Y7 BOHN'S STANDARD LIBRARY. TOUR IN IRELAND. Vol. II. ARTHUR YOUNG'S TOUR IN IRELAND (1776-1779) EDITED WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES BY ARTHUR WOLLASTON HUTTON WITH A BIBLIOGRAPHY BY JOHN P. ANDEESON Of the British Museum VOL. II CONTAINING PART II. OF THE TOUR, THE AUTHOR'S CONTRIBUTIONS ON IRELAND TO THE "ANNALS OF AGRICULTURE," BIBLIOGRAPHY, AND INDEX. LONDON GEORGE BELL & SONS, YORK ST., COVENT GARDEN AND NEW YORK 1892 ■yy CHISWICK PRESS: — C. WHITTINGHAM AND CO.; TOOKS COURT, CHANCERY LANE, CONTENTS. Vol. II. PAGE Author's Prefatory Note 1 SECTION I. Extent of Ireland 3 II. Soil, Face of the Country, and Climate 5 III. Rental 10 IV. Products 19 V. Of the Tenantry of Ireland 24 VI. Of the Labouring Poor 35 VII. Of Religion 59 VIII. Price of Provisions 72 IX. Roads— Cars 77 X. Timber— Planting 85 XI. Manures — Waste Lands — Bogs 93 XII. Cattle— Wool— Winter Food 104 XIII. Tythes— Church Lands 109 XIV. Absentees 114 XV. Population 118 XVI. Publick Works— Coals— The Dublin Society ... 123 XVII. Manners and Customs 145 XVIII. Corn Trade of Ireland — Bounty on Inland Carriage . 155 XIX. Manufactures 192 XX. Revenue— Taxes 221 XXI. Commerce — Fisheries — Embargoes 232 XXII. Government — Union 249 XXIII. General State of Ireland 253 XXIV. State of Ireland brought down to the end of the year 1779 — Distresses — Free Trade — Observations — Armed Associations 260 Modes of Agriculture recommended to the Gentle- men of Ireland 281 Author's Appendix of Particulars omitted under THEIR RESPECTIVE HEADS 293 VI CONTENTS. APPENDIX. Arthur Young's Contributions on Ireland to the "Annals of Agriculture." PAGE 1. Observations on the Commercial Arrangement with Ireland 299 2. Review of Lord Sheffield's " Observations on the Manu- factures, Trade, and Present State of Ireland " ... 320 3. Comparative State of the Iron Manufacture in England and Ireland 324 4. Observations on the Earl of Dundonald's Scheme for trans- ferring the Tax on Salt to Hearths 329 5. Review of Tucker's " Reflections on the Present Matters in Dispute between Great Britain and Ireland " . . . . 337 6. Notice of Howlett's " Essay on the Population of Ireland . 340 7. Extracts from " Memoirs of the last Thirty Years of the Editor's Farming Life " 340 8. State of Ireland in 1748 and 1792 compared 343 9. Bounty on the Inland Carriage of Corn in Ireland . . . 344 Bibliography 349 Index 375 AUTHOR'S PREFATORY NOTE TO PART II. register the minutes received upon such a journey J- as this, and leave them simply to speak for them- selves, would have its use; but it would leave to the inquisitive reader so much labour and trouble in collecting general facts, that not one in five hundred would attempt it. That it is a matter of importance to have accurate general ideas of a country, instead of erroneous ones, will hardly be disputed ; no books of geography but speak generally of soil, climate, product, rental, population, &c. but they are too often mere guesses ; or, if founded at all, the facts that support them of too old a date to yield the least truth at present in points subject to change. When one country is mentioned with another it is usually in general terms : and by comparison, England has not so rich a soil as Ireland. Products in England larger than in France. Bents higher in Ireland than in Scotland. A thousand instances might be produced, in which ideas of this sort are particularized, and in which general errors are often found the cause of political measures, even of the highest consequence. That my English "Tours" give exact information relative to England I cannot assert ; but I may venture to say, that they are the only information extant, relative to the rental, produce, stock of that country, which are taken from an actual examination : I wish to offer equal information relative to our sister island ; and I II. B 2 A TOUR IN IRELAND. am encouraged to do it, not only from my own ideas, but the opinions of many persons with whom I have either corresponded or conversed from most parts of Europe, including some of the most respectable for abilities and rank. A TOUR IN IRELAND. SECTION I. EXTENT OF IRELAND. IN order to know the consequence and relative impor- tance of any country, it is necessary to be acquainted with its extent; I have reason to believe that that of Ireland is not accurately known. I insert the following table of the acres of each county, plantation measure, because there are several observations to be made on it. Acres. Acres. • — Antrim . . . 383,020 Munster- -Clare . . 428,187 Armagh . . 170,620 Corke . . 991,010 Cavan . . . 274,800 Kerry . . 636,905 Down . . . 344,658 Limerick . 375,320 Donegal . . 630,157 Tipperary . 599,500 Fermanagh 224,807 Waterford . 259,010 Londonderry . 251,510 Monaghan . . 170,090 Total . . . . 3,289,932 Tyrone . . . 387,175 Connaught- — Galway . 775,525 2,836,837 Lei trim 206,830 Mayo . . 724,640 • — Carlow . . . 116,900 Roscommon 324,370 Dublin . . . 123,784 Sligo . . 241,550 Kildare . . . 228,590 Kilkenny . . King's County. 287,650 Total .... 2,272,915 257,510 Longford . . 134,700 In all Ireland . 1 1,042,642 Louth . . . 111,180 Meath . . . 326,480 Queen's County 238,-415 Westmeath . . 249,943 Wexford . . 315,396 Wicklow . . 252,410 Total 2,642,958 4 A TOUR TX IRELAND. Gerard Malines makes the acres of Ireland eighteen millions: ("Lex Mercatoria," part 1, p. 49.) I suppose English measure, which is eleven millions Irish ; these two accounts flow therefore from the same source. Temple- man's measurement gives it 27,457 square miles, or 17,572,480 acres (" Survey of the Globe") English on a scale of 60 miles to a degree, but consequently it is professedly erroneous, as a degree is 69f ; according to this measure therefore, the contents in real acres would be 20,354,789 English, and 12,721,743 Irish. 1 These accounts come so nearly together, that they are all drawn from similar data ; that is, from old maps. Newer ones have many blunders ; but as no late actual survey has been made of the kingdom, we must depend on the authority we find. 1 The acreage of Ireland (English measure) is 20,819,928. Young's correction of Tompleman's estimate thus comes nearest to the mark, though that is an under-statement by nearly half a million acres. The estimate, however, that gives to Ireland nearly twenty-one million acres, includes inland waters. The actual land surface is estimated at 20,150,612 acres. If Young intended to exclude inland waters, and apparently he did not, as he often reckons them in when calculating the extent of private estates, his estimate is excessive by 200,000 acres. SECTION II. SOIL, FACE OF THE COUNTRY AND CLIMATE. TO judge of Ireland by the conversation one sometimes hears in England, it would be supposed that one half of it was covered with bogs, and the other with mountains filled with Irish ready to fly at the sight of a civilized being. There are people who will smile when they hear that in proportion, to the size of the two countries, Ireland is more cultivated than England, having much less waste land of all sorts. Of uncultivated mountains there are no such tracts as are found in our four northern counties, and the North Riding of Yorkshire, with the eastern line of Lancaster, nearly down to the Peak of Derby, which form an extent of above an hundred miles of waste. The most considerable of this sort in Ireland are in Kerry, Galway, and Mayo, and some in Sligo and Donnegal. But all these together will not make the quantity we have in the four northern counties ; the vallies in the Irish mountains are also more inhabited, I think, than those of England, except where there are mines, and consequently some sort of culti- vation creeping up the sides. Natural fertility, acre for acre, over the two kingdoms is certainly in favour of Ire- land ; of this I believe there can scarcely be a doubt enter- tained, when it is considered that some of the more beau- tiful, and even best cultivated counties in England, owe almost every thing to the capital, art and industry of the inhabitants. The circumstance which strikes me as the greatest singularity of Ireland, is the rockyness of the soil, which should seem at first sight ^gainst that degree of fertility ; but the contrary is the fact. Stone is so general, that I 6 A TOUR IN IRELAND. have great reason to believe the whole island is one vast rock of different strata and kinds rising out of the sea. I have rarely heard of any great depths being sunk without meeting with it. In general it appears on the surface in every part of the kingdom, the flattest and most fertile parts, as Limerick, Tipperary and Meath, have it at no great depth, almost as much as the more barren ones. May we not recognize in this the hand of bounteous Provi- dence, which has given perhaps the most stoney soil in Europe to the moistest climate in it ? If as much rain fell upon the clays of England (a soil very rarely met with in Ireland, and never without much stone) as falls upon the rocks of her sister island, those lands could not be culti- vated. But the rocks here are cloathed with verdure ; — those of lime stone, with only a thin covering of mould, have the softest and most beautiful turf imaginable. Of the great advantages resulting from the general plenty of lime-stone, and lime-stone gravel, and the nature of the bogs, I shall have occasion to speak more particularly hereafter. The rockyness of the soil in Ireland is so universal, that it predominates in every sort. One cannot use with pro- priety the terms clay, loam, sand, &c. it must be a stoney clay, a stoney loam, a gravelly sand. Clay, especially the yellow, is much talked of in Ireland, but it is for want of proper discrimination. I have once or twice seen almost a pure clay upon the surface, but it is extremely rare. The true yellow clay is usually found in a thin stratum under the surface mould, and over a rock ; harsh, tenacious, stoney, strong loams, difficult to work, are not uncommon ; but they are quite different from English clays. Friable sandy loams dry, but fertile, are very common, and they form the best soils in the kingdom for tillage and sheep. Tipperary, and Eoscommon abound particularly in them. The most fertile of all are the bullock pastures of Limerick, and the banks of the Shannon in Clare, called the corcasses. These are a mellow, putrid, friable loam. Sand, which is so common in England, and yet more common through Spain, France, Germany, and Poland, quite from Gibraltar to Petersburg!!, is no where met with SOIL AND CLIMATE. 7 in Ireland, except for narrow slips of hillocks, upon the sea coast. Nor did I ever meet with or hear of a chalky soil. 1 The bogs of which foreigners have heard so much, are very extensive in Ireland ; that of Allen extends 80 miles, and is computed to contain 300,000 acres. There are others also, very extensive, and smaller ones scattered over the whole kingdom ; but these are not in general more than are wanted for fuel. "When I come to speak of the improvement of waste lands, I shall describe them par- ticularly. Besides the great fertility of the soil, there are other cir- cumstances, which come within my sphere to mention. Few countries can be better watered by large and beautiful rivers ; and it is remarkable that by much the finest parts of the kingdom are on the banks of these rivers. Witness the Suer, Blackwater, the Liffy, the Boyne, the Nore, the Barrow, and part of the Shannon, they wash a scenery that can hardly be exceeded. From the rockyness of the country however, there are few of them that have not obstructions, which are great impediments to inland navigation. The mountains of Ireland give to travelling that interest- ing variety, which a flat country can never abound with. And at the same time, they are not in such number as to confer the usual character of poverty, which attends them. I was either upon or very near the most considerable in the kingdom. Mangerton, and the Eeeks, in Kerry ; the G-al- ties in Corke ; those of Mourne in Down ; Crow Patrick, and Nephin in Mayo; these are the principal in Ireland, and they are of a character, in height and sublimity, which should render them the objects of every traveller's attention. Eelative to the climate of Ireland, a short residence can- not enable a man to speak much from his own experience ; the observations I have made myself confirm the idea of its being vastly wetter than England; from the 20th of June, to the 20th of October, I kept a register, and there were in 122 days, 75 of rain, and very many of them inces- sant and heavy. I have examined similar registers I kept in England, and can find no year that even approaches to 1 There is, however, a little chalky soil in co. Antrim. 8 A TOUR IN IRELAND. such a moisture as this. But there is the register of an accurate diary published, which compares London and Corke. The result is, that the quantity at the latter place was double to that at London. 1 See Smith's "Hist, of Corke." From the information I received, I have reason to believe, that the rainy season sets in usually about the first of July, and continues very wet till September or October, when there is usually a dry fine season of a month or six weeks. I resided in the county of Corke, &c. from October till March, and found the winter much more soft and mild, than ever I experienced one in England. I was also a whole summer there (1778), and it is fair to mention, that it was as fine a one, as ever I knew in England, though by no means so hot. I think hardly so wet as very many I have known in England. The tops of the Galty Moun- tains exhibited the only snow we saw ; and as to frosts, they were so slight and rare, that I believe myrtles, and yet tenderer plants, would have survived without any covering. But when I say that the winter was not remarkable for being wet, I do not mean that we had a dry atmosphere. The inches of rain which fell, in the winter I speak of, would not mark the moisture of the climate. As many inches will fall in a single tropical shower, as in a whole year in England. See Mitchel's " Present State of Great Britain, and North America." But if the clouds presently disperse, and a bright sun shines, the air may soon be dry. The worst circumstance of the climate of Ireland, is the constant moisture without rain. "Wet a piece of leather, and lay it in a room, where there is neither sun nor fire, and it will not, in summer even, be dry in a month. 2 I have known gentlemen in Ireland deny their climate being 1 The average annual rainfall in Ireland is about 40 inches ; that in England is about 32 inches. But, oddly enough, a field of turnips — a crop which Young was always urging on the Irish farmers — sown by him near Mitchelstown, failed on account of the "continual drought. " See below, section xi. 2 I have had this happen myself with a pair of wet gloves. The myriads of flies also which buz about one's ears, and are ready to go in shoals into one's mouth at every word — and those almost imper- ceptible flies called midges, which perfectly devour one in a wood, or near a river, prove the same thing. — [Author's note. ] SOIL AND CLIMATE. 9 moister than England; — but if they have eyes let them open them, and see the verdure that cloathes their rocks, and compare it with ours in England — where rocky soils are of a russet brown, however sweet the food for sheep. Does not their island lye more exposed to the great Atlantic, and does not the west wind blow three fourths of a year ? If there was another island yet more to the west- ward, would not the climate of Ireland be improved? Such persons speak equally against fact, reason, and philosophy. That the moisture of a climate does not depend on the quantity of rain that falls, but on the powers of aerial evaporation, Dr. Dobson has clearly proved. " Phil. Trans," Vol. lxvii. part i. p. 244. SECTION III. RENTAL. TVT O country can ever be held in a just estimation when -L ^ the rental of it is unknown. It is not the only cir- cumstance which a political arithmetician should attend to, but it is a most important one. The value of a country is rarely the subject of a conversation without guesses at its rental being made, and comparisons between different ones. I contend for nothing more through this and the ensuing tables, than the superiority of actual information on the spot, drawn into one point of view, over any guesses what- ever. I shall therefore proceed at once to lay it before the reader, Places. Rent per Acre. Rent at Irish Acre. Rise. Fall. Year's pur- chase of land. s. d. s. d. County of Dublin . . . 22 1 10 22 1 1 5 Summerhill .... 1 23 Slaine Castle . . . . 1 5 22i I 21 1 6 15 Packenham Hall . . . 17 6 4 4 21 Mullengar to Tullespace 1 16 4 20 Shaen Castle, Queen's Co. 13 5 20 Athy to Carlow . . . 18 15 6 2 21 RENTAL. 1] Places. Ross to Taghmon . . , Bargie and Forth . . , Wexford to Wells. . , Wells to Gowry . . , Courtown .... New Town M. Kennedy Ditto Mountain . . , Kilrue Hampton .... Cullen Ravensdale .... Market-hill .... Armagh Armagh to Newry To Dungannon. . . , To Lurgan .... Mahon Down To Belfast .... Castle Hill .... Ards Lecale Redemon to Saintfield Belfast Belfast to Antrim Shanes Castle, co. Antrim LeslyHill .... Near Giant's Causway Coleraine .... Newtown Limm . . Clonleigh county . . Mount Charles . . . Castle Caldwell . . Inniskilling .... Ditto. . , . . . Florence Court . . Farnham .... Granard Longford .... Strokestown . . . Elphin Kingston .... 1 2 1 1 1 11 10 13 16 16 15 10 1 10 13 8 8 12 12 10 10 17 10 17 11 15 10 17 c3 u 14 9 13 13 14 13 17 9 13 13 17 10 20 20 10 15 15 13 21 6 s. d. a little none 8 s. d. 3 2 5 6 2 si 231 22i 194 20 21 21 25 21J 22 22 181 12 A TOUR IN IRELAND. Places. Rent per Acre. Rent at Irish Acre. Rise. Fall. Year's pur- chaseof land. 5. 7 5. a. V 1 O on n u 14 r o Ditto U lo n u A u 1 7 n u Foxford to Castlebar . . 12 n U« 1 7 o u o o n U 1 u 91i U lo 6 u 14 n u 91 - 1 Wood Lawn .... n U 1 o Drumoland corcasses 1 U u n o u 90 15 2 6 1 1 rt 1U u u 1 lo U 7 Condons and Clangibbons u 10 U o 7 Q u A 4 U O n u 4 6 14 22 Kerrycurrity . 10 lb 1 U lo 12 19 Castle Martyr .... 25 n u 1 l - n u 1 Q 1 u u u Q o n u 1 9 u 14 22 8 Castle Island to Tralee . 1 7 o 14 6 17 Tarbat 14 1 Castle Oliver .... 12 3 100,000 acres in Limerick 1 10 20 miles slieepland Tip- 1 2 6 4 6 20 15 19J 1 15 3 25 1 20 15 RENTAL. 13 Places. Rent per Acre. Rent at Irish Acre. Rise. •=3 (& Year's pur- chase of land. 1 Leases, years or lives. s, d. s. d. Cullen 1 10 20 31 L Mitchels Town .... 2 6 20 21 16 6 21 Average per English acre 10 3 The first column of rent is either plantation measure, Cunningham, or English ; and the second reduces the two last to plantation. The Cunningham acre is reduced to the plantation mea- sure as seven to nine, and the English as five to eight, which, though not perfectly accurate, is near it. The following table contains the information I received relative to the general average rental of whole counties ; and as there are several with more than one account, the medium of those different accounts is given in a separate column. Counties. Different minutes. Average. Reduced to plantation. Total rental of the County. £ s. d. £ s. d. £ s. d. £ Dublin .... 1 11 6 1 11 6 194,959 Meath .... 1 Ditto 1 5 18 6 1 1 2 1 1 2 345,524 Westmeath . . . 7 7 87,480 King's County . . 13 12 6 12 9 12 9 164,161 Carlow .... 15 15 87,675 Carried forward 879,799 14 A TOUR IN IRELAND, Counties. Different minutes. Average. Reduced to plantation. Total rental of the County. £ s. d. £ s. d. £ s. d. £ Brou ght forward 879,799 Wexford .... 15 15 236,547 Wicklow .... 15 15 189,307 jLouth 1 1 1 1 1 16,739 Armagh .... 8 Ditto 14 — 11 14 119,434 Down. 10 Ditto 10 Ditto 10 10 12 10 221,154 Antrim .... 5 6 Ditto 4 9 5 H 6 6 124,481 Derr y 4 6 Ditto 4 4 3 5 6 69,164 Donegal . 1 Ditto 1 Ditto 2 6 1 6 1 6 47,260 Fermanagh . 8 5 8 5 94,603 Cavan .... 6 Ditto ... . . 7 6 6 9 6 9 92,745 Longford. .... 10 10 67,350 Deitrim .... 4 Ditto 2 Ditto 1 4 2 5 2 5 24,990 Roscommon . . 11 Ditto 10 10 6 10 6 170,294 Sligo 1 2 6 Ditto 12 10 Ditto 10 10 12 12 144,930 Mayo 8 8 289,856 Galway . 8 1 8 1 313,440 Clare 5 5 107,046 Corke. . . . . 7 Ditto 3 1 Carried forward 3,308,133 RENTAL. 15 Different minutes. £ s. d. 4 10 10 16 17 1 12 5 6 10 Average. s. d. Brou 2 10 16 10 16 6 5 11 14 6 5 6 Keduced to plantation. Total rental of the County. £ s. d. ght forward 5 2 2 10 16 10 16 6 5 11 14 6 5 6 £ 3,308,133 256,010 90,226 315,893 494,587 76,622 165,727 106.472 Since the journey I have procured the information for the following : 16 16 230,119 11 11 93,549 13 13 154,968 Total . . 5,293,312! 11,042,642 plantation acres, giving the rent of c£5,293,312 is at the rate of 9s. 7d. per acre. The average of all the minutes made it 16s. 6d> from hence there is reason to imagine, that the line travelled was better than the medium 1 It may be interesting to compare with this the official return issued in 1876, which gave the total valuation of land in Ireland as £13,419,258. 16 A TOUR IN IRELAND. of the kingdom ; or, on the contrary, that the suppositions of the rents per county are under the truth, the real rent of the kingdom, if it could be ascertained, would probably be found rather to exceed than fall short of six millions. Especially as the rents, upon which these particulars are drawn, were not those paid by the occupying tenant, but a general average of all tenures; whereas the object one would ascertain is the sum paid by the occupyer, including consequently, not only the landlord rents, but the profit of the middle men. But farther, as the computation that makes the total of 11,042,642 acres is professedly erroneous above a seventh, being drawn from geographic miles, there should be added above <£700,000 to this rental on that account. The difference of money and measure included 35s. Irish makes just 20s. English. Suppose therefore the rental of Ireland 9s. Jd. per acre, it makes 5s. 6d. English. If Ireland is 10s. it would be 5s. 9d. English. Suppose it lis. or the total of six millions, it is per English acre 6s. 4 8, cq p. ( "J s H O d. d. d. s. d. s. s. d. 3i 34 5 34 8 1 2 6 1 6 Luttrelstown . . . . 3i 34 4 3 8 24 3i 3i 24 64 24 1 8| n 34 4 if 6 3 10 6 2| 34 4 3 6 3 1 8 2| 2 3 H 2 2 8 Shaen Castle, Queen's Co. 24 24 3 n 54 24 1 1 7 2i 2| 3 3 6 2 1 8 2* 24 2 64 2 8 64 2 24 2 2 2 8 74 Forth 2 24 24 2 7 24 24 5 2 6 1 Mount Kennedy . . . 34 34 5 3i 8 Market Hill 3 34 4 24 6 24 1 6 11 2| 3 3J 3i 54 24 1 4 1 1 Warrenstown .... 22 3 3 24 5 2 1 3 1 2| 2h 3 2 ! if 1 1 1 1 Shaen Castle, co. Antrim. 24 24 31 24 14 1 1 Belfast 2J 1 3 24 24 5 24 1 1 2 74 A TOUR IN IRELAND. ir laces. ® u & ! Mutton, per lb. eal. r lb. ork. r lb. itter. r lb. 4* a A rkey. Dose. > & is w ffl p. 53 H C d. d. a. d. s. s. d. 2 3 34 24 44 5J 2 I 1 2f 2J 31 a t 3J 2 14 1 1 Innishoen 3 24 44 2 Clonleigh 3 34 24 54 2 1 1 1 Mount Charles .... 2 2i 34 2 4 1 1 6 Castle Caldwell .... 2J 3 H 2 34 2 10 51 Belle Isle 2 2 If 5 6 6 Florence Court .... 24 3 2 44 2 1 6 Earn ham 2J 3 H If 5 If 1 8 24 H 44 2 9 6 2 2^ 4 14 4 2 74 31 H 2 34 If 5 2 8 8 3 3 4 2 14 8 6 21 ^2 2 4| 2 1 1 8 24 3 2 6 If 10 31 Moniva 3 3 2 6 2 10 9 24 21 ^2 2 7 H 6 6 2j 21 2 J 5 24 5 6 24 21 z 2 24 7 2f 8 4£ 3 3 3 24 n 2} 10 6 If 2 1| 6 2 6 2f 2i ^2 44 104 6 24 2* 24 5 Castle Oliver .... 3 3 24 3 3 24 2? 1 1 Curraghmore . 3 3 3| n 6 3 3 31 2 7 3 1 10 2f 2f 4| 2| 8 3 1 1 24 21 n 54 2| 1 1 3 3* 3 6 3 11 6 3 6 3 5 2 10 1 Castle Lloyd . . . . 3 2| 24 24 6 2 74 5 Mitchel's Town . . . . 24 2* 24 24 6 24 8 8 24 2| 34 21 5| "24 io| 84 PRICE OF PROVISIONS. 75 In order for a comparison, I shall add the prices of my English Tours. u d 0> 15 J* u c§ f > o PM d. d. d. d. 6*. The Southern Tour, 1767 . . . 4 4 4 3| The Northern Tour, 1768. . . 6 3 3 3 34 The Eastern Tour, 1770 . . . H 34 3* 34 34 Average of the three .... H 34 3J 3i 34 5| 2| 2i 31 2i Average of the four meats in England . 