished son. The voice which had swayed popular assemblies so long and so [lowerfully was hushed in the silence of the tomb. The connnanding figure and kindly impressive face disappeared from public view. No one could be move missed from the social and political life of the country. Tlie place he occupied in all relations of the citizen and statesman must remain vacant for the present. His dfiath in the ordiiiarycour.se of nature would have evoked much feeling and .sympathy, but the violent and sudden rupture of all the ties of social, business, and ixditical life made the bereaved home, the business olHce, and the council (jf the political party he was identified with, miss all the more the genial liearty face and the connnanding intellect which had h^ng been so well known and appreciated in almost every county in Ontario. i \ HON. (iKoliClE niiowx. 147 CHAPTER XXV. Mn. Bhown's SKHvri'Ks to Liijku \i.ism in CAXAr).\. - Estimatk ok His I'l lu.ic AM> I'kivatk (Jiiakaci'KI!. Mr. Tirown's Cuiuuliivn cjireiT uxtondetl over !i poviod of tliirty-six years. Hu canu! to tlio country in oiirly niiiiiliooil with littlo i)r no intlueuce or fortune, (lopeniling entirely on liia personul e-xertions. In one year he cstahlishi'd liis reputation as a journalist, an (liliitui'v imblic mim. It is ((IhcwIuti' (liMiinnHtniti'il tluif. tluiri! wiis no just Ljrnuiitl for tliis u|iiuinii, mul lun;,' !ii;i> all sect ioiia of thij party woro Hatistiod tliat tlio I( luliiii; journal only (liHC'liarjjtcd a plain duty in iHiintinL; out Mr. Ualdwin's inititnoss to lead in nirryin;,' out the reform iinlify. 'riiorc was anotli'^rfilasa which Hoii;.'ht shultrr from tlu- fonH('«|Ut.'nii.'s of tri'achury l>y liidiu',' luidi'r Maldwin's iianu-. This class moved to tho Tory cami> under tho name of " IJaldwin Rofornuns. " Itwaa insi'^uiticant in numliers and aliility too insi'^nitioant as a class to ho attacked hut tlierc were individuals in it who had Kome standin;^ in the country, 'i'iicse num were vi!;orou.sly ass.ailed and tlieir election opposed by Afr. IJrown. In doiu'^ so he inciurred some censure and siibjecti'd hiniself to nnich misri'iiroHentation_, which remained to some e.xtent in the [tuhlic n\ind to the last. His line at that time was, as a matter of course, strongly condeunied liy both thiise classes. Ha was characterized as a tyrant and i'oniise he failed to tultil, thereby lowering his own position, and justifying Mr. Brown in refusing any social recognition of him. Mr. Macdonald might possibly h;'ve pleaded, as many of his supporters did, \ that he liad reason to believe the ciiai'ges true when he made them: \ . . . . . . ' but when, with a committee of his own choosing, he failed utterly in establishing a single charge, he should at once have risen to the dignity of the occasion, anil admitted he had been deceived, and apok)gized for the attack. Hot words and bitter expressions are often doiil)tless exchanged in political warfare by most leaders, and Mr. Brown was no excejjtion to the rule,' but he never transgressed by making a purely personal attack, and many with whom he had fierce struggles in the arena of politics Itecanie afterwards his warmest friends. A man of strong feeling and warm enthusiastic disjxisition, he conveyed sometimes to those who met him occasionally the idea that he was intolerant of other 1.^ HON. GEORGE BROWN. 151 people's opinions, and resolvcKl to have hia own way. Those who tliought so did not know him. He was often blamed by his close allies in the liberal ranks for too readily admitting into political confi- dence men who had shown something veiy like a wilful abandonment of party and principle. In council he was always disposed to listen to othoi's' arguments, and defer mucli to the opinions of those in whom he had confidence. As a political leader he was alwtays considerate to his supporters, but he W(Hdd not lead on anydoubtful policy, and when once a policy was adoi)ted by his party, none was so resolute in carrying it towards a conclusion. A notable instance occurred in 1860, wlien he moved certain resolutions in the House of Assembly, in pursuance of tile conclusions at which the Reform Convention of iSeptember, 1859, had arrived. Several powerful members, including the late J. S. Macdonald, H. M. Foley, and Dr. C(Minor, objected to his proceeding with the resolutions, but he resolutely adhered to the policy adopted, and the recusants were obliged to submit. It must be admitted that many of the objections to his thorough system in political life between 1850 and 1865 were Imsed on the belief thiit it would keep the liberal party out of power. He cared cliiefly for a straight advocaijy of essential principles, with the belief that every struggle brought them nearer his reach. He saw wo s[)ecial benefit in having a government called by the name of reform, compt)sed of men who called themselves reformers, if they were either unable or unwil- ling to give effect to reform measures and principles. His princi[ial opponent in the reform ranks, on the other hand, did not hesitate U) say openly in parliament tliat he was prepared to join any combination of parties which wtnild ju'cvent any disturbance of tlie then existing uni(jn, even so far as to grant representation by population. This policy doubtless kei)t Mr. Hincks in [mwer for some years, ami so far kept in the background reforms which were inevitable, and which an honest perseverance in pursuing a liberal policy on his part might have anticipated I)y some years. Tlie one gravitated naturally to the Tory tampon the (political) broad road, and alter many years he became a minister again after the reforms had l)een acconijilished which he had determinately resolved to prevent by " any combina- " tiims. " The other had the proud satisfaction of knowing that to his efforts mainly was his party and bis province indebted for tlie linal triumph of the principles he had so long conteiideil for. Long before he passed away there was no vestige of state-churcliism in the land ; all churches stood equal in tlie eye of the law. A just .system of par- liamentary rcpresentatiiJii had taken the place of one partial and unjust; and in addition to this, his long cherished hope of living to .see a powerful British natioiialitj' in America was realized in connection with the reforms he had advocated. The "some joint autiiority " '.r\. " iL JjjTT-V.i , Si 152 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF i , l\ : \.. ) i \i. 1 of the moclost convention resolutions in 1859 had developed into a pciwerful federal goveriinieut, exercising supreme authority from Cape Breton to Vancouver, within the hounds of the " fedisrative" systt'Di quietly suggested i)y Mr. IJrown in his report from the House com- mittee in 1864, already referred to. Mr. Brown often remarked in liis sjieeciies, when re|dying to charges of being ambitious, that few uumi wlio dcivotcul tliemselves to a pressing advocacy of reform and change lived to ))enelit personally by them, and that assuredly he did not expect to be any exception. This in his case was literally true. He was for eigliteen months a member of a coalition government formed to carry out his progrannne of political elianges, but left that government as soon jis the proposed reforms were safe. If being a meml)er of a govornment be a [mlitical reward, liis Avas a poor one— a minister for eighteen months out of thirty-six years of continuous service. He had, however, an lionour- able pride in conteuqtlating liis acliieveiiients, and his name will ever be associated with the federal union of the British provinces and the obtaiinnent of justice for his own piovince. In the early years of his journalistic life, when heading the assault against the endowment by the state of any church, he was looked upon as the enemy of the favoured sects. Every person n(jw kntnvs that a church does not prosper necessarily because the state aids it. In Canada it was shown that those churches pros])ered most which did not touch the money or lands of the state ; while the churches that did receive a share of the clergy reserve lands did not prosper so much. The sympathy of the nuisses was withheld, from college and church alike, as long as the injustice continued, and it was only after the lapse of years had suiiiced to induce fm-getfuhiess of the past that all the churches shared in the full sympathy and support of the peoi)le. Perhaps in nothing else did Mr. lirown rejoice so much in the latter years of his life as the settled state of public opinion as to the per- nitanent nature of the relations of Canada and Cireat Britain. Twenty ■ tive years before there was at least an uneasy feeling abroad ; once (n- twice this feeling found expression in several parts of Canada ; its existence was referred to in despatches from Canada to the Iniperial governmen*^. Some classes of British i)oliticians seemed disposed to look upon the C(donial possessions of the eni])ire as a clog and hin- drance — a source of danger and expensp. This latter class seemed to have only one consideration before their political vision, " Will it pay f" One Governor-General at least went so far as to tell Canadians that tliey might cut the connection as soon as they pleased, so far as Great Britain was concerned. The school of commercial politicians had obtained so strong a footing in Britain that they felt able to instruct or iniluence the Queen's representative in Canada to make ; HON. GEORGE BROWN. 1: if IT).! such a p\ililic declaration. Mr. Brown always maintained that perfect liberty and independence of action in cveiythinj^ of local concfu'n Ava.s compatible with tlio colonial state of political existence. Ho felt an honest pride in tlie 'jlory of the British empire, and he also felt that the canse of freedom over the world woidd l)e seriously injured hy its disintegration, even so far as to sever any of its great colonies. It was with him both a matter of sound i)ublic policy and sentinunit to remain a member of the great Anglo-Saxon power, to share in its growth and successes, and, if need be, to bear a share of its reverses. Mr. Brown and the (Jhthi; did nuicli to cultivate a national feeling, national in the broadest sense of the term, embracing Groat Britain and all her colonies. He was, however, a true cosmopolitan in tliis sense, that he was a warm friend of the United States, Britain's child but also connnercial rival, and (,f all other countries where the arm of the oppressor was broken. During the existence of the slave power in the United States there was no more outspoken friend of the poor slave tlian George Brown ; no mure e'.vjipient defender of the fugitive than he when the slave-driver dared to pursue his human cliattel into Canada. True to his Scottish instincts, he was a strong friend of Sabbath observance. Though a strong voluntary in i»rinciple, he deemed a public recognition of the Sabliath by individuals and governmental deijartments as a sacred duty — an essential one in the maintenance of public morality. The cause of temperance and every moral refcn-m found in Mr. Brown a warm friend and courageous advocate. The (r(<)l>r, under the management of the brothers George and Gordon, had therefore a firm footing with the better classes of the Canadian people, as all felt thiit, whether its political preferences were at all times acceptable or not, it was the consistent friend of public morality. Mr. Brown was a member of the presbyterian church, devotedly attached to what was, before the union, the Free Churc^ section of that body. Had he lived in the time of the Stuart peisecutions he would have been, from his nature, among the tirst to sign the Solenni League and Covenant — among the tirst to repudiate allegiance to an untruthful and persecuting monarch. As it was, lie was a devoted admirer of the noble men who fcnight for religious liberty in Scotland and secured the same blessing for England. As to his domestic relations, the biographer may have no right to do more than say that they were singularly happy. Whatever clouds might cross his path outside, he carried the utmost cheerfulness and geniality to his home ; a chief trait of character was his intense love of lumie. His meetings with wife and children, when the exacting day's duties and vexations were over, were perfect illustrations oi «i' •liiii! 154 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF domestic happiness and enjoyment. No man could be more beloved than he was by his family ; no man deserved that love more. It is pleasant for them to look back to, but it made the parting all the more painful. Ho left two daughters and one son, named after him- self (George Mackenzie Brown), to mourn a loss to them irreparable, though Mrs. Brown, with her well-known excellent qualities of heart and head, will nobly fultil many of the duties tlie lamented father would have dischai'ged if he had boon spared. m^ H02i. OEOliGE BROWN. 155 ^1 ■A IN MEMORIAM. •' And when tlio stream Which ovci'tlowed the soul was passed away, A consciousness remained that it had left, Deposited upon the silent shore Of memory, images and precious thoughts That shall not die, and cannot he destroyed. " WoKDSWORTH. The brave, large-hearted statesman was now at rest. To use Dr. C(jchrane's eloquent words, " There has lieen laid in tlie grave, since " last we !isseud)led in the house of God, a kingly man ; one who for " many years has by unanimous consent been ranked amcmg the " princes of the land. Over his grave the people have wept, and a " feeling of unfeigned sadness has possessed all hearts, because of his " untimely end." The voice of censure and detraction was huslied ; only what was generous and kindly in the nature of the depsirted was remembered. Tokens of universal sorrow were everywhere mani- fested, and found ex])ression in the press of Canada and the United States ; in public meetings where all parties attended ; in church ci>urts ; and in the resolutions passed by municipal corporations. In nearly all the churches of T(jronto reference was made to the lament- able event (jn the Sabbath he died ; and on the succeeding Sal)bath a very large numl)er of sermons were i)reached in which his life and death were discoursed upon. Toucliing reference was made, in some of the ecclesiastical bodies of several cliurches at meetings held shortly afterwards, to tlie shocking occiurence by which one so prominent and generally beloved was stricken to the earth, and a family so har- monious and happy thrown into the dee[)est distress to which human- ity is subject. It was to be expected that the part}- he had led so long and so well in political warfare should in a si)ecial manner seek to do honour to the memory of the departed leader. This feeling naturally led to reform associations and clubs in all (juarter.j calling meetings, at which resolutions were passed expressive of the deepest sorrow for his untimely fate, and kindlj' regard f(jr his family in their grief. The sympathy for the family was genuine and hearty, ami could public feeling have assuaged their grief, that grief had n<.c lasted long. To that hour the domestic circle had been unbroken, and the genius of ^'iii I., i' !;;:5^ in 156 LIFE AND SPEEGHEfi OF domestic peace presideil over tlie liouseliold as if it never would be bn>kon. They were soon to learn tliat " Thci'(! is no lirt'sido, howsoo'ev dcfeniled, l)Ut li;is one vacant chair." Could brilliant talents, a splendid record as politician and publicist, an unblemished reputation in juuvate life, have detained him, he had not left; but sometimes, as now, "Death loves a shining mark, a signal blow.'' The manifestations of public sympathy were all tliat could be desired by Mr. Brown's warmest friends. Extracts n(jw given from some of the sermons and proceedings at public meetings, and a selec- tion from the numerous addresses of condolence sent, will sliow better than any description tlie extent and character of these puldic mani- festations. Shortly after his death there was a general desire expressed in favimr of tiu^ erection of a monuuient to his memory in some public place in t'ao city of Toronto. In accordance witli this desire, a meet- ing was called in Shaftesbury Hall, which was attended by a large number of prominent citizens, including several members of the local government. After a nund)er (/f gentlemen had addressed tlie meet- ing, all in favour of the jiroposed monument, a connnittee was ap- pf)inted to carrj' out the propijsal made. Subsequently tlie committee met and organized at the Board of Trade rooms, with John Macdonald, Escj. , as chairman, James D. Edgar, Esq., a.s secretary, and David Blain, Esq. , as treasurer. Subscription lists were sent to various parts of the country, and, generally speaking, were well signed. It was decided to erect a statue of Mr. Brown hi the University Park, in a spot to be selected by the authorities. Mr. Brodie, the celebrated sculptor of Edinburgli, was selected to execute the work, but unfor- tunately Mr. Brodie was taken ill before he had well commenced the statue, and, after a brief illness, expired. There will not, however, be any serious delay in getting the work executed, as another artist has been engaged of ecjually high reputation. It may well be said that no monument was needed to keep the name of George Brown in remembrance, even with those who did not always agree with him ; but there seemed to be a general desire to do honour to his memory in the manner chosen in all ages to commemo- rate the name of the chief citizens whose names were already linked with tlic iiistory of their country. His name and public labours will •ilways ( ccuj^y a large space in the history of Canada, and however men may difier as to tlie wisdom or unwisdom of his political views and the mode of giving them etiect, all will admit that his record is an honourable one. His friends can boast also that the principles he HON. GEOJRGE BROWN. Uu advocated from his first advent in Canada were crj'stallized in the statutes of tlie country before liis death, very largely by his own eti'orts. When the inscription on his marble monument will be worn away, the work he accomplished, the patriotism he manifested, will be held in grateful remembrance. The granite or marble will yield t(j the ravages of time, but the results of his labour will inrtuence national life, stimulate individual etr(jrt, and exert a moral intlueneo to the end of time. CITY COUNCIL OF TORONTO. At a meeting of tlie Council of the Corponitiou of the city of Toronto, held on Moinliiy, the lOth day of May, 1S80, tlic following resolution wa.s unanimously adopted : Moved by Alderman McMurrieli, seconded by Alderman Close, and Jic^olrtil, — Tliat the death of the Honourable George Drown, senator of Canaihi, after a painful and lingering illness, caused by an att.ick l)y a mis- guided ))erson on the 2.")th Mareli, which, while not innnedi'itely fatal, has resulted in his demise on the !)th instant, is regarded by this Council with sentiments of no conuuon emotion and sorrow. That on an occasion such as the present all party feeling is huslicd, and every dividii>g sentiment merged in the I'ccogiiition of eminent talent, high patriotism, loyal citizenship, and a position proudly earned as one of tiie foremost of Cinada's public and representative men. That in the removal, under such appalling circumstances, in the full vigour of his eonmianding abilities, of one pi)ssessing so distinguished a hold on the sympathies of his fellow-countrymen and citizens, it is diliicult to rind words which will ade(pu\tely express the profound feeling by which the Council are moved. They can but recoril a nati(jn;d loss of the gra\ est character, and a domestic bereavement of tlio nnwt painful nature, and, wliile joining in the feeling of respect which pervailes every class of society in contemplating the uue, approach the other with still sadder feelings, in attempting to oiler to his sorrowing widow and family an expression of heartfelt sympathy and condolence. Ja.mi;s 15katv, .lr., Mai/or. Roiu:kt Koddv, Clerk. Samiikl B. Hak.m an, Triaiiun )\ atnl K'rpir of llir Civic Sial. Council Chamber, Toro.vto, May 10th, 1880. i '•r h J';..:.!:*: BUFFALO CITY COUNCIL. CiTV Ci.kuk".s (Ji-Firi;, Hufkalo, .May 11th, ISHO. I, W. P. Burns, City Clerk of Bulfalo, New York, hereby certify that at a meeting of the Conunon Cuuncil, held at the Council CInunber in the City and County Hall on the 10th day of May, A.D. 1880, a preaudjle and resolutions were adopted, of which the following is a true copy : Whereas, (jod in His providence has removed from earth, in tlie fulness of his years, the Hon. (ieorge Brown, of Toronto, (hit. — a man strong in h 'A ' In i •1 » M i : w fli' m-:. :S-i 168 i;//!© ^.VZ> SPEECHES OF purpose, pui'e in heart and noble in life ; by whose death tliia country and the people of the worlil have lost a friend to tlie cause of freedom ; whose broay tli'.' Canadian residents of Chicago for one whose name as a statesman has been so intimately con- nected with every movement for constituti(jiial reform in a cotintry which will remain endeared to them by early recollections. Done at Chicago, Illinois, this I'Jth day of May, ISSO (Signed,) Alkx.sndkk C. Bki.l, Cliuinitiui. Clemk.nt U. GitASETT, Svcretd rij. ■;;mu: r !:•:> CITY COUNCIL, OTTAW.A. Moved by Alderman Scott, seconded by Alderman Jamieson, That this Council hereby expresses its deep regret at the untimely death of the Hon. George Brown, senator, and to place; upon record its apprecia- tion of his services a.s a public man during the past (piarter of a century. Furthermore, this Council expresses deep and sincere condolence with the widow and relations of the deceased gentleman. Jii'solrcd, — That a copy of this resolution, under seal, be sent to the widow of the late Hon. George Brown. Certified true copy of a resolution of the Council of the Corporation of the city of Ottawa, passed on the 12th day of May, 1880, [Seal.] W. P. Lett, City Clerk. MY riMH i^i IGO LIFE AS J) SPEECHES OF CITY COUNCIL, CIJKLFH. Moved by AMerman McLayau, and seconded l)y Alderman Cluulwick, Tliat this Council, acting for and representing the citizens of (iuelph, at tliis its first regular meeting after his death, expresses its tireat sorrow at tile loss the co\intry has sustained in the untimely death of the Hon. Ceorge Brown, so suddenly cut ott" in the piinie of ids niauhood by the dastardly act of an assassin. Senator Brown, for a period of upwards of a (|uarter of a century, occupied an exalted position as a statesman, jounialist and citi/en of his adopted country ; was an unilinehing advocate tor tiie political, social ami religious lilierties of the people ; Britisli connection, e(jual rights to all classes, irrespective of nationality, creed or colour ; a sincere and devout Christian, who throughout his whole career was an upholder of truth and tliose great moral principles winch enabled him to carry witli him to the tondj the white lily of a blameless life ; whose services to his country will be handed down to generations yet unborn as tliose n^ndered by one of the greatest and best of our public men who liave adorned our legislative halls and our country. Bi' if rcnohcd, — That a copy of the foregoing resolution be sent to the family of the late senator, tendering to his sorrowing widow, his fatherless cluldren and his relatives, tlie deep and fervent sympathy of the citizens of Cuelph in their sad bereavement. — Ado/ilxl. Jno. Hauvev, Cili/ Gbrk. [Seal.] GALT TOWN COUNCIL. iiii^i \ \i ! iMi ih .*' May 12th, 1880. It was moved by Mr. Richard ]ilain, and seconded by Mr. Hugh Me- CuUoch, That this Council desires publicly to express its deep legret at the tragic death of the Hon. Ceorge Brown, a gentleman whose name has Ijcen associated with the history of Canada for the past forty years, and whose name has been a " houseliold word " with its people. In his lamented death it is felt that the country has lost a sincere friend and devoted servant ; the profession of journalism one of its most vigorous and able writers ; his widow and family a loving liusljand and father ; and his friends and acquaintances a noble and generous man. And, to give expression to these sentiments, this Council desires further to express to the widow and family of the deceased their heartfelt sym- pathy with them in the loss they have sustained, and to express the liope tiiat He who doetli all things well will extend to them His consohition and support. And that a copy of this resolution be engrossed, and forwarded to Mrs. Brown. TORONTO RRESBYTERY. Toronto, 00 Maitland Street, May 21st, 1880. Mrs. Georoe Browx. Dear Maoaai, — The accompanying copy of a minute adopted by the Presbytery of Toronto — which came into my hands only to-day — I now m HON. GEO Rill': imoWN. 161 transmit to you, as instructi'il l)y the I'rusljytery ho to tlo. And 1 beg to say that with all that is contained in Haiil minute I lieaitily concur. I have tlie hfmour to hv, Dear Madam, Voui'M witli respect and sympathy, (Signed,) R. Montkath, J'nxhi/liry Clerk. Tiie Prt'.shytery of Toronto agree to record their deej) sorrow at the deatli of tile Hon. (ieorge hrown. In common witli tlie entire community, they recognize his great intellec- tual jihilities and june character ; lii.s uprigiitni'ss and zeal for the pul)!ic welfare ; Inn tonsistency, and iiidoniitatile peiiseverance and courage m tlie advocacy of all measures wluch ajiprovi'd tliemselvcs to his judynicnt ; and the great services whicli, thus endowed, he was I'lialilcd to render ( 'anaila. Tlie healthful moral result of tiie manifold and earnest lahours of Mr. l>i'o\vn will now also he heartdy recogni/ed hy all, and his powerful ailvo- cacy of interests dear to all who seek the good of soeicity and have respect to the |)i\ine law. To all well directed etloits maile tor the relief ot the suHering and wronged, for the advancement of education, for tin' prcjtee- tion of tlii^ S .l)l)atli, for the I'stalilisliment ,ind extension of Chi'istianity, he devoted his jiowerful influence and generous aid. As a ni(nd)er of the preshyterian church, holding with strong conviction its ciiaracteristic principles, he diy his pure lifi? and conversation he com- mended the religion of Christ ; and the I'reshyterv rejoice ti> know that he was sustained, during his last trying illness, hy his trust in (iod and in the hlood of the Hedeemer, and was enalded calnilj' to suhmit himself to tlie will of tlie Almighty. Tl'.e Preshytery desire to express their det^i and respectful symjiathy with all the memliers of the bereaved fifiiiily, and their earnest prayer that grace may be ui\eii to sustain thriii under the jiressiire of their gnat alllic- tion, and to sanctity it to their spiritual and eternal welfare. In name and by appointment of the Presbytery of Toronto, (Signed,) .Ino. S.mith. Moilcrator. P. M(>NTi;.\tii, (Jlirk. ToitoNT., lltli May, 18S0. COLOURED CITIZENS OF TORONTO. le |v At a meeting held in the Baptist Chapel (corner of Victoria and Queen Streets) by the coloured citizens on tiiis date, the following resolutions were ordered to be sent to the family of the late Hon. (icorge Brown : lit'-iohcd, — That the death of the Hon. George Brown, late senator of Canada, has caused another vacancy in the ranks of the noble and disin- terested champions of freedom which can never be tilled, and that we recognize that loss with the dtepest and most heartfelt feelings of sorrow and regret, knowing that the Sumner of Canada has passed away, whose voice and pen was always ready, able and willing to do battle for the cause of the downtrodden and oppressed of all peoples. 11 i ., \y ■ ^^ •MMl p!:Ml it 102 A//'A' JA7> SI'HKCIIHS O/.' Thiit wo tf'iiilur oiir .;firiicMt iiml liciirtfilt synipiitliy to tlio hcrciivcd fiiuiily, iitiil that we (!ver pniy tliat tliu IHviiif lileHsiiig imiy comfort tlirin ill tluH tltuir (liru ullliotioii. Toronto, May 11, 18S0. IIknuv I.kwis, I'l-'Mili'iit. V. (i. Si.Mi'SdN, Sivntiirji. C()N(H{|':gat[(>nai, ciirifrir. MkS. (IkuKUK BlioWM. TouoNTo, Miiy I2tli, ISSO. Dkau Madam, —'I'Ik! Cuntnil AHsouiatioii of ( 'oll;^'l•l•,^'.■ltiollill miiiistiTH — iis^uniUli'il this (lay in >^ioii ('hmiili, Toroiito passuil tho following r•^^sol^l- tioii, and ilcsirucl nio to forward thu same to you. Moved by tho Risv. John Bui'toii, IJ. A., seconded \>y tiio Itev. J. J. Iliiidley, .M.A., and uaaiiiniously /{run/i'iil, —That tiii.s Association wouM ri'i'(»rd its deep sense of loss sustained l)y tiic country in tim dcacii of the late lion, (ieorge IJrown. They would recogai/.e with gratitudis the important part he lias taken in the formation of our < 'anadian iiiitionality and liherties, his energy as a journalist, and his wor'h as a iirivate citi/.iMi. 'I'liey would expi'es«i tlieir deep synipathy with his hureaved widow and family, comnu'iiding them to tlie consolation of a synipatliiziiig Saviour, and tiie hope of the reunion hereafter. May the (iod of all comfort comfort th'-m in their deep allliction. .). I. ll[\i)i.K,v, Sii'ntiii-ji. COBDEX CLU15, KNOLAND. At a meeting of the committee, held on the 22nd May, 1880. it was resolved that an expi'ession of the great regret felt liy the committee on hearing of the death of the Hon. (ieorge Urowu, of Toronto, an honorary member of the club, sliould be placed on tlii minutes of the proceedings of the committee. (Signed,) Kiciiakd (Iowino, Srvrctarij. Tiios. B. I'oTTEi!, Iloii. iSccrctary. Extract from the Proceedinf/s of the County Council oj the County of Oxford. Cou.NTY Council Chamukr, Woodstock, 18 th June, 1880. Moved by Mr, Win. Peers, seconded by Mr. B. Hopkins, and Jicsubu'd, — That this Council embrace the first opportunity to express their profound regiet at the loss the Dominion of Canada has sustained by the death of the late Hon. George Brown, a gentleman who formerly represented this county in parliament, and has, as a journalist, statesman, agriculturalist and a man, for many years laboured with distinguished ability and zeal to serve his adopted country according to his best judg- ment. lloX. (lEoiicH JUioWy. n;;{ And wo dcnii'i' also to oxihi'mm our (loi'p dis^'ust iiiid liorror at the I'liiiu' wliu'li U^d to Ids di'iitli ; iiiid our siiicore Hynipiitliy with IiIh widow and KTcnVcc 1 fainiiv and fricndM. \nd tluit a copy of tlds rowolutinn, si),'iu'(l l>y the Waidtii anil (.'lirk with tho corporate Hual attached, Ik; forwarded to Mrw. iSrovN i [Sisal.] A. L. Wii (()\, W ■y Messrs. I!, {'rofontaine, M I'.l'., Hon. .1. R. 'I'liihau- dean. Aid. 'riionias Wilson, .losepii Didiamid, (,).(.'., I 'lis. lierger, .1. N. Hieiivi'nu, t'hs. Menniei- and Kaoul i»iinilurand. Tliat this meeting has learned with regret of the death of the Hon. (leorge ISrown, who, as a journalist, legislator and statesman, tiguri'd in the front ranlc of the defendeis of tiie rof(jrm ami jirogressive party of Canada. That l»y his remarkalde talents, his love of work and energy, Mr. line lirown proved himself an h r to his adopted eountiy, and liis n; will be jierpetuated in its history during this century foi- elevating to its highest rank the Canadian press, proeuriiig tin; seculari/ation of the clergy reserves, and the aholition (jf certain privileges of caste. That the friends (»f the lil)er;d party leave to history all tiie wei;;iit of impartial judgment which it w ill carry on certain acts of Mi-. Jlrown, and it will become recogni/eil that this distinguished man was imbued with patriotic sentiments and ideas really in harmony witii the lil)eialism and professions that we, as a party, know them under the British constitution. It was moved l)y Messi's. Krnest Tremblay, N. W. Ti'enholme, (,'.('., F. X. Archanibault, Q.C., Kuclide Koy, Chs, Ouidc I'eirault, II. I'.eau- grand, N. licfebvre, A. P. (Uoliensky, G. A. Morrison and 1*. Jl. Mar- tineau. That the name of Hon. (leoi'go Brown will remain engraved on the national monument, which is calleil responsible giivcrnment of Canada. That Mr. Brown was one of those courageous men, one of those clear- minded patriots, who contributed to obtain for Camnlians the fulness of responsible governnuMit, to acclimate it to Canada, to tight against the encroachments of the Crown, and to inspire the population with love and respect for the institutions which we have fully enjoyed since 1S47. It was moved by Messrs. A. \\. Poirier, C A. (ieollVion, i).V., ]•!. C. Monk, Aid. Robert, P. G. Martineau, 1'. H. Roy, A. 1'. Carriveau, That this meeting ojl'ers its condtilence to the family of tiie Hon. (ieorge Brown, fallen under the bullet of the cowardly assassin at the moimuit when his contemporaries, rising above political passions, were rendering just homage to the philanthropy, to the patriotism which was so greatly personified in the regretted deceased. It was moved l>y Messrs. A. P. Morin, A. S. Mackay, Louis Perrault, r. 0. Rinfret, L. Forget, P. Durandand, and J. D. Leduc, 164 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF 1 i\, W:> i ; :;: '« That a copy of the present resohitions be transmitted to the family of the deceased, to the lil)eral press of the J'rovincc of (Quebec, to the (Holxi of Toronto and tlie Frtr Pres.t of Ottawa. ]). Mkssikh, Prenhli'nf. P. it. Maktinkau, Secretary. BROCKVILLE TOWN COUNCIL. Bkockvim.k CorxfiL Ciiammkr, ITtli May, 18S0. Moved by Mr. W. H. Cole, seconded by Mr. (1. A. Dana, and Rcttolved, — That we, the Town Council of IJrockville, take the oppor- tunity of this our first m';eting to express (nir reyrct at the untimely dentil of the late Hon. George Hrowii, one of Canada's greatest statesmen, and whose name has been so long identified witli the best interests of our country ; anil whose death will be an irreparable loss to the Dominion. And we would also express c.x.v horror at the dastardly act which causccl his death, ;i A we beg most respectfully to tender to his bereaved family our hi!artfelt sympathj' with them in this their sad aliiiction ; and that tln^ Clerk do forward a copy of this resolution, with the seal of this Corporation attached thereto, to the widow of the deceased. [Seal. W.M. IIknkv Co:mst(ick, M(t;/or. ;.rniiN Daiicavkl, Toioi Clerk. PORT HOPK TOWN COUNCIL. Mrs. Georoe Brown, Toronto. Council Ciiambkh, Phut Hoi'k, -May nth, ISSO. f Madam, — I am desired by the Mayor and Council of the Corporation the Town of Port Hope to forward jou a copy of the following resolution which was passed at the meeting held on Monday, the 10th May, iSSO: Moved by Councillor B. D. Deering, seconded by Councillor C A. Hagerman, and Rexob'pil, — That this Council having heard witii regret of the deatli of the Hon. (Jeorge Hrown, and being deeply sensible of his great public services, desire to express its sincere sympiithy with tlie widow and fjuiiily of clie deceased, and instructs the Clerk to forward tt) them this expression of condolence with them in their great aliiiction. H. V. Sani.f.hs, Toion Clerk. WOODSTOCK TOWN COUNCIL. Council Chamber, W^ood.stock, iMay 10th, 1880. Moved by Henry Parker, seconded by Warren Totten, and HeKolwd, — That the members of the Council of the town of Woodstock avail themselves of this opportunity of expressing their profound sorrow J . I '■ HON. GEORGE BROWN. 165 at the demise on .Sunday last of tlie Hon. (icorge Brown, who has been at ilitlorent times tiie representative in parliament of botli ridings of this county. The occurrence wliich prostrated that hon. gentleman sent a thrill of horror througiiout the length and breadth of the Dominion, and it was lioped, in the merciful di.^pensation of Providence, no disastrous etl'ect would follow. It has been ordered otherwise, and one of Canada's greatest statesmen has fallpu. We desire to extend to the bereaved widow and family of the dc^ceased our heartfelt sj'mpatiiy in their sore atilietion, and we co-operate with our fellow-countrymen, of every political party and creed, in paying a tribute of rcsjiect to one whose energies were ever devoted to his country's good, and whose example will be ever remembered in the future of our country's pi'ogress ; and that this (Council, as a token of respect to the mcmoi'y of the lamented deceaseil, do now adjourn; and that a copy of this resolution, witli the corporate seal atlixed thereto, be transmitted by his Worship the ilayor to his family. JaMKS Sl'THERLANU, Mai/OV. [Seal.] GAKLIC SOCIKTV, TOROXTO. Talla Sii ArTKsitrRV, lOmli latha d"ou amli Mios. 1880. Aig coinneainh mhiosail comunn ( Jailig Thoronto chai.lh na ruinteau a leanas a leugiiadii a's a dliaiiigneachadli le Ian aimta : //"w /. — (iur h'ann le nnilad annabarrach a cliuala >iiin nni bha-< lironacli an IJrraniaich Oeorsa IJrunn, duine uasal a Idia re iomad hliadlma a saothracliadh gu misueaehail, durachdach. agus i,'u hitheaiita le mor shoir- bheachadh ann an aobhar na dutliclia so s'an rohh a cnondmuidli, agus a bha daonnan a noehiladh caii'deas blatli do'n ghineal do'm buin sinne. Ifim II. — (ium bheil sinn a co-mhotliaehailli gu t'-om dondiaiii ii eagli- lach an fhir-s-tata nich maireann, au'us gur c ar doehas durachdacu gum faiuh iad am ineasg am br )n diornhair a's an cre.ieh, solus agus furtiiciid anus an*1'i as airde, far an robli ae earaid ainmeil cliuiteach rianih a seall- tuinn airson cnideachadh agus treoraciiadh. Run III. — Gun tc'rl atli-sgriobi.uih do na ruin so a ciiur a dh' ionnsuidh teaghlach an thir a chaoohail, agus mar an ceudna do'n I'liaipeir-naigheaelid ris an robh e an comh-chean<'al. l/ONl I.l. MA( I'lOdHAlN, (TmuMiit'inn ). Itiiii C'/iliiri'if/i. At 1 iiiir monthlv meetincr, held at Sliat'tesbury Hall, on Monday, Mav 10th, 1880, the (iaelic Society of Tonnuo uuiiiimously passed the foUowii resolutions : Fh-sL 'That it is with extreme sorrow we have heard ot the tr; g'^ death ot tile Hon. (ieorge Urown, a gentleman who for so many years exerted himself strenuously and oft.n successfully in the cause of his adopted eounti'y, and always sImwimI a warm frieiidsiiip for the laee to whicii we belong." Scron't, — "That we deeply .sympathize with the bei-eaved family (if !he deceased statesman, and earnestly liope that they may liinl amid tlieir profound ui-ief consolation in that great B.ing to wliom tluir distinguislied relative ever lo(,iked for help and guidance." llihul, — "That a copy of these resolutions be sent to the family of the departed." !'! ;r-i i ■ if [ ill! 166 LfFE AND SPEECHES OF KINGSTON REFORM ASSOCIATION. Moved by Mf. Jolin Carrutliors, .seconded by Mr. Williiim Ford, and J't'.solri'd, — That the Reform Association of I ing.ston deplore tlie ntational loss unstained by his adopted eountry in the death of the Hon. (ieorge Hrown — a great jonrnalist, who fimiidiMl and conducted to eminent sncce.ss the leading organ of public opinion in Canada ; a distingnished statesman, wliose jinldic life was devoted to tlu; fearless ailvocaey of civil liberty ; wiiose determined eilbrts eoutiil)uted largely to the establisjiment of re- 8]ir, — I have been instructed to conuuunicate to you tlie resolutions passed at a meeting of reformers iield at tiii.s town on tlie lltli inst. A copy of the miiuites of the meeting is aecoriiingly sul)joined. I have the lionour to enclose lierewith copies of tiie St. Thomas Jaurnnl of May 11th and May 14tii, ISSO, and to remain Yours respectfully, Ja.mes H. Coyne, Sicrcfari/. Mrs. (J. I'liowx, Beverley Street, Toronto. A meeting of reformers, wliieh was attended l)y a largo miniber of representative gentlemen belonging to the town and county, was iield in the Town Hall this afternoon f(ii' the purpose of expressing tlieii' sympathy Avitli th(! rehitives of tlu; late Mr. Brown m their sad bereavement, and to record theii- admiration of his great (pialities. Mr. Walter E. Muiray, of Aylmi'r, was appointed chairman, and James H. l^oj'iie, of St. Thomas, secretary. A [otter was read by tlio secretary from Mi'. T. M. Nairn, M. P. P., regretting liis inability to lie present, and expressing ills liigh regard ami esteem for the deceased statesman, and his sorrow for the loss the party and country iiad sustained in liis death. It was intimated by the chairman tliat ib-. Wilson, ex-M. P. P.. had been iiiiexi»eijteilly cadeil away by telegram, and desired to express his sympath;. with the objects of the meeting. f< ; HOX. QEORCE BROWN. 167 Moved by Ruv. Mr. Fiiif^fr, and Jtisolrxl. -^Tliat l)y the deiitli of the Hon. (jeorgo Brown (,'an;id;i lias lost a statesman, \\ho perhaps more than any othtT has eontrihuted to the upbuilding of our Canadian nationality in all tliat tends to make a great and noole people ; a citizen who ha.s always lalioiired for the advancement of every worthy and lieneticent cause ; a man who, throughout hi.s career " wearing the w hite thnver f)f a hlanieless life," has left a memory to his fellow-countrymen which tiiey will always cherish as a nu)st valued inheritance. The motion was seconded oy Ilev. 1). Kowland, and supported by Rev, R. ('. I'arsons and Kev. ( ieorge Simpson. !Moved by Mr. Colin MacWougall, and ]l< sol rill, — 'J'hat whereas the late Senator l^rown was for many years the trusteil leader of reform principles in this pro\ nee, and by his great ability, energy and elo(iueni'e, and by his lofty chaiacter, he won for him- self the love and esteem of his party and the respect of his political op- ponents, the refoiniers of St. Thomas and county wf i'".lgin desire on this sad occasion of his death to otter their tribute to the memory of their great statesnuin and kadei', and to expi'ess tlieir pi'ofound grief at the loss of a life so valualile to the reform party and to the state. Tile ri'solutioii was seconded by .Mr. Joel Lewis, of Yarmoutli, an' REFORM ASSOCIATION. Moved liy A. (JiH'ord, secundMl by .lames Clelaml, Tliat at this, the first meeting of this ass(j(iation since the death of the Hon. (ieorge Brown, we desire to ]ilac(; on lecnrd the regret we feel at tin loss to the country of so able a .>tati;snuin, so eminent a journalist and ehamiiion of liherty ;is the dece.ised geiitlemiui was. That this association deeply sympatliize with his bereaved family and relatives; ami that the secretary lie insLin>led to forward a copy of this resolution to his family. •ii tl •:ili 168 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF REFORM ASSOCIATIOX, WINDSOR. if. iiitt.- WixasoH, May, 1880. At a meeting of the I'cform Association of Windsor, Ont., held on Tuesday tlie llLli day of May, 1880, tiie following resoluti n was unani- mously adopted : Whereas, the lion, ficorge Brown has, after many weeks of suffering, yielded up his life a sacrifice to the diabolical act of at; assassin, against whom he had committed no oil'enc(^ ; Wliei'eas, the deceased was for many years the regularly recognized, trusted and esteemed leader of tlie leforn. party nf Canaihi, alike in and out of the legislatui'e ; Wiierea.-., in (Jeorge Brown mo l)ehelil tlie great champion of civil and religious ]il)erty in Canada, ;uid the genuine patriot through whose cour- ageous advocacy, manly conduct and unflaggiiig exertions, our fair land, after long struggling, attained to the full measure of freedom which the peoph' of this vast Dominion hajjpily now enjoy ; Whereas, M'e utterly detest and al)hoi' a resoi't to violence by individu- als as a means of removing real or Imaginary giievaiices ; more especially to til it spe^ if heartless crime which at once sacrifices hitman life and robs nations of their most worthy, useful and best honoured sons ; Th''ri/<)ri' he it RiHoliiid , — That the liberals of Windsor tender their h''artfelt sympathv to the widow and otl'ei' relatives if that distinguished patriot, statesman and jouri'alist, whose unprovoked murder we so deeply dc]dore. That a deputation be appeinted to represent us at the funeral of the deceased at 'i'oronto. May the I'JtIi. That we severally wear for one month, upon the left arm, a badge of moa"ning to show how Sw..oible we are of the great loss wliieh mc as mem- bers of the! liberal party have sustaine.l by the untimely death of Mr. Brown, ano Iidw thoroughly we venerate his mem.ii-y. That, guii^ed wholly by a desire to see our puolic men sliieided as far as possible fn.'in a calamitous end like that which overtook our lamented friend, and uninfluenced by a spirit of viiidictiviMiess, we venture to cx- p.oss the hope that speedy justice may be mete I out to the person whose act accomplished Mr. lirou n's death. That this resolution be immediately engrossed, signed by the secretary and chairman of this meeting, and transmitted to Mrs. Brown. (.Signed,) rantford, held in the City Hall on the fourteeiitli day of May. ISSO — at which Dr. Ilenwood, Mayor, presided, and Allen L'legliorn, Esu., acted as secretary— the follow- ing resolutions M'ere un.inimously passed : Movnl by Alfred Watts, Esrant, liere assendiled, respectfully tender to Mrs Brown, liei- children, and their relatives, their heartfelt sympathy in their severe alUiction, and oiler their most fervent praycu- tliat they may be enabled, through divine ai Henwooij, Miii/or. Ai.i.KN Ci.KciioKN, S'crctary. nd PrBLIC MF.ETINU AT STRATH HOY. In response to w re<|uisition ])resented to the Mayor, a [)ublic meeting was lield in tlie Firemen's Hall, on Tuesdaj evening. May 11, composed of people of all i-liail' political opinion, to take into consideration resolu- tions of condoleuc m the family of the late (uorge lirown. His Worship the .Mayor acted as chairman, and Mr. •). B. Winlow as secretary. Tlie following resolution was moved by Col. John Kiiglish, sccended by Dr. Thompson, and carried unanimously: Uinolnd, — "Tliat this meeting deeply deplnres the great loss inflicted upon Canada by the sad and tragic deatii of the Hon. (^eorge Brown, who, both as a j( our liberal institutions, for who.se develiipment and advancement his wlmle life was given w ith a zeal and energy never surpassed ni the history of any country. 'l"he duties in whicii he was engaged, the high positi )ii he occupied in the councils of the nation, his far-reaching jmlgment, his tlutrongh knowledge oi men ami pvineiples, all unite in his ileath in making an irreparable loss to this I>ominion. "/k'lolri'if, — While recognizing the greatness and extent of the services rendeied his country and party, and feeling the y the Hon. Adam Hope, and seconded by A. T. Wood, Es([., That in the death (jf the Hon. {ieorge Brown, not only his family, but his party and his country, mourn the untimely end and the premature grave of one of the noblest men of his day and generation. His patriotic labours are wi'itten iji the history of his countiy. He was at all times the unllinchim; friend of civil and religicnis lil)erty, and in that may be summed up his political faitJi. He was throughout life the warm and consistent sup]iorter of British connection, and no uni;ertain sound ever escaped his liiis on that subject, yet he was ever true to tlie interests of his adopted country, and fearlessly advocated all tlic rights and privileges due to a great and self-governed people. He laid the foundations broad and deep of that great onfcderation of provinces which stretches from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and jiroudly resting upon that great and essential cardinal principle of all Anglo-Saxr-i institutions, the local authority, and self-government of the various parts of the great confederacy. In life he was beloved liy his friends, and in death ho has not left an enemy behind liiin. Moved by Mr. J. M. Gilison, M.F.P., and seconded by B. E. Charlton, Esq., That while deeply deploring the great pulilic loss that has been sus- tained ill the untimely removal of the distinguished statesman and jour- nalist who has so long filled so prcnnincnt a position, and exerted so wide and useful an inlluenee in this country, it is our desire to express, as an association, the feeling niiivei'sally prevailing in tlie community of sincere sympatliy for the widow and family of the deceased in the hour of their great aHliction. Moved by Charles Magill, Esq., and seconded by A. "opp, Esq., That the secretaiy is iiereby instructed to forward a copy of the fore- going resolutions to the family of the deceased. \Vm. E. Sanford, Prcsiihnt. J. C. Mc'Kkand, Stcrdary. Hamii.tox, Ont., May 12th, 1880. ' ll HON. GEORGE BRO WN. BOTHWKLT. T()\Vi\ COUNCIL. 173 II Moved by Councillor SwahvolJ, bfconded l>y Couin-illor Joliiison, and RcKoIved, — That this Council, representing the residents of the town of Bothwell, beg to express their heartfelt sorrow at tlie lamentable death of the late Hon. (ieorge Hrown, and our sincere regretthatt aiiada has lost one of its most distinguished and able men. It adds to the grief of many when we recall the pkasant social intercourse ami kimlly aid rendered by him to us when ho founded what is now this prosjunous and important town. PRIMITIVE MKTHODLST CHUKCH— TORONTO DT.STEICT. Queen .Stkkkt I'ltiMrrivK MKTiinDisT Ciukch, ToiioNTO, May iL'tli, ISSO. We, the members of i Toronto District meeting of the Prinutixe Methodist Connection, In'injf in amuial meeting as>end)led, desire most respectfully to oU'er tlie w iihiw and faniilj' of tiie late J ion. (ieorge Hrown our heartfelt sympathy in this their season of sail bereavement. While we do not wish to intrude on the j)rivacy of tlii'ir sorrow, we cannot refrain from expressing oui' Idgh appreciation of the noble chaiactei' of the deceased gentleman. Bj' tlie too early remo\al of Mi'. Hrown, we feel tliat Tm'onto has lost one of its most distinguished ornaments and most usefid citi/ens ; and tiie Dominion hag lost a statesman wliose unseltisli patriotism and far-seeing sagacity have done not a little to shape it.s destiny. We feel it is unnecessary to remind ^Irs. Brown and iier family that in seasons of trial (iod is a refuge and strength to His peojile; and we nidst sincerely pray that the (iod of all consolation will most graciously sus- tain them, so that tluy may be enabled to bow submissively to His wise though mysterious providence. Signed on behalf of the District meeting, \ViLi.i.\.M Hk", PriMilint. Jamks Cooi'Kit Anilifk, Sicri'tary. To Mrs. Ceorcje Buown ani> F.vmily, lo4 Beverley .Street, Toronto. Jn PORT ELGIN REFORM ASSOCIATION. Pout Ki.oi.n, May P2. At a meeting of the Reform Association of the North Ruling of Bruce, held at I'ort Elgin on the llth inst., it was Moved by Dr. Sinclair, seconded by M. F. Eby, "That the Reform Association of the North Riding of I'ruce take this opportunity to put on record how exceedingly they deplore the lo.'^s sus- tained not only by the great liberal party ;'f this province, but the entire Dominion, in the death of tt e Hon. (ieorge Brown, one of the most patriotic and distinguished statesmen and journalists of his adopted country, the great and unceasing advocate of civil and religious liberty, and also his untiring eflbrts for long years to secure responsible government; and that his death has left a void not easily filled in the hearts of all true patriots in this country. " - i 171 LIFH ANl> SI'KKailES oF Moved bj- A. II. Caniiel, seuomleil by N. M. White, "Tliiit. tliis As.HOciiitidn deeply syiiijuitlii/c with the btTciiived wife fviid t'liniily fil the (listiiii,'i'i' DKHATING CLUI5, At a inui'tiiig of the Toronto llefnrni I.iter.iry and Ueliating Cluii, held on .Monday the 17th .May, 1880, the following reaoliitions were uiiani- luously .'idoiiti'd : It is witli profound sorrow tliat this eliih is called upon to I'c.'ird a great national i;alainity. That under eireunistanees most |iainful and ap- pillini,', the Ilonourahle (!eor;;e IJrown, while in tiie fidl vigour of life, has been i'ein.)ved by death from the midst of our eomnmnity. With a knowledge of the man, we ean with eonlidence jioint to a life nobly devotc^d to tlie serviee of his eountry ; to tiie advoeacy of all the great reforms intemled for the ]ieople's good for the hist tliirty-seven years ; to a lieai't pure and a eliaraeter stainless, whieh in all the heat any of this resolution ho signed hy the Warden and Clerk and transmitted to Mrs. lirown. Adam A. Davis, Wnnliit oftfi" Counlij <>/ /Jaldimaiid. F. S. 8tkvkns(jn, County Ckrk, CAVriiA, June :{rd, 18S0. BOARD OF TKAJJE, MUN T'lli-LVL. Okfu'K BoAiii) OK Ti:ai)K, Mo.ntkkal, May ITith, 1880. Dear Madam, — 1 have been desired by the President and Council of this Board, to communicate the accompanying extract from minutes of Council meeting of last Tuesday, the sanni being a resolution expressing sorrow at the untimely decease of the Honourable IJeorge Brown, and also sympathy for yourself and fannly. To the official utterance of the ( 'ouncil, I beg respc^ctfully to add my ow n regret for the sad event that occasions this communication, and my eoudolence with you and other relatives. I am, Dear Madam, your obedient servant, W.M. J. I'aitekson, 6'('f(vV«ry. Mrs. Georoe Brown, Toronto, Out. Extract from Minutes of Goandl medi)ii/ of the Montreal Board of Trndf, held May I'uh, ISSO. Moved by Mr. James 1\ Clegliorn, seconded by Mr. Thos. White, M.l'., and unanimously liambert, seconded by Mr. George Preston, That tiie mayor and secretary of this meeting convey to the widow and family of the deceased a copy of the resolution, expressing tiie warm syiiii)iitliy felt by tliis meeting and of this community at large in their severe and trying atliiction. — Carried. A. MKiKl.lMoifN, Mayor. M. r. Kmpev, Sccntan/, ST. ANDKICWS SUCIKTY, BARRIE. Rakkie, 18th May, 1880. At the regular meeting of the St. Andrew's Society of Rarrie, it was Moved by Win. Huutef, ivsij., seconded by Win. Milne, Escj., and Remind, — 1st. That we, the members of the St. Andrew's .Society of Rarrie, have learned witli profound regi'et of the deatii of our fellow- countryman, the Hon. (iedige lirowii — a man whose life has been an honour alike to the land ot his bii'tli and of iiis adoption. IJy tlie energy, ron- si.xteiK'y. and indoiiiit;ible pliick witli wiiicii he aihoeated every measure \\liieli tie deemed caU'ulated to advance the material interests of his eonn- try, by the liearty support \\ hieli he L'ave tn cveiy cause teiitiiiig to better mankind, his name has iieeome among us a hoii.-eliold word, and wc feel that in his death Canad.. lias sufleicd an almo.st irrepaia))le loss. '2nd. That tliis Society desire to express their deepest sympatiiy with the widow and relatives of tiie deceased senator in tlie hour of tlieir creat grief, and to ccjiivey to tlieni a iieartfelt expression of )>rot'oiind sorrow that a life wiiich liad been spent so far above reproach, so kiinlly among his friends, ami so eminently useful to his country, should have siicii a sad end. ;b-d. That the secretary be instnicted to send to the family a copy of these resolutions. D. FARgunAK.soN, I'rcnidmt. G. McCdaiu, Secretary. 12 m «[i i t [ c I i)' 178 LIFE AND SPEECHES Of WEST ELGIN REFORM ASSOCIATION. Moved by Peter Stalker, accnnded by Col. C. A. O'Malley, That this asaociation takes this the first available opportunity, to express regret at the Baest of lives ; He hated falsehood with a buniing scorn. But may have erred, mistaking true for fitlse ; His nature was a rushing mountain stream. His faults but eddies wiiich it-i swiftness bred. Yes, carve his name on marble monument — 'Twill mark his resting place to reverent eyes Perchance of generations, until Time, The tireless sculptor, with relentless hand Has written an inscription over it In weird, grim characters of mildewed moss, — A grander line upon life's fitful dream. Yet is his name deep graven in our hearts, A more abiding record, that will pass From sire to son as proudly-guarded pearl, 80 long as Canada shall have true men. Who love the memory of the great and good. And may that ever cease '; Shall ages come When man's fi'ail memory is clouded o'er. And history's page is shrivelieSon, 'Mid all the mimes of humble, faithful ones, Hie name is w^ritten in the Book uk Life. 1**1 ' t mm ■!! Jii m 180 LIFE AND SPEECHES Ot FUNERAL SERMON. PiiTjACHED IN St. Jameh' Pbebbytekian Church — where Mr. Brown USUALLY WORSHIPPED — ON THE SaBBATH AFTER THE FuNERAL, BY THE Rev. Dr. John King. TiXT : John xili. 7 : "Jesus answered and said unto him. What I do thou knowest not now ; but thou nhalt know hereafter." In these words of the Saviour, first spoken long ago, and often since re- called by dark and sorrowful experiences in human life — recalled very forcibly by the event which is present to all our minds this morning — we may Hud a theme of meditation not unsuitable to the occasion on which we are met. They recognize the inscrutable mystery which surrounds in the meantime many of the dealings of God with His people : they convey the assurance that one day this mystery shall be dispelled, and the meaning of the divine procedure towards them made plain : and they carry, nt least by impli- cation, the promise of their entire satistnction with this procedure, when its character and aim arc fully understood. First, the \ ards before us bear testimony to the mystery with which many of the dealings of (iod with His people are meanwhile invested. They assert their present igno- rance of the aim and the signiKcance of much which befals them. On the occasion on which the words were spoken, the Saviour was about to leave in death the disciples whom He had attached to Himself by very strong and tender ties. With the distinct consciousness of His divine diguity, "knowing that the Father had given all things into His hands, and that He was come from God and went to God," and actuated by an affection for His own which knew no diminution as the appointed end drew near, " He began," previous to partaking of His last meal with them, "to wash the disciples' feet." To Peter tliis seemed an inversimi of all that was proper, almost an indignity to which the Lord was subjecting Himself, and with cliaracteristic warmth of feuHiig and forwardness of spiecii he remonstrated against the act being done in his case. " Lord, dost Tiiou wash my feet?" Wouldst Thou, my adored Muster and Lord, perform for me. Thy unworthy disciple, a service which only the luunbli.st of rnen thinks of rendering to his fellows ? ".lesus answered and said unto him, What I do thou knowest not now." This act of mine, to which thou oil'erest opposition, has a meaning which thou dost not discern, w hich thou canst not now discern. It has a depth of condt-'ScenKiaii in it even greater than thou dost suppose. It possesses a moral instructiveness >vliich it were too murh to exjiect thee to perceive without mj' help. It has, moreover, a symbolical meaning, a meaning in relation to sin, and man's cleansing from its detilenuiit, which only suHerings to be endured by Me, and illu- mination to be be.stoved on thee as tlio fruit of these sullcrmgs, can be expected to make plain. •' \N'hat I do thou knowest not now." The words spoken under these circumstances to tiie Apostle Peter have their application continually in human life. Tliej' find their upplication in events even which seem (juitc ordinary, which excite in us no surprise or wondering iiujuiry at the time of their occurrence, l)ut which arc after- wards seen to have w holly unexpected issues bound up w ith them. For let it be observed what the most proper force of the Saviour's words really is. It is not our ignorance of the motive of His action so much as of its significance that is affirmed in them. It is not why He does tuis, but what it is that He does, that the disciple is declared not now to know. And it is exactly here that our human ignorance is mostatt'ectiiig. It is not simply that we cannot d> scry the future or ascertain the purpose of (;lod in refer- ence to events which have actually befallen us in life ; it is that we cannot givo the exact significance to the most ordinary of these events. An HON. GEDHGE BROWN. 181 acquaintance ia made, a friondship is formed, a sphere of life is opened up to us in the providence of od's people with His procpdure towards them, when its purpose and meaning are mmic known. It is implied by the Saviour's words that tiie knowledge promised in them when it is imparted will remove all distrust of and dissatisfactinn with the divine dealings ; nay, that the dealings which now most perplex and try us will have our thankful acquiescence when their full meaning and far oH' issues are seen ; that tlie ])urpose of God in the same will commend itself to us as equally wise and good, when that purpose is fully broui;lit to light. The circum- stance which seemed at first a discord in the life will be seen only to be a part of a higher and wiit on its history. It is surely a matter for thankfulness that the influence has been throughout a beneficial one, and that the ni;irk speaks of liberties extended, nnd civil rights confirmed , and religious eSabbath morning amid its hallowed culm and opening buds. In many of the reforms, in tho acoomplisliment of which deceased bore a leading part, religion among us had a direct interest, and has been a great gainer; by no more perhaps than by ti.at change which swept nway invidious and oll'ensivc distinctions between various branches of the Church of Christ, and set tliom all on terms of perl'eet eijuality. I do not know, however, that any service rendered by tho departed to the moral well-being of our country is of ei|uul value with the establishment and maintenance in this city of a widely circulated newspaper, which has throughout preserved a healthful, moral, and religious tone. When 1 see how easily in our day and in all lands the daily newspaper can become the apologist for, if not the propagator of, sceptical views, the vehicle of sneers at religion, tho caric:iturist of ecclesiastical bodies, or at least of their weaknesses, then I can only feel thankful, as I have often done, that through tlie enterprise of him wlio has been so mysteriously removed we have had among us a powerful or^^an of o]iinion, which has been the defender of the Sabbath, the upholder of the divine truth against prevail- ing error, the fearless rei)uker of immorality and lawlessnoxs, which hns on nil tho more important ijuostions of religion and morality, and in its general tone, reflected tho sentiments of the best classes of the community. This is a service which I believe it would bo ditHcult to overestimate. Regarded in a moral point of view, the spirit in which a public man has done his work, the ((ualities he has evinced m doing it. are of even greater moment than tho work itself. In this respect wo may claim a very high place for the departed. Large in his views, sincere in his desire for his country's good, noble in his aims respecting it, honest in the convictions which he entertained, nnd fearless in maintaining and acting on them, adding tho exercise of private virtues to the exhibition of )>ublic spirit, ho has left an example which we may well wish were widely imitated. (Jrauted that he may have sometimes assertetl his will too strongly, we have more to fear both on patriotic and religious grounds from the supple- ness and the selfishness which can pocket principles for power or pelf than from the assertion of individual conviction which may not be always so deferential as it (uight to be to the opinions and feelings of others. The alliance of a life of public activity with the exercise of private virtues and attention to the duties of religion, w hilo happily not singular, is never- HON. OEvRUE BliOWy. 1^5 thelesa not so general that we may not Hiul even in this an additional cauMe for thankH>{ivinf{ on Imhnlf of him who hlled <s ha evinced admirnhle, hut the ({uestiou still remains — and standing whore I do I must pronounce it tiie most important of all — from what did this ser- vice, these i|ualities, spring 1^ What was the sustaining principle ? Had the life which we hiive dcscrihed a C'hi-istiun root t There is every reason to helievu it had. 1 cannot dtmht it. In the first place his faith in and attachment to the doctrines of grace were very strong and decided. The interest with which he lititened from Sahhnth to .^ahhath to the sttitement of them is well known to the members of this congregiition. The negative views that are afloat in our day had taken no etl'ect on his mind, except to make his attachment more pron(junced to the simple and positive truths in which he had lieun trained, und of whiuli, it is l)elieved, he had gained more than n theoretical knowh dge many ytsars ago. He was for himself a firm helievcr in the depravity of the riw>: and in the sacrifice of the lx>rd Jesus ChriHt as the one liopc of tlie sinner, even while he wan tolerant of diversity of opinion and niiinliered among ids personal friends some who were tar enough from sharing his religious views. The extent to which his time and energies were biken up in tlie absorbing demands of public and private biiHincss left him little it isiin- — too little, let ua say, for the service of Christ's Church ; and ho was living in the desire and hope, not to he realized, alas! that in his Inter years he would he free to serve it to an extent and in fornin wliich had liee!i found previously beyond his power. The readiness with which ho agreed to .iddre.