PRICE ONE PENNY. 
 
 Ulster On Its Own? 
 
 -OR 
 
 An Easy Way with Ireland. 
 
 BEING A PROPOSAL OF SELF-GOVERNMENT FOR 
 THE FIVE COUNTIES ROUND 
 LOUGH NEAGH. 
 
 BY AN ULSTER PRESBYTERIAN. 
 
 " T/ie instruments also of the churl are evil. He deviseth wicked 
 devices to destroy the poor with lying words even when the needy 
 speakcth ri<jhl. 
 
 " But the liberal deviseth liberal things, and by liberal things shall he 
 stand." — Isaiah— chap. 3'J ; v. 7 and ?. 
 
 " If a practical scheme could be suggested, or was desired by Ulster, 
 we are ready at any moment to entertain it." — 
 
 Mr. GlirtstorK'-House of Commons, 8th April, 1S86 
 
 Belfast: 
 R. Carswell & Son, Ltd., Printers, Queen Street. 
 
 1912. 
 
 v 
 
qqO 
 
 M 
 U37 
 
 iqix 
 
 O'NEILL UBRARY 
 80ST0N COLLEGE 
 
' ' The reproach oj being impracticable and artificial, attaches 
 by right not to those who insist on uncompromising efforts to 
 remove abuses, but to a very different class — to those, namely, 
 who are credulous enough to suppose that abuses and 
 bad customs and wasteful ways of doing things will remove 
 themselves. This credulity, which is a clonk for ignorance and 
 stupidity, overlooks the fact that there are bodies of men, more or 
 less numerous , attachea by every selfish interest they have to the 
 maintenance of these abusive customs." 
 
 Lord Morley in " Compromise," p. 210. 
 
 ULSTER ON ITS OWN; 
 
 OR 
 
 An Easy Way with Ireland. 
 
 BEING A PROPOSAL OF SELF-GOVERNMENT FOR THE 
 FIVE COUNTIES ROUND LOUGH NEAGH. 
 
 BY AN ULSTER PRESBYTERIAN. 
 
 THE imminence of some measure of self government 
 for Ireland being practically assured by the 
 results of the last election, and the pledge of 
 the Prime Minister, it becomes a question of 
 the highest moment to consider in more or less detail the 
 various alternatives that offer themselves as possible settle- 
 ments of this eternal question. At the two extremities 
 stand, firstly, the status quo, secondly, Gladstonian Home 
 Rule schemes of 1886 and 1892. Within these limits lie 
 all varieties of more or less autonomous possibilities, includ- 
 ing Mr. Birrell's ill-fated Councils Bill of 1907. We think 
 that the status quo may be ruled out of Court at once. Apart 
 from the fact that Imperial Federation would necessitate 
 some form of devolution, it is absolutely imperative in the 
 interest of the overworked Imperial Parliament alone. As Mr. 
 A. Chamberlain admitted at Bury last Monday when he said he 
 " agreed with Sir E. Grey that Parliament was overworked, and 
 there was a case made out for the extension of Local Govern- 
 ment." Mr. Gladstone's scheme has been the subject of dis- 
 cussion for almost a generation, and it would now be difficult 
 to say anything new regarding it. It represents the maximum 
 that Great Britain is likely to concede. Mr. Birrell's Bill had 
 a brief and inglorious career, and though in many ways a 
 good measure and worthy of a much better fate, quicklv 
 foundered on the rock of educational control, on that wreck- 
 strewn shore of Anglo-Irish Statesmanship. 
 