3^d. Ditto in Ireland 2§d. Ireland to England as 11 to 14. I should remark, that there has been very little variation in the prices of meat in England since the dates of those journies ; the rates in Ireland are higher than I conceived them, and do not from cheapness afford any reason to con- clude that country, as far as cattle extends, to be in a state of backwardness. The whole of these minutes, however, concerns the home consumption only ; for, as to the im- mense trade in beef and pork, (of which hereafter) their rates are considerably under these, as may be supposed from the greatness of the scale ; in like manner as the con- sumption prices in England are near double those of the Victualling Office. Poultry being so extremely cheap is owing to several causes : First, The smallness of the demand ; the towns are few, small, and poor ; and all gentlemen's families raise a quantity for themselves. Second, The plenty of potatoes, upon which they are fed, being vastly greater, and dispensed with less ceconomy than the corn in England, upon which poultry is there reared. Third, The extreme warmth of the cabbins, in which the young broods are nourished. Fourth, The natural produce of white clover, which is much greater than in England, and upon the 76 A TOUR IN IRELAND. seeds of which young turkies in particular are advan- tageously fed. I know a gentleman in England, who reared an amazing number of turkies and pea-chicks the year his lawn was sown with white clover, but, the soil being im- proper, it lasted but one year ; and he neither before nor after had such success with those broods. SECTION IX. ROADS CARS. OR a country so very far behind us as Ireland, to have J- got suddenly so much the start of us in the article of roads, is a spectacle that cannot fail to strike the English traveller exceedingly. But from this commendation the turnpikes in general must be excluded ; they are as bad as the bye-roads are admirable. It is a common complaint that the tolls of the turnpikes are so many jobs, and the roads left in a state that disgraces the kingdom. The following is the system on which the cross-roads are made. Any person wishing to make or mend a road has it measured by two persons, who swear to the measure- ment before a justice of the peace. It is described as leading from one market town to another (it matters not in what direction) that it will be a public good, and that it will require such a sum, per perch of twenty-one feet, to make or repair the same ; a certificate to this purpose (of which printed forms are sold) with the blanks filled up, is signed by the measurers, and also by two persons called overseers, one of whom is usually the person applying for the road, the other the labourer he intends to employ as an overseer of the work, which overseer swears also before the justice the truth of the valuation. The certificate, thus prepared, is given by any person to some one of the Grand Jury, at either of the assizes, but usually in the spring. When all the common business of trials is over, the jury meets on that of roads; the chairman reads the certifi- cates, and they are all put to the vote, whether to be granted or not. If rejected, they are torn in pieces and no farther notice taken, if granted, they are put on the file. 78 A TOUR IN IRELAND. This vote of approbation, without any farther form, •enables the person, who applied for the presentment, im- mediately to construct or repair the road in question, which he must do at his own expence; he must finish it by the following assizes, when he is to send a certificate of his having expended the money pursuant to the applica- tion ; this certificate is signed by the foreman, who also signs an order on the treasurer of the county to pay him, which is done immediately. In like manner are bridges, houses of correction, gaols, &c. &c. built and repaired. If a bridge over a river, which parts two counties, half is done by one, and the other half by the other county. The expence of these works is raised by a tax on the lands, paid by the tenant ; in some counties it is acreable, but in others it is on the plough land; and, as no two plough lands are of the same size, is a very unequal tax. In the county of Meath it is acreable, and amounts to one shilling per acre, being the highest in Ireland; but in general it is from threepence to sixpence per acre, and amounts of late years, through the whole kingdom, to one hundred and forty thousand pounds a year. The juries will very rarely grant a presentment for a road, which amounts to above fifty pounds, or for more than six or seven shillings a perch ; so that if a person wants more to be made than such a sum will do, he divides it into two or three different measurements or present- ments. By the Act of Parliament all presentment roads must be twenty-one feet wide at least from fence to fence, and fourteen feet of it formed with stone or gravel. As the power of the Grand Jury extends in this manner to the cutting new roads, where none ever were before, as well as to the repairing and widening old ones, exclusive, however, of parks, gardens, &c. it was necessary to put a restriction against the wanton expence of it. Any present- ment may be traversed that is opposed, by denying the allegations of the certificate ; this is sure of delaying it until another assizes ; and in the mean time persons are appointed to view the line of road demanded, and report on the necessity or hardship of the case. The payment of the money may also be traversed after the certificate of its being laid out ; for, if any person views, and finds it a ROADS — CARS. 79 manifest imposition and job, he has that power to delay payment until the cause is cleared up and proved. But this traverse is not common. Any persons are eligible for asking presentments ; but it is usually done only by resi- dent gentlemen, agents, clergy, or respectable tenantry. It follows necessarily, that every person is desirous of making the roads leading to his own house, and that pri- vate interest alone is considered in it, which I have heard objected to the measure ; but this I must own appears to me the great merit of it. Whenever individuals act for the public alone, the public is very badly served ; but when the pursuit of their own interest is the way to benefit the public, then is the public good sure to be promoted ; such is the case of presentment of roads ; for a few years the good roads were all found leading from houses like rays from a center, with a surrounding space, without any com- munication ; but every year brought the remedy, until in a short time, those rays, pointing from so many centers, met ; and then the communication was complete. The original Act passed but seventeen years ago, and the effect of it in all parts of the kingdom is so great, that I found it perfectly practicable to travel upon wheels by a map. I will go here ; I will go there ; I could trace a route upon paper as wild as fancy could dictate, and everywhere I found beautiful roads without break or hindrance, to en- able me to realize my design. What a figure would a person make in England, who should attempt to move in that manner ; where the roads, as Dr. Burn has very well ■observed, are almost in as bad a state as in the time of Philip and Mary. In a few years there will not be a piece of bad road, except turnpikes, in all Ireland. The money raised for this first and most important of all national pur- poses, is expended among the people who pay it, employs themselves and their teams, encourages their agriculture, and facilitates so greatly the improvement of waste lands, that it ought always to be considered as the first step to any undertaking of that sort. At first, roads, in common with bridges, were paid out of the general treasure of the county ; but by a subse- quent Act, the road tax is now on baronies ; each barony pays for its own roads. By another Act, juries were 80 A TOUR IN IRELAND. enabled to grant presentments of narrow mountain roads, at two shillings and sixpence a perch. By another, they were empowered to grant presentments of footpaths, by the side of roads, to one shilling a perch. By a very late Act, they are also enabled to contract, at three halfpence per perch per annum, from the first making of a road, for keeping it in repair, which before could not be done with- out a fresh presentment. Arthur French, Esq., of Moniva, whose agriculture is described in the preceding minutes, and who at that time represented the county of G-arway, was the worthy citizen who first brought this excellent measure into Parliament : Ireland, and every traveller that ever visits it, ought, to the latest time, to revere the memory of such a distinguished benefactor to the public. Before that time the roads, like those of England, re- mained impassable, under the miserable police of the six days labour. Similar good effects would here flow from adopting the measure, which would ease the kingdom of a great burthen, in its public effect absolutely contemptible ; and the tax here, as in Ireland, ought to be so laid as to be borne by the tenant, whose business it is at present to repair. Upon the imperfections of the Irish system I have only to remark, that juries should, in some cases, be more ready than they are to grant these presentments. In general they are extremely liberal, but sometimes they take silly freaks of giving none, or very few. Experience having* proved from the general goodness of the roads that abuses cannot be very great, they should go on with spirit to per- fect the great work throughout the kingdom ; and, as a check upon those who lay out the money, it might perhaps be adviseable to print county maps of the presentment roads, with corresponding lists and tables of the names of all persons who have obtained presentments, the sums they received, and for what roads. These should be given freely by the jurymen to all their acquaintance, that every man might know to whose carelessness or jobbing the public was indebted for bad roads, when they had paid for good ones. Such a practice would certainly deter many. At 11,042,642 acres in the kingdom, one hundred and forty thousand pounds a year amounts to just threepence ROADS— CARS. 81 an acre for the whole territory, a very trifling tax for such an improvement, and which almost ranks in public ease and benefit with that of the post-office. It is not to this system singly, that Ireland is indebted for the goodness of her roads ; another circumstance calls materially for observation, which is the vehicle of carriage : all land- carriage in that kingdom is performed with one- horse cars or carts. Those of the poor people are wretched things, formed with a view to cheapness alone ; and the loads they carry on them, when working by the day, are such as an Englishman would be ashamed to take in a wheelbarrow ; yet they suffer their horses to walk so slow with these burthens, that I am confident, work of this sort, done by hire, is five hundred per cent, dearer than in England. Even when they work for themselves, their loads are contemptible, and not equal to what their garrens, miserable as they are, would draw. Cars, however, which work regularly for mills in carrying flour to Dublin, do better ; the common load is from six to ten hundred weight, which, considering the horses, is very well ; eighteen hundred weight has been often carried thither from Slane mills. The lowness of the wheels suits a mountainous country ; but, if there is truth in the mechanic powers, is in general a great disadvantage to the animal. Great numbers of these cars consist only of a flat bottom over the axletree, on which a few sacks, logs, or stones, may be laid, or a little heap of gravel in the center. Others have side-boards, and some baskets fixed. But such an im- perfect and miserable machine deserves not a moment's attention ; the object of importance arising only from one horse for draught. Some gentlemen have carts very well made in respect of strength, but so heavy as to be almost as faulty as the common car. Others have larger and heavier two-horse carts; and a few have been absurd enough to introduce English waggons. The well-made roads preserving them- selves for so many years, is owing to this practice of using one-horse carriages, which is worthy of universal imitation. Notwithstanding the expence bestowed on the turnpikes in England, great numbers of them are in a most wretched state, which will continue while the legislature permits so ii. a 82 A TOUR IN IRELAND. many horses to be harnessed in one carriage. A proof how little one-horse carriages wear roads, is the method used in Ireland to construct them ; they throw up a foundation of earth in the middle of the space from the outsides, on that they immediately form a layer of limestone, broken to the size of a turkey's egg; on this a thin scattering of earth to bind the stones together, and over that a coat of gravel, where it is to be had. Their carriages considered, no fault is to be found with this mode, for the road is beautiful and durable ; but, being all finished at once, with very little or no time for settling, an English waggon would presently cut through the whole, and demolish the road as soon as made, yet it is perfectly durable under cars and coaches. I have weighed common cars in Ireland, and find the lightest weigh 2 cwt. 2 qrs. 14 lb. good carts for one horse at Mr. O'JSTeil's, 4 cwt. 2 qrs. 21 lb. and Lord Kingsborough had larger carts from Dublin, with five-feet wheels, which weighed 7 cwt. but these are much too heavy ; in the light- ness of the machine consists a great part of the merit. A common English waggon with nine-inch wheels from 55 cwt. to three tons. I built a narrow- wheeled one in Suffolk for four horses, the weight of which was 25 cwt. Cwt. qrs. lb. Every horse in the Irish car draws, weight of carriage 2 2 14 In Mr. O'NeiPs carts 4 221 In Lord Kingsborough's 7 In a broad wheeled waggon 7 1 In a narrow ditto 6 1 The extreme lightness of the common car is not to be taken into the question, as it is inapplicable to a profitable load of anything, except a single block, or sacks. It is absolutely necessary a cart should be capacious enough for a very light but bulky load, such as malt dust, bran, dry ashes, &c. as well as for hay and straw. The Suffolk waggon for four horses is twelve feet long, four broad, and two deep in the sides and ends ; consequently, the body of it contains just 96 cubical feet ; the end ladders ex- tended for hay or straw four feet more, and there was a fixed side one, which added two feet to the breadth, con- sequently the surface on which hay was built, extended just ninety-six square feet. In a great variety of uses, to ROADS — CARS. 83 which I applied that waggon, I found four middling horses, worth about twelve pounds each, would draw a full load of everything in it ; viz. from fifty to sixty hundred weight of hay, twelve quarters of wheat, or fifty- five hundred weight, and the sullage of Bury streets, by com- putation, judging by the labour of the horses, to a much greater weight, perhaps above three tons. I have more than once taken these measures as a guide for a one-horse cart. To give one horse an exact proportion of what four did in that waggon, the dimensions of the cart must be as follow : the body of it must be just four feet long, three feet broad, and two feet deep ; the end ladders each one foot, and the side ones six inches. This will be upon a par with the waggon ; but I gave the carts the advantage, by end ladders being each eighteen inches, and the side ones twelve, which made the whole surface thirty-five square feet, four times which is one hundred and forty instead of ninety-six. The weight of these carts complete were from four to five hundred ; the wheels five feet high, and the axle-tree iron, which is essential to a light draft ; such carts cost in England, complete and painted, from nine pounds to ten guineas. Whoever tries them will find a horse will draw in them far more than the fourth of the load of a four-horse team, or than the eighth of an eight- horse one ; for he will, in a tolerably level country, draw a ton. I have often conversed with the drivers of carriers' waggons, as well as with intelligent carters in the service of farmers, and their accounts have united with my own observation, to prove that one horse in eight, and to the amount of half a horse in four, are always absolutely idle, moving on without drawing any weight ; a most unremit- ting attention is necessary even for a partial remedy of this ; but with careless drivers the evil is greater ; hence, the superiority of horses drawing single, in which mode they cannot fail of performing their share of the work. The expence, trouble and disappointment of an accident, are in proportion to the size of the team ; with a broad- wheeled waggon and eight horses, they are very great ; but with eight carts they are very trifling ; if one breaks down, the load and cart are easily distributed among the other 84 A TOUR IN IRELAND. seven, and little time lost. When business is carried on by means of single-horse carts, every horse in a stable is employed ; but with waggons, he who keeps one, two, or three horses, must stand still ; and what is to be done with five, six, or seven? It is only four or eight horses that form an exact team ; but the great object is the preserva- tion of the roads ; to save these the legislature has pre- scribed wheels, even sixteen inches broad ; but all such machines are so enormously heavy, that they are ruinous to those who use them ; besides, they form such exact paths for the following teams to walk in, that the hardest road is presently cut into ruts, the most solid materials ground into dust, and every exertion in repairing baffled as fast as tried. Roads, which are made annually at a vast expence, are found almost impassable from the weights carried in waggons. It may be asserted, without exagge- ration, that if there were nothing but one-horse carriages in England, half the present highway expence might be saved, and the roads at the same time incomparably better. It must be admitted that the expence of drivers would at first be greater, for a man would not drive above three of them ; a man and two boys would do for nine : but why they should not be as well managed here as in Ireland I cannot see ; a man there will often drive five, six, or even eight cars. I have myself seen a single girl drive six. Even in this respect there is an advantage which does not attend waggons, — a boy could anywhere manage one or two, but twenty boys would not be trusted to drive a waggon. Granting, however, that the expence under this head was something greater, still is it vastly more than counterbalanced by the superior advantages stated above, which render it an equal object to individuals and the public. SECTION X. TIMBER PLANTING. r T^HROUGrH every part of Ireland, in which I have been, A one hundred contiguous acres are not to be found without evident signs that they were once wood, or at least very well wooded. Trees, and the roots of trees of the largest size, are dug up in all the bogs ; and, in the cultivated countries, the stumps of trees destroyed shew that the destruction has not been of any antient date. A vast number of the Irish names for hills, mountains, vallies and plains, have forests, woods, groves, or trees for the signification ; Lord Kingsborough has an hundred thousand acres about Mitchelstown, in which you must take a breathing gallop to find a stick large enough to beat a dog ; yet is there not an enclosure without the remnants of trees, many of them large ; nor is it a pecu- liarity to that estate: in a word, the greatest part of the kingdom exhibits a naked, bleak, dreary view for want of wood, which has been destroyed for a century past, with the most thoughtless prodigality, and still continues to be cut and wasted, as if it was not worth the preservation. The Baltic fir supplies all the uses of the kingdom, even those for which nothing is proper but oak ; and the distance of all the ports of Ireland from that sea, makes the supply much dearer than it is in England. In conversation with gentlemen, I found they very generally laid the destruction of timber to the common people, who, they say, have an aversion to a tree ; at the earliest age they steal it for a walking-stick ; afterwards for a spade handle ; later for a car shaft ; and later still for a cabin rafter. That the poor do steal it is certain, 86 A TOUR IN IRELAND. but I am clear the gentlemen of the country may thank themselves. Is it the consumption of sticks and handles that has destroyed millions of acres? Absurdity! The profligate, prodigal, worthless landowner cuts down his acres, and leaves them unfenced against cattle, and then he has the impudence to charge the scarcity of trees to the walking-sticks of the poor, goes into the House of Commons and votes for an Act, which lays a penalty of forty shillings on any poor man having a twig in his possession which he cannot account for. This Act, and twenty more in the same spirit, stands at present a monument of their self- condemnation and oppression. They have made wood so scarce, that the wretched cottars cannot procure enough for their necessary consumption ; and then they pass penal laws on their stealing, or even possessing, what it is impossible for them to buy. If by another Act you would hang up all the landlords who cut woods without fencing, and destroy trees without planting, you would lay your axe to the root of the evil, and rid the kingdom of some of the greatest pests in it ; but, in the name of humanity and common sense, let the poor alone, for whose stealing in this, as in most other cases, nobody ought to be answerable but yourselves. I was an eye-witness, in various parts of the kingdom, of woods cut down and not coj)sed. The honestest poor upon earth, if in the same situation as the Irish, would be stealers of wood ; for they must either steal or go without what is an absolute necessary of life. Instead of being the destroyers of trees, I am confident they may be made preservers of them; recollect Sir William Osborne's mountaineers, to whom he gave a few Lombardy poplars; they cherished them with as much care as his own gardener could have done. At Mitchelstown I had opportunities of making observations which convinced me of the same thing ; I saw in every respect, indeed all over Ireland, the greatest readiness to do whatever would recommend them to their landlord's favour. I had three plans relative to wood, which I have reason to believe would answer in any part of the kingdom : First, To give premiums to the cottars who planted and preserved trees ; and not to let it depend on the premium alone, but to keep a list of those who appeared as candidates, and upon TIMBER — PLANTING. 87 every other occasion to let them be objects of favour. Second, To force all the tenantry to plant under the following clause in their leases : " And also, that the said A. B. his heirs and assigns, shall " and will, every year, during the continuance of this demise, " well and truly plant, and thoroughly secure until the end " of the said term, from all injury or damage by cattle, or " otherwise, one timber tree for every acres that are " contained in the herein demised premises, provided that " such trees shall be supplied gratis, on demand, by the said " 0. D. his heirs and assigns; and in case any trees shall " die or fail, that in such case the said A. B. shall and will " plant in the year next after such death or failure, an equal " number of timber trees in the said demised premises, in the " place or stead of such tree or trees so dying or failing as " aforesaid; and in case, at the expiration of the said " demise, the proper number of trees, of a due age, according " to the meaning and intent of these premises, be not left " growing and standing upon the said demised premises, or " some part thereof, that then the said A. B. his heirs or " assigns, shall forfeit and pay unto the said G. D. his heirs " and assigns, the sum of five shillings for every tree so " deficient by death, failure, injury, or negligence. 19 The proportion of acres per tree to be according to circumstances. It should always be remembered, that the clauses of a lease rarely execute themselves ; it is the landlord's, or his agent's attention that must make them efficient. A tenantry everywhere is very much dependent, unless leases for lives are given ; but I suppose them for twenty-one years. In Ireland their poverty makes this dependance still greater. They ask time for the payment of their rent ; they run in arrears ; they are threatened or driven; if they pay well, still they have some favour to ask, or expect ; in a word, they are in such a situation, that attention would secure the most entire compliance with such a clause. If once, or twice, upon an estate, a man was drove for his rent, who neglected the trees, while another in the same circumstances had time given him, because he preserved them, the effect would presently 88 A TOUR IN IRELAND. be seen. Third, To have a magazine of sticks, spade handles, pieces for cars, and cabbins, etc. laid in at the cheapest rate, and kept for selling at prime cost to whoever wonld bny them. These would want to be purchased but for a few years; as small plantations of the timber willow would in four years furnish an ample supply. That these three circumstances united, would presently plant a country, I am convinced ; I saw a willingness among Lord Kingsborough's little tenants to do it ; some even who made a beginning the very first year; and hundreds assured me of their most assiduous compliance. Such a plan most certainly should not preclude large annual plantations on the land which a gentleman keeps in hand ; but the beauty of the country depends on trees, scattered over the whole face of it. What a figure would Ireland make on a comparison with its present state, if one tree now stood by each cabbin ! but it is the spirit of the Irish nation to attempt everything by laws, and then leave those laws to execute themselves ; which indeed with many of them is not at all amiss. It is by no means clear, whether the Act which gives to the tenant a property in the trees he plants, to be ascertained by a jury at the end of the lease, and paid by the landlord, has any great tendency to increase the quantity of wood. It has un- fortunately raised an undecided question of law, whether the Act goes to trees, which were originally furnished from the landlord's nursery, or planted in consequence of a clause in a lease. If it should so interfere with such plantations, it would be highly mischievous : Also, for a man to be forced either to buy or to sell his property, at the price fixed by a jury, is a harsh circumstance. To this cause it is probably owing, that the plantations made in conse- quence of that Act, are perfectly insignificant. I have made many very minute calculations of the expence, growth, and value of plantations in Ireland, and am convinced from them that there is no application of the best land in that kingdom will equal the profit of planting the worst in it. A regard for the interest of posterity calls for the oak and other trees which require more than an age to come to maturity ; but with other views the quick growing ones are for profit much superior; TIMBER— PLANTING. 