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111

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SPEECH

^ r^

MR. LEAKE, OF VIRGINIA,

ON THE

OREGON QUESTION.

BELl VE RED

'i^%

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

FEBRUARY 3, !846.

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WASHINGTON:

PRINTED AT THE UNION OFFICE.

1846.

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Bar me, on Fnaay last, l believe, lOOK occa- 1 Mr. Rives had been deposea f^o^ oflice on ^account cf his

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SPEECH.

. LEAKE rose, and oddrcssed the committee

.Chairman: 1 am '"" one of those who are
?sed to regret the -acted debate which the

!ion before us has >...ited in this House. 1 am
5ie of those who believe that when a question
e magnitude and importance, the acknowledged
rtance of this, is brought up for consideration
iccision, the debate in relation to its merits and
> conserjuences which may result from it, ought
it all limited. It is a question as to which the
!c of the United States are demanding at our
is the fullest and most thorough investigation
hour minds are capable of bestowing upon it.
ii the eyes of the nation are turned towards
Jeliberations here — when all classes and inter-
ire involved in the consideration and decision of
question — I say it behooves the American Con-
, it behooves the representatives of this great
Jeracy, to deliberate well and to consider ma-
/ before they come to a decision on its merits.

IS, indeed, no ordinary que.^tion that we are
i upon to decide. It is, I firmly believe, as im-
i!it a one as any that has ever engaged the atten-
of the American Congress since the foundation
'.e government, not excepting even the momen-
declaration o'' war, and the deliberations which
eded it, in 181. I have given to it whatsoever
itieration my fet !e powers have enabled me to
1 have investig ted it as maturely as I could;
such are the impressions and such the conclu-
at which my mind has arrived.

spirit of levity unbecoming this body, and un-
hy of the occasion, has sometimes manifested

m the course of this discussion. And I could
rejoice had no matter foreign to the question
extraneous to the subject under consideration

introduced, so that 1 might be at liberty to
:h directly up to the question, as is my wont,
confine my attention, and the attention of the
mittee, if 1 shall be so fortunate as to obtain it,
asively to that point. But, sir, I am not thus
lerty. For, high as are the responsibilities un-
tfliich I acknowledge myself to be as a repre-
tive in the Congress of the United States —
as is the duty which I owe to this great confed-
)' of States — yet there is one duty even higher
more sacred, and which calls were loudly upon
or at least a passing notice.
he State which I have the honor in part to rep-
nt on this floor, has been again <fcsailed here by
wable gentlemen from all parts of the hall. Her
esentatives have been arraigned in a body — not
upon a separate trail, and allowed each to plead
y or not guilty as he might feel — by gentlemen
have thought proper to arraign the Common-
th of Virginia; and to send intimations abroad,
:h have been carried on the wings of the press
I one end of the Union to the other, that the
esentatives of that State— those to whom she
confided her interests — are false to their duty
to their country, and recreant to those obliga-
s which they owe to their constituents.
lie gentleman from Illinois, [Mr. Hoge,] my
A near me, on Friday last, I believe, took occa-

sion til draw a contrast between what he wac
pleased to term the ancient and modern patriotism
of Virginia, and to read a homily as to what were
the duties of her democratic member.^ here, wit.'i a
view to show that we who are the accredited or-
gans of that State do not speak fairly the sentimenis
of the people whom we represent. lie read also an
extract from a speech made by a distinguished gen-
tleman, formerly a member of this House, to show
that Virginia had departed from the faith of her fa-
thers, and that we, her representatives, were
occupying ground not only at war with the
interests of the country, but irreconcilable with
th« ground which that Commonwealth had her-
self taken. It is a little remarkable that whilst
the gentleman was reading the speech of Gov-
ernor Floyd, he did not remember (if, inaced,
he had ever investigated the matter sufficiently to
know) that the position which that distinguished
gentleman took, (and he spoke the voice of Virgin-
la,) was identical, in all respects, with the posiiion
now.issumed by her representaiives. What was
it ? The speech was made in 1829, two years after
the join: convention had been renewed, subiect'to
the limitation in the convention of 1827, to be ter-
minated on one year's noti ^. And yet that distin-
guished legislator proposed a law here to take pos-
session of Oregon without giving the notice required
under the convention. Me proposed a stronger
measure than the representatives of Virginia now
propose, although v/e, too, have one mode of set-
tling the controversy as I shall presently show. He
desired to erect a military post at the mouth of the
Columbia river without giving the notice; and the
gentleman from Illinois, if his position is correct,
should have denounced him, as well as us, with the
intention to steal the territory in spite of the vigi-
lance of the people who in fact claim it as their
own. I say to the gentleman that, in judging of
what belongs to the patriotism of Virginia, whether
ancient or modern, he had better leave her repre-
sentatives to themselves. They are fully compe-
tent to judge. We are responsible to that State,
not to the State which the gentleman represents. 1
trow, sir, that the gentleman will find his handa fall
in settling that long account which never faiis :o
r«ii up against a representative by the time he
reaches home; and although he has kindly otibreJ
to take charge of us, my word for it, the people I
represent (and I believe I may speak for the wholo
Commonwealth of Virginia) will not thank him for
his interference.

But, sir, this is not all. The speech of the gen-
tleman from Tennessee, [Mr- Johnson] — and it
will be remembered that we had here yesterday a
beautiful episode arising out of it — contained a
still more wanton assault upon the Old Dominion.
I will read an extract, not only to show the taste
and elegance of the gentleman's diction, but the
character of the charge which he has preferred against

U8.