All the measures cited above had one element in common, 
 they treated Ireland as an entity, and proposed to legislate 
 for it as a homogeneous unit. This we believe to have been 
 their cardinal mistake, and this mistake, if wiser counsels 
 do not prevail, seems likely to be committed again. For 
 however much we may deplore it, the plain truth is that 
 there is no united Ireland — Grattan's Protestant Parlia- 
 ment, imposed on a Catholic people, is no real exception 
 to the fact — and never has been in the whole course of its 
 long eventful and unhappy history. In reality there is not 
 one, but two Irelands, different in ideals, different in outlook, 
 entirely different in ways of life and mind, drifting further 
 and further apart, and now, in this year of grace, more op- 
 posed to each other in all that makes for nationality than 
 are, for instance, the Austrian and the Hun. That it is so 
 does not admit of doubt, however much it may be deplored, 
 and constitutes in our opinion a factor that British States- 
 manship must take into account in dealing with the Irish 
 question. The result of more than 50 years of this teaching, 
 accentuated rather than lessened during the last 20 years, 
 is that there exists a fierce, determined, burning animosity 
 in the minds of the people of Protestant Ulster towards 
 a sharing in any form of national government with the people 
 of Celtic Ireland. But is there no other pathway possible 
 through this "Blasted Heath," and must the witch's cauldron 
 of Irish discontent still boil and simmer and overflow till 
 the end of time ? It would be a poor alternative merely 
 to change the location and the ingredients of the brew, and 
 that, we are afraid, the proposals now before the public 
 are only too likely to accomplish. Surely it is not possible, 
 however, that British Statesmanship, which has plucked so 
 many triumphs of constitutional pacification from the 
 very jaws of unrest, sedition, and open rebellion even, must 
 own itself beaten here. When the "Heaven sent Minister," 
 William Pitt, came to consider the question of some form 
 of self government for Canada, he was confronted with 
 conditions very similar to what exists in Ireland now. One 
 part of the country was French, Catholic, and agricultural. 
 The other part was English, Protestant and industrial. 
 There was the same racial bitterness and religious animosity 
 as exist in Ireland at present. It was most improbable 
 that a stable government could be formed from such material 
 
at that time, and consequently Pitt took the courageous, 
 and to us now, very obvious course of giving each section 
 a complete and independent government of its own. Would 
 it be less obvious or less courageous in Ireland to-dav ? 
 
 The idea of an Ulster (or N.E. Ulster) and a Celtic Parlia- 
 ment was promulgated by Matthew Arnold more than 20 years 
 ago, and this we believe to be the only feasible solution 
 of the present difficulty, and, if considered fairly, presents 
 possibilities of a reasonable success. That it will run counter 
 to the fond and cherished ideals of the Irish people cannot 
 be gainsaid, but it contains the germs of a peaceful settlement 
 and a certain relative finality which are infinitely more desir- 
 able, and with the growth of mutual tolerance, mutual 
 prosperity, and mutual respect ma}", and we fervently hope 
 will, ultimately lead by a process of peaceful evolution, by mere 
 effluxion of time toning down animosities and removing 
 differences, to the ultimate consummation of the patriot's 
 dream. 
 
 Let us disabuse our minds of sentiment and consider 
 the question purely on its merits. One most important 
 fact that must never be overlooked or forgotten is that 
 Mr. Chamberlain proposed in 1887 that a separate Parlia- 
 ment should be established in Ulster. This project had 
 been often mooted before, but without arousing any enthu- 
 siasm or gaining any support, and the reason is not far to 
 seek. "Ulster" is purely a geographical expression, and is 
 utterly devoid of any distinctive racial, religious or political 
 significance. Four of the counties comprised in it are 
 largely Protestant, four largely Catholic, while one — Co. 
 Tyrone — has a slight Catholic majority, but from its geo- 
 graphical position it is difficult to see how it could be dis- 
 associated from the four Protestant counties. To sever 
 the four Catholic counties from the rest of Celtic Ireland 
 would be to perpetuate a gross injustice and to commit a 
 signal blunder. Community of interest and a perfect 
 identity of sentiment and aspiration demand that they 
 shall remain members of the larger body. We have now five 
 counties left in Ulster, viz., Antrim, Down, Armagh, Tyrone, 
 and Londonderry, in which with the one exception the majority 
 is preponderatingly Protestant. Now, whatever may be the 
 failings of this industrious community, it is at least univer- 
 
sally admitted that they are rich in energy and intelligence, 
 and in a strong and aggressive individualism which is in 
 striking contrast to the "other worldliness," the easy going: 
 fatalism, however induced, of Celtic Ireland. Whatever the 
 future may have in store, their coalescence in a common 
 policy is virtually unthinkable at the present time. They 
 have but little in common except the name of the land they 
 live in, and since their marriage has brought so little happiness 
 it would surely be simple worldly wisdom to proceed amicably 
 to the logical extremity of a divorce. 
 
 The five North-Eastern Counties form a solid co-terminous 
 area grouped round Lough Neagh, with a preponderatingly 
 Protestant population, as the following table shows : — 
 
 County. R. Catholic. Protestant, &c. 
 