89 these come to perfection so speedily that three fourths of the landlords of the kingdom might expect to cut where they planted, and reap those great profits, which most certainly attend it. There are timber willows (sallies as they are called in Ireland) which rise with incredible rapidity. I have measured them at Mr. Bolton's, near Waterford, twenty-one feet high in the third year from the planting, and as straight as a larch. With this willow, woods would arise as it were by enchantment, and all sorts of farm offices and cabbins might be built of it in seven years from planting. Is it not inexcusable to com- plain of a want of wood, when it is to be had with so much ease? Larch and beech thrive wonderfully wherever I have seen them planted ; and the Lombardy poplar makes the same luxuriant shoots for which it is famous in England ; and, though a soft wood, yet it is applicable to such a multiplicity of purposes, and so easily propagated, that it deserves the greatest attention. As to oak, they are always planted in Ireland from a nursery. I have seen very handsome trees as old as fifteen years, some perhaps older ; but even at that age they run incomparably more into head than plants in England which have never been transplanted. It is a great mis- fortune that a century at least is necessary to prove the mischief of the practice : We know by most ample experience that the noble oaks in England, applicable to the use of the large ships of war, were all sown where they remained. That tree pushes its tap root so powerfully that I have the greatest reason to believe the future growth suffers essentially from its being injured, and I defy the most skilful nurseryman to take them up upon a large scale without breaking; if it is broke in the part where it is an almost imperceptible thread, it is just the same as cutting it oft* in a larger part, the steady perpendicular power is lost, and the surface roots must feed the plant; these m&y do for a certain growth and to a certain period; but the tree will never become the sovereign of the forest, or the waves. I know several plantations of sown oak in England from twelve to thirty, and some forty years growth, which are truly beautiful, and infinitely beyond anything I have seen in Ireland. 90 A TOUR IN IRELAND. The woods yet remaining in that kingdom are what in England would be called copses. They are cut down at various growths, some being permitted to stand forty years. Attentive landlords fence when they cut, to preserve the future shoots ; others do not. But this is by no means the system with a view to which I recommend planting, timber of any kind cut as such will pay double and treble what the shoots from any stubs in the world will do. They may come to a tolerable size, and yield a large value ; but the profit is not to be compared with. To explain this, permit me one or two remarks. If willow, poplars, ash, etc. are planted for timber, to be cut at whatever age, ten, twenty or thirty years ; when cut, the stools will throw out many shoots ; but let it not be imagined that these shoots will ever again become timber; they will never be any thing but copse wood, and attended in future with no more than the copse profit, which is not half that of timber ; in such a case the land should be new planted, and the old stools either grubbed up for fewel, or else the growth from them cut very often for faggots, till the new timber gets up enough to drip on and destroy it. The common practice in Ireland is cutting young trees down when they do not shoot well ; this is converting timber to copse wood; attention to cutting off all the shoots but one will train up a stem, but I question whether it will ever make a capital tree : if the other shoots are not annually cut, it will never be any tree at all ; and yet it is certainly a fact that the new shoot is much finer than the old one, which perhaps would have come to nothing ; but better remove it entirely than depend on new shoots for making timber. The gentlemen in that kingdom are much too apt to think they have got timber, when in fact they have nothing but fine large copse wood. A strong proof of this is the great double ditches made thirty or forty years ago, and planted with double rows of trees, generally ash ; these for two reasons are usually (for the age) not half so good as trees of the same growth in England ; one is, many of them were cut when young, and arose from stools ; the other is their growing out of a high dry bank, full of the roots of four rows of white thorn or apple quick, TIMBER — PLANTING. 91 besides those of the trees themselves. It is a fact that I never saw a single capital tree growing on these banks : all hedge trees are difficult to preserve, and therefore must have been cut when young. Ash in England, growing from a level, are generally worth in forty years from forty shillings to three pounds. And I know many trees of fifty to sixty years growth that would fell readily at from four to eight pounds; yet the price in Ireland is higher. Another practice, which is common in that king- dom, is pruning timber trees, and even oaks. I was petrified at seeing oaks of ten and fifteen feet high with all the side shoots cut off. There are treatises upon planting which recommend this practice, as well as cutting down young trees to make the better timber. There are no follies which are not countenanced, and even prescribed in some book or other; but unhappy is it for a kingdom when they are listened to. Burn your books, and attend to nature ; come to England, and view our oak, our ash, and our beech, all self-sown, and never cursed with the exertions of art. Shew me such trees from the hands of nurserymen and pruners before you waste your breath with shallow reasoning to prove that the most common of the operations of nature must be assisted by the axe or pruning hook. One reason why both fences and trees in Ireland, which have once been made, are now neglected and in ruin, is owing to the first planting being all that is thought of ; the hedges are suffered to grow for thirty or forty years without cutting ; the consequence of which is their being ragged, and open at bottom, and full of gaps whole perches long. But all fences should be cut periodically, for the same reason that trees ought never to be touched, viz., their pushing out many shoots for every one that is taken off ; this should be repeated every fifteen years ; a proper portion of the thorns should be plashed down to form an impenetrable live hedge, and the rest cut off, and made into faggots. But in the Irish way the fences yield no fewel at all. To permit a hedge to grow too long without cutting, not only ruins it for a fence, but spoils the trees that are planted with it. Lastly let me observe, that the amazing neglect in not i 92 A TOUR IN IRELAND. planting osier grounds for making baskets and small hoops, is unpardonable throughout the kingdom; they no where thrive better; a small one I planted in the county of Corke grew six feet the first year ; yet at that port there is a considerable importation of them from Portugal. SECTION XL MANURES WASTE LANDS BOGS, THE manure commonly used in Ireland is lime ; in- exhaustible quarries of the finest limestone are found in most parts of that island, with either turf, or culm at a moderate price to burn it. To do the gentlemen of that country justice, they understand this branch of husbandry very well, and practice it with uncommon spirit. Their kilns are the best I have anywhere seen, and great numbers are kept burning the whole year through, without a thought of stopping on account of the winter. Their draw-kilns burn up to forty barrels a day ; and what they call French kilns, which burn the stone without breaking, have been made even to five thousand barrels in a kiln. Mr. Leslie laying ten thousand barrels on his land in one year, and Mr. Aldworth as much, are instances which I never heard equalled. The following table will show the general practice. Barrels Price per per acre. Barrel. s. d. 160 7 120 7 80 6 Mr. Marley 160 1 80 40 2 6 Ld. Ch. Baron Forster .... 125 7 160 9 94 A TOUR IN IRELAND. Barrels per acre. Price per Barrel. s. d. Market Hill 30 1 6 Warrenstown 140 1 1 115 11 Mr. Leslie 160 Newtown Limavafly .... 100 1 ( astle Caldwel 6 Innislulling 80 8 Florence Court 60 8 Farnham 150 Mr. Mahon 5 Mr. Brown 3 Mr. French 4 Woodlawn 4 Annsgrove 100 8 160 6 80 5J Mallow 100 1 1 Mr. Gordon 50 o n Cool more 40 9 Nedeen 1 vTin 'fll c n 7 Mr. Blennerhasset 100 6 Mr. Bateman 50 6 Tarbat 40 1 200 1 Average .... 100 9 These quantities are upon the whole considerable. The price shews the plenty of this manure in Ireland. To find any place where it can be burnt for three pence and four pence is truly wonderful, but can only be from the union of turf and limestone at the same place. I no where heard of any land that had been over limed, or on which the repetition of it had proved so disadvan- tageous as it has sometimes been found in England. 1 Limestone gravel is a manure peculiar to Ireland and is most excellent. It is a blue gravel, mixed with stones 1 See a Letter from the late Earl of Holderness to me, inserted in the second edition of the " Northern Tour/' — [Author's Xofc] WASTE LANDS. 95 as large as a man's fist, and sometimes with a clay loam ; but the whole mass has a very strong effervescence with acid. On uncultivated lands it has the same wonderful effect as lime, and on clay arable, a much greater ; but it is bene- ficial to all soils. In the isle of Anglesea, a country which very much resembles Ireland, there is a gravel much like it, which has also some effervescence ; but I never met with it in any other part of England. Marie in Ireland is not so common as these manures. That which is oftenest found is white, and remarkably light ; it lies generally under bogs. Shell marie is dredged up in the Shannon, and in the harbour of Waterford. In the catalogue of manures, I wish I could add the composts formed in well-littered farm yards ; but there is not any part of husbandry in the kingdom more neglected than this ; indeed I have scarce anywhere seen the least vestige of such a convenience as a yard surrounded with offices for the winter shelter and feeding of cattle. All sorts of animals range about the field in winter, by which means the quantity of dung raised is contemptible. To dwell upon a point of such acknowledged importance is needless. Time it is to be hoped will introduce a better system. WASTE LANDS. Although the proportion of waste territory is not, I apprehend, so great in Ireland as it is in England, certainly owing to the rights of commonage in the latter country, which fortunately have no existence in Ireland ; yet are the tracts of desart mountains and bogs very considerable. Upon these lands is to be practised the most profitable husbandry in the King's dominions ; for so I am persuaded the improvement of mountain land to be. By that expres- sion is not to be understood only very high lands ; all waste in Ireland that is not bog they call mountain ; so that you hear of land under that denomination where even a hillock is not to be seen. The largest tracts, however, are adjoin- ing to real mountains, especially where they slope off, to a large extent gradually to the south. Of this sort Lord Kingsborough has a very extensive and most unprofitable range. In examining it, with many other mountains, and 96 A TOUR IN IRELAND. in about five months experience of the beginning only 1 an improvement under my direction there, I had an opportunity of ascertaining a few points which made me better acquainted with the practicability of those improve- ments than if I had only passed as a traveller through the kingdom. By stating a few of the circumstances of this attempt, others who have mountains under similar circum- stances may judge of the propriety of undertaking their improvement. The land has a very gentle declivity from the G-alty mountains towards the south, and to a new road Lord Kingsborough made, leading from Mitchelstown towards Cahir, which road he very wisely judged was the first step to the improvement of the waste parts of his estate, as well as a great publick benefit. On the south side of this road limestone is found, and on the north side the improvement was begun, in a spot that included some tolerable good land, some exceeding rough and stoney, and a wet bottom where there was a bog two, three, or four feet deep ; the land yielded no other profit than being a commonage to the adjoining farm, in which way it mighl pay the rent possibly of a shilling an acre : Twenty thousand acres by estimation joined it in the same situation, which did not yield the fourth of that rent. In June I built a lime-kiln which burnt twenty barrels a day, and cut, led, and stacked turf enough to keep it burning a whole twelvemonth, sketched the fences of four inclosures, making thirty-four acres, and finished the first work of them, leaving the rest and planting till winter. 1 I cleared two inclosures of stones ; pared and burnt them ; burnt eight hundred barrels of lime ; limed one inclosure, and sowed one third with wheat, a third with rye, and the other with bere, as an experiment ; the other field with turneps, which, 1 Where fences must be done by the day and not the perch, which will generally be the case in the beginning of an improvement in a very wild country, from the labourers being totally ignorant of taking work by measure ; all that is possible should be executed in summer, especially in so wet a climate as Ireland, and where no more is paid for a day in July than in December. Some of my banks fell with the autumn rains, owing to two causes ; first, the men, instead of knowing how to make a ditch, were mountaineers, who scarcely knew the right end of a spade ; and secondly, it proved the dryest season that ever was known in Ireland. — [Author's Note.] WASTE LANDS. 97 from the continual drought, failed. Two cabbins were built. And the whole expence in five months, including the price of all ploughing, and carriage, (the latter from the miserable cars and garrens at a most extravagant rate) buying timber, steward's wages, etc., amounted to one hundred and fifty pounds. The moment the neighbours understood the works were at an end, some of them offered me ten shillings an acre for the land to take it as it was, which is just eleven per cent, for the money ; but I could have got more. The following were the only data gained : lime burnt for fivepence a barrel ; paring with the graffan in stony land, 30s. to 40s. an acre, and done by the plough at eight shillings much better ; burning and spreading the ashes depends on weather ; one piece cost above twenty shillings an acre, the other not five ; but on an average I should calculate it at ten shillings. The whole operation may be very well done with the plough at twenty shillings. Clearing from stones and carting away, various ; I found a very stoney piece could be cleared at twelve shillings an acre. A single ditch, seven feet broad, and from three to five deep, the bank nine feet high from the bottom of the ditch, cost one shilling and sixpence ; but this expence would have lessened when they were more accustomed to it : consequently, a double fence with a space between left for planting, three shillings. My design was to purchase a stock of mountain sheep in the following spring, and keep them through the summer in the mountains, but folding them every night in the im- provement, in which work I could have instructed the people ; and, when once they had seen the benefit, I do not think the practice would ever have been lost. To have provided plenty of turneps for their winter support, and imj^roved the breed by giving them some better tups, but to have done this gradually in proportion as their food improved, Turneps to be for some years the only crop, except small pieces by way of trial. To have laid down the land to grass after a proper course of turneps in the manner and with the seeds I practised in Hertfordshire, which would have shewn what that operation is. There is not a complete meadow in the whole country. To have proportioned the sheep to the turneps at the rate of from twenty to II. H 98 A TOUR IN IRELAND. thirty an acre according to the goodness of the crop : there is a power in such waste tracts of keeping any number in summer ; the common people keep them all the year round on the mountains. The annual product of the improved land is in this system very easily ascertained. Suppose only twenty sheep 1 per acre, and no more than fifteen lambs from them, worth two shillings and sixpence each, it is thirty seven shillings and sixpence, and the twenty fleeces at one shilling make fifty-seven shillings and sixpence : about three pound therefore may be reckoned the lowest value of an acre of turneps at first ; but as successive crops on the same land improve greatly, they would winter more than twenty, and both lambs and wool be more valuable ; so that from a variety of circumstances I have attended to in that country, I am clear the common value of the turneps might be carried to four pounds, and in the course of a few years perhaps to five pounds an acre. And to state the expence of such an improvement completely finished at ten pounds an acre, including every article whatever ; three crops of turneps amply repay the whole, and the future produce or rent of the land, neat profit. This would be twenty shillings an acre ; twenty-five shillings are commonly paid for much worse land. The real fact of such improvements is a landlord's accepting an estate gratis, or at least paying nothing but trouble for it. Nearly such conclusions must be drawn from Lord Alta- raont's mountain works, of which an account is given in the minutes. I should remark that the people I employed, though as ignorant as any in the kingdom, and had never seen a turnep-hoe, hoed the turneps, when I shewed them the manner, very readily, and, though not skilfully, well enough to prove their docility would not be wanting ; it was the same with the paring mattock, and the Norfolk turnep-sower. They very readily execute orders, and seem to give their inclination to it. There are several reasons which make these improve- ments more profitable and easy in Ireland than they are in 1 It is to be noted that stock-sheep are only baited, and that chiefly in bad weather. The winters in Ireland are much milder than in England. — [Author's Note.] WASTE LANDS. 99 England. There are no common rights to encounter, which are the curse of our moors. Buildings, which in England form one of the heaviest articles, are but a trifling expence ; make the land good, and you will let it readily without any at all ; or at least with an allowance of a roof towards a cabbin ; and lastly, the proportionate value of improved land compared with that of unimproved is much higher than it is with us, owing to the want of capital, rendering all improvements so rare, and to the common people so difficult. Three hundred pounds a year, steadily employed in such an undertaking, would in a few years create an estate sufficient for the greatest undertakings : but success depends on a regular unbroken exertion, a point I found very few persons in Ireland thoroughly understood, owing to their not being accustomed to large flocks of sheep regularly depending on turneps. At the same time that this work was carrying on, his Lordship, by my advice, encouraged the peasantry to take in small parts of these mountains themselves. The adjoining farms being out of lease, he had a power of doing what he pleased ; I marked a road, and assigned portions of the waste on each side to such as were willing to form the fences in the manner prescribed, to cultivate and inhabit the land, allowing each a guinea towards his cabbin, and promising the best land rent free for three years, and the worst for five ; the eagerness with which the poor people came into this scheme, convinced me that they wanted nothing but a little encouragement to enter with all their might and spirit into the great work of improvement. They trusted to my assurance enough to go to work upon the ditches, and actually made a consider- able progress. In all undertakings of this sort in Ireland it is the poor cottars, and the very little farmers, who are the best tools to employ, and the best tenants to let the land to ; but this circumstance raises many enemies to the work ; the better sort, who have been used to tread upon and oppress, are ill pleased to see any importance or independancy given to them : and the whole race of jobbing gentlemen, whose conversation for ever takes the turn of ridiculing the poverty of the cottar tenants, will always be ready with an equal cargo of falsehood and ignorance to decry and depreciate any undertaking which is not to 100 A TOUR IN IRELAND. conduce to their own benefit: if a landlord does not steadily resolve to laugh at all this trash, he had better never think of improvements. BOGS. Trifling as they have been on the Irish mountains yet are the bogs still more neglected. The minutes of the journey shew that a few gentlemen have executed very meritorious works even in these ; but as they, unfortunately for the publick, do not live upon any of the very extensive bogs, the inhabitants near the latter deny the application of their remarks. Bogs are of two sorts, black and red. The black bog is generally very good, it is solid almost to the surface, yields many ashes in burning, and generally admitted to be improveable, though at a heavy expence. The red sort has usually a reddish substance five or six feet deep from the surface, which holds water like a spunge, yields no ashes in burning, and is supposed to be utterly irreclaimable. In the variety of theories which have been started to account for the formation of bogs, difficulties occur which are not easily solved : yet are there many circumstances which assist in tracing the cause. Various sorts of trees, some of them of a great size, are very generally found in them, and usually at the bottom, oak, fir, and yew the most common; the roots of these trees are fast in the earth ; some of the trees seem broken off, others appear to be cut, but more with the marks of fire on them. Under some bogs of a considerable depth there are yet to be seen the furrows of land once ploughed. The black bog is a solid weighty mass, which cuts almost like butter, and upon examination appears to resemble rotten wood. Under the red bogs there is always a stratum, if not equally solid with the black bog, nearly so, and makes as good fuel. There is upon the black as well as the red ones a surface of that spungy vegetable mass which is cleared away to get at the bog for fuel ; but it is shallow on these. Sound trees are found equally in both sorts. Both differ extremely from the bogs I have seen in England, in the inequality of the surface ; the Irish ones are rarely level, but rise into BOGS. 101 hills. I have seen one in Donegal which is a perfect scenery of hill and dale. The spontaneous growth most common is heath, with some bog-myrtle, rushes and a little sedgy grass. As far as I can judge by roads, laying gravel of any sort, clay, earth, etc., improves the bog, and brings good grass. The depth of them is various ; they have been fathomed to that of fifty feet, and some are said to be still deeper. From these circumstances it appears, that a forest, cut, burnt, or broken down, is probably the origin of a bog. In all countries where wood is so common as to be a weed, it is destroyed by burning ; it is so around the Baltick, and in America at present. The native Irish might cut and burn their woods enough for the tree to fall, and in the interim between such an operation, and successive culture, wars and other intestine divisions might prevent it in those spots, which so neglected afterwards became bogs. Trees lying very thick on the ground would become an impedi- ment to all streams and currents ; and, gathering in their branches whatever rubbish such waters brought with them, form a mass of a substance which time might putrify, and give that acid quality to, which would preserve some of the trunks, though not the branches of the trees. The circum- stance of red bogs being black and solid at the bottom, would seem to indicate that a black bog has received less accession from the growth and putrefaction of vegetables after the formation than the red ones, which from some circumstances of soil or water might yield a more luxuriant surface vegetation, till it produced that mass of spunge which is now found on the surface. That this supposition is quite satisfactory I cannot assert ; but the effect appears to be at least possible, and accounts for the distinction between the two kinds. That they receive their form and increase from a constant vegetation appear from their rising into hills ; if they did not vegetate the quantity of water they contain would keep them on a level. The places where the traces of ploughing are found, I should suppose were once fields adjoining to the woods, and when the bog rose to a certain height it flowed gradually over the surrounding land. But the means of improving them is the most impor- 102 A TOUR IN IRELAND. tant consideration at present. Various methods have been prescribed, and some small improvements have been effected by a few gentlemen, but at so large an expence that it is a question how far their operations answered. Here, therefore, one must call in theory to our aid from a deficiency of practice. Fortunately for a bog-improver, drains are cut at so small an expence in them, that that- necessary work is done at a very moderate cost. But in spungy ones it must be repeated annually, according to the substance of the bog ; and no other work attended to but sinking the drains lower and lower, by no means till you come to the bottom, (the necessity of which is a vulgar error) but till the spaces between them will bear an ox in boots. Then the surface should be levelled and burnt ; and I would advise nothing to be done for a year or two, but rollers, as heavy as might be, kept repeatedly going over it, in order to press and consolidate the surface. Before anything else was attempted I would see the effect of this ; probably the draining and rolling would bring up a fresh surface of vegetables not seen before ; in that case I should have very few doubts of finishing the work with the feeding, treading, and fold of sheep, which would en- courage the white clover and grasses to vegetate strongly ; fortunately for any operation with sheep, they can be kept safely, as they never rot in a drained bog. A very in- genious friend of mine thinks the whole might be done with sheep, with little or no draining, but from viewing the bogs 1 am clear that is impossible. During the time of rolling and sheep-feeding, the drains I would have kept clean and open, the labour of which would regularly be less and less. When the surface was so hard as to bear cars, marie, clay, gravel, or earth, might be carried on according to distance, which with the sheep feeding would convert it into good meadow. But as carting in a large improvement would probably be too expensive, I should think it worth while to try the experiment whether it would not be practicable to sink a shaft through the bog into the gravel or earth beneath it, boarding or walling, and plastering with terrass or cement, in order to be able to draw up the under stratum, as all the chalk in Hertford- shire is raised, that is, wound up in buckets ; chalk is so BOGS. 103 raised and wheeled on to the land for the price of eight- pence the load of twenty bushels, and is found a cheap improvement at that price ; yet the chalk drawers, as they call themselves, earn two shillings and two and sixpence each day. Whatever the means used, certain it is that no meadows are equal to those gained by improving a bog ; they are of a value which scarcely any other lands rise to : in Ireland I should suppose it would not fall short of forty shillings an acre, and rise in many cases to three pounds. SECTION XII. CATTLE WOOL WINTER FOOD. 