He saye:

"Why, the Old Dominion— Ood bless her!— that had been
in the shackles of conservatism for nc^eral years past —
now, when she had free^l herself, as they had hoped— wheu
Mr. Uives had been dej'Osed from ollice on account cf kiu

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couservativo position— when the Old Dominion flood erect,
'roileemcd, regenerated, and diaenthralled' from the fettera
ofconservatiiim— that her statoimen should now return
'l.ke a sow that is washed to hei wallowinfi; in the mire'—
was truly a thing to be deprecated by ererj- friend of hers,
an'l by every lover of his country. Now, if hit information
was correct, ten to four of her politicians had relapsed Into
the position of conservatism. Now, if Mr. Rives was in
power, he would undouI)t(!dly stand at the liead of the rep-
resentatives from the Old Dominion, leading on their co-
horts. But the people of the Old Dominion would yet speak
for themselves; their voices would be beard from the west-
ern mountains to the Atlantic coast, proclaiming in thunder
tones our right to the whole of Oregon up to 84 degrees 40
minutes."

Did the gentleman mean to intimate, (contir/jcd
Mr. L.,) in this grave charge, that the State of Vir-
ginia, like that which he represents, had ever dv
EEirted from the republican faith, here or else when?.'
)id he mean to insinuate that there ever had been
a time wh'jn the constitution of our country was
endangered, when the principles of the repuolican
party, which contain in themselves the true exposi-
tion of that constitution, had beei. assailed, when
conservatism, or whigism had threatened to sweep
away the great landmarks of the republican policy
— did he mean to say that the time had ever been
when the Commonwealth of Virginia had fallen
from the proud position she has always occupied in
the ranks of the republican party ? This lecture
comes from the State of Tennessee. Remember it !
From the Stale of Tennessee! And the eientlemun
who failed to set his own household in order, under-
takes to regulate ours; he who had proved inade-
quate to preserve his own State, to raise her
up from tne slough into which she had fallen,
undertakes to interfere between us and our constitu-
ents, and to tell us that wc have departed from the
faith of our fathers. I say to him that when the
State of Tennessee, like Virginia, shall have as-
sumed the proud position to which she is so well
entitled — when she shall have cast off the slough of
federalism, in which she has been engulfed for some
years past — when she shall have proved more faith-
ful to lier own distinguished .son tluvM Virginia has
done, K will be time enough for him to lecture us
and to show us what our u es are.

Sir, I have not come heie to pass any eulogium
on the Stale which I m part represent. But smce
she has been thus assailed, and an eflbrt deliberate-
ly made to cast a blot upon her hitherto unsullied
escutcheon, since she has been accused, arraigned,
and (if the testimony of the accuser is to be taken)
convicted, I have felt it rny duty to say a word in
her vindication. As to the charge against inyself,
(for I am one of the ten representatives of Virginia
on this floor against whom it is brought;) that I had
relapsed from the ancient faith of my State, I let it
pass by me "as the idle wind that I regard not;"
but I felt it due to old Virginia, the bulwark of the
republican party now and heretofore, to set her
right before Congress and the country.

I know that when the gentleman from Illinois and
others told us that we, who occupy an antago-
nistic position to that which he holds, were appeal-
ing to the fears of the people, they did not under-
stand the force of the terms which they used. We
appealing to the fears of the people.' We of the
South — of Virginia and of South Carolina in par-
ticular — to be accused of appealing to the fears of
the people! If we had made such an appeal, it is
one that would have fallen as upon the ears of
night, which could not be responded to, because
there was no such feeling existing. But we made

no appeal, except to their caution and prude
We did not attempt to excite their prejudice
alarm their fears by warning them that without
cause or provocation there was danger to their ri
or their interests.

A word more before I close this portion of my
marks. I say to all those who have assailcii
that whilst we do not vauni ourselves on our ac
ments, yet, when thus assailed, I must, as un
her representatives, say that Virginia has r
thought it necessary to erect any monuments to
iions; and it is not our boast, aa it was Justly
boast of the gentleman from Maryland [Mr. Gii
the other day, that his State "gave graves to het
emies and monuments to hor defenders." We n
no such boast, because the fame of our Comi
wealth is so well established on the pages of ourh
ry that it requires no sculptured marble or pyratii
stone to commemorate her achievements, or to
petuate the virtues of her sons. She builds
monuments on the battle-field, and stamps the
ord of her achievei .ents on the destinies of the
tion.

I pass now, Mr. Chairman, to another mattci
tremely irrelevant in it.i character, and which
gret to be compelled to refer to. 1 speak of th
tempt which is made here to read out of the di
cratic church all who do not agree in the proprit
giving this notice, and to the repeated allusion
that connexion, to the Baltimore convention
its action. 1 say I regret that any allusion has
made on this floor to a mere party convenli
whether held by whigs or democrats. The
has yet to come when caucus machinery shall
trol the action of the federal government. The
has yet to come when the dictates of a convei
shall be regarded as law by an American Conj
And I, for one, do not hesitate to say to this H
and through this House to the country, that 1
not what may be the dictates of party, unless
meet the approbation of my conscience I wi!
bow down to them. No consideration shall lis
me to surrender the rights and interests of my
stituents, or to sacrifice one tittle of the hoiio;
true glory of the nation, because the parly
which it is my pride to act, and with which I
I ever shall act, may think proper to lay do
different rule of action.