 Antrim (Including Belfast) . . . 125,373 419,853 
 
 Down 64,467 141,172 
 
 Armagh 56,652 68,740 
 
 Tyrone 82404 68,163 
 
 Londonderry 65,296 79,108 
 
 394,192 777.336 
 
 It may, of course, be urged that the Five Counties are not 
 of sufficient extent or importance to form a government 
 of its own, but we should not let the idea of mere bigness 
 blind us to other and more vital reasons for exceptional 
 treatment. Now, too, that Wales is "out" for self govern- 
 ment, and the demands of the Irish Nationalists likely to 
 be recognised, the claim of the Five Counties to local autonomy 
 deserves candid and serious consideration. Compared with 
 many of the self-governing dominions of the Empire, who 
 have their own seats allotted to them at the mother's hearth, 
 it occupies a decidedly strong position. 
 
 Beginning at home, however, and taking Wales first, 
 we find that the total population of the Principality, accord- 
 ing to the 1901 census, is 1,716,423, of which more than half 
 — largely recruited from the S.E. of Ireland — is in the county 
 of Glamorgan, attracted there by its great natural resources 
 and industries of coal and iron. In other words, the Five 
 Counties of N.E. Ulster contain about one third of a 
 million more inhabitants than eleven out of the twelve 
 
Counties of Wales. Again, Wales contains a population 
 only one twentieth of the whole population of England, 
 whilst the population of the Five Counties is more than one 
 fourth of that of Ireland ; so that relatively to the parent 
 country the proportionate claim is five times greater in the 
 latter than in the former case. 
 
 To go further afield, the population of the Five Counties 
 is more than any one of 19 states of the American Union, 
 and more than half of that of the kingdom of Norway. 
 
 jComing now to the outer Empire, we rind that it would 
 have a population more than half as large as the province of 
 Ontario, and more than two-thirds that of Quebec. It is 
 only slightly exceeded by New South Wales or Victoria, 
 while it is twice as great as that of Queensland, three times 
 that of South Australia, and no less than 30 per cent, in 
 excess of the whole commonwealth of New Zealand. It is 
 even greater than the • whole white population of South 
 Africa, which sent no less than four Prime Ministers to the 
 previous Colonial Conference. We thus see that it takes a good 
 average position beside any of the self-governing provinces 
 of the Empire which have their own complete legislative 
 systems with judiciary and executive subservient thereto. 
 
 We now come to the vital question of trade, and here 
 again the claim of the Five Counties is undeniable. The 
 total value of the foreign trade of Ireland is about 130 million 
 per annum. It is not possible, we believe, to differentiate 
 accurately between the foreign trade of one portion of this 
 country and another, but from certain data available a 
 reasonable approximation may be arrived at. The gross 
 tonnage of imports and exports entered and cleared at 
 Dublin for the year 1906 amounted to 2,606,240 tons, while 
 for Belfast the corresponding figures were 3,377,163 tons. 
 We feel certain that the preponderance of Belfast is still 
 more marked to-day. In addition a cursory survey will 
 show that if we except porter and tea, the value of the goods 
 passing through Belfast is much in excess of that of Dublin, 
 so that we cannot be far wrong in assuming the value of the 
 foreign trade of the Five Counties — which includes all ports 
 from Londonderry to Newry — to be about £70,000,000 
 
per annum. The following table shows the value of the 
 foreign trade of each of the great dependencies : — 
 
 Canada £109,000,000 
 
 (population 5,766,000, area 3§ million sq. miles). 
 New South Wales.. £66,000,000 
 
 Including Gold, £6,897,000. 
 
 Victoria £45,000,000 
 
 Including Gold, £3,200,000. 
 South Australia . . . £17,900,000 
 
 Queensland £17,500,000 ,, ,, £2,200,000 
 
 West Australia .... £16,200,000 „ ,, £3,300,000 
 
 New Zealand ' £28,500,000 ,, ,, £2,093,000 
 
 South Africa £119,840,000 
 
 (Gold and Diamonds £27,500,000, which pays for corre- 
 spondingly inflated imports). 
 
 Newfoundland .... £450,000 Population, 230,000 
 
 From this we see that without those great mineral 
 riches which Providence has showered in Wales, South 
 Africa, and the Australias, but solely through the energy 
 and intelligence of our own inhabitants, we occupy a place 
 in the world not one whit behind any of these. Thus the 
 foreign trade of the Five Counties is nearly double that 
 of Norway, or Portugal, or Roumania, and is in excess of 
 that of Sweden, which has a population nearly five times as 
 large. 
 