'T^HE cattle in Ireland are much better than the tillage ; A in the management of the arable ground the Irish are five centuries behind the best cultivated of the English counties ; but the moisture of the climate, and the rich- ness of the soil, have reared, assisted with importations from England, a breed of cattle and sheep, though not equal to ours, yet not so many degrees below them as might be expected from other circumstances. The following table will shew the prices and profit on fattening bullocks and cows. Fat Bullocks and Coivs. Places. Price Bull. Profit. Price Cow. Profit. £ s. d. £ s. d. £ s. d. £ s. d. Gibbstown . . . . 10 4 5 10 1 15 Lord Bective . . . 4 2 6 1 17 6 Packenham .... 4 2 Tullamore .... 3 7 6 2 Shaen Castle 4 10 1 16 Ballynakill . . . . 5 10 2 5 Mr. Butler .... 5 3 3 5 2 Belle Isle . . . . 3 15 1 11 6 Longford .... 4 1 15 Mercra 4 10 2 10 3 10 1 10 Holy mount .... 2 16 1 10 Drumoland .... 3 10 2 Clare 6 4 3 10 2 Castle Oliver . . . 5 3 8 3 Tipperary . . . . 4 5 Cullen 6 3 10 4 10 2 Average . . . 6 3 7 6 3 16 1 16 6 CATTLE — WOOL — WINTER FOOD. 105 The system pursued in fatting these beasts is explained fully in the minutes of the journey. I think the profit remarkably small. The exportation of beef, and its prices, will be given under the article Trade, as it forms a principal branch of the commerce of Ireland. Sheep. Places. Fleece. Profit. lb. qrs. s. d. 4 2 6 4 6 2 10 5 3 5 3 8 5 17 10 5 10 4 4 5 4 2 5 3 4 8 7 5 3 10 7 o 5 3 Gloster 5 3 5 3 Mr. Head 10 CuhVn 5 3 9 3 5 11 Averages of the Tour through the 5 10 5 2 11 8 5 1 10 10 5 11 106 A TOUR IN IRELAND. From hence the remark I often made in Ireland is con- firmed, that their sheep are on an average better than those in England ; the weight of the fleece is nearly equal to it, and profit rather higher, notwithstanding mutton is dearer in England; this is owing to the price of wool being so much higher in Ireland than it is with us. The following table will shew the price of it for fourteen years in both kingdoms. Wool in the Fleece, Ireland. Wool in the Fleece, Lincoln- shire. Tod reduced Per stone to stone of 16 lb. 16 lb. 8, d. s. d. In the year 1764 11 In the year 1 764 11 4 1765 10 1765 11 4 1766 11 1766 12 1767 13 1767 10 8 1768 . 13 6 1768 8 1769 13 6 1769 8 1770 14 1770 8 3 1771 14 1771 8 1772 1 . 1772 8 3 1773 1 . 1773 8 4 1774 14 1774 9 1775 16 1775 9 6 1776 16 6 1776 10 1777 - . 17 6 1777 9 9 1778 . 1778 8 1779 . 1779 3 6 9 Average 13 8 Average . . . 9 3 47 per cent, higher in Ireland than in England. From hence it appears, that wool has been amazingly higher in Ireland, which accounts for the superiority in the profit of sheep. There are several reasons for their height of price, but the principal are a decrease in the quantity produced, and at the same time an increase in the consumption. The bounty on the inland carriage of corn, 1 Unsettled but very high. 2 Communicated by Mr. Joshua Pine in the woollen trade. Dublin. 3 Communicated by Mr. James Oaks in the woollen trade, Bury, Suffolk. CATTLE — WOOL — WINTER FOOD. 107 as I shall shew hereafter, has occasioned the ploughing up great tracts of sheep-walk ; and at the same time the poor people have improved in their cloathing very much : these reasons are fully sufficient to account for that rise in the price of wool, which has brought it to be higher than the English rate. There is, however, another very powerful reason, which has had a constant operation, and which is the cheapness of spinning ; in Ireland this is twopence halfpenny and threepence, but in England fivepence and sixpence. Great quantities are therefore spun into yarn in Ireland, and in that state exported to England; for the price of the labour is so low, that a yarn manufacturer can afford to give a much higher price for wool than an English one, and yet sell the ya.rn itself, after the expence of freight is added, as cheap as English yarn. The quantities of yarn, etc. exported, will be seen hereafter. Many gentlemen have made very spirited attempts in improving the cattle and sheep in Ireland, so that the mixture of the English breed of cattle has spread all over the kingdom ; English sheep are also extending. The minutes of the journey shew that the size of the bullocks is much increased in the last twenty years. But, profitable as sheep are in Ireland, they are not near so as they might be, if turneps were properly attended to ; and the reason why oxen and cows yield still less is the same deficiency. The mildness of the climate enables the stock-master to do with but little winter food ; and this natural advantage proves an artificial evil, for it prevents those exertions, which the farmers in other countries are obliged to make, in order to support their flocks and herds. Mild as the Irish climate is, the graziers in Tipperary, that is in the south of the kingdom, find nothing more profit- able than turneps, though hoeing them is quite unknown ; and by means of that root, so very imperfectly managed, supply Dublin with mutton in the spring, to their very great emolument. But the want of winter food is more apparent in black cattle, which, upon such very rich land, ought to rise to a size which is scarce ever met with in Ireland, the usual weight being from four to eight hundred ; but from four hundred and a half to five and six hundred weight, the common size on the rich grounds of Limerick ; 108 A TOUR IN IRELAND. such land in England is covered with herds that weigh from ten to fifteen hundred weight each ; this vast diffe- rence is owing to their being reared the two first winters with such a deficiency of food, that their growth is stinted, so that when they come upon the fine bullock-land, they are of a size which can never be fattened to the weight of English oxen. The deficiency in turneps, etc. renders hay very valuable in Ireland, which occasions its being given sparingly to cattle ; but if they had while young as many turneps as they would eat, in addition to their present quantity of hay, and were protected in warm yards against the wind and rain, they would rise to a size unknown at present in that kingdom. Upon this and a variety of other accounts, there is scarcely any object in its agriculture of so much importance as the introduction of that plant under the right cultivation. SECTION XIII. TYTHES — CHURCH LANDS. OUR sister kingdom labours under this heavy burthen as well as her neighbours, to which is very much owing the uncultivated state of so great a part of her territory. The following are the minutes of the journey : Barley. i toes. c Places. Whe Oats, P V S Pota ? I Shee s. d. s. d. s. d. S. d. s. d. s. d. s. d. Celbridge 7 5 5 c D u Dollestown . . . 5 3 5 3 Slaine . . . 7 5 3 6 3 6 Packenham . . 7 7 5 7 2 3 Tullamore . . . 5 3 3 5 5 0J Shaen Castle . . 7 5 3 6 6 3 Brownshill . . . 5 3 2 6 4 3 Kilfaine .... 8 7 4 7 4 Mount Kennedy . 10 4 4 Hampton . . . 8 6 8 5 4 6 Armagh .... 5 3 Lecale . . . . 2 2 an acre for the whole crop. Shaen Castle . . 2 Clonleigh . . . 7 5 5 5 Strokestown . . 8 8 3 8 Mercra .... 8 6 4 3 Brumoland . . . 5 3 2 10 21 Annsgrove . . . 8 6 6 6 2 3^ Adair . . . . 6 5 4 9 2 2 Ballycanvan . 5 6 5 6 5 6 5 6 6 Johnstown . . . 6 3 3 6 6 Derry .... 5 5 2 6 5 5 2 Cullen . . . . 8 7 4 6 7 11 2 8 Averages . . 6 9 5 4 3 8 5 11 7 2 3 3 2f 110 A TOUR IN IRELAND. Wheat. Barley. Oats. Hay. Average of the Tour through the North of England . . . a", d. 5 2 4 8 s. d. 3 11 4 s. d. 3 4 2 8 *. 1 10 4 11 3 11J 3 1 10 Ireland, per English acre . . . 4 2i 3 4 2 8J 2 This table does not contain any proof that tythes in Ireland are unreasonably rated ; but that there are abuses in the modes of levying them is undoubted : the greatest that I heard of were the notes and bonds taken in some parts of that kingdom by the proctors for the payment of tithes, which bear interest, and which are sometimes con- tinued for several years, principal and interest being consolidated, until the sum becomes too great for the poor man to pay, when great extortions are complained of, and formed the grievance which seemed most to raise the resentment of the rioters, called Whiteboys. The great power of the Protestant gentlemen render their composi- tions very light, while the poor Catholic is made in too many cases to pay severely for the deficiencies of his betters. This is a great abuse, but not to be remedied till the whole kingdom is animated with a different spirit. The House of Commons some years ago passed a vote, declaring every lawyer an enemy to his country, who in any way whatever was concerned in any case of tythe for fat bullocks and cows ; and, without its becoming a law, was so completely obeyed, that it has regulated the busi- ness ever since ; it was certainly a reproach to that Parliament, that potatoes and turf were not the objects ; for if anything called for so violent an exemption, it was certainly the potatoe garden and fuel of the poor cottar. No object in both the kingdoms can well be of greater importance than a fixed composition for tythe. It is a TYTIIES. Ill mode of payment so disagreeable in every respect to the clergy, and so ruinons to the laity, that a general public improvement would follow such a measure. In Irelaud there can be no doubt but the recompence should be land, were it for no other reason but having in every parish a glebe sufficient for the ample and agreeable residence of a rector. Force, by the most express penalties by statute law, the residence of the clergy ; after which, extend that most excellent law, which enables any Bishop to expend, in a palace, offices, or domain wall, two years' revenues of the see, with a power of charging, by his last will, his successor with the payment of the whole of the sum to whatever uses he leaves it, who in like manner is enabled to charge his successor with three fourths, and so on. This law should be extended to parsonage houses, with this assistance, that wherever the rector or vicar proved the expenditure of two years' revenue in a house, he should receive a permit from the Grand Jury, for expending half as much more for offices, walling, etc. and, when in like manner he brought his certificate of so doing, the money to be paid him by the county treasurer, in like manner as the presentment roads are done at present, not however to leave it at the option of the Jury. A resident clergy, spending in the parish the whole of their receipts, would in all respects be so advantageous and desirable, that it is fair the county should assist in enabling them to do it in a liberal manner. The expence would be gradual, and never amount very high, if churches, when greatly wanted, were built at the same time. If the expence was for a time considerable, still it would be laid out in a manner amply to repay it. Decent edifices rising in all parts of the kingdom, would alone, in the great business of civilization, be advantageous ; it would ornament the country, as well as humanize minds, accustomed to nothing better than cabbins of mud ; and securing one resident gentleman of some learning and ideas in every parish of the kingdom, living on a property in which he had an interest for life, could scarcely fail of introducing improvements in agricul- ture and planting ; the whole country would profit by such circumstances, and ought to assist in the expence. I must observe, however, that such plans should depend entirely 112 A TOUR IN IRELAND. on the clergy accepting a perpetual recompence in lieu of tythes ; for, as to a public expence, to introduce resident rectors, whose business, when fixed, would be an extension and severity in that tax, and prove a premium on taking them in kind, to the ruin of agriculture, common sense would certainly dictate a very different expenditure of the public money. So burthensome is this mode of payment, that, where their residence is followed by tythes being paid in kind, the clergyman, who ought to be an object beloved and revered, lives really upon the ruin of all his pa- rishioners ; so that, instead of giving public money to brin^ him into a parish, no application of those funds would be more beneficial in such a case, than to purchase his absence. If ever such plans came in agitation, it would certainly be right to establish a provision for parish clerks, to teach the children of all religions to read and write. The revenues of the clergy in Ireland are very conside- rable. Here is a list of the bishopricks with the annual value, which I have had corrected so often in the neigh- bourhood of each, that I believe it will be found nearly exact. £ £ The Primacy per annum . 8,000 Brought over . . 45,500 Dublin 5,000 Clonfert , 2,400 Tuam 4,000 , 4,000 Cashel 4,000 2,600 7,000 Elphin , 3,700 3,500 Killala 2,900 , 2,700 , 2,600 , 2,500 2,600 2,000 3,400 . 2,500 Kilalloo 2,300 . 2,300 Leigh lin and Ferns . 2,200 , 2,000 £74,200 Carried over £45,500 This total does not, however, mark the extent or value of the land which yields it. I was informed in conversation that the lands of the Primacy would, if lett as a private estate, be worth near one hundred thousand a year. Those of Derry half as much, and those of Cashel near thirty thousand a year. These circumstances taken into the ac- TYTHES. 113 count will shew that seventy-four thousand pounds a year include no inconsiderable portion of the kingdom. I have been also informed, but not on any certain authority, that these sees have the patronage of an ecclesiastical revenue of above one hundred and fifty thousand pounds a year more. ii. i SECTION XIV. ABSENTEES. THERE are very few countries in the world that do not experience the disadvantage of remitting a part of their rents to landlords who reside elsewhere ; and it must ever be so while there is any liberty left to mankind of living where they please. In Ireland the amount propor- tioned to the territory is greater probably than in most other instances ; and, not having [a free trade with the kingdom in which such absentees spend their fortunes, it is cut off from that return which Scotland experiences for the loss of her rents. Some years ago Mr. Morris published a list of the Irish absentees, and their rentals ; but, as every day makes con- siderable alterations, it is of course grown obsolete ; this induced me to form a new one, which I got corrected by a variety of persons living in the neighbourhood of many of the respective estates : in such a detail, however, of private property there must necessarily be many mistakes. Lord Donnegal . . £31,000 Lord Courtenay . . . 30,000 Duke of Devonshire . . 18,000 Earl of Milton . . . £18,000 Earl of Shelburne . . . 18,000 Lady Shelburne . . . 15,000 1 Prior's List of the Absentees of Ireland (2nd edition, Dublin. 1729), estimates the total sum remitted yearly out of Ireland at about £627,800. A later list, taken in January, 1769, by including a variety of other out-goings, raises this sum to over a million and a half, the proportion assigned to absentee landlords and pensioners being £645,575. Young's total (£732,200) is thus shown to be not exaggerated, allowing for the increase in the value of the land, which was greater between 1769 and 1779 than during the preceding forty years. Both these lists were reprinted in Vol. II. of "A Collection of Tracts and Treatises illustrative of the Natural History, Antiquities, and the Political and Social Stele of Ireland," Dublin (Thorn), 1861. ABSENTEES. 115 Lord Hertford . . . £14,000 Marquiss of Rockingham 14,000 Lord Barry more . . . 10,000 LordMontrath . . . 10,000 Lord Besborough . . . 10,000 Lord Egremont . . . 10,000 Lord Middleton . . . 10,000 Lord Hisborough . . . 10,000 Mr. Stackpoole . . . 10,000 Lord Darnley .... 9,000 Lord Abercorn .... 8,000 Mr. Dutton 8,000 Mr. Barnard .... 8,000 London Society . . . 8,000 Lord Conyngham . . . 8,000 Lord Cahir 8,000 Earl of Antrim . . . 8,000 Mr. Bagnall .... 7,000 Mr. Longfield .... 7,000 Lord Kenmare .... 7,000 Lord Nugent .... 7,000 Lord Kingston .... 7,000 Lord Valentia .... 7,000 Lord Grandisson . . . 7,000 Lord Clifford .... 6,000 Mr. Sloane 6,000 Lord Egmont .... 6,000 Lord Upper Ossory . . 6,000 Mr. Silver Oliver . . . 6,000 Mr. Dunbar .... 6,000 Mr. Henry OBrien . . 6,000 Mr. Mathew .... 6,000 Lord Irnham .... 6,000 Lord Sandwich . . . 6,000 Lord Vane 6,000 Lord Dartry .... 6,000 Lord Fane 5,000 Lord Claremont . . . 5,000 Lord Carbury .... 5,000 Lord Clanrickard . . . 5,000 Lord Farnham .... 5,000 Lord Dillon .... 5,000 Sir W.Rowley . . . 4,000 Mr. Palmer 4,000 Lord Clanbrassil . . . 4,000 Lord Massareen . . . 4,000 Lord Corke 4,000 Lord Portsmouth . . . 4,000 Lord Ashbrook ... 4,000 Lord Villiers .... 4,000 Lord Bellew .... 4,000 Sir Laurance Dundass . £4,000 Allen family .... 4,000 Mr. O'Callagan . . . 4,000 General Montagu . . . 4,000 Mr. Fitzmaurice . . . 4,000 Mr. Needham .... 4,000 Mr. Cook 4,000 Mr. Annesley .... 4,000 Lord Kerry .... 4,000 Lord Fitzwilliam . . . 4,000 Viscount Fitzwilliam . 4,000 English Corporation . . 3,500 Lord Bingly .... 3,500 Lord Dacre 3,000 Mr. Murray of Broughton 3,000 Lord Ludlow .... 3,000 Lord Weymouth . . . 3,000 Lord Digby ..... 3,000 Lord Fortescue . . . 3,000 Lord Derby .... 3,000 Lord Fingall .... 3,000 Blunden heiresses . . 3,000 Lady Charleville . . . 3,000 Mr. Warren .... 3,000 Mr. St. George . . . 3,000 Mr. John Barry . . . 3,000 Mr. Edwards .... 3,000 Mr. Freeman . . . . 3,000 Lord Newhaven . . . 3,000 Mr. Welsh (Kerry) . . 3,000 Lord Palmerstown . . 2,500 Lord Beaulieu .... 2,500 Lord Verney .... 2,500 Mr. Bunbury .... 2,500 Sir George Saville . . 2,000 Mrs. Newman .... 2,000 Col. Shirley .... 2,000 Mr. Campbell .... 2,000 Mr. Minchin .... 2,000 Mr. Burton .... 2,000 Duke of Dorset . . . 2,000 Lord Powis 2,000 Mr. Whitshead . . . 2,000 Sir Evre Coote . . . 2,000 Mr. Upton 2,000 Mr. John Baker Holroyd 2,000 Sir N. Bayley .... 2,000 Duke of Chandois . . 2,000 Mr. S. Campbell . . . 2,000 Mr. Ashroby .... 2,000 Mr. Darner 2,000 116 A TOUR IN IRELAND. Mr. Whitehead . . . £2,000 Mr. Welbore Ellis . . 2,000 Mr. Folliot 2,000 Mr. Donellan .... 2,000 Mrs. Wilson .... 2,000 Mr. Forward .... 2,000 Lord Middlesex . . . 2,000 Mr. Supple 2,000 Mr. Nagles 2,000 Lady Raneleigh . . . 2,000 Mr. Addair 2,000 Lord Sefton 2,000 Lord Tyrawley . . . 2,000 Mr. Woodcock . . . 2,000 Sir John Millar . . . 2,000 Mr. Baldwyn .... 2,000 Dr. Moreton . . . . 1,800 Dr. Delany 1,800 Sir William Yorke . . 1,700 Mr. Arthur Barry . . 1,600 LordDysart .... 1,600 Lord Clive 1,600 Mr. Bridges .... 1,500 Mr. Cavanagh .... 1,500 Mr. Cuperden . . . . 1,500 Lady Cunnigby . . . 1,500 Mr. Annesley .... 1,500 Mr. Hauren .... 1,500 Mr. Long 1,500 Mr. Oliver Tilson . . . 1,500 Mr. Plumtree . . . . 1,400 Mr. Pen 1,400 Mr. Rathcormuc . . . 1,200 Mr. Worthington . . . 1,200 Mr. Rice 1,200 Mr. Ponsonby .... 1,200 General Sandf ord . . . 1,200 Mr. Basil 1,200 Mr. Dodwell .... 1,200 Mr. Lock 1,200 Mr. Cramer .... 1,200 Mr. W. Long .... 1,200 Mr. Rowley . . . . 1,200 Miss Mac Artney . . . 1,200 Mr. Sabine £1,100 Mr. Carr 1,000 Mr. Howard .... 1,000 Sir F. and Lady Lum . 1,000 Lord Albemarle . . . 1,000 Mr. Butler 1,000 Mr. J. Plevdell . . . 1,000 Mrs. Clayton .... 1,000 Mr. Obins 1,000 Lord M'Cartney . . . 1,000 Mr. Chichester . . . 1,000 Mr. Shepherd .... 1,000 Sir P. Dennis .... 1,000 Lady Dean 1,000 Lord Lisburne .... 1,000 Mr. Ralph Smith . . . 1,000 Mr. Ormsby .... 1,000 Lord Stanhope . . . 1,000 Lord Tilney .... 1,000 Lord Vere 1,000 Mr. Hoar 1,000 Mrs. Grevill .... 1,000 Mr. Nappier .... 1,000 Mr. Echlin 800 Mr. Taaf 800 Mr. Alexander ... 800 Mr. Hamilton .... 800 Mr. Hamilton (Longford) 800 Mr. William Barnard . 800 Sir P. Leicester ... 800 Mr. Moreland .... 800 Mr. Cam 700 Mr. Jonathan Lovett 700 Mr. Hull 700 Mr. Staunton .... 700 Mr. Richard Barry . . 700 Colonel Barre .... 600 Mr. Ashon 600 Ladv St. Leger ... 600 Sir John Hort .... 500 Mr. Edmund Burke . . 500 Mr. Ambrose .... 500 Total . . £732,200 This total, though not equal to what has been reported, is certainly an amazing drain upon a kingdom cut off from the re-action of a free trade ; and such an one as must have a very considerable effect in preventing the natural course of its prosperity. It is not the simple amount of the ABSENTEES. 117 rental being remitted into another country, but the damp on all sorts of improvements, and the total want of coun- tenance and encouragement which the lower tenantry labour under. The landlord at such a great distance is out of the way of all complaints, or, which is the same thing, of ex- amining into, or remedying evils ; miseries of which he can see nothing, and probably hear as little of, can make no impression. All that is required of the agent is to be punctual in his remittances ; and, as to the people who pay him, they are too often, welcome to go to the devil, provided their rents could be paid from his territories. This is the general picture. God forbid it should be universally true ! there are absentees who expend large sums upon their estates in Ireland ; the earl of Shelburne has made great exertions for the introduction of English agriculture. Mr. Fitzmaurice has taken every means to establish a manufac- ture. The bridge at Lismore is an instance of liberal magnificence in the Duke of Devonshire. The church and other buildings at Belfast do honour to Lord Donnegall. The church and town of Hilsborough, are striking monu- ments of what that nobleman performs. Lord Conyngham's expenditure, in his absence, in building and plantiug, merits the highest praise ; nor are many other instances wanting, equally to the advantage of the kingdom, and the honour of the individuals. It will not be improper here to add that the amount of the pension list of Ireland, the 29th of September 1779, amounted to <£84,591 per annum ; probably therefore ab- sentees, pensions, offices, and interest of money, amount to above a million. SECTION XV. POPULATION. IT is very astonishing that this subject should be so little understood in most countries ; even in England, which has given birth to so many treatises on the state, causes and consequences of it, so little is known, that those who have the best means of information, confess their ignorance in the variety of their opinions. Those political principles which should long, ere this time, have been fixed and ac- knowledged, are disputed ; erroneous theories started, and even the evidence of facts denied. But these mischievous errors usually proceed from the rage of condemnation, and the croaking jaundiced spirit, which determines to deduce publick ruin from something ; if not from a king, a minis- ter, a war, a debt, or a pestilence, from depopulation. In short, if it was not to be attributed to any thing, many a calculator would be in Bedlam with disappointment. We have seen these absurdities carried to such a length, as to see grave treatises published, and with respectable names to them, which have declared the depopulation of England itself to take place, even in the most productive period of her industry and her wealth. This is not surprising, for there are no follies too ridiculous for wise men sometimes to patronize ; but the amazing circumstance is that such tracts are believed, and that harmless politicians sigh in the very hey day of propagation, lest another age should see a fertile land without people to eat the fruits of it. Let population alone, and there is no fear of its taking care of itself ; but when such fooleries are made a pretence of recommending laws for the regulation of landed property, which has been the case, such speculations should be treated POPULATION. 