But what was the decision of the Baltimore
vention.' Did that make Oregon a party que:
A certain running resolution asserted our rigli
Oregon. Nothing was said about a notice,
convention did not require anyone of the i!
cratic party to give that notice. It was an ab
declaration of our right to Oregon, in which 1
concur, and which I expect to carry out by m
tion on this floor, either at this session, or at
subsequent time, if I should have the honoi
seat here. IsMhis a party question? My
and colleague7[Mr. Pendletok,] the "lone sU
whigism from the State of Virginia, has falle
some error. In the fierce vehemence of his di
ciation, he has given a party aspect to the i
unworthy of the occasion, and unworthy
position as a representative here. I am not
to enter into the history of the Baltimore co
tion, nor to reply to the hits of my colleague a
that convention. It is tpie, he told us that th«
vention had brought forth, rather suddenly,!
tain distinguished individual; that the heteroge
elements of which the democratic party was
posed must insure ita speedy dissolution; a

ir caution and prude
Rxcite their prejudic?:
ng them that without
was danger to their ri<

osethis portion of niy
so who have assailrd
i ourselves on our ac
ailed, I must, aa urn
that Virginia haa m
:ct any monuments to
ist, as it wae justly
m Maryland [Mr, Gii
e "gave gruves to hei
lOr defendera." We

fame of our Coirit
d on the pages of ourh
ured marble or pyrani

achievements, or to
ler sons. She builds
ield, and stamps the
n the destinies of the

tian, to anathcr matiei
character, and which
;fer to. I speak of th
to read out of the di
ot agree in the proprie
the repeated allusion
Baltimore convention
hat any allusion has
(lere party conventi
or democrats. The
icus machinery shall
■al government. The
8 dictates of a convei
)y an American Conj
itate to say to this H

the country, that
ates of party, unless
my conscience 1 wil
consideration shall ii;

1 and interests of my
ne tittle of the hoiioi

because the parly
ict, and with which I
nk proper to lay do

on of the Baltimore
Oregon a oarty ques
ion asserted our rigli
aid about a notice,
ire any one of thed
lotice. It was an
) Oregon, in which 1
ct to carry out by m
U this session, or at
uld have the honoi
rty question.' My
LETOK,] the "lone stj
f Virginia, has falle
! vehemence of his di
)arty aspect to the li
»n, and unworthy
ve hete. I am not
of the Baltimore co
its of my colleague a
le, he told us that tha
I, rather suddenly,!
ual; that the heteroge
;mocratic party was
peedy dissolution;

hifl imagmation, he was contcmplaliijg the proppcct
of that brilliant party with which he haa, ft>r at
i«ast ten years, been associated, gaining ascendency
in the councils of the nation, ond of our own State.
I cannot but tkink, Mr. Chairman, that he had, in
his imagination, gone back to the scenes of the ex-
tra session of 1841, when a party, flushed with one
of the most brilliant triumphs that had ever been
achieved, came here in the full tide of successful ex-

i)eri«ient; and, in the short space of six weeks, (a
eas time than would be rer|uired, in the e.stimation
of the gentleman from Michigan, [Mr. Chipman,]
to take Canada,) dissolved into its original elements,
and was scattered to the four winds of heaven, nev-
er more to be gathered together.

But is this a party question.' If the Baltimore
convention so settled it, then 1 charge upon the dem-
ocratic party here that they have proved recreant to
their duty, and false to the instructions they have
received. 1 say, if it is a party ouestion, it is un-
doubtedly true that they have violated the instruc-
tions of the democratic party. Do you not remem-
ber, sir, that at the last session, the proposal to
give this notice was under consideration.' I was
submitted in an independent form. It wax pro-
posed to be incorporated in a bill then befoi* the
House. And what was the vote.' Of the 82 mem-
i»ers who voted in the negative, 79 were dem-
ocrats, and 3 only whis;.^; while, of the 120 who
voted in the atfirmative, (il were wliigs and 53 dem-
ocrats. And this, too, at the session which imme-
diately followed the Baltimore convention, and after
the election of Mr. Polk. But one brief year ago,
then, we find the democratic party on this floor re-
pudiating the very issue which gentlemen now say
was made by that convention, and decided by the
people in that contest. Sir, if it is a party question
now, it was so then. If there is now any.obiiira-
tion on the democracy here to vote for this notice,
that obligation was equally strong upon them at the
lust Kession. And gentlemen who taunt us with
A departure from the household faith on this ques-
tion, do but pass the heaviest censure upon them-
selves. The gentleman from Indiana in my eye,
[Mr. Kf.nnedy,] who made u most amusing, ns
well as an argumentative speech on this question,
voted at the last session against the notice.

Mr. Kevnedy explained. He said that, as he
presumed it was not the desire of his friend from
Virginia to misrepresent him on this subject, he
would beg leave to state, that he had at no time du-
ring the last session voted against giving this no-
tic«; but on the contrary, in all possible ways he
had voted for it. He had concurred wi^ his col-
league [Mr. OwenI in its introduction aa an inde-
pendent proposition; and after it was connected
with a separate and different proposition, he had
voted for them both together. It was true that he
had voted against cminecling these separate and dis-
tir\ct propositions in one bill; and one of the
4itrongest objections he had against this connexion,
was the fact that it might defeat the final passage of
this very notice, and possibly endanger both meas-
■ures.

This was his position, and he understood it to
be the position of nearly all, if not all, of those who
voted with him on that occasion.