-^s the annual missionary meet- ing of tills congregation in l-'cbruary la.st may be accepted as an evidence of the sincerity of this desirt), as the earnest and lofty spirit with which he spoke on that occasion — probably the last on which he addressed a public gathering — will be remembered as a proof of how much he might have F doriatinn, in hit cose ■» unmisUkably given, by* mind of hia ffrHp, of the vittwii of truth Htated from this desk wm a ■oiiroe of itreogtn wiiioh my bretlir«n in the miniHtry pruaent will readily nndenitand. It has been the will of (iod that thin Hhouhi not l>o continued to ue, and we bow to it, not without Morrow, but with a Horrow rolicvud by the thought that our lottia, M we triiMt, hin hmu. Into the far more tender anefore the presence of His glory with excocod, our Saviour, be glory and nujesty, dominion and power, both now and ever. Amen." FUNERAL SERMON. Prkacukd in St. AsruiEw's CinTKrii, Sarnia, on Sunday Morninu, 9tii May, 1880, hv Rkv. Mk. Tuomp.hon. Trxt : OcnusiK xlix. :<:< : "And wlion Jiivoli haod, and yioldod up the ghost, and was gathered unto his iieopht." After some remarks explanatory of the event referred to in the text, Mr. Thompson proceeded as follows : A week this morning one of our greatest and noblest men tinished his earthly career, and on Wednesday his mortal remains were followed to the trrave by such a multitude as no similar occasion in Canada ever brought toi(cther. The spontaneous outburst of sympathy and sorrow from all classes and creeds, and from every shade of political opinion, was truly marvellous, and to'd unmistakably how much the man was venerated and loved. His body was laid in the grave amid the sorrow of the nation, and the day was matlu sacred by a grief that covered the land. As the solemn procession wended its way to the city of the deaorn lo rule nvur men liy the niaatury of auptirior imiwit. \o one who huH tnken an intelligent interest in the ■liitping of nur conntry'a for- tunoN, or who is moderately aci|uaintod with her piixt iiiittory, hut will rendily ntlinit that Caniida itocupiuM a very tlitferent poaition to-duy, joli* ticully and religiointly, from wlint she did when, nt a y»niig man, ho came fortli into public life to do hatlleon her liehnll. During tlxmo important yuurs we hnvu pasHed from feudalism to reooKiiizod citi/.vnsliip. When a prvaumptuoUB oiiuai'^hy attempted to rule thia country in their own tamily inlert'atH, at a family compact, iinhluHhingly aoserting tliat the many exiatud for the aake of tlie few ; when a dominant church, liacked hy the preatige of an tiatuhiiahmcnt at home, attempted to'traiii|iii> on the liberties of other churchea, unit iictiially punished witii imprixoiimuiit miniatera of other chui'cheH for performing their religioua functiona ; when tho biahop, in virtue of hia oiKce, took hia seat in parliami.'iit and iitteiiiptiid to paas lawa which made it a crime fur I'rcabyterian or Methi.'diat iiiiiiistura to per- form the marriage ceremony among tiioae of tlieir own Hock ; when none of the young men of our country were allowed to attend the collcgf that woa supported by public funds without first signing the Tliirtyniiu' Arti- cles ; when a man waa branded aa a rebel if he (lared to apeak a word against these louilal enactinunt!* ; this illustrious at^itoHinan who lias juat left ua, then aa a young man beginning hia public career, erected his bat- tery on the foundation of popular rights and common justice, and opened lire witiispcccii and pen, and almost single-handed broke down one wicked defence after another, ami wrung from his opponents conccHHion after coii- ceaaioD, tiil toilay it is xate to uHirm that all are glad to shelter them- aelves behinil the defences which he basset up. It la most fitting tiiat the country should be grateful for what he has done. It is, moreover, an in- teresting study to watch the political progress of our country from those days to this, and to feel that the very things that bring us honour and wise liberty and a brightening future, are quite recent blessings extorted from determined opponents in many a hard fought battle. I'or example, our municipal in»titutioiiH, with all the valued principlcH of Hclf-govern- nu'iit (which one of our wise governors ciiaracteri/.ed as Hucking republics, which werj to work such ruin to our country if granted, and overthrow the throne of the nation) ; the throwing open the university of the coun- try to the young men of the country, irrespective of creed ; the settlement of the clergy reserves ; a perfect efjuality of all churches in the eyes of the law ; representation according to population ; the unilieation of these scatteretl uiovinces into one grand confederation, with many other mea- sures in which our country rejoices to-day, have all been contended for by him in tiie face of bitter opposition, as many a speecli or article of hi.s will allow. He has been a tower of strength on behalf of popular liglits and liberties, on beiialf of morality, and religion, in the land lie loved ao well and served so nobly. Hut not as a politician on tlie floor of Parlia- ment alone, but as a joiirnalitt his services to the country have been no less valuable and distinguished. The press and pulpit iiiiist be the two great agencies in moulding the future character of our people, and they must stand shoulder to shoulder. And when we know wiiat a power the press wields, and what ;: direct and immediate bearing it iiiiist have on the shaping of national and individual life and character ; how it can both elevate and degrade, poison and nourish, the activities of human life, it is one of the eieatest services rendered, that the leading journal of public opinion, controlled by liiin, has ever been pervaded by snch a healthy tone, and has spoken ao nobly on all questions where morality and religion were involved ; liow he has guarded the spiritual interests of the Christian church ; how reverent towards God and all divine institutions ; how nobly he boa spoken on public and private morality — the temperance nuestiou, the iSubbath question, the social evil ; how he has ever taken the side of 1 (: t ' 'I i \ i:,' ,.};:'*• i .-.: ;•■* 188 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF truth against laxity of opinion and practice ; how steadfast and loyal he has been co the distinctive doctrines and polity of his own church, and how he has never hesitated to attirm and defend these no matter who might approve or dissent. When we consider these things, it must be admitted that he has been a tower of strength to the church as well as to his coun- try : indeed, his first endeavours as a journalist were in connection with the churcli, and all through he has never ceased to view with joy her in- creasing prosperity. Always liberal, one of his last acts was the contribu- tion of an additional $100 towards removing tlie deficit in the ordinary rtivenne of Knox College. Small men have often sropriety in not according political support to men whose example and influence tend to break down the insti- tutions of God's appointment, and who systematically ignore all that is most vital in the judgment of Christ's loyal disciples. But the grandeur of Mr. Brown's character is seen as much in the pri- vate relations and domestic duties of his life as in those tliat were more Eublic. His personal friends were much prized, while the atiection of his eart lit up the home, as sunshine resting amid spring blossoms. The life of Mr. Brown was a many-sided one. liie general public think of him as a statesman and journalist. But Toronto will miss him who ever aimed at building up the interests of his adopted city ; the down-trodden slave remembers his notilo advocacy on their behalf years ago ; the poor and friendless knew him as a sympathetic helper, for distress never appealed to him in vain ; while in his own home he was known as the faitliful lather, the loving husband and brother. His was a home full of domestic comfort — a true Christian home ; and now in these days of bereavement there is an air of quiet, subdued, chastened grief, a submissive, grateful yielding to the will of God, which is its chief glory. As I stood looking on the Witsted features of the departed, and thought how still that brain was which once teemed with great resolves, I felt strongly what he himself said to his former pastor, on hearing of the death of his much-loved friend Mr. Holton ; " How vain are all activities that are separated from the in- terests of our Redeemer, and how needful to keep the true aim of life con- stantly before us." For the last thirty-five years his name has been a household word, and like every man engaged in public affairs, he has met much severe criticis:n, but no stain hivs tarnished his honour, no cloud can rest upon his memory. He rests from his labours, and his works do follow liim, while his record is before his God. It is a small matter to bu judged by man's judgment ; He that jud^eth every man is the Lord, and His judgments are according to truth. Wiien high intellectual powers, true devotion to one's country, sound judgment, a large ripe experience, are all clasped by loyalty of heart to the Redueinei-, it makes a rich, noble character, and one much needed. Such a man our country had in Mr. Brown. And it is unspeakably sad that one who had lived to such noble purpose should have been cut down by the hands of a miscreant ; a great national calamity, caused by what threatens to be a national curse. It is a mysterious providence that overhangs his departure, but we bow rever- ently to the disposals of an overruling hand ; and to the question, " Who i will take his place ?" we reply. No man ever takes another man's place or does another man's work in the Master's vineyard ; the man and his place, the labour and the labourer, pass away together, while each man is called upon to occupy his own place and do his own work. And yet a good man lives in the future as much as in the past. The principles he baa inculcated, the forces he has set in motion, the influences he has ex- erted, go down through the ages and modify the results of the waiting years. His last days were full of weariness and suH'ering, but cheered by a sense of the Diviue presence. Nnr was bis Christian character a thing of recent years ; he lived and died in the faith of .lesus Christ and in full reliance on His merits. During the later stages of his illness, when the cloud of delirium lifted from his mind for a brief period, it was unspeak- able comfort to his sorrowing family and friends to hear his calm, clear, simple statement of his hope toward God and faith in the Lord Jesus Christ; his satisfaction that his labour should end if God so willed it. Such a statement from his lips is enough to baptise a nation's sorrow, and to as- sure us that the Lord hath taken another of His redeemed children from earth's day of toil into the rest where no strife of tongues can enter. As HON. GEORQE BROWN. 191 his life lay in the balance, we hoped the result would have been otherwise; and now the issue is determined, and George Brown is no more. But bis memory will lon^; remain green in the affections of his grateful country- men, for he is one whom the nation will delight to honour. His name is his grandest monument, and as we laid his wasted body amid the cold clods of eath — dust to duMt, and ashes to ashes — we said: "King of T -iTors, do thy worst ; we know the limits of thy power ; it is not much you can do, it is not long." Christ hath ^'Otten the victory and robbed death of its sting. By His resurrection and triumph He has shed a blessed light over the darkness of the grave. The day of a believer's death is a great day, and one long to be remem- bered, for it is the final application to the redeemed soul of the ransom which Immanuel paid ; it is deliverance to the captive, it is joy in heaven and glory to (>od. The death of a believer is a threat thing, but its great- ness is turned toward eternity, and can neither be seen nor described by us ; we leave its greatness to the day to reveal that eternal weight of glory. And knowing that all the grandeur lies on the other side that looks into eternity, we make no attempt to decorate this side that looks into time. But one thing we do urge you to consider, that the solemn hour ol dis- solution awaits us all, and how blessed it is to have our faith resting in Him who is the resurrection and the life. "And I heard a voice from heaven saying unto me, write, Blessed are the dead that die in the Lord fioin henceforth ; yt a, saith the Spirit, that they may rest from their labours ; and their works do follow them." " Therefore, my beloved brethren, be ye steadfast, unmovable, always abounding in the work of the Lord, for as much as ye know that your labour is not in vain in the Lord. " Amen. ;'i %4 ■::m Wi Ml le It; la 192 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF CORRESPONDENCE. The following letters are ^iven because of the interest they possess, in a political or personal sense, as illustrative of Mr. Brown's life. The greater portion of tliem were written to the late Mr. Holton, in whom Mr. Brown placed iniliniited confidence, though occasionally obliged to dift'er with him in his view of public aliairs. To many of Mr. Brown's old associaies the incidents mentioned in this corres- pondence will doubtless be of mucli interest, as they necessarily recall many of the old battles preceding the constitutional changes eftected during his active political life. Their chief value, however, consists in their autobiographical character. Mr. Brown's outspoken, frank manner will at once be recognized, while his manifest disinterestedness will bo apparent where he deals with the position of political friends, and especially with reference to his own position in the liberal party. As the correspondence is fragmentary, it has not been considered wise or necessaiy to arrange it so ius to oniiect certain periods and events. It is therefore printed in chronological order. LETTER TO THE HUX. JOHN SANDFIELD MACDONALD. Globk Office, Toronto, August 16, 1854. Mv Peah Maodox.vlu, — I congratulate you most lieartily on the result of the elections. I had intemled writing you for a fortnight past, but have been prevented by various cause* from douig so. Vhn lo.ss of Cicero lessens your strength ; but you must admit that lie deserved richly to lose his election. NK)reover, your tail will, I imagine, be much longer iu this parliament than it was in the last, ami the orator will hardly bo missed from it. From what I have lieard there is no doubt of this. Many independent reformers look to you as leader, and if you take your stand firmly and wisely, and without delay, the game is m your own hands. You will have seen that the Lender endeavours to make had blood between you and me by rangmg you among my followers. I have not noticed the thing in tlie (t'iiIh' for two rea.sons. First, it would be attracting additional attention to it ; and second, because I could not do so without dctining my true position, which it would be inexpedient at this moment to do publicly. To you, however, I mean to speak plainly. Our long friendship entitles you to it, and your conduct to me in the Speaker's chair, ami our compact at the breaking up of the House, also HON. GEOROE BRO WN. 19:5 »(j a. ir 'II ul ,'e JO lo It le lO demand it. I tell you frankly then that, far from having any ambition to be the head of the party, I would not take office under any circunii^tanccs were it offered me. All I desire is the success of the principles to which I have attached myself ; and if you can form a government pledged to separation of church and state, representation by population, and non- sectarian schools, I will not only aid you in doing so, but will support your government with all my heart and vigour. I wish you to understand this, iind to act upon it, as, with this knowledge, you may feci more at liberty to use my aid in carrying out your views. It is of course of much importance that an immediate undcrKtanding should be arrived at among independent reformers. If we go to the discussion on the address with- out previous concert, Hincks may frighten some reformers Mito voting for the government by the threat that they will lose their p eserves. To meet this you must have it previously ascertained and shown that you can form a better and more thoroughgoing government, in wiiich case nothing can save the government from defeat. If I were in your position, I would write to all the reformers 1 was on terms with, urging them to t'o down to Quebec by the Saturday evening boat, in order that the caucus might be belli on the Monday before the meeting of parliament. In tin; mean- time you should see Sicotte, Young, Doriou, and the other Lower i'auailians you expect to act with, and to have matters thoroughly understood. They too should liold a meeting. I say nothing as to the sjieakership, taking it for granted that you will aim at higher game. One advantage of the course I suggest would be that you would thereby have an opportunity of judging beforehand as to the best mode of working the speakership vote Of course, I think that in any easi; we must put you in as Speaker in order to show our approval of your closnig speech last session, ^'our being in the chair would not, I suppose, interfere with your accepting the attorney-generalship, and forming a ministiy in the event of a hostile reply to the address being carried. It is very clear that the present ministry are used up, even if they get over the bitch at the address. The new House will be far in a Ivance of them. If Hi.icks, to please the Upper Canada members, should even change his position aini libt rulizo his policy, he would thereby throw from hiin Moreau and the conservative section of the Lower Canadians. If, on the other hand, he plays as here- tofore into the hands of his French friends, he will drive oiF from him the Upper Canada Radicals. It is clear that the natural allies of the reformers of Upper Canada are the Itouges, so called. Let me impress this on you in forming your alliance, that at this moment you can make any terms. Once your government is formed, there will be many ditliculti< s found in the way of progressive measures. Let, then, the conditions of your accepting office be broad, and such as will secure credit to your govern- ment, if no more were done by it. Yours ever truly, (iKOlMiH BllOV.N. Hon, ,T. S. M.\(i>uN.\i.i>. LKTTER TO MR. HOLTON. Gloue Offick, Jan. 29, 1858. My Dear Holton, — I have to apologize for not sooner answering your note of last week, but absence from town and a crowd of engagements have prevented me from doing so before now. I have since received yours of the 2(!th, which considerably relieved the ilisquiet produced by the other. I am very sorry our friends cannot feel themselves at liberty to take your clear view of our position, cind resolve 13 ■sV^'' 1* >•■ .^|i' };'^-i \^ ■KM '!?- ; .., i 194 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF to cut their way out of it. No honest man can desire that wu should remain aa wo are ; and what other way out of our ditiiculties can be suggeHtcd but a genuine legislative union, with representation by popula- tion — a ft'deral uuion— or a disHolution of the present union ? I am sure that a dissolution cry would be as ruinous to any party as (in my opinion) it would be wrong. A federal union, it appears to me, cannot be enter- tained for Canada alone, but when agitated must include all British America. MV will be past caring for pontics when that measure is finally achieved. I ciin hardly conceive of a federal union for Canada alone. What powers should be given to the provincial legislntuies, and what to the federal? Would you abolish county councils ? And yet if y< u did not, what would the local parliaments have to control ? Would Montreal like to be put under the generous rule of the (^u.^bec politicians ? Our friends here are prepared to consider dispassionately any scheme that may issue from your party in Lower Car..ida. '1 hey all feel keenly tliat some- thing must bo (lone. Their plan is representation by population and a fair trial for the present unicui in its integrity ; faiiing this, tluy are prepared to go in for dissolution, 1 believe, Init if you can suggest a federal or any other scheme that could be worked, it will have our most anxious examination. Can you sketch a plan of federation such as our friends below would agree to, and could carry ? If so, pray let us have it as soon as you convenientlj' can. I perfeutlj' agree with you in all you say about Sandtield. He has assuredly put his foot in it. 1 had a letter from his brother to say that whatever Sandrield dul, he would be found right side up. The Hastings dinner has calculated contidently on had a good eft'ect. The ministerialists — and , and were surprised to find The truth is, I might say I feel alarnici they had made such a mistake at finding myself among so extreme a set of people Another day, and no government ! We have strong rumours to-night that a government is f.jrmed, but I don't believe a wonl of it. .Sidney Smith, Malcolm Cameron, and Cayley are the nan)cs of the hour, but very certainly neither of the first two can be returned, and where Cayley is to find a se.it puzzles everyone. My own impression is tliat Mr. John A. Miicdonald sees no further through the woods this night than be did a month ago, but I may be mistaken. John Hillyard Cameron says they will meet parliament with the offices unfilled so as to embarrass the opposition, and throw on us the responsibility of losing a session to the country. No doubt it would be much more difficult to arrange a new government with parliamtnt in session than during a recess. What say you to Bytown as the seat of government? I think it the second worst place in all Cauada, and would a million times prefer Montreal. Will it be possible to upset the decision ? In our present position, with representation by population unsettled, I think the best move would be Toronto and Montreal alternately. With that conceited, I don't care much where the seat of government goes, provided Quebec and Bytowu are not the places. That was indeed a most amusing paragraph in the Gazette. How it got there I cannot conceive, but 1 am informed it has done me some good in Lower Canada, as people begin to hope that I am not so savage as I was supposed to be. No doubt the Starnes' conversation was the origm of the matter, but how that reached the proportions of a " proposal foi political alliance " I cannot think. We were exercised here as to the best mode of opening communications with our friends in Lower Canada. Mr. Dorion and his friends have so frequently .epudiated our policy, that we were unwilling to go direct to the mark by opening correspondence ; your HON. GEORGE BROWN. 195 arrival here ended all difficulty as to communicating witli the Rougea. VVliile at Belleville I got a telegram from John Simpson, to say Starnos was with him, and he woulil like that 1 would wait over a night as I returned ; tliis I had to decline. As the train came up Starnes and Simpson came to the station and went to the junction with us. Starnes said he and his friends (Sicotte, 1 supp'^ae) were prepared to adopt the full anti-8ta<;e church ticket, and admitted representation hy population must come, and they were prepared "to concede it, lint how to do tiiat and be returned for Lower Canadian constituencies they could not see. 1 endeavoured to put the nieaaure in tlie most favourable light, and said that so long as we had tlie principle admitted, we were willing to have reasons concerning details. We parted htfore much had passed ; the idea of farming any alliance was not even spoken of for a moment. So far as I was concerned, my effort was to make Starni's a convert to our views, and tlie folly of resisting them ; 1 was not tliinking of the men to carry them, hut of the thing to he carried. The only remark that went hcymid this was an ohservation by Starnes that if I supposed he and lii.s friends tliotight any more of the Upper Canuila side of the government than 1 ley on Tuesilay, in whicli he refers to the whole affair at the close of the sessiiui and since, and winds up thus: "You may rely upon it, that lienceforth you will not have the shadow of a cause of complaint. " My firm conviction is that we should merire all our questions in tlie one great issue of a change of constitution. It will elevate the tone of politics, cast aside petty vexatious issues, and be a tremendous card at next elec- tion, come when it may. 1 cannot sec why it should be less successful below than here. We propose having a Convention here in the fall, and if representatives from Lower Canada could attend it, the effect would be admirable. There is an impression among ministerialists that Sir M Hea,'ality. I intend going to the sea coast for a few davs, and will take Montreal D my way, as I much dcHire to have a long talk witli you. If the Vork vacancy occurs there will he no trouhle in arranging for your return if you will accept a scat for a ^\'eat Canada constituency. Yours most truly, Georok BllOWN. Hon. L. H. Holton, Montreal. it LKTTKU TO MU. HOLTON. TounNTo, May '2, 1861. My Dk.au Hor.Tos, — Except a short note to 1). A. Macdonald, thanking him for keeping V stnii;^iit, tliia is tiic tirst time I have put pen to paper for nine weeks. I tiied to write in ink, hut it was like the scrawl of an old man of eighty. You must therefore l)e content with pencil. I have liad a hanl time of it. The disease had fastened upon me long before it heca.ne fully developed, and was undoubtedly caused by tlie great exertions I had to make to put my liouse in onler, for there was no mercy. I thank Providence, I was not driven to my bed until the ship was safe inside the breakers in comparatively smoother water than it has known for years. The paragiaphs that ajipeared in the Ohihp about me were utterly absurd. When the inllamniation of tiie pleura was overcome and the congestion of tiie liver reduced, I was to be well immediately, and I really felt I would be astir in a few days. The feeling was only tlic buoyancy of fever ; as it lowered, my utter pro.sti-ation soon appeared. Tiieu I had to take nourishing food ; but the digestive powers were so sailly impaired, that stimulants alone could i)e used. At present I am greatly better, and am able to ride out for an hour. A fngiitful cough still hangs, and I Buttered a sli^'ht I'eturn of tlie congestive .attack. 'J'lic doctors want me to be otr the moment i can stand the fatigue of journeying. 1 have resolved to go to the watei- cure establishment at Clifton Springs, near Kochester. I think a week or two tiiere will set me on my feet again. I am ashamed of all tliis egotism, but I wanted to have some friends reconcile the statements of the iHohc with my real condition. Miijl Sth. — So far 1 had written on the '2nd, when I had to stop from weariness. (.)n Friday I had a consultation of pliysicians, which ended, 1 am sorry to say, unfavourably to my hopes of a speedy recovery. All concurred in saying 1 must consider my.self laid aside from business for some months, and that the utmost care must be taken to avoid falling into a state of permanent ill health. I need not say how distressed I am by all this for myself and the party, as ministers are sure to take advantage of it in their election arrangements. Well, there is no help for it — nothing but submission, with the determined resolution that nothing shall be wanting to secure as speedy a recovery as possible. I need not tell you how disgusted I am that (Jalt's bundle of misstate- ments should have escaped scathless. Of all the scamlalous productions I ever met with, his opening chapter to the Public Accounts and his speech in opening the Budget are the worst. Such downright deceit I never met with from any man in a high position. I dictated an article for the Globe on the true balance for 1860, and another on the amount of the public debt ; . m ■■:'!' nil. I i:-.. 198 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF perhaps you noticed them. I intended following them up witli a complete analyais of hin other Htatcmcnts, Ixit have not strengtli to go nt it. Did yon notice his tlivision of tlie ritio of the public lieht into three epnclia: the amount during Mincka' administration, the amount during (Jayley 'h, and the amount during his own ? By barefaced jugglery he niakea nia own hIiow but ^,000.000, when in fact it haa been J-AOOO.OOO. Observe he taken credit for the full amount of the Sydenham loan, though, in fact, more than one-half of it was lying in I/indon when he took otiice, and ao on. It is utterly scandalous that out of 128 men not one roac to cast his falae statements in hia teeth. That dJHclosure by Dorion is most frightful. In any well-goveroed country it would be enough to produce a revolution. Yours ever faithfully, GeOKCK BllOWN. Hon. L. H. Hoi/roN, Montreal. LKTTER TO MR. HOLTON. Toronto, Feb. 19, 18«'2. My Dk.^r HonoN, — I congratulate you on the victory in the west. It really looked hopeless for some weeks, but now things promise well. There will be lots of northern men now ; but, after all, have not the events of the last few months rather lowereil your estimate of our neighbours ? Has it not shown that tlierc is aomethiug more needed to make up a great people than sharpness in business and agreeable social qualities '.' Has it not raised your estiniate of the value of military power ; of the faculty of commanding masses of men ? Has it not proved the advantages of the people being tiiught to obey those placed in autliority over them ? 1 wish wo had a chance to talk this over. And so we are to have a session at last. What is to be the result of it? I um satisfied there is great disorganization in the ministerial camp. Vankoughnet has arrived by the ytxiii, and is expected to be j.'azetted Chancellor immediately. I greatly doubt his accepting it. If he does not Burns is to go into an e((Uity court and Morris to become a puisne judge. John Ross openly declares he will not go to Quebec. He means to remain President of the Grand Truidi Railway Company, but he may lose that. Mr. Brydges is regularly instnlled in the (Jraiul Trunk. He is trying to accomplish an increased postal subsidy by private arrangement with the members. I suspect the ministry have discovered they cannot carry it and are unwilling to risk trying it. What about the Intercolonial subsidy? The repudiation scheme, if they had one, has been fairly exploded. iS'o one dreams here now that it can be touched, and even Hamilton is to cash up. I think tlie Olobi' has done good service to the state in that matter. The speakership is still subject of debate. I think Mr. Drummond the best man we can run, and I hope he will consent. What of Sicotte '! Did you see or hoar anything of him ? I have seen a number of people from Waterloo county, an{C'8tf(l to reftiso tiiorc money to this govern- mcnt. What ning? DiKhiwnor writu a letter ? I am nut inclineil to go down, aH it might he Huid I went to intluciico the choice of o le«(h'r or the uchiption of some party poliey, I'ray advise. I h>>po it is true that you croas tljo Atlantic with Mrs. Holton in the summer. It. would he ho ])leaHant to go together and com- pare notes occasioniiliy as to men and thiii^'n. 'i'he Hehsioii, I c nclude, will not hutt longer than .June, and if you take your seat this session, of course vou could not leave till tlie Mouse rose, and I uouhl not wait so late, having business waiting mo in England. Yours faitiifully, Qkuiuik Brow.n. Ho.v. L. H. Holton. Montreal. ii! LETTKIi TO MR. HOLTON. Toronto, May 29, 1862. My Dkak Holton, — I was delighted beyond measure at the receipt of your letter. It is so refreshing to find that one of the old set at any rate sticks to the ship. Believe me, that thouuh I have not written, you have not been out of my mind fur two consecutive hours in tlie last two weeks, antump the four counties, three of them at any rate will be beaten. Hut that would split the party, and bring on once more a most dis ign-eable jieiMonal warfare, which I wish to avoid ofnil things. I am keenly desirous o; sticking to my business for a couple of years, an^l especially of getting myself oil' to iMigland for a few months. To go into such a light would knock everything on the head ; but then, if we don't kill tho;ii their conduct may y^t kill us as a party. If we could get the arrangement put before the imblicas an open (juestion, and have it uiiderst.ood that resolutions (on which the whole relations of Upper and Lower Canada would come U[i) were to bo presented to par- liament next session, the complexion of alhiiis would be entirely changed. Only fancy the folly of these men telling the House and the public that I '-t J' ,.!■«: I I 1 |il il{ 200 LIFK AND SPEECHES OF thd Hiatus wiiH uloHcd, wlieii they oo\ilil with ho much more advantage have toll! till) truth, if iiiilo«>(l it iit the truth. Sicottti niiiHt Jiiivi! lici'ii very (■l<):«'ly run on hiii sido of the ((UCBtion, whi'ii ho },'ot the wor^t side ]>ro)M>H<'d for hJH ui>IIf(ij;u<'n from Upper Caniida, to »tr<'iif{tlu>ii hiuiself in l.owor Ciinndn. I will write you from day to day ti» inform you of rmr negotiations, in eaKo you don't come up. In tho meantime, I neid not tull ynu how much I would value any Huggestioni you have to muku for the (iMi< '>* guidance. Ever faithfully yours, Okorok Brown. Hon. L. II. Moi.To.N, Montreal. Lli'lTEU TO MR. HOLTON. W . I !■ \ TiiKOSTo, June '1, 1802. .Mv l)i;.\K lIoi.TON, — I feel exceedingly oliliged hy your ready reHponse to my unro;isoiial>l<^ n!(|Ui'st, and oidy regret it was out of your jxiwer to come up. 1 eauMOt iifi]) feeling that the line of i)olicy to he pursued hy the y our nt.umcli friends iiere w.a.s a (juistion of no Hinall difliculty and no light ini[)ortaMfe. Had 1 hef-n ahle to diseusH the whole matttn' with you, a)id wi; iiad arrived at a joint eonrluHioii, all douht would have heen otl' my ndnd. Tiiu die in oast, h(>wi^ver, juid, right or wrong, I must stand hy it. Foley and Wilson, when with mc tirst, hotli maintiiined they had saerilieed nothing, ami were as reaily to vote for representation hy |)opu- lation now as ever. When 1 asked Wilsou wliat he wouhl do if a vote on it uanie up next session, ho said he would vote for it unless it were put as a vote of want of confidence ; and that if a majority of tlie West Canada menihers would vote for it in the latter shajjo he would resign. I'ohy douhted how tlicy would act in the fornu-r case, hut was clear that if the motion in tlu; latter case came from 'I'lun Ferguson or .J. H. Cameron, they would not regard it. However, they both .agi'eed that resolutions endxxly- ing the new i)olicy were to he laid before parliament next session ; that the whohi question of tiie constitutional relations between Ujiper and Lowei' ('anada would then come u[); and that if an advance could then be obtained, or the i>arty asked them to take a certain course, even at the risk of oliice, they would go heartily into it. I seized this ih-'claration, and asked if they would put this in their addresses ''. They both agreed to do so. Foley was to write his address out and show it to me on Friday forenoon, and when McDougall ai'rived that ctvening, to have a consultation as to the best means of putting nuitters in a more satisfactory shape. Foley did bring mc his address on Friday, but he found it very ditlieult to put his ideas in such a shape as would suit the purpose hero and not ott'end his Lower Canada colleagues. After a good deal of didiate we agreed to let the matter rest until Me]V)Ugall arrived. He arrived on Fritlay night, as arranged, ami was with me from half-past eleven till near three o'clock. After telling him my mind very plainly, we discussed the whole su))ject fully. He repcatcil all that Foley and Wilson said, and agreed to stand by it, but he refused positively to put it in his address, or to have it in any address. Our discussion had evidently opened his eyes to the difficulty of putting the double majority delusion in form.al resolutions, and made him shrink from pledging himself to submit them to the House. Would it not be rich to have the whole constitution changed by the simple will of twelve gentlemen who happened for the time to hold the //o.v. a/-:o/{(ih' niioWN. 301 twelve; Rtntf ntticcs? MeMoiiKnU cviihintly folt liix oiitx, hut Oonlon caught Ik ilitreti'iit iiiipn-s.sion. I wnx very t uhIkI with him ninl tho iitho.rH, hut of (miiu'mc hh cdiirtcoiiH and frittiuliy ax tlic chhi' would iidiiiit of. Anions (ttlicr tliiiiUN, M(:|>oiig:ill Htatid that Howlaiid only hidd nthco teniponirily, and that I wax looked for aH hiH hiux'i'hmoi'. 1 Hcoiitt'd titis 8Ugp!Nti()ii, and axkfii liini how it caint- that you wt-rt^ not niado MiniHtvr of Finiin('<\ a» \\v had all intcnch'il in the irvt'iit of u criHiN. Mc Haid hc(!au'i' Sandlltdd and Sirotto wt'R! agaiuHt it. lit- adniittiMl tlie roiicurn couhl not go on aH it wa.s, and that he looked on it nn a mere niakc-Hliift. Thi! <]U(;Htion now wax what foui'Ho xlumhl Ix. taken? Start eandirliituH agaiuHt all four, and run out aM many as pos.^ihle? or permit tliem to go in unoppoMed, and hold them up to the mark undei' the HtimuhiH of hit and spur'.' I had nohody to eon.sult with hut < •ordon. We deld>ernted long, and linally eoiu'luded thnt the latter eour.so WdH the hest foi' the country and tlus pjirty uiuh:r all the eiri'uni.ttanees. Friday's llluli' eoii- tained no allusion to :he matter, and Saturday '.s gas'o a gentle hint to the North ^'ork meeting that there were two si(h's to tlio (|u.■^tlon of rejceting thcni. 'Diis niorningH paper diseunsed tiiedouhh' majority humiiug. Wo Mliall (piietly fall into the attitude of indep(Mident l>iit he.irty sujiport on all hut the one (jucstion. I will ask no favours from them for anyone, and will stand ready he cilily to aid them t(» the l)est of my al>ility, with the one I'esi'rvation that on tho eon.xtitutiouAl ((Uestion they iire to he eoercod on every oeea.>-ion. Now for tho reasons tli;it led me to this conelu.sion. To ojtpose tho rc-oloetion of tho ni'W ministers would have heen to split the party once more, not only in the live counties, hiit all over the province. The hcst men of the country would have gone with us, hut a largt^ section would have hoen estranged. It was no slight responsiliility to face thi.s result. Then, supposing that couhl ho got o\'er, wlion; wore tho men to run ? Several excellent nu'U were availahlu to run. hut not such men as were noces.sary f(U' tiio cri^is. Suppo.-e us (•■ucc'ssful at idl tlie election.^, who was tliei'e to carry out in the House; tlu' hold policy that such a result would ri'ndei' necessary".' The woi'st of it is tluit nearly idl oui' frii'iids in tho House had heen coniuiitted to a pjirtial su])port ol tlie gr)vernnuiit, notwiiii.-itariding tiieir retrograde jxilicy, and might regartl such suci'tts.s tin a cennuri' on tiieniselves. 1 telt that to gi^'e cH'oct to tho lunvcment I imist run myself, and carry (Jiit in tho House wluit had heen hegnii in the country ; tliis 1 wn.s determined not to do. Then canui tho fear that our success might possihly kill the miid.stry, and hring hack tho corruptioni.sts. I shrank from the ri'spon.sihdity of iisking tluit. It coidd not he forgotten that tho pi'cscnt men would certainly (Mfect great practical reforms : and especially that while the old set would have lieen ontiroly hcyond our reach if onco reinstalled, tlio present men will always ho less or more within reai'h if tlioy stray from the right jutli. On the other hand, v.. is there nuich chance of the present couccrii lasting long'.' And if it fell, would there not ho a giMieral election'/ \Vith tho pai'ty committed, partly, to this monstrous policy, would we not ho swept from existence as a party? Moreover, was not tho credit of tho country ami tho lionour of the liheral party at stake in the conduct of the-o four men and the reception given them hy theii' constituents '/ And if returned unopposed, would it not bo saying as ))laiidy as jxissihlo that Upper Canada was (piite content to set aside her claims for just representation and take a miserahle dciiisioii in its place ? \Vo weighed the whole matter seriously and maturely, and concluded to take the course I have already sketched. J hope our conclusion was right. Assuredly we arrived at it with a strong desire to do that which seemed best for the weal of the country. Now, my dear Holton, the best news I have heard is that 'you are comiiig out for Huntingdon ; I entreat you to do so ; there could" be no I ri! h ! i ' I '1 ! ;l < I i' W I' 'ii 'I'.^T ,Mi (.■.^ll 3 1 202 LIFE AND SPEECHES OP ll I doubt of your success. If you come out, T promise that the moment you ask me to come back to Parliament, I will at once respond. The present ministry will not last long. From the strongest of them, with the oest of our friends outside, a higher and better policy miglit be carried out for our country than what is in prospect for us now. Don't think of accepting the Upper House. I hope to start across the Atlantic in about three weeks, but will try and see you before I jio. Your candidature may interfere with your tri]), but it would be pleasant to meet you in England. I would give much for that opportunity. Ever faithfully yours, Geokoe Brown. Hon. L. H. Holton, Montreal. LETTER TO Mil. HOLTON. »!;l Edinburgh, Sept. 3, 1862. My Dkar Hoi.ton, — ^I got here at a very interesting time— I mean to London. I was fortunate enough to be present at the great debate in the Commons and at the great Grand Trunk meeting, It would be hard to say whicli disai)pointed me most. The ignorance of English politicians about Canadian affairs is as astounding as the helpless dependence of the capitalists on the word of a few bell-wethers. I cannot tell you how glad I am at having had an opportunity of seeing how affairs are managed here. It is very curious and very instructive. I have met many jieoplo in the political and financial worlds, and have received the greatest kindness from all. The truths told in the Qlohe for the hist ten years have not prevented the Barings and Glyns l)eing very civil ; and those who escaped Grand Trunk benefits particularly so, I have a great deal to tell you when I see you. It would be absurd to attempt it in a letter. I had a n\ost satisfactory interview with the Duke of Newcastle at his request. His scruples about representation by population arc entirely gone. It would have done (iven Sandfield good to hear his idt-as on the absurdity of tiie double majority. AVhatcver small politicians and the London Timi's may say, you may depend upon this, that the government and the leaders of the opposition perfectly untlerstand our position, and have no thought of changing tlie relations b.twecn Canada and the mother country. On the contrary, the members of the government (with the exception of Gladstone) are set upon the Intercolonial Railway and a grand transit route across the continent ! But for Mr. Gladstone's oppo- sition, I have reason to believe that the scheme would have been announced by tliis time. The meeting of the British North America Association, at which Mr. Gait spoke, was got up professedly to explain to the English public the present jiosition of Canada and Canadian affairs, but in reality it %/as nitonded to force the Intercolonial Uailwayoii public attention. I declined going liecausc, in order to show o)ir true position, I must have attacked some who were on the platform with me, and I did not think it fmr to Satidfield and his colleagues to aid an agitation that might be embarrassing to them. So far I support the present government on everything else but the great constitutional issue and the school (juestion ; and that I may have more to say on these two, I shall earnestly aid them on all other questions, I am delighted to learn that your election for the Upper House is quite safe, though, of course, it is coupled with regret that you will not be in *^.f HON. GEORGE BROWN. 203 your proper sphere among the " Lords." Gait and I have made up the peace. By the way, he goes in new for constitutional changes stifl". He is to address the Manchester Chamber of Comnierce on Canadian finances ^>efore he leaves. I have been asked to be present, and also to speak in jeveral other quarters, but have steadily declined. I have no idea of defending Canada before the English people, and defence is the only possible attitude at this moment. The bitterness against the United States here is remarkable, and the feeling is as senseless as it is bitter. The Times wields an astonishing influence over the length and breadth of the land. What it means by its present course I cannot conceive, and no one here can enlighten me. It seems to be meanly pandering to tlie passions of the people without regaril to the inevitable hostile feeling that will arise in consequence of such writing in future years. I got to this my native city a few days ago, and at once started off on an inspection of the old loved spots. I wandered from house to house and place to place where dear remembrances led me, and the mingled sensations were overwhelming. 1 have had many delightful meetings with old friends and cronies, but the sad, sad blanks tell the tale of twenty-five years. Only one old friend recognized me, and he did so from having seen Gordon when here two or three years ago ; all the others, though they had seen my brother and sister lately, failed to make me out. I mean to stay here about a month, then, ho ! for Canada. But for the sail tliouiiht that never more will I see my beloved mother ever recur- ring, my visit would have been one of intense pleasure throughout. I needed nothing to " reconcile" me to Canada ; but, after all I have seen, I say now as earnestly as ever, Canjvda for me! Ever faithfully yours. Hon. L. H. Holton, Montreal. (iK()R(!E Brown. 1 li m LETTER TO ME. HOLTON. Toronto, Jan. 5, 1863. My Dear Hoi.ton, — Many thanks for your kind congratulations, and I assure you my friends may well congratulate mo, for I am a new man iu mind and body after my trip to England, and as happy as tlie day is lung. I do not know when I mny get down to Montreal, but \\ henevcr I do Mrs. Brown will aceonipaiiy nie, and I have promised her a great pleasure, and, 1 trust, tlie friemlsliip of all your family circle. I (juite weary to have a long talk with you on many subjects. I iiave nuieh to tell. Is there any cliauci' of your coming upY 1 may possildy be called to Moiitreal by business within three or four weeks, but it is not likely. I wish very much to have consvdtation also with Dorion. You would see an absurd article in the Jjemler of yesterday about new combinations. I need hardly say that, so far as I am coucerned, there is not a shallow of truth iu it. 1 never hail any love for coalitionists, and certainly have as little now as I ever had. The /y'lcAr and its friends may rest assured that when 1 go to open war with the present ministry, it will be as a reformer and a party reformer, and that I shall take some small section of that party with me, sufficient at any I'ate to make war effectively for Upper Canada priiiciphs, whether the conservatives like it or not. But entirely reestablished iu health as I am, and free from nearly all business retardment, I have no desire whatever to re-enter parliamentary life, and would much rather }\ i v: 204 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF iii!: accompliah through others what the country wants than be a prominent f)articipant myself. I have thought out a course for myself pi'etty clearly, )ut shall make no sign or say anything until I see you and discuss our affairs fully. I regretted much you could not come to Great Rritiin this summer. You would liave enjoyed it inten.sely. J'ut I trust there is a good time coming. I am ha])py to know that I can now give you notes to many of the friends in England and Scotland who will welcome you heartily from the knowledge they already have of you. 1 met many Canadians in London. Ever faithfully yours, fiEoiKiE Rkown. Hon. L. H. Holton, Montreal. LETTER TO MR. My Dkar Toronto, Feb. 12, 1863. -I was greatly gratified by Borion's refusal to join I fear that sooner or later we will be forced to part the present ministry. company witli them, and it is a great relief to have Dorion out of it. Indeed, I cannot see how they are to get on with any comfort. The Intercolonial Railway matter stands in a very awkward position. If they were willing to face borrowing the money to build the road, and the annual deficit in running it, I think they need not have scrupled about the sinking fund. It strikes me it was a very small loop-hole to escape by ; but let us rejoice the country is saved the burden tlireatened. The postal subsidy Ij the (irand Trunk is another rock ahead. 1 hear the government has been pledged to arbitration. 1 hope this is a mistake ; liut if not, it will create trouble. The school question, too, stands out in a tlirenteiiing aspect, but perhaps that may be avoiiled as %vell as the Cirilil Four}' r ; but fion) what I hear, Sicotte s strength in Lower Canada is far from what was expected, and will prove the weakest spot of tlic administration. Sandfield, it seems, has promise of a dissolution ; but so far as I'pper Canada is concerned, I am persuaded that if he tries he will find himself mistaken. There will be unavoidable divisions in the reformers' ranks wheie conservatives will be united, and the result may easily be seen. If an election were to come now, I woidd not move hand or pen except for the individual whom I knew to be reliable from eveiy point of view. I confess I virw the position of our party with some degree of alarm — more alarm than I have lelt for ten years. Ministers may get supportei's to votedcnvn repi'esentation l)y popu- lation, or they may treat their vote on that(iuestion with indifference ; but the country Mi 11 not do so, and any attempt to speak against it as the late minister did, will cause a burst of indignation over tiie country. Divisions will spring up. In every store and bar-room of tapper Canada the contest will be waged ; the best of our men will be found where they Mere. One set will be pitti'd against the other ; and M'iien the election comes, the result will be seen. I have no desire to enter parliament ; on the con- trary, nothing but the strongest sense of duty Mould tempt me to enter it at present ; but sometimes M'hen I think of the gulf before us, I an> ^most tempted to wish myself once more in the House. A little reflection, how- ever, soon brings me back stronger than ever for quiet and iiappiness. All f'ou have seen — if, indeed, you have seen the trash which has been pub- ished — about Oxford and my connection M'ith it, is entirely fabulous. (Several prominent electors wrote offering support and urging me to stand. I declined, after thinking the matter seriously over. I knoM' less of South Oxford than of any county west of Belleville. Were I desirous of going in I suppose I could do so by stumping the county, but I never was iu the HON. GEOROE BROWN. 205 riding except at the village of Ingersoll. It is largely Hincksitc, anlowland is still here. He seemed far from ill when I saw him a week ago, but they say he is not well enough to get through the work of tiie session. I hope you will write me from day to ihiy your impressions of matters. l)n Monday I go back to the editorial chair, and mean to keep it during the session. I will be glad if you could ha"e an opitortiinity of letting me know of Lord Moiick as (iovernor-(ieneral. it is reported that the ministry and he had some dlHiculty in November, and that they had ])laced their resignations in his hands in the full expectation of being out ; but he thought better of it. The iiiilitia (luestion is said to have been the cause of the trouble. Ever faithfully yours, yum Georck Buow.v. LETTER TO MR. My Dkau TonoNTO, March 7, 1863. — , — I got your telegram, and took your advice, and I am in. Had I consented to be a candidate three days earlier there would have been no coiitest, or, at least, nothing worth designating a contest. l>ut the eoi>'-ention proceedings gave liodwell something to talk about, and committed a great many people who regretted having to vote against nie. South Oxford never was a constituency of my way of thinking exactly, and it was very gratifying to find how hearty and kind was the rece|)tion I got from men of all parties all over the riding, including those who voted against me. Not one harsh word passed during the contest ; and were the fight to be gone over again to-morrow, 1 think wc could carry it by one thousand majority. It is not true that I got all the Tory vote. The Tories in South Oxford number between six and seven hundred, including the catholics, who genei-atly voted against me. Of the protestant Tories 1 got perhaps from one-half to two-thirds, but by getting them I lost as many hard old lladicals. So that while I got many votes from the conservatives, I am not indebted to them for my return I entirely agree witli you about McDougall's speech. It was the most reckless as well as the most foolish speech ever made by a man in his position. 1 see, too, he ^oes in for sectarian schools, and the whole animal generally. Well, he had better look out for another constituency than North Oxford. [ regret also to hear that Ferguson Blair has accepted the Receiver-Cieneralship ma' Morris, but it does not take me by surprise. I suppo.se he will get returned, but it is because no earnest reformer will oppose him under the present If!' 'm if.'i 206 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF Wt : ! 1 ^' I f-' circumstances. I do not intend gonig down for ten days unless you writ* mo that there is necessity. Ever faithfully yours, GEOiuiE Brown. LETTER TO MR. HOLTON. Toronto, June 26, 1863. My Dkau Hoi.ton, — The elections are over. We liave been as successful as we could hope to be, and now begins the real trouble. Were Sandtield a man of comprehensive mind and lirm of purpose, all troultlc would soon be overcome. But it is really sad to rejoice over victory i>t the polls as if we iiad nothing else to do but sit down and enjoy our spoils. 1 need not remind you that our very success in Upper (Janada, and the complete rout of the old corruiitionists, have rendered our future cour.'se more dilKcult than before. We cannot hold up the return of Sir Jclm ami Cartier as a scarecrow for those who insist on our carrying out our principles. We have men returned on our side firmly pledged to carry out our views, and wjiat is more, all but two oppositionists returned are as earnest as we are in claiming the same reform. The vote for representation by populat.on will be almost unanimous on the part of Upper Canada niombcrs, and tlie conservatives will now be most violent in their clamours for it, when they see that the country has completely adopted it. What is to be done— look the case fairly in the face, or wait the event? Tiie former is very dilhcalt after what occurred in Montreal, and the latter may throw the reform party into a defensive attitude not advantageous on such a question. It is im- pos.^ible to make Sandfield think or speak seriously. Your own particular troul)les are in no way ligl't, though I confess they would g ve me no uneasiness if I occupie I your siioes. I would just form my conclusions as to what was right, and carry them out firmly and boldly. Much is expected from you, and I am conscious that if you only carry out your own well- considered purposes, you will not go asti'ay. I need not say that you can always rely on my sincere and earnest counsel whenever you think it worth while to ask it. An immense jard, politically, would be the renewal of the United States reciprocity treaty. If you can fix that for twenty years you will give our party a hold on tiie farmers that would be very dilficult to over-estimate. Sandfield spoke of my going down to Washington to see how the land lay. I would gladly do so were there any necessity for it, but of course you will attend to that yourself, and no doubt with as much influence as I coultl possibly exercise at tlie Washington Court. There seems less hurry about the matter now that thi3 democratic partv have had a check, but I am persuaded that President Lincoln is favourable, and while he is in power the thing should be attended to. I am strongly of opinion that you should sununon parliament for the earlieet possible day. Announce that it is for the Supplies and the Militia Bill alone. Push them through in ten days, and call us at the regular time — the end of January ; tliis will give you a chance of feeling the temper of the House. It will enable you to discard troublesome matters in your Supply Bill on the score of time being needed to considei\ and it will enable you to pre- pare your plans coolly and considerately before your session next wmter. Faithfully yours, George Brown. Hon. L. H. Holton, Montreal. HON. OEOliGE BROWN. LETTER TO MR. HOLTON. 207 m Toronto, Oct. 23, 1863. My Dear Holton, — I have this niotnent received your letter of yestcr day, and hasten to give you the reply you ask for. Of course, you are responsible for tlie financial steps to be taken at tiiis moment. You and you alone will bear the burden if any error is made, and you have the credit if credit is won. It is therefore ri,t,'ht that you should pursue the course that seems to your own mind the best ; and in what I am about to write, therefore, you will understand that I am only giving you my own view of the situation at your request, and that I expect you will give it that influence, and no more, in making up your own mind, to which the arguments seem to be entitled. I understand your piesent inclination is to borrow from the Bank of Montreal a suflicient sum to secure your account with the English agents, and, in consideration of this accom- modation, to transfer to the Bank of Montreal the govenimont account. I admit that some aut 1 decline to discuss, for it is au fait accompli I did not look at it from j'our point of view ; I did not think your arguments v.eie satisfactory. But what will it avail for us now to argue it out ; the thing is done, and let it lost there. I hope Richards will be re-elected for Leeds. Knowing nothing of the constituency, I cannot .say anything as to tlie chances. Tlie opposition are cock-a-hoop ; hut the minister seeking re-election is iiard to beat. I think tlie appointment was a very wronu one. Notman should have been Solicitor-General ; tailing him, Shuter Smith, or Ferguson Blair, or Mowat should have taken it, and allowed a new man, not a lawyer, to come into the cabinet. I think the appointment of Richards wa.s not in harmony with the arrangement under which the cabinet was formed. Richards holds, and diii hold, all the views of tlie Macdonald-Sicotte ministry. Mowat ami Wallbridge were taken in to give confidence to those who did not hold those views, and Wallbridge's successor should certainly liave been of like opinions. Of course there was no bargain to that effect, but I think the government would have felt the benefit of it had this been done. I am much concerned about the reciprocity treaty. It appears to me that none of us are sulhcien'ly awake about it. 1 sec very serious trouble ahead if notice of the repeal is given. Such a feeling will be manifested here as will determine the United States to repeal it. Tiiey will see then, if they do not now, how essential it is to our prosperity here in Canada, and what many here are prepared to do to secure its re-enactment. I do think you are taking on a very serious responsibility in not opening nego- tiations at Washington, as well with the committees of the House and the senate as with the executive. It would be a thousandfold easier to negotiate before notice than after ; before members have committed them- selves, by speech or otherwise, than afterw.09 dauf;hter a week ago. Tliey are both doing well, and we regard it as a vast addition to our happiness. Faithfully yours, Gkorcje Brown. Hon. L. H. Holtox, Montreal. LETTER TO MR. HOLTON. !'.. :n\ TouoxTO, January 20, 1864. My Dear Holton, — Here's a pretty mess. Perhaps Sandfield will now have his eyes opened to the fact that it is only on the liberal con- stituencies the government can rely when the pinch comep, and that, convenient to him us it may be, and his friends in the ministry, it wants something more than his choice to get them there. I was astonished to hear that Sandfield had said I had consented to Richards' appointment. The very opposite is the fact. But both Gordon and I saw, as plainly as possible, that Sandfield was bent on making the appointment, and while I urged my views of the matter on him, I refrained from speaking against Richards. It was not for me to say that Riohards' appointment would bo a gross injustice and breach of faith, with the understanding at the forma- tion of the government, while Sanly get and wiiat we would not get. We will probably accept such a coniproniiBo. I have viHitcd several prominent men whose views were doubtful, among others Senator Conkling, who goes heartily for a treaty, and will urge Mr. Fish to go nlnad ; I also saw (ieueral (larfield and Secretary Scnurz, both of whom arc favourable. I shall go to New York for a day to obtain, if possible, the Uirnhl, the Timi's, and the Sun. We have already had articles in the IVnrld and Eventntj Post, 1 have sent oif our Hrst despafeh to the London Times. W.\siiixfiTox, May 15, 1874, I was able to do good work in New York, having secured the support of the llcrahl and the Times. The enclosed article was published by the Triliiinr, with some trifling cliangeH. The Chicago Trihuni' had a grand article, and so had many other papers that I heard of but have not seen. What a provoking thing it was that my manifesto, prepared at the retiuest of the Associatetl Press people, was not sent, as promised, to all the papers. They only sent a small part to the press generally, and the whole to the New York press only. I could have done better without their aid. Don't, I pray you, come to the conclusion that all is safe for the treaty. We know of not one thing more against us than we did when you were here, and we know of much that is favourable which has turned up since. But political matters are in such a mess here that it seems hopeless to get anything satisfactory done this session, unle.ss Mr. Fish signs a treaty, and to do that he seems more and more unwilling. He is frightened at his shadow, and seems to have neither knowledge enough of the subject, nor breadth of grasp autlicient to cast his fears a.side. If he had, the treaty would be carried without much trouble. On Monday we are to see him, M'hen we hope to brmg him to the point. WA,sHiN(iTox, May 22, 1874. I had a most pleasant inti-rview with Mr. Fish on Monday. He promised to see us again in three or four days. We are making strength every day in the senate. I have issued a tly-slieet which, I think, will give us a hoist. Mr. Fish's four dr.ys are up, but we have not heard from him. I have just written him a note which, 1 hope, will bring him to the point. I hope now to know distinctly what lio means to-morrow. Every- thing goes well meanwhile. Tii.' pappr.-< are coming out famously ; the Chicago Hoard of Trade have jms-scd excellent resolutions ; the New York Hoard pass theirs to-morrow ; the liostou Board of Trade on Tuesday ; and the Detroit Board at the same time. We had a cablegram to-day from Lord Derby, thanking us for our paper given to Mr. Fish, and declaring it an able document. Washington', May 27, 1874. We had a satisfactory meeting with Mr. Fish, who seems now to be thoroughly in earnest. I think we will get him to send the treaty to the senate for advice, as was done with the Washington treaty, and we think the senate will assent to it, but that is not certain. The bargain is not all we would like, but it will be a creditable treaty for us. It looks very like winning. I had a L)ng interview with Mr. Fish by myself at the state department, and settled everything as far as ho is II T S >^f i% ii > { \ • I' ( ! f'l ■- . f-i \ 214 A/fA' ylAV; SPEECmCS i>F liavo telograplu!il artiuleH to Ottawa for approval. The from tliuiii I Rill to 860 Mr. Fish, and lio ia to uall a cabinet oonoerneil. I moment I hear « — «.., _... council to h:ivo it approved and sent to tho senate. If it goes as we liave it, it will b(! nurfectly satisfactory to us and our people ; lutt wo may find it broken up in the senate, oi before it reaches there. That will not, how- ever, prevent our going at it again as long as the government endorses it. Wasiiiniiton, May 30, 1874. There is a hitch at Ottawa. The articles sought to bo introduced into the free list exceed the amount Mr. Mackun/ie sees his way to relieve from paying duty. I um going on to try and put the matter right, and I hope to accoiiipliDli it. There sueins to bo no doubt that tho treaty will go through if this difHoulty at Ottawa is overcome. WA.sniNnTON, Juno 7, 1874. We had a long interview with Mr. Fish yesterday morning, when I made tho suggestion iieoeasaiy to meet the views of tho Ottawa govern- ment. The interview was, on th« whole, pleasant, but lie fought hard against any amendment, i'^inally, he conceded all demands .subject to three concessions by us : 1st, Tlial we surrender for ever to the United States tho right of passage through the Gut of Canso ; 2nd, That we make our canals 14 feet deep ; and .'ird. That the tolls on the \Velland and St. Lawrence canals sliall not discriminate by lighter charges on through vessels than on vessels going only part of the way down. The second and third conditions, I suppose, can be arranged, but the first is a serious affair — in feeling. There is no reason why we should not concede perpetual passage througii tlie Gut of Canso. The United States liavo always been alloweil to use it, but not the right to tiHh therein ; and they will always have it in fuct, though not in name. It would, however, be a serious diplomatic concession. I thought the matter over after wc left, and hit on a plan for meeting his demand. Sir F^dward Thornton is enthusiastic about the suggestion. It is to propose to-morrow, as a counter demand, the opening to Britain in perpetuity of the Kosario and Douglas channels on the Pacific coast, lately declared by the Emperor of Germany, as arbitrator under the Washington treaty, to be United States waters. If I hear from Ottawa in time, the draft treaty is to go to the senate to-morrow ; appearances indicate a ciiance of success. I saw yesterday Messrs. I5utler, Jioutwell, Dawes, (iarfield, and others; they are all willing to push it through this session. Tlie President speaks openly and strongly for it. Washixotox, June 10, 1874. I heard from Ottawa, two days ago, the difficulty there was arranged ; but three days are absolutely lost, because Lord Derby has not signified his assent to the draft treaty. Sir F^dward has in vain endeavoured to obtain from him an answer of yes or no ! Congress will certainly break up on the •22iid. We have hardly a moment to spare, still we cannot move. It is very provoking, but there is no remedy. We have ascertained pretty accurately that if the treaty were now sent to the senate it would be carried. Yesterday I saw Cameron, of Pennsylvania, our supposeil great enemy, and hail a long conversAtiiin with him. I found him extremely friendly ; he told me he had read my pamphlet, and was much pleased with it. He said he agreed with its reasoning, and if he opposed imr measure, it would only be because he was attached to the protectionist party. He thought I had made out an excellent case, and admitted the position of Canada was different froui other countries. ^ HON. UEVliUE DROWX. 