119 with contempt and detestation ; while merely speculative they are perfectly harmless ; but let them become active in Parliament, and common sense should exert her power to kick the absurdity out of doors. To do justice to the Irish > I found none of this folly in that kingdom ; many a violent opposer of Government is to be found in that country, ready enough to confess that population increases greatly ; the general tenour of the information in the minutes declare the same thing. There are several circumstances in Ireland extremely favourable to population, to which must be attributed that country being so much more populous than the state of manufacturing industry wonld seem to imply. There are five causes, which may be particularized among others of less consequence. First, There being no Poor Laws. Second, The habitations. Third, The generality of marriage. Fourth, Children not being burthensome. Fifth, Potatoes the food. The laws of settlement in England, which confine the poor people to what is called their legal settlements, one would think framed with no other view than to be a check upon the national industry ; it was, however, a branch of, and arose from those monuments of barbarity and mischief, our poor rates ; for, when once the poor were made, what they ought never to be considered, a burthen, it was in- cumbent on every parish to lessen as much as possible their numbers ; these laws were therefore framed in the very spirit of depopulation, and most certainly have for near two centuries proved a bar to the kingdom's becoming as populous as it would otherwise have done. Fortunately for Ireland, it has hitherto kept free from these evils ; and from thence results a great degree of her present popula- tion. Whole families in that country will move from one place to another with freedom, fixing according to the demand for their labour, and the encouragement they receive to settle. The liberty of doing this is certainly a premium on their industry, and consequently to their in- crease. The cabbins of the poor Irish, being such apparently miserable habitations, is another very evident encourage- ment to population. In England, where the poor are in many respects in such a superior state, a couple will not 120 A TOUR IN IRELAND. many unless they can get a house, to build which, take the kingdom through, will cost from twenty-five to sixty pounds; half the life, and all the vigour and youth of a man and woman are passed, before they can save such a sum ; and when they have got it, so burthensome are poor to a parish, that it is twenty to one if they get permission to erect their cottage. But in Ireland the cabbin is not an object of a moment's consideration ; to possess a cow and a pig is an earlier aim ; the cabbin begins with a hovel, that is erected with two days' labour; and the young couple pass not their youth in celibacy for want of a nest to produce their young in. If it comes to a matter of calculation, it will then be but as four pounds to thirty. Marriage is certainly more general in Ireland than in England: I scarce ever found an unmarried farmer or cottar ; but it is seen more in other classes, which with us do not marry at all ; such as servants ; the generality of footmen and maids, in gentlemen's families, are married, a circumstance we very rarely see in England. Another point of importance is their children not being burthensome. In all the enquiries I made into the state of the poor, I found their happiness and ease generally relative to the number of their children, and nothing con- sidered as such a misfortune as having none : whenever this is the fact, or the general idea, it must necessarily have a considerable effect in promoting early marriages, and consequently population. The food of the people being potatoes is a point not of less importance : for when the common food of the poor is so dear as to be an object of attentive ceconomy, the children will want that plenty which is essential to rearing them ; the article of milk, so general in the Irish cabbins, is a matter of the first consequence in rearing infants. The Irish poor in the Catholick parts of that country are sub- sisted entirely upon land ; whereas the poor in England have so little to do with it, that they subsist almost entirely from shops, by a purchase of their necessaries ; in the former case it must be a matter of prodigious consequence, that the product should be yielded by as small a space of land as possible ; this is the case with potatoes more than with any other crop whatever. POPULATION. 121 As to the number of people in Ireland, I do not pretend to compute them, because there are no satisfactory data whereon to found any computation. I have seen several formed on the hearth-tax, but all computations by taxes must be erroneous ; they may be below, but they cannot be above the truth. This is the case of calculating the number in England from the house and window-tax. In Ireland it is still more so, from the greater carelessness and abuses in collecting taxes. There is, however, another reason, the exemptions from the hearth-money, which in the words of the Act are as follow : " Those who live upon alms and are not able to get their livelihood by work, and widows, who shall procure a certificate of two justices of the peace in writing yearly, that the house which they inhabit is not of greater value than eight shillings by the year, and that they do not occupy lands of the value of eight shillings by the year, and that they have not goods or chattels to the value of four pounds." 1 It must be very manifest from hence, that this tax can be no rule whereby to judge of the population of the kingdom. Captain South' s account is drawn from this source in the last century, which made the people 1,034,102 in the year 1695 2 ; the number was com- puted by Sir W. Petty, in the year 1657 to 850,000; in 1688 at * 1,200,000 ; and in 1767 the houses taxed were 424,046. If the number of houses in a kingdom were known, we should be very far from knowing that of the people, for the computation of four or five per house, drawn from only a thousandth part of the total, and perhaps de- duced from that of a family rather than a house, can never speak the real fact. I cannot conclude this subject, with- out earnestly recommending to the Legislature of Ireland to order an actual enumeration of the whole people, for which purpose I should apprehend a vote of the House of Commons would be sufficient. Such a measure would be attended with a variety of beneficial effects, would prevent the rise of those errors which have been mischievous in England, and would place the great importance of Ireland 1 A Treatise of the Exchequer and Revenue of Ireland. By G. E. Howard, Esq ; Vol. i. p. 90. 2 Abridgement of Phil. Trans. Vol. iii. p. 665. 122 A TOUR IN IRELAND. to the British Empire, in that truly conspicuous light in which it ought ever to be viewed, and in which it could not fail to be considered, while we have theorists, who insist that the people of England do not amount to five millions. The common idea is, that there are something under three millions in Ireland. SECTION XVI. PUBLICK WORKS COALS — THE DUBLIN SOCIETY. ABOUT twenty years ago, Ireland, instead of being bur- thened with a national debt, had at the end of every sessions of Parliament from fifty to sixty thousand pounds surplus revenue in the Exchequer, at the disposition of Parliament : this money was voted for public works. The members of the House of Commons, at the conclusion of the sessions, met for the purpose of voting the uses to which this money should be applied ; the greater part of it was among themselves, their friends, or dependants ; and though some work, of apparent use to the public at large, was always the plea, yet under that sanction, there were a great number of very scandalous private jobs, which by degrees brought such a discredit on this mode of applying public money, that the conclusion of it, from the increase of the real expences of the publick, was not much regretted. It must, however, be acknowledged, that during this period, there were some excellent works of acknowledged utility executed, such as harbours, piers, churches, schools, bridges, etc. built and executed by some gentlemen, if not with ceco- nomy, at least without any dishonourable misapplication ; and, as the whole was spent within the kingdom, it cer- tainly was far from being any great national evil. But of all publick works, none have been so much favoured as inland navigations ; a Navigation Board was established many years ago for directing the expenditure of the sums, granted by Parliament for those purposes, and even regular funds fixed for their support. Under the administration of this Board, which consists of many of the most considerable persons in the kingdom, very great attempts have been made, but I am sorry to observe, very little completed. In order to examine this matter the more regularly, it will be proper to lay before the reader 124 A TOUR IN IRELAND. the sums which have, from time to time, been granted for these objects. An account of money, granted for public works by Parlia- ment, or the Navigation Board, from 1753 to 1767, inclusive. 1 £9,000 Newry river .... Dromglass colliery and navigation .... 112,218 Dromreagh .... 3,000 Lagan River .... 40,304 Shannon River . . . 31,500 Grand Canal .... 73,646 Blackwater River . . 11,000 River Lee 2,000 River Barrow . . . 10,500 River Sure and Water- ford 4,500 River Nore .... 25,250 River Boyne .... 36,99S Pier at Skerries . . . 3,500 Pier at Envir . . . 1,870 Pier at Dunleary . . 18,500 Pier at Balbriggen . . 5,250 Pier at Bangor . . . 500 Pier at Killyleagh . . 1.200 Pier at Sligo .... 1.300 Antrim River 1,350 Ballast-office Wall . . 43,000 Widening Dublin streets 41,986 Trinity College . . 31,000 Baal's Bridge Limerick Publick Records Aqueduct Dungarvon Soldiers' Children': Hospital . . . Lving-in Hospital . Mercer's Hospital . Shannon bridge . . Kilkenny ditto . . Corke bridges . . Kildare bridges . . St. Mark's church . St. Thomas's church St. Catherine's church St. John's church . Building churches . Athlone church . . Cash el church . . Wexford church Quay at Dingle Minsterkenry eoHieric Marine nursery . Road round Dublin Dundalk .... Whale- fishery ■ • Dry dock . . Mills at Nan] quays 7.773 Balty-castle £5,000 1,300 7,000 19,300 500 2,000 9,130 4,000 600 2,000 5,440 3,990 2,000 12,000 476 800 1,000 2,000 1,000 1,500 2,000 1.000 2,000 3,498 3,000 3,000 Corke Channel Harbour 6,500 Loru Longford Corke Workhouse . . 1,600 Derry Quay .... 2,900 £717,944 Shandon Street, Corke 1,500 Wicklow Harbour . 6,850 Or per annum . . . 47,S63 St. Patrick's Hospital. (5,000 This period of fifteen years, I believe was that of the surplus of the revenue, during which the objects were as various as the inclinations of those individuals who had any interest in Parliament. It appears from the list, that the article of navigation swallows up the greatest propor- tion of it. 1 Commons' Journal, Vol. xiv. p. 485. PUBLIC WORKS. 125 Sums paid out of the revenues at large for certain public works, pursuant to the several bills of supply, from 1703 to 1771, inclusive. Navigations, collieries, docks, &c £379,388 To build churches 17,706 Parliament House 16,270 Dublin Workhouse, South Wall passages, New Road and Marshalsea 140,372 Hospitals 44,251 Trinity College 45,000 Also, for the following purposes during the same period. Rewards and bounties to manufacturers 29,829 Linen manufacture 180,546 Cambrick ditto 4,000 Whale fishery 1,500 Incorporated Society 96,000 Dublin Society 64,000 £1,018,862 It is to be noted, however, that this account includes the disbursements neither of the Navigation, nor the Linen Board, for it is upon record, that the Grand Canal alone has cost above three hundred thousand pounds ; by some accounts, half a million. Granted by the Navigation Board only, from 1768 to 1771. 1768. 1769. 1770. 1771. Total. £ £ £ £ £ Newry Canal 2,216 130 88 2,434 Drumglass Navi- gation . . . 1,971 244 2,151 1,200 5,566 Barrow Naviga- tion .... _ 3,000 100 3,100 Shannon Naviga- tion .... 4,162 162 3,336 7,660 Grand Canal . . 550 1,280 755 2,000 4,585 Boyne Navigation 2,143 2,860 2,000 2,504 9,507 Fergus Naviga- tion .... 500 350 850 11,542 4,676 11,592 5,892 33,702 126 A TOUR IN IRELAND. Incomplete as these data are, we find from them that great sums of money have been granted for inland naviga- tions, and are to this day given for the same purpose ; let us therefore enquire how this money has been expended, and what has been the effect of it. I made some enquiries, and travelled many miles to view some of the navigations ; and the only one which appeared to me really completed is the canal from the town of Newry to the sea, on which I saw a brig of eighty or one hundred tons burthen. The same canal is extended farther than that town, but stops short of the great object for which it was begun and made, viz. the Drumglass and Dungannon col- lieries ; this may therefore be classed as incomplete relative to the object ; but, as Newry is a place of considerable trade, finishing it so far has merit. The great design was to fur- nish Dublin with Irish coals, which was probably feasible, for the seams of coals in those collieries are asserted to be of such a thickness, and goodness, as proved them more than equal to the consumption of half a dozen such cities as Dublin ; but two great difficulties were to be overcome : first, to make the navigation, so that all land carriage might be saved, which was properly a publick work ; and secondly, to work the collieries, which was properly private business ; but from the utter deficiency of capital in the hands of the individuals concerned, could never have been done without public assistance. To get over these difficulties Parliament went very eagerly into the business ; they granted so liberally to the canal, that I think it has been finished to within two or three miles of the collieries ; at the same time a private company was formed for working the mines, to whom considerable grants were made to en- able them to proceed. The property in the works changed hands several times ; among others, the late Archbishop of Tuam (Ryder) was deeply concerned in them, entering with great spirit into the design; but, what with the impositions of the people employed, the loss of some that were able and honest, the ignorance of others, and the jobbing spirit of some proprietors, Parliament, after grant- ing enormous sums, both to the canal and collieries, had the mortification, instead of seeing coals come to Dublin, nothing but gold sent from Dublin, to do that which fate COALS. 127 seemed determined should never be done, and so in despair abandoned the design to the Navigation Board, to see if their lesser exertions would effect what the mightier ones failed in. A Mr. Dularte, an Italian engineer, and very ingenious architect, has had for a few years the superin- tendance of the work ; but the temper of the nation has been so soured by disappointments, that he has not the sup- port which he thinks necessary to do any thing effectual. COALS. The following Table of the Import of Coal to Ireland, will shew the importance of the object. Tons. Tons. In the year 1764 161,970 In the year 1771 .. 182,973 1765 ... 185,927 1772 211,438 1766 ... 186,612 j j 1773 .. 186,057 1767 ... 172,276 ?> 1774 189,237 1768 ... 185,554 j> 1775 203,403 1769 ... 171,323 5 > 1776 217,938 1770 ... 197,135 1777 240,893 Average of seven years 180,113 Average of seven years 204,566 From this table it appears, that not only the quantity itself is great, but that it is a very rising import, owing to the increase of Dublin, which has arose with the increasing prosperity of the kingdom. The little effect of all attempts to supply Dublin with Irish coals will be seen by the following table of the bounties paid for that purpose. In the year 1761 . £107 15 6 In the year 1770 . 169 11 4 1762 . 220 3 10 1771 . 105 4 10 1763 . 125 14 9 1772 . 113 11 1764 . 218 19 3 1773 . 209 11 8 1765 . 135 13 3 1774 . 204 7 2 1766 . 81 13 1775 . 213 14 4 1767 . 75 4 1776 . 86 1768 . 150 18 4 1777 . 88 1769 . 164 15 4 Before I entirely dismiss this undertaking, I cannot but remark, that nothing can more clearly prove the amazing want of capital in Ireland than the present state of these works. The navigation is complete except two or three 128 A TOUR IN IRELAND. miles ; I will venture to assert, that Parliament would grant the money for finishing it without hesitation, pro- vided men of undoubted substance engaged for working the collieries at their own expence : we may therefore assert, there is water carriage from some of the finest seams of coal in the world, and at a very slight depth, directly into the heart of the second market in the British dominions, with the advantage of a Parliamentary bounty per chaldron on their import into Dublin. Yet, with all these advan- tages, nobody has capital enough to undertake the work. This fact seems to call also for another observation. I remember in the English House of Commons, in the session 1777-8, when the friends of the Irish trade bills urged, that the want of capital in Ireland was such that she could never rival the manufactures of Great Britain : it was replied, that English capitals would go over to do it for them ; but what I just recited proves that this remark is perfectly unfounded. If capitals were so readily moved from one country to another, the Drum glass colleries would have attracted them, especially as an interest for ever is to be purchased in them ; but the fact is that removeable capitals are in the hands of men who have been educated, and perhaps have made them locally in some trade or under- taking which they will not venture to remove. Prejudice and habit govern mankind as much even as their interest ; so that no apprehension can be so little founded as that of a country losing the capital she lias made, by transferring it into another for greater seeming advantages in trade. But this point I shall have occasion hereafter to dwell more particularly on. The Grand Canal, as it has been ridiculously termed, was another inland navigation which has cost the publiek still greater sums. The design, as the maps of Ireland shew, was to form a communication by water between Dublin and the Shannon by this cut, most of the way through the immense bog of Allen. The former plan of bringing coals to Dublin was a very wise one, but this of the Grand Canal had scarcely any object that seemed to call for such an exertion. If the country is examined, through which the intended canal was to pass, and also that through which the Shannon runs, it will be found, considering its extent. COALS. 129 to be the least productive for the Dublin market, perhaps of the whole kingdom. Examine Leitrim, Roscommon, Longford, G-alway, Clare, Limerick, and those parts of West Meath and Kings, which the line of the canal and the Shannon lead through, there are scarcely any com- modities in them for Dublin. Nay, the present bounty on the inland carriage of corn to Dublin proves to a demon- stration that the quantity of corn raised in all these counties for the market is contemptible. What other products are there ? Raw wool takes another direction, it goes at present from Roscommon to Corke. Manufactures in that line are very insignificant ; there are some in G-alway ; but the ports of Limerick and Galway are perfectly sufficient for the small exportation of them. There remains nothing but turf; and who at Dublin would bum that, while White- haven coals are at the present price ? Most of the inland navigations in England have been executed with private funds ; the interest paid by the tolls. One strong reason for this mode is the prevention of unnecessary and idle schemes ; the manufactures must be wrought, or the products raised, and feel the clog of an expensive carriage, before private persons will subscribe their money towards a cheaper conveyance ; in which case, the very application to Parliament is generally proof suffi- cient that a canal ought to be cut. Have something to carry, before you seek the means of carriage. I will ven- ture to say that if the Grand Canal was entirely complete, the navigation of it, including whatever the country towns took from Dublin, would prove of such a beggarly account, that it would then remain a greater monument of folly, if possible, than at present. Some gentlemen I have talked with on this subject, have replied it is a job ; 'twas meant as as a job ; you are not to consider it as a canal of trade, but as a canal for publick money ; but even this, though advanced in Ireland, is not upon principle. I answer that some- thing has been done ; fourteen miles with innumerable locks, quays, bridges, Irish wrought silk bought in the kingdom by wholesale for the purpose of retailing , that is above four shillings a yard, it will help us to form an idea of the silk manufacture. From the first of June, 1776, to the first of June, 1777, the amount was <£34,023 8s. 2d., including Corke, Lim- erick, Belfast, &c, and they paid six hundred and fifty pounds premium on it ; from hence we find that their own silk sales must be a large proportion of the wholesale in Dublin. This has been the greatest exertion of the Dublin Society of late years. 1 The woollen warehouse was opened Mav *29, 1773 ; that for silk Feb. 18, 1765. THE DUBLIN SOCIETY. 133 The intention of the measure is evidently to take the weavers, both of silk and wool, out of the hands of the mercers and drapers, and let their manufactures come to market without any intermediate profit on them. There is one effect certain to result from this, which is, taking a great part of the ready money custom from the draper and mercer, which, being the most beneficial part of their trade, is to all intents and purposes laying a heavy tax on them : now, upon every principle of common sense as well as commerce, it will appear a strange mode of encouraging a manufacture to lay taxes upon the master-manufacturers. But all taxes laid upon a tradesman in consequence of his trade, must be drawn back in the sale of his commodities ; and this tax must be so as well as others ; whatever he does sell must be so much the dearer, or he can carry on no trade at all ; here therefore is a fresh tax, that of enhancing the prices paid by all who do not buy with ready money, a very great majority of the whole : the dearer a commodity is, the less is consumed of it ; so the consumption on credit is undoubtedly lessened, in order that those who have ready money in their hands may be served something the cheaper : here is a manifest and self- evident mischief, in order to attain a very doubtful and questionable benefit. Is there under the sun an instance of a manufacture made to flourish by such measures? Master-manufac- turers, with that vigour, attention, skill and invention, which are the result of a profitable business, are, in all parts of the world, the very soul of prosperous fabricks. It is their profit which animates them to those spirited exertions, upon which the advance of manufactures de- pends. If the Dublin Society's conduct is right in part, it is right in the whole, which would be attracting all the demand to their own warehouses; in which case there would not be a mercer or draper left in Dublin. Their committees, and gentlemen, and weavers, may choose and pay clerks, and discharge their rent ; but where are the directors of finer fabricks to come from ? Where the men of taste who are to invent ? Where the quickness and sagacity to mark and follow the caprice of fashion ? Are these to come from weavers ? Absurd the idea ! It is the 134 A TOUR IN IRELAND. active and intelligent master that is to do all this. Go to the weavers in Spitalfields, and see them mere book directed by their masters. Go to any other fabrick upon earth, and see what would become of it, if the heads were considered as useless, and rivalled in their profits with publick money. If the manufacture is of such a sickly growth that it will not support the master as well as the man, it is not worth a country's notice. What is it thttf induces individuals to embark in a fabrick their capital and industry? Profit. The greater this is, the greater the capital that will be attracted ; but, establish a system that shall rival, lessen, and destroy this profit, who will' bring their capital to such a trade? And can any people be so senseless as to imagine that a manufacture is to be encouraged by banishing capital from it ? There is another effect, which I should suppose must flow from this extraordinary idea, which is, that of raising great heart-burnings and jealousies among the trade ; the drapers and mercers are not probably at all pleased with the weavers who work for the Society's warehouses ; this must be very detrimental to the business at large. I may also observe that master-manufacturers have more ways of encouraging skilful and industrious workmen than the mere buying their goods and employing them ; there are a thousand little points of favour in their power, which the Society cannot practice ; but how can they be in- clined to such things while steps are taken to deprive them of every workman that can do without their assistance? Fortunately for the kingdom,- it is at Dublin as in other cities, the ready-money trade is by no means equal to that of credit; consequently the pernicious tendency of this measure cannot fully be seen. The drapers and mer< do and will support their trade, in spite of this formidable rival, backed with a premium of two thousand five hun- dred pounds a year, appropriated to their ruin, in order to encourage their trade! The tendency of the measure is evidently the destruction of both the manufactures. This is a fact which appears so obvious, that I should apprehend it must have done mischief in direct proportion to the amount of the operation. It is extremely difficult to discover facts that can prove this from the nature of the THE DUBLIN SOCIETY. 