Mr. Leake continued. These episodes, Mr.
■chairman, are not very convenient or agreeable;
particularly under the one-hour rule. I only state
a fact which ihe journal proves. And I as.°ert that
of those distinguished orators of the democratic

piirly who have spoken this scKsion in favor of the
notice, all, with the exception of five or six, voted
u the last session against it. The gentleman from
Mississippi [Mr. Tiiompkon] undertook yesterday to
explain away his vote. And almost every dem-
ocrat who now charges us with a departure from
the household faith, because we will not go for the
notice, themselves voted against it twelve months

But I refer to another consideration. If this be a
party question, then I do not hesitate to say that the
democratic party is now di. solved, and tliat there
must be a new formation of parties. If to oppose
the notice makes a man no democrat, then to sup-
port the notice is, of course, to make a democrat of
the first water. And if you apply the test of my
colleague, who spoke several days ago, [Mr. Bay-
ly,] the distinguished gentleman from Massa-
chusetts, [Mr. Adams,] the gentleman from Ohio,
[Mr. GiPDiNGS,] the gentleman from Pennsylvania,
[Mr. Pollock,] the gentleman from Alabama, [Mr.
HiLLunu, the "lone star" from that State,] and
some dozen other whigs, are now democrats of the
first water; whilst we, who bore the burden and
heat of the day, when, in the memorable contest of
1844, the principles of the republican parfy were
staked "upon the cast of the die;" we who were
foimd in the breach, eye to eye and front to front
with the whigs, and who contributed somewhat to
the splendid victory which then crowned our efforts,
are now to be denounced ns traitors to the dcmo-
crnlic \mriy and its principles. Sir, if I believed
that the distinguished muir who now fills the presi-
dential chair with so much honor to the country—
that man of whom I can proudly say that I confide
in him as fully as I would in any man that ever held
that exalted station — if, I say, he could give coun-
tenance to these assaults upon a portion of his beat
friends, simply because they could not concur with
him in a question of mere expediency involving no
political principle whatever, I should hold him un-
worthy of the station.

But, Mr. Chairman, I have not yet referred t the
question before the committee. I have felt it my
tiuty to place my self right before the people whom i
represent, and to say a few words in vindication of
those of my colleagues who occupy the same posi-
tion.

I must confess, and the remark comes in patly
here, that I have seen enough in the discussion in
this House, and of the action of certain individuals,
to excite the fears of a novice like myself. I have
seen enough to have caused me, had I been an ad-
vocate for this notice, (which I was not,) to pause
and deliberate before taking a step so fatal and ir-
revocable. What have we seen here? We are told
that this is a party question. 1 congratulate gentle-
men, then, on their new allies. I have seen the
veteran federalism of Massachusetts, the wild, reck-
less, and impudent fanaticism of all the non-
slaveholding States, (which finds its appropriate
representative even on this floor,) and the high and
generous chivalry of the West, shaking hands in
strange and unnatural concord over this most por-
tentous proposition. I have seen abolitionists and
federalists, tarifl!* men, bank men, and internal im-
provement men, all meeting and acting in harmoni-
ous concert upon what they say in a democratic
question. Sir, if these are the emblems of democ-
racy, I am not a democrat. But they are not so.
And gentlemen who undertake to arraign us, know
full well that the test is no test at all.

Hi
I

■«•.,'

%£\

1 1

Wlien I wns elected to represent tlic fifth ron-
preasionnl iliKtrict, of Virginia, I was nlfctnl by n
people who had cvfr held their rcprescntntivcH ex-
clusively respnnsible to thcmselveB. Tlie charter un-
der winch I hold my sent hire, comes from tiie
fieopic of Viijjiiiiii, or n poriion of them; nnd wiiilst
I hiive pvcry rcmlidence in the incumbf-.it of the [ireHi-
diiitial chnir — whilst / hnve every coildenfe in my
brethren of the democratic pnrty — and \vhil^^t I nm
t'tttrmined to continue by connexion with that piir-
ty (grappled to it as I ntn with hooks of principle)
through all time to come; yet I look neither to the
White flonsc, nor to members licre, nortopMrty
dict.-.tion out ofdoora, ns to what 1 sliall do. I Hhull
fjo iiome to my people; to them I shall give a full
•■xpianatinn of my course here; and lam content to
iiijideby their veriliet; and neither the gentleman from
Illinois, [Mr. Booe.] nor the a;entleinan from Ten-
nessee, [Mr. JoiiNso.v.JehnU be permitted to step in
herween us.

1 proceed now, Mr. Chairman, to notice a few of
the considerations which will guide my action on
this question of notice. And I beg leave, at the out-
Met, to observe that 1 shall not go into a discussion
of theftncrits of our title to Oregon, or iuto an ex-
amination of its merits as compared with that of
Great Britain. The mutter has been so fully discus-
sed and elaborated here, and in the able exposition
of our two Secretaries of State, Mr. Calhoun and
Mr. Buchanan, that it would be a work of superer-
ogation to attempt to throw any new light upon it.
Suffice it to say, that I liold the American title to be
clear and unt^uestionablc up to 49° and-a-half. I hold
our title agamst England as good to 54° 40'; but I
canno' hold, with the chairman ofth? Committee on
Territories, [Mr. Douglass,] that we may go up to
the Arctic circle. Believing this, I shall pursue that
course which 1 believe best calculated to secure our
rights to the \vhole country, and to bring this contro-
versy to an amicable settlement.

What, then, is rh*' "uestion for u.i to decide.' So
far it has been c exclusively to the propriety

of giving or not j this notice; but tlie fact is

that the propos' .iv>i'. .ogive this notice is one of the
least considerations connected with the question.

Whatdo gentlemen mean when they say thntycu
are to give this notice, and that it is a.'i amicable
measure .'

If you do no more than give the notice, I asrree
that there could not possibly be any danger to the
jitace of the country. But that is tlis !i;ast part of
It. Your notice means something mnro than mere
notice, or it means nothing at all; you contemplate
srong ulterior action, to give it force nnd vitality;
otherwise you are merely acting the part of a l)rava-
do. You say that the joint occupancy shail tenni-
nate in twelve months fiom the date of the notice;
but you also tell Great Britain, by inevitable impli-
cation, that you mean to take steps to enforce your
title. Is not this so .' Must it not be inevitably so .'
It is an axiom— a truth that, merely stated, proves
itself.