215 \VAslllN«iTtiN, .Illiie 12, 1874. Lord IJorUy was "ffraoioiisly piiaseil" yeMtonliiy tooiililo liin upproval, Rnd that wo mi_'lit piocood ; so at it we wont with Mr. KihIi. Would you boliovo it ? Iio was allowing liis timidity nearly an iiuudi as 'jvur. "Tlu' dilli- ouItioH woro iintnenHo ;" " tiio stiiiato would certainly throw tho draft treaty nut." In HJiort, tiiero was no liope unk'ss we niadt! concesHionH now proposed for the tirst time. All this within ton days of tlio adjouriiniunt, \\°v kept ooni, niado a moino, of his proposals, and rotirud to uonsidor the situation. Sir Edward waH downu.ist and ani{ry ; my bump of liopo, us usual, kopt mo up, and duturtnincd mo to make onu nioru attempt to brin^' Mr. I''ish back to mason ; so it was detorminod I should an last night to sco him at his house. I wont, but found ho was at the White llousi? ; I tliori'foro went to the stnto dopartniont this morning to see him. I cxprcsMod to him my regret that it was my painful duty to say that his propositions were entirely out of the question; that I would, if he desired, aoimnunicato them tT tho Canadian government, and Sir Kdward would to tho Imperial govornmont ; but that, if they determined to aecpt them, they must lind Bomebfidy else to act 'or them, for I would mver sign a treaty that was not entirely reeiprocal. I pointed out that the treaty he proposed would be entirely one-sided ; that it would miss the end for which it was devised, and leave a strong feeling of dit^satisfaction behind it. He seemed im- pressed by tho argument. The people would not sustain his propositions. He asked mo, after looking over his paper, "What I objected to so much." I told him— "Tho denial of tho free navigation of Lake Michigan ;" " The demand of fishery rights on tho I'acilic coast ;" "The postponement of the frec! entry for lumber to the United States for throe and a half years ;" "The striking out of ochres, seal oil, and salt ;" "Tho demand for 14 feet of water in our canals, that would cost millions ;" *' Tho demand for free perpetual navigatitm of tho (iut of Canso, without tho accompanying con- cession of tho same right to us in the Rosario channel :" and "Tho con- struction of tho ( 'aughnawaga canal, without any compensating advantage. " These were the things 1 decidedly protestoil against, and would not assent to without e(|uivalont. After a long tussle lie agreed to give up all but one or two of tho demands, I compronnsed foi' twenty-one years of [..ako Michigan, and agreed to tho construction of tho Caughnawaga canal. At last ho hesitatingly accepted that arrangement, because he felt certain if salt were left in, the treaty would be lost. He auggoHtuil that if salt was stiuck out of tho free list l)y us, he would strike cut something as an ofhet, and no doubt it would be all right, and ho would see me auain this afternoon. Some hours have idapsed, but yet no sign ; but 1 feel pretty certain it is all right, and if so, the bargain will be a good ono fort'anada. June t.lth. — 1 did not hear from Mr. Fish, as I expected, yesterday after- noon ; but this forenoon Sir Mdwai'd and I wont to see him. and had two and a half hours with him. We occupied that long sedei'unt with a final rpvsion of tlie treaty, improving the language and making tlie sense of each sentence as clear as possible. Mr. Fish made no new demands, but made several sensible suggestions for the improvement of the papei', and was mosT courteous throughout. He hoped to get it completed and ready for tho Eenate on Monday. Tlie tliought occurs tome that ho mo.-ms to throw us o»er tho session ; J cannot believe it. He evidently had spent much time over the ])aper, and declared ho had been at it till one o'clock this morning ; therefore, I think ho means to sign the treaty. Washington, June 18, 1874, Ths treaty did not go to the senate on Tuesday, in consequence of a new dtmand for canal tolls uniformity. It really looked as if Mr. Fish were wiling to throw us over for want of time. I dined at the White House last night, and remained behind to speak \ !*' • I •L 216 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF 11 v\ i V '" i to the President about the treaty. He spoke out most enthusiastically for it, and congratulated me on the great success that had been accomplished. He assured nie he would take every means to have the senate endorse it. The treaty is now confidentially in the hands of the senate. It is being printed, and will be considered by the Foreign Relations Committee to- morrow morning. Washington, June 20, 1874. The President sent a message to the senate with the treaty, urging a decision before the Jidjournment of congress. I thought the message very good ; but it has the defect of not speaking definitely of this particnlar meai'iro as his own and his government's, and calling on the senate to sus- tain him. Had he done this the treaty would have been through now. But now, with a majority in its favour, there seems some considerable danger of its being thrown over ur lil December. I told all this to Mr. Fish just as has happened, but he was quite set on having his own way. He may now have to regret it. The first tussle in the congress was in our favour. Chandler tried to have the treaty sent to his committee. This the senate refused, and sent it to the Foreign Relations Committee. On that committee there are 7 to 2 in favour of a treaty. There were 6 present : 3 said to be for us ; 1 against ; and 2 for the measure personally, but wanted to hear from the country before acting. The committee adjourned without action. How it will end no one can tell. Had Mr. Fish signed the treaty and sent it down, it -^auldjiave gone through without a doubt. NHmporte ; we have done all we couid7^n^~tf;*4Iiiii;efLStates Government must be responsible for what comes hereafter. If the senate concludes to throw it over till next session, I will leave soon ; should an extra session be called, I may be delayed ten days. Notliing, however, was done before the adjournment. The letters following have reference to what took place in the autumn of the same year: Washington, December 15, 1874. I found that on comine here Sir Edward's statements as to the treaty being dead and not having "ten supporters," rested wholly on Fish's bluff. The republicans are thoroughly demoralized, and know not whit hand to turn to, and it looks as if they would continue not to know undl the 5th of March arrives, with nothing done but talk and the democrsts get to power. I find the democrats are stronger than ever with us, and will go for the treaty if the republicans propose it. The only grand scheme the republicans have is their transportation scheme, framed by Mr. Windom. The Caughnawaga Canal is its main feature. If they as a party go in for it, they will carry it ; but they cannot separate the treaty from it ; the two must go together. I did not see Mr. Fish to-day, ai he was engaged with thfe King of the Sandwich Islands. I am to see him to-morrow ; but I already know pretty well how the matter stands. Washington, December 16, 1874. I had a long interview with Mr. Fish this morning. He was kind and friendly. We discussed the whole matter in the bast spirit, and while declaring his earnest desire that the treaty should pass, and his conviction that a treaty would be agreed to within a year or two, he confessed it seemed hopeless this session. " The money question occupied everyone's thoughts to the exclusion of every other subject. Parties were rent upon it. No one could see his way out of the woods ; and what would ba done HON. GEO ROE BROWN. 217 he could not tell. There was no great hostility to tlic treaty, but utter apathy. To get a two-third majority was hopeless; to get a majority vote in the senate he did not believe possible. This was sure, that nothing would be done until Congress met after the holidays." I liave now got his views, and will try and learn what the democrats will do. I have not yet seen the President, but will call to-mon-ow, I have an appointment with Carl Schurz to-morrow morning, to gtt the state of the case from him. To-night I ace Allison and Dawes. EXTRACTS FROM FAMILY (CORRESPONDENCE. The following extracts are wholly from letters addressed by Mr. Brown to members of his family, and are given separately on that account. Most of them contain matter of more or less public interest, while some are wholly of a domestic character, and delineate him in his relations to his family — with whom he had daily correspondence during his absence from home — better than any words of the writer can. The first two letters have reference to his canvass for the repre- sentation of South Oxford. He was elected by a large majority. Ill V I m \ III V-'. -•%i Inoersoll, February 26, 1863, Well, I am fairly into it, and I do assure you I wish I were once more quietly at home. 1 am persuaded that had I stayed out of it for a year longer I would never have returned, and I would have been right. How- ever, I am into it for this struggle, however long I may remain in public life. NoRwicu, February, 1863. It is very pleasant to find how kind every one is to me — even those who are going strongest against me — not a harsh word, except for coming to drive out BodwtU, and Bodwell himself is compelled to say all sorts of kind thim^s. I got to bed at '2 o'clock ia the morning, and am off immediately to speak 8 miles from here at noon, and 8 miles farther on at night. No O'le knows !;ow an election will end. IJodwell is a strong candidate — a very strong candidate ; but turn and twist it every way, I don't think it possible he can beat me. I don't feel the slightest doubt aa to the result, but I am fighting for a good majority. BoTHWELL, April 4, 1863. We have had fine weather, and I have enjoyed my rambles over the fields immensely — especially going among the sheep and cattle. The flocks of slieep make at prestnt a fine sight, with their heavy Heeces and their lambs skipping around them. The oil wells are a great fact. There seems no doubt that oil in auy qu'.atity -"ill be had here. Many people arrive daily from different quarters to inquire into the prospects, and already three or four new companies have been formed to open wells. Every dwelling-house in the village is occupied. m .1 't ; ■ V .';■ ! :[>}; B^Tl ¥'■' m >la ! i i n * i ■S . '! u 218 Z/i^^ ^iV^Z) SPEECHES OF Parliament waa afterwards dissolved. Mr. Brown again ran for South Oxford. Mr. Hope Mackenzie was the liberal candidate in the North Riding. The following tive letters have reference to the contest in these ridings : Inverkip, June 4, 1863. 1 dropped you a line yesterday morning just before starting for Platts- ville. We had a line drive of 20 miles and a splendid meeting at Flatts- ville — carried all before us. In the evening we had a meeting in Diumho, very large but not so favourable, one of our discontented candidates having opened out on us in a very scandalous manner. We got through the meeting at 2 o'clock in the morning, and then had 8 miles to drive. It was very cold, and we did not get to Chesterfield till broad day light. We came here this morning, and have had a grand meeting — swept all before us. I am sitting in the house of a substantial farmer : have just had a good dmner, and am off for Embro immediately (16 miles), where we speak to-night. Mackenzie will carry the election, but not without effort. Embro, June 5, 1863. A man is just starting for Inverkip, and I seize the opportunity to send a line. We had a glorious meeting in the evening ; largo hall crowded ; good speeches — great enthusiasm. This is the township that turns the tide in all North Riding contests, and Mackenzie is no doubt quite safe uow. I am writing at 8 o'clock in the morning, and the horses are stand- ing at the door waiting to carry us to Harrington, a distance of 10 miles, wiiere we speak at 10 o'clock. From there we go to Thamesford, where we liohl a meeting at night, which ends my work here. To-morrow is my nomination. NoRwicHViLLE, June 10, 1863. Here I am in the centre of the Quaker country, and a most beautiful country it is. Vou could not fancy in a young country more substantial comfort than the people enjoy. After dinner we drove to Ease Oxford, where my first meeting was held. It was a very good meeting, and went unanimously for me. We left I'^ast Oxford about 3 o'clock and came on here, calling on one or two prominent people as we passed. We saw a sheep that weighed 350 lbs. — verv interestnig to you as a piece of intel- ligence. We had a splendid meeting at night. I find all my friends stanch, and a great many of my opponents turned into friends. There is literally no contest here, and it is too bad to be compelled to hold meetnigs. Si'RiXGFiELD, .Tune 11, 1863. Another day gone. We came hero in time for our meeting, which passed oti' very successfully. We went on in the evening from Spring- field to Otterville, and there had a splendid meeting ; churcli crowded, and all perfectly unanimous. There was a majority against me in the township last time, but it wdl be very ditl'erent indeed now. We came back to Springtield late last night, and I am staying with the principal farmer in this neighbourhood. He has been on this farm no less than 30 years. The country was an utter wilderness when he first settled. I had to get up to breakfast at 7 o'clock. I am writing this immediately after breakfast, and am half asleep now. I am going over the farm and dr.iry in a few minutes. I speak at Culloden at 10 o'clock, and in the evening at Tilsonburg. After that there will be but three meetings more, and then home. HON. GEORGE BROWN. 219 t!:.-i Tii,soNBUR(!, Juue 12, 18G3. I have only a moment to send a line, as 1 start for Simcoe, county of Norfolk, in a few moments, to speak at the iiustings to-day, and we have hardly time to get over. We had a capital meeting yesterday at Culloden, and a splendid one here last ni<,'ht. A deputation came here last night from Oxford and insisted on my goint; over to lielp them. My meetings here to-day are therefore to he taken by friends. BoTHWELL, July 25, 1863. I was up very early yesterday morning. Breakfasted at 7 o'clock, and off before the sun was hot to see a lot of outlying fields. I have been very busy in the fields these two days — hard at work from 6 o'clock in the morning till 10 at night, examining the crops, tlie stock, and the buildings — planning new operations, arranging tiie fall work, settling with the hands, .and making up the books. Lots to do. I could spend a fortnight here very profitably. Everything is looking well. The crops are very good — never so good before ; and the cattle are all in excel- lent condition. You would be delighted with a herd of i>'l calves in one field — ))eautiful smooth coats, elegant shapes, and as lively as crickets. The ram has been comnig down in torrents. It will do some damage to the hay, and a vast deal of good to the corn, roots, and peas. I have 3.")i» tons of iiay secured in beautiful order, and there is any quantity to come yet. I got to London on Tuesday night, telegraphed to some fiiends that I was coming, and got through a lot of business before going to sleep at midnight. Up at 3.1.5; otT to Detroit; reached there at 8 o'clock. Beautiful morning ; most lovely view in crossing the river. Detroit is an active, stirring business place, built of brick very substantially, with u great deal of shipping at the wharves. I know no river so beautiful as the river that runs from Port Sarnia to Detroit. QuEBEd, September 29, 1803. I am writing in the parliamentary committee room, with a fierce discussion going on about a Granil Trunk IJailway bill, in whicli all the magnates of the House are at work. 1 have been working hatd since I wrote. We have lo.st the St. Hyacinthe election, and oiir strength will be greatly affected by it in the coming contest. As we stand now the vote will turn on the Speaker's vote. However it is to end, I hope it will be soon, and let me off liome. I am wearying to be back. QiEnKf, February 20, lS(i4. Matters are very queer here. Tiie goverinncut are very confident, I)ut I doubt much if they have good reason for it. Tliere are several memliers of the opposition who feel lucliuud to support them, but tliey feel rather shaky, and Iiardly know yet iiow they wdl go. The Ottawa iiiember.s have a caucus to-day to determine liow they will go ; and which way tliey may finally turn no one knows. Tlie position of the vJnistiy is very humiliating, trusting to the aid of men they utterly despise. For my p.irt, 1 would a thousand times rather go out of public life for ever than he at the mercy of such people. 1 have been quite reserve. 1 with the goveriinient about the Bell matter, thinking it watt tiieir duty to speak tirst. But they have carefully avoided all reference to the subject. I have, however, spoken openly to others in strong eondenmation, and it has no doubt leached their ears, as they have been excessively civil. The " liell matter" referred to was a rumour that Mr. Boll, the conservative member for Russell, was to be taken into tlie cabimt. >"! • f : - 1 ! ■h ■■ .' i ■ 1 !■ i s i i ^4 'f!^ 1 i r . f T » 1 ■■ '' I; i' i„ t i; i s r I' 1 ' il 220 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF Quebec, February 22, 1864. I have had a great blow up with Saiultielcl and Holton about Bell's rumoured appointment. He is not to go into the cabinet — indeed, I doubt if he ever intended going in — and the government, whatever he does, will have a majority on the aildress. Now '.luvt the fuss is over, matters are all serene between us, and 1 doubt not they are heartily glad that 1 put an impassable bar in the way of tlie proposal. Our friends in tlie House are heartily thankful for the escape they have had. I have been writing this by fits and statts, while the debate has been going on about the address to the Prince of Wales. Quebec, February 29, 1864. I cannot tell you how I hate this parliamentary work, because it keeps me away. I think what a fool I am to be here ; and then come thoughts of the country and public duty, and the newspaper, and so I give a great sigh and turn away from the subject. Wliat I would give to be able to set out for Toronto this afternoon, never to return ! And yet, what hinders me? Are the reasons sufficient ? Ought I not break through the meshes and be oti' ? Quebec, March 1, 1864. Rose has just risen to speak, and he has said the only sensible thing that has yet been uttered in the debate ; he hoped the debate would now be brought to a close without further waste of time, and tliat we may get to the business of the country. Would you believe it ? Cartier commenced on Thursday at 4 o'clock and spoke till 6 ; he resumed at S..30 and spoke till 11.1"); resumed yesterday at 3 o'clock and spoke till 6; recumed at 7. 15 and spoke till 1. 15 — thirteen hours in one speech. Tliey used to charge me with being long-winded, but Cartier outdoes all the world, past, present or to come. It is not at all unlikely that a crisis may be brouglit on this week — and it may come any day, and we may all get home much sooner than any of us anticipate. There is very little party spirit throughout the House — most of the members on both sides want to get on with the business, and how a crisis may end no one can predict. Quebec, March 2, 1864. I have delivered your message U< i Ter Majesty's loyal opposition, and I am desired to say in reply tliat they entirely endorse your sentiments. They consider it highly improper that "L'Honorab memb de Sout Oxford," as Monsieur Cartier hath it, should absent himself from his duty ; they are convinced that whistling to little Maddie is the very thing lie is cut out for, and are most willing to spare him for that purpose. Mr. .Saudfield and his section of ministerialists heartily reciprocate for once tlie views of the opposition ; and, in fact, since the idea was propounded, peace reigns in political circles. It is very tantalizing of you to write such things about our little darling. Tell that George, tin. father of Maddie, would rather be quietly at home than "President of the United- States," and that he regards the " prei'iiership of Canada" with supreme indifference; it would not be modest to use a stronger word. I fully expect there will be a ministerial crisis before many days elapse; but to say the truth, they are all very wavering of purpose. Foley made a set speech last night, and came out strong and loudly for all the views I had been urging for years. JlcKcUar followed in reply, and then Mowat, who did exceedingly well. His speech was manly, straightforward, and judicious ; but some passages caused >Sandiield to make wry faces. (11 HON. GEUlKlE BliO WN. 221 Quebec, March .I, 18(i4. I expect to introduce my motion for an agricultural conunittue to-night, and will say something in introducing it. I was very much tempted to make a speech on the address in reply to (^alt, but refriiiued fi-om fear of doing harm. A crisis will evidently come, and it would have been a pity to say a word calculated to ;ht, which was very good — but this afternoon thec ;n(\\\i .1 great success, and took Cartier, Macdonald, &c., by in- tense ; -, . " liey had no conception that there was a probability of my motior ueinr ■ia.'""'>d. It liaa excited great discussion this morning, and my comniHi jc i." . .. iirbfc meeting at noon to-day. Sixteen members of the comniii.uv'e w^ij v'ef ' "t> indwe had a very useful and harmonious dis- •"ussion. -A'uch thai ; u'.2ctiy pract'^al maj'not flow from the committee; '.mt it is fi', .-n- .nous £?* • h.'.ve the acknowledgment on our journals thit a gtftav tsvil "'stp. .... -X soMie remedy must be found. Quebec, June 11, 1864. Saturday morning, 1.30 a. m. — The ministry have just announced that they intend putting through the whole supplies before they adjourn, and that certainly will not be before daylight. There is no prospect of .an im- mediate termination to the session. It will probably not close before two or three weeks. Ministers are very weak, and dare hardly make a motion ; but there is an unwillingness among the opposition to push things to extremities, and the probability is that ministers will go through the session without a defeat. Quebec, June 18, 1864. Pa^t 1 in the morning. — We have had great times since I wrote you. On Tuesday we defeated the government by a majority of 2. They asked the Governor-General to dissolve parliament, and he consented ; but before acting on it, at the Governor's suggestion they applied to me to aid them in reconstructing the government, on the basis of settling the constitutional difficulties between Upper and Lower Canada. I refused to accept office, but agreed to help them earnestly and sincerely in the matter they proposed. Negotiations were thereupon commenced, and are still going on, with considerable hope of finding a satisfactory solution of our trouble. The facts were announced to the House to-day by John A. Macdonald, amid tremendous cheering from both sides of the House. You never saw such a scene ; but you will have it all in the papers, so I need not repeat. Both sides are extremely urgent that I should accept a place in the govern- ment, were it only for a week ; but I will not do this, unless it is absolutely needful to the success of the negotiations. A more agreeable proposal ia that I should go to England to arrange the new constitution with the Imperial government ; but as the whole thing may fail, we will not count our chickens just yet. Q"EBEC, June 20, 1864. I intended writing you a long letter, but the negotiations have occupied I HOX. CrEORGE BROWN. 223 every moment since 5 in the morning, and I fear tliat I may not have the opportunity of doing so. It is now 5.30 and the mail closes at 6 o'clock ; and 1 am waiting in the Governor-General's otlice for bis Excel- lency, who has sent for me to meet him. If he i.s brief in his discussion, I will write you ; if he is lengtliy, I will not he able to do so. But mean- time, I may say that 1 have closed the negotiations for the construction of a new government, pledged to carry constitutional changes, and tliat I have the olier of othce for myself and others to be named by me. 1 call a meeting of the party to-night to accept or reject this otter, and I nnist abide by its determin.ation. 1 am deeply distressed at having tiiis matter thrust on me now, but dare not refuse the responsibility, witli such vast interests at stake. 1 shall try to do my duty to the country. So far 1 have received the approval of the best men on both sides. m Hi ; :?i'!(ii QiKiiKC, June 20, 18f>4. I wrote you half an hour ago, just before going in to see His Excel- lency. I have now a few minutes to spare before meeting the deputation from tiie Executive Council, and 1 shall try to use it in exphviuing, as well as I can, the position of matters at this moment. L'artier and all his party, by the compulsion of circumstances, have been driven into the necessity of taking up the representation question openly and vigorously. They have asked me to enter tiie cabinet with two friends : to conduct the negotiations with the Lower Provinces for a union of all Hritish North America, and to conduct the negotiations in London with the Imperial government. They agree to bring down a measure next session to apply the federation principle to Canada alone, with population as the basis of representation, and with provision for the admission of the Maritime Provinces and the great North-West gradually into the union. I reject the proposal to go into the cabinet, but otter all my aid outside, The government insist on my going in, and my party insist on my going in ; but my party insist on our getting four cabinet seats instead of three, and the otliers are not willing to do so. I think the (iovernor-General is with me in this controversy, and that he will urge the cabinet to give us four seats, or at least three departments, and myself to be sworn in an executive councillor, without a department and without a salary. Whether they will yield to his urgent appeal I cannot say, but he is entirely with us. QrrEBKO, June 23, 1864. We have had great doings since I wrote you on Monday. My negoti- ations with the government were successfully closed on Monday night. On Tuesday I called a meeting of the Upper Canada liberals, and sub- mitted what I had done. You will see from the published proceedings (which I send you) that my course was sustained almost unanimously. You will see that the meetmg passed a resolution urging me to go into the government, but that did not inttuence me wholly ; private letters from many quarters did something more, and the extreme urgency of the Governor-General did still more. His Excellency sent a very kind letter, urging me to go in, of which I will send you a copy. The thing that finally determined me was the fact, ascertained by Mowat and myself, chat unless we went in the whole effort for constitutional changes would break down, and the enormous advantages gained by our negotiations probably be lost. Finally, at 3 o'clock yesterday, I con- sented to enter the cabinet "as President of the Council," with other two seats in the cabinet at my disjiosal— one of which Mowat will take, and probably McDougall the other. We consented with great reluctance, but there was no help for it ; and it was such a temptation to have possibly the power of settling the sectional troubles of Canada for ever. The ■ l\ :.'.:■ f ^Wh m i,i 224 LIFE AXD SPEECHES OF V Ul announcement was made in the House yesterday, and the excitement, as over the province, is intense. I send you an ofKcial copy of the proceed- ings during tiie negotiations, from which you will see the whole story. By next mail I intend to send you some extracts from the newspapers. The unanimity of sontimeut is without example in this country : and were it not that 1 know at their exact value the worth of newspaper laudations, I might be putled up a little in my own conceit. After the explanations by ministers I had to make a speech, but was so excited and nervous at the events of the last few days that I nearly broke down. However, after a little I got over it, and made (as Mowat alleges) the most telling speech 1 ever made. There was great cheering when I sat down, and many members from both sides crowded round me to congratulate me. In short, the whole movement is a grand success, and 1 really believe will have an immense iuHuence on the future d'^stinies of Canada. We are to be sworn into ollice on Monday. Immediately after I go up to Toronto for my re-election and to arrange matters ; then return here for a week or two ; then back to Toronto for a week or two ; then go to Prince Edward's Island as one of the representatives of Canada in the Convention of Province.s ; and from there to England as a delegate from Canada to the Imperial government. We got home at 2.30. The House met this morning at 11, and we have been hard at work ever since trying to close up the business of the session. It is 1 o'clock in the morning, and the boat which is to take this letter sails six hours hence. The weather is fearfully hot. I send you the Governor-General's letter and the formal statement of the late negotiations. I also send you a few extracts from some of the newspapers. They are not selected extracts, but simply a few that I picked up round the House ; scarcely one of the papers friendly to me is among them. UxBRiDGE, July 20. 18()4. On Monday at noon I left Both well for home and reached tliere in the evening. Next morning (yesterday) I left again by the early train for Whitby, took carriage there with Mowat and Edwards, and arrived here in time for the North Ontario nomination at 10 o'clock. There was an immense crowd present ; McDougall and ("ameron, his opponent, made good speeches, and I followed at no great length. We had the show of hands, and (^ameron demanded a poll. In "tiie evening I addressed a meeting hei-e in the Town Hall ; it was dens'ely crowded, and I succeeded in converting a good few and stiengtliening others ; Cameron was present, but did not venture to reply. This evening I speak in Scott, to-morrow at Wick, on Friday at Manchester, and on Saturday at Beaverton. I propose remaining there over Sunday, and on Monday returning to Toronto. On Wednesday or Thursday I go back north. I think the election is safe, but we must not leave a stone unturned to secure success. I am staying with Joseph Gould, the old member for this county, in a splendid house. The drought continues here to a most alarming extent, and fires are going on in the woods and fields over the country ; while I write I can see three fires burning in the fields, looking from two windows. Fire in so dry a season catches very easily, from the ashes of a pipe or cigar, or the slightest cuuse. This is a very thriving little town, with a stream running through it, driving various mills and factories. The population is about 1,500 to 2,000, and Mr. Gould owns a great part of the village. He is one of the self-made men of this wooden country, who go ahead in defiance of all difficulties. in a HON. GEORGE BROWN. L'L'.) Toronto, July 'JS, 18(U. On Wednesday, after writing you, I held a meeting in the townsliipof Scott; on Thursday at Manchester, in the township of lipacli ; on Friday at Wick, in the township of iJrock ; and on Saturday 1 spoke at Manilla and at L'annington, and held a monster meeting at night in Heaverton. The meetings were all lari;ely attended, and very enthusiastic for Mowat and me, but very cold for MoDougall. 1 never had such up-hill work ; I never met such personal hostility against anybody as against McDougall. Had it not been for these meetings he would have been awfully beaten ; but as it is, he has lost the race by ?, minority of 100. This result does not matter a great deal ; Mcl>ougall will get another county, and the wheels will roll on. We did all we could for him, and it is to be hoped he has had a lesson that will do him good. I stayed at Jieaverton over Sunday, and heard two capital sermons — no, one capital, and the other very fair for a young beginner. Utioa, N.Y., August 1, 1S()4. When I wrote on Thursday I expected to go down to Quebec the following day, but a telegram from (i>uebec rendered this unnecessary, the Governor-General's absence preventing any Council being held till the day after to-morrow. I can therefore utilize the interval by seeing after my dairy. I left Toronto on Saturday at noon, got to the iiridge at ."> o'clock, to Rochester at 8 o'clock, and here at midnight. I am iu)W writing on Monday morning. Yesterday was a fearfully hot day, close on 100", and not a breath of wind blowing. 1 hardly ventured across the door the heat was so fearful, but lay upon the sofa and imbibed iced leirioii- ade ! This morning 1 am up betimes. It is now .5.30. A carriage is to be at the door at (> o'clock to drive me round the celebrated cheese fac- tories in this locality. I mean to visit Whitesboro', Vernon, Rome, etc., if I can overtake them all in time, then at 4.20 this evening take the train at Rome for Ogdensburg (loO miles), cross the St. Lawrence to Prescott, catch the Grand Trunk train through the night, reach Montreal in time for breakfast to-morrow morning, leave by the steamer at night, and be in Quebec on Wednesday morning. Pretty good work this hot weather ; but it must be done so, or not at all. QuEHEC, August 5, 18(54. After closing my letter to you on Monday, I started off in a carriage for Whitesboro' and a number of other places, and got complete insight into the working of the new dairy system. It is very profitable, and well calculated for adoption in Canada. I think, however, that very great improvements can be made on their mode of management. I got to Rome at 4 p.m., got dinner, and off by the train to Ogdens- burg, where we arrived at midnight. Took a wherry and crossed the St. Lawrence to Prescott, a thunder-storm going on at the time — a very splendid sight. Lay down for an hour, and at 'J o'chjck in the morning went to the Grand Trunk Railway station to catch the Montreal train. Table time 2.30. Waited till 3 o'clock— no train ; till 3.30— no train ; till 4 o'clock — no train. Thought it time to kick up a row, and found a freight train had run oft' the track al)ove Kingston, and stopi)ed the way. Could not tell when the obstruction would be removed. Got back to hotel at 4 o'clock ; lay down and slept till 8 — no word of train ; got breakfast, recrossed the St. Lawrence to Oudensburg, and took passage by steamer Lord Ell/in to Montreal. Had a tine run down the rapids. Telegraphed Quebec steamer to wait for us, which was kindly done, and so got on board at once ou arrival at Montreal, and steamed down here on Wednesday morning. There now, you Iiave the whole of my pilgrimage. Have taken possession of my official (juarters : read up all the business ; prepared 15 I 'Jl :f ''" 'si OTTT^d >■", ■1' i; :i:1'" I-::! 'fa,, ""-•-"^ 226 LIFE AND SPhKC/IKS OF matter for council, and laid regular sieso to my pile of unanswered letters. Been very iiidu>tri«us, and got through (|uite a lot of iniitters. I hope to-diiy or to-moirow to know when I sliiill wail for Liverpool. Tho meet- ing of provincial dtlo^atcs is to be held on the 10th of Septeml)er, at (!harlottetown, Prince Edward's Island, and we will either ro direct from there to England, or return here first, and start for Liverpool early in October. QrEBEC, August 8, 1864. I am writing on Monday afternoon at .") o'clock, and as the post closes at 6, and I have been in council for five hours, and the lieat is very oppressive and sciatica very troublesome, I am sure you will pardon for this time only a short note. I am so glad you approve of all I have done ; ab least I have a clear tonscience in the premises, and if I have erred it has been tlie judgment and not the heart. It was n bitter pill to swallow going into the govern ment, and nothing but a sen.se of (luty could have forced me into it. It is very gratifying to see, liowever, that the public, not only here but in the United States and Britain, have given me full credit for patriotic motives. We have been hard at work in council ever since I last wrote, and have got through a vast amount of detail business. 1 am happy to tell you that all feiir of our compact not being carried out in goo.d faith has pretty well passed from my mind, and I now feel very confident that we will satisfactorily and harmoniously accomplish our great purpose. Tache, Cartiei', and their colleagues, have behaved very well, and show no inclina- tion to swerve from their bargain. Cartier, John A., Ualt and I are deputed to go to Ciiarlottetown for the provincial conference, to be held there on the 10th of September. The seat of government is positively to be removed to Ottawa in October. It will be a great comfort to be within a few hours of Toronto. Toronto, August 15, 1864. I left Quebec by the steamer on Thursday afternoon, and arrived at Montreal at o'clock in the morning ; took the train to Lachine at 7, and spent the day in ascending the Ottawa river. It is a most beautiful river ; I think, considering its size and length, the most picturesque river I have ever seen. Reached Ottawa at 6 o'clock ; went at once to the Parliament buildings, and went all over them. They are really very magnificent, fit for the British, French, and Russian empires, were they all confederated ! A hundred years hence the people will fancy the men of these days were giants in imagination, if not in ability. The architecture is something like the Toronto University, but not the same style. The work is beau- tiful, and seems of the most substantial character. There is one main pile for the legislative departments, and two enormous side-piles for the departmental buildings. The three piles form three sides of a grand square. The whole will cover about twenty-three acres ! The centre is to be laid out in ornamental gi'ounds, fountains, and so forth. The whole stands on a high promontorj' 160 feet above the river, and is seen all around for a great distance, and amid scenery nowhere surpassed except in Quebec, if even there. We were all anxious to remove from Quebec this fall, but it seems to me impossible to have the buildings ready in time. QuKBKC, August 26, 1864. I have a piece of news for you to-day, the day on which we propose sailins for Liverpool ! If all goes well. Gait and I leave by the Persia from New York on Wednesday the 6th October, and I hope to be in Edin- burgh on Monday the 17th. fa were lething bs beau- lain pile for the grand ^ntre is [e whole ^een all iccept in 360 this lime. l864. Ipropose Persia ■n Edin- nOX. UFAtROE BliOWN. 227 Wc have been hard at work with our constitutional (liscussion for two flays, and cverjthiiig goea as \\<11 as wc could posnilily hope for. I do believe wi' will succeed. Tlie discussion f our arrival we had a grand entertain- ment by the citizens, at whicli we all made speeches. The affair went off splendidly, and we made quite a good impression. Next morning we took steamer for Fredericton, the capital of the province, 84 miles from St. John, up the St. John river. This a noble stream, very picturesque ; hills rising on both sides high above it, and gradually sloping down to its level. On our arrival we fi)und the Governor's carriage waiting for Cartier, Gait and myself, he having invited us to be his guests during our stay at Fredericton. He is a son of Lord Aberdeen, who was a few years ago prime minister of Great Britain. Next day we returned to St. John ; the same night took a special train for Shediac, where our steamer was awaiting us. We got safely on board at midnight on Friday, set sail for Quebec, and had a delightful run up the St. Lawrence. Our expedition has been all and more than we could have hoped, Quebec, Sept. 23, 1864. 1 sat down at 9 o'clock to write you a long letter, but before I had made a commenceihent the correspondent of the New York Herald came in to ask some hints on the subject of federation. He consumed an hour and more. While he was still with me in came Mr. Philips Day, a freshly arrived commissioner from the London Herald and Standard — " Mother Gamp " and " Mrs. Harris," as Punch delights to designate them — on the same errand as the New York Herald man. I could not turn them out, so it was 12 l^efore they went, and then came my messenger boy by appoint- ment to take my letters and papers to the post office. Neither were begun. I i"J 4 I' r''^ ! \ i •1-: ir- 228 LIFE AND SPEECHES oF HO I Hot bini to put up a lot of pnpcrH with my Halifax Hpoccli, iiml f a.'ovember. I hope and believe that this will not be necessary ; but I know tliat you would nf)t wish me to imperil all my work, and ruin myself with my political friends throughout the country, by abandoning this great scheme at the very moment when a firm hand was most needful. QrEBEC, Oct. 15, 1864. I have just come from a grand ball given by the Executive Council to the Maritime delegates in the pai'liament buildings. It went olT very w ell ; but I have come to my (juarters weary and worn, and with a shock- ing hcadaohe. We liave had such a week of it. Council from 9 o'clock to U, conference from 11 o'clock to 4 ; council again from 4 o'clock to 6, and sometimes till 7 every day, and then letters and orders in council to Hi>s. (ii:ono liolpeil, and wo must not repine at doing our duty. (.ii'r.iiF/', October '-M, 18(54. Since writing I have rcceivi d a whole b itch of lettern from you, and I am delightnl to hoar that yon are well and enjoying yournidf .so very rnmh, and tliat baby is not only able to Hivy pa-pi. but tit stand up in the corner with iv little help. It is no little ilepri\ .iti'in to lnvve lost all the pleasun; of watching her progres.s to such aii ailv.incid statre of babyhood ; in fact, tho little darling will have euaaed to be a baby i)efore I get over. The conferenco is still sittinr,', and I am sori-y to say then; ia no lif)iie of our rising before the middle ot next week. We have hud |>retty hard work tci settle a nundterof knotty point-i, iind have not done with tiiem yet. We have settled the constitution ol tho fedital executive, tho federal senate, and the federal House of C'oinmons ; we liavo also settled the form of tho local legislature and governments, but we ha\ e yet to determnie the whole of tho money i|U(;Htifms, the school quest mn, and the powers and functions of both general Jind local governments. There is yet plenty to do, and nuito enough to split us up should wo disagree. It is quite possible this m.ay be the result, but wo sliall try to avoid it. The position of matters is such that 1 cmnot leave tho conft rence at this moment, i must stick to the ship until he breakers are passed, and I see no hope of this being accomplished i tinu; to let mo oil' by tho S'y'olia. It ia ijuite pns-.ibie that such a tuuiof affairs may occur as will render it necessary for me to see at once my p:irliamontary friemls before finally asseiitiiiL.' to the new ei'iistitution. It will therefore bo safi^ to say that 1 cannot leave before tin; !(th Xovembcr. I am 'iiore distressed than I can toll you, but it cannot i)C helped ; I must do my duty ia tlio position I have assumed. Xotldn,' could nave my reputation -moro important still, nothing could uvur reot^ro jieacc of mind and self-resi)ect to mo — were this great movement to fail in consei|Ueuee of my absence at the critical moment. T'lie very moment f ilare leave 1 will be otl'. We shall finish this business ui), and retire, at least in the consciousness of liaving tried to ilo our dut\'. Tl.KONTd, Oct. 31. 18()4. We got through our work at i^'uebei; very well. The constitution is not exactly to my mind in all its details; but as a whole, it is wondi^rful — really wonderful. When one thiidvS of all tho tigliting we have had for fifteen ye.irs, and finds the very men who fought us every inch now going far beyond what we asked, 1 am amazed, and sometinus alarmed lest it all goes to pieces yet. We liave yet to pass the orib-al of [jublio opinion in the several provinces, and sad indeed will it be if tin; measure is not adopted by acclamation in them all. Tor Upper Canada, we may well rejoice the day it becomes law. Nearly all our past difficulties are ended by it, whatever new ones may arise. I think 1 wrote you about the entertainments at Quebec —the ball given by the Executive Council, tho drawing room held by the (love:nor-(;eneral, the ball given Ijy the b.aoholors of Quebec, and the endless dinners and feastings in honour of our guests. The same sort of thing ia now to go off in Montreal, Ottawa, ami Toronto. ()n Friday tley go on to the Falls, and iiome bj- New York and IJostoii. rroin t!ie .^ay they left Iionie till m ..m( . .1.5: 230 LIFE AND tiPEECHES OF the day they get back, the whole of the delegates, and the ladies accom- ftauying them, are the guests of Canada. 1 am hard at work preparing or my departure, and thera is much to do. I send you photographs of a number of the members of our conference, I will get the balance of them on Thursday, and send them to you this day week. We must keep them as a memento of the great occasion If we live twenty years, we will prize them much as recalling stirring times— that is, provided the feder- ation goes on. ToKOXTo, Nov. 7, 1864. I am very sorry for all the disa)>pointinent3 you have had from week to week, but indeed it could not be helped, and they will soon end nov/. One week from the day you receive this letter 1 shall la with you, if all is well. I am writing before breakfast on Monday moniing. The mail goes to-d.iy at 11.30, and this is my last day in Toronto. I go to Quebec to- morrow morning ; reach tli< ro on Wednesday ; leave for Montreal on Saturday ; leave Montreal for New York on Monday ; reach New York on Tuesday ; and sail by the Pn:sia on Wednesday. We have had great times in Toronto this week. The delegates arrived on Wednesday night, and only left for Montreal on Saturday. The dcjulif r and ball wont oti splendidly ; I only lookod in at the ball for ten minutes, having urgent business requiring my attention at the olHce that night. I send you a copy of the (ilohc with the speeches at the dtjuilncr. People are making a fuss about my speech, which they say was the best I ever made, but that is stuff This was the first time tliat the confeder- ation scheme was really laid open to tlie public. Xo doubt was right in saying that tiie French Can«lians were restive about the scheme, but the feeling in favour of it is all but unaiumous here, and i think tiiere is a good chauce of carrying it. At any rate, come what may, I can now get out of the atl'air, and out of public life, with honour, for I have had placed on record a scheme that would bring to ;in end all the grievances of which Upper Canada lias so long complained. Quebec, Nov. U, 1864. I left Toronto on Tuesday morning, and got here safely the next morn- ing. Bef(iro k.■ M II "' 238 L/FE AND SPEECHES OF It is mentioned elsewhere that Mr. Brown was, wlien from home, in the constant habit of corresponding daily with his family. As soon 418 his children were able to make them out, they too received letters regularly — many of the earliest beinj^ written as if printed, somewhat similar to those written by Dr. Norman McLeod to his children. A few of these, in which, as in preceding letters, the " pet " names given to the children in their babyhood have been retained, are inserted here. Steamer Scotia, QrEENSTowN, Dec. 15, 1867. Mv D.\KLIN(; Maddh;, — T am dlT on my voyage "over the hea" — away to New York and Toronto ami Bow Park, and will soon see Bronte, and the Bow Park peacocks, and little calves and sheep. Won't that be nice? And I will tell them all about Maddie and baby, and Mena, find how nicely you are all getting on. And after a few weeks papa will be back again to dear mamma, and his own little Maddie and baby. Won't that be nice ? And will Maddie think of p.xpa sometimes while he is gone? and be tilad when he returns? and will she be a good little girl all the while ? — kind and loving to little sister and every- body, and trying hard to do all that dear mamma and /grandmamma tell her? I am sure she will. And papa expects that Maddie will know all her letters, when he gets back, from A to Z. Maddie is getting a big girl now, and ought to know her letters. Good-by, my little darling; give baby ten kisses from papa, and tell her all that is in this letter. YocR Loving Papa. Oak Lodge, Jan. 13, 1868. My Darling Little Maddie, — I have received your two letters of the 19th and 2Gth December, and it was viry kind of you to send them. Papa was greatly delighted to get a letter from his little pet, and is very sorry to be away from mamma and Maddie and baby so long ; but he thinks of them all very often, and wonders what they are doing, and earnestly longs to be with them again. I am glad you enjoyed yourself so much at Christmas, and got such pretty things from the tree. What a good girl my little Maddie should strive to be, when mamma and grandmamma, and the aunties ai'e fill so kind and generous to her. Don't you think so ? and won't you do so ? Yesterday was my little Maddie's birthday. It was Sunday, and papa took dinner all by himself ; but he did not forget whos'i birthday it was, and he drank Maddie's health and many happy returns cf the day to his little pet. If pa|)a had been in Edinburgh he would have made Maddie a nice little present on the occasion, but no doubt dear mamma remembered to do it. Papa gave Maddie's message to Bronte, and Bronte wagged bis tail and seemed very much pleased. Bronte is very lively at present, for there is a little boy at Oak Lodge who plays with him and has great romps with him. Papa has not been at Bow Park yet, but will go soon, and write to hia little Maddie about the peacock and the little lammies and the calvies and the iiiouies ! Good-by, dear wee Maddie ; go straight to baby and give her three kisses from papa, and tell her to be very good, for you mean to love her very much. YocR OWN Papa« Ottawa, March 18, 1875. Mt DiCAB Little Oda, — Many happy returns of the day to you ! that HON. GEOBOE BROWN. J3y .i: I and and is, ot the day this is intended to reach you, the ninth anniversary of your birthday ! 1 am very, very sorry that I cannot get home to-morrow, to be with dear maiiiina and ydu all at the rejoicings, and to find all those sixpences in the big cake tumblnifi; out, for everybody, just as they are wanted ! I tried very hard, indeed, to get off to-night, but was compelled to remain to vote to-tnoirow on an imjiortant (jucBtion. I am very sure you will feel certain that papa would liave come if he possibly could, for he loves his little daughter very dearly. . . Papa would have liked very, very much to have been at home to-morrow. But never mind, Oda dear ; I will be up, if all goes well, on the day after this reaches you ; and wo shall liave sueli a time, shall we not ? You must keep a large piece of the cake for papa. I wished to buy a little present for my Oda oi\ her birthday, but could not accomplisii it this morning ; so 1 enclose a bank bill, with which Oda must buy something for herself from papa. Tell mamma that the senate refused to sit after dinner, as a number of the members wisiied to go to the Governor-lieneral's party, and that 1 had consequently to postpone leaving until Friday night. Good-by, dear Oda. Make Maddie and (iinney kind little speeches from papa, and accompany them with dear little kisses on each cheek from Your Loving Papa. London, Aug. 18, 1875. My Df.ar Little Opa, — I got your two dear letters at the Globe otKce yesterday morning, and M'as deliglitc maker, and to use their usurped authority for tkitir own base purposes. From tliat time we have had the same principle showing itself ia various shapes all over the world, accorrce it down the throats of the others according to the majority of each i'r I I m i^-4 > . ' f t, 244 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF {' n j country went. So truth would be, and we would have the world covered / with different truths, all under authority of the Bible. It is clear that I truth in Canada would be Roman Catholicism. Setting aside the injustice , of forcing men even to pay money for the support of what they deem reli- i gious error, it is most dangerous to admit that the magistrate is to decide I for God — for that is the plain meaning of the establishment principle. Once admit that principle, and no curb can be set upon its operation. Who shall restrict what God has appointed ? And thus the extent to which the conscience of men may be constrained, or persecution for truth's sake carried, depends entirely on the ignorance or enlightenment of the civil . magistrate. There is no safety out of the principle that religion is a matter entirely between man and his God, and that the whole duty of the magistrate is to secure every one in the peaceful observance of it ; anything else loads to oppression and injustice, but this never can lead to either. And here let me say that while we admire Bishop Strachan's new ideas on the voluntary question, and allow him a little reasonable grumbling, for the sake of decency, in swallowing the pill, I cannot agree with his state- ment that the voluntary principle " has never succeeded, in any place or country, in bringing the gospel to every creature, as the national establish- ments of Christian kingdoms and countries have effected." I think it will not be didicult to show that vhe very -oiitrary is the fact. I contend, first, thattlie voluntary principle brings a purer gospel to mankind than national establishments. It matters not whether you /ejjard the connection of church and state under the pomp of prelacy or the less pernicious f;.rm of clerical stipendiarism, the sy^^tem riiises a barrier between the pastor and his people. Clothe any set of men with office and make them independent for life so long as their outward walk is pi "e, however negligent their services, and you will surely make them lazy ; you give them pride where there should be humility ; you undt them for association with the outcasts of social life, you draw them from liigh aims, and fix their hearts on the world. Establishments make religion a matter of party politics — the church becomes the source of endless discord — and, perhaps, more infidels are pro- duced by the exhibition of Christian pastors scrambling for the loaves and fishes, while they are preaching their worthlessness, than from any other cause. The very preaching of an established church is cold and lifeless ; it has a sad lack of that "zeal and unction" of which the Bisliop speaks. But I contend further, that even if state-churchism secured the preach- ing of the gospel as pure as the voluntary principle, it does not supply the necessary labourers as well as the other, and church statistics show this beyond a doubt. In England, Noel states there are connected with the establishment 16,010 ckrgymen ; but of these "247 are heads of colleges, and 3,087 "do nothing ;" so that the actual number of working p"", and I find that for home and foreign missions, for widows and orphans, and tor theological students, the whole contributions of tlie 197,000 epis- copalians was in that year but £3,693 10s. 7d. — just three i)('iic(j one fart'.ing for each of them. The Wesleyan Methodist Churcli, on the other hand, with 90,000 people, maintaining as she es ; but I would enforce on all a stringent law of mortmain. I must apologise for detaining the audience so long ; but I cannot conclude without urging on every one who hears me the deep importance of all these questions on the future well-being of our country. Tliere is no ground for us to take but that of a resolute dpormination to uproot the whole fabric — to leave not a vestige of it in existence. A long and a fierce contest, I grieve to think, is yet before us ; our opponents are rousing themselves with fresh vigour to the struggle ; and if we are to succeed, it must be by united and energetic action. Let us vow that we never shall give up the battle until victory has been fully accomplished, and let us keep ever before us as the goal we must reach — no reserves ! no rectories ! no sectarian education ! no ec-.lesiastical corporations ! no sectarian money grants ! no sectarian preferences whatever ! 1 m yi\\ , (I \m ■ I I; ' t ^11 ii '■'1 -'i \ rA- li f- I I'M:!': u 262 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF ANTI-SLAVERY DEMONSTRATION. The following speech was delivered in Toronto at the annual meeting of the Anti-Slavery Association, on tlie 24th of March, 1852, on which occasion Mr. Brown moved the following resolution : " That while we would gratefully record our thanks to those clergymen and others in the United States who have so nobly exposed the atrocities of the Fugitive Slave Law, we deplore the indifference of some and the unrighteous approbation of others, whose duty it is to vindicate the gospel of Christ from the aspersions of those wlio represent it as a shield for cruelty and injustice." The subject of slavery at that time caused no little excitenient in Canada on account of its hideous features being constantly brought before the public by the poor fugi- tives, and the necessity which existed for aiding them when they reached the free soil of Canada, and also in defending them in the courts when bogus criminal charges were brought against them to procure their extradition. Mr. Brown said : I recollect when I was a very young man, I used to think tliat if I had ever to speak before such an audience as this, I would clioose African slavery as my theme, in preference to any other topic. The subject seemed to afford the widest scope for rhetoric, and for fervid appeals to the best of human sympathies. These thoughts arose far from here, while slavery was a tiling at a distance, while the horrors of the system were unrealized, while the mind received it as a tale and discussed it as a prin- ciple. But when you have mingled with the thing itself ; when you have encountered the atrocities of the system ; when you have seen thi"ee millions of human beings held as chattels by their Christian countrymen ; when you have seen the free institutions, the free press, and the free pulpit of America linked in the unrighteous task of upholding the traffic ; when you have realized the manacle, and the lash, and the slot-hound, you think no more of rhetoric; the mind stands appalled at the monstrous iniquity ; mere words lose their meaning ; and facts, cold facts, are felt to be the only fit argu- ments. In regard to the resolution I have read, this is especially the case. I am to speak of the Fugitive Slave Bill of 1851, and if we search the statute books of the world, I know not where we shall find its parallel. Every one knows how this bill came into existence. The slaves of the south were daily escaping into the northern states, and once there, they were almost beyond reach of their masters. True, there Wtas a law usually constructed to enable the slave-holder to recover his property in any part of the union ; but it had to be effected by due process of law, and public feeling in tht HON. GEORGE BROWN. 253 ■That north was rapidly becoming sensitive to the degradation of permitting the slave-catcher to drag men into life bondage from the farms of the north. . A party had also arisen calling themselves free-soilers, who took up the \ position that the slave-holders had no right to follow the refugee into the . free states, that the moment a slave put his foot on the free north, hia i shackles fell from his limbs. They said to tlie south, we respect your state rights, but you must respect ours ; you may keep slavery on your own \ grounds, but you must not bring it here. It was a bold movement and a noble one, and had it been firmly carried out throughout the northern states, slavery would soon have fallen before it. But the south was aroused ; the "peculiar institution " was in danger, the cotton interest in the north was alarmed ; new and more stringent laws for the protection of the slave-owner and in aid of the slave-catcher were demanded from congi'ess, under the penalty of a disruption of the union. Northern merchants quailed before the ire of the south, dmnjh- face politicians trembled for their party filliances, aspirants for the presi- dency pandered for southern votes ; and tlie Fugitive Slave Hill was passed as a "compromise measure," to the lasting disgrace of republican America. Let me recite the provisions of this infamous enactment. In the first place, it enabled the slave-holder or his agent to seize his " chattel " wher- ever he found him, wif/iout any warrant. You cannot arrest a criminal of the depest dye without a warrant, but a man who is guilty of no crime but his colour can be seized at any moment without any form of law. In the next place, tliis law forbids tho freeman of the north from showing ciiarity to the refugee. Any one knowingly aiding a fugitive slave is .subjected to a fine of $1,000 and six months' imprisonment in the common gaol, and to a civil suit for damages of 81,000. Wiiat a mockery of liberty ! Punish a man as a criminal, in the American republic, because he sympatiiizes with the bondsman and helps him to be free ! Another remarkable feature of this bill is, that the carrying out of its provisions was taken from tlie state authority and handed over to the federal officers. The slave-holders felt that their only safety was in plac- ing the trust in the hands of men looking to Washington for their orders. The United States marshals were made the chief man-catchers of their respective districts— the United States commissioners the judges in all cases arising under the bill. And these functionaries are bound by the severest penalties to carry out the law. The marshal is made personally responsible in the sum of $1,000 for the escape of any slave committed to his care, however efficiently he may have acteil. In all other cases, civil or criminal, sheriffs and other public officers are only held responsible for their fidelity and diligence ; it was left for the Fugitive Bill to punish a man for that which he did not do and could not avert. Then, agiin, the bill compels the fiee northerners to turn out at the bidding of any southern miscreant who claims a coloured person for his property, and to aid in hunting him down like a beast of prey, and send 1-^ A\ 254 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF him back to bondage. Let not northerners speak of their free states after this : they have no free states. Theirs is the most degrading of alavery. Professing to abjure the atrocious system, for tlie sake of their dollars they permit the south to put its insulting foot upon their necks, they allow their free homesteads to be made the hunting ground of the man- Btealer. The bold villainy of the south is not half so revolting as the despicable subserviency of the north. But another provision of the Fugi- tive Bill is, that it suspends the habeas corpus, not towards all fugitives, but in regard to all men claimed as fugitives, be they bond or free, and it forbids them the right of trial by jury. Certain commissioners are named the judges, and they must decide "summarily." In a suit of ten dollars, one must have due notice and time to prepare for trial, and may demand the decision of twelve impartial jurors, but a man in the model republic ia Bent into life bondage by the summary Hat of one individual, and he too chosen under the full influence of the slave power, and holding his emolu- ments under its favour. Let it be well understood that the boasted institutions of the United States demand the greatest care and ceremony about the ownership of a horse or cow, but make the fate of a human being a matter of " sum- mary " decision ; that there is far moi'e difficulty in sending a hog to its sty than in tearing a man, unsuspected of crime, from the home of his children and making him a slave for life. But even a worse feature of the bill is, that the witnesses are not required to be put into the witness-box in open court and crosts-examined, so that perjury may be discovered ; this would be necessary in the pettiest suit for dollars, but for the enslav- ing of a man the proceedings may he held in the privacy of a commission- er's room, and tlie issue may be decided on paper affidavits, taken ex parte, tliousands of miles away. Nay, more than this, not content with securing every facility for catching the poor stricken fugitive ; not content with selecting the most sure tools to ciirry out the law ; not content with Betting aside every legal and constitutional protection for individual riglits, this infamous bill absolutely provides, as far as tlie law can provide, for a decision favourable to the man-catcher. The southerners knew the weak point of the north, and they appealed to it; they knew the chiss of men who were to be the commissioners, and they provided that wlieu one of these functionaries decided for the slave he should get a fee of $.5, l)ut when he decided for the slave-holder he should have $10. Could legislation be more infamous than this ! And the best of all is, that the expenses of the slave-catching operation come from the public treasury. In the recovery of things — ay, even in the defence of personal rights secured by law — the suitor must pay the costs ; but the model republic stands so firmly for human bondage that for it there is an exception, and the slave-holder's victim may be taken to his place of torture at the public cost. Free northerners are made man-catcliers, northern laws are suspended, northern judges are bribed to convict at five dollars a man, northern marshals are made slave-gaolers, northern constables carry home the victim, and northern taxation pay^ the cost of the process. Tell rne HON. OEORGE BROWN. ififi H no more of your free nortlieni states. Did tlie true spirit of liberty exist an enactment such as this would he laughed to scorn, and an attempt to carry it out rouse a feeliiig at the north wliich would shake the founda- tions of the "peculiar institution." No, the full guilt of the law rests upon the north. In the House of Representatives, which adopted it, '■hrre were 141 northern niemhers and only 91 from the south. There was a sufficient number of absentees, of skulking voters on the tinal division to have upset the bill. And the assent of the first branch of the legislature was given to it by a northern president, by a citizen of Biifl'alo. But let me speak of tlio fruits of the bill. Scarcely had it passed when the soutli was awake ; atlidavits were duly prepared, and the inan-thiof on the track of the fugitive. Advertisements for runaways were widely published. Let mu read you a sample. [Mr. Brown here read an advertise- ment entitled, " Catch the minister ! .?'2.jO for any one wlio will catch a Methodist preacher I" and which went on to describe the party in the most minute manner.] And it was not long ere a victim was found. A coloured man named Handet, who had resided in New York for three years, a mem- ber of the Methodist ciiurcii, iiaving a wife and family, sober, industrious, and faitliful to his employers, was seized on the atlidavit of a Mrs. Brown, of Baltimore, that lie was her property. This woman was not able to write, but signed her mark. She could not of course know of her own knowledge what tlie M'riting contained whicli she signed ; but yet, on that affidavit, with tlie additional evidence of her son and son-in-law — who, it is believed, were the only parties to be benefited by tlie result — Hamlet was torn from his family and sent into slavery. He was the lirst victim, and the north was not yet accustomed to its fetters, so the price of tiie chattel was subscribed. Mrs. Brown got her eight hundred dollars, and Handet came back a man. Very soon after tliis a coloured person named Adam ( iibson was arrested in Philadelphia as tlie slave Kiiiery Kice. Tlie New York Comnwrcial Advertincr, a pro-slavery paper, tells us that the case came before Commis- sioner Ingrahaia ; that the prisoner's counsel demanded time to obtain witnesses to prove that Giljson was a free man, but that Ingraham "re- fused the application, and ordered a summary hearing." Tlio case pro- ceeded, and one Price was called as a witness. The Ai/roi/sir tells us lie swore he knew the prisoner to be Rice " by his familiar looks," but that he only inferred him to be Knight's slave because he rode Mr. Knight's horse, and had seen him work for him. Mr. Coiiiiiii.