135 case ; no wonder if the import of foreign silk and woollens should have encreased from such a measure. Let us exa- mine this point. Account of Silk Imported into Ireland in Twenty-six Years. 1 Years. IVtanufac- turecL Raw. Ribband. lb. lb. lb. 1752 14,654 13^360 53,705 160 1753 60,155 184 1754 15,441 42^665 361 1755 9,874 43^947 265 1756 13,715 32,948 140 1757 7,709 41 '354 17 1758 17,292 51*303 271 1759 13,836 44,493 118 1760 21,878 55,905 366 1761 14,815 51,348 180 1762 21,054 70,292 306 1763 17,741 41*021 469 1764 23^51 1 21,582 36^581 746 1765 54^655 1,543 1766 17^260 54^418 46,067 1,724 1767 19,104 1,527 1768 23,446 52,062 1,646 1769 17,522 57,001 1,401 1770 20,581 44,273 1,183 1771 14,095 38,107 650 1772 15,804 33,611 644 1773 17,379 53,662 378 1774 14,665 38,811 553 1775 13,658 17,326 29,578 355 1776 41,594 717 1777 24,187 54,043 1,574 Average . 16,980 47,061 671 Considering the extent of the period, I will not assert that this table is very decisive ; whatever conclusions, how- ever, that are to be drawn from it, are, as far as they go, against the late measures that respect the Irish silk manu- facture; for the imported fabricks have encreased, while the raw material, worked up in Ireland, has decreased; 1 MS. Communicated by Mr. Forster. 136 A TOUR IN IRELAND. a proof that the manufacture has not been of any very healthy growth. An Account of the Import of Woollen Goods for Fourteen Years. 1 Years. Old T)rar»prv Yards. Yards. 1764 248,062 220,828 1765 299,965 176,161 1766 :^l 3,216 197,316 1767 325,585 189,882 1768 337,558 198,664 1769 394,553 207,117 1770 462,499 249,666 1771 362,096 217,395 1772 314,703 153,566 1773 387,143 210,065 1774 461,407 282,317 1775 (65,61 1 281,379 1776 676,485 290,215 1777 731,819 381,330 Average . . . 408,578 232,564 Last 7 years . . 485,609 259,466 Former ditto . . 331,548 205,662 Increase . . . 154,061 53,804 The increase is so great that it might justify conclusions against all the late measures, none of which are near so much to be condemned as the establishment of the Society's warehouse. Import of Linen, Cotton, and Silk, British Manufacture. Value . Value. In 1 the year 1764 ... £18,858 In the vear 1771 ... £20,282 1765 ... 18,037 1772 ... 14,081 1766 ... 15..VS7 1773 ... 20.472 1767 ... 12,710 1774 ... 21,611 1768 ... 16,021 1775 ... 24,234 1 Pari. Rec of Exp. and Imp. MS. THE DUBLIN SOCIETY. 137 Value. In the year 1769 ... £13,402 1770 ... 20,907 Average of seven years £16,784 Value In the year 1776 ... £30,37i 1777 ... 45,411 Average of seven years £25,208 When it is considered that the undoubted mischief of this system is not submitted to as an unavoidable evil, but purchased with great expence, attention, and anxiety ; and that the two thousand five hundred a year thus bestowed, as the price of so much harm might be expended in objects of great consequence to the publick, it will surely seem unpardonable in Parliament to appear so little solicitous for the welfare of their manufactures as to give ten thou- sand pounds a session, at large, and not limit the applica- tion of such a liberal grant to purposes of certain advan- tage. And it surely behoves the Society itself to re- commit this matter ; to extend their views ; to consider the principles upon which all the manufactures in the world are carried on, supported, and increased; and, if they see no vestige of such a policy as they patronize and practice in any country that has pushed her fabricks to a great height, at least to be dubious of this favourite mea- sure, and not persist in forcing it at such a considerable expence. Another measure of the Society, which I hinted at before, is to give three per cent, to the wholesale purchasers of Irish silks for retailing; and this costs them above six hundred pounds a year. Upon what sound principles this is done I cannot discover; if the mercers have not a demand for these Irish silks, five times the Society's pre- miums will not make them purchasers ; on the contrary, if they have a demand for them, they most undoubtedly will buy them without any premium for so doing. It appears therefore to me, that the only end which such a measure could answer, was to discover the absolute insig- nificance of the whole Irish silk manufacture, which is proved through the whole kingdom to be to the amount only of thirty-four thousand pounds a year, of four shillings a yard and upwards ; but the repetition of the premium shews that this was not the design. Of all other fabricks this is the most improper for Ireland, and for any depen- 138 A TOUR IN IRELAND. dant country ; it is an absolute manufacture of taste, fancy, and fashion ; the seat of empire will always command these, and if Dublin made superior silks, they would be despised on comparison with those of London ; we feel something of this in England from France being the source of most of the fashions in Europe. To force a silk manu- facture in Ireland is therefore to strive against whim, caprice, fashion, and all the prejudices of mankind ; in- stead of which, it is these that become a solid support of fabricks when wisely set on foot. There are no linens fashionable in England, but the Irish people will not wear any other ; and yet gulic hollands are asserted to be much stronger. Should not the Irish, therefore, bend their force to drive the nail that will go, instead of plaguing them- selves with one which never will. This is a general obser- vation ; but the particular measure of the Society, sup- posing the object valuable, is perfectly insignificant ; it is throwing away six hundred pounds a year to answer no one purpose whatever. The Society offers a great number of other premiums for manufactures, many of which are very exceptionable ; but it would take up too much room to be particular in an exa- mination of them. In agriculture they have a great num- ber offered to poor renters separately. Upon the general spirit of these I have to remark, that the design of encouraging poor renters is very meritorious, and does honour to the humanity of the Society ; but, from a great variety of instances which were pointed out to me, as I travelled through the kingdom, I have too much reason to believe that abuses and deceptions are numerous ; that the Society has actually paid premiums per acre to great numbers of claimants, who have, as soon as they received the money, let the land run waste again, so that no person could distinguish it from the adjoining bog or moor. There are two reasons why these premiums must very much fail of their wished-for success ; the ex- treme difficulty, not to say impossibility, of ascertaining the merit of the candidates, or the facts alleged ; and the utter impossibility that such very poor fellows should work any improvements worthy the Society's patronage. The London Society have found, by repeated experience, their THE DUBLIN SOCIETY. 139 utter incapacity of doing anything by weight of money, in bounties per acre for any object ; I am convinced the same fact will hold true with that of Dublin ; the funds even of the latter are much too inconsiderable for this mode. The object ought to be to inspire those men who have the necessary capital to employ it in the way the Society thinks for the publick good: the premiums should be honorary but considerable, with that degree of variety and novelty that should attract the attention of men of fortune. But nothing was ever better imagined than the plan of fixing an English farmer in the kingdom, so much at the Society's expence as to give them a power over a part of his management. This was the case with Mr. Baker ; and it was also a very wise measure to enable him to establish a manufactory of husbandry implements. The only errors in the execution of this scheme were : First, Not support- ing him much more liberally, when it was found that his private fortune was too inconsiderable to support himself and family ; had he been easy in his private circumstances, his husbandry would have been perfect. Second, The not directing him in the choice of his farm, which was not a proper one for an example to the kingdom, it should have been in some mountainous track, where there was bog, and tolerable soil. Third, In permitting him to make and publish small and trifling experiments, objects of curiosity to a private speculatist, but quite unworthy of the Dublin Society; besides, such a person should be brought to establish what a previous experience has convinced him is right, not to gain his own knowledge at the Society's expence. The scheme, had it, in the case of Mr. Baker, been executed in this manner, or was such an one now to be adopted, would tend more to spreading a true practical knowledge of agriculture than any other that could be executed ; and the union of a manufactory of implements unites with it perfectly. To inform a backward country of right systems has its use, but it is very weak compared with the actual practice and exhibition of it before their eyes ; such an object, in full perfection of management, with an annual publication of the result, simply related, 140 A TOUR IN IRELAND. would tend more to the improvement of the national husbandry than any other system. The farm should not be less than five hundred acres, it should have a tract of bog and another fof mountain ; one thousand pounds should be applied in the necessary buildings ; five hundred pounds immediately in fences ; one thousand pounds a year for five years in stocking it ; one thousand pounds for establishing a manufactory of implements, not to be sold but given away by the Society as premiums ; five hundred pounds a year allowed to the superintendant for his pri- vate emolument, that no distresses of his own might interfere with the publick views ; and, in addition, to animate his attention, ten per cent, upon the gross product of the farm. The Society to delegate their power over it to a select committee, and no member to be eligible to that committee, who had not in his own occupation one hundred acres of land, or more. The first expence would be seven thousand five hundred pounds, and the annual charge five hundred pounds ; this would be an effective establishment that could not fail, if the manager was properly chosen. He should be an active, spirited man, not so low as to have no reputation to lose, but at the same time more a practical than a speculative farmer, and who could teach the common Irish with his own hands the operations he wished them to perform. The annual charge of only one of the Society's warehouses is equal to this, and the capital appropriated to it near twice as large ; how much more beneficial would this application of the money be ! Relative to the premiums for the encouragement of agriculture, I shall venture to hint some which I appre- hend would be of great advantage ; and by throwing them into the words common in offering premiums, my meaning will be better explained. 1. Turnep Husbandry, 1779. To the person who shall cultivate the most land, not less than twenty acres, in the following course of crops during four years, viz. 1. Turneps. 2. Barley or oats. 3. Clover. 4. Wheat. The turneps to be twice thoroughly hand-hoed, and eaten where they grow by sheep, and to make a full report of the cultivation, ex- pences, produce, and effect of the turneps on the sheep fed, THE DUBLIN SOCIETY. 141 a piece of plate of the value of one hundred pounds, with a suitable inscription. Accounts to be delivered in the year 1784. 2. For the next greatest quantity of land, not less than ten acres so cultivated, a piece of plate of the value of fifty pounds, with a suitable inscription. 3. To the person who shall in the year 1780, have the most acres of turneps, not less than twenty, twice thoroughly hand-hoed ; to report the effect, a piece of plate of the value of one hundred pounds, with a suitable inscription. 4. For the next greatest quantity, not less than ten acres, a piece of plate of the value of fifty pounds, with a suitable inscription. 5. Bean Husbandry, 1779. To the person who shall cultivate the most land, not less than twenty acres, in the following course of crops during four years, viz. 1. Beans. 2. Wheat. 3. Beans. 4. iWheat. The beans to be in rows, eighteen inches as under, and three times thoroughly hoed, and to report the effect to the Society. A piece of plate of the value of one hundred pounds, with an inscription. Accounts to be laid in in the year 1784. 6. For the next greatest quantity, not less than ten acres, a piece of plate of the value of fifty pounds, with an inscription. 7. To the person who shall cultivate the greatest quantity of land, not less than twenty acres, in the following course of crops during the four years, viz. 1. Beans. 2. Barley or oats. 3. Clover. 4. Wheat. The beans as before, and to report the effect. A piece of plate of the value of one hundred pounds, with an inscription. 8. Next greatest quantity, not less than ten acres. The value of <£50 with an inscription. 9. Flax Husbandry, 1779. To the person who shall cultivate the most land, not less than twenty acres, in the following course of crops during four years, viz. 1. Turneps. 2. Flax. 3. Clover. 4. Wheat. The turneps to be twice hand-hoed, and the flax to be seeded, stacked and threshed like corn, and then watered and dressed ; and to report the effect to the Society. A piece of plate of the value of one hundred and fifty pounds, with a suitable inscription. 142 A TOUR IN IRELAND. 10. For the next greatest quantity, not less than ten acres. The plate eighty pounds. Accounts to be delivered in in 1784. 11. Mountain improvement, 1779. To the person who shall improve the largest tract of mountain land, not less than one hundred acres, at present waste, and not let at one shilling an acre, and make a full report of the culti- vation, expences and produce to the Society in the year 1787. A piece of plate of the value of five hundred pounds, With a suitable inscription. Conditions. The improvement at the time of the certificates being signed to be completely inclosed ; to be divided into fieldLs of not more than ten acres each ; the fences to be either walls in mortar, or double ditches well planted with white- thorns and timber, the gates, piers, Ac, to be perfect. The land to have had four crops in the following course: L Turneps. 2. Oats, bere or rye. 3. Turneps. 4. Oats. The turneps twice haud-hoed, and eaten when green by sheep ; and one half of the improvement to he in grass laid down with the last crop of oats. Not less than one hundred barrels of lime per acre to have been spread on the whole. An orchard of two acres to be well planted ; and a sally garden of as much. One good farm house, with a barn, stable, cowhouse. Ac and four cabbins to be built and inhabited, the whole of stone or mortar, and covered with slate. And the tract to be actually let on lease to one or more tenants, not occupying any other land, and residing on the premises. Whoever intend to be claimants to give notice to the Society that they may appoint inspectors. 12. To the next greatest quantity, not less than sixty acres, on the like conditions, the plate three hundred pounds. 13. Bog Improvement, 1779. To the person who shall drain and improve into rich meadow the greatest quantity of bog, not less than 50 acres, being part of a bog not less than 100 acres, and make a full report to the Society of the mode, expences, and produce in the year 1788, a piece of plate of the value of £400 with an honorary inscription. The Society leaves to the claimant to pursue whatever mode he pleases ; but the land must have a good house, cowhouse, and necessary offices, with two cabbins THE DUBLIN SOCIETY. 143 built all of stone or slate, and the improvement let to resi- dent tenants occupying no other land. 14. For the next greatest quantity, not less than thirty acres, the plate two hundred pounds. 15. Planting. To the person who shall inclose with a wet wall, not less than six feet high, and plant the greatest quantity of land, not less than fifty acres, in the year 1780, a piece of plate of the value of four hundred pounds, with a suitable inscription. The trees to be ash, elm, poplar, beech, larch, Scotch spruce, or silver fir, to be not more than four years old, nor more than four feet asunder ; and in the centre of every such space, acorns to be sown and covered. 16. For the next greatest quantity, not less than thirty acres, the plate two hundred pounds. 17. To the person who shall in the year 1780, plant and fence, so as to be completely secured from cattle, the greatest quantity of land with the common basket sallow in beds six feet broad, and four rows on each bed, not less than thirty acres, a piece of plate of the value of one hundred pounds, with a suitable inscription. 18. For the next greatest quantity, not less than fifteen acres, the plate fifty pounds. All to be continued by previous notice, every year when once they came into turn. I have to observe upon them, that the courses of crops here recommended can only have fair justice done them, in the infancy of the husbandry, by gentlemen, or men of con- siderable capital ; consequently, it is the wisest to offer a premium that shall attract their notice, and not vary it for lesser tenants, who at first would be incapable of executing the conditions. The mountain and bog improvement are great objects, and therefore well deserve ample encourage- ment; I have added the condition of being let, by way of satisfactory proof that the improvement is completely finished ; for, if it was kept in hand, it would be a matter of opinion and valuation, which is never satisfactory. The planting premiums would in all probability have many claimants. The stone wall is essential; planting without preservation is trifling. As to the nature of the premiums I recommend, viz. pieces of plate, I think they would have a greater effect 144 A TOUR IN IRELAND. than anything else ; money would be out of sight and forgotten ; a medal, that has been prostituted to all sorts of trifles, would be a contemptible reward for such exertions ; but a handsome cup, vase, tray, table, etc. would be always in sight, and on every occasion a subject for con- versation, to animate others to gain the same. The experience of a few years would prove whether the quan- tities of land required were too high or not. An inspector to] view all [proceedings would be absolutely necessary, whose reward should be devised in such a manner as to secure his integrity ; unless some gentlemen of considerable consequence in the neighbourhood took that office volun- tarily upon them. Some premiums upon these principles, united with such a plan as I have stated for the establishment of a farm, would be attended with all the advantage to the national agriculture in the power of any Society to effect. The expence would not be so'large as not to leave a considerable portion of the Society's funds for trade and manufactures ; and consequently to please those who wished such objects not to be neglected. SECTION XVII. MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. Quid leges, sine moribus, Vanae proficiunt ? IT is but an illiberal business for a traveller, who designs to publish remarks upon a country, to sit down coolly in his closet and write a satire on the inhabitants. Severity of that sort must be enlivened with an uncommon share of wit and ridicule to please. Where very gross absurdities are found, it is fair and manly to note them ; but to enter into character and disposition is generally uncandid, since there are no people but might be better than they are found, and none but have virtues which deserve attention, at least as much as their failings ; for these reasons this section would not have found a place in my observations, had not some persons, of much more flippancy than wisdom, given very gross misrepresentations of the Irish nation. It is with pleasure, therefore, that I take up the pen on the present occasion ; as a much longer residence there enables me to exhibit a very different picture ; in doing this I shall be free to remark wherein I think the conduct of certain classes may have given rise to general and consequently injurious condemnation. There are three races of people in Ireland, so distinct as to strike the least attentive traveller : these are the Spanish which are found in Kerry and a part of Limerick and Corke, tall and thin, but well made, a long visage, dark eyes, and long, black, lank hair. The time is not remote when the Spaniards had a kind of settlement on the coast of Kerry, which seemed to be overlooked by Government. There were many of them in Queen Elizabeth's reign, nor II, L 146 A TOUR IN IRELAND. were they entirely driven out till the time of Cromwell. There is an island of Valentia on that coast, with various other names, certainly Spanish. The Scotch race is in the north, where are to be found the features which are supposed to mark that people, their accent, and many of their customs. In a district near Dublin, but more par- ticularly in the baronies of Bargie and Forth in the county of Wexford, the Saxon tongue is spoken without any mixture of the Irish, and the people have a variety of customs mentioned in the minutes, which distinguish them from their neighbours. The rest of the kingdom is made up of mongrels. The Milesian race of Irish, which may be called native, are scattered over the kingdom, but chiefly found in Connaught and Munster ; a few con- siderable families, whose genealogy is undoubted, remain; but none of them with considerable possessions, except the O'Briens and Mr. O'Neil ; the former have near twenty thousand pounds a year in the family ; the latter half as much, the remnant of a property once his ancestors', which now forms six or seven of the greatest estates in the kingdom. O'Hara and M'Dermot are great names in Connaught, and O'Donoghue a considerable one in Kerry ; but I heard of a family of O'Drischal's in Corke, who claim an origin prior in Ireland to any of the Milesian race. The only divisions which a traveller, who passed through the kingdom without making any residence, could make, would be into people of considerable fortune, and mob. The intermediate division of the scale, so numerous and respectable in England, would hardly attract the least notice in Ireland. A residence in the kingdom convinces one, however, that there is another class in general of small fortune, — country gentlemen and renters of land. The manners, habits, and customs of people of considerable fortune, are much the same everywhere ; at least, there is very little difference between England and Ireland; it ia among the common people one must look for those traits by which we discriminate a national character. The eircum stances which struck me most in the common Irish were vivacity and a great and eloquent volubility of speech ; one would think they could take snuff and talk without tiring till doomsday. They are infinitely more chearful MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 147 and lively than anything we commonly see in England, having nothing of that incivility of sullen silence, with which so many enlightened Englishmen seem to wrap themselves up, as if retiring within their own importance. Lazy to an extent at work, but so spiritedly active at play, that at hurling, which is the cricket of savages, they shew the greatest feats of agility. Their love of society is as remarkable as their curiosity is insatiable ; and their hos- pitality to all comers, be their own poverty ever so pinching, has too much merit to be forgotten. Pleased to enjoyment with a joke, or witty repartee, they will repeat it with such expression, that the laugh will be universal. Warm friends and revengeful enemies, they are inviolable in their secrecy, and inevitable in their resentment ; with such