Suppose that at the end of the twelve months
this controversy shall remain open and unadjusted,
nnd that Great Britain and the United States should
have been unable (and I believe this notice to be an
insuperable barrier in the way) to adjust it by ne-
gotiation: what, then, will you do.' In the first
place, you v/ill announce to Great Britain that the
notice having been duly given, and believing our title
to be clear and unquestionable, you are determined to
lake such measures as may be requisite to enforce

■:|

that title, and to take pogsession. Is this peace
Is this calculated to secure an amicable adjustmentof
thedifficulty ? On the contrary, 1 repeat tli;it, in
my judgment, it is a declaration of war in embryo.
It is saying to Great Britain that at the exfiiration oi'
the twelve months, we will take the country by
force.

I shall n«t imdertake to enter into a disquisition
upon the relative power of Great Britain and the
United St<ites. i know the force, the mighty and
irrepressible energy of this nation; and I do not fear
a contest with Great Britain, or any other power,
But when gentlemen undertake to tell us of the
ease with which we can overrun Great Britain and
her dependencies — at all events on this continent —
it seems to me that they are going to war without
counting the cost. Gentlemen say that this is a
peaceful measure. I say that the speeches of gen-
tlemen look to it as a war measure. If there beno
spirit of war in it, if gentlemen who advocated the
notice do not believe that it will lead to war, whence
these bsautiful apostrophes to the American eagle,
nnd indignant philippics against the British lion?
Whence the eloquent appeals to the patriotism and
the anli-F.nglish feelings of the American people,
or these fiery deunciations of the arrogance of Brit-
ish power.' Are these the elements of peace, or its
signs and emblems.'

We have seen gentlemen indulging in fierce de-
nunciations of the power of Great Britain; we have
heard them speak of the ease with which we could
overrun her and conquer her dependencies. A gentle-
man from Missouri, [Mr. Sims,] who made an elo-
quent speech here, undertook to tell us, that with no
olhe." weapon than the ox-poles of his wagon dri-
vers we could conquer the territory and drive the
British out. The gentleman from Michigan, [Mr.
Chu'Man,] in the intensity of his zeal, took occasion
to tell us that his people could go over into Canada,
and in ninety days annex it as an appendage to the
State which lie represents. And the gentleman from
Indiana, [Mr. Kennedy,] finding that these two gen-
tlemen had anticipated him in the conquest of the
whole country — having no world for himself to
conquer — but meeting tlie British lion in his path,
very coolly takes him by the beard, and throws
him across the Atlantic, where ho is now, doubtless,
crouching in some of the secret recesses of the Tow-
er of London, afraid to show his beard again on this
side of the great water. Are these, I ask, the em-
blems of pepf-e.' I say that the rapidity of their con-
quests finds no parallel, unless it be that recorded in
the pages of sacred history, where the walls of Jer-
icho vfetfi overthrown simply by the blowing of
rams' horns. And gentlemen seem to think that
they can conquer Great Britain by a process as
simnle and as easy. Why, Mr. Chairman, Cajsar,
in the height of his power and the pride of his glory,
could conquer almost with the rapidity of the light-
ning's stroke; but it was necessary that he should first
come and see before he could overcome. Napoleon, al-
most by the magic of his name, overran many of the
mightiest monarchies of Europe, but he was backed
by hundreds of thousands of the finest troops the
world ever saw. But the ancient glory of the one,
and the greener and just as imperishable laurels of
tiie other, have been far surpassed by the wordy he-
roes who have figured in this brilliant campaign; and
I have seen no parallel to the achievements of gentle-
men on this floor, except in the conquest of Jeri-
cho, or in the classic pages of Shakspeare. We are
told that in the time of Henry IV, certain iiot spirits

said

)n. Is this peace
icable adiu.stmentof
1 repettt that, irt
ol" war in embryo,
at the ex[>iraii(in of
ie the country by

into a (lisqiiisition
vt Uritnin and the
e, tlie miijlity and
i; and I do not ftiar

any oilier power.
5 to tell na of the
n Great Britain and
r>n thia continent —
ing to war without
say tlmt thia i.s a
!ie speeches of gen-
iire. If there be no

who advocated the
Bad to war, whence
le American eagle,
8t the Briliah lion.'

the patriotism and

American people,
e arrogance of Brit-
nts of pence, or its

Hiding in fierce de-
it Britain; we have
ith which we could
indencics. Agentle-
who made an elo-
tell us, tliat with no
of hi3 wagon dri-
ory and drive the
im Michig;an, [Mr.
zeal, took occasion
) over into Canada,
n appendage to the
the gentleman from
that these two gen-
the conquest of the
rid for himself to
lion in his path,
leard, and throws
is now, doubtless,
?cssses of the Tow-
bearJ again on this
se, I ask, the em-
3idity of their con-
36 that recorded in
re the walks of Jer-
»y the blowing of
seem to think that
by a process as
Chairman, Ctesar,
pride of his glory,
)idity of the light-
that he should first
omt. Napoleon, al-
irerran many of the
but he was backed
e finest troops the
t glory of the one,
rishable laurels of
by the wordy he-
ant campaign; and
vements of gentle-
eonquest of Jeri-
kspeare. We are
certain liot spirits

assembled in the quiet recesses of the mountains of
Wales, and very coolly proceeded to dethrone the
reigning monarch, and to parcel out hia dominions
ifliong themielvcs.