-'.sioiier Ingrahaiii ruled that when a coloured person worked for a slave-holder in Marylaiul the presumption was that he was a slave — though the witness admitted that many free coloured men were thus employed. Price admitted also that he himself was bound over from the sessions on a charge of kidnapping ; and this man was the only witness who idmtitied the prisoner. An hour's delay was asked, but refused by Mr. Commissioner Ingraham, although informed that the prisoner had been kept in ignorance of the real cause of his arrest until he appeared in court. Here was a scene ! Two witnesses, ,k '4 it ) ' H 256 LIFE AND SPEECHES UF coloured, were however obtained— men of good clmracter — who testified respectively tliat tlie prisoner's name wns Adam (lihson, and that he was formerly a slave of a Dr. Davis, who liberated all liis slaves by his will. The commissioner, nevertheless, had "no doubt of the identity of tlie prisoner with Kmery Rice," and ordered him to be returned to Mr. Knight. Tiiis was in a free statu of the American union, in tlie land of William F'enn, in the city of Brotherly Love ! A human being condemned into slavery for life, on tlie oatii of a professional man-stcaler that lie had once seen him on Mr. Knight's horse ! Heboid a republican spectacle of tiiu year 1851. Well, wliat was t)ie^>/«/>' of this transaction? Ingraham got ids ten dollars, the lumxe conntatuit was called out to enforce tlic law, northern men took the victim to the claimant, and presented him as his chattel ; but the slave-dealer had not villainy enough to receive iiim. Ho acknow- ledged tliat they had brought the wrong man— that Mr. Connnissioner Ingraham's victim wa« not Emery Rice. Wiiat a picture was this ! Nortiiern justice prostituted, a judge of a free state, a northern marslial, the free citizens of Pennsylvania, all crouching before southern despotism, rolling in the mire of tiieir own debasement, urging the slave-holder to take a victim, and the dealer in iiuman Hesli shrinking from the judicial awaril ! After this came the case of Henry Long, in tiie city of New York. He was brought before a sham commissioner, and kept before him until arrested under a valid authority ; he was tried and comlemned, and sent to Virginia — and he was sold tiiere with tiie special condition that northern benevo- lence should never reach him, that he was never to be transferred to a northern owner. Rapidly after this came a scene of blood in tiie state of Pennsylvania. The Philadelphia Bidlitin tells us tiiat " deputy mai\shal Hatzel, constable Agen, and four or five other men, proceeded to Chester county to hunt up a chattel. They arrived at the house where the fugitive was supposed to be secreted, and knocked at the door. A coloured woman opened the window to know their business, wlien she was informed tiiat they had broken the traces of their waggon and wished a light to mend them. She came down stairs and admitted the party in waiting. They thus effected an entrance, and were proceeding up stairs, when they were met by two coloured men and two coloured women. The women and one of the men were armed with axes, and the other had a gun. The marshal told them that they were in search of a fugitive slave : but they refused to let him or any of his men enter the room. The gun was taken from the man, and the party endeavoured to disarm the man with the axe. A pistol W.1S tired at iiim, the ball of which must have entered hi.s breast, but he still maintained his resistance. The fight continued until the southern gentleman (so says the Bulk-tin) who was with the party advise 1 the marshal to witlidraw, remarking that he would not have one of them killed for all the negroes in Pennsylvania. The party retired, firing several ahots as they went, and more than one coloured person is supposed to have been shot. One was seen to fall as the officers were leaving. None of the marshal's party were injured." Here was a spectacle in Christian America! ^"1 HON. UEOROK liliOWN. 'J57 Northern otRoials acting an Hlot-liouiids on the track of human Ixnngs chargeil with no crime! — (U'coying the poor victims from their lair by ap- peals to their henevolence ! - shooting them down like beasts of prey l)e('ftUHc they loved liberty ! And mark tiie cowardice of the transaction. A posse of seven men and a southern iiiiilhuuin, all armed to the teeth, driven o(V by two women anil a man witii axes and anotiier man disarmed. Show me n tyrant, and I will liiid you a coward. They had not the courage to go fonvard, they turned and ran from the jioor slavt^s ; l^ut when beyond tlio reach of the a.\e, they tired their guns at the victors w ith the full intent of jnurder. After this we had the case of tlie Crafts, who are now happily in a huul where no slave can live. They were closely hunted iu the city of Boston, but they escaped to England. Then came the case of Shadrach, who was seized and brought before a Massachusett's judge ; but, sonu^iiow or other, tiiere arose an excitement in the court-room, the marslial was jostled ami thtj constables hemmed in, the law was trampled under foot, but the cliattel escaped, and is now a free man in free Canada. Shortly after came the famous Sims ease, also in the city of IJoston ; but let us admit that the state of Mass.achusetts is a redeeming feature in the whole case ; there are true men there yet ; the blood of their ancestors yet ■. beats in tiieir veins. Wiien Sims was arrested, Boston was i-oused to [ excitement ; the court-house was surrounded with tiironging thousands, and to preserve the sanctity of tiie law, an iron chain had to be carried round the court-house, and a large police force ranged within it to keep oil' 1 the mob. When the judges entered their c(uirt tliey liad to croucli under '■ tlie iron chain ! Of old the conciuered had to i)ass under the yoke as an i admittal of their conquest ; and was it not a litting cml)lem of northern i servitude to their southern masters, tiiat tiic judges of Stiyf England had to pass under an iron chain ere tliey could ascend the bench ! Sim.s was convicted of being a chattel, and he was ordered to be sent back to Georgia. Boston men did the deed ; a Boston marslud caught the victim ; a Boston judge condemned him ; Boston men were his gaolers and carried him into slavery. What a picture of degradation ! [Mr. Brown detailed other cases which arose under the operation of the Fugitive Law, and proceeded] — Had these occurred in Algiers, or among the savage tribes of Africa, the whole world would have been roused to indignation, but as they are daily occurrences in Christian America, in the free northern states of America, in the land of Sabbaths and churciies, and schools, and missionary societies, no man must ope his mouth to its iniquity. Where iu the wide world could such transactions as these be openly practised but in this boasted land of liberty ? [A Voice : In Hun- gary !] In Hungary, does the gentleman say? I thank him for the allusion. To their eternal disgrace, the Austrians flogged women in Hungary, but they brought down on their heads the denunciations of the whole civilized world. And what comparison is there between the cases ? Despot Austria flogs a 17 \ ii'^ \i ■\m ■ftp •'4;;; Hi m^ 258 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF woman, but free America sella iier into life Ijondage under all the penalties to which ivoman can be subj';ct. Many a noble woman would submit to bo floggod as a martyr to the cause of lilierty, but what true woman would dare to live under all the unspeakable atrocities of American slavery ? I have said tliat there are true men, noble spirits in the northern states wJio did not witnesi these things uninoved : but that the full guilt of he inicjuity rests oa the north, no man can doulit. When a feeling of resistanct; to x\\z rugitive Bill began to show itself, who were the men most forwa) 1 to crush it ? Nortliern mercliants, northern editors, northern politicians — ay, northern ministers of Ciirist. The cry of the " L'nion in danger" was got up ; the American constitution was openly declared to have higher claims to obedience than (Jod's moral law, and popular meet- ings were held tiiroughout the union to iiron((unce in favour of the fugitive atrocity, A mass meeting was held in the 'uty of New York, and the great Daniel Webster, the " God-like Daniel," as lui was once styled, was brought there for the occasion. In his speech to the New Yorkers Mr. 'A'ebstcr, while consulering the cry for the rejjeal of the Fugitive Bill, tohl iiein the President "considered the settlement as linal," and he would ' carry it into effect." Mr. Webster continued thus: "This is the sub- ject, gentlemen, on which the moral sense of the country ouglit to receive tone and tension. There ought to be a stem rebuke by pu))lic opinion, of all wlio would leopen this agitating (picstion — who would break this truce, as they call it — who would arm again and renew the war. " The Kew York papers tell us this was received by the audience with "applause and cheers." Think of northern men applauding when told that that is a " final settlement" which makes them the slave-catchers of tlie " southern chivalry." It is often said that slavery cannot be so bad a thing, for that slaves who have escaped are glad to get back to bondage. If such cases do ever occur, it presents one of the most startling features of the vile system, that it actually degrades men so low that tiiey know not the difference between shivery and freedom. But these New York people bring us new testimony to the demoralizing influenco of slavery ; they siiow that it blunts all the nobler feelings in those who are but indirectly connected witli it ; that men born and reared in the free north can rejoice to pass under the yoke of the south, and give " loud cheers " when thej' are told by the man who subjugated them that their degradation is to lie perpetual. But tiie gr>u;t guilt of slavery lies at tlie door of American churches. Truly did Albert Barnes say : " Tliere is no power out of the church that could sustain slavery ouo hour if it were not sustained in it." But nearly all the churches of the uuio'i are steeped in its iniquities ; ministers, otficc-bearcrs and people an' alike its upholders. In every shape you can find it, from the smooth-tongued parson who preaches that slavery is " not a sin /-)(-/• Nf," down to tiie bold denunciator of the " fanatic abo]itio;iist," with stipend paid him from the toil of the poor slave. How can the state of the American church be better described than by the fact tliat I'r. Spring, an eminent light of the I'resbyterian church, and minister of a large congregation in New York, publicly made this declaration : ' if ijy - r. r of a If i)V not oiler it." | lieal northern * HOy. GEORGE BROWIT. one prayer I coukl free every slas-e in the worl 1, I couM Laboured arguments are constantly coming frcni evangeli pulpits palliating the system — nice criticisms on ( od's law in regard to it ; but for my part, I cannot listen to such argument ) ; I sweep aside all such theological humbug, and find a solution of the whole question in tlie grand Christian rule, "Do unto others as you would be done unto." It is much to be regretted tliat Christian men in (ireat Britain are so slow to comprehend the position of the American church on this tjuestion — that witli it rests the fate of the tratllc. It is said that Methodist church ministers and members hold 21!), ")().'? slaves; ; Presbyterians, 77,000; Baptists, 125,000 ; Campbellites, 101,000; Epi8co]palians, 88,000; and other denominations, .^O/WO; total slaves held by jirofessiuir Cliristians, f)t)0,.'>()3. Let tiiese churches declare slavery a 1 einous sin in the sight of God ; let them compel the man-stealer to choose between God and mam- mon, and how long would slavery exist? An 1 yet we find such tine- weather auti-slav(!'-y men as the Rev, ilr, Chiokering — men who make smooth, cautious speeches andi^o nothing — passing in Kiigland as thorough abolitionists, ai.U eulogized as such by editors tvho should know better, Mr. Roaf has alluded to the case of Mr, Cliickeriiig and the Britl-th /Jiinni^r, and all true friends of the slave must regret to see the course that excel- lent paper has taken in the matter. There never was a cause in wiiich the position, "He that is not for us is against us," was so imperative as in that of abolition. Not to move is more fatal than to move backw;irds — it is the sleep of death to the slave, Mr, Chickering is one of those hidden abolitionists, whose lights burn brightly in England, but who cannot face the task of keeping them alive under the penalties to be i jurred on tliis side the Atlantic, How diti'erent the man whom the Baniur has ventured to attack so severely ! Did the editor at all understand the case, he would take tlie Mord of Mr. Lewis Tappan on any ([uestiou of abolition before a thousand Mr. Chickeriiigs. Tlie names of Arthur and Lewis Tappan will be enrolled as Christian patriots in the annals of their country ; and when all the Chickeriiigs have gone do-- .i to the dus^, and been forgo' ten, the Ta))paus will be remembered with entiiusiasm as amongst the n./Olest and most self-denying of the pioneers of abolition, Mr. Chickering has ven- tured to say there are no black pews in the Araericau churches— A Voice : He says he never saw any Mr. Bi:own : Ah ! yes ; he never faiw any— that was the word. If so, I venture to say he is the only church-going man in the States who can make the same declaration. For my part, I have seen them often. The first time I ever entereil an American church was in the city of New York — a rresbyterian church. A friend who was with me went into one pew and I entereU another. Immediately I noticed several persons staring at him in a particular manner, and at last a gentleman rose, went to one of the ollice-bcariT.s, whispered, and pointed to my friend. The second gentleman left his pew, went to my friend, and most politely con- ducted him to another seat. Both of us attributed the cireunistaTice a <.'\ ' ! 1 n I i )^ I' > IS' f i -t. tr,f .il' nm 260 L/i?'^? AND SPEECHES OF first to courtesy, but we soon learnt that we had got into the l , 4iick p ew, in which no white man should he degraded to worsliip his Maker. The thing is too common to be denied ; also at the sacramental table the black Christian must sit apart from his wl. te brother wonn. I must apologize for detaining the audience so long, but one word more, and 1 have done. The question is often put. What have we in Canada to do with American slavery ? We have everything to do with it. It is a question of humanity, and no man has a right to refuse his aid, whatever it may be, in amelioratiiiu; the woes of his fellow-men. It is a question of Christianity ; and no Christian can have a pure conscience who hesitates to lift his voice against a system which, under the .sanction of a Christian altar, sets at defiance every principle of Christianity. We have to do with it on the score of self-protection. Tlie K-prosy of the atrocious system affects all around it ; it leavens the thoughts, the feel- ings, the institutions of the people who touch it. It is a barrier to the spread of liberal principles. Who can talk gravely of liberty and equality in the States while slavery exists ? Kvery iiitelligent American wlio pro- fesses to be a Christian, and upholds slavery, is committed to a glaring infidelity, which must lead him continually astray in trying to S(iuare with it hi.^ every-day conduct. We are alongside of this great evil ; our people mingle with it; we are affected by it now, and every day enhances the evil. In self -protection, then, we are bound to use every effort for its abolition, that our people may not be contaminated by its M'ithering and debasing influences. And there is another reason why we have to do »vith slavery. We are in the habit of calling the people of the United States " ihe Americans ;" but we too are Americans ; on us, as well as on them, lies the duty of preserving the honour of tlie continent. On us, as on them, rests the noble trust of shielding free institutions from the reproach of modern tyrants. Who that looks at Eui'ope given over to the despots, and with but one little island yet left to uphold the fiag of freedom, can reflect without emotion that the great republic of this continent nurtures a despotism more base than tliem all. How crushing.y the ir holders of tyranny in other lands must turn on the friends of liberty ! " liehold your free institutions," they must .say. "Look at the American republic, pro- claiming all men to be born free and equal, and keeping nearly four millions of slaves in the most cruel bondage I" The people of Canada are truly free ; we have no slaves ; all men are alike in the eye )f justice. Long may it be so ; and it is our duty to raise our voices as freii men against a system which brings so foul a i)lot on the cause of popular liberty. Our neighbours are wont to boast that monarchy will be swept from this continent ; let our effort be that slavery shall be driven from it, that tyranny shall not find a foot-hold. But how shall we pr'^ieed — what shall we do ? .Speak against it ; write against it ; agitate against it ; when you get hold of a Yankee, drive it home to him ; tell him his country is disgraced ; wound his pride ; tell him his pure iustitntions are a grand sham ; send him home thoroughly ashamed of the 11 »fW»i| ii>||i m ii n' i w i u I HON. GEORGE BBOWN. 2G1 are aise the rchy 11 be hall it; m ; pure the black blot on his country's escutcheon. lu steamboat, or railroad, or wherever you are, hunt up a Yankee and speak to him faithfully ; there is no other man so sensitive as to what others think of him. You will tiud ;:trans;e arguments to meet, but every man of them will be "a.4 much op- posci/ to Kltirenj in tfic uhMract an you. " It's a great evil, they will say ; but what's to be done with it ? Tell them that slavery is not an evil but a sin, a breach of ovury cominandiiient in the decalogue, and that there is no choice but iinn ediato emancipation. Tell them there was once a tea tax attempted to le imposed on them, and there wa.s no word of "what's to be done" then ; they flung the tea into Bo.. ioa harbour, and they must send slavery after it. They'll say with the deepest sympathy that " tiie poor creatures could not take care of themselves, "' but you can tell them that we have thirty thousand of them i.i Canada ; tl.at they all seem to get along, and that the men whom the colonizations wish to make mission- aries to the heathen may be salely left to find for themselves food and clothing. Tliey will presently get angry, and assert that but for the vio- lence of the abolitionists slavery would have been done away with long ago ; but you can tell them that the cry of every despot since the world began has been : " Oh, these pests, that turn the world upsiiie down!'' and it is a wretched argument from a free American. Then they will come down on you with their grand reserve : " Don't j'ou liritishers talk of slavery ; you have plenty slaves in Great Britain and Ireland, a thousand times worse off than the negroes of America !" Alas ! that the sufferings cf our country- men should be a cause of reproach, but it is tlie misfortune of Britain far more tlian her crime. But go to the veriest den of pauper misery in JOughuid — go to the bleakest of Scotland's wild rocks — go to the most barren wilderness of Ireland — and ask the famished native, if you can find him, to exchange liis starving liberty for well-fed sla\ ery, and oliserve his answer. He will resent your offer with indignation, and tell you that you may feed him, but so you do your horses, and they are horses still ; and that liberty to a Briton, poor and hunyry thou;5h he be, is liberty still. m m ■ m. m 262 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF REPRESENTATION BY POPULATION. Tliis condensed speech, delivered dnrinf? the session of 1857, on the question of representation liy population, is selected for publica- tion cliiefly because the case is clearly \>\\\. on its merits, without any a'bnixture of other current political toi)ic!s ; and partly because it fairly rejiresents the line of argument invariably adopted by Mr. Brown on what was then the baraing pijlitical (question in Upper Canada. Mil m if '«?:' (!■''■ ' ! ' • J'.;.'t ; . Mr, Browx said : At the risk of bringing down on myself the denun- ciations of the Trovincial iSecretary, I am about to present to the House another " alistract principle." I am (juite sure that if tlie hon. j:;entlemen of the treasurv benches, with regard to the resolution I have just liad tlie honour of submitting, weru under the necessity of yielding to the proposi- tion it ciiuiiciated, there is muoli stronger reason why they should agree to the principle of this. 1 think that the resolution I am about to place in the Speaker's hands will be acknowledged by every member of this Hou^e to be sound in j)rincip!e. They will ?ay tliat they approve of it in the abstract, but thoy do not approve of it when brought into practical operation. Tliis is the main di'iiculty we encounter in bringing forward this subject, that we are not met fairly by hon. members. They will not say it is wrong abstractly that all persons in the province, whether in Upper or Lower Canada, should be placed on the same level with respect to representation and political rights, but they raise objections to the carrying out of the principle which are far from being just or tenable. The first objection is that when, at the time of the union, Upper and Lower Canada were brought together, it vas arranged that the two sections should have equal representation in the House of Assembly. But I apprehend that in framing that p ovisiou of the Union Act, it was not intended to be for all time. 1 apprehend that the whole extent of the meaning was, tiat that arrangement should prevail until the people of Canada desired .o chanf;e it. It is absurd to say th.it a time wiis never to come when a change should be made. No one can say that because the people of Canada at one time formed two separate countries, having now been brought together, they are never to bee me one, and that the same institutions are not to b. applied to the whole country. It must be .i mere question of time. Supposiuc that eitht-r section should ever come to have three or four times the population of the other, the most extreme partisan could not assert tliat it would be just to continue allowing the same repre- sentation to each. No one would venture to saj' so for a moment. If, thou, J>3 -,! HOX. GEORGE BRoWX. 263 and two ]Jut s not the le of er to thfc now aine iiere nave risau ipre- heu, it is a mere question of time, I am pnpared to meet hon, gentlemen oppo- site on tliat ground, and to say that that time lias now arrived, Hon. gentlemen say that at the time of the union Lower Canada had a much larger population than I'pper Canada, that a change the otlier way has only recently taken place, and that it is exceedingly sharp for Upper Canada, so soon as she has a preponderance of population, to ask for a change in the representation. They sa)' that for years, with an inferior population, we enjoyed the Tienefits of f(|ual representation, and tiiat the moment tlie system works against us, we turn I'dund and demand a change. I am prepared to show that that argument is not a sound one. Though it is true that Lower Canada at the time of the union had a population greater than that of Upper Canada by 170,000, that has t.een much more than made up since. And if Lower Canada suffered for a number of years by the arrangement, Upper Canada has sufl'ered by it a greater nun-.ber of years, since the change in the pj'oportions of the respective [jopulations of the two sections. But tlie following were the numbers in each year when the cen- sus was taken, in Lower Canada, in IS.'^fi, the population was ."i7-,8"J7 ; in 1S44, (J!)0,7S-' ; in 1S4S, 770,000; in I8.')2, 890,2()-_\ In Upper Canada, in LS42, the population was 4S(;,or)r) ; in 1S48, 72;i,2!»2 : in ISo."), !»:)2,002. From a comparison of these figures, it will be seen that Lower Canada douldes her population once in twenty-five years, while in Upper Canada it doubles once in ten years. Mi;. Loran'cek : By emigration. Ml!. Brown : No doubt emigration helps, but whatever be the cause, the fact is as I have stated it. ^^'e have had no census since .ianuary, lSr)2. Upwards of five years have elapsed since that period, Init if we suppose that th(! population in each sectitm has progressed in the same ratio of increase since 18.")2 as previously, the figures will now stand thus. The population will be in Lower Canada, 1,0()S,S14: in Upper C'anaila, 1,42S,00(); showing a preponderance in favour of Upper Canada of 2.")!t,792 — that is, if the ratio of increase during the last five years has been the same as during the previous years. Hun. Mk. Cartikr : In the same way as Toronto was suprosed to have 60,000 inhabitants. Mr. Brown : This is no fanciful calculation, like that which assigned Toronto a population of (i'0,000. At the census of 18r)2 the population ot Toronto was 30,750. If it had last ye ir been (iO.OOO, that would have indicated an increase of 2r)0 per cent, in ten years. But I stated that the population of Upper Canada doubled in ten years, which in four years would give Toronto an addition of about 12,000 inhabitants, as the census show-: to be under the actual fact. I believe, however, that at tiiis time Toronto has a population of ^(t.OOO, or aljuut S,000 move than I give it by this calculation. But bou. gentlemen will perhaps say, the ratio of increase in Upper Canada may have been very great in those previous years, but it may not have been so great in the last five years. I apprehend that is an altogether unsound position. We have redson to believe that the ratio of 264 LIFE AS!) SPEECHES OF increase has been greater. I.aruf tracts of the country have been rapidly filled up, and in almost every part of l^ppfr Canada there has been a great incriaso by .inniigratioii and otlierwise. i!ut let us .suppo.se that the ratio of increase has not l>etn so great. liCt us suppose that we have obtained not more than the actual numbers of the increase the ji'-cvions years. iMen on that supposition wo are ahead of Lower Canada to the extent of more than 2()(),()(t0. Let \is take the actual nutubers of increase in any one year, say between l!S4.Sand J84!t, orl-etween IS-Mland KSfjO, and apply those to the five years which have elapsed since a census was taken, and we will find that the popuhtion of L'pper Canada exceeds that of Lower Canada by "ver 'J(.K),OnO souls, liut I apprehend the other mode of calculation was the true way to arrive at the cot roct result. And there is anotlier view s\hich may be taken. At the time of the union tlie population of Lower Canada was 17."),'23!) greater than that of Upjcr Canada. In 1(S49 the prepondnrauce of population turned to be in favour of Tpper Canada, so that if Lower Canada h.id the disadvantage for seven years, L'pper (.'anada has already had the disadvantage for eight years. And Lower Canada had a disadvantage at worst measured by 17o,000, while ours is measured by .'ir)9,(J0o. F)Ut still further. Suppose we carried this resolu- tion, aiul a bill founded on it were put in operation as rapidly as possible, other two years must elapse before the e(|uit.iblc system could be intro- duced, and in the meantime the population of Upper Canada will have grown to be half a million greater than that of Lower Canada. 1 appre- hend, tberefoie, that as regards jjopulation the argument is us clear ;:s it possibly can be, th.it it is uiost unjust to the people of Upper Canada that they .-should be allowed no gi eater representation than the people of Lower Canada. And I do think that, if ever this country is to occupy tlie position it ought to hold asaunited .nid homogeneous people, the first step towards obtaining that end is to place the whole people on a like level in the eye of the law. ^Ve cannot hope to obtain harmouy and good feeling among tiie peo]de of t -> whole country urtil we in Upper Canada ieel that we enjoy the same i i iviloges as are posses.sed l)y otlier pirtion.-s of the community. Tliere is another argument ecjually strikini? with that ili rived from numbers. I allude to tlie financial argument. While we %vfi looked upon as two peoples, in respect to the equal division of power betwee'u us, it is not so with the money we contribute. The people of Upper Canada are not rcipiired to put the same amount exactly into the public coifers as the people of Lower Canada. Their contributions to the public revenu<' are enormously greater. I have not had time to go over th- public accounts recently brought dow. with this view, but have prepare-; an analysis of those of the previous year, which will fully bear out wtuit I have stated. The total sum contributed to the customs revenue in IrCWJ was :t813,8liJ lis. 3d. Of this there were collected at the ports of L'pper Canada .^44(5, 968 15s. 7d.; .lud at those of Lower Canada ,t';366,850 los. 8d. — nearly .£100,000 less. It is quite clear that all the goods entered at Upper Canada ports were for the consumption of L^pper (.anada ; no goods are entered here and sent down for consump+'ion below. But it is not so with regard to the 'Ill HON. GEOliGE BROWN. J65 goods entered at the ports of Lower Canada. A large part of tlie duties collected in Lower Canada is paid by the people of Upper Canada. A great mnny of our merchants enter their imports at Lower Cau-vda custom houses. And in addition to that, a large number of our merchants all over Upper Canada obtain their goods from below. There are large sections of Upper Canada which arc entu'ely supplied from Quebec and Montreal. A very large portion, then, of the goods on which duties are paid at Montreal and Quebec are for Upper Canada. I have taken considcral)le pj.ins, by inquiries of leading wholesale houses in Montreal to discover what propor- tion of their goods comes to Upper Canada, and have concluded that they send us two-thirds, if not three-fourths, of their whole sales. The whole of the Ottawa district, the Prcscott district, tin; Kingston di.strict — the whole of Upper Canada, in fact, as far as Cobourg— is almost entirely sup- plied from Montreal and (.hiebec. And all over Upper Canada, as far west as Hamilton, and London, and Sarnia, you will find Montreal merchants established and supplied with goods on which duty has been paid in Mont- real, and which is charged, of course, to tlK)se who buy them in Upper Canada. If, then, I take the amount of goods sent to Upper Canada, but entered at Lower Canada ports, at one-half of the wliole— I know that I am below the fact, but take it at a half — and w'e obtain this result with reference to the customs revenue of 1855, that t6;50,.S!}4 Mas contributed by the people of Upper Canada, and only i;i8.'?,4"J5 ijy the people of Lower Canada. I aver tliat no merchant will deny that tliis is a fair estimate, that one-half of the duties collected in Lf)wer Canada is paid ou goods con- sumed in Uj)per Canada. ?tlR. HoLTox : They are purchased in boiul. ill!. BuinvN : I am tjuite aware that that is partially the case now, to a greater extent than formerly, but it cannot be questioned that a large pro- portion of the goods sold wholesale la Quebec and Montreal are sent to the Upper Canada market. Mr, Holton : A considei-able proportion. Mr. Brown : I am quite sure that I am l)elow the mark when I say that one-half of the duties collected in Lower Canada are paid oy the people of Upper Canada. Mr. Hoi.ton : I doubt it. Mr. Bruw.v : If we only said three-eighths, or one-third, we would still find that the proportion contributed by Upper Canada is enormous as compared with the contributions of Lower Canada, '(diking it at one-half, however, it will be found that Upper ( Janada contributes £(i80,r)!)4, and Lower Canada only £133,425; that for every £1 contributed by Lower Canada, Upper Canada contributes £3 8s. ',td. : that the amount per head contributed by Lower Canada is 4s. Id., and in Upper Canada 13s. 3d. It is often urged by honourable gentlemen opposite — who feel that the injustice we complain of is r.ndeniable, 1)ut must find some excuse for the vote they intend to give in this way — we cannot tell what the numbers Rlffi m m,. In-!':: 2G6 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF may be ; it may turn out by tlie census that the position of the two coun- tries has altogether changed ; that Upper Canada has become the slow country and Lower Canada the ])rogre.ssive one ; we know tliat at the last census the population exceeded that of Flower Canada by only ti2,000; let us see a little further, and wait till another census is taken before we make a change. Now, Mr. Speaker, I appreliend that if wc seek to inake the union permanent, we must adopt representation by population before the disproportion is very great, and not afterwards. It is cdear that if we take tiie view of those hon. )?entlemen, and wait till a census is taken, we cannot hope to carry representation l)y population ; but so sure as you wait till that time, you will have a dissolution of the union, liut we may carry the measure now, dependent on a census hereafter to ije taken ; we may adopt the principle, and legislate upon it. But if we wait tdl lion, gentle- men opposite have a census taiv(!n in ISO'.', wiiich will be printed in ]Sf)4 — any bill founded on it coming into operation in I86(i, nearly ten years hence — I apprehend the population of Upper Canada will be then three millions, and tliat of Lower Canada little over a million and a half ; the population of Upper Canada to that of Lower Canada will be as two to one. And if the House was then for the first time asked to pass a bill to give Upper Canada a representation double that of Lower Canada, it would be next to impo.ssible to carry it. I believe it is only now, before the dis- proportion is very great, tiiat we can hope to carry out this measure with any degree of iiarmony. But every hon. member must see that the change is going on so rapidly that it is high time the dilliculty were faced, livery day you put it off you increase the evil. Hon. gentlemen from Lower Canada cannot expect tiiat the people of Upper Canada will always lie con- tent to remain in this position. \A'ere they in this position, having .S.IO.OOO of a poiiulation greater than ours, would they consent to having only the same number of representatives? And if they paid tliree-fourths of the whole taxation, while Upper Canada only contril)uted one-fourth, would they not feel the griev^ance to be still more intolerable? How then can they expect that our p"ople, placed in those circumstances, can submit to have only the same amount of representation? It is clear that the people of Upper Canada cannot allow the matter to rest in its present position. The demand is one oi such obvious justice that it is astonishing that any one can refuse it. But I am bound to say that I have never heard a mem- ber from Lower Canada getting up and saying that the present system is just. Unfortunately, it has been from Upper Canada members tiiat we have heard the strongest objections to the measure. I can undersLand Lower Canada members saying, Oh I we have the advantage, we do not feel there is any occasion for a change, and you will only get it by forcing it upon us. But I am sure no Lower Canadian member will rise and say that if his constituents were placed in that position he would submit to such a state of things. Mn. LoRANGER : We did submit to it for a long time. Mu. Brown : If the hon. gentleman will consider, he will see that ^-■"'y^g-f 1 1 ' I j i mw w IIOX. GEOJiOE fiPOWX. ?G7 Lower Canada never eubniittcd to the same degree of injustice as is now inflicted upon Tpper Canada. They started at tiie union with an excess of population of ITo.OOO, Imt it took a very few years to turn the prepond- erance the other way, and now Upper Canada has an excess of population of 3.j!>,000. J put this as a demand of simple justice to the pef)ple of Upper Canada. If we were to demand representation in propcjrtion to what we contribute to the revenue, as we pay CS to JL'l tha'- Lower Canada paj's, we would have tin-ee representatives to their one. Kut all we ask is that we stand on the same footing, man for man. We ask no more than representation strictly according to population, man for man. How can we expect to go on harnxoniously — how can we hope to have the people (if this country gi-ov, up a vigorous, enlightened, self-governed nation, with insti- tutions such as will do rn'cUt to a great people, if we are ever to maintain these distinctions l>et\\'en the two sections of the province? Is it not 11 clear that, if ever this country is to take that position which it ought to j; do among the nations of the Morld, it must he Ijv our legislation lieing for the whole people as one, and by sweeping away tiiose absurd dis- tinctions which thrust themselves into every matter of legislation ? We have one government for Upper Canaila and another for Lower Canada. Our division of the public money is made on the same principle. So it is witli the measures of tlic government. One day they bring forward some- thing to please Lnwer Canada, on another day sf)mething to please Upper Canada. Instead of our getting (juit of those prejudices and sectional feelings, every year is strengthening them more and more. \\'e are asking at the present moment to have a vast new territory added to our borders. Are we to carry out the same principle in reference to this ? Are we to say that one half of it shall be for Upper Canada and one half for Lower Canada ? Is not this the time when we ought lo make our institutions such as will adapt themselves to any future position in which we may be placed ? With a view to those great intercolonial questions which are coming up, a id those important changes that are being mooted, should we not see that we are prepared for them by having a constitution founded on prin- ciples of justice, and fitted to Iniild up a great and prosperous people? Every daj" furnishes additional proof of the necessity of our adopting this reform without any delay : and I shall therefore put my resolution into j'our hands, in the hope that it will be fairly met, and that in dealing with it honourable members will not suffer themselves to be intiuenced by sec- tional feelings and prejudices, whether pertaining to Upper or Lower Canada. I move that it be " Bcsolird — That in the opinion of this House the representation of the people in parliament should be based upon popu- lation, without regard to a separating line between Upper and Lower Canada." 268 LIFE AND SPEECIIEU OF POLICY OF THE BROWN-DORION ADMINISTRATION. Thu following,' siiocch wiis delivurod at a public lucctintj; in Toronto a fow (lays after the cunHumniatiou of tho i)olitical trick known as the " Doii1)le ShulHo," whorolty Mr. IJrown and liis colloaguuH wero obliged to ri!Hii,'n, after a four days' incund)oney. It is ono of a series delivered dnrinj,' that exciting,' period, and ;j:ives on the whole not only a j^ood idea of the tlujn jiolitical situation, but also a fair Hi)eei- nien of Mr. Brown's political oratory. The speech deals witii the wliole political position of Mi'. Brown, his colleagues, and his party, as well as with tiie ministerial ground. .\Iiu liuow.N said : I liave very often had occasion to meet my follow- citi/ons ill such assemblages as this, but I never came to any similar meeting witii so clear a conviction as I have this nigiit, that 1 am entitled to look my country men fearlessly in the face, and claim their full approval for every public act I have performed, for (ivory position 1 have taken since I was returned l)y you last wnitcr triumpiiautly to parliament. If there is ono single act of my life above all others for whieli I am prepared to claim credit at the hands of the people of Canada, it i.s the i)art 1 have taken in the startling transactions (jf the last few days — it is for the bold stand I and my colleagues have just made in attempting to resist wiiat I shall frankly cliaractorize as a (lelil)erate plot against the liberties of tlie people. I have come before you to-night in order that no time may be lost in placing the whole facts connected with tho construction and fall of my adminis- tration clearlj' before the people, and that the taunts and injurious insinu- ations which have been directed against the conduct of myself and my colleagues may at once receive that complete and conclusive denial which we are able to give them. But before proceeding to narrate recent transactions as they occurred, I desire to carry the minds of the audience back to the time of the general election, and to trace up events from that date to the present, that it may be clearly seen how the recent ministerial crisis arose, and the manner in which it was met. When I had the honour to be returned as tho sonioyr representative of the city of Toronto at the last general election, you will recollect that the invitation to me to become a candidate was the spon- taneous act of the electors, and that the requisition bore an array of names far exceeding in numbers and influenc? any that had ever appeared attached to a similar document in this city. This strong expression of confidence from my fellow-citizens was undoubtedly in a great measure intended to HON. OKOIidl': liliOWS. 269 strengthen the hands of tlio oppoHition -waH intunded as a protest against the administration of the day, against tiioir denial of nprcsontatnin by popnhition, their extension of sectarian schools, their extravagance and corruption, against the enormous additions to the public debt, and the alarming increase of taxation. Vou will also well recollect that the oppo- sition contended that the cure for these cvili was to find some common basis of legislative and administrative action on which the atfairs of the country could be carried on, witliout those constant appeals to sectarian and sectional feelings which hail been the rule up to tliis time. And you will recollect that we contended that unless some such common basis were soon found, national baiduniptcy must be the inevit,able result. We siiowed that by the existing sce-saw system of setting one section against the other and governing through their divisions, our public men were being demoralized, and losing tlu; confidence (jf tiieir constituents ; the men in jxiwer i'oi' the time Ijcing legularly betook themselves to corruption, to a reckless use of the Crown patronage, to an extravagant and corrupt ex))eiuliture of tiie public money to buy up snjiporters in i)ar!iament and to mollify people out of parliament, and all for the noble end of keeping themselves in oHice. One more trouble was this, tliat in reganl to our school system we were threatened with its complete destru'jtiou by the growth of s(!parate sectarian institutions grafted on the system— an evil wliich struck at the root of national education, and which it was feared would go on from year to ye.ir, till at last, by its wasteful expense and its weakening ell'eet, the over- throw of the whole national school system would result, in common with my party, I urged that the only cure was to sweej) away llios(^ stictarian schools altogether, and have one system « hicli would l»e accessible to all classes alike, which would respect the religious feelings of all, and would do equal justice to all. You will recollect tluit, in adiiition to these views, we of the opposition deman>, .^^Ij^ ^■V^. IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) A -^ ^ z ^ ^ 1.0 I.I 1.25 i^m |2.5 1^ 1^ 1122 1.4 1.6 o> <^ '/] >^ oV^-5 ^^•V ^\^ *> ^5 7 Photographic Sciences Corporation 33 WiST MAIN STRUT WEBSTIR.N.Y. MStO (716) S73-4S03 ^\ ^ ^^-^ ^\ 6^ m ^ ^0 270 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF and his colleagues proceeded to carry on the executive and legislative busi- ness of Upper Canada by his large majority of Lower Canadian representa- tives, but in direct defiance of the recorded votes of the Upper Canada majority. To have men in power diiipeusing the patronage of the Crown, con- trolling the executive machinery, and guiding the 'egialation of Upper Canada— men whose conduct had heen coadenined at the polls by tho people they pretended to govern — was a new and strange spectacle in our legislature, and one that created much dissatisfaction in both sections of the province. In general legislation we had the same absence of principle, the same wasteful legislation, tlie same tying up of the members on the part of the artier, and many similar petitions, were at once disposed of hy the Speaker, on some frivolous objection to the wording of a recognizance, and all the parties continued in th<-ir seats. Mr. Fellowes was declared duly elected hy 320 false names of professed citizens of Koine, Albany and Troy, in tlie state of New York, fraudulently recorded, tliough with all tiiese votes counted he had but 14 of a majority over his opponent. And the three members for Quebec have been aUowed to this hour to discharge the full duties of representatives of the people l)y virtue of 1 "i,00(» false votes. Public confidence in the administratioii received a rude shock ))y these pro- ceedings ; and the disclosures of the Public Accounts Committee following immediately on the back, destroyed the last lingering confidence of every independent man. It was elicited that i'.'>lic excheciucr. It was elicited tiiat not- withstanding the large additions made by them to the customs duties, the ministry had been unable to meet their extravagant expenditures from taxa- tion, and had gone back on obsolete Acts — Acts authorizing the issue of bunds for certain public works, but which works were paid many years a^o from surplus revenue, and issued on their strengtii debentures in one year to the enormous extent of $3,400,000. It was proved that in their short term of four years ministers hatl doubled tiie national debt, and had in- creased the ordinary expenditures from t! 1,040, 000 to 1)2, 3.")0,0een sold as a piece of merchandise for i'ooO down, and a securetl income of .€300 a year, but the scaiulalous tran» iction was openly justitied in parlia- ment by the Prime Minister and his reckless partisans. The result of the.^e and many similar disclosures was to take from the ministry what little confidence yet remained to tliem in the country, and even to shatter per- ceptibly their control over their Lower Canada adherents in the House of Assembly. The strength of the opposition gradually increased, until at last ministers were defeated on an important part of their financial scheme for the year. They did not resign in consequence of that vote, but a few days I V i^lii hii 4^ w ' H :»>■■»■< « : 272 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF later came a blow they could not evade. They had been trying to equivo- cate on the subject of the seat of government. One member of the cabinet said they were going to Quebec ; another said they were going to Montreal ; and a third said they were going to Ottawa ; and you could not find what really was the policy of the government, if they had any. But at last they came out and stated definitely that they intended to carry the public departments permanently to Bytown ; tliat Bytown should be the future seat of government of united Canada. I held then, as I hold now, that until the great constitutional questions of this union were decided ; until we knew distinctly whether the difficulties between Upper and Lower Canada could be overcome ; until we saw what was to be the per- manent future constitution of this country, it was not expedient to incur the znormous expense of a million of dollars and more for public buildings at a place to which we might never go. At a meeting last night, Mr. Hillyard Cameron stated that I had insulted Her Majesty because I had voted that Bytown sliould not be the seat of government. Do you think Her Majesty cnrus a straw where the seat of government of Canada is fixed ? People prate about our insulting the Crown because we spoiik out what nine-tenths ot tne whole people think ; but do you ever hear from such people anything about insulting the people t If ever an insult was given to a people it was when the legislature and government of Canada declared that the Canadian people were unable to settle for themselves where their seat of government ought to be, and that they must go to a colonial minister three thousand miles off, who never had his foot on Canadian soil, to settle it for them under back stairs advice. I voted against that reference ; I used every iutluence to prevent so ungracious a task being thrown on the Imperial (government ; I urgeil that they should not act upon the reference ; 1 declared that the people would not abide by their decision if the place selected were unacceptable ; and I unhesitat- ingly voted against Bytown because I felt that th<) permanent establish- ment of the government tliere, and especially at this moment, would be consonant neither with the wishes of the people nor the welfare of the country. The first thing in my consideration was the interests of the whole people of Canada, and not servility to Mr. Labouchere or any other colonial minister. I yield to no man for a single moment in loyalty to the Crown of England, and in humble respect and admiration of Her Majesty. But what has this purely Canadian (juestion to do with loyalty ? It is a most dangerous and ungracious thing to couple the name of Her Majesty with an afi'air so entirely local, and one as to which the sectional feelings of the people are so excited. Well, the government were defeated on their declared policy of carry- ing the government to Bytown, and well knowing that a more damaging vote awaited them the following day, Mr. Macdonald and his colleagues placed their resignation in the hands of the Governor-General, who was pleased to accept the same. Immediately on the resignation of hia advisers, His Excellency tendered to me, he was pleased to say, as "the moat prominent member of the parliamentary opposition." the duty of HON. OEOROE BROWN. 373 forming a new administration. I am free to say now, as I have said always, that e'svated and honourable— far beyond any merits or expec- tations of mine— as is the office of Prime Minister of this great country, it is a position I have never souglit, and would most joyously have declined when tendered to me. I came into parliament, after eight years of public life, wiih a full knowledge of the constitutional and social ditficulties that marred the harmonious working of the union. I was thoroughly convinced that uuletts a basis of legislative and administrative action could be found, just to both sections of the province, but removing from the political arena those fertile sor.rceit uf sectional and sectarian striie that separated the two races and the two provinces, our national animosities would increase from year to year, until at last the national fabric would be rudely rent asunder ; and I catered parliament with & settled determina- tion to grapple with those great evils, and devote my whole euergiea to their removal. From the first moment I proposed those remedial measures, whicli I have never ceased to urge up to this very moment, I defy all my opponents to sliow that for one day, or in one vote, or in one speech, I liave swerved from the point at whicli I uimed. And to those who demur to the bold manner in which I pursued my purpose, and the Htrong language I have been at times compelled to use, I would simply urge in palliation that a desperate disease nutuls vigorous treatment ; and that when you have bands of violent opponents, and your views are held to be utterly out of reason, you must speak freely and boldly it you mean not to be crushed. I might have announced general principles, and spoken in soft language to the end of time, and made no progress, but when I wunt strai^lit to the mark and said to the evil doer, " Thou art the man," ihen proL're.is was made ; and painful to me, deeply painful, as have been many of the scenes tlirougli wliich I have hail to pass, I hoM all as repaid, all ivs justitied, by this one fact, tiiat in fiNe yeats I have been able to con- struct the strongest administration ever olFered to the country, and that ailmiiiiatration pledged to settle finally the great (luc^stions of sectional strife for tiie removal of which alone I entered parliament. In carrying on the struggle I never thou;^ht of personal advancement ; I cared nothing as to who should settle the vexed (juestions ; ail I sought was to urge tlieir settlement on tlie pul>lic mind until .somebody must do it; and it was little to me that, in urging the cause forward, by my bold tone I left . liehind mo men personally inimical to myself, thougli compelled to • acknowledge my uolicy. The constant taunt, therefore, of the last two or t three years — " lie can't form a ministry "—was no taunt to mo at all. I , did not desiro to form a ministry, or to be part of any mii.iatry, but to see ' the groat disturbing questions of my country settled, and then retire to ]irivate life. It was not that I doubted my ability to succeed if tin; onpor- tunity was otlered, but much rather would I have seen some other gentle- man of the same principles called in my place, and right heartily would I have laboured outside to aid him in his work, liut this I could not conceal from myself, that those who had iutluenccd my being called in to form a government were under the fullest conviction that I could no more I 'S'j il !,,.« il .1 , IS u 274 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF undertake the task than any gentleman in this room. They had not the slightest doubt that, within an hour of tlie time when I might make the attempt, I would hreak down, and that the old set of incapables would be brought back at once with flying colours. That was the undoubted expec- tation ; it was in thu mouth of every man on the other side of the House of Assembly. Had I then stated to His Excellency that I would not under- take the task, corru))tiou would have bcuii tixed in power more sturdily than ever, and my opponents would never have ceased to throw my failure in my teotli. They would have said, and said with plausibility : " Vou profess that your views are the only correct ones ; you have all along claimed that if your party only had the chance of forming a govern- ment you could carry out your principles ; you have now had a chance ; you have not succeeded ; give up your position ; no longer continue to do dog-in-tho-muuger policy, neither doing the work yourself nor letting us doit." Tlic cuse was clear ; no alternative was open to mo but to accept the task, if I wasulile toacconiplisii it. I did undertake the task. I told the iovernor- Ooneral I would see my friends inuncdiately, and consult them on the su))> ject. I called a meeting of my friends from Upper Canada in the House of AHScndily and the Legislative Council, and with one accord, without a dis- senting voice, they, with a kiiidiiess I will never forget, gave me their cor- dial and generous support, assuring mo that they would stand heartily by ine wh.itever might euHue, in the full conviction tliat I would stand by my prineiples and never desert them. The next step was to invite Mr. Dorion to aid me, as leailer for Lower Canada. For four years I hud acted w ith that gentleman in the ranks of the opposition, had learned to value most higiily the upriphtueiss of his character, the liberality of his opinion.s, and the firmness with which ho carried out his convictions, (hi most questions of general public policy we heartily agreed, and legularly voted toi/ether ; on the questions that have divided all Upper Canadians from all Lower Canadians, ulono we di tiered, and on these we had held many earnest consultations from year to year with a view to their removal, , and not without arriving at the conviction that when we had the opportunity wo could find the mode. Mr. Dorion met me with that frankness I anticipated fronj him. He at once expressed his willingness to aid me, provided we could come to an unwcr Canada, constitutional checks, constitutional protections, must be granted for our local institutions, in some such manner as under the Union Act." I said at once, " I am perfectly willing to agree to any reasonable protections for local interests ; the people of Upper Canada desire no atl- vantage over the people of Lower Canada. All we ask is justice; all wo ask is that the province shall not be one for purposes of taxation .\nd two for representation ; our whole demand is that the s^imc number of electors in I'pper Canada and Lower Canada respectively shall return a rep-esen- tati ve to parliament. We want no advantage whatever over Lower Canada, but we will not submit to the unfair disadvantage now existing. Give us representation by population, and let it by all means be accompanied by every reasonable protection for your local interests and for ours. " Karncst diseu.ssions followed as to the character of the desired protections and the mode of securing them, whether by a witten constitution proceeding direct from the people, or by a Canadian Bill of lligiits, guaranteed by Imperial statute, or by the adoption of a federal union, with provincial rights guar- anteed, in place of the legislative union that now exists. We had little time to arrange details, and if we had, out of olfice as we now are, it would be unreasonable to expect that wo should tlisclose tlieni for the benefit of our opponents. It is sutlicicnt that I say to you that wa found the strongest reason to believe that we could mature a nioaaure, acknowledging popu- lation as tiie basis of reiiresentation, tliat would be acceptable to both sections of the province ; and this measure we pledged ourselves to lay before parliament at its next assembling, and to stand or fall by it as a government. The next question that came up was that of the seat of government. I said then, as I say now, that the seat of government shoubl be a ministerial (luestion, and should not be left a matter of local contention. I stated to Mr. Dorion that I was willing, along with our measure to settle the vital constitutional questions to which I have referred, to bring down a bill for I T ' t-T. : - t' ■■^1 » ■ !»76 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF the aettlemont of the permanent seat of government u a ministerial quei* tion, and to stand or fall by it ns part of our policy. The next ({uestion that came up was that of education. Mr. Dorion iifiked, " What do you propose upon that ?" I said, " I want of course that the common school system of tapper Canada shall he made entirely uni- form, and that all the children, of whatever denomination, shall come into the same school-room, sit at the same desks, grow up hand in hand, and forget those sectarian animosities that now form the greatest obstacle in the w.iy of our progress as a people." And what was Mr. Dorion 's reply? He Slid, *• Undoubtedly, Mr. Brown, these are most desirable ends ; but we ciiiinot conceal this from ourselves, that the catholics are a very large and iniluential portion of the people of Upper Canada ; that they now number greatly over two hundred thousand : that they hold that religion should be the basis of all education ; and that they contend that the present national system does not admit of that." I endeavoured to show that our Upper Canada Hystcm was basodupon the broad principles of revealed religion and morality, and I claimed that we, as protestants, held aa strongly as men could hold that religion was the true foundation of education and of every man's act. " But," I went on to argue, " there is this difFurence between ns ; we of Upper Canada hold that while it is desirable that religious truth should bo instilled into the child, that religious instruction should go along with secular, we hold also with equal firmness that the statu should not give that instruction, and, amid the endk-ss sectiirian divisions among us, could not give it — could not step beyond the elements of religious truth, without getting into a sea of sectarian d<^erences utterly inconsistent, and .isauming a right in matters of conscience that in no manner pertains to it. We hold that the state should only give secular instruction, and that the p!\rent and the church should give religious instruction." I went on to con- tend that separatism for one church could not exist without separatism for all churches, and that, with separatism for all, the national system niuat be broken up, and ignorance prevail among the masses. Uut, I contiimed, it is of the utmost importance that in mariner the system uniform, it should bu rendered as acceptable as possible to all denominations ; and if you can show any way in which, without deviating from principle, facilities can be given to the clergy of all denominations for the religious instruction of the children, I am prepared to agree to it. I am prepared to give every pos- silde guarantee that the religious feelings of no child should be interfered with by the teacher, or in the contents of the school books, and if the clergy are willing to give religious instruction to the children of their several Hocks, a certain number of hours on so many days of the week, or a certain day in each week, might be fixed on which the children should be discharged from school, and instructed to attend the religious instruction of their pastors, Another suggestion was made. Why, it was suggested, should not a settlement of this fertile cause of discord bo found by engrafting on our school system some of the modifications of the Irish national schools? That system, it was urged, was recognized by protestant and catholic alike HOS. GEORGE BROWS. 