 If Newfoundland, which has a population of 223,000, 
 or a very little more than Co. Antrim alone, leaving out 
 Belfast, is granted complete self-government apart from 
 Canada, it is surely the purest fudge to say that the Five 
 Counties are incapable of governing themselves, or that the 
 scheme is not a practicable one. The statement is only 
 made to blind the people of N.E. Ulster to the strength of 
 their case for separate treatment apart from the rest of 
 Ireland. 
 
 So much for the merely material aspect of the question. 
 We have kept " other considerations " to the last. 
 
 The first important question that will arise in the tense 
 atmosphere of Irish politics is that of the position of the 
 
9 
 
 minority in each province. Well, the simple fact is that 
 there would be 348,679 Protestants in Irish Ireland, and 
 394,192 Roman Catholics in the Five Counties, a by no means 
 contemptible minority on either side, and one that could 
 neither be overridden nor ignored. Furthermore, if this 
 division were accomplished there would be 395,000 Presbv- 
 terians in the Five Counties, and 48,000 (little more than the 
 population of Deny City) in the rest of Ireland. The Epis- 
 copalians would be much more evenly divided. There would 
 be 294,000 of them in the Five' Counties, and 287,000 in 
 the rest of Ireland. If large constituencies were adopted, 
 say a whole count}-, or even more, as a unit, each unit re- 
 turning a considerable number of members, elected on a 
 single vote franchise, parochialism would be largely obviated 
 and a coherent minority would run no risk of being under- 
 represented or oppressed. 
 
 If the Protestants of Ulster can be brought to realise 
 that their way of peace lies in looking fairly at the Irish demand 
 and recognising the historic grievances which have already 
 been conceded by the whole civilised world, all our Colonies 
 included, and if their quondam leaders could be induced to 
 desist from their violent and unceasing attempts to stir up 
 the flames of bigotry against their fellow countrymen, 
 much would at least be gained. So much sound and fury, 
 mainly for political purposes, has been aroused over the 
 Ne Temere decree that it has been conveniently forgotten 
 that as late as 1844 the Church of Ireland held that a marriage 
 of an Episcopalian and a Presbyterian by a Presbyterian 
 clergyman was not legally binding. We quote from Reed's 
 History of the Presbyterian Church, Vol. 3, p 486 — It says : 
 "A marriage between an Episcopalian and a Presbyterian, 
 celebrated by a Presbyterian minister tried in 1840 in 
 the Consistorial Court in Armagh, was decided invalid. It 
 Was contended that no minister in Ireland, except one 
 ordained according to the rites of the Establishment, was 
 competent to celebrate a marriage between a Nonconformist 
 and an Episcopalian. The agitation of this subject created 
 much irritation throughout Ulster. It was well known that 
 the Protestant Primate of Armagh contributed largely to 
 the legal expenses of the litigation, and that his influence 
 was employed to prevent the adoption of such measures 
 
10 
 
 of legislative redress as Presbyterians desiderated. Dr. 
 Stewart, of Broughshane, who became Moderator in 1843, 
 had frequent interviews on the subject with members of 
 Her Majesty's Government. At length in 1844 a Bill was 
 introduced which proposed to secure a number of the privi- 
 leges sought by Presbyterians." One hundred years is 
 little in the life of a Church, and if the power were left would 
 we be any better treated in 1943 than our fathers were in 
 1843 ? 
 
 But such a movement as we propose, if it comes into 
 being, must spring from the people themselves. To the Presby- 
 terians of Ulster the question is a vital one. The voices that 
 speak for them are not their own. They are still led by the old 
 ascendancy party, and are, and have been for nearly one 
 hundred years, mere hewers of wood and drawers of water 
 to the pampered place hunters of the Episcopalian Church. 
 
 The following summary, taken from President Hamilton's 
 "History of the Presbyterian Church," shews the humiliating 
 position that Presbyterians occupied in Ireland at the 
 introduction of Mr. Gladstone's first Home Rule Bill. 
 