To so great an exactness did they carry thin
imaginary conquest, that they "cavilled about the
ninth part of a liair." But two houni of time "by
Shrewsbury clock" sufficed to show the futility of
tiicir calculation. And I tell gentlemen here, tnnt,
wimtcver fancies they may think proper to indulge
in, however easy in the distance the conquest of
Great Britain may appear, something more than
bluster, something more effectual than words, will
be required to accomplish the object.

There is another consideration, Mr. Chairman,
which, to my mind, presents a conclusive objection
lo this notice. When tny friend from Illinoia, [Mr.
HoGE,] and the gentleman from Tennessee, [Mr.
JouNsoN,] who have l)een hunting in pairs against
Virginia, were assailing us for the want of democ-
racy on this question, I could not but remember
the surprise with which I had seen them sit coolly
by, antl hear the most monstrous foliacies udvunctd
on this floor, (on the part of democrats, too,) yet
fold tlieir arms in inglorious apathy, and not rebuke
them for their want of consistency with the princi-
ples declared by the Baltimore convention. Was
ihc Oregon question the only question embraced in
the resolutions of that convention* Was nothing
said about the tariff.' Was nothing said of other
great issues.' Of internal improvemcriis.' When I
heard the gentleman from Pennsylvania, [Mr.
Thompson,] in the course of the facetious speech
he made here the other day, declaring himself in
favor of Oregon, end at the same time boldly an-
nouncing that the tariff would remain untouched, I
wondered that some of these fiery members fi oni
the West did not read him a lecture for his non-con-
formity to one of the fundamental articles of the
democratic ereed. But, to my surprise, they regard
that gentleman as one of the best democrats on tliis
floor, whilst I aiin one of the worst. Strange, that
gentlemen who advocate the most monstrous error
that has ever exhibited itself in our government,
should be permitted to hold liieir places in the dem-
ocratic party, whilst I and my colleagues are to be
read out of it because we do not concur in a mere
question of expediency. That, too, wes a question
settled by the contest of 1844. The people settled it.
That contest, however, was but "the war of the rev-
olution — that of independence is yet to come," and it
remains to be seen whether we can consummate it.

What is the state of the relations between this
country and Great Britain ? We have now ascer-
tained that, if a proper line of policy shall be pur-
sued between the two countries — if the amicable re-
lations heretofore existing between them ghall be
cultivated-«-the result must be in a shorktime to
draw the commercial ties that bind us totrcth-
er more closely, and in a manner that will re-
dound equally to the interests and the honor of
both nations.

Much has been said about the restrictive policy
of England — a policy which is unworthy of tlie en-

ightened age in which ^t live. But now, when we
have assurance almorjt doubly sure, that if the gov-
ernntent of England 50 on in the line of policy
which she has marked out, that system of restrk-
tio« is to be relaxed, is it not madness to interpose
any obstacle in the way ? Within two years a mc-
terial modification of ner tariiT system has been

made. Her restrictions upon the

provision

trade

have been niateiially lightened, and wo have now
nn almost certain prospect of the unconditional and
total repnil of her corn-laws. These things arc but
the loniniemeracnt of a grf at and glorious reform;
and when the people of Kngland shidl have been
once be^'un to feel the benetits of free trade in one
respect, ihey will demand it in all. We have or-
cerlained that even Sir Robert Peel, the organ and
tlie spokesmon of the rtlern and hitherto unyidding
tory interest of England, has been compelled to bow
before the advancing spirit of the age — of freedom
of trade and freedom of thought. On our own .side
ofthewatern similar state of things exist.-?. Our
people have awakened to the importance of iho sub-
ject; and if the canvass of 1844 derided anything, it
deridcil that these advances on the part of Great
Britain fihould hornet in a corresponding spirit here.
Anil in n few years, if this spirit is rultivatrd, it will
prove ofinrakMilahle benefit 10 ihe people whom we
all represent. No man can estimate the advantuges
to accrue to the agricultural interests, nnd in fact to
all class,! s of our people, from a system of perfect
reciprocity of trade between us and Ihe nations of
Europe. Is not tlii.s glorious prosjiect ciul;ingercd
by 'lie notice' I advened sometime since to the
fart th.Tt gentlemen who aU' ocate the notice con-
sider it a war measure, and aiiiong.^t this number,
Mr. (lIliniriTuin, i« yourself; for the anien(li,icnt you
have propofied indicates as plainly as that two and
two make four, the fears you enteitnin that war is
to grow o\it of it. The second section of your bill
reads as follows :

Skc ■!. Jlnil ht it fv.vt'iri- rexolviil. That tlip I'lcsidont of
tlie Lnitcil St.iti!.< i- horctiv iiuthoii/;-il to repc! any ami all
Regressions uj'Oii thu cou'inerre uf llic I'nilfd blates; (0 ic-
sist any nttempt wliirli muy I;u iiiuno to cxcirise fxcliit.i\<!
iiiriMlluliDii oviT niiy I'nit of lliu Iciiiloiy claimed liy the
l.iiiti'J htates, and to leiu-l invasions oftlii.' same; and lor
tlast; i)ur])0?e.< to employ such jiortions of the mililia of tlu;
fnitiid Slnti"< MS he.n'ny ueen\ fulvisBlile, BpreeHbly lo the
provisions of the secoiiil and third .sectionr, of an net i iititled
'•j^n act !j;ivini; 10 th^; Presidrnl ol the I'nited t-lntes uiidi-
tion-il poweisfor the defence oftl.e- United States, m ceitaiu
oa'ics, rinain»t i vs.-^ion. nn<l lor oll.or pur} ores," »i>provecl
the third of .Mnrch vighteenhundiudand tl...<y.i;iiie; lo ac-
cej)t the sen ices of any nimiher of volunteers, not cxceed-
ini? thousand, to spive ourini; the vm', or lor