277 to be admirably adapted for a mixed population, hucause, while it acknow- ledged the primary principles of Citristianity, no aectaiian dogmas were allowed to intrude. Theav sclinoU w< re now attended by many hundred thousand children of all denominations ; and if, by the adoption of the Wst portion of tliat system, it might reconcile all diH'urcnccH, and entirely do away with the desire for separate schools, why should it not be »loue ? My reply was, "I am not intimately acquainted with the details of the Irish system, but I know that tlie I'resliyteriaiis of Uliiter, and the Church of Knglaud in Ireland, and the Roman Catholic hierarchy, do unite in sus- taining that system ; M'e know also that the great mass of the south of Ireland, Uoman Catiiolic and protestant, are being educated uniler it ; every one ac(|uainted with ti»e modern history of Ireland aiimits tiie satiw- factory results which have flowed from it. And 1 am prepared, therefore, to say that I will go witli j'ou into a full and generous consideration of that system, with a view to the introdnction here of such nioditications from it OS will tiring in all denominations in hearty support of the national schools of Upper Canada ; this investigation to proceed forthwith, and the bill founded upon it to be a government measure, by which we should stand or fall." But one other sectional problein remained to be solved — the final settle- ment of the seigniorial tenure (juestion of Lower Canada. My friends Mr. Dorion and Mr. Drummond contended that the governnieut and legis- lature of Canada were pledged to complete tlie abolition of the tenure, and bound to find the means declared by their own statute to be necessary to that end. I demurred ; I contended tiiat this was a local mattei', with which we in L'pper Canada hail nothing to do. liut let mo say frankly, that I would have been ill-content that the limiteurdon8 of the people. We wore prepored to couMider niixiouHly by what iiK-ana reel- procity co>!ld be extended with tlie United StnteB, and tlio markets and the ports of till! great rt'publie be thrown open to our nianufacturerH and our NhipH. At the time of the latit election, I had no idea of the state in which the public finances were ; I had no idea that the extravngancu was so monstrous, or that the danger to our public credit was so alarming ax it is. To bring the financeti into a proper state Mas a task from which tiie buldest might have uliruuk ; but it was one to wliich, frtun the very outset, we were prepared to apply ourselves. The principles and meaBuros of the administration thus satisfacturily arranged, we soon found that the difliculty was not to find gentlemen from Lower Canada prepared to enter a cabinet with that dreadful (ieorge Brown ill it, but tite difliculty was to make room for tiie capable men whom we desired to have with us, and who were willing to coino ; and if the vote which followed our ii.auguration was joined in by not a few we were un- prepared to find in it, wu hiive reason to attribute that fact to other reasons than hostility to our principles. In a very short space of time tiio cabinet was completed ; and I hesitate not to repeat that, for tident and business capacity, and political influence in the country, it has not been surpassed, if it has ever been e(|ualled, l>y any government in the history of Canada. I need say nothing of the Upper Canada section. Our fiercest opponents have not dared to <|uestion the capacity of a ministry which included the names of Messrs. Sandfield Macdonald, Mowat, Connor, Foley, and Morris. The only cause of rej^rot — anil of deep regret to me — was that I was forced to omit from the list the names of several firm friends who were entitled ecjuiilly with ourselves, by their ability and long service in the cause, to be included in the arrangements ; and I sliall remember to the end of my life the kindness and generosity with which those friends voluntarily reiiuested me to forget all personal considerations, and to tiiink only of what would conduce to the best interests of the counti'v. As regards Ix)wer Canada, the personnel of the government was to the full as .satisfactory. My oppo- nents have indeed preferred the charge, that my alliance with the gentle- men of Lower Canada was but one of these unwortiiy coalitions that I h.ive so strongly denounced in others; that all our opinions were antagonistic ; that office was our sole bond of union. I utterly deny the charge ; nothing could be more unjust. On the contrary, I say that never were twelve leading politicians brought together under such circumstances, so naturally and consistently, as were the gentlemen who formed the late cabinet. For five sessions of parliament Mr. Doriou, as the leader of the Lower Canada opposition, and myself as a prominent member of the Upper Canada oppo- sition, had sat side by side, working cordially together so far as sectional differences would permit, and not concealing these, but attempting to re- move them. Rarely did I draw a motion which was not shown to him first for his advice, and as uniformly I think did he the same to me. We never rose to vote without knowing beforehand how the other should go, aud striving if possible to be on the same side. We bad a perfect knowledge of HON. GEOROE BJiOirX. •J 7 9 each other's views on all pclitical (iiieations, aneen the warm advocate of progressive assimilation of the laws and institutions of Upper and Lower ^1! '; ■! ' 1 '''I ■;.*, 280 LIFE AXD SPEECHES OF M Canada. No innii could bo in n IntttiT puaition— hy hia talent, his liigji ■tandinfr, liis elt n yinin^ ninn, and eapociiilly hy hia tirmneaa to Rtand forward nnd any to hi.i uoiintrynu-n that a t'riHJH liiut arrivud in puhliu atl'uira, nnd that a bold efVort niUHt Iw uiado, now or nuvor, to aettle the conatittitional ditluroneui) Ix-twen IJppor and I^wur Canada. I oonaidurvd it a vt-ry groat advantage to liavo tlio »id of Mr. Druinniond. Then oa rcgarda Mr. Loinioiix. Tidx Kontloinan for vory ninny yoarit lins held u pruininont pOHitiou in tlio QiiuLtiu iliatriut and in purlianiont. Ilu entered publiu life with the iidvniiced aection of the lil>ernl party, and held strong vieWR on the aubjeut of the fendal tcuure. lie \\\m never iicon an ex- treme man, and Iuh inHuonce in the (,)uel)ou tliMtriet rendered Idxaccea.siou to the ministry of the highoat importance. He wnH a niumber ot Mr. Ilincks' oabinol, and of that wliieh Hnceeeded it; and thmigii it in nut for me to palliate the acta of those adtninistrationa for a moment, still I am bound in candour to say t lint Mr. LoniieuxV personal integrity wan luvorforii moment called in question, and that no man would rejoice nmro over the intnxlue- tion of a purer and healthier departmental system than would that gentle- man. One word as to 'ny frieml Mr. Tiiibaudoau. He was a member of the last parliament, as well ac of the pret^eiit ; and a more inde|icni{()K imowa. i>8l out their iniMtitko. During the day iif^rotintiimt W)-nt on, and when Satur- day iiigiit arrivfil thu muccuim wan t'lttulihalutU the xovi-rnniciit wan foriiu'il. On Saturday niglit I parted witli Mr. Doriou, with the underKtmidiiig that tliu new guvurnniuntiihould meet on Momhiy niorning, and on Sunday it was known over town wlio were to conip<>i>e the new niinixtry. At nine o'chxik on Sunday ni>;ht, hmrning that Mr. I>orion wan ill, I wunt to Hoe him at hii« apartnientH at thu Ifonxin I!, and while with hitn the (invernnr'H Hocrc- tary enteri'd an«i handed nie a deM|tal(h. No Hooner dnl I heo the outNide of the iloeiinient than I unduiittood it all. I felt at oncu that the wlmlu corruptionixt cuinp had lieeu in eduunotinn at thn |)r'e, and I was not iiUHtaken. The content* of Sir Kdmun aHsert that tho docnnient is with- out a purallei -that nothing so indeli'iiHil)lf wa^ ever directed by tiie repre- sentative of the Crown to one charged with the formation of a rusponsihlo caliinut under a BritiHh parlianientary constitution. We have all heard of Sir Francis Bond Head's highdianded proceedingH ; hut in his days thert} was no pretension to rexpoiisilile government tlie Hysieiii waMaii oligarchy. We have heard, too, of Sir Charles Melcalfe'H doings ; Imw, to carry hit* perNonal point, he disudsHed his cabinet while coinmiiiiding large majoriti<'H in hoth llou^ics of I'arliaiiient ; hut I apprehend there was nothing in Sir Charles .Metcalfe's first movement at all approaching in wrongful aMNunip- tion, or in dangi r to the rights of the people, this attempt of .Sir Kdinund Head to lay down ccinditiona pri'cedeiit, to enforce a Mtipuhition as tho price of otiice on men constitutionally summoned to advise the Crown. Ilin Excellency is the rcpri^seiitative of llei- Majesty in this |)riivince, and it is my duty us a subject nf Her .Majesty to speak <)f her repicsoiiUitive with all due respect ; but I would not bu true tu you or to the cause 1 represent did I hesitate to explain the wliole ti'ansa(;tion, ami to show you that throughout it all my culleag\ies and 1 sought only tu maintain the rights and liberties of the ))eople, and that the course we took was the only course open to us. What right iiad the (lOveiiior-CBiicral to lay down conditions, on which only I would be allowed to assume oHico ? What right had he to settle beforehand the measures that must be taken up or lliid asitie? Why insult us by inviting us to beccmie the constitutional advisers of tho Crown, if w(! were only to exeiute his mandates'/ And why lead us to believe that we had his whole confidence, that we should enjoy all the influence to which men i: our position were entitled, and then at the close of four days' negotiations, on the very eve of being sworn in, throw this missile of war at our heads? From the moment 1 read His Excellency's despatch, I felt that I would be a traitor to my own position and to the rights of the people, if I submitted to enter otlicu shackled by any stipulations whatever imposed upon me by the Crown. 1 felt that I could only accept otiice with the full powers of Prime Minister, or not 282 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF accept it at all. I felt that my submission in this case might be a pre- cedent for worse concessions by other ministers hereafter. I felt that I ought not to go into otKce shackled by any conditions : that after going in, it was my duty to advise His Excellency on all public affairs, and if he refused my advice, at once to retire. I resolved that the (Jovcrnor- General's memorandum must be met at once and by myself, without refer- ence to my colleagues, and very early on Monday morning I sent this note to His Excellency: "Mr. Brown has the honour to acknowledge receipt of His Excellency the Governor-General's note of last night, with acooni- panying memorandum. Before receiving His Excellency's note Mr. Brown had .successfiiUy fulfilled the duty entrusted to him by tiie (iovornor- General, and will be prepared, at the appointed hour this morning, to submit for His Excellency'.s approval the names of the gentlemen whom he proposes to be associated with himself in the new government. Mr. Brown respectfully submits that, until they have assumed the functions of consti- tutional advisers of the Crown, he and liis proposed colleagues will not be in a position to di.scuss the inipoitant measures and (juestions of public policy referred to in His Excellency's memorandum." This was tlic only manner in wliicli 1 could meet His Excellency's memorandum, and it was for him now to break otf the negotiations if he had not entire conlidence, and was not prepared to givj us all the support that other men in our pcjsi- tion had at all times received. He gave no such intimation — he admitted that the position I had taken was the truly constitutional one. At half- past nine on Monday morning I met my colleagues and read to them His P^xcellency's memorandum and my answer to it. With one voice tlieysaid I had ^-aken the only course open to me with honour, and tliey cordially endorse ' what I had done. We tiien sat down deliberately to cf)U8ider what was the object in sending such a document at such a moment, and what course it was our duty to pursue. We came unanimously to the conclusion that it was written purposely to raise a bar in tlie way of our accepting ofiice, and that the paragraph in regard to dissolution was the one on wliich issue was expected to be raised. It ran tlius : " The Governor- General gives no pledge efore the country, and tlint no option was left, consistent with our dignity and the interests of the pul)iic, but to be sworn in. I need not tell you that wc had not taken possession of the council chamber an hour, when the war commenced against us. Tiie late ministers had tele;^raphed all over the country for their friends; a special train was run on Sunday over the (irand Trunk to bring them up in time ; and tlie (iovernor-General's name was freely used in .assuring certain members that if tlu; new government were voted down from tlie start there would be no dissolution of parliament, but let them get over the session, and tliat dread alarm of such a House, a dissolution, was inevitable. \S'ith the ten ministers absent from the House, and many of our friends away unsuspicious of so unprecedented a proceeding, a vote of want of confidence in tlie new govern- ment was immediately moved at the instigation of the late ministers, and sustained, I need hardly remind you, by these gallant gentlemen with dastardly assaults, false and fierce, against absent men. No doubt we will live to repay them, but I trust in more manly fasluon. The following morning the cabinet advised a dissolution. His Kxcellency demanded reasons in writing. Tliey were furnished ; our advice was n.'fused, and we instantly resigned. Not in a hundred and fifty years of English history, nor in the whole history of Canada, can a single case be found in which men in our position were refused a dissolution. When His Excellency called on me to forma government, well he knew that I was in the minority of the House, and that I had so assailed the electoral frauds by which so many of the members were returned, that it was next to impossible to pro- ceed without a general election. Why then expose us to the mockery of a hollow invitation ? And why not say frankly at once that he would not grant a dissolution ? Mr. Uincks went to the country in 18^1 ; at the open- ing of his second session he was defeated, but the Governor-General came down suddenly and prorogued the House, and gave him one more chance MP Pi HON. GEORGE BROWN. 285 for life. The McNab government followed in September, 1854; in 1855 three members retireil, and His Kxcelleucy consented to a reconstruction ; in 185(i the government was 1)eaten twice and twice resigned ; but His Excel- lency would not accept, and Ross, Drummond and Cauchon, nay, the Premier himself, were all driven out, but still a reconstniction was allowed, with Colonel Tachi- a' ..,e head. In 1857 Lemieux, Territt, Ross, and tlie Premier were all driven away ; but another reconstruction was at once granted, with Mr. Macdonalil as Prime Minister. Unable to fill up tne vacant offices, suddenly and inconveniently, in the middle of the financial crisis, Mr. Macdonald deinai'ded a general election, and at once he obtained it. And though tliree ministers were beaten in Upper Canada, still His Kxcelleney permitted the tiling to go on by tlie aid of irresponsible members of the Upper House, and an office left vacant from pure iiiiibility to fill it up. He permitted a session of five moutiis to be wasted by tlie utter incapacity of his advisers ; he submitted to all tlieir departmental blundering and mismanagement ; but he refused to the opposition the only favour tliey asked, a fair appeal to tiie people against the mi-sdeeds of his late ministers. If a designed intention had existed to get tlie leaders of the opposition out of the House, and then pass the immerous obnoxious liiila before parlia- ment, no more direct way could have been taken than that followed by His I'^xcellency. And to cap the climax of the afiair, on dismissing our governnient, he sent for a gentleman — and he a Lower Canadian -to form a new one who had not and never had one follower in the House, and wiio was only known to public life as the author of the famous (Jraiid Trunk prospectus, offering 11. i per cent, dividend to all who wore fortunate eiiougli to get shares 1 I submit to you that a grievous wrong has been done througliout this matter, anil 1 ask you if you will not show yijur condemnation of sueh work l>y returninc me again with an ovcrwlielining m.ajority '! 1 ask you if the government 1 formed ought not to have had a fair trial ; that at least we should iiave had time to appear in our seats to vindicate our policy : and if so, I urge you to put all your liamls to work, and we will get another and better opportunity ere many months elapse. In one way tiiis strange crisis has done great good ; we have found a metliod of settling the ditl'erences between Upper and Lower Canada ; we have formed a strong party in op- position, in both sections, on the Ijasis laid ilowii by the late goveinnient ; and when parliament meets a few moutiis hence, the effect will soon be shown. Gentlemen, I had a great deal more to say. Init I am exhausted with heat and recent indisposition, and I can proceed no further. I slialladclress you many times in the course of the election contest, and it only now remains for me to thank you very cordially for your kind attention. :! ■it-: i (■ i a n t'. iR 286 LIFE AND SPEECHES <>F ANTI-SLAVERY. ' 1 Tho foUdwinf^ speech was delivered by Mr. Brown, at Toronto, on the evening of February 3rd, 1863, in moving tlie second resolution. Its delivery was frequently interrupted by the hearty plaudits of the large and enthusiastic audience. Mr. Browx said : I have frequently enjoyed tho privilege of addressing my fellow-citizens in the public h.-'lls of our city, but I say sincerely that I never before experienced such heartfelt pleasure in appearing on a public platform as I do on this occasion. The Anti-Slavery Society of Canada has been many years in existence, but I see around me not a few who, long before its establishment, were the earnest and untii'ing friends of the down-trodden slave. For twenty-five years many of us have striven to- gether to promote the cause of emancipation, and long, long years we laboured almost without hope to arouse our neighbours to the frightful position they occupied in the eyes of the Christian world, and to goad them on, if possilile, to some vigorous ett'orts towards the suppression of the inhuman traffic that disgraced their land. How earnestly did wo watch every passing event in the republic that promised some little amelioration to the condition of the slave, or some additional influence to the friends of emancipation. Sad, hopeless work it appeared to bo for many, many years. But at last light broke in upon the scene, and now what a change has passed over tlie whole picture ! What man among us ten years ago, ay, five years ago, ever hoped to live to see the day when the cause of eman- cipation would occupy the position it does at this moment in the American republic. For several years it has happened that I have not been able to lie present at tlie annual meetings of this society ; but well do I recollect the work we had on hand at the last meeting I attended. Our work then was to mark and deplore the increasing power of the slave interest over tho federal government, to denounce the infamous Fugitive Slave Law as a disgrace to civilization, and to express our hearty sympatliy with vhe noble but inconsiderable band of true men throughout the republic who were standing firm for the cause of liberty. That was a very short time ago ; but what an entire revolution have these few brief years witnessed. Now we have an anti-slavery president of tho United States. Now we have an anti-slavery government at Washington. Now we have an anti-slavery congress at Washington. Already slavery has been abolished in the District of Columbia. At last a genuine treaty for the suppression of the slave trade has been signed at Washington with the government of Great Britain, HON. GEoIiO'E niioWX. 387 and for the first time in her history the penalty of death has been enforced in the republic for the crime of nmn-stealing. Then, the black republics of Hayti and Liberia have l)een recognized by the United States as inde- pendent powers ; and, even more important still, the vast territories of the United States iiave been prohibited by law from entering the republic except as free states. And the climax was reached a month ago when Abraham Lincoln, as President of the United States, proclaimed that from that moment every slave in the rebel states was absolutely (we, and that the republic was prepared to pay for the freedom ot all the «'aves in the loyal states. The freely elected government and legislature of the United States have ])roclaimed that not with their consent shall one slave remain within the re[)ublic. Was I not right, then, when I said that we ought to rejoice together to-night? I congratulate you, Mr. Chairman (Kev. Dr. Willis), on tlie issue of your forty years' contest here and on the other side of tlie Atlantic on behalf of the American slave. I congratulate the venerable mover of the first resolution (Kev. Dr. Burns), who for even a longer period has been the untiinching friend of freedom. I congratulate the tried friends of emancipation around me on the platform, and the no less zealous friends of the cause throughout the hall, whose well-remembered faces have been ever present when a word of sympathy was to be uttereil for the ilown- trodden and oppressed. AVho among us ever hoped to see sucii a day as this ? And does it not well become us to meet as we are now doing to proclaim anew our earnest sympathy with the friends of freedom in tlie repviblic. our hearty gratilication at the trreat results that have been accom- plished, and our gratitude to the men who nave staiied life and fortune on the etlort to strike shackles from the bondman. 1 care not to pry narrowly into the motives of all those who li.ive contributed to bring about this great change in the republic. I care not to examine critically the precise mode by which it has been brought about. I care not to discuss the arguments by which it has been promoted or defended in the republic. What to us signifies all this? We see Ijeforo us the great fact that the chains have already fallen from the hands of tens of thousands of human chattels ; we see that if the policy of the present government at Washington prevails, the curse of human slavery will he swept from tiie continent for ever; and our hearts go up with earnest petitions to the (iod of battles that He will strengthen the hands of Abraham Lincoln and give wisdom to his councils. But we have yet another duty to perform. In the face of all the won- derful progress that the anti-slavery cause has made in the L'^nited States — in defiance of the decided emancipation nieasures of Mr. Lincoln's gov- ernment — it is the fact, the strange and startling fact, that professing abolitionists — nay, genuine abolitionists, men who have done much for the cause of negro emancipation — are to be found, both here and in Great Britain, who not only refuse their sympathy to Mr. Lincoln, but regard the slave-tratticking government of Jeflerson Davis with something very much akin to sympathy and good-will. 'ill i n III Hi 288 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF As you are aware, I have recently returned from a visit to Great Britain, and 1 am hounrtunities of conversing with a very large numlter of persons in all positions of life, and I am sorry so say that, while there were many marked exceptions among men of thought and influence, the general sym- pathy was very decidedly on the side of the south. I entirely agree with you, that this feeling has not originated from any change in the ])opular mind of Oreat Britain on the subject of African slavery ; on the contrary, 1 believe that the hatred of slavery, and the desire for emancipation all over the world, are nearly as strong as ever. In almost every one of the hundreds of discussions in which I was a participator, it was again and again repeated by all that, could they believe African slavery to be the cause of the civil war, and that Mr. Lincoln was sincerely desirous of bringing the horrid trattic to an end, they would promptly and heartily give their sympathy to his cause. But the truth is, that the systematic misrupreaentation of tlie Loudon TimcA and other journals, commenced shortly after the outbre.-vk of the civil war and diligently kept up ever ■since, has perverted the public mind of (ireat Britain, and the most aiiia/.- ing misconueptioiis as to the true nature of the struggle are everywhere met with, and that even among the most candid and generous-minded men. I have said, that to this general state of feeling tiiere are many eminent exceptions — that there are many men in Britain who perfectly comprthend the whole merits of the contest, and pre-eminent among them, I believe, stand the members of the British cabinet. I entirely agree with you. tiiat the whole policy and conduct of the British government througiiout the war has been worthj' of all praise; and I do think it is mucli to bi! regretteil that our neighbours across the lines have not viewed aright the wise course it has pursued, but have permitted tlieir journals and some of their public speakers to indulge in accusations as groundless as impolitic. When the impartial history of this civil war shall be written, that page of it which will record the part taken in it by tiie British government — its dignified disregard of contunicly, its patient endurance of commeicial distress and individual suffering and destitution directly resulting from the war, its firm persistent resistance of the seductions of other powers to intrude un- asked in the domestic feuds of the republic— will, I am [lersuaded, stand out as an imperishable monument to the wisdom and justice of the men who held the helm. Whatever misconceptions may exist among the people, there have been no misconceptions on the part of the Britisii government ; firmly and discreetly it has pursued the only course open to it, that of scrupulous neutrality. That the sympathies of the people of England have not been with the north in the present struggle — that those who urged the American people to throw off the disgrace of slavery have not acted up to their own principles when their advice was followed and the contest came — that aid and encouragement have been largely given to the slaveocracy lignified ess and war, its lule uu- l, stand the men people, nmeut ; that of nd have ged the I up to 8t came eocracy HON. GEORGE SHOWN. 289 by the subjects of (ireat IJritain — we arc forced to concede and to deplore ; but tlie liritisli people are a free peoplo— over these things their govern- ment has little or no control — and what has been done by the Britisli government as a government has been all tiiat any just American could demand. Now, I humbly conceive that in all this wo, the anti-slavery men of Canada, have an important duty to dijchar;(e. Wo who have stood here on the borders of the republic for quarter of a century protesting against slavery as the "sum of a'l human villainies"' — wo who have closely watched every turn of tha '■ i: -^ H ' n I? 290 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF can tell. The fiurco contests fought in Knnaaa and Nehraska between freedom and sliivery added immensely to the stiength of the friends of freedom ; and tho atrocioiia Fii(;;itive Slave Law, compelling the freemen of the uoi'tii to liecome fslot-houudM on their own fainis after the human chattels of the wlavo-holders of the south, roused a feeling deep and strong throughout tiie free states. Jt was soon apparent that tho time had co?ne when the issue hetwecn freedom and slavery for supremacy in the repuhlio must lie f(iUght and won. That feeling increased and strengtliened until it hecanio overwhelming in the northern states ; and under its iniluenco the great republican party was formed, and Abraham Lincoln selected as their standard-Lcurer in the presidential contest. Now, lot it be well remembered that Mr. Lincoln was not elected as an abolitionist in tho sense ordinarily applicil to that term. He did not opcidy avow thai slavery was an outrage on all law, iiuman and divine, and that cveiy law or constitution framed to legalize and establish it shoulil be treated witli contempt, and the vile trallic s\\ ept away. Mr. Lmcoln and the juirty wiio elected him did not go that length. They said, we want nothing more- than the constitution gives us; we wish to aliolish slavery wherever we have control niKh.r tlic constitution ; wc wish to lestrict slavery within its present domain, so far as the constitution permits us to do ; wc wish to exercise our constitutional right to prevent the extension of slavt'ry over the 'irritorics of the reiiublic not yet admitted as states of the union. That was the sum and substance of tl«c repul)lican demand; they stood by the constitution. And when it is asked why the northern men have always averred that they were figliting for the union ami the constitution, and not for abolition, it should be borne in mind that the constitution gave them all the jiower that they could possibly desire. Well did they know, and well did tho southerners know, that any anti- slavery president and congress, by their direct powei;.of legislation, by their control of the public patronage, and by tlieir application of the pub- lic moneys, could not (mly restrict slavery within its present boundaries, but could secure its ultimate abolition. The south perfectly compre- hended tliat Mr. Lincoln, if elected, might keep witiiin tiie letter of the constitution and yet sap the foundation of tiie whole slave system. And they acted accordingly. A great and final effort was resolved on by the slave power for the mastery of the union ; and it was insolently proclaimed that if the northern electors dared to elect Mr. Lincoln to the presidential chair, the south would secede from the dnion, and enforce their secession by an appeal to arms. The present rebellion then was conceived and planned, not only before Mr. Lincoln appeared at Washington, but pre- vious to his election ; it was his determination to restrict the limits of slavery so far as he had the power under the constitution, and no further. Well, the north was not intimidated by the threats of the south, and Mr. Lincoln was elected. From that day actual revolution began. Months before he was sworn in, the southerners, with the connivance of a weak democratic president, commenced their preparations for revolt. Arms and HON. GEOIiQE BIunVN. 291 supplies were distributeJ over the south, and before Mr. Lincohi reached Washington, the tocsin of civil war had been snuudeil. The tirttblow was struck by the soutiiernera ~it was utrucit at i-'ort Sumter— altiiough Mr. Lincoln had not yet taken the ali^ditest ntep in tiie direction of emauci- patiun, Tlie preservation and perpetuation of shivery was the one cause why that blow was struck ; and, had any doul)t on that point existed, Uie speech of Mr. Stephens, Vice-l'ro»idcnt of the confederate states, delivered at Savannah in March last, would have ellectually removed it. He said : " Last, not least, the new constitucion has put at rest ./')/• ''•(•;• all the agitating (|Ui-'8tions relating to our peculiar institution African .slavery :ia it exists among us, the proper status of tlio negro in our form of civili/a- tion. This was the immediate cause of the late rupture and present revo- lution. .luU'ersou, in iiis forecast, had anticipated this as the ' rock ujon which theoM union would split.' He was rigiit. What was conjecture witii him is now a realized fact. l!ut whether \w. fully comprehended the gK at truth upon which thai rock stood and stan Is nriy be doubted. The pie- vailing ideas entertained l)y him and most of the leading statesmen at tlio time of tlie formation of the old constitution were that the enslavement of the African was in violation of the laws of nature, that it was wrong in principle, socially, morally and politically. . . . Those ideas, how- ever, were fundamentally wrong. They rested upon the assuinpti'Ui ot tiie equality of nices. Tiiis was an error. It was a sandy foundation ; and the idea of a government built upon it — when ' the storm came and the wind blew, it fell.' Our new government is founded upon exactly tlic op- posite iileas ; its foundations are laid, its corner stone rests, upon the ^reat truth that the negro is not ei|Ual to the white nin'i ; that slavery subordi- nation to the superior race is iiis natural and moral condition. This, our new government, is the tir.st in the history of the world based upon this great physical, philosophical and moral truth." Here the issue I)ctween north ami south is .dearly and frankly stated, and those who sympathize with the soutii can see very plainly what it is they are aiding to establish. But the (juestion is constantly put, Why, when Mr. Lincoln and his government saw that the southern states were determined to leave the union, diil they not let them go in peace, and ' save the fearful eH'usion of blood that lias Ijeen witnessed 't To this I think it might be enough for an American to reply, Why did not Hngland let the thirteen states go? Why did not Britain let Irelaml go? Why did not Austria let Hungary go? \Vhy does not the Tope let the people of IkOme go ? We have often heard of parts or sections of states desiring to secede, sometimes with reason and sometimes without, but who ever lieanl the central authority of any country patiently acijuiescing in the dismem- berment of their land ? Such a concession is not in human nature, how- ever reasonable the demand for it. Hut it is contended the .soutli had the right to secede ; the republic was but a collection of independent states surrendering for a while their sovereignty, but holding the right to reas- Bume it at any moment. Now, I do not think it worth while to waste I •> , ■i « -If I' ,\< ■> H .4 '■ li '■I i>l 29: LIFE AND SPEECHES OF I tiino in di8CUf)8iiiK this point. I have failed to meet witli any proof that the fedorntion wuh assuntcd to for a limited time. The areument appears to reHt Mimply on the ploa tiiat as t\w Htatea freely chose to enter the union, so may they freely rhoosM to depart. Well, Scotland freely entered into union with Kngland ; hut does that prove that Scotland can separate when she chooses? ireland ontciod the union with Great liritain, not over-willingly ; but does that prove that she can leave it wlion alio chooses? No doubt the southern states, like Scotland or Ireland, may break the compact and go— i/V/c// hm'f Ihr jtom'r ~h\\i success wf)uld ho revolution, and lailure rebellion. Governments exist for the good of the whole people. We once had a glorious revolution in Kngland; and assuredly, when the government of any country ceases to be administered for the esHontial bonolit of the people, a revolution is the .sound and politic remedy. The world no longer believes in the ilivine right of either kings or presidents to govern wrong ; but those who seek to change an established government by force of arms assume a fearful responsibility— a responsibility which nothing but the clearest and most intolerable injuatice will acquit them for assuming. The southern states plead as their excuse for revolution that Abraiiam Lincoln was duly and constitutionally elected prcsidnnt of the republic, and that the permanency of slavery was therel)y placotl in danger. Is that a plea to be accepted by the civilized world in the second half of the nineteenth century ? Revolutions were wont to be ett'orts of the oppressed to deliver themselves from bondage ; but here is a rovolu- tiiiii to perpetuate slavery, to fasten more hopelessly tliau ever the chains of servitude on the limbs of four millions of human being.s. Is it with that Christian England can sympathize ? Ought not an outburst of indignation at such a spectacle be heard from every land ? There is no justice, uo right, in the case of the southern slave-holders — it is simply a iiuestion of might. If they have the power to go, assuredly they will go. But whether they go or stay is now of comparatively little moment. What docs concern us, and what must rejoice every true-hearted man in Chris- tendom is, that go when they may, they will go without their slaves. We owe that much at any rate to Abraham Lmcoln and his friends. But let us return to the question, Why did not Mr. Lincoln let the slave states go ? And before proceeding to examine that question from an anti-slavery point of view, will you permit me to make a digression, and, speaking for myself and not for any other, to give an answer with which I am persuaded every true British heart ought to sympathize. We all know the prejudice at this moment against the United States in Great Britain and Canada ; we know well all that is said, and that unfortunately can be said with too much truth, as to the statesmanship of the republic, as to the tone assumed by the Americans towards foreign nations, as to the defects in their political system, and as to the conduct of the civil war ; but were all that is alleged on these scores true — were vastly more than is averred true — I do think that no man who loves human freedom and desires the elevation of mankind could contemplate without the deepest regr>9t a failure HON. OEoIiOt: BROWN. ?93 of that great cxpciiinont of Belf-gos'erniiiont auroBS the lines. Had Mr. Lincoln consented to the Huoession uf tlio southern states, had lie admitted tiiat each statu could at any moment and on any pica take its departure trom tiio union, ho would simply have given his consent to the complete ru))turo of the federation. Tho southein states ami the border states woidd have gone — the western states might soon hiivo followed — tho states on the I'acific would • nt have been long lioiiind— and whi-re the practice of sucO'ision, once commenced, mii,'ht liave ended, would he ditiiuult to say. Petty rcpuhlios would liavo covered tho continent ; each would liavo iiad its stany tho constant refexvnces, in the speeches of our greatest statesmen for nearly a century past, to American practices, American precedents, and American institution.'^. These may not have been copied by tho niotlicr country, but it is impo.-sil)lo to doubt that on many im[)ortant questions tho free theories and the free examples of America have greatly influenced for good tho legislation of Great Britain. And if tliis has been tho case under the good government of Britain, what iiilliience may not have been exerted upon the despotic systems of the European continent? Can the hosts of Frenchmen, Austrians, I'russians, Italians, and other Europeans, who found homes in the L'l.ited States, have tailed to waft across the Atlantic, or to carry back with tliein to their native lands, tho new ideas of popular rights ac(iuired in tho land of tiieir adoption".' And would it not be sad indi-ed if tho echo of these ideas, so often heard on the continent in tho shape of demands for extended popular rights and free ce country. One half lias licuu entirely Murrendurcd to slavery, and thu othur half has boon subject to tho sauio mali>{n intlueuoe. Tho Houtheru states have l)oou knit to((ethor by one cornninn bond— touch the slave intereHt, an ton. No man could be successful in public life, no man could hope to rise to cinin'jnce in tho admiuistnition of allairti, uiiIchh he knelt at the southeru shrine, and maintained witli his whole strength the peculiar institution. Nothing could be more corrupting, more utterly dcinorali/.intr, to the public men of the north tiiaii tho choice constantly presented to them — adhere to your northern primiples, and ruin your career ; abandon your principles and bow your nock to slavery, and the gates of the White Houmo are open to you. Nor was the slave intliicnce confined to the public arena— it per- meated every walk of life. Tho vast cotton trade ami tiio supplying of goods to the slave-holder cxtonded their ramifications all over the union ; tiieir influence was felt in the store, the work-shop, the lecture room, the press — ay, even in the pulpit. Every one was made to feel the potency of cott(>n ; and a style of argumentation in defence or palliation of slavery was heard everywhere from men who, on any other (|uestion, would have scorned to advance such miserable sopliistnea. The whole union was de- bauched by the cotton iullucnce ; and it does appear to me that it would bo unreasonable and unjust to test the American constitution by its work- ing while controlled by influences so malign and injurious. Let the frienda of freedom rejoice that at least tho hope of a )>etter state of things begins to dawn, and that, freed from the curse of human sl.-ivery, tho American people may yet sliow themselves worthy of their high origin, and take their right place among the free nations of the world. We in Upper Canada cannot help having some sympathy with the northerners in their peculiar position ; for altiiough we have no south we have an eastern iiiHuence to contend with — an esistern minority that rules tho western majority, that controls our public affairs, and dictates terms to our public men as tho price and the penalty of otiicial success. None know better than the people of Upper Canada the demoralizing scenes that may be witnessed in the public arena under an influence like this. Let it not be imagined for a moment, from my speaking thus, that I am a republican either in theory or practice. I am persuaded that no one can have studied closely and impartially the republican system of the United States, and compared it with the limited monarchy of Great Britain, without coming to the conclusion that the practical results obtained from our own form of government are infinitely more satisfactory than those secured under the Hoy. GKoUaE niinWN. L'O.') HyMtom of our noigh))oura. Hut lot un not forgut that wo aro apt to judi^o of monarchy hy the monarchy of (/ueon Victoria -the bout, the wiaoHt Hov/' No honest anti- nlavcry man can hi'Hitatc in answering, Ueeauso it would have heon wrong to do RO, hocausu it would have liuilt up a great ulavo republic that no moral iiilluoncc could have readied. Mad theextrcuio nlavu Htatei been allowed to Houoilo without a blow, thoro is every roasou to believe that all the border stated Would have gone with thom, and a large portion of the unadmitted territories of the union would liavo been added to tiu) 8lave domain. Such a confederacy would have overawed tho free northern states ; the slave trade would havu been at onco thrown open, and no foreign government would have venturoil to interfere. It has boon said that if that wero attempted, Franco and Kiiyland would enforce by arms a treaty against the inhuman traltic. 1 do not believo anything of tho kind. If Kiighiud could have been induced to go to w-ir aliout tlie slave trailo, she would have gone to war with Spain long ai;<». She paid money to Spain to give up tho sliamelcsH ti'allic, and yet Spain carries it on to tliis day, ami I'liigiand has not gone to war to coni|)el her to desist. No, if this confederacy had been formed, with slavery and the slave trade as its beautiful corner-stonea, no Kuropean government would have interfered ; and wo !>hoiiid havo on this continent, under the protection of a regularly orgauizoil govornmont, tho most monstrous outrage of humanity that has disgraced the present ago. Had Mr. Lincoln passively pcnnittcil all this to bo done — had he permitted tho southern states to go, and such a government to bo formed with96 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF the south to go, if they had permitted a vast slave ropublio to be bnilt up and tlie .slave trade to be declared legal, there are few men in f]ngland or France who would not have expressed bitter indignation at such lamentable imbecility ; and foremost among them, I do not doubt, would have been the very men who now cry. Why not let them go? Mr. Lincoln and his friends would have disgraced themselves forever had they consented to let the south go, with a knowledge of what would happen. And coiiio what may hereafter, already has enough been achieved to justify their refusal. Slavery has been abolished by law in thi; District of Columbia ; half of Viriiinia has dec'-.red for freedom; tiie great state of Missouri has resolved to accept indemnification and manumit its bondsmen ; and theio can be very little doubt that Delaware, Maiylaiid and Kentucky, come what may, will now cast in their lot with the free northern states. Tens of thousands of slaves have been actually set free— the law has declared every slave in the rebel states free, and were thi' south to achieve its free- dom to-morrow, it is hard to see how the chattels can be held in bondage. The.se ireat results have not ))een obtained without prodigious sacrifices ; but a.s.suredly for what has been ilouo tlio hearty thaidcs of tlie civilized world are due to the government at Washington, %T-l 1:^ But there is another question (constantly heard, and it is tiiis : Why did not Mr. Lincoly openly, frankly, and from the first declare the over- throw of slavery to be his object in the civil war? Now, I could under- stand such a (jucstion as this coming from a (iro-slavery man, for we have becomo used to the twi?liiig.s and windings of that clai-s of disimtants, Init I confess I do not coinpiclu'iul sucli a iiue.stion coming from the lips of a true emancipationist. Mr. Lincoln was not elected by the whole north, but only \>y a portion of the northern electors ; Mr. Lincoln's views on tlie slave question were not held by the whole north, but, on the contrary, a large portion of the north approved of slavery and denounced Mr. Lincoln's policy upon it. Mr. Lincoln had a divided north to fight with against a united south ; and yet these professing abolitionists would have had him come out with an unnecessiiry declaration which would have split up his supporters, and given the south the uncontrolled mastery of the union. No ; Mr. Lincoln knew better what he was about. He simply declared for the maintenance of the union. And why? Because ho knew that men would come in to fight with him for the maintenance of the union, whose political antecedents forbade them from fighting for the overthrow of slavery. He desired to get a united north as against a united south, and he could only get them united on the ground of the maintenauco of the union. Hut well he knew that if the union were maintained, and lie him- self remained president of the union, his end would be accomplished. One can fancy Mr. Lincoln reasoning thus ; "If I am president, I have power to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia ; I will have po\ver to pre- vent its entrance into the territories ; I will be able to oli'er money to induce each state to abolish slavery ; I will have a right to put men loving freedom in all public ollices of the south ; and by these and other means I m HON. GEORGE BROWN. 097 shall confine slavery within so narrow a compass that it will soon come to an end." ]{y this course he kept his great object in view, ami prevented open division in the north at the commencement of the struggle. Time did its work many of tlie democratic party, in the heat of strife, forgot their political antecedents, and gradually saw and admitted the necessity of waging war against slavery ; and Mr. Lincoln was enabled to venture on measures that dared not have been breathed at tho beginning of the struggle. fkit we are told that if the north and south separated, and the north became an independent state, the most friendly relations would spring up between tho south and Great Britain, and an immense trade would be thereby secured to the mother country. Now. I appreJiend that we iiere very mcU understand what all this amounts to. If there is a body of men on the face of the earth who hate Groat Britain with undying hatred, it is tho slave-holders of the southern states. They liat(! tho very name of Britain, because they know that the Britisli people love freedom, and are the genuine enemies of .slavery througiiout the world. To servo present purposes they may profess to be friendly for the moment, but as soon as their ends are obtaineil they will speedily be seen in their true colours as the l)itter enemies of Great Britain. The most violent attacks on Great Britain, the most insulting language has almost invariably proceeded from southern lips and soutliern pen^:. Jiut, it is said, " the north has the same feelings ; the north has no love for Great Britain ; and the moment the present civil war is ended, the northernei-s will cross over to Canada, con- (juer us in a \\iek, and annex our country to their dominions." 1 fancy that we in Canada understand the eccentricities of our American neigli- bours much better tlian our friends in the mother country, iiid can place a truer value on the vaiiatiiigs of their press, and the boastful language of their orators. We liave lived at peace with them for fifty years, and not- withstanding all that is come and gone, we liojie to live at peace with them for tifty more. We have large commercial relations, mutually prolitable relations, with them ; we have no cause of ijuarrel with them, and except as oratorical flourishea, the idea of attacking Canada, I am persuaded, never entered their conception. \Vcre the civil strife ended to-morrow, our neighbours will have had (piito enough of war to last them for many years to come ; l)ut assuredly should they be mad enough gratuitously to attack us, wc are vastly more able now to defend our soil than we were tifty years ago; and what we did in ISl'J we would uiillinchingly do again. It is not by such petty bugbears that honest Britons will be prevented from candidly examining the true merits of the American civil war, and praying earnestly that God may uphold the right. There is one fact that I conceive ought to be perfectly conclusive with every sincere emancipationist, whether in Britain or in Canada, as to the side on which their sympathy should be cast. There have been for many years in the United States noble men fighting for freedom — the Tappans, the Jays, the Adams, the Beechers, tlie Garrisons, the Gerrit Smiths, and n m !H fl V'l ; :t^ '^ ii : 298 T Z/i!!e AND SPEECHES OF a host of other patriots, whose names will one clay have a high rank in the annals of their country. These men have justly enjoyed the con- fidence and esteem of the British public, and they have never done any- thing to forfeit it. Now, it is a fact, an instructive fact, that there is not one such man, not one man who ever stood high in English estimation for moral wortii and sterling patriotism, who is not found ranged on the side of the north in the present struggle — there is not one such man who is not found on the side of Mr. Lincoln and heartily supporting him. Every one of them perfectly comprehends, and we anti-slavery men of Canada per- fectly comprehend, that the whule hope of thorough aud inimcdiate eman- cipation, rests on the success of Abraham Lincoln's administration. I must apologize for detaining the meeting to so unreasonable a length ; but I felt that it was a duty we owed to ourselves, to our neighbours across the line, and to our friends in (Jieat Britain, that the true merits of this great struggle should be clearly stated from our position of advantage, and from an anti-slavery point of view. I am well assured that those of us who may be spared some years hence to look back upon this civil war in America, will never have cause to repent that they took part in the pro- ceedings of this night, but will remember with pride and pleasure that we did what we could to uphold the right. For myself, wliatever may be tlie result of the present strife, I siiall always feel the highest satisfaction in recollecting tiiat with the sin of sympathizing with slavery or secession my hands are not defiled ; but that from the commoncement of the struggle my earnest aspirations have gone with the friends of freedom. I- h MS ■1 Ml HON. a En ROE BROWN. 299 CONFEDERATION RESOLUTIONS. The following speech was delivered on February 3th, 1865, imme- diately after tlie reading of the Order of tlie Day for reauniing the debate on tlie resolution for a union of the British Nortli American colonies. Its delivery was frequently interrupted by the hearty cheers of the House, and at its conclusion Mr. Brown resumed his seat amid loud and continued api)lause. Hex. Georok Bro\,n rose and said : It is with no ordinary gratification I rise to address the House on tliis occasion. I cannot help feeling that the struggle of half a lifetime for constitutional reform — the agitations in the country, and the fierce contests m tliis chamber — the strife, and the discord and the abuse of many years — are all compensated by the great ficlieme of reform which is now in your hands. The Attorney-* iencral for Upper Canada, as well as the Attorney-General for Lower Canada, in addressing the House last night, were anxious to have it understood that this sclieme for uniting British America under one government is somethinfif different from "representation by population" — is something different from "joint authority'' — but is in fact the very scheme of the government of which they were members in 1S.")S. Xow, it is all very well that my honourable friends should receive credit for the large share they have contriijuted towards maturing the measure before tiie House ; but I could not help reflecting while they spoke, that if this was then- very scheme in 1858, they succeeded woniierfully in bottling it up from all the world except themselves, and 1 could not help regretting that wo had to wait till 186-1 until this mysterious plant f)f ]8.")S was forced to fruition. For myself, I care not who gets the credit of this scheme — I believe it contains tlie best features of all the suggestions that have been maile in the last ten years for the settlement o (nir troubles ; and the whole feeling in my mind now is one of joy and thankfulness tluit there were found nuii of posi- tion and influence in Canada who, at a moment of serious crisis, had nerve and patriotisn. enough to cast aside political partisanship, to banish per- sonal considerations, and unite for the accomplislinient of a measure so fraught with advantage to their common country. It was a bold stop in the then existing state of public feeling for many members of the House to vote for the constitutional cominitt«e movod for by me last session— it was a very bold step for many of the members of that committee to speak and vote candidly upon it — it was a still bolder thing for many to place their names to the report that emanated from that committee — but it was an infinitely bolder step for the gentlemen who now occupy these treasury benches, to brave the misconceptions and suspicions that would^ccrtaiuly J >,./ J .ill . ^1 300 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF attach to the act, and enter the same government. And it is not to be denied that auoh a coalition demandeil no ordinary justirtcation. But who does not feel that every one of us has to-day ample justiKcatiou and reward for all we did in the document now under discussion ? But seven short months liave passed away since the coalition government was formed, j'et already are we submitting a scheme well-weighed and matured, for the erection of a future empire — a scheme which has been received at home and abroad with almost universal approval. Hon'. Mr. Holton (ironically): Heai, hear ! Hon. Mr. Bkown : My honourable friend dissents from that, but is it possible truthfully to deny it ? Has it not been approved and endorsed by the governments of five separate colonies ? Mas it not received the all but unanimous approval of tiic press of Canaeived it with acclamations of approval ? — that the government of England has cordially endorsed and accepted it? — ay, tiiat even the press and the public men of the United States have spoken of it with a degree of respect they uo\er befoie accorded to any colonial movement ? I venture to assert that no sclieine of equal magnitude, ever placed before the world, was received with higher eulogiums, with more universal approbation, than the measure we have now the pleasure of submitting for the acceptance of the Canadian parliament. And no higher eulogy could, I think, be pro- nounced than that I heard a few weeks ago from the lips of one of the HON. GEORGE BUOWX. 301 foremost of JSritish statesmen, that tlie system of government we proposed seemed to liim a happy compound of tlie best features of the Britisli and American constitutions. And well might our present attitude in Canada arrest the earnest attention of other countries. Here is a people composed of two distmct races, speaking difl'nrent languages, with religious and social and municipal and educational in»ritish Empire. I speak in no boastful spirit — I desire not for a moment to excite a painful tliought — what WU3 then the fortune of war of the brave French nation, might have been ours on that well-fought field. I recall those olden times merely to mark the fact that here sit to-day the descendants of the victors and the vancjuished in the fight of 17o9, with all the dillerences of lan- guage, religion, civil law and social habit, nearly as distiuctl> marked as they were a century ago. Here we sit to-day seeking amicably to find a remedy for constitutional evils and injustice complained of — by the van- quished? No, but complained of by the concpierors ! Here sit the repre- sentatives of the British population claiming justice— only justice; and here sit the representatives of the French population, discussing in the French tongue whether we shall have it. One hundred years have passed away since the conquest of Quebec, but here sit the children of the victor and the vanquished, all avowing hearty attachment to the British Crown — all earnestly delibert^ting how we shall best extend the blessings of British institutions — how a great people may be established on this continent in close and hearty connection with Great Britain Where, iu the page of 30: LIFE AND SPEECHES OF history, shall we find a parallel to this '.' Will it not stand as an imperish- able monument to the generosity of British rule ? And it is not in Canada alone that this scene is being witnessed. Four other colonies arc at this moment occupied as we are — declaring their hearty love for the parent state, and deliberating with us how they may best discliarge the gruat duty entrusted to their hands, and give their aid in developing the teeming resources of these vast possetisions. And well may the work we have unitedly proposed rouse the ambition and energy of every true man in British America. Look at the map of tlic conti- nent of America, and mark that islaml (Newfoundland) commanding the mouth of the noble river that almost cuts onr continent in i/wain. Well, that island is cijual in extent to tiio kingdom of Portugal. Cross the straits to the mainland, an^ir present situation, is capable of gradual and efficient expansion in -uture years to meet all the great purposes contemplated by our scheme. But if the honourable gentleman will only iecall to mind that wlien the United States seceded from the mother country, and for many years after- HON. GEORGE JiROWX. 303 wards, their population was not nearly efjual to ours at this moment — that their internal improvements diil not tiien approach to what we have already attained, and tiiat their trade and commerce was not then a third of what ours lias already reached— I think that he will see that tlie fultilinent of our hopes may not be so very remote as at first sight mij^ht be imagined. And he will be strengtiiened in that convictiim if ho rciin'inbers tliat what we propose to do is to bo done with tUe cordial sympathy and assistance of that great power of which it is our ha'jpiness to foi'm a part. Such are the objects of attainment to whicli tlio British American Conference pledged itself in October. And said 1 not rigiitly that such a scheme is well fitted to tiro the ambition a'ld rouse the energies of every member of tliis House? Dues it not lift us above tiu; petty politics of the past, and present to us high purposes and great interests that may well call fortli all the intellectual abilitj' and all tiie energy and enterprise to be f(jund among us? 1 readily admit all the gravity of tlie (juestion, and that it ought to be considered cautiously and thoroughly before; adoption. Far be it from me to deprecate the closest criticism, or to dou))t for a moment the sincerity or patriotism of those who feel it their duty to oppose the measure. But in c(jnsidering a iiuestion on which hangs the future destiny of half a continent, ought not tlie spirit of mere fault-finding to be hushed ?— ought not the voice of partisanship to bo banished from our debates? — ought we not sit down and discuss the arguments presented in the earnest and candid spirit of men bound by tiie same interests, seeking a common end, and loving the same country ? Some honourable gentlemen seem to imagine that tlic members of government have a deeper interest in this scheme than others — but what possible interest can any of us have except that which we share with every citizen of the land? What risk does any one run from this Jiieasure in wiiich all of us do not fully par- ticipate ? What possible inducement could we have to urge this scheme, except our earnest and heartfelt conviction that it will inure to the solid and lasting advantage of our country ? There is one consideration that cannot be banished from this discussion, and that ouuht, I think, to be remembered in every word we utter ; it is that the constitutional system of Canada cannot remain as it is now. Some- thing must be done. We cannot stand still. We cannot go back to chronic, sectional hostility and discord— to a state of perpetual ministerial crises. The events of the last eight months cannot be oijliterated ; the solemn admissions of men cf all parties can never be erased. The claims of L'pper Canada for justice must be mot, and met now. I say, then, that every one who raises his voice in hostility to this measure is bound to keep before him, when he speaks, all the perilous conseipiences of its rejection ; I say that no man who has a true regard for the well-being of Canada can give a vote against this scheme, unless he is prepared to ofl'er, in amendment, some better remedy for the evils and injustice that have so long threatened the peace of our country. And not only must the scheme proposed in amendment be a better scheme — it must be something that can be carried. ^f m It"*' '•if I 304 LIFE AND SPELV/fL'S of I see an honourable friend now Vjefore me, for wiiose opinions I have the very highest respect, who says to me : "Mr. Brown, you should not liave settlfid this part of the plan as you have done ; hero is the way you should have framed it." "Well, my dear sir," is my reply, "I perfectly agree with you, but it could not be done. Whether we ask for parliamentary reform for Canada alone or in union witlj the Maritime Provinces, the views of French Canadians must be consulted as well as our.^. This scheme can be carried, and no scheme can be that has not the support of both sec- tions of the province. " Hon. Mu. Caktikk : There is the question. Hon. Mk. Bi'.owx : Yes, that i" tho question and the whole (juer^tion. No constitution ever framed was without defect ; no act of liuman wisdom was ever free from imperfection ; no amount of talent and wisdom and integrity combined in preiiaringsuuli a scheme coidd have placed it beyond the x-eat'h of criticism. And the framers of this scheme had immense special diliiculties to overcome. We had tiie prejudices of race and language and religion to deal with ; and wo had to encounter all the rivalries of trade and connnerce, and all the jealousies of diversified local interests. To assert, then, that our scheme is without fault, would be folly. It was neeessarily the work of concossiou ; not one of the thirty-three framers but had, on some points, to yield his opinions ; and, for myself, I freely iidinit that I struggled earnestly, for days together, to have portions of the scheme amended. But admitting all this — admitting all the diliiculties that beset us — admittin.;^ frankly that defects in the measure exist — I say that, taking the scheme as a whole, it has my cordial, enthusiastic support, without hesitation or reservation. I believe it will accomplish all, and more than all, that we, wlio have so long fought the battle of parliamentary reform, ever hoped to see accomplished. I l)elieve that, while granting security for local interests, it will give free scope for carrying out the will of the whole people in general matters — that it will draw closer the bonds that unite us to Great Britain — aud that it will lay the foundations deep and strong of a powerful and prosperous people. And if the House will allow ine to trespass to a somewhat unusual degree on its indulgence, I am satisfied that I can clearly establish that such are the results fairly to be anticipated from the measure. There are two views in which this scheme may be regarded, namely, the existing evils it will remedy, and the new advantages it will secure for us as a people. Let us begin by examining its remedial provisions. First, then, it applies a complete and satisfactory remedy to the injustice of the existing system of parliamentary representation. The people of Upper Canada have bitterly complained that though they numbered four hundred thousand souls more than the population of Lower Canada, and though they have contributed three or four pounds to the general revenue for every pound contributed by the sister province, yet the Lower Canadians send to parliament as many representatives as they do. Now, the measure in your hands brings this injustice to an end ; it sweeps away the line of demarcation between the HOX. UEORGE liROWX. 