 Episco- Roman Presby 
 
 palians. Catholics, terians 
 
 Peerage 174 13 o 
 
 Privy Council 36 9 o 
 
 Lieutenants of Counties 29 2 1 
 
 Judges 11 5 1 
 
 County Court Judges 14 6 2 
 
 Resident Magistrates 53 25 2 
 
 Inspectors General of Constabulary .... 4 1 o 
 
 (County) „ 30 9 ° 
 
 (District) „ 188 37 5 
 
 Royal University Senators 9 17 8 
 
 Intermediate Commissioners 3 4 2 
 
 National Commissioners 6 10 3 
 
 National Secretaries and Heads of Depts. 3 5 1 
 
 Board of Works Commissioners, &c. . . 18 3 o 
 
 L.G.B. Secretaries, &c. 16 5 1 
 
 Superintendents of Lunatic Asylums.. 19 5 o 
 
 Land Commissioners, Chief 2 3 o 
 
 Do. Assistant 3 7 ° 
 
11 
 
 If the position is better now it has been won on Mr. 
 Chamberlain's celebrated principle of "Ransom," and with 
 grudging and ungracious acquiescence from the ascendancy 
 party. There is not much to boast of yet, however, if we 
 investigate the following figures taken from the "White 
 Paper" published by Parliament last month on the present 
 constitution of the Irish Magistracy. According to the 1901 
 census there were 581,089 Episcopalians and 443,276 Presby- 
 terians in Ireland. The latter must be an exceptionally 
 stupid and incapable lot, because whilst there are 2,825 
 Episcopalians on the Bench, there seems to be only 643 
 Presbyterians in Ireland who have sufficient intelligence and 
 respectability for this elevated position. 
 
 A few years ago the position would have been even 
 worse, but there is still evidently a good deal of the old leaven 
 left. Truly "its a mean dog that always licks the stick." 
 Presbyterians have everything to gain from such a scheme as 
 we have outlined, as they are in a clear majority over every 
 other body in the Five Counties. If they would desist 
 from their insensate opposition and plump for a Northern 
 Parliament, and if Scotland, as is most probable, gains 
 federal independence, the Blue Banner would float supreme 
 over two out of the five constituent parliaments of Great 
 Britain. They will then gain complete control of education, 
 that "open sesame" to success in this strenuous century, 
 and thus dispose for good, as far as they are concerned, of 
 — possibly — one of the least promising features of a Dublin 
 Parliament, the approximation of education throughout the 
 country to the ideas and teaching of the Roman Catholic 
 Hierarchy. 
 
 Furthermore, in any scheme of taxation that may be 
 evolved, the danger of its incidence pressing undulv on 
 industries and allowing agriculture to escape its fair share 
 of the burden, as might conceivably happen under other 
 circumstances, would be entirely obviated. In approaching 
 our co-religionists in Scotland and England with such a 
 compromise we can rely on Mr. Gladstone's promise made 
 in his place in Parliament on the 8th April, 1886, " that if a 
 practical scheme could be suggested or was desired by Ulster, 
 we were ready at any moment to entertain it." That offer 
 with the imprimatur of his great name has never been openly 
 
12 
 
 modified or withdrawn. With the experience of almost 
 a century of dependent legislatures and divided control 
 in all our self-governing colonies, with the example of 45 
 States of the American Union before us, it would not surely 
 pass 1 the wit of man to arrange for the severance on a fair 
 and equitable basis, of the Five Counties from the rest of 
 Ireland. It would be still further simplified by the fact 
 that in all matters of external taxation the decision would 
 lie exclusively with the Imperial Parliament. 
 
 Much opposition may, no doubt, be expected from those 
 whose idea is one Irish Parliament. It is a great, a generous 
 and noble ideal, but what chance has it of peaceful realiza- 
 tion in our or our children's time ? The line of cleavage is 
 too deep, and we venture to believe that " the Doctors " 
 have always made the fundamental mistake of hitherto 
 approaching it on the lateral plane of safeguards and restric- 
 tions. The fracture is sheer, and peace can only eventuate 
 from a clear and perpendicular stroke. Some day let us 
 fondly hope, with the growth of mutual tolerance, mutual 
 prosperity, and mutual respect, the disunited fragments 
 may again peacefully, perhaps gladly, coalesce, and the 
 patriot's dream come true of a contented and a United Ireland. 
 
 One word more, Ulster, Presbyterian Ulster, is at the 
 parting of the ways, and she must now make her final and 
 irrevocable choice. The " Protestant minority " that she 
 is being asked in such harrowing tones to sacrifice herself 
 for is an Episcopalian minority, which for three centuries has 
 been well able to look after itself and anything else that 
 happened to come its way. One illustrious example of how 
 well patriotism and piety have repaid a certain class in Ire- 
 land in the past presents itself in the history of the noble 
 Beresfords. A generation or two ago an account was drawn 
 up from various Parliamentary returns which shewed what 
 profit various branches of this family obtained through the 
 Church from Ireland. First on the list is Lord John G. 
 Beresford, ultimately Archbishop of Armagh. From 1805 
 to 1834 he drew in salaries the sum of £348,683. Then 
 comes Rev. Geo. Beresford, who in 32 years got £296,864. 
 Next the Rev. Chas., of that ilk, who in 29 years received 
 £111,225. Then the Hon. and Rev. G. D., who got £57,926 
 in 34 years ; next the Hon. and Rev. W., who in 26 years 
 