a notion of honour, that neither threat nor reward would induce them to betray the secret or person of a man, though an oppressor whose property they would plunder without ceremony. Hard drinkers and quarrel- some ; great liars, but civil, submissive, and obedient. Dancing is so universal among them that there are every- where itinerant dancing-masters, to whom the cottars pay sixpence a quarter for teaching their families. Besides the Irish jig, which they can dance with a most luxuriant expression, minuets and country dances are taught ; and I even heard some talk of cotilions coming in. Some degree of education is also general, hedge-schools, as they are called (they might as well be termed ditch ones, for I have seen many a ditch full of scholars) are everywhere to be met with, where reading and writing are taught ; schools are also common for men ; I have seen a dozen great fellows at school, and was told they were educating with an intention of being priests. Many strokes in their character are evidently to be ascribed to the extreme oppression under which they live. If they are as great thieves and liars as they are reported, it is certainly owing to this cause. If from the lowest class we rise to the highest, all there is gaiety, pleasure, luxury, and extravagance ; the town life at Dublin is formed on the model of that of London. Every night in the winter there is a ball or a party, where the polite circle meet, not to enjoy but to sweat each 148 A TOUR IN IRELAND. other; a great crowd crammed into twenty feet square gives a zest to the agrements of small talk and whist. There are four or five houses large enough to receive a company commodiously, but the rest are so small as to make parties detestable. There is, however, an agreeable society in Dublin, in which a man of large fortune will not find his time heavy. The stile of living may be guessed from the fortunes of the resident nobility and great commoners; there are about thirty that possess incomes from seven to twenty thousand pounds a year. The Court has nothing remarkable or splendid in it, but varies very much, according to the private fortune or liberality of disposition in the Lord Lieutenant. In the country their life has some circumstances which are not commonly seen in England. Large tracts of land are kept in hand by everybody, to supply the deficiencies of markets ; this gives such a plenty that, united with the lowness of taxes and prices, one would suppose it difficult for them to spend their incomes, if Dublin in the winter did not lend assistance. Let it be considered that the prices of meat are much lower than in England ; poultry only a fourth of the price ; wild fowl and fish in vastly greater plenty ; rum and brandy not half the price ; coffee, tea, and wines far cheaper ; labour not above a third ; servants' wages upon an average thirty per cent, cheaper. That taxes are inconsiderable ; for there is no land tax, no poor rates, no window tax, no candle or soap tax, only half a wheel tax, no servants' tax, and a variety of other articles heavily burthened in England, but not in Ireland. Considering all this, one would think they could not spend their incomes ; they do contrive it, however. In this business they are assisted by two customs that have an admirable tendency to it, great numbers of horses and servants. The excess in the latter are in the lower sort ; owing, not only to the general laziness, but also to the number of attendants every one of a higher class will have ; this is common in great families in England, but in Ireland a man of five hundred pounds a year feels it. As to horses, the number is carried quite to a folly ; in order to explain this point, I shall insert a table of the demesnes of many of the nobility and gentry, which will MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 149 shew not only the number of horses, but of other cattle, the quantity of land they keep, and other circumstances explanatory of their country life. Demesnes. XT Acres. Wood. Corn. Turn, and Cahb. Rent. Labonrers. Horses. Plough Oxen. Sheep. Mr. Clements . 240 14 £420 20 22 6 163 Col. Mar ley . 200 31 x 2 300 8 4 40 Mr. Rowley * 700 100 3 700 90 250 Lord Conyngham . 447 120 32 3 37 44 Lord Bective 1600 84 2000 140 100 20 500 Mr. Gerard . . . . 1200 64 1300 12 1300 Lord Longford . • 320 32 5 300 20 26 12 100 Mr. Johnson . . . 410 110 10 5 320 9 8 4 200 Dean Coote . 500 35 8 350 30 35 8 200 General Walsh . . , 700 71 5 50 150 Mr. Brown .... 300 460 8 800 Mr. Bushe • • . . 170 30 50 2 330 15 8 70 Lord Courtown • . 300 30 7 315 30 21 12 70 General Cuninghame. 150 34 375 20 16 5 70 Lord Gosfort. . . 300 25 3 450 30 43 4 46 Mr. Close 100 23 135 9 10 40 Mr. Lesly 350 100 32 350 30 37 20 150 Mr. Savage .... 190 35 2 250 32 40 jyir. u in en . 733 57 17 549 40 68 24 500 Mr. Leslie . • . . 1026 60 101 790 50 46 24 80 oir J . Caldwell . 700 300 41 11 900 Mr. Corry . . . . 1000 68 900 120 500 Lord Ross .... 950 125 30 30 120 Lord Farnham . 1000 200 55 10 800 100 108 22 285 Mr. Newcomen . 400 40 18 Mir. M^ahon 1100 100 60 840 20 30 500 Mr. Cooper . . . . 1000 300 22 8 60 25 12 130 Mr. Brown .... 370 18 10 30 300 Mr. Gore . . . . . 3300 160 2310 120 170 5000 Lord Altamont . . 1500 120 6 1000 100 70 20 200 Mr. French .... 1790 252 55 100 20 14 424 Mr. Trench . . . . 1046 100 13 600 80 45 10 980 Sir Lucius O'Brien . 399 30 47 560 60 26 11 138 Mr. Fitzgerald . . . Mr. Aldworth . . . 3000 2000 26 54 18 1800 1270 600 550 12 1010 33 16 500 Lord Donneraile . . 1200 200 200 5 1500 60 54 40 400 Colonel Jepson . . . 300 35 900 24 120 Mr. Gordon .... 915 114 700 45 13 15 187 150 A TOUR IN IRELAND. Names. Acres. Wood. Corn. urn. and Cabb. Rent. § g Horses. u d 5 3 c X Sheep. t-l 1 Mr. Jeffries . . . . 304 20 £300 — 32 — 200 Mr. Trent . . . . 238 24 21 — 13 5 200 Lord Shannon . . . 1600 268 81 1500 132 1 1 36 4-70 Mr. Longfield . . . 1100 78 800 20 65 14 200 Rev. Archd. Oliver . 900 136 16 650 50 25 21 100 1300 780 400 — 18 30 300 Mr. Bateman . . . 250 ~ 5 250 — 30 — 60 Lord Glendour . . . 1000 100 55 1000 — 50 — 200 Mr. Fitzgerald . . . 200 23 3 200 — 21 8 60 Mr. Leslie . . . . 250 50 27 230 — 24 6 60 Mr. Oliver . . . . 500 100 24 10 500 50 30 10 125 300 25 450 6 20 — 300 Lord Clanwilliam . . 640 — 34 8 600 30 40, — 600 Mr. Macartney . . . 9000 10000 170 ISO 80 8000 Lord de Montalt . . 1300 300 75 40 40 1500 Mr. Moore .... 600 17 1155 — — 1000 Lord Tyrone . . . 2100 1500 64 1200 200 36 48 400 Mr. Boiton .... 200 28 300 40 25 6 70 Mr. Nevill .... 220 24 350 22 100 Mr. Lloyd . . . . 200 150 12 182 540 49 25 15 540 40 30 14 590 Mr. Head .... 450 16 '27 675 20 400 Lord Kingsborough . 600 100 30 5 400 100 sj 200 The intelligent reader will collect something more than mere curiosity from this table ; it will necessarily strike him, that a country residence in Ireland demands a much larger quantity of land in hand than in England ; from which might be deduced, if not from any thing else, how much backwarder the former is than the latter ; where markets are wanting, every thing must be had at home, a case stronger still in America. In England such extensive demenses would be parks around the seats, for beauty as much as use, but it is not so in Ireland ; the words deer-park and demesne are to be distinguished ; there are great demesnes without any parks, but a want of taste, too common in Ireland, is having a deer-park at a distance from the house ; the residence surrounded by walls, or hedges, or cabbins j and the lawn enclosure scattered with animals of various MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 151 sorts, perhaps three miles off. The small quantity of corn proportioned to the total acres, shews how little tillage is attended to, even by those who are the best able to carry it on; and the column of turneps proves in the clearest manner, what the progress of improvement is in that kingdom. The number of horses may almost be esteemed a satire upon common sense ; were they well fed enough to be useful, they would not be so numerous, but I have found a good hack for a common ride scarce in a house where there were a hundred. Upon an average, the horses in gentlemen's stables, throughout the kingdom, are not fed half so well as they are in England by men of equal fortune ; yet the number makes the expence of them very heavy. Another circumstance to be remarked in the country life is the miserableness of many of their houses ; there are men of five thousand a year in Ireland, who live in habita- tions that a man of seven hundred a year in England would disdain; an air of neatness, order, dress, and projprete, is wanting to a surprizing degree around the mansion ; even new and excellent houses have often nothing of this about them. But the badness of the houses is remedying every hour throughout the whole kingdom, for the number of new ones just built, or building, is prodigiously great. . I should suppose there were not ten dwellings in the king- dom thirty years ago that were fit for an English pig to live in. Gardens were equally bad ; but now they are running into the contrary extreme, and wall in five, six, ten, and even twenty Irish acres for a garden, but generally double or treble what is necessary. The tables of people of fortune are very plentifully spread ; many elegantly ; differing in nothing from those of England. I think I remarked that venison wants the flavour it has with us, probably for the same reason, that the produce of rich parks is never equal to to that of poor ones ; the moisture of the climate and the richness of the soil give fat but not flavour. Another reason is the small- ness of the parks ; a man who has three or four thousand acres in his hands has not, perhaps, above three or four hundred in his deer park ; and range is a great point for good venison. Nor do I think that garden vegetables have the flavour found in those of England, certainly owing to 152 A TOUR IN IRELAND. the climate; green peas I found every where perfectly insipid, and lettuce, &c. not good. Claret is the common wine of all tables, and so much inferior to what is drank in England, that it does not appear to be the same wine ; but their port is incomparable, so much better than the English as to prove, if proof was wanting, the abominable adulterations it must undergo with us. Drinking and duelling are two charges which have long been alledged against the gentlemen of Ireland, but the change of manners which has taken place in that kingdom is not generally known in England. Drunkenness ought no longer to be a reproach ; for at every table I was at in Ireland I saw a perfect freedom reign ; every person drank just as little as they pleased, nor have I ever been asked to drink a single glass more than I had an inclination for ; I may go farther and assert that hard drinking is very rare among people of fortune ; yet it is certain that they sit much longer at table than in England. I was much surprized at first going over to find no summons to coffee, the company often sitting till eight, nine, or ten o'clock before they went to the ladies. If a gentleman likes tea or coffee, he retires without saying any thing ; a stranger of rank may propose it to the master of the house, who from custom, contrary to that of England, will not stir till he receives such a hint, as they think it would imply a desire to save their wine. If the gentlemen were generally desirous of tea, I take it for granted they would have it ; but their slighting is one inconvenience to such as desire it ; not knowing when it is provided, conversation may carry them beyond the time ; and then, if they do trifle over the coffee it will certainly be cold. There is a want of attention in this, which the ladies should remedy ; if they will not break the old custom and send to the gentlemen, which is what they ought to do, they certainly should have a salver fresh. I must however remark that at the politest tables, which are those of people who have resided much out of Ireland, this point is conducted exactly as it is in England. Duelling was once carried to an excess, which was a real reproach and scandal to the kingdom ; it of course pro- ceeded from excessive drinking ; as the cause has dis- MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 153 appeared, the effect has nearly followed : not, however, entirely ; for it is yet far more common among people of fashion than in England. Of all practices a man, who felt for the honour of his country, would wish soonest to banish this ; for there is not one favourable conclusion to be drawn from it : as to courage, nobody can question that of a polite and enlightened nation, entitled to a share of the reputation of the age ; but it implies uncivilized manners, an ignorance of those forms which govern polite societies, or else a brutal drunkenness ; the latter is no longer the cause or the pretence. As to the former, they would place the national character so backward, would take from it so much of its pretence to civilization, elegance and politeness of manners, that no true Irishman would be pleased with the imputation. Certain it is, that none are so captious as those who think themselves neglected or despised ; and none are so ready to believe themselves either one or the other, as persons unused to good com- pany. Captious people, therefore, who are ready to take an affront, must inevitably have been accustomed to ill company, unless there should be something uncommonly crooked in their natural dispositions, which is not to be supposed. Let every man that fights his one, two, three, or half a dozen duels, receive it as a maxim, that every one he adds to the number is but an additional proof of his being ill educated, and having vitiated his manners by the contagion of bad company ; who is it that can reckon the most numerous rencontres ? who but the bucks, bloods, land-jobbers, and little drunken country gentlemen ? Ought not people of fashion to blush at a practice which will very soon be the distinction only of the most con- temptible of the people ? the point of honour will and must remain for the decision of certain affronts ; but it will rarely be had recourse to in polite, sensible, and well bred company. The practice among real gentlemen in Ireland every day declining is a strong proof, that a knowledge of the world corrects the old manners ; and, consequently, its having ever been prevalent was owing to the causes to which I have attributed it. There is another point of manners somewhat connected with the present subject, which partly induced me to place 154 A TOUR IN IRELAND. a motto at the head of this section. It is the conduct of juries. The criminal law of Ireland is the same as that of England ; but in the execution it is so different, as scarcely to be known. I believe it is a fact, at least I have been assured so, that no man was ever hanged in Ireland for killing another in a duel : the security is such that nobody ever thought of removing out of the way of justice; yet there have been deaths of that sort, which had no mo if t i do with honour than stabbing in the dark. I believe Ireland is the only country in Europe, I am sure it is the only part of the British dominions, where associations among men of fortune are necessary for apprehending ravishers. It is scarcely credible how many young women, have even of late years been ravished, and carried off, in order (as they generally have fortunes) to gain to appear- ance a voluntary marriage. These actions it is true are not committed by the class I am considering at present ; but they are tried by them, and acquitted. I think there has been only one man executed for that crime, which is so common as to occasion the associations I mentioned ; it is to this supine execution of the law that such enormities are owing. Another circumstance, which has the effect of screening all sorts of offenders, is men of fortune pro- tecting them, and making interest for their acquittal, which is attended with a variety of evil consequences. I heard it boasted in the county of Fermanagh, that there had not been a man hanged in it for two and twenty years ; all I concluded from this was, that there had been many a jury who deserved it richly. Let me, however, conclude what I have to observe on the conduct of the principal people residing in Ireland ; that there are great numbers among them who are as liberal in all their ideas as any people in Europe ; that they have seen the errors which have given an ill character to the manners of their country, and done every thing that example could effect to produce a change : that that happy change has been partly effected, and is effecting every hour ; insomuch that a man may go into a vast variety of families, which he will find actuated by no other principles than those of the most cultivated politeness, and the most liberal urbanity. MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 155 But I must now come to another class of people, to whose conduct it is almost entirely owing that the character of the nation has not that lustre abroad, which, I dare assert, it will soon very generally merit i this is the class of little country gentlemen ; 1 tenants, who drink their claret by means of profit rents ; jobbers in farms ; bucks ; your fellows with round hats, edged with gold, who hunt in the day, get drunk in the evening, and fight the next morning. I shall not dwell on a subject so perfectly disagreeable ; but remark that these are the men among whom drinking, wrangling, quarrelling, fighting, ravishing, &e. &c. &c. are found as in their native soil ; once to a degree that made them the pest of society ; they are growing better, but even now, one or two of them, got by accident (where they have no business) into better company, are sufficient very much to derange the pleasures that result from a liberal con- versation. A new spirit, new fashions, new modes of politeness, exhibited by the higher ranks, are imitated by the lower; which will, it is to be hoped, put an end to this race of beings ; and either drive their sons and cousins into the army or navy, or sink them into plain farmers, like those we have in England, where it is common to see men, with much greater property, without pretending to be gentlemen. I repeat it from the intelligence I received, that even this class are very different from what they were twenty years ago, and improve so fast, that the time will soon come when the national character will not be degraded by any set. That character is upon the whole respectable : it would be unfair to attribute to the nation at large the vices and follies of only one class of individuals. Those persons from whom it is candid to take a general estimate do credit to their country. That they are a people learned, lively and ingenious, the admirable authors they have produced will be an eternal monument ; witness their Swift, Sterne, 1 This expression is not to be taken in a general sense. God forbid I should give this character of all country gentlemen of small fortunes in Ireland : I have myself been acquainted with exceptions. — I mean only that in general they are not the most liberal people in the kingdom. — [Author's note.] 156 A TOUR IN IRELAND. Congreve, Boyle, Berkeley, Steele, Farquhar, Southerne, and Goldsmith. Their talent for eloquence is felt and acknowledged in the Parliaments of both the kingdoms. Our own service both by sea and land, as well as that (unfortunately for us) of the principal monarchies of Europe, speak their steady and determined courage. Every unprejudiced traveller who visits them will be as much pleased with their chearfulness, as obliged by their hospi- tality : and will find them a brave, polite, and liberal people* SECTION XVIII. CORN TRADE OF IRELAND. BOUNTY ON INLAND CARRIAGE. THE police of corn in Ireland is almost confined to one of the most singular measures that have any where been adopted ; which is, giving a bounty on the inland carriage of corn from all parts of the kingdom to the capital. Before it is fully explained, it will be necessary to state the motives that were the inducement to it. Dublin, it was asserted, from the peculiarity of its situation on the eastern extremity, without any inland navigations leading to it, was found to be, in point of con- sumption, more an English than an Irish city, in corn almost as much as in coals. The import of corn and flour drained the kingdom of great sums, at the same time that the supply was uncertain and precarious. It was farther asserted that tillage was exceedingly neglected in Ireland, to the impoverishment of the kingdom, and the misery of the poor. That if some measure could be struck out, at once to remedy those two evils, it would be of singular advantage to the community. This reasoning furnished the hint to a gentleman of very considerable abilities, now high in office, there to plan the measure I am speaking of. It has been perfected by repeated Acts giving a bounty on 5 Cwt. or 40 stone Flour three-pence per mile, ditto — ditto Malt two-pence halfp. ditto, ditto — ditto Wheat three-halfpence ditto, ditto — ditto Oats one penny ditto, ditto — ditto Bere three-halfpence ditto, ditto — ditto Barley three -halfpence ditto. Oatmeal the same as oats ; the ten first miles from 158 A TOUR IN IRELAND. Dublin deducted, it amounts, as has been found by experience, to nearly twenty per cent, more for flour than the real expence of carriage, and one and a half per cent, more for wheat. In consequence of this Act many of the finest mills for grinding corn that are to be found in the world were erected, some of which have been built upon such a scale, as to have cost near d£20,000. The effect has been considerable in extending tillage, and great quantities of the produce are carried to Dublin. Before I offer any observations on this system, it will be necessary to insert such tables as are necessary to explain the extent, effect, and expence of the measure, which took place in 1 762, and, in 1766 and 7, arose to above <£60,000. In order to see what the import was before that period, and also what it was before the bounty was in full play, as well as since, the following table will have its use. Import of Corn and Flour. Year. Barley and malt. Qrs. Wheat. Qrs. Flour. Cwt. 1744 1745 1746 1747 3748 1749 2,450 11,306 188,934 85,316 29,01.") 89,121 329 6,342 129,190 28,973 3,402 8,720 20,977 24,708 110,832 37,190 30,502 Average 51,023 29,492 37,368 Value £51,023 £44,238 £18,684 1750 1751 1752 1753 1754 1755 1756 44,836 47,681 69,861 61,927 109,539 99,386 78,061 16,275 20,317 30,425 18,195 39,635 57,699 20,412 50,637 60,985 78,282 63,627 91,583 89,015 71,343 Average 73,027 28,994 72,196 Value £73,027 £43,491 £36,098 CORN TRADE. 159 Import of Corn and Flour {continued). Year. Barley and Malt. Wheat. Flour. Quantity. Value. Quantity. Value. Quantity. Value. 1757 1758 1759 1760 1761 1762 1763 qrs. 59,354 38', 123 6,071 34,678 30,208 37,500 44,264 £ 59 354 38' 123 6,071 34,678 30,208 37,500 44,264 qrs. 31,711 27,850 4,718 3,697 2,427 17,129 22,655 £ 47,567 41,775 7,078 5,546 3,641 25,694 33,982 C. 55,975 72^490 27,258 30,093 30,982 51,522 57,048 £ 27,978 36,245 13,629 15,046 15,491 25,761 28,524 Average 35,742 35 743 15,741 23,612 46,481 23,382 1764 1765 1766 1767 1768 1769 1770 31,587 48^854 40,356 30,681 5,684 4,759 35,514 31 587 48354 40,356 30,681 5,684 5,948 44,392 25,763 10,529 14,130 39,456 11,802 2,199 43,532 38,645 15,794 21,196 59,184 17,704 3,299 87,065 108,209 67,409 81,371 58,182 22,600 15,447 86,776 54,104 33',704 40,685 29,091 11,300 7,723 52,065 Average 28,205 29 643 21,059 34,698| 62,856 32,667 1771 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 1777 55,620 22,372 6,970 189 656 7,857 43,101 69,525 27,965 8,712 236 820 8,643 47,411 53,448 12,163 2,861 4,104 3,235 7,547 3,457 106,897 i 125,321 24,327! 47,754 5.722: 10,306 8,893 23,465 7,009 28,902 16,353 26,292 7,490| 69,838 75,193 28,652 6,183 14,079 17,341 15,775 41,903 Average 19,538 23,330 12,402 25,242 47,697 1 28,446 Barley and Malt. Value. Average import of the Qrs. £ First period ... 51,023 ... 51,023 Second ditto... 73,027 ... 73,027 Third ditto ... 35,742 ... 35,743 Fourth ditto ... 28,205 ... 29,643 Fifth ditto . . . 19,538 . . . 23,330 Wheat. Value. Average of the Qrs. £ First period ... 29,492 ... 44,238 Second ditto ... 28,994 ... 43,491 Third ditto ... 15,741 ... 32,612 Fourth ditto ... 21,059 ... 34,698 Fifth ditto ... 12,402 ... 25,242 1 MS. communicated by the Right Hon. John Beresford, First Commissioner of the Revenue in Ireland. 160 A TOUR IN IRELAND. Flour. Average of the Cwt. First period ... 37,368 .. Second ditto ... 72,196 .. Third ditto .. 46,481 .. Fourth ditto... 62,856 .. Fifth ditto ...47,697.. Average value of the "| three commodities I in the three first j periods .... J Ditto of the two last Value. £ . 18,684 . 36,098 . 23,382 . 32,667 . 28,446 £ 116,436 71,013 The import in the last ' isn fourteen years is less than in the pre- j ceding twenty by . J Import of the fourth 1 period . . . . J" Ditto of the fifth, be- \ ing the period in which the bounty hath taken full effect Difference 19,990 97,008 77,018 These authentic comparisons differ most surprizingly from the assertions that have been made to me in conversa- tion. I was led to believe that Dublin was no longer fed with English corn and flour, and that the difference of the import since the bounty took effect was not less than .