any less j)eriol, in the manner provided for by uu ;icl enti-
t!eil "An act unlhorizing the PntiJent of the l.'nited States
to accept the servicei! of vohinlter.s. am! to rpisc an addi-
tional reifiment of dragoons ormoiinted reiflmeii,'' approved
the twenly-third of May, eighteen hundred and tholy si\;
to employ the regular military force of the I'luled States,
and to expand and i.ncrease the same to any numtier i.ot ex-
ceeding thousand men; to complete
the jiiililio armeil vr<?els now authori.'.ed by law, iijid to
epiiip. man. and emi)l>\v in aclimi service oil the naval force
if t!ie I'nited Stati-s, and to bnild, pnrrh,".se, or charter, arm,
equip, and man, such vessels and .steamhoats m he shall
deem necessaiy for the pui poses afoicsaid.

And again it provides: '

SfcOs 3. ^■hid liH it fiTthn- ypsn!iei!. Th.nt the; mm of

million'? of dollars is hereliyappiopiiuted and
place.! a^the disi)oiial of the rreslder.l of the Unit.-;*' Statcf;,
for the jvurpose of executing the proviRions aforesaid; to ])ro-
vi le for which, the l^erretiiry of Ihi; Treasury is authorized
to borrow money on the credit of the United States, nnd to
cause cerii!io:iti'!i to be issued therefor, atcrei'abl) to the
provisions of the lU'ih section of the act afore.'^aid, npiroved
March third, ei^-hteen hundred and thirty-ijine.

Now, (Continued Mr. L.,) I ask, if you give the
notice, liave you, Mr. Chairman, not put it on tie
ground that this liou.so wi';l be obliged to put it 01: ?
And I do nothefiitate to soy that if this unqu<\lified
notice shall be given, 1 shall be prepared (I do not
wy to vote for so strong a bill as thi:;) but to arm
tlie nation, in order that It may be in a condition to
repel aggrc5;.sion, .-^nd to enforce the declaration it
will have nude. For if we once got into v.-ar, or

I
■|

■I'

'^
7

•^

f-i

}■

til

f\ t

to me It is tne noolest reflection in
waste,"

oil Ml piu".'?

memori,' s ' Wi». ^-i auic..«—

} n

lift:

the danger of war, wc shall hnvo to meet it
OH becorncH tha Americt\n Congress. Give this
notice — nccompany it with a liill of this char-
acter — think you that Great Britain will (|ui-
etiy fold htr arms, not anticipating the possibility of
a conflict? And what then becomes oftlie jirospcct
to which I have advcrtcii?

The tai ill .syHteni of England would not be modi-
ficd,lwhiic the inicjuiiouH bill of lb4'i would be pcr-
(jeluiitcd, and all the isHuod which the peop:ii of this
country decided in In44 would be awt^pt av, ..y.

My friond from Mississippi, [Mr. Tuompsov,]
spoke yesterday of one consideration, which, 1
inink, ri'C|iiirrH notice at the liands of southern cot-
ton-fjrowin^ gentlemen, lie waid that Enjsildii'l .would
not go to war because she depended on ul. for the
raw material to sustain her manufactures. There
urc two s.de; to tliut question.

Mr. Jacob Thompson explained. He said he
had only urged that as one of the eonsiderationa.

Mr. Leake. Well, then, one of the considera-
tions was that England could not do without a sun-
ply of cotton from um, and, therefore, that she would
not fi^ht. I do not doubt that this consideration
woulJ opciiiic in Kcnio dc^^rec. uut I aopenl lo ti.c
cotton interest — (and I am of their kinurcd, feelio'^
as they feel, my heart palpitatiri;^ to every injury
inflicted upon tliein, for I am the represeniative of
an agticultural inteicst) — I .luy I appeal to them to
say if Great Britain cannot flourish without our
eoiton, can our cotton flourish without the
Engli:;h market? Of ilie two and a half millions of
Oales raised in the United Slates, Isnglnnd takes
over two millions, or more than four-fifths; and
yet we are to be told that she will not ;^o to war, be-
cause she cannot do without our cotton, when, in
fact, all of us know that we cannot do without the
Engli.«h market. The gross delusion that the tariff
of J842 was to build ufi a home market has been
exploded. It is at least in the womb of time — and
I give it as my opinion — tlio promise never can be
realized. So that, by a war, wc would be cut ofT
from the market in England, whilst we should find
no adequate market hereto countervail the los^.

Uut this is an unpropitious time, for another con-
sideration, at which to give this, notice. I know
that some attempts have been made to ridicule the
position which many of us occupy as lo the true
mode of settling this Oregon question. We say
that, without giving aay notice, we may proceed
to take the proper steps to secure our ulutnate pos-
session of the country, and to j)lace ourselves in
.-^tich a strong and invincible position that Great
'kitain cannot move us. The gentleman from Ilii-
iioit; [Ah . i.! ■^::-] tt>i'! I'.s that this would be stealing
the teruii I.;; hw. I m'x ■Atii-tUo', to :n aUm^-ion
,...»* 'i, '-'... !r.i):f, wtycli goes as he .w ^ could
v;ish. That gentiein.m tul ! d.-, M'.at without ,•■ •''"g
the notice, we could properly rr.sort to ai' the meas-
ures recommended by the President in hij message.
What, sir, arc those measures?