13 
 
 received £38,210. Then Lord Decies, who in 28 years 
 received £36,619. Then the Rev. J. J., who got £13,532 in 
 13 years ; and finally there was the Rev. J. G. Beresford, who 
 in 9 years received £13,395. Thus in 34 3'ears eight Beresfords 
 drew from Ireland as ministers of the Irish Church no less 
 a sum than £916,454, or £200,000 more than the lump sum 
 given to the whole Presbyterian Church in Ireland in com- 
 mutation of the Regium Donum in 1869. Under the 
 circumstances would not one expect wisdom to be justified 
 of her children ? True it is that the present attitude of 
 Protestant Ulster has gained her the questionable support 
 of English Toryism, with all the retrogressive tendencies 
 that it entails, and no doubt though for far other reasons 
 than her interest, she has that support in full, but of what 
 value is it to her to-day ? Alienated from her sister churches, 
 ousted from the stream of liberal tendencies, she stands 
 isolated and alone. The Presbyterian Liberal of Scotland, 
 the Nonconformist Liberal of England are her bitter and 
 relentless foes, and to them alone ought she to be able to 
 look for sympathy and support. We believe, however, 
 that if a practical scheme such as we have outlined were 
 formulated and accepted by the Presbyterians of the Five 
 Counties and placed before the Free Churches of Great 
 Britain, it would ensure such a measure of support that the 
 Liberal Cabinet would be forced by their own supporters 
 to accept it. Mr. Redmond, too, ma}'' be cited in virtual 
 support of their claim. Controverting an argument for the 
 supposed analogy between Ireland and England, 'Sir. 
 Redmond said " There is not historical identity — no two 
 nations in Europe have histories more dissimilar. There 
 is not identity of character — it is actually part of the argu- 
 ment of our opponents that there are deep and ineradicable 
 differences of character between the two peoples. There 
 is not identify of condition . . . England is a manu- 
 facturing country, Ireland is an agricultural one. What 
 identity is there. The identity imparted by the Act of 
 Union." Now if we make the necessary verbal trans- 
 positions we could not have a more excellent presentation 
 of the Ulster case. We ask again — Why cannot the Presby- 
 terians of Ulster speak for themselves ? If is a most remark- 
 able fact that if wo examine the names of those taking a 
 prominent part in opposing any and every measure of self- 
 
14 
 
 government for Ireland, in crowding into public platforms, 
 at the founding of Unionist clubs, and stirring up ill feeling 
 generally, it will be found that at least go per cent, of them 
 are Episcopalians. Why is this ? Is it for the greater 
 glory of God or the greater good of the Empire think ye ? 
 or, tell it not in Gath, is it only because they fear that the 
 loaves and fishes they have monopolised so long are at last 
 getting beyond their grasp ? That at least is what is believed 
 by the Presbyterians of Scotland and the Free Churchmen 
 of England, and that is why they have been driven to ignore 
 their co-religionists in Ulster hitherto, and also in great part 
 owing to the unreasonable antagonism they have so obtusely 
 offered to every possible variation of the Irish demand. 
 Perhaps even yet, how r ever, it is not too late, and a sane and 
 workable proposal which would appeal to their sense of 
 fairness might still induce them to throw the weight of 
 their great power into the balance and irresistibly top the 
 beam. 
 
 But it must be a fair and reasonable scheme, promulgated 
 by fair, moderate and reasonable men, and not the " red fool 
 fury " that passes for statesmanship amongst the junta of 
 Episcopalian lawyers " on the make/' who presume to lead 
 the people of Ulster at this crisis of their fate We have seen 
 too much of this breed in the past to trust them for long. It 
 is fully time that the Presbyterians of Ulster were rid of the 
 "Manchus" and their braggart "Banner Men," who have 
 sucked Ireland as dry as * the palace gang did China in the 
 past ; and it will be a fortunate day for N-E. Ulster that sees 
 Belfast installed — as many of us hope — as the fitting Capital 
 of a free, prosperous, and contented Federal State. 
 
 Belfast, 
 
 26th January ) IQ12. 
 
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