30.') ^*. two Rectiona on all matters common to tlic whole province ; it gives repre- sontation acconliim to nunil)erM w liorever found in tlio lidusouf Asai'nilily ; ar.il it provides a simple and convenient Hy.stem for rt-adjustint; the repre- sentation after each decennial ciMisus, To this proposed constitution of the Lower Cliaml)er, I liave heard only'two ohjoctinna. It lias boon alleged that until after the census of 1871, the number of members is to remain as at present; but this is a mistake. Fpper Canaila ia to receive from the start eighty-two representatives, and Lower Canada sixty-Hve ; and wliat- ever increase the census of 1871 niay establish will be tlien adjusted. It has also been objected tiiat thoiigh tlie resolutions provide that tlie exist- ing parliament of Canada shall estahlish the electoral divisions for the first organizotion of the federal parliamei.*:, thoy do not determine in whoso hands the duty of distributing any adilitional mcndx^rs is to be vested. No doubt on this head need exist ; the federal parliament will of course have full power to regulate all arrangements for the election of its own members, liut I am told by Upper Canadians — the constitution of the Ijower House is all well enoii£;li, it is in the I'pper House arraiifenients that the scheme is objectionable. And first, it is said that I'pper Canada should have had in the legislative council a greater number of mumbors than Lower Canada. Mk. T. C.Wallbiuduk : Hear, hear ! Hon. Mk. Brow.v : The honourable member for North Hastings is of that opinion ; but tliat gentleman is in favour of a legislative union, and had we been forming a legislative union, there might have been some force in the demand. But the very essence of our compact is that the union shall be federal and not legislative. Our Lower Canada friends have agreed to give us representation by population in the Jvower House, on the express condition that they shall have equality in the I'pper House. On no other condition could we have advanced a step ; and for my part, I am (juito willing tiiat they should have it. In maintaining the existing sectional boundaries and handing over the control of local matters to local bodies, we recognize, to a certain extent, a diversity of interests ; and it was (piite natural that the protection for those interests, by equality in the LTpper Chamber, should be {li you may not f{ive tho power t> tho ex- ecutive to increase the numbers of tlio Upp-r House in the event of a dead-lock, you niiKlit limit tin.' term for wliicli tho members are apjiointed. I was myself in favour of that proposition. 1 thouiriit it would be well to provide for a more freijuont chamzc in the composition of tlio Upper House, and lessen tho dun>{or of tho chamber beiiiy largely composed of gentlemen whoso advanood years min^ht forbid the punctual anl vigorous discharge of their public duties. Still, the objection made to this wos very strong. It was said: "Suppose you appoint them tor nine years, what will bo tiio etFeat? For tho last three or tour years of tlieir term they would be anticipating its expiry, ami anxiously looking to the admin- istration of tho day for reappointment ; and theconseciuenco would be that a third of ttio members would bo under the inlluence of the executive." The desire was to render tho Upper House a thoroughly independent body — 0110 that would be in the bost position to canvuss dispassionately the measures of this House, and stand u)) for tho public interests in opposi- tion to hasty or partisan legisbition. It was contended that there is no fear of a dead-lock. We wero reminded how the system of appointing for life had worked in past years, since resiionsible government was intro- duced; we were told that tho complaint was not then that the Upper Chamber hud been too obstructive a body — not that it had sought to restrain tlio popular will, but that it had too fuitiifuUy roHocted tiie popu- lar will. Undoubtedly that was the complaint formerly pressed upon us, and I readily admit that if ever there was a body to whom we could safely entrust the power which by this measure we propose to confer on the members of the Upper Chamber, it is the body of gentlemen who at this moment compose the legislative council of Canada. Tlie forty-eight coun- cillors for Canada are to be chosen from the jiresent chamber. There are now thirty-four members from the one section, and thirty-five from the other. I believe that of the sixty-nine, some will not desire to make their appearance here again; others, uniiappily, from years and infirmity, may not have strength to do so ; and there may be others who will not desire to qualify under the statute. It is quite clear that when twenty-four are selected for Upper Canada and twenty-four for Lower Canada, very few indeed of the present House will be excluded from the federal chamber ; and I confess I am not without hope that there may be some way yet found of providing, for all who desire it, an honourable position in the legislature of the country. And after all, is it not an imaginary fear — that of a deadlock? Is it at all probable that any body of gentlemen who may compose the Upper House, appointed as they will be for life, acting as they will do on personal and not party responsibility, possessing as they must a deep stake in the welfare of the country, and desirous as they must y/o.v. «,hn/{(,/-: ititowy. 30y bo of luiMincr the esteoin of their I'l'lloW'-iihjoctM, would tnke fn iinroaHoii. nlilu a courHn iw to iin|icril tlu: wliotu politiunl faltric? 'I'liu Kritinli lloiiao of I't-ern itHflf does n>)t vonture, ('/ I'lmfranrc, torcMiHttliu popular will, itiul can it lie nnticipatuil that i>ur I'ppcr ChaiiiluT would not itNolf niHldy against tlio popular will? II any tear is to lie cnturtaiuud in tliu matter, in it nut ralliur that tlu! councillors will lio found too tlmroii'.dily in iiarinony with tlio popular fofliiii/ of tlio day? And wu havo tliiti Miitisfiiction at any rate, that so far as its first formation \h concerned, so far as the present (piestion is concerned, wo shall liavt; a liody of guntleinon in whom every contidenuu may lie placed. IJut it is ohjeoted that in the constitution of the rppcr lioiiso, ho far as Lower Canada is concerned, the e.\i>tiir^' electoral divisidiis are to ho niaintained, while, ns rojjardH L'pper Canada, they are to ho aholisiiotl — tliat the iiK'nihers from Lower ('iiiiada are to sit as representniL; the divi- sions in which they reside or have tiieir property i|Ualilication ; wnile in Up)ier Canada there is no such arrangement. Tudouhtedly this is the fact : it has heen so arraiij/ed to suit the peculiar position of this section of the province. Our Lcnver Canada friends fell that they had French Cana- dian interests and IJiitish iiitcri'sta to hu protected, and they crinceivod that the existing system of electoral divisions W(juld ;,'ivo protection to these separate interests. \V<' in l'|)per Canada, on the other hand, wore ({uite content that they should settle that amonij; themselves, and maintain their e.xistinj^ divisions if they chose. Mut, so far as wo in the west wore concerned, we had no such separate interests to protect — we had no diver- sities of origin or lan;;u.igc to reconcile and we felt that the true interest of Upper Canada was that her very best men should he sent to the legis- lative council, wlierever they miu'ht happen to reside or wherever their property was located. If there is one evil in the Ameri(;an systeni which in my mind stands out as pre-eminently its greatest defect, except univer- sal sull'rage, it is that uiuler that constitution the representatives of the people must reside in the constituencies for which they sit. The result is that a puhlic iiiaii, no matter what his talent or what his position, no matter how ncceasary it may he for the interest of tho country that ho should be in public life, unless he ha[ipens to belong to tho political party popular for the time being in the constituency where lio resides, cannot possibly find a seat in congress. Ami over and over again have we seen the veiy best men of the rei.iililic, the most illustrious names recorded in its political annals, driven out of the legislature of their country, simply because the majority in the electoral division in which they liveil was of a difl'erent political party from them. I do think the British system intiii- itely better than that, securing as it does that publi(! men may be trained to public life, with the assured conviction that if they prove themselves worthy of public confidence, and gain a position in the country, constitu- encies will always be found to avail themselves of their services, whatever be the political party to which they may adhere. You may make politi- cians by tbe other, but assuredly this is the way that statesmen are pro- duced. il ^ i U' 310 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF I., i But it is further objected that the property qualification of the mem- bers of the Upper House from Priuce Edward Island and Newfoundland may be either real or personal estate, while in the others it is to be real estate alone. This is correct ; but I fancy it matters little to us upon what species of property our friends in Prince Edward Island or in New- foundland base their qualification. In Canada real estate is abundant ; every one can obtain it ; and it is admitted by all to be the best qualifica- tion, if it be advisable to have any property qualification at all. But in Newfoundland it would be exceedingly inconvenient to enforce such a rule. The publjc lands there are not even surveyed to aiij' considerable extent ; the ^^eople are almost entirely engaged in fishing and commercial pursuits, and to require a real estate qualification would be practically to exclude some of its best pulilic mei) from the legislative council. Then in Prince Edward Island a large portion oi tlic island is lieid in extensive tracts by absentee proprietors and leased to tiie settler.*. A feud of long standing has been the result, and tliere would be some difficulty in finding landed proprietors who would be acceptable to the people a? members of the Upper House. This also must be remembered, that it will be a very dili'erent thing for a member from Newfoundland or Prince Edward Island to attend the legislature at Ottawa from what it is for one of ourselves to go there. He must give up net only his time, but the comfort and conve- nience of being near home ; and it is desirable to throw no unnecessary obstacle in the way of our getting tl^e vcrj' liest men from these provinces. But it is further objected that these resolutions do not define how the legislative councillors are to be chosen at first. I apprehend, liowever, there is no doubt whatever as I'egards that. Clause 14 says: "The first selection of the members to constitute the federal legislative council shall be made from the members of the now existing' '•. gislative councils, by the Crown, at the recommendation of the general executive government, upon the nomination of the respective local governments. "' The clear meaning of this clause simply is, that the present governments of the several pro- vinces are to choose out of the existing bodies — so far as they can find gentlemen willing and qualified to serve — the members who shall at start- ing compose the federal legislative council ; that thej' are to present the names so selected to the executive council of British America when con- stituted — and on the advice of that body the councillors will be appointed by the Crown. And such has been the spirit shown from first to last in carrying out the compact of July last by all the parties to it, that I for one have no apprehension whatever that full justice will not be done to the party which may be a minority in the government, but it is certainly not in a minority either in the country or in this House. I speak not only of Upper Canada but of Lower Canada as well — Hox. Mr. Dubiox : Ha ! ha ! Hon. Mr. Browx : My honourable friend laughs, but I assure him, and ho will not say 1 do so for the purpose of deceiving him, that having been present in conference and in council, having heard all the discussions 'Y^ HON. GEORGE BROWN. 311 and well ascertaiuecl the feelings of all associated with me, I have no*' a Bhadow of a doubt on my mind that full justice will be done in tiie selec- tion cf the first federal councillors, not only to those who may have been in the habit of acting with me, but also to those who have acted with my honourable friend, the member for Hochelaga. Now, I believe I have answered every objection that has come from any quarter against the proposed constitutiou of the federal legislature. I am persuaded there is not one well-fouuded objection that can be urged against it. It is just to all parties ; it remedies the gross injustice of the existing system ; and I am convinced it will not only work easily and safely, but be entirely satisfactoi'3' to the great mass of our people. JUit I go furtlier ; I say that were al) the objections urged against this scheme sound and cogent, they sink into utter insignificance in view of all the miseries this scheme will relieve us from — in view of all tiie difficulties that must surround any measure of parliamentary reform for Canada that could possibly be devised. Will honourable gentlemen who spend their energies in hunting out blemishes in this scheme remember for a moment the utter injustice of the one we have at present ? Public opinion has made rapid strides in the last six months on tlie representation question,—.- but think what it was a week before the present coalition was formed ! Remember how short a time has elapsed since the member for Peel (Hon. Mr. J. Hillyard Cameron) proposad to grant one additional member to Upper Canada, and could not carry even that. Remember that but a few weeks y this means we suc- ceeded in reducing the total auuual suijsidy re(|uireil for local government to the sum of .''■•J,(il-i(),00()-- of which Lower Canada will receive .iiinualiy 5?SSO,000, and Upper Canada .S1,1'J0,(.>00. But it is said that in addition to her eighty cents per head under this arrangement, New liruiiswick is to receive an extra grant from the federal chest of .S<>.'{,000 annually for ten years. ^Vell, this is perfectly true. After cutting down as I have explained the local expenditures to the lowest mark, it was found that Xew Brunswick and Newfoundland could not possibly carry on their local goveiiiments with the sum per head that would sulHce for all the rest. New Brunswick im- peratively required s(j3,iM)o per annum beyond her share, and we had either to find tbat sum for her or give up tlie hope of union. The (|Uestion then arose, would it not be better to give Xew IJrunswick a special grant of $()3,000 for a limited number of j'ears, so that her local revenues miu'lit have time to he developeil, rather than increase the subsidy to all the local governments, thereby placing an additional burden on the federal exchequer of over eiyht hundred thousand dollars per annum ? We came unanimously to the conclusion tiiat th.e extra sum needecl by Xew liruiiswick was too small to be allowed to stand in the way of union — we also determined that it would be the height of absurdity to impose a permanent burden on the country of §800,000 a year, simply to escape a payment of .•:r(»H,oiili for ten years — and so it came about that New Brunswick got this extra grant — an arrangement which received, and receives now, my heartj' approval. It la only right to say, however, that Now Brunswick may possibly be in a m I / r V- il 314 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF m ili^, i position to do without this monej'. The House is aware that the federal government is to assume the debts of the several provinces, each province beinc entitled to throw upon it a debt of i}'2'y j)er head of its population. Should the debt of any province exceed $25 per head, it is to pay interest on tlie excess to the federal treasury ; but .should it fall below S25 per head, it is to receive interest from the federal treasury on the difference between its actual debt and the debt to which it is entitled. Now, it so happens that the existing debt of New Brunswick is much less than it is entitled to throw on the federal government. It is, however, under lia- bility for certain works, which if proceeded with would bring its debt up to the mark of .S2.') a head. But if these works are not proceeded with, New Brunswick will be entitled to a large amount of annual interest from the federal chest, and that money is to be ap[)lied to the reduction of the 3^)3,000 extra grant. And this, moreover, is not to be foreotten as regards New Brunswick, that she brings into the union extensive railways now in profitable operation, the revt nues from wliich are to go into the federal chest. A similar arrangcmt-nt was found necessary as regards the island of Newfoundland — it, too, being a vast country wilh a sparse population. It was found absolutely essential that an additional grant beyond eighty cents per head should be made to enable her local government to be properly carried on. But, in consideration of this extra allowance, Newfoundland is to cede to the federal government her crown lands and minerals — and assuredly, if the i-eports of geologists are well founded, this arrangem-jut will be as advantageous to us as it will be to the inhabitants of Newfound- land. I am persuaded, then, that the House will feel with me that we in Canada have very little to complain of in regard to the subsidies for local government. But it a doubt yet remains on the mind of any honourable member, let him ex;imine the trade returns of the several provinces, and he will see that, from the large (quantity of duti.able goods consumed in the Maritime Provinces, they have received no undue advantage under the arraui^ement. Let this too ever be Jv., ^t in mind, that the ,S2,()30,000 to be distributed to the local goveruinenr,. irom the federal chest is to be in full and final extinguishment of all claims hereafter for local purposes; and that if this from any cause does not suffice, the local governments must su])ply all deficiencies from a direct tax on their own localities. And let honourable members from Upper Canada who carp at this annual subsidy, remember for a moment what we pay now, and they will cease their grumbling. Of all the money raised by the general government for local purposes in Canada, the tax-payers of I'pper Canada now pay more than three-fourths ; l)ut far from getting back in proportion to what they con- tribute, or even in proportion to their population, they do not get one-half of the money spent for local purposes. But how difterent will it be under federation ! Nine hundred thousand people will come into the union, who will contribute to the revenue quite as much, man for man, as the Upper Canadians, and in the distribution of the local subsidy we will receive our share on the basis of population — a very different arrangement from that HON. GEORGE BROWN. 315 we now endure. I confess that one ot the stroncest arguments in my mind for confederation is the economical ideas of the people of these Maritime Provinces, and the conviction that the influence of their public men in our legislative halls will be most salutary in all financial matters. A more economical peopl ^ it would be diflicult to find ; their prime minis- ters and their chief justices get but £(500 a year, Halifax currency, and the rest of their civil list is in much the same proportion. But there is another great evil in our existing system that this scheme remedies ; it secures to the people of each province full control over the administration of their own internal afl'airs. We in Upper Canada have complained that the minority of our representatives, the party defeated at the polls of Upper Canada, have been, year after year, kept in otlice by Lower Canada votes, and that all the local patronage of our section lias been dispensed by those who did not possess the confidence of the people. Well, this scheme remedies that. The local patronage will be under local control, and the wishes of the majority in each section will be carried out in all local matters. We have complained that the land system was not according to tlie views of our western people; that free lands for actual settlers was the right jjolicy for us ; that the price of a piece of laud sc^ueezed out of an immigrant was no consideration in comparison with the settle- ment amonii us of a hardy and industrious family ; ami that the culonization road system was far from satisfactory. Well, this scheme remedies that. Each province is to have control of its own crown lands, crown timber and crown minerals, and will be free to take such steps for developing them as each deems best. We have complained that local works of various kinds- roads, bridges and landing piers, court houses, gaols and other structures — have been erected in an inequitable and improvident manner. Well, this scheme remedies that ; all local works are to be constructed by the localities and defrayed from local funds. And so on through the whole extensive details of internal local administration will this reform extend. The people of Upper Canada will have the entire control of their local matters, and will no longer have to betake themselves to (^hiebec for leave to open a road, to select a county town, or appoint a coroner. I'.ut 1 am told that to this general principle of placing all local matters under local control, an exception has been made in regard to the common .schools. 'I'lie clause complained of is as follows : "(5. Kducation ; saving the rights and privileges which the piotestant or catholic minority in both Caiiadas may possess as to their denominational .sciiools at the time wlien the union goes into operation." Xow, I need hardly remind the House that I have always opposed and continue to oppose the system of sectarian education, so far as the public chest is concerned. I have never had any hesitation on that point. I have never been able to see why all the people of the province, to whatever sect they may belong, should not send their chihlreu to the same common schools to receive the ordinary branches of instruction. I regard the parent and the pastor as the best religious instructors— and so long as the religious faith of the children is uninterfered with, and ample \ ■' I 316 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF opportunity afforded to the clergy to give religious instruction to the children of their flocks, I cannot conceive any sound objection to mixed schools. But whi') in the conference and elsewhere I have always main- tained this view, and always civenmy vote against sectarian public schools, I am hound to admit, as 1 have always admitted, that the sect.arian system, carried to tlie limited extent it has yet been in Upper Canada, and confined as it chiefly is to cities and towns, has not been a very great practical injury. The real cau«o *' r.larm was that the admission of the sectarian principle was th" ., a .. .;at at any moment it might be extended to such a degree as to split up our school system altogether. There are but a hundred separate sciiools in Upper Canada, out of some four thousand, and all Roman Catholic. 15ut if the Reman (Jatholics are entitled to separate schools and to go on extending their operations, so are the members of the Churcli ..' Eni'i^ud, the Presbyterians, the Methodists, and all other sects. Xo -. aiu .. nau Catholic will deny this for a moment; and there lay the great '. , ■ to our educational fabric, that the separate system might g'i uai!_; ^x'en■i itself until the whole country was studded with j'urserie." of sectarian -n. ir.ost hnrt.'al to the best interests of the province, and ei,'id\;)g n.u cnv i ■ ^'.pense to sustain the hosts of teachers that so proJigi'l n ';yst' i. f ^■■\ ' ;:' tv^n must inevitably entail. Now, it is known ti every ho.iou.. i iMenbcrof this House thatau Act was passed in 18()3, as a final settlement of this sectarian controversy. I was not in (Quebec at the time, but if I had been liere I would have voted against that bill, because it extended the facilities for establishing separate schools. It had, however, this good feature, that it was accepted by the Roman Catholic authorities, and carried through parliament as a final com- promise of the question in Upper Canada. When, therefore, it was pro- posed that a provision should be inserted in the confederation scheme to bind that compact of 18G3 and declare it a final settlement, so that we should not bo compelled, as we have been since 1849, to stand constantly to our arms, awaiting fresh attacks upon our common school system, the proposition seemed to me one that was not rashly to be rejected. I admit that, from my ]iointof view, this is a blot on the scheme before the House; it is, confessedly, one of the concessions from our side that had to be made to secure this great measure of reform. But assuredly, I for one have not the slightest liesitation in accepting it as a necessary condition of the scheme of union, and doubly acceptable must it bo in the eyes of honour- able gentlemen opposite, who were the authors of the bill of 1803. But it was urged that though this arrangement might perhaps be fair as regards Upper Canada, it was not so as regards Lower Canada, for there were matters of Avhich the British population have long complained, and some amend- ments to the existing School Act were required to secure them ecpial justice. Well, when this point was raised, gentlemen of all parties in Lower Canada at once expressed themselves prepared to treat it in a frank and concilia- tory manner, with a view to removing any injustice that might be shown to exist ; and on this understanding the educational clause was adopted by the conference. HON. GEORGE BROWN. 3i; Mn. T. C. Walluridok : That destroys the power of the local legis. latures to legislate upon the subject. Hon. Mr. Bnowx : I would like to know how much "power" the honourable gentleman has now to legislate upon it? Let him introduce a bill to-day to annul the compact of 18().3 and repeal all the sectarian School Acts of Upper Canada, and how many votes would he get for it ? Would twenty members vote for it out of the one hundred and thirty who com- pose this House ? If the honourable gentleman had been struggling for fifteen years, as I have been, to save the school system of Upper Canada from further extension of the sectarian element, lio would have found precious little diminution of power over it in tliis very moderate com- promise. And what says the honourable gentleman to leaving the British population of Lower Canada in the unrestricted power of the local legis- lature ? The common sciiools of Lower Canada are not as in L'pper ( 'anada — they are almost entirely non-sectarian Roman Catholic schools. Does the honourable gentleman, then, desire to compel the protestants of flower Canada to avail themselves of Roman Catholic institutions, or leave thta' children without instruction ? I am further in favour of tliis scheme be- cause it will bring to an end the sectional discord between Upper and Lower Canada. It sweeps away the boundary line between the provinces 80 far as regards matters common to the whole people — it places all on an equal level — and the members of the federal legislature will meet at last as citizens of a common country. The questions that used to excite the most hostile feelings among us have been taken away from the general legislature, and placed under the control of the local bodies. No man need hereafter be debarred from success in public life because his views, how- ever popular in his own section, are unpopular in the other, for he wdl not have to deal with sectional questions ; and the tem])tation to the government ot the day to make capital out of local prejudices will bo greatly lessened, if not altogether at an end. What has rendered ])romi- nent public men in one section utterly unpopular in the other in past years? Has it been our views on trade and commerce — immigration — land settle- ment — the canal system — the tariff — or any other of the great ([uestiuns of national interest? No; it was from our views as to the applying of public money to local purposes — the allotment of public lands to local purposes — the building of local roads, bridges, and landing-piers with public funds — the chartering of ecclesiastical institutions — the granting of public money for sectarian purposes — the interference with our school system — and simi- lar matters, that the hot feuds between Upper and Lower Canada have chiefly arisen, and caused our public men, the more faithful they were to the opinions and wishes of one section, to be the more unpopular in the other. A most happy day will it be for Canada when this bill goes into effect, and all tliese subjects of discord are swept from the discussion of our legislature. I am further in favour of this scheme as a remedial measure, because it brings to an end the doubt that has so long hung over our position, and *- (• 318 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF gives a stability to our future in the eyes of the world that could not otherwise have been attained. Hon. Mr. Holton : Hear, hear ! Mu. Brown : The hon. member for Chateauguay cries " hear, hear " in a very credulous tone ; but the hon. member should be one of the very last to express doubts on this point. Has he not, for many years, admitted the absolute necessity of constitutional changes, ero peace and prosperity could bo established in our land ? Has he not taken part in the contests to obtain those changes ? Has he not experienced the harsh and hostile feelings that have pervaded this House and the whole country 't And did he not sign the report of my committee last session, declaring a federal union to be the true solution of our troubles, political and constitutional ? And does the honourable member think these matters were not well known in the United States, and that the hope of our annexation to the republic was not kept alive by them from year to year ? Does he fancy that our dis- cords and discontent were not well known in Great Britain, and that the capitalist and the emigrant were not influenced Ijy our distractions V Does he fancy that people abroad, as well as at home, did not perfectly under- stand that Upper Canada would not much longer submit to the iujuatice from which she sufl'ered ; and that until the future relations of the two sections were adjusted, no one could predict safely wliat our future posi- tion might be ? But when the measure before us has been adopted — when justice has been done to both sections — when all are placed on an equal footing — when the sectional matters that rent us have been handed over to sectional control — when sectional expenditure shall be placed on sectional shoulders— will not a sense of security and stability be inspired which we never before enjoyed, and never could have enjoyed under existing circum- stances ? Viewed then from a merely Canadian stand-point — viewed solely as a remedial measure — I fearlessly assert that the scheme in the Speaker's hands is a just and satisfactory remedy for the evils and injustice that have so long distracted the province ; and so strongly do I feel this, that were every word of objection urged against our union with the Maritime Pro- vinces just and true to the very letter, I would not hesitate to adopt the union as the price of a measure of constitutional reform in Canada so just and so complete as now proposed. So far from the objections urged against union with the Maritime Provinces being sound, so fai from union with them being a drawback to this measure, 1 regard it as the crowning advan- tage of the wliole scheme. I make no pretension to having been in past years an advocate of the immediate union of the British American colonies. I always felt and always said that no statesman could doubt that such was the best and almost the certain future destiny of those colonies ; but I doubted greatly whether the right time for the movement had yet arrived. 1 knew little of the Maritime Provinces or the feelings of their people ; the negotiations for a union were likely to be difficult and long protracted ; and I was unwilling to accept the hope of a measure so remote and so uncertain in lieu of the practical remedy for practical evila in Canada which we were HOX. GEORGE BROWN. 310 earnestly seeking to obtain, ami which our own legislature had the ])o\ver immediatelj' to grant. But of late all this has been changed. The cir- cumstances are entirely altered. A revolution has occurred in Great Britain on the subject of colonial relations to the parent state — the govern- ment .of the United States has become a great warlike power— our com- mercial relations witii the republic are seriously threateneil— and every man in Briti.sh America has now placed before him for solution the prac- tical (juestion, What shall be done in view of the changed relations on which we are about to enter ? Shall we continue to strugt;lo along as isolated communities, or shall we unite cordially together to extend our coinnierce, to develop the resources of our country, and to defeiul our soil ? But more than this : many of us have learned, since we last met hero, far more of the Maritime Provinces than we ever did before. AVe iiave visited the Maritime Provinces — wo have seen the country — we have met the people and marked their intelligence, their industry .ind their frugality — we have investigated their public affairs and found tiiem satisfactory — we have discussed terms of union with their statesmen, and found that no insuper- able obstacle to union exists, and no necessity for long delay. We come to the consideration of the ijuestion to-day in a totally different position from what we ever did before ; and if the House will grant me its indul- gence, I think I can present unanswerable arguments to show that this union of all British America should be heartily and promptly accepted by all the provinces. I am in favour of a union of the British American colonies, first, be- cause it will raise us from the attitude of a number of inconsiderable colonies into a great and powerful people. The united population of (.'aiiada, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Newfoundland and Prince Edward Island, is at this moment very close ou four millions of souls. Now, there are in Europe forty-eight sovereign states, and out of tiiat number there are only eleven having a greater population than these colonies united, while three of the eleven are so little ahead of us that l)efore the next census is taken, in 1S71, we shall stand e«iual in population to the ninth sovereign state of Europe. Then the public revenues of the united provinces for 18(J4 were 813,2(30,000, and their expenditures summed up to .Sl-,r)07,000. And large as these sums may appear, it is satisfactory to know that the taxa- tion of British America — were there no reduction from jireseiit burdens, which I am sure tiiere will be — will be one-third less per head than the taxation of England or France. There are only five or six countries iu Europe in which the taxation is less than ours will be, and these, moreover, are either pettj' principalities or states which ilo not enjoy a very high degree of civilization. Then, as regards the imports and exports of the united provinces, they summed up in 1S63 to the following dimensions : Imports, .$70,600,903 ; \ exports, l?66,846,6'0-t: total trade, 8137,447,567. Now, I should like I honourable gentlemen to notice this fact, that in 1793— long after the ( United States had achieved their independence and established a settled i; 320 IJFE AND SPEECHES OF w government — tlioir exports and imports did not amount to one-tiiird what ours do at this moment. There are tew states in JMirope, and those with a vastly greater population than ours, that can Iwast «)f anything like the extent of foreign commerce tiiat now passes through oui' hands, Tlien, as to our agricultural resources, I find that 4r),();}8,8")4 acres liavo passed from tlic governments of these colonies into private IkukIs, of which only l.S, r28,2'2!> arc yet tilled, and ;«,-"> 1 0,(iJ5 acres liave still to bo l)rought into cultivation. The wiiolc of these forty-five millions are picked lands — most of thorn selected by the early settlers in this country ; and if our annual agricultuial products are so great now, what will they he when the thirty-two millions yet to pass under the plough have been lironght into cultivation? and wliat will they not be when the vast tracts still held by government ai'c peopled with hardy settlers '! According to the census of 18(il, the value of the au'ricnltural productions of the |)revious year in the united provinces of ]}ritish America was SI "JO, 000, 000 ; and if we add to that the garden products, and the improvements made on new lands by the a','ricultural labourers of the provinces, it will be found that the actual product of the industry of our farmers in that year was .Sir)0,000,000. The assessed value of our tonus — which is always greatly less than the real value— was .^."550,000,000 in the year 1861, Then, in regard to the minerals of the united provinces ; what vast fields of profitable industrj- will we have in the great coal beds of Xova Scotia, in the iron deposits found all over the provinces, in the exhaustless copper regions of Lakes Huron and Superior and the eastern townships of Lower Canada, and in the gold mines of the Chaudi(^'re and Xova Scotia. And if the mind stretches from the western bounds of civilization through those great north-western regions, which we hope ere long m ill be ours, to the eastern slope of the Rooky Mountains, what v.ast sources of wealth to the fur trader, the miner, thi> gold hunter and the agriculturist, lie there ready to be developeil. Nor can another source of wealth bo altogether forgotten. The Presi- dent of the United States is said recently to have declared that the produce of the petroleum wells of the United States will in half a dozen years pay off the whole national debt of the republic. Well, we too have "struck oil," and every day brings us intelligence of fresh discoveries, and if the enormous debt of our neighbours may possibly be met by the oily stream, may we not hope that some material addition to our annual industrial revenue may flow from our petroleum regions? Another vast branch of British American industry is the timber and lumber trade. In the year 1802 our saw-mills turned out not less than 772,000,000 feet of manufactured lumber, and our whole timber exports summed up to the value of .515,000,000, The manufacturing interests of the provinces, too, are fast rising into importance ; agricultural implement works, woollen factories and cotton mills, tanneries and shoe factories, iron works and rolling mills, flax works m i HOX, GEOnOE BRowy, 321 nnd papur mills, and many other extonsivo and profitable mechanical establishments are springing up aiming u», and rapidly extending their operations. And to add to all, wo have already 'J.'MM) miles of radway, 4,000 miles of electric tek'L'raph. and the noblest canal system in the world, but which, I hope, will soon bo infinitely improveJ. These are some examples of tlio industrial spectacle IJritish America will present after the union has been .'iccomitlished ; and I ask any mem- ber of this ilouso to say whether wo will not, when thus united, occupy a position in the eyes of the world, and command a degree of respect and inrtuence, that we never can enjoy as separate provinces? Must it not atlect the decision of many an intending emigrant, when he is told not of the fishing and mming pursuits of Nova Scotia, or of the ship-building of New Brunswick, or of tiie timber trade of Lower Canada, or of tne agri- culture of Upper Canada, but wiien he is sliown all these in one view, as the collective industrial pursuits of British America ? I am persuaded that this union will inspire new confidence in our stability, and exercise the most beneficial influence on all our affairs. I believe it will raise the value of our public securities, that it will draw capital to our shores, anil secure the prosecution of all legitimate enterprises ; and what I saw while in England, a few weelis ago, would alone have convinced me of this. Wherever you went you encountered tire most marked evidence of the gratification with which the confederation scheme was received by all classes of the people, and the deep interest taken in its success. Let mo state one fact in illustration. For some time previous to November last our securities had gone very low dowu in the market, in C(^nH04Ueuce, as my honourable friend the Finance Minister explained the other night, of the war raging on our Ijorders, the uncurtaiuty which hung over the future of this province, and the fear that we might be involved in trouble with our neighbours. Our five per cent, debentures went down in the market so low as 71, but they recovered from 71 to 75, I think, upon the day the resolutions for confederation, which we are now discussing, reached Lou- don. Well, the resolutions were published in the London papers, with eulogistic editorial articles, and the immediate effect of the scheme upon the public mind was such that our five per cents, rose from 7^ to 92. Hon. Mk. Holton : What has put them down since ? Hon, Mr, Brown : 1 will presently tell the honourable gentleman what has put them dowu since. But I say tliat, if anything could show more clearly than another the effect this union is to have on our position over the world, it is a fact like this, that our securities went up 17 per cent, in con- sequence of the publication of the details of our scheme. The honourable member for Chateauguay asks, "What put them down again?" I will tell him. They remained at 91 or 92 until the news came that a raid had been made from Canada into the United States, that the raiders had been arrested and brought before a Canadian court, and that upon technical legal grounds, not only had they been set free, but the money of which they had robbed the banks had been handed over to the robbers. The 21 'i! /J 1' ^■\^: IH>I 322 LIFE AND sr EEC I IKS OF etfeot of this news, coupled with Genenil iJix'n order, was to drive down our HeouritieM 1 1 per oont. nImoHt in one day. Uut, as my honourable friend the Finance Minister HUgjjosts, this is but an udditiuiial proof of tlie accuracy of the argument 1 have been Mustainiug— for this would not have liappened, at all events to the same extent, if all the provinces had boon united and prepared, us wo are now proposing, not only for purposes of commerce but for purposes of defence. ^evoudly, I Ko heartily for the union, because it will throw down tiio barriers of trade and give us the control of a market of four millions of jcoplo. What one thing has contributed so much to the wonilrous material progress of tiie United States as the free pasaatre of their products from one state to another ? What has tended so much to the rapid advance of all branches of their industry as the vast extent of their home market, creating an unlimited demand for all the commodities of daily use, and stimulating the eneri'y and ingenuity of producers 't 1 confess that in my mind this one view of tlio union— the addition of nearly a million of people to our home consumers — sweeps aside all the petty objections that are averred aguinst the sclieiue. Wiiat, in comparison witii tiiis great gain to our farmers and manufacturers, are the fallacious money objections which the imaj^inationa of honourable gentlemen opposite have summoned up? All over the world we find nations eagerly longing to extend their domains, spending largo sums and waging protracted wars to possess tiiemaelves of more territory, untilled and uninhabited. Other countries oU'er large in- ducements to foreigners to emigrate to their shores — free passages, free lands, and free food and implements to start them in the world. We our- selves support costly establishments to attract immigrants to our country, and are satisfied wiien our annual outlay i)rings us fifteen or twenty thou- sand souls. But here is a proposal which is to add, in one day, nearly a million souls to our population — to add valuable territories to our domain, and secure to us all the advantages of a large and i)rofitablo commerce now existing. And because some of us would have liked certain of the little details otherwise arranged, we are to liesitate in accepting this alliance! Have honourable gentlemen forgotten that the United States gladly paid twenty millions in hard cash to have Louisiana incorporated in the repubhc ? But what was Louisiana then to the Americans in comparison with what the Maritime Provinces are at this moiueut to Canada ? I put it to honourable gentlemen opposite — if the United States were now to offer us the state of Maine, what possible sum could be named within the compass of onr ability that wo would not be prepared to pay for that addition to our country ? If we were offered Michigan, Iowa or Minnesota, I would like to know what sum, witiiin the compass of Canada, we would not be prepared to pay ? These states are portions of a foreign country, but here is a people owning the same allegiance as ourselves, loving the same old sod, enjoying the same laws and institutions, actuated by the same impulses and social customs ; and yet when it is proposed that they shall unite with us for purposes of commerce, for the defence of our common country, and to develop the vast natura' resources of our united domains, wo hesitate to IloN. UE<)l!i}E JiHoWN. 32;] adopt it ! If a Canadian goes now to Nova Scotia or New nrnnswiuk, or if a citi/on of tlieHu proviiiuuH coinoH lutre, it in like goini; to a foreign country. The cuBtonix otKcer meets you at the frontier, arrests your pro- gress, and levies liis iniposts i>n yourelluctH. IJut tiio pro))08al now before U8 is to throw down all harriers betwctu the provinces — to make a citi/.uu of one, citi/.en of the whole; the proposal is that our farmers, and manufac* turers and mechanics, shall carry their wares unquestioned into every villatre of the Maritime Provinces, and that they shall witli e(|ual freedom bring their fish, and their coal, and their West India produce to our three millions of inhabitants. Tlie proposal is, that the law courts^, and thu Bcliools, and thu professional and industriid walks of life, throughout all the provinces, sluill be thrown C(|ually open to us all. Thirdly, I am in favour of a union of the provinces because -and I call the attention of honourable gentlemen op|)osite to it — because it will make us the third maritime state of tiie world. When this union is accomplished, but two countries in the world will be ruiperior in maritime inlluenco to British America, and those are Great liritain {ind the United States. In 180,3, no fewer than (CiiS vessels were budt in British America, of which the aggregate tonnage was not less than •2.H0,.SI2 tons. Tli lo were built in Canada, ir>8 vessels, withti7,-09 tons; Nova Scotia, 'Jo,' vessels, with 4f),8()2 tons; New Brunswick, \'\~ vessels, with 8.1, 'J.'tO tons; Prince Edward Island, 100 vessels, witii •J4,9i)l tons ; Nuwfoundl ind, '2() vessels, with (i,000 tons; total, ()'28 vessels, with '2HO,;{12 tons. Now, in 1861— the year pre- ceding the outbreak of the civil war — all the vess' is built in the United States, with their vast seaboard and thirty million of peoph;, were in tho aggregate but "J.S.'i, 1 !t,'l tons — only tiiree thousand tons in excus:j of tho British American Provinces, And I hesitate not to atlirm that if the people of British America unite cordially together in utilizing the singular facilities we unitedly possess for the extension of the shipping and ship- building interests, many years will not elapse before we greatly surpass our neighbours in tliis lucrative branch of industry. Hon. Mij. Holton : How much of the shipping built in that year do wo o\^ now ? Hon. Mr. Brow.v : How much of what the Amerieans built in 1861 do they own now ? Why is my honourable friend so anxious to decry the industry of his country ? If we have not the sjiips it is because we sold them, and the money is in our pockets, and wo are ready to build more. In 18(53 we sold ships built by our mechanics to the large amount of §9,000,000 in gold. But if my honourable friend from Chateauguay will permit me, I am going on to indoctrinate him upon the point of the owueralap of vessels — HoK. Mk. Holtox : Don't ! Hon. 51r. Buown : Ah ! my honourable friend does not require to be instructed ; well, will he tell us how many tons of shipping are now owned by British America ? I* ■11 ii, I' J M' 324 LIFE AXD SPEECHES OF Hox. Mk. Holtox : I am aware that moat of the vessels my honourable friend speaks of, and the building of whicli he cites as a proof that we will be a great maritime power, were sold abroad. Building ships is a good thing, and selling them is a better, but that does not prove us to be a great maritime power, Hon. Mr. Bkowx : My honourable friend cannot eat his cake and have it too, If we got $9,000,000 for a portion of the ships we built in 1S()3, it is clear we cannot own them also. It did not require a man of great wisdom to find out that. But I was going on to show the amount of shipping that was owned in these provinces. I hold in my hand a statement of the vessels owned and registered in British America, made up to the latest dates, and I find that the provinces unitedly own not fewer than 8,530 vessels, with an aggregate tonnage of not less than 9.52, 246 tons. Hox. Mr. Holtox : Sea-going ? Hon. Mr. Buown : Sea-going and inland. Hon. Mr. Holton (ironically) : Hear, hear ! Hon. Mr. Browx : Why is my honourable friend so anxious to depre- ciate ? Is it then so deplorable a thing to own inland vessels ? None knows better than my honourable friend when to buy and when to sell — and yet, I greatly mistake if there was not a time when my honourable friend thought it not so bad a thing to be the owner of sliips and steamers on our inland seas. Am I wrong in believing that my honourable friend laid the foundation of his well-merited fortune in the carrying trade of the lakes ? and is it for him, from momentary partisanship, to depreciate such an important branch of national industry? What matters where the ship floats, if she is a good and a sound ship ? — and the inland tonnage includes so many steamers, that in value it will compare favourably with tha* of the sea-going. On the 31st December, 1S64, Canada owned 2,311 vessels, of 287,187 tons; in 1833, Nova Scotia owned 3,539 vessels, of 309,554 tons; New Brunswick, 891 vessels, of 211,680 tons; Prince Edward Island, 360 vessels, of 34,222 tons ; Newfoundland, 1,429 vessels, of 89,603 tons ; total, 8,530 vessels, of 932,246 tons. Now, it is quite true that the United States have a mich larger commercial navy than this, and Great Britain a vastly larger one ; but it is equally true that the country next to them in import- ance is France, and that notwithstanding her thirty-five millions of people, large foreign trade, and extensive sea-coast, she owns but 60,000 tons of shipping more than British America. In 1860, the aggregate commercial navy of France was but 996,124 tons. I say, then, that even as ship- owners the British American confederacy will occupy from the first a proud place among the maritime states of the world, and that when her ships hoist a distinctive flag alongside the Cross of Red, there will be few seas in which it will not be unfurled. And let me here mention a fact which came under my notice while recently in the Lower Provinces — a fact of great importance, and from which, I think, we, who are more inland, may well profit. I learned that, as in the British isles, a system of joint- stock ship-building has been spreading over many parts of the Maritime 1 ! HON. GEORGE BUO WX. 325 Provinces. Ships are built and owned in small shares — say in sixteenth, thirty-second, or sixty-fourth parts, and all classes of the people are taking small ventures in the trade. Most of the ships so built are sold, but a portion, and an increasing portion every year, are sailed, and sailed with profit, by the original joint-stock holders. I was deliuhtod to be told that some of those clipper vessels which we often hear of as making wonderful tri()S troin China and India and A'istralia to British ports, are vessels built and owned in New Brunswick, under tliis joint-stock system. So much for the building and ownership of ships ; now let me show you what will be the strengtli of tiie united provinces in seafaring men. By the census of 18()1, it appears that the number of sailors and fisliermen then in Canada was 6,958; in Nova Scotia, 19,(i37; in New Bruii.swick, 2,705; in Prince Edward Island, '2,318; in Newfoundland, 158, .ITS; tutal, (i'.(,2r)0. Whether regarded merely as a lucrative branch of industry, or as att'ecting our maritime posi- tion before the world, or as a bulwark of defence in time of need, this one fact that British America will have a comliined force of 70,000 seamen, appears to me an immense arguiiient in favour of the union. And let us look at the pr()dui;ts of the labour of a portion of these men — the fishermen. From the latest returns 1 have been aide to meet with, I find the joint products of our sea-coasts and inhiiid lakes were, in the years named, esti- mated at the following \alues: Upper Canada (IS.'ti)), ."iJ.'iSO.OOO; Lower Canada (1S()2), .'ir703,895; Nova Scotia (IS(il), !?2,072,08l; New Brunswick (18(il), S5l8,r>.S0; Newfoundland (18G1), s(i,:«7,7:!0; tctal, .S 10,022,2.%'. I was unable to find any estimate as regards I'rincc Edward Island, but fancy the amount there must be about •'?200,000. But be this as it may, so valuable a fishing trade as this of the united provinces does not exist in any part of the world. And no doubt tlii;se estimates are far under the fact, as a large portion of the delicious fo )d drawn by dur people from the sea and inland waters could not po.ssibly be included in the returns of the fishery inspectors. And let us observe, for a moment, the important part played by this fishing industry in the foreign commerce of the provinces. The exports of. products of tiie sea in the year bsfi.'i were as follows; From Canada, s7Si),l»l.S; Nova Scoti.a, s2,:i!M ),(;()] ; New Brunswick ( 1S(;2), .•?:JO.S.477; Newfoundland, .94,0110,! (70; Prince Ivhvard Island, f?121,000; total exporcs, §!7,t)!l(),02i. Add to this, S!),000,000 received in the same year for new ships, and wo have .'^1(),096,021 as one year's foreign exports of our ship-building and fishing interests. With sucli facts before us as the result (jf oidy a partially developed trafiic, may we not fearlessly look forward to the future in the confident hope of still more gratifying results, when, by combined and energetic action, a new impetus has been given to these valuable branches of industry"? But there remains a still more singular comparison to be mudi,'. I refer to the statement of ships annually entering and leaving our ports. Of course every one comprehends that a large amount of the tonnage entering and leaving porta on the upper lakes is repoated in the returns over and over again. This is the case, for instance, with the ferry boats between the American and Canadian shores, that carry passengers and a small quan- ll 326 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF m-. tity of goods. It would be unfair to put down the tonnage of such boats, every time they enter or leave a port, as foreign commerce. Still there is a large amount of valuable shipping engaged in the inland trade, and a vast amount of freight is carried between tlie countries ; and the only just plan is to state separately that which is sea-going shipping and that which ia inland. Acting on this plan, I tind that in 1803, the tonnage between Canada and foreign ports was as follows: Inwards. Outwards. Total. Canada '. . . 1,041,309 1.001,895 2,133,204 Nova Scotia 712,9.39 7]9,!tl,j 1,432,8.14 New Brunswick 6o9,2r)8 727,727 1,386,985 P. E. Island (1862) 09,080 81,208 150,288 Newfoundland lo(J,578 148,(;i0 305, 1 88 2,639,164 2,769,355 5,408,519 Inland Navigation. Canada 3,5,38,701 3,368,432 6,907, 133 Total tons 6,177,865 6,137,787 12,315,652 Now, the United States are in the same position as we are in respect totliis inland traffic, and they include it in their returns as is done liere. And what do you think is the dilFerence between their tonnage and ours ? Wiiy, ours is over twelve millions and theirs is but sixteen millions. Tliere are not four millions of tons of difference between the two. And let it be recollected that the United States have had seventy years start of us. As regards France, the whole amount of shipping that entered and left the porta of tliat great country in one j"ear was but 8,456,734 tons — four mil- lions of tons less than that of the British American Provinces. May we not then, wlien tliis union is accomplished, fairly claim to be the third maritime state of tlie world ; and may we not even entertain the hope that, at some future day, a still higher position is not beyond our reacii, when the days of puberty have been passed and the strength of maidiood has been readied ? I ask honourable gentlemen, in looking at these figures, to consider what the effect must be when they are set down thus collect- ively, side by side, in official commercial returns, in comparison with the commerce of all the great maritime states? Will it not strengthtn our position abroad ? will it not give us a degree of influence and importance to have it known that Britiali Atnerica wields so large a share of the world's commerce ? And if honourable gentlemen will still farther consider the deep in-portance to Canada, in her inland position, of exercising her just i'^'Iucnce in tlie control of so valuable a maritime interest, I think they will come to the conclusion that all the objections urged against this union are, in the balance of its advantages, utterly contemptible. i,' In the fourth place, I go for a union of the provinces, because it will gi%'e a new start to immigration into our country. It will bring us out anew prominently before the wovld — it will turn earnest attention to our re- sources, and bring to our shores a stream of immigration greater, and of a better class, than we ever had before. I was in England when the first HOS\ GEORGE BROWN. 327 public announcement of this scheme was made, and witnessed, with pleas- ure, the marked imprassion it produced. You could not go abroad, you could not enter mto aiy company, in any class of society, where Canada or the British American Provinces were mentioned, hut you heard this union movement spoken of almost with enthusiasm. And I say that it is desir- able that this scheme should not be delayed, but be carried through promptly and vigorously. I hesitate not to say that it should be accomplished with a vigorous effort to give a new impetus to our industrial enterprises, to open up fresh lands tor settlement, and to cheapen the transport of our produce to the sea-br)ard. With the consummation of this union, 1 trust we will have a new immigration and a new land settlement policy — that we will ascertain every lot of land we actually own, so tliat a printed list may be placed in the ii.ands of every immigrant— that the petty price we have been heretofore exacting will no longer be exacted, liut tliat to actual settlers, who come among as to hew out for themselves and their children homes in the forest, no burthen or condition will be demanded, beyond resident occupation for a certain number of years, and a fixed amount of improve- ment on the land. Hex. Mil, HoLTOX : Unfortunately for your argument, the lands will be in the hands of the local governments. Hox. Mr. Buown : So much the better. My honourable friend can manage his public lands in Lower Canada as he likes, and we will manage ours. And, speaking for the western section, I am bound to say there are very few shrewd men in Upper Canada who do iidt feel tliat far more piiljlic benefit is to be gained from the industry of a hardy actual settler upon 100 acres of land given to him free, than the trumpery .';i!ir)0 that can be squeezed out of him as its price, the payment of which licHps him in trouble perhaps for years, and retards the progres A the country. On this question of immi- gration turns, in my opinion, t..e whole futuro sueces::; of tliis great scheme which we are now discussing. Why, there is iiardly a political and financial or social problem suggested by this union thac does not fiinl i*^s Ix^st sohition iu a large influx ot immigration. The larger oiir population, tiic greater will be our productions, the more valuable our exports, and the greater our ability to develop the resources of our country. The greater tlie iuimber of tax-payers, and the more densely they are settled, the more lightly will the burden of taxation fall upon us all. And in this (juestion of immigra- tion is found the only true solution of tlie problem of delenco. Fill up our vacant lands, double our population, and we will at once be in a position to meet promptly and ert'ectually any invader who may put his foot with hostile intent upon our soil. And this question of immigration naturally brings me to the great sub- ject of the North- West Territories. The resolutions before us recognize the immediate necessity of those great territories being brought within the confederation and opened up for settlement. But 1 am told tiiat, while the Intercolonial Railroad has been made an absolute condition ot tiie com- pact, the opening up of the great west and the enlargement of our canals i-'. 328 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF have been left in dinibt. Now, nothing can be more unjust than this. Let me read the resohitions : "The general government shall secure, without delay, the completion of the Intercolonial Railway from Riviere du Loup, through New Bruns- wick to Truro, in Nova Scotia. " The communications with the Nortii-Wcstern Territory, and the im- provements required for the development of the trade of the great west with the seaboard, are regarded by this conference as subjects of the high- est importance to the federated provinc(.s, and shall be prosecuted at the earliest possible period that the state of the finances will permit. " The confederation is, therefore, clearly committed to the carrying out of both these enteri)rises. I doubt if there was a member of the confer- ence who did not consider that the opening up of the north-west and the improvtMuent of our canal sj'stem. were not as clearly for the advantage of the Lower Provinces as for the interests of Upper Canada. Indeed, one gentleman heM that the Lower Provinces were more interested — they wished to get their pr.iducts into the west, they wanted a back country as much as we did, they wanted to be the carriers for that great country — and tliey were, therefore, to say the least, as much interested in these questions as wo were. Hut honourable gentlemen lay stress upon the point that, while tlie one enterprise is to be undertaken at once, the other is not to be commenced until the state of tiie finances will permit. No doubt this is correct, and the reason for it is simply tliis: The money has already been found ior the Intercolonial liailway. They must be well aware that the late government (the Macdonald-.Sicotjie administration) agreed to build the Intercolonial Railway, and obtained from the Imperial government a guarantee of the debentures for building it, so that that money is ready, at a very low rate of interest, wlienever required. We know where to lind the money for one enterprise at a i-ate we are able to bear, and can thus at ouce goon with a work wiiich must be gone on with if thi.s union in to be consummated, ihit v,e don't know this of the other freat work ; and wo all felt that it would lie exceedingly indiscreet — I, mj'self, as the special advocate of opening up the great west and of the enlarge- ment of our canals, felt that I could not put my name to a document which declare«l th.it at all iiazards, wliile our five per cant, debentures were quoted at 7') or 80 per cent, in the money market, we would commence at once, without an hour's delay, any great public work whatever. Honour- able gentlemen opposite must not imagine that they have to do with a set of tricksters in the thirty-three gentlemen who composed that conference. What we have said in our resolutions was deliberately adopted, in the honest sense of the words employed, and not for purposes of deception. Both works are to go on at the earliest possiljle moment our finances will permit, and honourable gentlemen will find the members of the cabinet, from Lower as well as from Upper Canada, actuated by the hearty desire to have this whole scheme carried out in its fair meaning. HOX. GEORGE BROWN. 