To encourage cmicjratio.i to Oregon hy nil proper
means. To estaoiish at oncenr^'Iitary posts; to es-
tabliijh pf .it-routes, and to guara.usa by tiic strong
arm of the goveinmert tjia rlp'.'us r.f Ameri." n -.'iti-
7ons aoci'i;!,;.' i;i Oregon. Ail Miia we uavb the
yiov/er to do wiliioii' notice, nnd "*. i.s i-ll thr.t 5s ne-
cess.iry to bs doi? to ensure our uUimets posses-
sion of tiie country.

If you g;vo the notice you must do iviorcthan ;hi3.
You must take forcible pos^'.asion r,fthe coii'try
and maintain it at every hazard, whil.jt the athan-

tages to be secured,' by this line of policy, will be
identically the same 's those resulting from the course
I have indicated. Hut will that course be an infrac-
tion of the joint convention? Gentlemen say thu;
Great Britain has twenty-odd forts erected within
the limits of the disputed territory; that she hai nu-
merous settlements there, nnd is engaged in the actual
cultivation of the soil. England, then, has cin.
strued the convention for us; and if we have sul).
mitted for a |)eriod of .'JO years to thfinr- "cncroHiJi.
nients," surely she can have no right to complain
if we (;oloni^■<•, with a view to avail ourselves of tlic
bcnffils stipulated in the agreement between th*)
two countries.

I wish to repent that I nm in favor of all steps
requisite to secure our rights, and to encourage em-
igration. The great argument I have heard here i:i
fuvorofthc notice, is, that nCi^otiations have been
brought to aclose,and therefore that we nuistlook to
ulterior action. If this argument is founded in ren-
son, it would have been good from the titne of. the
adoption of the convention. That convention was
resoried to as a substitute for war, as tlie. distin-
gu'slied genilenr..i from Massachusetts, [Mr.
A HAMS, I (in rci.i.irks which I fi:;! reported in tli^;
"intelligencer" of the 3d of February lart,) declared.
It was a .•substitute for war; negotiations had fail-
ed. In 18;J4, another brief attempt to iiegotiate
failed. And agiin, in 18'2(), another effort was made
to settle ihe difflculty by negotiation. But the Brit-
i^ili plenipotentiaries^ made a proposition to whicii
v/e could not n''ccJe, and it was rejected. Negotia-
tion failed, and the convention was renewed. So
that in eaidi of these cases the argument had
quite as much force and efficacy as it can iiave now.
But it is precisely for the reason that negotiation
has failed that this notice ought not to be
given, because if it is given, war is the only
alternative. Your negotiations have failed, and
therefore you give the notice. It becomes, then, a
resort to the ultima ratio of nations; and the ques
tion must be settled by the struggle of nrm.=», with
all the power and resources of the two countries. It
is an event fraught with too much horror, and with
too vast a destruction of the interests of the two
countries to be for a moment contemplated.

One other consideration, and I have cio.ged. la
1843, wc had not in Ori'gon 200 cit'zens who hml
gone there to s( tile. In 1845, we had 8,000. If
this increase of population, nlmojit unexampled even
in the nearly fabulous growth of population in the
States of this great nation, should continue, and the
notice should not be given, in two or three years, at
the 89 me ratio of increase, we should have not less
than 50,000 sturdy sons of the West ready to repel
r/.!,ii:»9^.\, ^P'' '■'•■- ."^rrc v'.-.o country' frTvi Briusi.

This consideration alone would deter me froi.i
giving the notice, and satii.iies me that the course 1
am pur^juing is consistent with our rights; for it is
to be remembered that the joint convention in no
respect detracts from our claim. It does r.jt weak-
en the strength of our title, but leaves it precisely
as it is.

I hftve thus, Mr. Chairman, hastily expressed the
vie'i's v.'hi( b }.'ive guidtd me to the -oncluKion ai
wVich ' have ar.-ivcd; and 1 sincerely inist that, in
tlie r'uim".te settlement of this momen',ous question,
the real honor and true glory of our country may
be preserved untarnished, and its interests guaran-
tied, as well against foreign aggression as against
the eiTects of hasty and ill-timed legislation here.

_i»— ---■-^■•'V^^ - ■

~'*^W-:i.

y'-

le of policy, will be
llinj^ from the course

courBe be an infrnc-
ientlcmen say that
forts erected within
ry; that she hai nu-
enajasjeii in the actual
mil, then, lias cnri.
iitid if Nvc have fiiib-

t(i thci'f "eiicr()'ii:h-
) ri-^ht lo coinpliiifi
ivail oursplves of the
joment between th'!

in favor of all steps
ml to encourage ein-
I have heani here i;!
ntiations have been
that we nuiNtlook to
lU is founded in roa-
from the tiTrie of. the
rhnt convention was
var, as the distin-
fassachusetts, [Mr.
fi;rl rcpnrtnd in ll.''
ruary Inrt,) dcrinrcd
egoliations had fail-
ttempt to Mes;otir\tc
)ther elfort was mado
aiion. But the Uris
roposilion to wliicii
I rejected. Negotia-
n wn(3 renewed. So

the argument had
' as it can have now.
;on tliat negotiation

ought not to be
, war ia the only
13 have failed, and
It become.s, then, a
ions; and the ques-
iggle of arma, with
lie two countries. It
uch horror, and with
interests of the two
)ntennpiated.

I have closed. In
!0U citizens who had

we had 8,000. If
iO£)t unexampled even
of population in the
uld continue, and the
;wo or three years, at
should have not less
! West ready to if;pel
jountry frtii Briusi.
i

joiM deter me froi.-.
me that the course 1
our rights; for it ia
it convention in no
. It does r.jt wcak-
it leaves it precisely

hastily expressed the
to fbe -ancluKion ai
incerciy i.-ust that, in
momentous question,
of our country may
its interests guaran-
iggression as against
id legialation here.

v.'J

'"H.j^.

J|7