329 When recently in Eiiglaiul, I was charged to negotiate with the Impe- rial government for the opening up of the Xorth-West Territoiies. In a few days the papers will be laid before the House, and it will then be seen whether «r not this government is in earnest in that matter. The ;^entle- men who formed the conference at Quebec did not enter upon their work with the miserable idea of getting the advantage of each other, but with a due sense of the greatness of tlie work they ha\l on hand, with an earnest desire to do justice to all, and keeping always in mind tluit what would benefit one section in such a union must necessarily benefit the whole, it has always appeared to me that the opening up of tlie north-west oUL'ht to be one of tlie most cherisliod proj<'Cts of my honourable friends from Lower Canada. Durintr the discussion on the question for some years back I had occasion to dip deep in north-west lore — into tliose singularly interest- ing luvrratives of life and travels in the north-west in the oMeu time, and into the history of the struggles for commercial ilominancy in the great fur-bearing regions ; and it lias always struck me tiiat the French Cana- dian people have cause to look back with pride to the bold and succesisfnl part tliey played in the adventures of those days. Xothing perha[i3 has tended more to create their present national character than the vigorous haints, the power of endurance, the aptitude for out-dnor life, aci|uired in their jirosecution of the north-west fur trade. Well may they look forwani with anxiety to the realization of this part' f oursclieme, in contident hope that the great north-western traffic shall be once more opened up to tlie , hardy French Canadian traders and coi/ai/curn. Last year furs to tlie value of £-280,000 stg. (.■$!, 400, 000) were carried from that territory l)y the Hud- son's Bay Company — smuggled o(F througii the ice-bound regions of .r.uiies" Bay — that the pretence of the barrenness of the country, and the difficulty of conveying merchandise by the natural route of the St. Lawrence, may be kept up a little longer. Tlie carrying of merchatidise into that country, and bringing down the bales of polts ought to be ours, and must ere long be ours, as in the days of yore ; and when the fertile plains of that great Saskatchewan territory are opened up for settlement and cultivation, [ iini confident that it will not only add immensely to our annual agricultural products, but bring us sources of mineral and other wealth on which at present we cio not reckon. ^Viiile speaking on this (juestion of immigration, I would remind the House, and it is impossible to urge it too strongly, that these provinces are now presented to the world in a very disadvantageous aspect, as difternnt communities. When a party in Europe thinks of emisirating here, he lias to a.scertain separately all aliout New Brunswick, and Prince F.dward Island, and Xova Scotia, and Upper and Lower Canada, and if liv chance he meets a partj' from some one of these provinces, he has to listen to a picture of the merits of that one section in high contrast to the demerits of all the rest, and the result is the poor man's ideas about us become a mass of con- fusion. On the other hand, if he seeks to know the inducements for emi- sriation to New South Wales or New Zealand, he gets it in one picture — in an official form — and the offer is made to pay his passage to these lands I* 330 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF I of hope. A large amount of emigration, and of money which the emigrant takes with him, are thus carried off to a much more distant land than this, and one that does not offer equal inducements to the settler. But how different will all this be when these provinces stand united, and present to emi'.'rants a combination of so many branches of profitable industry ? In ; turninii; over some United States statistics, I recently fell upon a very curious orticial calculation, made by the United States government, as to the value of immigration. By the census of 1861 the population of the Unite;! States was over thirty millions ; and this calculation was to ascer- tain what the population would have been had there been no immigration into the country, but the population had been left to ad ranee solely by its own natural increase. And what do you think was the result ? Why, it is shown that if the United States had received all the immigrants that came to them up to 1S20, and then stopped receiving them, the population, at this moment, instead of .30,000,000, would have been but 14,001, 4,S.">. It is shown that if immigration had gone on until 1810, and stopped then, the population now would have been only 1*2,678,.'J6'2. Had it stopped in 1800, the population now would have been 10,462,04-1: ; and had it stopped in 1790, the population now, instead of 30,000,000, would have Ijeen but 8,789, !)(iO. These are most valuable facts, which should be impressed on the mind of every public man in British America. If we wish our country to progress, we should not leave a single stone unturned to attract the tide of emigration in this direction ; and 1 know no better method of securing that result, than the gathering into one of these five provinces, and pre- senting ourselves to the world in the advantageous light which, when united, we would occupy. Fifthly, I am in favour of a union v,c these provinces, because it will ena))le us to meet, without alarm, the abrogation of the American reci- pi'ocity treaty, in case the United States should insist on its abolition. I do Hut believe that the American government is so insane as to repeal that treaty. 15ut it is always well to be prepared for contingencies ; and I have no hesitation in saying that if they do repeal it, should this union of British America go on, a fresh outlet for our commerce will be opened up to us quite as advantageous as the American trade has ever been. I have never heretofore ventured to make this assertion, for I know well what a serious task it is to change, in one day, the commercial relations of such a country as this. When the traffic of a country has passed for a lengthened period through a particular channel, any serious change of that channel tends, tor a time, to the embarrassment of business men, and causes serious injury to individuals, if not the whole community. Such a change we in Canada had in 1847. But as it was in 1847, so it will be in 1866, if the reciprocity treaty is abolished, Onr agricultural interest had been ))uilt up on the protective legislation of Great Britain, and in 1847 it was suddenly brought to an end. We suffered severely, in conse- quence, for some years ; but by deu'rees new channels for our trade opened up — the reciprocity treiity was negotiated — and we have been more pros- perous since 1847 than we ever were before. And so, I have not a doubt. .^ ■n V H02i. GEOBGE BROWN. 331 V will it be in the event of the reciprocity treaty being abolished. Profitable as that treaty has unquestionably been to us — and it has been more profit- able to the Americans — still, were it brought to an end to-morrow, though we would suffer a while from tlie change, I am convinced the ultimate result would be that other foreign markets would be opened to us (juito as profitable, and that we would speedily build up our trade on a sounder basis than at present. A close examination of the working of the reci- procity treaty discloses facts of vital importance to the merits of the ques- tion, to which you never hear the slightest allusion made by American speakers or writers. Our neighbours, in speaking of the treaty, keep con- stantly telling; us of the Canadian trade — what thoy take from Canada and what Canada takes from them. Their whole story is about the buying and selling of commodities in Canada. Xot a wiiispur do you ever hear from them about their buying and selling witli the Maritime Provinces — not a word about the enormous carrying trade for all the provinces which they monopolize — not a word of tiie large sums drawn from u.s for our vast trafiic over their railways and canals — and not a whisper as to their im- mense profits from fishing in our waters, secured to them by the treaty. No ; all we hear of is the exports and imports of Canada — all is silence as to other parts of the treaty. But it must not be forgotten that if the treaty is abolished and this union is accomplished, an abolition of reciprocity with Canada means abolition of reciprocity with all the British American pro- vinces — means bringing to an end the right of the Americans to fisli in our waters ; their right to use our canals ; their right to the navigation of tlie St. Lawrence ; and that it also implies the taking out of their hands tlie vast and lucrative carrying trade they now have from us. It must be always kept in mind tliat thouLdi the United States purchase from Canada a large amount of agricultural products, a great i)ortion of what they purchase does not go into consumption in tlie states, but is merely pur- chased for transmissioii to Great Britain and tiie West India markets. They merely act as commission agents and carrier.s in such transactions, and splendid profits they make out of the business. But beyond this, anotl'er large portion of tliese proiluce purchases, tor which tiiey take so mucii credit to themselves, they buy in the same manner for export to tiie Maritime Proviuees of British America, reaping all the benefit of the sea- goiug as well as the inland freight— cliarges and commissions. The com- mercial returns of tiie Lower Provinces show not only that the Americans send a large quantity of their own farm products to those provinces, but a considerable amount of what they (the Americans) receive from us, thereby gaining the double advantage of the carrying trade tiirougli the United States to the se.aboard, and then by sea to the Lower Provinces. I hold in my hand a return of the articles purchased by the Maritime I'lovinces from the United States in 18G3, which Canada could have supplied. 1 will not detain the House by reading it, but any member who desires can have it for examination. I may state, however, in brief, that in that year tiie breadstufts alone bought by the Lower Provinces amounted to no less than .'«!4,4-47,"i07; that the import of meats, fresh and cured, amounted to 4 ' m 332 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF ! , . i $659,917; and that the total value of products which the Lower Provinces might have bought more advantageously from us, summed up to over seven millions of dollars. The Americans must therefore bear in mind, that if they abolish the reciprocity treaty, they will not only lose that seven millions which they now receive for tlieir products, but the carrying trade which ^oes with it. But, on the other hand, when we have this union, these products will, as tliey naturally should, go down the St. Lawrence, not only for the advantage of our farmers, but swelling the volume of our own shipping intercnts. The Americans hitherto have had a large por- tion of our carrj'ing trade ; they have brouglit us our goods — even our European goods — and taken our produce not only to Europe but even to the Lower Provinces ; and I say one of the best features of this union is, that if in our commercial relations with tiie United States we are compelled by thoni to meet tire with fire, it will enable us to stop this improvidence, and turn the current of our own trade into our own waters. Far be it from me to say I am an advocate of a coercive commercial policy ; on the contrary, entire freedom of trade, in my opinion, ia what we in tliis country should strive for. Without liesitation, 1 would, to-morrow, throw open the whole of our trailitary relations which a great colony, such as Canad;;, oui;ht to hold to tlie empire. And I am free to admit that it is a fiir and just demand. We may doubt whether some of the demands that have been made upon us, witliout regard to our peculiar position at the moment, and without any attempt to dis- cuss tlie question with us in all its breadth, were either just or well con- sidered. But of this I think there can be no doubt, that when the time cornea in the history of any colony that it has overcome the burdens and embarrassments of early settlement, and has entered on a career of per- manent progress and prosperity, it is only fair and right that it should contribute its quota to the defence of the empire. What tiiat (^uota ought to be, I think, is a matter for grave deliberation and discussion, as well as the measure of assistance the colony may look for, in time of war, from the parent state ; and assuredly, it is in this spirit tliat tlie present Imperial government is desirous of approaching the question. I am persuaded that nothing more than that which is fairly due at our hands will be demanded from us, and anything less than this, I am sure, the people of Canada do not desire. In the conversations I had, while in England, with public men of different politics, while I found many who considered that the connection between Canada and England involved the mother country iu some danger of war with the powerful state upon our borders, and that the colonial system devolved heavy and unreasonable burdens upon the mother country, and while a still larger number thouglit we had not acted as cordially and energetically as we ought in organizing our militia for the defence of the province, still I did not meet one public man, of any stripe of politics, who did not readily and heartily declare that, in cace of the mvaaion of Canada, the honour of Great Britam would be at stake, and the whole strength of the empire would be unhesitatingly marshalled in our defence. But, coupled with this, was the invariable and moat reasonable declaration that a share of the burden of defence, in peace and in war, we must contribute. And thia stipulation applies not only to Canada, but to every one of the coloniea. Already the Indian empire has been made to pay the whole expense of her military establishment. The Australian colonies have agreed to pay £40 sterling per man for every soldier sent there. Thia system is beiuK gradually extended; and, union or no union, assuredly every one of these British American colonies will be I ti!i m ! . 334 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF called upon to bear her fair share towards the defence of the empire. And who will deny that it is a just demand, and that great colonies such as these sliould be proud to meet it in a frank and earnest spirit. Nothint;, I am persuaded, could be more foreign to the ideas of the people of Canada, than that the people of England should be unfairly taxed for service rendered to this province. Now, the question presented to us is simply this : Will these contributions which Canada and the other provinces must hereafter make to the defence of the empire, be better rendered by a hardy, energetic population, acting as one people, than as Hve or six separate communities? There is no doubt about it. But not only do our changed relations towards the mother country call on us to assume the new duty of military defence — our cbangcd relations towards tiie neighbouring republic compel us to do so. For myself, 1 have no belief that the Americans have the sliglitest thought of attacking us. I cannot believe that the first use of their new- found liberty will be the invasion, totally unprovoked, of a peaceful pro- vince. I fancy that they have had quite enough of war for a good many years to come, and that such a war as one with England would certainly be is the last they are likely to provoke. There is no better mode of warding off war when it is threatened than to be prepared for it if it comes. The Americans are now a warlike people. They have large armies, a powerful navy, an unlimited supply of warlike munitions, and the car- nage of war has to them been stript of its horrors. The American side of our lines already bristles with works of defence, and unless we are wilhng to live at the mercy of our neighbours, we too must put our country in a state of efficient preparation. War or no war, the necessity of placing these provinces in a thorough state of defence can no longer be postponed. Our country is coming to be regarded as undefended and indefensible — the capitalist is alarmed, and the immigrant is afraid to come among us. Were it merely as a measure of commercial advantage, every one of these colonies must meet the question of military defence promptly and energetically. And how can we do this so efficiently and economically as by the union now proposed ? I have already shown that union would give us a body of 70,000 hardy seamen ready and able to defend our sea-coasts and inland lakes; let us now sec what would be the military strength of the confedera- tion. By the last census (1861) it appears that the men (from 20 to 60 years of age) capable of bearing arms in British America, were as follows : Upper Canada, 308,955 ; Lower Canada, 225,620 ; Nova Scotia, 67,367 ; New Brunswick, 51,625; Newfoundland, 25,532; Prince Edward Island (from 21 to 60 years of age), 14,819; total, 693,918. With the body of efficient soldiers that might l)e obtained from this vast array of men, the erection of defensive works at salient points, and the force of British troops that would soon come to our aid, who can doubt that the invasion of our country would be successfully resisted ? W P Seveatiily, I am in favour of this union because it will give us a sea- board at all seasons of the year. It is not to be denied that the position of Canada, shut ofi as she is from the sea-board during the winter months, npire. Aiul iich aa these ithitii;, I am anada, than rendered to : Will these uafter make y, energetic immunities? una towards ary doft-nce ipel US to do le slightest their new- iaceful pro- good many ■d certainly 3r mode of for it if it irge armies, md the car- ican sidu of are willing juntry in a of phicmg postponed, laible — the us. ^Vere 3se colonies ■getically. the union a body of Eind inland confedera- 20 to 60 follows : 67,367 ; ,rd Island e body of men, the ish troops on of our us a sea- position months. HON. GEOliOE BROWN. 335 is far from Hatiafactory ; and should the United Stntea carry out their in- sane threat of aboliMliing the bonding syatoiii, Ity whicli our miTchandiae passes free througii their territory, it would be still more umlmrrasaing. The Maritime Provinces arc equally cut oil from conmiunication inland. Now, tiiirt euibarnissment will be ended by culonial union. Tliu Intercolo- nial Uailway will giveua at all times access to the Atlantic through British territory. As a connuercial enterprise, the Intcrcoloniiil Hiiilway hiia not, I apprt'hentl, any consjidmablo merit ; as a work of defence it has, how- ever, many advocates ; but if the union of the provinces is to go on, it is an absolute necessity ; and as the price of union, were tliere no othei" argu- ment in its favour, I heartily go for it. The adviintagc it will confer on the Maritime Provinces can hardly be overrated. It will make Halifax and St. John the Atlantic sea-ports of half a coiitinunt ; it will insure to Halifax, ere long, the estal)lishnicnt of a line of powerful steamers running in six (lays from her wharves to some near point on the west c(>ast of Ireland; and it will bring a constant stream of passengers and immigrants thnjugh those lower provinces that never otherwise would come near them. I could go on for many hours piling up arguments in favour of this scheme, but already I have detained the House too long, and must draw to a close. But I think I have given rejisons enough to satisfy every candirl man who desires the advancement of his country, why this House should go unanimously and enthusiastically for "the union, tlie whole union, and nothing but the union !" Before sitting down, however, there are one or two general objections urged against the scheme which I am desirous of meeting, and I will try to do so as briefly as possilde. And tir:jt, 1 am told that we should have made the union legislative and not federal. Undoubt-. edly this is a point on which ditierent opinions may be honestly iield by j men sincerely seeking tiie same ends ; Init, speaking my own views, I think we came to a most wise conclusion. Had we continued tiie present legisla- tive union, we must have continued with it the unjust system of taxation for local purposes that now exists, and the sectional bickering would have gone on as before. And can any honourable gentleman really believe that it would have been possible for a body of men sitting at Ottawa to administer efficiently and wisely the parish business of Red Kiver and Xewfoundland and all the country between? Only th'wk of Itringing suitors and witnesses such distances to promote a bill ^jr closing a side-line or incorporating a club ! And if such a thing wijre desirable, would it be possible for any body of men to go througii iuch a mass of work ? Why. the Imperial parliament, with 650 members, sits for eight months in the year, and even our parliament sits three or four months ; how then would it be possible for the legislature of all the provinces, with a thousand or twelve hundred bills before it, to accomplish it all ? The whole year would not suffice for it — and who in these colonies is able to sacriHce his whole time to the duties of public life ? But there is another reason why the union was not made legislative — it could not be carried. We had either to take the federal union or drop the negotiation. Not only were our friends from Lower 'M i(i7,"»(Kt,()(»0, but live millions of thi.s is duo to our own people, to meet which there are certain local funds. Now, if we had thrown the whole >!(17."p(>(t,(l()(l on the federal treasury, wo must also have lumilcd over to it thi; local revenues, which, so far as these five niillions are conc.x'rned, would have been pre- cisely the same thinj,'. Hut, as rej,'ard8 tho public debt with which tho fedm'al i,'overnnu'nt would start, it would not have been the wame thini,'. r.y restricting the debt of Canada to s()"J,."i()(),i)tM», we restricted the debt of tho Maritime Provinces to the same proportion, or .S'25 per head of thoir popidation ; but had we thrown our whole debt of sixty-seven and a half millions on tlio confi'deration, the proportion of delit for tlie several .Mari- time Provinces nuist have been increased, and the whole debt very greatly augmented. lUit in throwing these live millions on the local gov orinnents of Upper and Lower Canada, do we impose a l)urden on them they are unable to bear? Quite tiie contrary ; for with the debt, we give them the corres- poiiiling sources of revenue from which to meet it. 'I"he local governments of L'pper and Lower Canada will severally not only have fund.s, from th(! subsidy and other sources, to meet .ill expenditure, but a large suiplns besides. 1 am told that this federation scheme maybe all veiy right— it may be just, and the very thing tiie country needs — but this governineut had no autliority from parliameiu to negotiate it. The honourable mem- ber for Cornwall (Hon. John S. Macdonald) particularly pressed this objec- tion, and I am sorry he is not in his seat. Hon. Ml!. Hoi.ton" : It is (juite true. Hon. Mk. Cautiki; : No, the reverse is true. Hon. Mk. iiuows : I am astonished to hear such a statement re- peated. No one knows better than tiic honourable member for Chateauguay and the honourable member for Cornwall that in tho ministerial explana- tions brought down to this House at tlie time of tlie formation of this g(i\ernmeut, it was distinctly declared tliat tlic government was formed for the special purpose of maturing a scheme of federal union, and that it would take means, during the recess, for opening negotiations with tiie Maritime Provinces, to bring about such a union. Hon. Mk. Holton : But not to conclude them. 'ipmi: Hon approv last m cauc govti Mr. Brown : What we have done is entirely subject to tho ' parliament. The honourable member for Cornwall is the very who should have raised such an objection, for he attended u I he liheral members of the assembly, heard the whole plans of the 'nt explained, precisely as they have been carried out, and he was 22 • 338 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF m the very person who moved tliat I should go into the government to give them effect. Mii, Di'XKiN : And I heard something more said — that nothing should be done which did not leave the House perfectly free. Hon. Mr. Browx : I can assure my honourahle friend tliat, as far as that goes, he never was more free in liis life than now. We do not pretend to say that anytliing wc liave done liinds this House ; any meml)er may object if he pleases : but I do say we received the approval of the House foi opening negotiations, and it is a miserable pretence to say any- thing to the contrary. We did no more than has been done by every government, under the British system, that ever existed. We have but made a compact, subject to the approval of parliament. So far as this government is concerned, we are firndy committed to the scheme ; but so far as the members of the legislature are concerned, they are as free as air; but I am confident tliat this House will almost unanimously accept it — and not with changes and amendments, but as a whole — as the very best com- promise arrangement that can be obtained. Hon. Mr. Holtox : We havo not the treaty-making power. Hon. Mr. Brown : I remember a government formed from that side of the House, and the honourable member for He "helaga (Hon. Mr. Dorion) will remember it too, which made a treaty respecting the building of the Intercolonial Railroad. The honourable member tor Cornwall was preniier of that goveiniment, and it does not lie in his mouth now to object to what he himself did. But the honourable gentler, an is entirely wrong when he says we had no power to make this compact Mith the Maritime Provinces. We had full power, express instructions to enter into it. Hf)N-. Mr. Holtox : Did the Parliament of England give you that power ? Hon*. Mr. Brown : Xo ; the honourable gentleman ought to know that the treaty-making power is in the Crown — the Crown authorized us spe- cially to make this compact, and it has lieartily approved of what we ilid. I am told that the people of Canada have not considered this scheme, and that we ought not to pass it without appealmg to the electors for their approval. Now a statement more incorrect than this, or more injurious to the people of Canada, could not be made. They not only have considered this scheme— for fifteen years they have been earnestly considering it — but they perfectly comprehend it. If ever question was thoroughly deljated in any country, the whole subject of constitutional change has been in Canada. There is not a light in which it could be placed that has not been thoroughly canvassed ; and if the House will permit me, I will show from our historical record how totally absurd this objection is. The question of a federal union was agitated thirty years ago, and here is the resolution adopted by both Houses of the Imperial parliament so far back as 1837: "That great inconvenience has been sustained by His Majesty's sub- jeit : inhabiting the provinces of Lower Canada and Upper Canada, from \'\ >olved,^\. That the inconveniences arising from the Legislative Union between Upper and Lower Canada, render desirable the dissolution of that Union. "2. That a committee bo' appointed to in(]uire into the means which should be adopted to form a new political and legislative organization of the heretofore provinces of Upper and Lower Canada, either by the estab- lishment of their former territorial divisions, or by a division of each pro- vince so as to form a confeileration having a federal government and a local legislature for each one of the new provinces, and to deliberate as to the course which should be ado^ited to regulate the atl'airs of united Canada iu a manner which would be eciuitable to the ditferent sections of the pro- vince." Ho\. Mit. Cautiku: Whose notice was that ? H(JN. Mr. Brown: This notice of motinn was given by my honourable friend tiie member for Hochelaga (Hon. Mr. Dorion). Hex. Mr. Dorion : It was in amendment of tliat of the honourable member for Sherbrooke, which I did not exactly like. Hon. Mk. Holton : And which that honourable gentleman did net venture to move, so that the House did not pronounce upon it. HON. GEORGE BROWN. 3U Hox. Mk. PjKowv . But my lionourable friend (Hon. Mr. Dorion) made a speech which 1 perfectly remember. He held this motion in his hand while he spoke. Hon. Mk. Dokion : I made a speech on the motion of the honourable member for Haldimand, Mr. Mackenzie, not on my own. Hon. Mr. BitowN : That does not signify. I seek not to fasten down my houoiiral)le friend to the views he then held. Much light has been thrown on the whole subject since 18y(), and I trust we will all act on our conscientious convictions of what is best for the country miw. without regard to any opinions we may at other times have hold. Ijut w hen my honoural)le friend and others allege that there never has been in Canada an agitation in favour of a feikral system, and that the peojile have never considered such a pioposition, 1 think it directly in point to prove the contrary by my honourable friend's own proceedings. The next step in the constitutional agitation of the country was the formation of the lirown- • Dorion administration. Tliat was in 18.18 ; and to show iiow serious my-rf^ honourable friend opposite (Hon. Mr. Dorion) and myself and our ten colleagues viewed the position of the country from the denial of constitu- tional reform, 1 will reatl the ofiicial statement of the basis on which the government was formed. I read from the .Journals of the Legislative Council for IS.jS : " For some years past, sectional feelings have risen in this country, which, especiallj' during the present session, have sericnisly impeded the carrying on of the administrative and legislative functions of the government. The late lulininistration niaile no attempt to meet these ditiicultics or to sug- gest a remedy for them, and thereby the evil lias Ijeen greatly aggravated. His Excellency's present ailvisers have entered the government with the fixed determination to propose constitutional measures for the establish- ment of that harmony between Upper and Lower Canada which is essential to the prosperity of the province. They respectfully submit that they have a right to claim all the support whicii His Excellency can constitutionally extend to them in the prosecution of this all-important object." Here was a government formed seven years ago for the expr'^ss purpose of doing that M-hich we are now engaged in — a go\ernmeut distinctly telling the Oovernor-Genend that the peace and prosperity of the country were endangered because constitutional remedies were deferred ; and yet my honourable friends opposite, who with me were responsible for tliat document, tell us that we are not now in a lit position to legislate upon this question. But I come next to the famous despatch to the L'olonial Minister, signed in 18.")8 by my lionourable friend the Ministei- of Finance, the At- torney-General (east), aiif power the general government would be relieved from tliose (|uestions of a purely local and sectional character, whicii, under our present system, have led to much strife and ill-will. " The coniniittee believe that it is clearly demonstrable tliat the direct coat of raaiiitainin ,' both the federal and loc li governments need not exceed that of our present system, while its enormous indirect cost would, in con- sequence of the additional checks i . expenditure involved in the new system, and the more direct responsibility of public servants iu the pro- vince to the people immediately affected by such expenditure, be entirely obviated. .... " Tlie proposed system could in no way diminish the importance of the colony, or impair its credit, while it presents the advantage of being susceptible, without any disturbance of the federal ecouomy, of such ter- ritorial extension as circumstances may hereafter render desirable. " HON. GEORGE BROWN. 343 Now, who were the signers of the address ? — oa whose special responsi- bility was this manife,sto seat forth to the world ? Wliy, it was signed by my honourable friend opposite, Hon. A. A. Dorion, Hon. T. D. McGee, Hon. L. T. Drumniond, and Hon. L. A. Dessaulles, four of the most able ami most popular loaders of the Lower Canada liberal party — the party now virulently opposing the resolutions before the chair. So my honour- able friend opposite (Hon. Mr. Doiion) iiot only agitated the country for constitutional chauge.s, lint insisted that it should take the shape of a federal union, because of the cheapness of that system and the facility it afiforfled for bringing within the federation the other llritish Amerioan Provinces; and yet, six years after tlie promulgation of this document, my honourable friend gets up and repudiates a federal union because of its frightful cost, and because it does Ijring within the federation the other Bi'itish Anurican Pio\ inces 1 Mr. Powell : Who wrote that document? Hex. Mr. Browx : I cannot exactly say who did the composition ; but will not my honourable friend from Cliateaiiguay (Hon. Mr. Holton) per- mit me to ask if his hand is not discoverable in it? If so, he well may be proud of it, for it is a masterly exposition. Hon. Mr. Holton' : Will my honourable friend accept it as an amend- ment to his scheme? PfoN". Mu. Galt : Xo ; ours is better than that ! Hon*. Mr. Brown : I come now to the great meeting of the reformers of Upper Canada, known as the T(jronto convention of ]S.")9, and at which .570 delegates v.-ere present from all parts of the western prcivince. Here are the two chief resolutions : "5. Ri.-o/f'd, — That in the opinion of this assembly, the best practic- able remedy for the evils now encountered in the government of Canada is to bo found in the formation of two'or more losal governments, to which shall be committed the control of all matters of a iocal or sectional charac- ter, and some joint authority charged with such matters as are necessarily common to both sections of the province. "6. Ri-solvtd, — That while the details of the clianges prO[iosed in the last resolution are necessarily subject for future arrangtnient, yet this assembly deems it imperative to declare that no government woulil be satisfactory to the people of Upper Canada which is not l)ased on the prin- ciple of representation by population." Here we have the very essence of the measure now before us for adop. tion — deliberately approved of by the largest body of representative men ever assembled in Upper Canada for a political purpose ; and yet we are to be told that our people do not understand the question, and we must go to them and explain it, letter by letter, at an immense cost to the country, and at the risk of losing the whole scheme ? liut let us see what followed. A general election was ordered in 1861 — there WiC a tierce contest at the f'il un ■^ ,1*' J, 1 1 \i ^ 11 m 344 LIFE AXD SPEECHES OF polls — and the main question at every hustings was the demand for con- stitutional changes. Tiie result of that contest was the overthrow of the Cartier-Macdonald ministry and tiie formation of the Macdonald-Sicotte administration in its room. But so bitter had been the struggle for and against constitutional changes, and so clearly defined were party lines upon it, tiiat it was found impossible to construct that government witiiout a distinct pledge that it would resist every motion made upon tlie subject — Hox. Mr. Holton : Did you recognize the propriety of that course ? Hon. Mk. Browx : No, indeed, I did not. I but cite the fiict to show how thoroughly the whole que.>tion has been agitated, and how perfectly its bearings liave, for years ])ast, been understood. Well, mark what fol- lowed. One short year had not passed over the lieads of the Macdonald- Sicotte ministry before they tottered to their fall ; and so repugnant to the House and to the country was their conduct on the constitutional (jues- tion, that tliey dared not appeal to tlie country until they had changed their avowed policy upon it, and replaced the men who had forced upon them the nariOM- policy of the year before, by gentlemen understood to be more in favour of constitutional changes. The government (Macdonald- iJorion), so reconstructed, went to the country in ISliJi, but in the year following, it too fell in its turn, simply because it did not deal boldly with tile constitutional (piestion — Hux. Mk D(juion : We had tlie support of all who were in favour of the question. Hon. Mr. Browx Hox. Mil, HoLTox with it. Hox. Mr. Browx : I entirely deny that; had you pursued a bold policy upon it you might have been in office up to this hour. Well, the Macdonald-Dorion made away for the Taclu'-Macdonald administration, but it too soon fell by a majority of two, simply because it did not deal with the constitutional question — A Voice : Oh, oh ! Hox. Mr. Browx: My honourable friend cries "Oh, oh," and I am perfectly amazed at his doing so. I am about to oiler my honourable friend the most complete proof of the correctnesy of my statement — proof so conclusive that if he does not accept of it as such, I do not know how he can be convinced of anything. In one single day the Tache-Macdonald administration, by taking up the constitutional question boldly, turned their minority of two into a majority of seventy. Could anything prove more unanswerably than this the deep hold this question has on the public mind, and the assured confidence of the members of this House that their constituents understand its whole merits, when, in one d.ay, such a start- ling political revolution was brought about ? Was it, think you, a doubt- ful consideration that could have induced the Upper Canada opposition, almost as one man, to cast down their party intrenchments and make Indeed, you had not. ; We should have fallen if we had attempted to deal HOX. GEORGE BROWX. 34") ,11(1 I am )nourable -proof now how acdonald turned iig prove le public hat their a start- a (loul)t- position, d make common cause with their opponents ? Could there have been the slightest doubt as to the sentiments of our people and tlie impei'ativo necessity <>f immediate action, wlien such men as now sit on the treasury benches were forced, by their supporters, to unite for the settlement of thi>i (|Uestion ? And could there be a more conclusive proof of tlie ripeness of public opinion than tiie unanimous and cordial manner in wliich our so uniting has been sustained by the press of all parties, and by the electors at the polls? Never, I venture to assert, was Any great measure so thoroughly under- stood, and so cordially endorsed by the people of Canada, as this measure now under consideration. The British government approves of it, the legislative council appioves of it, this House almost unanimously approves of it. the press of all parties approves of it ; and though the scheme has already been directly submitti to fifty nut of the one hundred constituen- cies into which Canada is divided, only four candidates ventured to appear at the hustings in opposition to it — all of them in Lower Canada — and but two of them were elected. And yet wo are to be told that we are stealing a march upon the country ; that it is not understood by the people : and that mo must dis- solve tlie House upon it, at avast cost to the excheiiuer, and at the risk of allowing political partisanship to dash the fruit from our bauds at the verj- moment we are about to grasp it ! I have no fears whatever of an appeal to the people. I cannot pretend to speak as to the popular feeling in Lower Canada, but I think I thorou_^hly understand the popular mind of the western province, and I hesitate not to say that there are ::Gu rive gentlemen in this chamber (if so many) who could go before their con- stituents in Upper Canada in opposition to this scheme, with the slightest chance of being returned. It is because I thoroughly comprehend the feelings of the people upon it, that I urge the adoption of this measure at the earliest possible moment. The most gross injustice is to be rectiried by it ; the tax-payer is to be clothed with his rightful intluence by it ; new commercial relations are to be opened up by it ; a new impulse to the industrial pursuits of the country will be given by it ; and I for one would feel myself false to the cause I have so long sustained, and false to the best interests of my constituents, if I permitted one hour un- necessarily to pass without bringing it to a final issue. It was onlj' by the concurrence of most propitious circumstances that the wonderful progress this movement has made could have been accomplished. Most peculiar were the circumstances that enabled such a coalition to be formed as that now existing for the settlement of this ciuestion ; and who shall say at what hour it may not be rent asunder? And y -t, who will venture to alHrni that if party spirit in all its fierceness were once more to be let loose amongst us, there would be the slightest hope that tliis great (|Uestion could be approached with that candour and harmony necessary to its satis- factory solution ? Then, at the very moment we resolved to deal with this (juestiou of constitutional change, the Maritime Provinces were about to assemble in m fi\ m % M '' \:\ 1 s 5' '' Bid 346 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF joint conference to consider whether they ought not to form a union among themselves ; aiiil the way was thus most propitiously opened up for the consideration of a union of all British America. The civil war too in the neighbouring republic ; the possibility of war between Great Britain and the United States ; the threatened repeal of the reciprocity treaty ; the threatened abolition of the American bonding system for goods in tniuHifu to and from these provinces ; the unsettled position of the Hudson's Bay Company ; and the chanced feeling of England as to the relations of great colonies to the parent state ; all combine at this moment to arrest earnest attention to the gravity of the situation, and unite us all ia one vigorous ed'ort to meet the emergency like men. The intiirests to be affected by this scheme of union are very large and varied ; but the pressure of circumstances upon all the colonies is so serious at this moment, that if we cannot now banish partisanship and sectionalism and potty objections, and look at the matter on its broad intrinsic merits, what hope is there of our ever being able to do so? Au appeal to the people of Canada on this meiiaure simply means postpone- ment of the (juestion for a year ; and who can tell how changed ere then may be the circumstances surround 'ng us ? The man who strives for the postponement of this measure on any ground, is doing what lie can to kill it almost as elt'ectually as if he voted against it. Let there be no mistake as to the manner in which the government presents this measure to the House. We do not present it as free from fault, but we do present it as a measure so advantageous to the people of Canada, that all the blemishes, real or imaginary, averred against it, sink into utter insignificance in pres- ence of its merits. We present it, not in the precise shape we in Canada would desire it, but as in the best shape the five colonies to be united could agree upon it. We present it in the form in which the five governments have severally adopted it — in the form the Imperial government has en- dorsed it — and in the form in which we believe all the legislatures of the provinces will accept it. We ask the House to pass it in the exact form in whijh we have presented it, for we know not how alterations may aliect its safety in other places; and the process of alteration once commenced in four different legislatures, who could tell where that would end? Every member of this House is free as air to criticise it if he so wills, and amend it if he is able ; but we warn him of the danger of amendment, and throw on him all responsibility of the consequences. We feel confident of carrying this scheme as it stands, but we cannot tell what we can do if it be amended. Let not honourable gentlemen approach this measure as a sharp critic deals with an abstract question, striving to point out blemishes and display his ingenuity ; but let us approach it as men having but one consideration before us — the establishment of the future peace and pros- perity of our country. Let us look at it in the light of a few months back — in the light of the evils and injustice to which it applies a remedy — in the light of the years of discord and strife we have spent in seeking for that remedy— in the light with which the people of Canada would regard this measure were it to be lost, and all the evils of past years to be brought HON. OEOROE BROWN. 347 back upon ua again. Let honourable gentlemen look at the ((Uestion in thia view, and wliat one of them will take the re8iion8il)ility of casting his vote against the measure ? The future destiny of tlu).se great provinces may be allocted by tiio decision we are about to give to an extent whicli at thia moment we may be unable to estimate, but assuredly the welfare for many years of four millions of poople hangs on our decision. Shall -we then rise equal to the occasion'.' — shall we ap]>roach this discussion withoiit partisanship, and free from every personal feeling but the earnest resolution to discharge conscientiously tlie duty which an overruling Providence has placed upon ua ? It may be tiiat some among us will live to see the day when, as the result of this nuiasurc, a great and [)owerful people may have grown up on these lands — when the boundless fori^sts all around us siiall have givjn way to smiling Helds and thriving towns — and when one united government, under the British flag, shall extend from :\viiis,'spuoch was dulivcred in tho senate during the session of 1875, l)uing tlie one ininiediiitely fullowing tlio reciprocity negotia- tions at Washington in 1874, and was intended to be a senii-olhcial account of tliese negotiations — conducted by Sir Edward Thornton and Mr. Ih'own as joint pUinipotentiaries — and also a general review of the whole trade relations of Canada with the I'nited States, and a liistoiy of the former negotiations, including tlie Washington treaty of 1871. The speech also contains many statistical statements which Mr. Brown had prepared for his work at Washington. Mr, Bhown saiil : In rising to make the motion of which I have given notice, I am sure you will all feel that it is right and fitting, and w ill bo expected by the country, that I should take this earliest (ipportunity of laying before the House such a statement of tliu recent negotiations between the United States government and (iroat I'ritain in regard to commercial reciprocity between the United States and Canada, as may be in the public interest and lietitting my position. I have the more pleasure in doing so because I feel that in dealing with this matter before the senate, I shall lie sustained by the honourable gentlemen wlio com- pose this body in taking an enlarged view of the whole question, in leaving aside many frivolous criticisms that have been made by political partisans, and in contending that because a commercial treaty is very advantageous for one party it does not follow tliat it may not be eipially good for the other. It is very easy to fancy things that might advantageously liave been included or omitted in any such arrangement, but it must be always borne in mind that when two parties sit down to make a l)argain the result arrived at cannot be what each desires to obtain, but what both will consent to. The merit or demerit of every such compact must there- fore be tested by looking at it in its bearings as a whole, and not hy minute dissection of minor points. I shall not waste time by entering into any elaborate argument as to the advantages which must flow from throwing down the barriers in the ■way of international commerce between two countries so contiguous to each other as are the United States and this Dominion. We have ample proof of this in the commercial history of Great Britain since the union of the three kingdoms. We have it still more markedly in the great material results directly flowing from the free interchange of products between the several states of the neighbouring republic. And nowhere can be found a more gratifying illustration of the grand results that flow from connnercial //ox (lEolKlE nnaWN. ;iti> frceilfiin tli.'iii mo have in the proirross S.)4 went into operation ; hut it took six years to nei,'otiatc it, and during that time tile people of tiie provinces heeanie thoroughly conversant with the various advantages which How from such arraugementa ; and if the states- men who conducted the negotiations of those years wore present to-day thoy would hoar witii astonisluncut that any member of this chamber entertained a doubt as to the encjruious advantage wliich must accrue to both countries from the consummation of such a treaty as that which has l)een recently discussed. It is oidy nine years since the old treaty of 1.^54 was brought to a close by the action of the I'nitod States government. The wonderful success which attended tlint treaty is show n by the fact that the interchange of ti'afhc between the L'nited States and the ]>ritish North Ameiican provinces, during the thirteen years of its continuance, increased from .'$;iH,()00,000 in the year immediately preceding that in which the treaty went into operation, to no loss than .•<84,000,0O0 in 18()()— the year in which it was repealed. Since 18G(i there have been several negotia- tions with the United States for the renewal of the old treaty. ! ill c. I will briefly refer to each of them, not for the purpose of drawing invidious comparisons — for I hope nothing will cross my lips to-day to excite party feeling — but simply for the purpose of showing clearly the past history aiid present position of the reciprocity ([uestion. Such ijuos- tions as tliis should, I tliiuk, bo regarded from a higher point than that of mere partisanship. Wo are all alike concerned in the prosperity of our foreign commerce, and in secuiiug go(jd r(dations with our powerful neigh- bours, and to those ends we should all heartily contril)Uto, whatovtu' party may be m power, or charged with the negotiations. In the negotiations of ISfio-O for a renewal of the treaty, oilers were made to the American government liy our then Finance Minister, Sir A. T. (ialt, which in my oinnion ought not to have been made. The government then existing in Canada was the coalition government formed ill bS04 for the special pur- pose of carrying confederation of the whole iJritish Ncjrth Aincriean pro- vinces. I was a member of that government and, as is well known, it was in consequence of the policy adopted by my colleagues in the conduct of the reciprocity negotiation that I felt compelled to resign my position as President of the Executive Council. I resigned because 1 felt very strongly that though we in Canada derived great ail vantage from the treaty of 1 8.j4, the American people derived still greater advantage from it. 1 had no objection to that, and was quite ready to renew the old treaty, or even to ■ 3o0 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF extend it l.-vrgoly on fair tornis uf reciprocity. IJiit I was not willinjj to nsk for renewal uh n favour to Canada; 1 wan not willini; to oiler .special Indnccments for renewal without fair eonecssioim in return; I was not willing that the canals ami inland watcrH of Canada siiouM he made the joint property of the United Staten and Canada, and be maintained attlioir joint expense ; I was not willing that tlie cuatomB and cxeme duties of Canada should he asHiniilated to the pi'ohilntory rates of tln^ trnitcd .States ; and very er^pccially was 1 unwilling that any .such arrangement should bo entered into witli the United States, dejx'ndeut on the frail tenure of re- ciprocal legislation, rcpcalahle at any inonieiit at the caprice of cither party, I liriidy believed that good as the reciprocity treaty liad been for Canada, in the event of repeal, we had a conunerciul policy of our own open to ua for adoption not greatly inferior to that wo would be deprived of; and unless M'c got a treaty foradctinitc term of yisars, and conditions of fair reciprocity, without sudi endiarra^.sing entanglements as were proposed, I was willing that the treaty of 1804 should bo repealed, and each country left to follow its own cour.sc. My co deemed unlitting that I sliould read a few sliort extracts from tlie olliciai protocols of the high joint commissioners. And first us to our invaluable sea-coast fisheries. The question of the fisheries was discussed at the conference of the ()th of March, 1871, when the I'.ritisli commissioners stated that "they considered that the reciprocity treaty of the otli of .June, IS.'if, should be restored in principle. The American commissioners declined to assent to a renewal of the former reciprocity treaty." They said, "Tliatthat treaty had proved unsatisfactory to the people of the United States, uiid consequently had been terminated by notice from the government of the United States, iu pursuance of its provisions. Its renewal was not in their interest, and would not be in accordance with the sentiments of their people." At conferences held on the 7th, 20th, 22nd and 25th of March, the American commissioners stated : " That if the value of the inshore lisheries could be ascertained, the United States might prefer to purchase, for a sum of money, the rights to enjoy in perpetuity the use of these inshore fisheries in common with British fishermen, and mentioned .^1,000,000 as the sum they were prepared to offer. The British commissioners replied that this offer was, they thought, wholly inadequate, and that no arrangement would be acceptable of which the admission into the United States, free of duty, of fish the produce of the British fisheries, did not form a part ; adding that any arrangement for the acquisition by purchase of the inshore fishei-ies in perpetuity was open to grave objections." .... During these il If: 352 LIFE AND SPEECJ/ES OF m ¥ SS'Sji;- hi ■■I 'f discussions the British coi)iinissi(,ners contended that tiicse insliore fisheries were of great value, and that tlio moat sati.sfactorj* arrangement t'or their use M'ould be a reeii)roeal tariii' arrangement and reeipmcity in tlic coasting tra'le. The American commissioners replied tliat their value was overesti- mated ; tliat the L'nited States desired to frecure their enjoyment not tor their eon' ncrcialor intrinsic value, but for the purpose of removing a source of irritation, anil that th'.y could hold out no hope that the congress of the I'nited States would give its consent to such a tarilF arrangement as was proposed, or to any exteiuled plan of reciprocal free admission of tlic pro- ducts of the two countries. But that inasmucli as one branch of congress had I'ccentlj' more than once expresseil itself in favour of the abolition of duties on coa' and salt, iliey would propose that coal, salt and tisli be reciprocally admitted free, and that . . , they would further propose that lumber be admitted free from tluty, from and after the 1st of July, 1874." The British commissioners, on tlic 17th of April, stated tliat this oti'er Avas "regarded as inadci^uatc ; that H. M. government considered thai free lumber should bo granted at once, and tiiat the proposed taritf concessions should be suppleviiented by a money payment. The American commissioners then stated that tiiey withdrew the proposal which they had previously made of tre rccipi'ocal free admission of coal, salt and fish, and of lumber, after July 1st, lf>74." . . . They expressed their will- ingness " to concede free fish and Hsh oil as an equivalent for the use of the inshore fisheries, and to make the arrangement for a term of years ; tliat they were of opinion that free fish and fish oil would be more than au eijuivalent for those fisheries ; but tliat they were also willing to agree to a reference to determine that question and the amount of any money pay- ment that might be found necessary to complete an equivalent." The British commissioners on ISth April accepted this proposal, and Articles XVIII. to XXV. thereanent were agreed to. "The British commissioners proposed to take into consideration the question of opening the coasting trade of the lakes reciprocally to each party — MJiich was declined." '•The British commissione. s proposed to take into consideration the reciprocal registration jf vessels as between the Dominion of Canada and the United States— which was declined." At the conference on the '2'Md ^f.-rch, the American commissionera stated : " That unless the Welland Guial should be enlarged so as to accom- modate the present course of trade, 'Jiey should not be disposed to make any coiicjssions, &c. . . ." At the conference on the •27th Marcli, the " pro- posed enlargement of the Canadian canals was further discussed. It a\ as stated on the part of the British commissioners that the Canadian govern- ment were now considering the expediency of enlarging the capacity of the canals on the IJiver St. Lawrence, and had ali'eady provided for the enlargement of tiie Welland Canal, which would be undertaki;n without- delay. "' HON. GEORGE BROWX. 353 :>S101Rl'a 1) accom- lake any |ic " pro- It was Igoveni- ^city of I for tin- Ivithoii*' It would ho seen by these extracts from the ofHcial reconls of tlio liigh ioint coniiiiissioiu'rs liow very hiiinhlu a position in the t-yes f)f the (.■oin- i-.^ssioners Canada liehl as a negotiator with thf I'nitcd States for rtciproeal commei'cial advantages ; and to show the etfects of tlio concessions made by that eonimission, T will now read from a speei h niiide liy Sir A. T. (lalt, in the Canadian House of Connuons, on 'JUh I'cluuary, 1S71, in refercnice to the appointment of that commission, and the great danger that serious injury might be done by it to ('anaddau interests. S'r Alex, (lalt used the following language : " The tisheries Were of paramount importance to us. They meant an important source of employment and ti'ade to us, and a field for tlie traiii- ingup of si'ai/ien. They have intrinsic merits also. Thev constitute valuable means of comnierciiil I'xcliange with the United .States— means of securing useful trading e(iuivalents from our neigldiours. It was the way we dealt with the tishei'ies and navigation of the St. Lawrence, upon which de])enilo\M'r. And to slmw the liglit in which the right houduialile giiitleui.iii wh" h'ads the opposition in the House of Commons then regarded the situation, I will now read from a speech of that gentleman, m.ade in the other chandicr in March, 1S74, when the announcement was made to parliament that I had been associated with Sir Edward 'I'hornton in the rene\\al of negotiations: "His honourable friend from West Toronto iiad thrown out a remark whicli would discourage the negotiation at Washington, because he had stated that the old reciprocity treaty, if they obtained that, would not 23 354 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF 1 If X'i' WllH 1 >■* give satisfaction to the country, as something more was wantcl. Xow, if they were only to be consulted in making such a treaty, they could put in what they thought proper ; but there were two sides to the (question, and wliat our negotiator had to think of ' as, not wliether we should get all we recjuired, but to get as much as possibh;. He should be verj' glad to see Canatla get the old reciprocity treaty ; he had no hopes tliat he would succeed in getting it in its entirety, but if the honourable gentleman made an approximation to it he sliould be exceedingly glad. If they could pro- tect tiie salt, wool, and timber interests, so much the better; and if they could open the market still more, so much the greater gain for Canada. They should not scan too much the c(jnces8ions made on the part of the United States, so long as our concessions were not too great on the other side." The right honourable gentleman, at the very monaent when the men who had relieved him of the cares of oliice were about opening negotiations at Washington, might well have omitted so incdusiderate a statement as tliat even a small portion of the old treaty w()uld be acceptable to Canada in excliauge for what he (Sir John A. Macdonald) had left it in our power to oiler to the United Statts. I cannot but think it was exceediutily wrong that such a statement should have been made wjth the certain knowledge that it would be carried to Washington, and be used there in depreciating the value of our concessions to the Americans. While agree- ing with both of the honourable gentlemen from wliose speeches I liave read, as to the injurious influence of tlie Washington treaty concessions on our position as negotiators with t'le republic, I entirely dissent from them in their assumption that, apart from the use of our great sea fisheries and the free navigation of the 8t. Lawrence, we have not commercial advan- tages to offer to the Americans quite equal in value to any we seek from them. I venture to think that this error has tinged all their negotiations at Washington, and that a close inquiry as to the value to the United States of the commercial traffic alone between the repuljlic and the British provinces for a long series of years past v/ould jliow it to h.. >e greatly surpassed in importance and profit any other branch of their foreign com- merce, except their direct trade with the British Isles. I have never doubted that our neighbours, if they did not already recognize this fact, would come ere long to acknowledge it, and that the value of the vast carrying-trade they derive from us, of the great baving in cost of trans- portation realized from the free use of our internal navigation, and of their lucrative enjoyment of our Atlantic coast fisheries, would come home to them more clearly as the settlement loomed nearer in the distance tliat must be made, and cannot be evaded some seven or eight years hence, when the concessions of tlio high joint commissioners shall come to an end. It was in this belie' that tlie present Canadian government reopened negotiations at Wasiiington — not, as has been diligently asserted by their political opponents, with hat in liand, but in the frank, independent atti- tude of men who ajlc no favours, but believed they had ample equivalents noX. GEOllGE BROWN. 3r>5 to offer for all they sought to olitiiin. The time of their going to Washing- ton was not of their selection — they had to go. Articles XXII. and X.\III. of the Washington treaty lenJered it absolutely necessary that they should do so. Let nie read the words : "Aktu'LE XXII. — Inasmuch as it is asserted l)y the government of Her Britannic Majesty that the privileges accorded to the citi/easot the United States uiidur Article XVIII. of this treaty are of greater value than those accorded i)y Articles XI i. and .\.VI. of this treaty to the subjects of Her Britannic Majesty, and his assertion is not admitted by the governnieut of the United .States: ij is further agret;d tliat . )niinissioni;rs shall ba appointed to determine, li;iving regard to the priviK';.,'es accorded by the United States to the sulijects of Her Britannic Majesty, as stated ia Articles XIX. and XXI. of this treaty, the amount of any eompmsatiou which, in their opinion, ouLrht to be paid iiy the government of the United States to the government of Her Britannic Majesty in return for the privileges accorded to the citizens of the Unite. l .'>t;ite.s \uider Article XVIII. of this treaty; and that any sum of money wliicii the said com- missioners may so awanl shall be paid l>y the United Stat 'S govern- ment, in a gross sum, witiiiii twelve months after such award shall have been given. "Akticlk XXIII. — The eominissioners referred to in the preceding article shall be appointed in the following manner, that is to say : One com- missioner shall be named l>y Her Britannic Majesty, one 1)\ the President of the United States, and a third by Her Ih'itannic Majesty and the I'resiiljiit of tlie United States conjointly ; and in ease the third commissioner shall not have bc.i so named wilhin a period of three mo'iths from the date when this article shall take etl'eet, then the third eommissioiuT shall be named by the representative at London of His M.ijesty the Emperor of Austria and King of Hungary. In case of the death, absence, or incapacity of any commissioner, or m the event of any commissioner omitting or ceasing to act the vac:iiKy shall be tilled in the manner liereinb'.tore pro- vided for making the original appointment, the jieriod of three months in case of such substitution being cahulated fr.>m tlie ilate of tiie happening of the vacancy, " The commissioners so named shall meet in the city of Iliilifax in the province of Nova Scotia, at the earliest convenient period after they have been respectively named, and shall, before proceeding to any business, make and subserilie a solemn declaration that they will impartially and carefully exiunine and decide the matters referred to them to the best of their judgment, and acconling to justice and equity; and such declaration shall be entered on the record of their proccKlings. "Each of the high contracting parties shall also name one person to attend the eoinini.'isiou as its agent, Lo represent it generally in all matters connected with the commission." Mr. Rothery, a distinguished Ilnglish j\iri.«oou8ult, and registrar of the High Court of Admiralty, arriveil in Canada shortly before the lato 1 356 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF government left nilieo in 1S73, as tlio duly appointed agent of the British government to get up tlie case for Canada in the lishury arbitration pro- ■\'ided for by these artielea. I know nothing of what passed between either the late or the present goveinment and Mr. llothery while he was at Ottawa; l)ut in passing through Toronto on his way to ^^'asllington, Ml". Rothery saw several prominent public men, with a view to acquiring infoi'matioii as to the value of our sea-coast Hslieries, and the best mode of ooUeeting evidence to sustain our claim, and aunuig them I liad the honour to lie included. 1 availed myself of the opportunity to express to Mr. liotherj' my strong conviotion that the submission to any three arbitrators of tlie power to pLiue a cash value on our great sea fisheries was cxeeed- inglv distasteful to the great mass of tlie Canadian people. I reminded hini that Canada in 1854 conceded these fisheries to the United States for a term of years as part of a commercial arrangement between the two countries, and I V(!ntured to suggest how mueli better it woulil be were the same thing repeated now, and the concession of tlie fisheries merged in a general treaty of commercial reciprocity for a term of years and on a mutua'.'v advantageous basis. I expressed my belief to Mr. IJothery that if he could snccc .d in bringing this about he would confer a great benefit on both countries, and estal)lisli good relations between them for years to ooine, and that probably he might find tiie IT'iited States government not disinclined to entertain the preposition. \V^ho that owns a property of enormous value would voluntarily consent to dispose of it for a price to be d-!teriniuod by three persons, of whose very names he was ignorant? Would he not say : " Let us dispense with arbitratois ; tell me tlie compen- sation you propose, and tiien I will tell you if I will dispose of it ?" Who can tell what vir^" may be taken of our fishci-ies by the umpire selected by the Austrian ambassador ? Would the Americans be satisfied if he gave an .'Ward equal to the great estimate we place upon them? And what woui'd be the feeling of our people if iie named a sum much under their expectation ? Nay, in view of tlie vast annual \alue now drawn from the St. Lawrence fishei'ies — the exhaustless character of those fisheries — the rapidly increasing po^iulation of tiiis continent depenileut on them for daily supplit;s of fish, and the fact that there is no other fishery in the world to enter into competition vyith them — what greater folly could be imagined than to have a money value pKced upon them at all ? Wi Mr. llothery uent on to Washington, and some weeks after 1 had the pleasure of learnii ; from him that he had suggested the substitution of a general commercial treaty for the ti.->liery arbitration, and there was some hope of its being favourably entertaiuiHi. Ihit meantime, the Canadian government had been movinar in the matter, and in February of last year I was informed by them th:it there was some movement at Washington in favour of a renewal of the old i-ecijiroeity treaty, and they were anxious that I should visit that city unofiicially, and ascertain what were the prosp3cts of success. 1 went immediately to ^A'ashington, and had the advantae;e of discussing the v, hole subject with many of the prominent II' >y. GEORGE nnowx. 367 ad the 111 of a some udiau t year ton iu ixioiis re the d tlie linuut public iiKii of tlie ropuldic. I heard a very general desire exDressed for the • cstiiblisliinciit of Uettor comnievcial relations with < 'anaila, if teriiit* could he arranged to tlu' satirifactioii of hoth parties ; this I coiiimiinicated to the government on my retiini liritain, appointing Sii- Kdward Thornton and myself joint j)lunipotentiaries on the part of Her Majesty to negotiate a treaty of fisheries, commerce, and navigation with the government of the United Stales. On the 28th March tlie negotiation was formally opened, and I will now read, from the otiicial record, an extract showing the position held in tlie matter by tin; Canadian goveriuiR'iit : "When Her Majesty's advis-rs invite the government of the I'liited States to reconsider the whole commercial relations of tlie reput)lic and tlie Dominion, with a view to place them on a friemdy and durable basis of reciprocal advantage, the (piestion naturally presents itself, how it comes that, having prospered so well since the repeal of the reciprocity treaty of 1S54, Canada now seeks for its restoration. The answer is as natural as the question. The population of the United States is forty millions, and that of the Dominion is Init four millions. The boundary between them is for the most part but a surveyor's line, often unknown even to those who live beside it ; and it is of the utmost importance to Canada that common interests and mutual good-will should exist between the two countries. And what so conducive to tliis end as commercial intercourse, giiierously carried on and imitually prolitalilc V The people of Canada arc not ignorant that a market near at hand is betier than a distant one ; and good as their pr- sent markets are, they would gladly have the old one in addition. They ci. reliend the liarrier that custom house restrictions throw in tlie way evfci- of the existing traffic; and they seek to have these withdrawn. They are proud of their own St. Lawrence route, and inti'iid to improve it to the uttermost for the beueiit of the great west and Cana'lian traffic, but wmild gladly use the ocean ports and other channels of commerce of the republic, when freights and fares and friendly reciprocity draw them in that direc- tion. And very great as have been the advantages ahvays accruing to the United States from reciprocity, the Canadians can lind only cause of rejoicing at that so long as they themselves continue to enjoy that moder- ate degree of prosperity ^v ith which Providence has blessed them. There is no mystery in their desire that the conimercial relations of the repulilic and the Dominion should be placed on the most kindly and unfettered and mutually advantageous basio consistent with tlieir respective existing obli- gations, and witii that connection with Creat Britain which the Dominion so ha^>nily enjoys. "It was with these vie«s, fuuie, be attri- buted the unfavourable advice in the matter recently given to the President by the senate of the United States. And now let me call attention to the manner in whi'h the negotiations proceeded, and esj»ccially to the fact that all that was sought by the British plenipotentiaries was sn.ply the renewal, for a term of y«sws, of the old reciprocity treaty, ami tiic concurrent abandonment of the fishery arbitra- tion, from till .Vmcrican government came tlie suggesti(n» of an enlarge- ment of tlie scope of the old treaty. Mr. Fish suggested the cniaigenient of our caiiais, ;ind he was at ouce informed that the Canadian government was ready to treat for their enlargement. Mr. Fish .suggested the addition of inaiuif-ictures to the free list of the proposed treaty, and here i.s the ' eply that was made as otheialiy recorded : "In regard to the addition of certain classes of manufactures to the HON. GEORGE BliOWX. 359 free list uikUt tin; oltl treaty, we reiiiiruled Mr. Fish thcit the revenue of the Ciiiuulian Donuiiion was; largely olitained from a tifteeii per cent, ad valorem duty on manufactured goods, anil tiiat any articles made free in Catipila under agreement with any fortMgn country must be made free to (ircat Mritani. But we added that tin; governnient of (,'anada was desirous to atVord every facility for the encouragement of extended com- mercial relations between the republic and the Dominion, in the belief that nothing could tend more to their mutual advantage, not only in a pecuniary sense, but us tending to t'oi-tfr and strengthen those friendly tecliiigs that ought eminently to prev.ul between two ])e()ples maiidy derived fir)m the same (iiigin. speaking tin.' same language, and occupying the geographic position towards eacii otlier of che I'nited States and Canada. W'e con- veyed to Mr. l'"ish the assurance of tiie ( 'anadian g()vernment, that acting in this spirit, and in the confidence that we would !)*■ met in tlie sanii' sjiirit by the government of the republic, the assent of ( 'anada will be heartily given to any measure calculated to promote the free and fair interchange of couwnodities, to reduce the cost of ti'ansportation, or coiuluce to the joint advantage of the two countries, so tliat it be not seriously prejudicial to existing industrial inteiests of the Caniulian people.'' It was then suggested that a proji-t of a treaty should be prepared, to foi'ni the ))a3is of discussion. That was agreed to, and a /"'';/'' « as accordingly prepared and presented to the American govornnieiit by the Ji.itish com- missioners. Ft suggested : 1. — That the duration of the treaty siiouhl be 21 years. "2. — Tiuit all the conditions of the old treaty of 1S.")4 should be renewed. '.\. — fhat t!ie following additional articles should be added to the free list of the old treaty : Agricultural implements to be defined ; l)ark, extracts of, for tanning puriioscs ; bath bricks ; bricks for l)uiuling purposes ; earth ochres, ground or unground ; liay ; lime ; malt : manu- factures oi iron and .steel— to be defined ; manufactures of iron or steel, and wood jointly — to be defined ; manufactures of wood -to l»e dclineJ ; miu' ral and other oils ; plaster, ra^\ or calcined ; salt ; straw ; stune, marble, or granite, partly or wholly cut, or wrought. 4. — That the tishery url)i- tration jirovision of the Wa-liiiigtc/u treaty should be abandoned. .^--That the entire coasting trade of tlie L'uited St.ites and ( anada sliotdd be thrown open to the slii|iping of liotli ifiuntries. (J. — Tliat tlic W'elland and St. Lawrene(! Canals should be enlargfd f(,rtiiwitli, so as to admit of the p.issage of vessels "JGO feet long, 4.") fe(!t beam, and a depth e(]nal to that of the lake harbours. 7. — That the Canadian, New 'i'ork, and Michigan Canals should be tlirijwn open to the vessels of both countries on terms of com- plete equality, and with full power to tranship cargo at tlu! entrance or outlet of any of the said canals. 8. — That tin; free na\ i^'ation of Lake Michigan should h& conceded forever to (^reat Britain, as the free navi- gation of the St. Lawrence Rivei' liad been conceded to the rnited States by the high joint commission id ISTl. !(. — That vessels of all kinds built in the United States or Canada slionid be entitled to registry in eitlier country with all the advantages pertaining to home-built vessels. 10. — That Pife' ;j im 300 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF a joint coimnission sliould bo fonucd uiid continued, clmrged witli tlio dei!penini{ and niiiintaining in oilicient condition the navigation of the 8t. Char and Detroit Itivers and Lakcj St, Clair. 11. — That a similar joint commission should be formed and maintained for securing the erection and proper regulation of lightlmusi'S on the great lakes. I'J. — Th;it a similar joint commission should be formed and innintaincd to promote the protec- tion and propagation of fish in the inland waters common to both countries. 18, — 'riiat the citizens of either country sliould be entitled to letters patent for new discoveries in the other country on tiic same terms as the citizens of that country enjoyed, 14. That joint action for the prevention of smuggling along the lines sliould be a sulijeet (jf oonsideratiou and co-oper- ation liy the custom authorities of the two countries, Time was of course needed for consideration of these suggestions, and for in(|uiry and discussion in regard to them, and it very soon became manifest that the absence of exact knowledge as to the intertratiic between the republic and the provinces in past years, as to the actual operation of tlie treaty of IS~A during the thirteen years it was in force, aner mills anil farm-yards, and factni . « and fislung ports, (jf the provinces to buy our stuti', to the extent of many nnllions per annum, unh/ss they got profit l)y it? They might have don. it once or twice with a loss, but would they have done it for fifty years in succession, steadily and largely increasing the amount ol their purchases from year to year? And apart from the great profits that must have been realized by the resale of the goods, was there iK)t great gains to the United States from the transportation of all that stull" overland to your ocean ports, and in shipping it from them in your sea-going vessels to foreign countries ?" airely," am," that I w of a m 1820 sm the I made very little impression on my protectionist friend, and his case is but one out of a great many similar to it. Indeed, it is hardly to be won- dered at that very great misapprehension should exist in the United States as to our tratlic with that country. Until the B. X. A. colonies were confeder- ated in 1S()7, all the provinces were isolated from each other, their public accounts and trade and navigation returns were published 8e[)arately, if published formally at all ; their customs and excise duties were entirely different; and their shipping returns were made up separately, if made up at a.l. No clear statement of the united tratlic of all the provinces with the American republic in past years was ever compiled until last year — we ourselves in Canada were ignorant of its vast extent — and the al>sence of reliable data left us open to the Hiisrepresentations of our protectionist opponents in the republic. Put our trallic togetliur in one account, and hardly could a branch of trade in the United States be named which diil not profit by it ; but take the tratlic of the several provinces apart, and there was hardly a branch of trade that could not be shown, from the exam2jle of some one province, to buy nothing of that sort. Upper Canada was shown to send wheat and Hour to the Unitee told at the same time that Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Newfoundland and I'rince Edward Island took much more of these commodities from the United States than the States took from Upper Canada, (.'ape Breton and Nova Scotia were shown to send a few hundred thousand tons of coal to the Boston and New ^'oik markets — and the indignant protests of Pennsylvania were hurled against 362 LIFE AND SPKhXlIES OF such an ini((iiity — but it was carefully omitted to lio tolil that UppiT and LowiT Canada took four or fivo tinms the (jnantity of coal from Pennsyl- vania that ( 'aj)" lireton and Nova Scotia sent into the States, .hint sf) was it \\'\t\\ a very large portion of the commodities we sold to our American friends. Yet it was by such weapons that tlio false impi'ession was im- planted deep on tlie public mind of the United States that the traffic with the provinces was utterly unprolitable to the republic. 1 . t i I \i It soon, as I have said, became perfectly Tnanifest that these false im- pressions so created must be removed if satisfai'tory pro(:;ress was to be made in the reciprocity noj,'otiation8. iteliablc returns of tlio trallic for a long series of years between the countries must be compiled, l)alances struck, comparisons *ith other countries exhibited. All this was done — oveiy figure liaving been taken from the otlicial returns of the United States, and a memorandum on tlie commercial relation;! of the two countries was prepared, which is now, I believe, in the hands of hon. gentlemen. How entirely erroneous were the impre-isions of our neighliours as to our trallic with them in past years, is siifiwn beyond cavil in that document. It shows that the British North American provinces, in the .'W years from 1820 to 1804, bought merchandise from the United States to the extent of !S1(!7, 000,000 ; that the United States bought from us in the same perioil goods to the extent of $(17,000,000; and that the so-called "balance of trade " was, therelbre, .*! 100, 000, 000 against the provinces. It shows that from 1S.")4 to 18U6 — being the thirteen years during wiiieh tlie trc.ity of 1804 was in operation — according to the United States returns (for there is a great discrepancy between their returns and ours) the balance was §20, 000, 000, and according to tiie Canadian returns. Si),"), 000,000 against US and in favour of the republic. A large portion of tins discrepancy oc- curred during the last two years of the treaty's existence, and no doubt arose in large digree from tlie loose valuations at the custom houses on the lines during these years. The memorandum shows further that the gross trallic between the United States and the British provinces, rose, in the eii,'ht years immediately before the treaty went into operation, from eight millions of dollars in 1S1">, to nine millious in 1840 ; to ton millions in 1847; to twelve millions in 184S ; to fifteen millions in 1850 ; to eigliteen millions in IS,")1 : and to twenty millions iu 18.").S. In 18.")4 the reciprocity treaty went into npcration, and at one jump the tralKc went up iu that year to no less than thirty-three millions of dollars. In the following year it went to forty-two millions ; iu 1857 to forty-six millions ; in 1850 to forty-eight millions ; iu 18(i;i to tifty-live millions ; iu 18(14 to sixty-seven millions ; in 1805 to seventy-one millious ; and in 18()0 (when the treaty came to an end) to no less than eighty-four millions of dollars. The gross amount of traffic between the countries during the thirteen years of the trt;aty's opera- tion amounted, according to tlie Unituil States returns, to no biss than $071,000,000, and according to the Canadian returns, to S(i.SO, 000, 000— either of them a sum which, considering all the circumstances, must be admitted to be marvellously great. I know not where, in the history of lloN. UEolidE lih'oWS. 363 comnierue, a parallel of success to this can bo fnuiul, if \v<' keep in niitnl that one of tlu' jjartios to tlio treaty hail at the time l)Ut three millioiiH of population. The nionioiaiiiUini shows also tli.it the pariliiiHes from the I ■iiited States by tiu! Mritisii American provinces during tiie tliirteen ycirs of tlir treaty's operations were greater than thi^ purchases from them of C'hinii, l>ra/il, Italy, ilayti, Russia ami her possessions, N'cnezuela, Austria, the Ar^jentino Itepuhiie, |)enmai'iv and her posai-ssions, Turkey, I'ortug.il ami her posses- sions, tiio Sandwieii Islamls, tiie Central American States, and .lapan, in the same years, all put together. It sliows further, that our jiurciiases during the existence of the treaty were of tlie most \ahiahlf character, tlierc liaving leen no less than .'*1.")0,0()(»,0(() of farm products, SS,,")()t),tMIO of timber, §'J4,0(M),00() of miscellaneous, and no less than s|,")l, 0(10,(100 f)f general merchandise -a sum to which no otlier country apjiroached in tlieso yeai's. The memorandum .--hows also that, in addition to these great com- mcreial exchanges lietween the countries, an emirmotis transportation traliic was carried over I'liited States railways and canals lictwcen tiu' provinces and Atlantic ports, and nr,' n rxn. Accurate returns of this traliic do injt appear to have been kept until very lately, but in the six- years— namely, from ISOS to 187.'{ — for which we have returns, it ajipears that the merchandise transported for tiic Ihitish American colonies over American lines was of the total value of sl()-J,0()( 1,(100. 'J'lie memorandum brings out, moreover, from the otlicial statements of I'nited States coin- missioiicas, tiiat our shore tisiierics are not of the sliglit value to the rnitt;d States that they were [daccd at in tlie jirotocols of tlic higli joint commis- sioners, but that, on the contrary, tl.ey had in the year ISO'J over •J().'{,0(»0 tons of shipping engaged in the St. Lawrtuicc lislicries, ;ind '_'s,(M)(l seamen ; that the returns that year considerably exceeded .^U.OOO.tKK) ; tliat at least 5,000 new seamen arc annually broken in for the I'nited States marine service ; that 'JOO sail have in one season fislicd for mackerel in thedulf of St. Lawrence, and taken fish to the value of .'^4,.")lKl,000 ; autl tliat from 40,000 to .■)0,000 toil.! of the United States fishing fleet, worth from $r),000,000 to 87,000,000, annually \h\\ near the three-mile line of the pro- vinces. It shows that three years from tlio repeal of the reciprocity treaty, wiiich deprived United States tisiicrin.'n of the aiiorc iiriviicge.s enjoyed under the tie.iiy, tlu^ United States tonnage iu the trade h.id fallen from -JO.S, 000 tons in the year bStl.' to (>•_», 000 tons in KSOO, a falling off of seventy per cent.; that thi- reconcession of these sliore j)rivilcges under the Wasliington treaty doubled the tonnage of the Ameiican lishing fleet from what it was in LStiO, and that it «iil soon exceed the tonnage of 1S()1.*. Tlie mriiKjraiulum .shows yet further that the foreign trade of Canada was not seriously injured, as seenit! to have been supposed across the lines, by the abrogation of the treaty: but tliat, on tlie contrary, while from 1S.")4 to 1802 our foreign tralHc had averaged lint .Si 1."), 000, 000 per annum, it had in the year immediately following the ahroL'ation risen to .SI 4-2, 000, 000, m 1S(J9 to 8145,000,000, in 1870 to 81 U5, 000,000, in 1871 IMAGE FVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) i.O l^|Z8 |2.5 |5o ■^™ M^H 2.2 I.I f,*^ H^ = iiiiim IL25 IIIIU III 1.6 ^ /a / O / /A Photographic Sdences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. US80 (716) 873-4503 'V •J 364 LIFE AND SPEECHES OF to $189,000,000, in 1872 to 8214,000,000, and in 1873, the Beventh year of the repeal, to no less than $240,000,000. But the memorandam brinf(a out another fact worthy of note — that though the repeal of the treaty did not for an hour stay the increase of our foreign trade, it greatly lessened tiie proportion of it done with the United States. During the existence of the treaty thu aggregate exchange of com- modities with the republic gradually rose, until in the year of its repeal it amounted to 52^ per cent, of our whole foreign traffic. But in the first year after repeal it fell w 42 per cent.; in 1868 to 41 pur cent.; in 1869 to 40 per cent. ; in 1872 to 3(> ))er cent.; and in 1873 to Sa per ceut. And the memorandum discloses another most important fact — that a great change in the character of the traffic between the countries resulted from the repeal of the treaty. For example, that the price of lumber has gone up so much, and the demand has continued so good, that wtiile we sold to the United States people but five millions of dollars worth in the year before the expiry of the treaty, and an annual average of but three millions during its whole continuance, we sold in the single year of 1873 over eleven million dollars worth. Again, that in regard to wheat, flour, provisions, and other like commodities, of which both countries have a surplus, the effect of the prohibitory duties of the United States has simply been to send tlie Canadian surplus of these products to compete successfully with the American article in foreicrn markets where they formerly held sole pos- session. And still further, it shows that Canada has become a large pur- chaser of American products in the Chicago and Milwaukee markets, which it carries by the St. Lawrence route for consumption in foreign countries — that this trade only commenced with the repeal of the treaty, but in the six years following that event aggregated the large amount of ^16,583,312. And strange enough, in regard to the much abused " balance of trade," it shows that since the repeal of the treaty the balance had gone so syste- matically asainst the republic, and so steadily in favour of the provinces, that, in the seven years following repeal, a balance of nearly 9^2,000,000 had to be settled with our people by the United States. Nay, it is clearly shown that in spite of all the discouragement that has been thrown in the way of our traffic by high customs duties and custom house barriers, our annual purchases from the United States are still large enough to keep us in the front rank of their foreign customers ; and that with the exception of (he British Isles, no country takes as large an amount from them as we do. This memorandum was completed on the 27th of April, and was im- mediately communicated to Mr. Fist). It was referred to the treasury department for examination, and remained in its hands for several weeks. Its facts and figures were closely examined, and their accuracy acknow- ledged fully and frankly. From that time there was a manifest improve- ment in the impressions, as to the character of Canadian commerce, of such persons as took the trouble to read the memorandum, and these were not a few ; and the progress of the negotiations was sensibly accelerated. The attention of the United States public press was aroused to the importance HON. am ROE BROWN. 30-) of the question — the merits of the pro|)08e(l treaty were thoroughly can- vassed, and, though severely criticised by the ultra-protectionist organs, 1 have no recollection of any similar measure being received with such general favour by the leading papers of the reptiblic as was accorded to our proji'f. In Now York, the Trihiiii'', Ifirnltl, Tim<^, World, Evmiiiii /'o/^f, £.rpri'SM, Journal of Ctniimercr, Graphic, Mail, and many other leading exponents of public opinion, all declared in favour of a vew treaty ; and in Boston, Ciiicago, St. Louis, Cincinnati, and other great cities, the una- nimity of opinion among tho leading journals was e(|ually remarkable. I cannot pass from this part of the subject without referring to a charge that originated in I'liiladelphia, and was eclioed far and wide over tlie con- tinent — ay, even in Canadian journals — that this unanimity of the press was obtained by the corrupt use of Canadian public money. Tho charge is utterly without foundation — it has not a vestige of truth to palliate its concoction. Not one shilling has been spent illegitimately to ]ironiote tho negotiation, and a final answer to this and all similar charges is found in the fact that the entire cost of the negotiation to the people of Canada, including all necessary disbursements, will amount to little more than ^,0()0. The negotiation now went on from day to day ; the several clauses of tho i)7-oj('t were discussed, alterations suggested, modifications adopted, the draught treaty as it now stands submitted for the approval of tho three governments, and all that remained to make it ready for signature was the clear definition for custom house purposes of some articles in tho free lists, and the correction of an appearance of ambiguity in the wording of one or two poss.iges. It had been understood that congress would be unable to adjourn before the end of July, but unexpectedly the determina- tion was arrived at to adjourn on the "i'ind of June, and that day was near at hand. The Secretary of State suggested that the draft treaty, as it then stood, should be sent down by the President of the United States to the senate for advice, and if favourably entei-tained by tliat body, the necessary correction of language could be made and the treaty formally executed. It was of coui"se for tho United States government to judge as to the mode of obtaining the sanction of the senate, and the plan suggested was adopted. The draft treaty only reached the senate two days before the adjournment of congress, when it was (piite impossible to discuss and decide so large and complicated a (luestion as its adoption involved, and the coni'^i deration of it was accordingly adjourned to the next ensuing session. We come now to the consideration of the several provisions embraced in the draft treaty, as transmitted to the senate by the President of the United States. And let me say very frankly that I do not stand here to-day to contend that the conditions of this bargain are more favourable to Canada than to the United States. On the contrary, I believe that in a commercial treaty between a people of forty million souls and one of four million, it is almost in the nature of the thing that to the larger country the largest advantage must accrue. But greatly advantageous as this H 36G LIFE AND SPEECHES OF treaty — if it ever goes into operation — must he to our friends across the lines, there is cnou((h in it, I venture fearlessly to assert, to set the wheels of industry in motion on this side the lines, and to f^ive sueli an impetus to tlie developmout of our great natural resources as would amply cv npensate us for all the concessions we arc pledged to in the agreement. I acknow- ledge the force of all tliat is said as to the immense advantage possessed 1 y the American people in a contest with a colony of one-tenth their popu- lation, and liardly yet past the first stages of forest settlement. I admit the larger means, tlie vastly greater experiences and the eminent business sagacity they would carry into the contest ; but I have faith enough in .«e industry, the energy, the enterprise, and the indomitable perseverance of my countrj'men, and in the cool blond of our northern elinie, to believe tiiat in the long run, and witli a fair tield, Canada would hold her ov n under all these disadvantages. As you are aware, the draft treaty eml)races ten propositions : 1. — The concession to tiie United States of our tislieries for twentj'-one years, and the abandf)nin( nt of the Washington treaty arbitration. 'J. — The admis- sion, duty tree, into both countries of certain natural products tlierein natncil, 3. — The admission, duty free, of cei'tain manufactured articles therein URmid. 4. -The eiilargenieiit of our Welland and St. lAwrence Canals. .">. — The construction of tlie Caughnawaga and Whitehall Canals, (J. —The throwmg open to each otlier, leciprocally by both countries, the coasting trade of the great inh'.id lakes, and of the St. Lawrence Kiver. 7. — The concession to each oilier on ecjual terms of the use of tlie Canadian, New York, and Michigan Canals. 8. -The reciprocal admission of vessels built in either country to all the advantages of registry in the other, i). — The formation of a joint commission to secure ■'.he etlicient lighting of the great inland waters common to both countries. 10. — The formation of a joint commission lo promote the protection and propagation of fish on the great inland waters common to both countries. Now then, let us examine these propositions tivruitim. The first, second and seventh of them go naturally together, and they need no com- ment. They embrace simply the conditions of the old treaty of 1854, which operated so favourably for ns, .ind so much more favourably for the United States. The third proposition— as to manufactur3s — is the only item that has met with bitter opposition, and that, strangely enough, from all three countries. 1 will leave it for the present and return to it again. The fourth proposition — for the enlargement of our existing canals — is one eminently for the advantage of the United States, and involves a very large expenditure on our part. It is impossible to estimate the enormous annual gains that nuist result to the farmers of the western states when vessels of 1,000 or 1,200 tons shall be able to load in the upper lake |)ort8 and sail direct to Liverpool — free from transhipment expenses, brokers' commissions, way-harbour dues nnd ocean port charges, and return direct to the prairies with hardy immigrants and cargoes of European merciiaud- ise. Canada, no doubt, would have her share of benefit from all this — HON. OmRQE BROWN. 36; Imt it could not be compared for a moment with that of the great north- western and some of the middle states. The iifth proposition — for the construction of the i.^aughnawaga canal — would be also an immense boon to the United States. It would open up to the dense manufacturing popula- tion of New England, for the first time, a direct water communication of their own with the great west : it would ennblo them to load ships of 1,(H)0 tons at their Lake Champlain ports with merchandise for the prairie states, and bring them back freighted witii farm produce ; and when the White- hall Canal should be enlarged to Troy, and the improvements of the Upper Hudson completed to deep water, where in tlio wide world could be found so grand a system of internal water navigation as that, stretciiing, as it then would, in one continuous ship channel from New York on tiie Atlantic to the west end of Lake Superior, and possibly, ere long, to the eastern base of the Rocky Mountains? (Janada, too, would have her shitre of profit in all this. Jler great lumber interests on the Ottawa and its brnnclies would find full advantage from it, and the enterprising farmers of the iniduring the civil war the merchant vessels of the republic were oold in large numbers to foreign owners, and ac(iuired foreign registers ; and notwith- standing that siiip-building hud almost disappeared from the l'nited Stiites in consecjuence of an extreme protectionist policy, the law absolutely forbade their being brought back or vessels of foreign build being purchased in their room. The conseipience is, that at this moment nearly the entire passenger traffic of the Atlantic is in the hands of foreigners — a vast proportion of the freight of merchandise from and to foreign countries is also in the hands of foreigners — and only two months ago we had the startling statement made officially by Mr. Bristow, the very able secretary of the United States treasuiy, that no less a sum than one hundred millious of dollars is paid annually by the people of the United States to foreign ship-owners for freights and fares. Now, a large portion of these :.! '■I ■I n 368 LfFE AND SPEECHES OF shiiis, which the peoiile of the Uniteil States require so urgently, can ho as well built iu St. John and Halifax and (^hicbec, and at less cost than in any other country. Wliy then deprive American citizens of the privilege of buying them from us, and sailing tiicm as their own? We are told that American ship-liuilding is reviving, hut were i" to revive with all the rapidity the most sanguine could desire, it could not keep pace with the wear and tear of the present reduced marine and the annually increasing ileniand, nnich less begin to supply the vacuum created since the war. The inntli and tenth proposals are for the appointnent of joint commis- sions for the care of the lightliouses and the fisheries of the inland waters common to liotli countries ; but as to these there is no difb rence of opinion, ajid no doubt of the great mutual advantage that might How from the proposed concerted action in regard to them. Tiiese, then, are the whole of the items ; and now let us return to the one we passed by— the list of m,- Mufactures, 1 shall not allege for one moment tiiat there is no ground whatever for the loud outcries we have heard from protecticmist manufacturers against tiie admission of their wares to tlie free list of the treaty, Tliat some would have suilered by the competition it would have entailed I readily admit, for in all avocations tiiere are men whose want of experi- ence, or want of energy, or deficiency of capital, unfit them for such a con- test. But while all our sympathies must have gone heartily with such men in these circumstances, had tlie treaty been consummated, I cannot think that this great measure, affecting .advantageously as it would have done so large a proportion of our industrial population, ouglit to have been given up simply because some among us might have suffered from its pro- visions. Are there not alwpys sufferers by every now measure of taxation, by every change of the tarifF, by every new municipal assessment scheme ? And yet who dreams of rejecting a great measure of public policy because sucii individual hardships unfortunately attend tiiemV I cannot, however, help thinking that many of the gentlemen who have been complaining most loudly of their threatened ruin would have been more frigiitened thaji hurt had it ;^one into effect. It cannot be an unmixed evil to exchange a market of four millions of buyers for one of forty millions, and I know some shrewd manufacturers among us who heard with deep regret of the action of the American senate. It is not to be doubted, however, that a great deal of the alarm which has been professed in reference to this section of the scheme lias arisen from the parties not knowing exactly wliat the treaty proposed. I have myself met many persons who supposed that tiiey would be most injuriously affected by it, but who found on a little in<{uiry that their articles were not in the slightest degree affected. A curious instance of this was seen in the exciting meeting of New York druggists to denounce the injurious influence of the treaty on their trade, though not an .article in their business was touched by its provisions. Only within the last few days I met a most intelligent gentleman who was positive that his business was to be very much injured, if not destroyed ; j.'oy. GEO no E buowx. 369 but it turiie>l out, nfter a little oonvirsfttion, that the articlo lie 'iiainly manumcturt'd \va8 not at all all'ected Ity Oic treaty. Anject of taxation ; not one that ought not to be totally free of duty, eitlior iu Canada or the United States, in the interest of the puldic. I contend that the tinauce minister of Canada who — treaty or no treaty \vith the United .States — was able to apuounce the repeal of all customs duties on the entire list of articles in schedules A. 15 and C— even though liie lost revenue was but shifted to articles of luxury — would carry wit. him the hearty gratitude of tiie country. I call the attention of the senate earnestly to thi.s tact, that nearly every article in the entire list of manufactures ia cither of daily consumption and necessity among all classes of our population, or an implement of trade, or enters largely into the economical prosecntiosition of customs duties on HUch articles as thedeV Time was in Canada when the imposition of duty on any article was regarded as a mis- fortune, and the slightest adilition to an existing duty was resented by the people. But increasing debt brought new burdens ; the deceptive try of " incidental protection '" got a footing in tlie land ; and from tliat the step has been easy to the bold demand now set up by a few favoured industries, that all the rest of the community ought to be, and should rejoice to be, taxed ITi per cent, to keep tiieiii in existence. And it is remarkable how small a portion of the community are concerned in tiie maintennnce of this injustice. I hold in my hand an accurate return of the men, women aud children personally employed in .ill the industries that could po»Mii)ly have been affected either advantageously or injuriously by the treaty had it gone into operation, and it appears that the entire number is 68,^13. Of these, a considerable number would practically not be allected at all, f'jr they luive no protection now and do not want any : a large number would only be affected in a small part of their business ; and a very large number would be advantageously affected by the treaty. The number who could honestly declare that " ruin " to them would be the result would bo small indeed. Al d it is not unworthy of note how very small are the contributions of the industries that might be affected by the treaty to the foreign exports of the country. In the year ending 30th of June, 1S74, the exports of domestic products were as follows : Products of the farm .S34,-261».311 Products of the ft)rest 2fi,817,71o Products of the fisheries 5,29"2,3GiJ Products of the mine ,. 3,JI77,'216 New ships 790,(57.5 Miscellaneous 419,800 871,573,085 Manufactures 2,353,663 Total 873,926,748 The amount of manufactures imported that year was, therefore, a little over two millions of dollars ; but I hold in my hand a return of the articles that made up this amount, aud I find that several hundred thousand dollars of it could not fairly be classed as manufactures at all ; that more than half of the remaining amount is made up of articles not protected now ; and that the contributors who are protected now aud could inj uriously be affected by the treaty, are few in number and very small exporters. Aud now let us place in contrast with this the great agricultuml interest with its half HDX. n En ROE unowx. 371 ons of xi)orts ports of 311 .7ir> 216 tr),fi75 :6,748 a little articles dollars lau half A- ; and tfected now let its half million of liardy workers, which has no protection, which feeds the whole people, and contrihutes lusides annually to the foreign exports of the Dominion commodities to tiio valuo of tiiirty-four millions of dollars. I hold in my liaud a return of tlie customs duties levied on agricultural pro- ducts going into the United States ; and to show the advantage that would have accrued to our farmers from the operation of tlie treaty, I will now read some of the items : Animals, 20 percent.; heef, Ic. per lb.; Imttci. 4c. per lb. ; cheese, 4c. per lb.: iioney, L'Oc. per gallon ; lard, 2c. per 11'.; meats smoked, &c. ), 35 per cent.: pelts, 10 per cent.; pork, Ic. peril".; .sheep- skins, 3 pur cent.; tallow, Ic. per H). ; wool (worth 32c. ani under), 10c. per lb. and 11 portent.; wool (worth over 32c.), 12c. per lii. ami iU per cent.; barley, loc. per Iju.shel ; beans. 10 per cent.: oruu, 20 per cent.; flax (undressed), ?5 per ton ; flax (dressedj. .S20 per ton ; flax-seed, 20c. per busliel ; flour, 20 per cent.; fruit (gruen), !0 per cent.; hay, 20 per cent.; hops, 6c. per lb.; Indian corn, Id per cent.; malt, 20 ptr cent.; maple sugar, 20 per cent. : meal (oat), .^e. per To. ; meal (corn), lo per cent. : oats, 10c. per busliel ; peas (seed i, 2iJ per cent. ; peas (vegetable), 10 per cent. : peas (split), 20 per cent. ; rye, 15c. per bushel : seeds, 20 pei- cent. ; tobacco, 35c. peril).; vegetables, 10c. pc-r U). ; wheat, 20c. per busliel. All these duties would have Ijeen swept away, and the American market thmwu freely open for all farm products. The grejit lumber interest, too— in which 100,000 men arc said to be engaged — wiiich has no protection, which not only supplies our home market, Init sends twenty-seven millions ot dollars worth of lumber annually to foreign countries, ami employs a l.irge Ueet of vessels in its traliic — how \\ould it have been atlectc d by the operation of the treaty? AV^hy, it would have swept away an average duty nf 20 per cent, from the entire oxportations tr> the .states. And just so \\ ould it liave been with our great mineral interest. Seventy-five cents per ton now levied on Cape Hreton and I'ictou coal would have been abolis^heil, and the New England markets would have been freely »>peneil to our coal ttade. Twenty per cent, on iron ore and one and a half cents per lb. on It ad ore would also have disappeared. The great coast fishery interest would also have been largely benefited, for the American market would have been secured to it for twenty-four years to come. Chi the whole, therefore, I think it will be safe to come to the ci inclusion tliat however a portion of our manufacturing interests might luive l)eeu aliVcted by the treaty, tlio result on the large industries of the Dominion could not have failed to be beneficial. I come now to the objections which have been urged against the treaty from such (juarters as entitle them to a formal answer. The first of these is the allegation that the treaty discriminated against Great Britain in favour of the United States. Nothing coidd Vjc more unfounded than tiiis. It was perfectly understood from the opening of tiie negotiations that no article could be free from duty in regard to the United States that was not also free with regard to Great Britain, and nothing else was ever con- templated for a moment. 372 LIFE AND- SPEL'C/IES OF Tho other olijictinnH uhiclj have boun iiiiulc I IuuIho clearly fonmilated in A nieiiiorinl <>f the Dominion Board of Trade, and clothed in snch unusually tuniporatL- language, that I slmll auHWcr them xirinfim. And I venture to holiuve that a very cumory examination will show how very little force ia contained in the whole of them. The first objection of the board 'n in regard to what has bcou styled "the sliding scale," and about which wc have heard a vciy great deal for many months past. In the lirst place, then, I have t<> say that the gradual roduotiou of tho existing customs duties was not part of tho treaty, but merely a mode of putting tlio treaty in operation as easily as possible) for all parties concerned. It was suggested merely as a means of over- coming two ditlicultics found to exist, not only in tiiu United .States but iu Canada ivs well. It was supposed to l>o not undesirable to give manu- facturers some time of preparation for the change by gradually reducing tho existing duties on foreign goods. Moreover, had the duties gone off iu one day the revenues of both countries would have been seriously alleeted, and the sinndtaneous imposition of new taxes to replace the loss of revenue might have been a dillicult task. Hut, in truth, tiie importance of this matter has been absurdly exaggerated. It has lieen totally ignored that though the duties uf the I'nitcil States on tine manufactured goods are enormously high, on tho articles we send them tho average is only about 2i per cent. Now, one-third of this coming oil' would have made their rate for tlie first year 16 per cent, while ours would have been nearly 1'-, and for tho second year thoir rate would have been 8 per cent, against our 6 ; and at the end of tho second year all the duty would have come oil" in both countries. Moreover, the important fact seems to have been forgotten or concealed, that wc would have had some compensation for tliat small slid- ing scale disadvantiige, in tho fact that the coasting trade and 8hi)i registry clauses would have gone at once into operation, while the enlargement of our canals could not iiave bocomc available before 1880. And to sun up the matter, it is by no means certain that tho sliding scale miglit not have been dispensed with altogether ; for in tho Customs Acts giving etl'ect to the treaty, clauses would no doubt have been inserted giving the two governments power by prDoIamation to ]nit the whole treaty iu force at any earlier moment they might mutually find convenient. Tlio second objection of the Uonrd of Trade is the danger they see in a promise to complete the canal works by 1880. I dare say the Canadian government carefully considered this matter before they committed them- selves to it, and had the best advice upon the point that skilled engineers could atibrd them ; and I venture to believe that my honourable friend in the other chamVier, who so admirably presides over the public works de- partment, was as competent to judge of what was fitting to be done in the premises as any man in Canada. The third objection is that in the opinion of the Board of Trade the entire ocean coasting trade of the United states should have been conceded liny. oD'WE nn'nyy. 373 to Canada. No doubt; Init prolmbly the other party had aoinetliing to aay to that. The fourth oliJLction of the board is that the riglit of obtaining Tnitod .States registry for Canadian siiips eannot be regarded as i\ v.-ihiablo con- cession, toeing that Canadians, im^tead of keeping tiieir sliips and sailing them, inigiit be seduced into selling them, and thereby transfer to the Americans the groat prolits of the carr)'ing trade. I venture to think tiiirf objection is not worthy ot a reply. The fifth objection of tlie board is, that the Caughnawaga Canal shouhl not have been iitipiiiatod to be built until the conutruction of the White- hall Canal \va,n alisolutely secured. The Canadian guvorninent tiiought otherwise, and I venture to l>elii,\o they werj right in what they did. The chief interest of the United States may be "in the opening up of a new route to the ocean ;" but a very imiwrtant interest in Canada is to open up a now water route from New Knglaud to the West. Tho sixth objection of thi- board i.s, tiiat the right of re-ontrj' of goods into tiic country of tlieir production bhould have been proviiled for, but was not. ^Vll goods pl.aced in bond can now be re-entered in the country from whence they came. Surely the board cannot mean that Ijroken pack- ages of goods should be returned? The seventh objection of the board is, that it cannot tell wiiethcr gorids manufactured in eitlier country must Ijo composed entirely of native mate- rials. Certainly not. The eighth and last objection is, that all consular fees and certificates should have been aboHsiie^l liy the treaty, but were not. It is \>y no means clear that this woultl liavo been an advantage. With regard to the recent action of the fjdted States senate on the draft treaty, and its return to the president with the advice that it w.as inexpedient to proceed witii it, 1 may state lie explained that tlie proceed- ings of the senate were taken in o;iecutivf aessiou, and therefoie strictly secret, but tlie probability is that no fulldiscuofciunof ti>e matter had tiikeu place in eonseiiuencc of the shortness of the session, the absorbing interests of the (|uestirinrf now atritated, and the large fin.-incial deficit that liad to bo met by tlic imposition of new taxes. The fate of tlie negotiation is, however, settled for the pre^!ent, but the agreement that resulted from it is on recoril, and no doubt will yet luake its appearance again, and form the basia of a new and more successful uegotir.tion. It took .six yeai's to conclude the negotiation for the treaty of 18o4, and not a few delays and rejections occurred in that time, i totally misconstrue the present temper of the -\:iicrican public mind if a great change on the subject of protection anil finanee and foreign trade is not approach u;;_'; and when that day arrives, the large aud practice.! .scheme emiiraced in the draft treaty will hardly be forgotten. But bi tjiat as it may, it is not for the people of Canada to be intluenced by any such anticipation. They have shown their 374 LIFE AND SPEECHES. ability to open new iimrkets for themselves whuii the Amcnoan market was cloael agniuMt them, mv\ tiie clear i^itii for them Ih to follow up, with reiloubleil energy autl iiorsuvurauco, tht- iiolicy on wliich they have entered. Let the Americans loa I tlieir inilustrieii with customa duties as they uliooue ; be it the firm policy of Canada to n-incve every harrier in the way of com- mercial extensiion, to repeal all dutiet; on raw matcrialn, on articles utted iu manufacturijig, and on the comnum ueceasities of daily life, aud to replace the revenue lost, if needed, by a wiial:lwiii. i;i)L:Tt. had fontiduueo of rcformurs, 'Jti; hiti timidity, '27, U"; retires from tiovornmont. IVS; (jritioiaod by Mr. Hrown, 7; defence of his motives, 41; was he respon>ible for bre .aing up reform party in 1n.'>1, 41 ; his appearance in parlia- ment, 43 ; declines to oppose Mr. Cameron in Huron, 44 ; his maiden 37G fXDEX. Brown, Hon. (ieorge — conthun-.J. speecli, l-l; attitude towards the government, 44; iucieaaiug influence, o\ ; elect'Jil for Lanibton in lSo4, Ti'i; suppiirts conservative i.anuidates in 1S.'}4, 52; iniluence tlirougli tlie irlohi . oS ; ailvocacy of great priu- ciples, 54; excessive lauor.rs, ."4 ; attacked by gove,r;;ment in lS5ri, 55 ; accused l)y Mr. .f. A. Macdi.'UalJ. 55; moves for committee to investi- gate charges, 55 ; parlisau character of committee and its report, 5li ; attack a failure, 57; elected for Toronto and Oxford in ISoT, 51*; sits for Toronto, 59; sent for to form ministry', ."i>; forms cabinet, GO; ailviaes dissolutiiiu, (i2 ; resign.-, 04 ; out of parliament, (iO ; re-elected in Toronto, (J9; contiuues agitation for representation by population. 70; character attacked in parliament by Mi'. Powell, 74: splendid vindication of bis father ami himself, 74; illness iu 1861, 7<3 ; defeat in Toronto ]']ast, 78; refuses all offers of constituenciei', 7ft: I'esigns leadership, 78 ; pleased with testimonial, 7^ ; visits Europe, 7'.i ; married, 79 ; re-enters parliament, SO ; devotion to his father, SI ; proposes con- stitutior.nl i;hanges. 8ti, S7: consults ^Ir. J. A. Macdonall ac.l Mr, (ialt, SS, S9; consents to (;nter coalition cabinet. 94: made President of U'oiiucil, 95; visits Maritime Provinces, 95; visits England. 9(): leaves coalition govermnent, lOIJ; calls convention of l'^(17, lii!: con- tests South Oxford, 117; visits Europi-, llS; meet.: old college friends, 118; his enthusiasm in farming and sLoek-raismg, 119: in consum- mating confederation, I'JO; prw.«i.-cuted for contempt oi court, 1S3; defends himself, 133: made senator, 135; goes to Washington, 13i): declines governorship of *.'utario, IS'J; declines K. C. M. G., 140: assassinated, 141; Christian resignation, 143; death, 144; funercl obsequies, 145. Bull, Papal, 1S50, 33. Burns, Dr., SI. Cameron, Mr. Malcolm, enters miiiistry, 16; conlided iu by liberals, il'; dubbed a clear grit, 3s: overtures to Mr. Bro'svn, 38; attacks Mr. Brown, 40; accepts Presidi::ucv of Council. 44; attacked bv Mr. Brown, 3S, 48. Cameron. .Mr. .J. H., member of conunittee on constitutional changes, So. Canailians as commissioaers tor Canadian negotiations. 136. Cardinal \Vi.-;cman".s jirojuiuciainento, 33. Cardwell, Mr., approves confederation, 97: applies pressure to Maritime l^roviucea, 97. Caruarvou, Lord, appoints Canadian as commissioner, 137. Cartier-Macdonahl goverumeut defeated. SO. Cartier, member of committee on constitutional changes, S5 ; visits Eng- i-.md, 9i>; opposed to aci,uisitiou of Xortli-'West Territory, 10"2. Catholic, Komau, separate schools, 33. Cathvdics oO'eudcd by (Ho'ic articles, 33. Cau!^es of Mr. Brown's leaving coalition, 103, 105. Causes of insurrection of 1S37-9, 1. C'ayley, Mr., moves amendment, 56. Chapais, Mr., member of committee on constitutional changes. So. Chronicle newspaper, 10. "Clear grit," origin of term, 3s, 149. Clergy reserves, lands seized by Church of England, 4: some Presbyterians accept share, 5: Imperial Act ignored, 7: Mr. llincks on, 7: Frencli liberals oppose secularization, 23; Lafontaine on, 26; Lafontaint- Baldwin ministry unable to agree, 30: conservative government de- feated for failing to deal vrith question, 52; (juestion settled. 53 Coalition government Ijreaks faith m ith Mr. Brown, 106. Colborne, Sir John, eudowmeut of rectories founded bv, 31. IXDEX. 377 Commission on management of Provincial Peuitentiaiy, 16; report and results, 16 ; accusations against Mr, Brown in connection with, oo, Committee to investigate charges against Mr. Brown, 56 ; to prepare testi- monial to Mr. Brown, 70 ; to consider constitutional changes. So. Compromise, terms not explained, 48. Confederation accomplished, lOS, 121, 151. Conference between Messrs. Macdonald, Gait, and Brown, S8, 89. Connor, Dr., appointed judge, SO. Conservative government, under Lord Metcalfe, 7; expires in lS4rS, 7. Contradictory opinions of law oilicers of crown on endowment of rectories, 31. Convention, reform, of 1S67, 112; of provincial delegates on confederation, 9.3. . Correspondence, official, between Sir E. Head and Mr. Brown, oO, 60, fil ; revie-iAcd by author, 6-1-G9; between Mr. BroMui and Mi. Macdonald, after death of .Sir E. P. Tachi', 99-101; between Mr. Cirtier and Mr. Brown, in reference to Mr. Brown's resignation, 104-5; between Mr. Brown aiiii L'r. Ryersou, 110, 111. Cowardice ot some reform leaders, L"). Crawford, Hon. .lohu, Mr. Brown's views of his appointment as Lieutenant- Governor, 139; his death, 139. Carrie, Mr., moves resolution at reform convention, 113. Daly, Mr. Donlinick, sole minister, 6. Death-bed scenes, 143-4. Defection of leading reformers, 15. Defence, Mr. Brown's, of Lord Elgin, 19, 20; of religious equality, 34. I)erby, Lord, t|Uoted on Canadian affairs, 2. I'israeli, Mr., on Washington treaty, 136. Dissertation on Mr. Brown'.s Canadian career, 147-154. Dissolution, in 1S44, and its results, 12. Divergence of views of Messrs. Cameron, Hopkins, and Hincks, 47. Division better than desertion of principle, 32. Domestic relations of ^^Ir. Brown, lo4. Dorion, Mr., resigns, SO; rt-euters ministiy, ^0; ouposes coufederution, 95. " Double shulUe" perpetrated, 69. Downing .Street management, 120, 121. Draper, W. H., 2. Duilerin, Lord, Lord Kimberley"s instructions to, 6 : course contrasted with Sir Edmund Head's, 69 ; criticised by &/9'k, 129. Ecclesiastical questions, 4. Election, general, of iS47-S, 14: of 1654, 52; of 1S57, 59; ot 1872, 129. Elgin, Lord, on colonial government, 2; govern.s constitutionally, 3. 21: violent attack on, 19 : Lord Grey's despatch to, 52. Exii nihil r newspaper, S. Expenses of commissions to Washington in 1S54 and 1S74, 13S. Explanation demanded from Miuistiy, .50: of Mr. Brown's position, .'I. Extracts from Luidsey, 1 ; Lord I'erby, 2; Lord Elgin, 2; Mr.Walrond, 3: Lord Elgui, 3, 17; Lord Brough: .i, 9; Olo',', 11, i2, 2S, 2.1. 2-5, 31. 32, 33, 43, 6S, 70; Mr. Brown, 24, 2S-29, 36, 41, 44, 45-50, 74. 77: Sir F. Hincks, 30; Mr. Brown, lOS, 112, 114, 115, Un; Mr. -Justice Wilson, 131; Mr, Brown in G/ob:, 131, 134, Failure of Mr, J. A, Macdonald's attack on Mr. Brown, 57 Family Compact denounced, 147. Federal umon proposed, 71 : agreed to, 90. 378 IXDEX. Felton, Mr., moves amendment to amendment, 57. Foley, Mr., leader of opposition, SO. Funeral of Mr. Brown, 145. Gait, Mr. , on committee on constitutional changes, 85 ; visits England, 96 : visits Washington, 103. Garfield, Mr., welcomes Mr. Brown, 135. Gavazzi, Father, lectures in Quebec, 34 ; outbreak against, 34. Gladstone, Mr., 117. Olol»^ building erected, 79. Glohi' newspaper, articles from — see "Extracts"; founded, 12; progress of, 13; leniency to ministers, 22; reasons for denouncing government, 25; description of Hincks' ministry, 43; appears as daily, 51; opposes coalition government, 53; character and influence, 53; do., 129; atti- tude during American War, 135. Government, responsible, causes of failure, 1. Gray, Mr., his history criticised, 117. Greig, Di\, conversation with Mr. Brown, 143. Grey, Earl, despatch to Lord Elgin, 52. Gordon, Mr. Arthur, Goveruoi- of New Brunswick, 97; applies pressure in favour of confederation, 97. Harrington, Mr. Justice, 130, 133, 134. Head, Sir Edmund, criticised, 64; excites indignation, 68; alleged perfidy, 68 ; course contrasted with Lord Dufferin'a, 69. Hincks, Sir Francis, on clergy reserves, 7; on Mr. Lafontaine, 30; declara- tion of, 41; criticised, 42; as Sir J. A. Macdonald's colleague, 51; forms coalition, 52 ; policy contrasted with Mr. Brown's, 151. Holton, Mr., enters ministry, SO; proposed by Mr. Brown as delegate to Washington, 84 ; on committee on constitutional changes, 85 ; opposes confederation, 95 ; advice to Mr. Brown, 140. Honours conferred on Mr. Brown, 140. Howland, Mr. , in coalition government, 103 ; visits Washington, 103,; censured, 107. Inspector-General's overture to opposition, 48. Insurrection of lS.'^7-39, 1. Isbester, Mr., aids in acquisition of North- West Territory, 102. Jealousy of liberal journals, 25. Joint Stock Bow Park Farm Company formed, 119. Kimberley, Lord, instructions to Lord Dufferin, 6. King's College, seized, 4 ; secularization of, 14, Lafontaine, Mr., why placed in power, 15; forms ministry, 16; house attacked, 20 ; retires, 30 ; criticised, 30. Letellier, ^Ir., enters ministry, 80. Lett" s quoted, Mr. Prince to Mr. Brown, 13 ; Mr. Brown tc Mr. Hincks, -'3, 2S-9 ; Mr. Brown to secretary Lainbton Reform Convention, 36 ; to friend, 51 : do., 77; do., 7S ; Mr. J. S. Macilonald to Mr. Brown, 83 ; Mr. Browns reply, 84 ; Lord Monck to Mr. Brown, 96 ; ^Ir, Brown to a friend, US; to John O'Douohue, Patrick Hughes, .J. D. Merrick, iiud Thomas McCrossou, representing catholics of Ontario, 122-127; to Hon. John Crawford, Lieutenant-Gov^ernor of Ontario, 139. IXDEX. 379 Liberals, leading French, oppose seculaiizatiou of clergy leservej', 23; Lower Cauailiau, dissent from Mr. Brown's proposal, 5><3. Liudsey'S) Life of \Viilia|n L. Mackenzie quoted, L .„ .,t"..;i Macdonald, Sir John A., attacks Mr. Brown, 3') : extraordiunry course, .V) ; olamed by committee, 56 ; failure of attack, ol; ou conunittet; to pro- pose constitutional changes, 85 ; opposes report, S(3 : changes his mind, 86 ; government defeated, StJ ; visits England, W ; correspondence with Mr. Brown in regard to premiership of coalition goveranieut, after death of .Sir K. P. Tachi-, it'J-lOl : virtual ruler of cabinet, lo:^ ; no warm friend of confederation, 103 ; censured for appropriating other meu"s laurels, 107: for failing to retract false charges, 150. Macdnuald, Mr. John .Sandfiuld, sent tor by ' iovernor-( General, ^0 ; iiis double-majority scheme, SO : opposed by Mr. Jirowu, 80 : reconstructs, SO : resigns, 85 ; on committee to propose constitutional ougall, Mr. William, elected for North Oxford, 59 ; member of com- mittee on constitutional changes, 85 ; enters coalition government, 95 ; censured, 107. McKellar, Mr., on committee on constitutional ciianges, 85, McXal), 8ir Allan, his response to Mr. Brown, 4S ; as premier, 52, 53. Meeting of Upper Canada opposition to consider coalition, 92. Members of Mr. Brown's cabinet in 185S, 65. 2*Iemorandum : of Mr. Brown to Sir E. Head. 62 ; of Sir E. ITearown, 86, Mon-ison. ^Ir. Justice, 130, 133, 134. Motions, Mr. Jirown's, m; Mr. Cayley's, 56; Mr. Wilson's, 56; Mr. Felton'g, 57; on seat of government, 59. Mowat, Mr,, enters Mr. •). S. .MacdoiiaM's cabinet, m) ; member or com- mittee on constitutional changes, 85 ; enters coalition. 95. Names of committee on constitutional changes. 85. National feeling cultivated by .Mr. ]5rown, 153. Need of constitutional ciianges, 70, 71, Negotiations for coalition, 90, 91, 92. Nelson, Mr. Thomas, 79. Nonhcote, Sir Stafford, on Washington commission, 1.3G. North-^Vest Territory annexed, 101 ; Mr. Brown's advocacy of the itclieme, 102. Oligarchies, political and ecclesiastical, 139. Opinions, Mr. Brown's, on trade restrictions and monopolies, 139. Orange opposition to Mr. Brown, 34. 380 INPEX. Pacific PvaihVi.y scandal, 129. Parties, state of, 3. " Patent combinatiou," J. S. MacdonaUrs, 12S. Political atfairs, state of, 1. P6well, Mr., attack on Mr. Brown, 74. Presbyterians, conflict in Scotland extended to Canada, 4 ; some accept clergy reserves, o. Price, Mr., 29 ; his resolution on clergy reserve question, 52. Prince, Col., prosecutes Mr. Brown for libel, 16 ; letter to Mr. Bro\m, 13. Protection craze, 1^8. \ Quebec county, appeal to, 4(5. Quotations — (see "Extracts.") Questions settled by confederation. 109. Rebellion, bill concerning, IS. Reciprocity treaty terminated, 63. Rectories, endowment of, .30 ; contlictiug 0]iinions by law officers. 31. Religious equality accomplisiied, lOS. Report of committee on constitutional clianges. So. Representation, parliamentary, increased, 5i!. Resolutions, of convention of 185l>, 72 ; conceniing testimonial, 79 ; con- cerning coalition, 93. Riots in Toronto, 19 ; in Montreal, 19 ; cause of, 19 ; in Quebec, 34. Rolph. Dr. , attacked by Mr. Brown, 44 : his pedantic sneer, 45 ; fully com- mitted to reform measures, 47. Ross. Mr. Robert, joins ministry, 52. Ruosell, Lord John, his instructions to Mr. Poulett Thomson, 2. Ryersou, Dr., defends .>ir Charles Metcalfe, 12 ; attacks ilr. Brown. 110 : writes on politics, 110, Sabbath observance, Mr. Brown on, 153. Salary of Governor-General, 50. Scoble. Mr., member of committee on constitutional ciianges, So ; opposes report, StJ. .Separate school question, 33, 122. Simpson, Senator, libel suit, 130; arhdavit, 131. Sorrow universal at Mr. IJrowu's death, 14(). Speeches nuotL-d, Mr. Brown. 39; do., 45-50; do., 74-75; do., 113: do., 114-ll'(J: do., 121 : do., 133. South Ontario contested, 117. Sullivan, Mr.. 2, 29. Sydenham, Lord, bis administration a failure, 2 ; death, 3. Tache, Hon. Sir E. P., his challenge to Mr. Brown, 33 ; in MToug place. 39 : forma ministry, 85 ; his ministry defeated, 86 ; death, 97 Temperance, Mr. iirown on, 153. Testimonial to Mr. Brown, 79. Thibaudeau, Mr., enters ministry, 80. Th'nnson, A., 141. Thornton, Sir Edward, joint commissioner with Mr. Brown, 136. Turcotte, Mr., member of committee on con'titutional changes, 65, Treaty, Washington, liumiliating, 13<) ; draft, by Messrs. Brown, Thonitou and Fish, 137. Union of the two Cauadas, 1. IXDEX. 3S1 Lpper Canada, popuJatiou in is44, 8. Vaukousjhnet, Mr., 57. Weakness of reform leaders, 80 Wilkea. .Mr., ;^9, Wilson. Ovir. Justice, assails Mr. Bro-.vii, 1.30: his eoui-se .«nticise,l l^o. severely handled by G-'W-e. 131. ' ntiused, 13(.» ; EBB AT A. Page 13, twelfth line from bottom, ./;.• - 1853 ^- ,, .,/ '• 1355 ■ Pa.e 204, fifteenth line from bottom, f.r " naiuister " v , ' ^ • • >. I age 205, thirteenth Ime fron. to,,.,;,,- '^-eliabilirv - ..,„/ ^.,,^,^., •. Page 208, fourteenth line from top, rW <-.» ,;,v' . , ,-/ ' Page 208, twentieth line from tnp,/',,,. ..^i Page 245, bottom line, /!>/•'•!, le minister" /v,v,/ "a, iiinister • according to the-.,,,,/ -according u. the/