£200,000 a year. What those assertions could mean is to me perfectly senigmatical. Have the gentlemen who are fast friends to this measure never taken the trouble to examine these papers ? Has the business been so often be- fore Parliament, and committees of Parliament, without having been particularly sifted ? We here find that the import into Ireland of foreign barley and malt, wheat and flour, have lessened in the last seven years, conrpared with the preceding seven years, no more than to the amount of about c£20,000. I read with attention the report of Mr. Forster's committee in 1774, the purport of which was to establish the principles whereon this bounty was given ; but, as the whole of that performance turns on a comparison of fifteen years before 1758, and fifteen years after, though itself contains a declaration (page 7) that the great effect of the measure then concerned only the three last years, very little information of consequence is to be drawn from it, since it assigns a merit to the measure, while it admits none could flow from it ; nor does the whole report contain one syllable of the decrease in the export of pasturage, which ought to have been minutely examined. But in order that we may have the whole corn-trade before us, let me insert the import of other sorts of corn. CORN TRADE. 161 Wheat Meal. Oatmeal. Beans and Pease Oats. Year. 1 13 § G* CD 13 > o? I a a G» 6 1757 1758 1759 1760 1761 1762 1763 Barrels. 9 95 23 £ 11 119 29 Barrels. 4,677 4,038 10 1,181 7,912 £ 1,559 1,346 3 393 2,637 Qrs. 425 647 269 410 285 497 366 £ 382 582 242 369 256 447 329 Qrs. 5,985 59 72 56 9 £ 3,591 35 43 33 5 Average 18 22 2,545 848 414 373 883 529 1764 1765 1766 1767 1768 1769 1770 1,136 46 417 9,659 5,351 1,023 1,854 1,420 57 521 12,074 6,689 1,278 2,781 55 520 740 104 18 173 246 36 543 868 579 689 389 453 752 489 781 521 620 350 453 752 139 744 2,854 950 115 44 Oo 446 1,712 570 74 28 Average 2,355 3,546 202 67 610 566 692 •rXU 1771 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 1777 3,686 2,904 782 759 1,600 682 36 5,529 4,356 1,173 1,138 2,400 1,023 48 14,625 13,599 M95 430 1,171 1,558 5,119 523 150 410 545 2,356 OOO 428 481 1,110 781 6,305 2,356 836 428 602 1,388 976 7,882 1,820 351 56 333 4 24 387 1,274 246 39 250 3 18 290 Average 1,492 2,238 4,695 1,644 1,757 2,067 425 303 1 Value of the import per annum of these articles in the last seven years £fi 0*9 Ditto in the preceding seven years * ' \ [ [ " 4,595 Increase . . . £1,657 Here therefore we find that, instead of a decrease in the import, the contrary has taken place. 1 MS. communicated by the Right Hon. Isaac Barre. II. M 162 A TOUR IN IRELAND. Recapitulation of the total Value of Corn, Flour, &c. imported : — In the year 1757 1758 1759 1760 1761 1762 1763 £136,860 121,662 27,058 55,694 49,629 89,919 109,765 Average of seven years £84,369 In the year 1764 1765 1766 1767 1768 1769 1770 £126,346 99,190 103,898 133,608 42,297 18,776 1 187,119 Average of seven years £101,604 In the year 1771 1772 1773 1774 1775 £265,897 91,141 22,780 25,348 29,371 In the year 1776 1777 £42,788 105,559 Average of seven years £84,697 Second period . Last seven years £101,604 84,697 Decrease £16,907 Here is the result of the whole import account ; the ba- lance of which in favour of the nation is no more than this trifling sum of sixteen thousand pounds. The account how- ever must he farther examined ; we must take the export side of the question, for there has been an export, notwith- standing this great import. We see something of this in the register of our English corn trade, where is a considera- ble speculative commerce in corn; but, as no such thing exists in Ireland, where the corn trade is a simple import of a necessary of life, it is a little surprizing if any great export appears. Let us however examine the account. 1 The Dublin Society were not very accurate, when in their petition to Parliament they set forth, that in two years preceding 1771 the import amounted to upwards of £600,000. CORN TRADE. 163 Totals. lO HJH CO © J>. CO CO 14,894 00 05NNOO00 CO IQ H 1^ H CO 00 1 — 1 LO "rjH -HH CO CO ooooio of of of rH CO CO TrJH © CO 36,299 CO CO O 00 N CO CO rH 00 © © CO CO Ol O 00 Ol CO hjT i>T co to HjT hjT CO CO Oi CO rH O rH I- GO co < a 0»ON CO Ol CO rH rH CO CO CO rH OS Oat. CO rH CO CO CO 00 00 £>■ CO CO r— t r— 1 CO 00 C+} lO (N lO Tj^CO t-. 05 © of of «dT lO C0~ 5,756 © CO rH O N CO O 00^000 05 00^ HO N rH 00 CO 00 cTr-Tio ncTco rH rH rH CO rH 13,890 lO 00 CD CO Oi *^ tH OiT^HO^HN "cH CO ONNNIO CD CD h oo ofatf CO rH -HH i— 1 rH 17,075 Groat. ^ H1>Q CO lO CO 00 LO CO Ol LO CO CO rH Ol O CO CO CO CO COHlOOOiOO rH co co co r— n rH 00 rH Flour. 2,867 10,627 12 1,929 © !>• LO ^ H O r\i iT-n — -*H rvi rvi UN r— I viM HHH ICO^^ rH co^cToo 4,634 Wheat. fO (M H HIO Cfj OOW r-H i-Tcc of 1,007 H> LO rH tH Ci lO -tf CO 3,627 14,422 103 2,720 tH io 00 lO 00 © N CO CO O L0 ccwceciNH rH HTrH CXTO'CO" CO CO 10,432 CD >> CO CO O CO rH CO CO l>» CO 00 00 Ol CO lO CO CO CO CCr^NOO H LQ CO ^ O LO Pease. rrklOOOOrHCOOCO 00 CO 00 NNN CO 00 O N CO CO rH CO CO CO TjH rH CO CO CO LQ H m 00 00 rH CO If} CO CO CO ^ rH rH CO CO CO rH Oats. © O H CO CO o ^ CO CO 00 CO 00 OO rH C+3 CO rH CO CO CO CO^CO^ lOCO'cf rH i-Th^ 4,097 CO LO 00 O 00 00 rH CO CO O O CO ©LOCO CO CO^tP © zScoao of of of rH CO rH 11,490 NffiOONOOH CO^O^CO^CO^CO CO © co~^©~r- co~lo~n H H CO(^ H H 25,971 1 COR] Meslin. CO © Malt. COONOOiOO M rH CO OO rH CO N »o 376 1,058 1,032 13 6,127 1,234 1,405 O CO LO ^ lo CO OMONN CO rH rH CO CO CO LO CO Beans O 00 CO O CO CO lO „^.!>*C0rHC0»O00O rH CO O OO 00 H CO 00 rH O HHH CO © 00 00NO O N CO rH CO CO CO CO 00 CO CO »o N LO CO rH !>• rH rH CO J>» CO of © © LO Barley. N CO rH CO T* T* CO N © rH CO c+} io o n © oo ro- coco" CO of ph CO 2,835 1,785 874 8,712 lO LO CO O OO CO C^"* © GO" GO" rH 4,161 O0C5TH IONICS CO © 00 © CO N LO rH N CO 00 00 f-fio'of co"i>r 5,932 | N 00 OS © rH CO CO LO lO LO © CO CO CO N N N N N l>» N ^ LO CO N 00 ffi O CO CO CD CD CO CO N N N !>• JN N t— !>. rH CO CO L0 CO !>• ce ce 164 A TOUR IN IRELAND. Exported in the last seven years per annum . . £64,871 Ditto in the seven preceding 36,299 Increase £28,572 But as the preceding table includes the export from all the ports in the kingdom, I have inserted it as an object of general information, not as immediately necessary to the enquiry before us, which concerns the port of Dublin only. A measure which draws the corn to that capital from all the ports in the kingdom, can never promote an export from them, but must operate in a contrary manner: for this reason I have drawn the export of the port of Dublin from the general tables for twenty-one years, and find the averages of the three periods, each of seven years, to be in value as follows : the table itself is too voluminous to insert. £ s. d. Exported in the first seven years, per annum 2,692 5 second ditto 3,978 2 last ditto 7,550 9 The last period greater than that preceding by 3,572 7 Which sum is the profit to be carried to the account of the inland carriage bounty. I must here observe, that there was a bounty given on exportation, which took place the 24th of June, 1774, viz. 3s. 2d. on the quarter of wheat, ground wheat, meal, or wheat flour. 2s. 4d. on the quarter of rye, pease or beans ground or unground. Is. 3d. on the quarter of oats, which Act declares the half quarter of wheat, rye, pease, beans, meal, &c. shall be 224 lb. barley and malt were left out, to ensure the Acts passing in England. The following sessions an additional duty on the import was laid of 2s. a barrel on all wheat, and Is. per hundred weight on all flour, meal, bread, and biscuit, except of the produce of or manufacture of Great Britain, to be levied when the middle price of wheat at the port where im ported shall exceed 23s. English, the barrel of 280 lb. The old duty on wheat was 2d. per barrel ; on flour Is. from all ports, Great Britain included. Decrease in the import of the last seven years .... £16,907 Increase in the export from Dublin 3,572 CORN TRADE. 165 Total gain per annum according to this account in the last seven years £20,479 The reader is not to imagine from hence, that the corn trade of Ireland yields a balance of profit ; the advantage to be attributed to the bounty from this account is only a lessening of loss, as will appear from the following state of export and import over the whole kingdom. Import and Export compared in value. Import. Export. Balance profit. Balance loss. Year 1757 1758 1759 1760 1761 1762 1763 £ 136,860 121,662 27,058 55,694 49,629 89,919 109,762 £ 12,105 13,104 31,642 13,539 11,927 9,542 12,403 £ 4,584 £ 124,755 108,558 42,155 37,702 80,377 97,359 Average . . 84,369 14,894 654 70,129 Year 1764 1765 1766 1/0/ 1768 1769 1770 126,346 99,190 103,898 1 ftOQ loo,OUo 42,297 18,776 187,119 18,868 28,149 35,557 44/ 42,470 99,340 29,268 173 80,564 107,478 71,041 68,341 i oo i at IdOjlOl 157,851 Average . . 101,604 36,299 11,533 76,838 Year 1771 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 1777 265,897 91,141 22,788 25,348 29,371 42,788 105,559 4,326 37,616 31,280 96,048 65,894 114,297 104,642 8,493 70,700 36,523 71,509 261,571 53,525 917 Average . . 83,270 64,871 26,746 45,144 Loss per annum in the middle seven years . . . £76,838 Gain ditto 11,533 Neat loss per annum £65,305 166 A TOUR IN IRELAND. Loss per annum in the last seven years .... £45, 144 Gain ditto 26,746 Neat loss per annum 18,398 It is a reduction of the loss of =£65,000 down to =£18,000. Having thus discovered the advantage of the measure, let us in the next place examine, at what expence this benefit has been obtained. The following table shews the payments of the bounty to each county ; the totals ; the stones of corn, and the cwts. of flour brought. INLAND BOUNTY. 167 co i> T-t a th cm i-i n oo co co co co ooao^o^^coco oo(no now CO CO CO iQ CO CO CM 00 00 H H 1 I 5 <5 IN- **** w—4 H o cs r IS CO 00 CM Ol 00 ■<# 00 CO tQ CO CO 00 CM O CO XT— H H CO ^* ON rH CO ^ Ci CO (MHO HI.ONC3 COCO CO O CO CO CO OS CO Cl CM lO CO lOOCOO <*-*ooo CO Ttl to CO COCOCMrHt— J>O5 00O5 CO CM COCO rH CO OS lO CO CM T" 53 Am i |S|s»|iis8=|K|«ip r>r CO trf CO'rH" © iM i ! i » id I I II! is It 5 s iS P iiiiiteltoil 8 II - INLAND BOUNTY. 169 Total payment in 1764 . £5,483 1765 . 6,660 1766 . 9,212 1767 . 6,074 1768 . 13,675 1769 . 25,225 1770 . 18,706 Paid in seven years . £85,038 Which is, per annum £12,148 Total payment in 1771 . £19,290 1772 . 39,560 1773 . 44,465 1774 . 49,674 1775 . 53,889 1776 . 60,745 1777 . 61,786 Paid in seven years . £329,413 Which is, per annum £47,059 If therefore the account was to be closed here, it appears that forty- seven thousand pounds per annum have been given of the publick money for a gain in the export and import account of corn of twenty thousand pounds a year. Surely this is paying very dear for it ! — but the account does not end here. From this table the reader finds that the bounty has been continually rising, until it has exceeded sixty thousand pounds a year. It also appears that the encrease of tillage has been chiefly in the counties of Kilkenny, Tipperary. Carlo w, Meath, Kildare, King's, Wexford, Queen's, and Limerick, as will appear by contrasting the first and the last years of those counties. 1762. £2,079 191 160 506 748 447 33 651 12 And Limerick arose from nothing at all to<£2,773 in the year 1776 ; from hence one fact clearly appears, that the increase of tillage has by no means been in the poor counties, by breaking up uncultivated lands ; on the contrary, it has been entirely in the richest counties in the kingdom ; which confirms the intelligence I received on the journey, that it was good sheep land that had principally beeu tilled. The bounty to Tipperary, Carlow and Eoscommon, once the greatest sheep counties in Ireland, was insignificant at the beginning of the measure, but has at last become very great. Counties. Kilkenny Tipperary Carlow Meath Kildare King's Wexford Queen's Roscommon 1777 £20.816 9,862 2.479 4.594 3,485 3,161 4,952 3,161 1,740 170 A TOUR IN IRELAND. This circumstance, so essential in the subject, renders it absolutely necessary to enlarge our enquiry, that we may examine, as well as our materials will permit, whether any national loss, as well as profit, has resulted from converting so much rich pasture land into tillage ; and, in order to do this, it will be necessary to lay before the reader the exports of the produce of pasturage from Ireland during these two periods of seven years each, which serve us for a comparison. An Account of the Export of the Produce of Pasturage, from 1753 to 1777. 1 Barrels Ct. Ct. No. Ct. Cows, bull. Ct. Year. of Beef. Butter. Candles. Hid<'-. Tallow. and horses. 1753 180,877 ^00 060 Lj\j\J , \J\J\J 160,656 29 128 1754 149^558 107,998 128,739 2o'l56 1755 180,980 223,294 154,184 26,029 1756 142,686 203,876 113,523 21,217 1757 147,804 181,134 158,822 18,006 1758 195,789 181,454 161,197 17,960 1759 136,356 237,169 117,113 22,331 ii V CI cv^c 162,034 203,569 142,033 22 1 1 s 1764 218,220 257,976 8,895 163,812 50,501 1,089 3,466 1765 199,999 301,109 5,564 106,335 52,706 1,767 3,927 1766 190,409 271,946 3,293 121,854 46,543 2,135 3,S4() 1767 173,484 257,047 2,862 111,895 51,071 1,880 3,541 1768 209,847 304,623 4 222 124,149 51,662 3,505 4,113 1769 205,368 315,153 3^428 113,056 49,089 2,626 2,686 1770 208,269 262,717 1,730 131,130 48,260 1,887 1,815 Average 200,799 201,510 4,284 124,604 49,976 2,127 3,341 1771 201,010 238,801 2,170 139,759 46,842 1,298 1,996 1772 200,829 288,457 2,430 155,966 44,981 1,057 2,406 1773 215,191 272,399 2,183 119,978 39,920 1,476 2,101 1774 187,494 270,096 2,024 108,282 41,350 3,359 2,575 1775 192,452 264,140 2,234 136,782 42,295 7,418 1,953 1776 203,685 272,411 3,155 108,574 50,549 8,035 2,229 1777 168,578 2 264,181 1,764 84,391 48,502 5,640 1,597 Average 195,605 267,212 2,280 121,963 44,919 4,040 2,122 1 The first seven years from the Commons Journals, the last fourteen from the Parliamentary Records of Import and Export. MS. 2 Since the preceding sheets were finished at press, I have obtained INLAND BOUNTY. 171 The prices of all these commodities must be ascertained, in order to discover the increase or decrease of value. The custom-house price of beef is £1 6s. 8d. per barrel ; but I find that the average price at Waterford, from 1764 to 1776, was 16s. per cwt. or =£1 12s. the barrel. The custom- house rate of butter is £2 per cwt. but by the same authority, I find the real price on the average of the last fourteen years to be £2 5s. 6d. Candles at the custom house c£l 15s. per cwt. the real price £2 10s. Tallow at the custom-house £2 the true price £2 4s. 6d. Average price of four and a half hundred beef per cwt. s. d. s. d. s. d. Year 1756 . . 12 3 Year 1763 .. . 13 Year 1770 . 16 1757 . . 11 6 1764 . 13 6 1771 . 16 6 1758 . . 12 1765 . 14 1772 . 16 1759 . . 11 6 1766 . 16 1773 . 16 6 1760 . . 12 6 1767 .. . 17 1774 .. . 18 1761 . . 12 6 1768 .. . 13 1775 .. . 18 1762 . . 12 1769 .. . 15 1776 .. . 20 Average of the last 13 years ... 16s. one very important piece of information. My conjecture was right : the export for the troops was not included in the tables for the years, 1777, 1778, and 1779 ; the following is the addition to be made on this account. Beef. Pork. Butter. Barrels. Barrels. Cwt. In the year 1777 13,206 49,296 8,701 1778 13,206 49,296 8,701 1779 to 25th April. . 14,801 52,260 9,974 1779 to 25th Oct. . . 11,572 41,164 8,572 The sum total of these years is therefore as follow ; Barrels. Barrels. Cwt. 181,784 122,227 272,882 1778 203,901 126,908 265,245 From hence it appears that, so far has the export of Ireland, in these greatest articles of her provision trade, been from falling off, that the increase is prodigious, and proves in the most satisfactory manner that the tide of her prosperity flows strongly. These were the articles, that, while I was ignorant of the fact, seemed most to speak of a decline ; but they prove the contrary too clearly to be doubted. In addition to this, let me add: I am just informed, that the Irish linen trade is at present in London in a very rising state, the prices high, and the import great. — [Author's note,] 172 A TOUR IN IRELAND. Shipping prices of Butter, Tallow, Candles, and Pork, in Waterford, from the Year 1764 to 1777, both inclusive. 1 Butter per Tallow per Candles per Pork per Cwt. Cwt. Cwt. barrel. s. s. d. 8. 8. d. S. 8. d. 8. 8. d. In the vear 1764 43 to 36 31 to 30 41 to 40 40 to 39 1765 36 — 38 39 — 40 40 — 41 38 — 40 1766 38 — 36 42 — 41 47—48 38 — 39 1767 47—38 43 — 44 49 — 50 43 — 45 1768 38 — 42 6 44 — 43 Ol — DZ 45 — 48 6 1769 42 — 53 44 — 45 54 — 53 42 — 38 1 7*711 45 — 48 6 42 — 40 54 — 53 4 1 ATL A *±1 *TrJ U 1771 57 — 48 44 — 45 53 — 54 44 — 46 1772 54 — 48 46 — 42 54 — 56 53 — 54 1773 56 — 44 44 — 42 51 — 52 58 — 60 1774 50 — 40 40 — 43 54 — 55 42 — 45 1775 53 — 44 40 — 41 50 — 51 45 — 42 1776 53 — 43 41—40 50 — 51 47 — 49 1777 58 — 55 41 —43 51 — 52 66 — 70 Average . . . 45 6 44 6 50 46 6 Those are the prices as they appeared at the beginning and at the end of the year. Prices of Ox-hides of 112 lbs. from the Year 1756 to 1776, both inclusive. £ s. d. £ s. d. £ 8. d. Year 1756 . 1 Year 1763 19 6 Year 1770 1 8 1757 . 1 7 1764 . 18 6 1771 1 4 1758 . 1 2 6 1765 1 4 1772 1 1 1759 . 1 1 1766 . 1 5 1773 1 3 1760 . 1 6 1767 1 6 1774 1 10 1761 . 1 2 6 1768 1 8 6 1775 1 13 1762 . 1 2 1769 1 11 1776 1 14 The real price of hides I was disappointed in at Corke ; must therefore take that of the Custom-house, which is, JCl 13s. M. tanned, and <£1 5s. untanned ; as more of the latter, I shall suppose .£1 8s. on an average. Of the cows, bullocks, and horses, I am quite igrorant ; shall therefore 1 MS. Communicated by Cornelius Bolton, Esq., member for that city. INLAND BOUNTY. 173 guess them at .£5 on an average. Cheese at the Custom- house =£1 per cwt. Total Exports of Pasturage. First Period. Per annum. Export of beef from 1753 to 1759, 162,034 barrels, at £1 12s. per £259,254 Ditto butter, 203,569 cwt. at £2 5s. 6d. per .... 463,119 Ditto hides, 142,033, at £1 8s. per 198,845 Ditto tallow, 22,118 cwt. at £2 4s. 6d, per 49,211 Average export of the first seven years . . £970,429 Second Period. Beef from 1764 to 1770, 200,799 barrels, at £1 12s. per . £321,277 Butter, 281,510 cwt. at £2 55. 6d. per 640,434 Candles, 4,284 cwt. at £2 10s. per 10,710 Hides, 124,604, at £1 Ss. per 174,445 Tallow, 49,976 cwt. at £2 4s. 6d. per 111,196 Live stock, 2,127, at £5 per 10,635 Cheese, 3,341 cwt, at £1 per 3,341 Average export of the second seven years . £1,272,038 Third Period. Beef from 1771 to 1777, 195,605 barrels, at £1 12s. per . £312,967 Butter, 267,212 cwt. at £2 5s. 6d. per 607,907 Candles, 2,280 cwt. at £2 10s. per 5,016 Hides, 121,963, at £1 8s. per 170,747 Tallow, 44,919 cwt. at £2 4s. 6d, per 99,943 Live stock, 4,040, at £5 per 20,200 Cheese, 2,122 cwt. at £1 per 2,122 Average export of the last seven years . . £1,218,902 Second period greater than the first by ... . £301,609 Second period greater than the last by .... 53,136 The second period being greater than the first by near three hundred thousand pounds, and Ireland having been throughout all three periods on the advance in prosperity, it follows that the increase should have continued, had not some other reason interfered, and occasioned, instead of a similar increase of three hundred thousand pounds, a falling off of above fifty thousand. I cannot suppose that the increase of tillage did all this ; I should suppose that impossible. Most of these commodities are certainly con- 174 A TOUR IN IRELAND. sumed at home, which perhaps may account for there being no increase ; but the increase of tillage must inevitably have had its share, and it is assigning a very moderate one to it, to suppose the amount no more than this decrease of fifty thousand pounds a year. We come next to sheep, and the exports which depend on them. The following table shews the whole at one view. Total value. >C © — CO © »H CO iflnnSoo CO CO I- «^S5 CO 00 co^ co"co" "rf >c"©" ©" © ci cm -t co ^ CI CO CO CO CO CI CM CI CO $ i - ci co ~t co ' Q r. — * X ~f C CT. — x^ ~* ~t i.c ~ i - co ci 00 c: x" ©" co" ©" X CO X CM «C I - CO CM CM — — — CI CO 8 CI Total stones. 160,531 180,681 181,824 208,226 197,629 138,216 124,164 170,03S 144,064 123,S96 95,937 64,927 80,903 87,586 116,437 101,964 M > «6 «N o © 09 00 CO CI CO ~* 00 -f CI o oo^ oo ci oo ^r»¥5 x"©"--f cc"»c pi 'C 1- © © © CO CO CI CI CO CO CO CI CI 285,779 CO X CO O CM CO OOCi-C >o © t» X »-« X © ^ x e? x i ? i - co" ©" 1 - CC f. C 1 ' C 1 - C 1 CI CI — — — i r-< CI 198,121 0) • / c 3 g Stones. 139,412 149,915 152,122 151,940 157,721 131,364 117,753 142,889 139,378 115,904 94,098 63,920 78,896 86,527 114,703 © 8 ©" © O CO A >" \> ^ CI oo CI CO CO »o CO ~* CO OO O QO OO iC ttf i - © co © cc co x" co" co" 0> *t co" © CO I "I 11 ' cc -C CO X © © Hj< ~ rH CI l - -t t- CM © Wool. Stones. 10,128 17,316 21,722 48,733 28,521 3,840 2,578 CO I - °i CO x io © © "* HH CC © c 'C CC CM © X © © O l^- 5 1 — — t i — — ' 1,415 • »0> © X © © > CO CO CO CO CO ~* CM co »-0 © i- INLAND BOUNTY. 175 In the last century the quantity of wool, &c, was much larger, indeed it was so great, as will appear from the fol- lowing table, as to form a considerable proportion of the kingdom's exports. Wool. Yarn. Wool Yarn. Stones. Stones. Stones. Stones. Year 1687 256,592 3,668 Year 1703 360,862 36,873 1697 217,678 13,480 1711 310,136 55,273 1700 336,292 26,617 1712 263,946 60,108 1701 302,812 23,390 1713 171,871 68,548 1702 315,473 43,148 1714 147,153 58,147 Eelative to the prices I have charged, the following table is the authority: — Market Prices of Wool in the Fleece, per stone of sixteen pounds ; and of Bay-yarn, per Pack, containing four- teen great stones, of eighteen pounds each. Wool, per st. Bay-yarn, per pack. Wool, per st. Bay-yarn, per pack. Year 1764 1765 1766 1767 1768 1769 1770 1771 s. d. 11 10 11 13 13 6 13 6 14 14 £ s. d. 26 5 24 13 6 25 4 27 6 26 5 26 15 6 26 15 6 26 15 6 Year 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 1777 s. d. '0 2 14 16 16 6 17 6 £ s. d. 28 7 27 6 25 4 29 8 30 9 30 9 Average is\ nearly j 14 27 4 5 Wool is here rated at the market price for combing- wool rough in the fleece ; but no estimate can be formed from this upon what has been exported, the small quanti- ties whereof have been for the most part wool upon skins, 1 Unsettled but very high. — The pack of bay -yarn is taken to contain 2,100 skains. 176 A TOUR IN IRELAND. or coarse fells, which must have come much lower than the prices herein mentioned. Woollen yarn for export has not been an article for sale in Ireland; what has been sent out was directly from the manufacturer, I presume in very small quantities, and from the port of Corke only. Worsted, or bay-yarn, is sent principally to Norwich and Manchester ; it sells by the skain in Ireland, but in the preceding table it is rated by the pack ; the cost at market is only noticed ; the necessary charges on shipping amount to full two per cent, exclusive of commission, which is two per cent. more. Wool, woollen, and bay-yarn, are exported by the gre&i stone, containing eighteen pounds weight. A licence for exporting must be procured from the Lord Lieutenant, the cost of which is nearly fourpence halfpenny per stone. 1 From comparing the prices at different periods, exported woollen yarn may pretty safely be rated at seventeen shillings and sixpence per stone, of which five shillings a stone is labour. Exported value in the first period . . £306,462 Ditto in the last 300,413 Decrease .... £106,049 Whoever recurs to the minutes of the journey, in the counties of Carlow, Tipperary, and Roscommon, the great sheep-walks of Ireland, will have no reason to be surprized at this loss of one hundred thousand pounds a year. There are yet other subjects so connected with the present enquiry, that, in order to have a clear and distinct idea of it, we must include them in the account. I think it fair to give tillage credit for any increase there may be in pork, bacon, lard, hogs, and bread ; it is true they do not entirely belong to it, for dairies yield much ; but, to obviate objections, I will suppose them totally connected with tillage. The following table includes all these articles. 1 Communicated by Mr. Joshua Pine, in the yarn trade. The cus- tom-house price of wool is 155. woollen yarn 175. and worsted yarn £1 135. 4d. INLAND BOUNTY. 177 Exports of Pork, &c. Year. Pork, barrels. Flitches of Bacon. Lard, Cwt. Bread, Cwt. Hogs. 1753 1754 1755 1756 1757 1758 1759 23,682 23,684 20,930 51,345 25,071 28,746 40,336 Average . 30,542 1 1764 1765 1766 1767 1768 1769 1770 35,066 44,361 50,155 34,995 43,041 40,039 43,947 226 3,592 9,640 5,778 21,275 8,156 6,500 1,852 3,940 1,783 1,055 1,496 1,549 1,913 8,783 7,417 8,228 6,876 6,791 6,792 5,597 60 140 48] 22 444 416 Average . 41,649 7,881 1,869 7,197 223 1771 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 1777 42,519 44,713 51 112 52*328 50,367 72,714 72,931 5,773 14,142 19 256 26,' 100 32,644 24,502 11,462 1,841 2,235 2 156 2*379 1,686 3,216 2,981 8,006 4,575 5 827 5,090 4,012 13,302 29,627 76 90 135 882 680 1,148 1,358 Average . 55,240 19,125 2,356 10,062 624 2 Export of pork per annum, from 1764 to 1770, 41,649 ) n QR oqq barrels, at £2 6s. 6d. per barrel 3 { *«o,*m* Bacon, 788 cwt. at 15s. per cwt. 4 5,910 Lard, 1869 cwt. at £1 per cwt. 4 1,869 Bread, 7197 cwt. at 10s. per cwt. 4 3,598 Hogs, 223, at 15s. a piece 5 166 Average export of seven years 108,376 1 Journals of the House of Commons. 2 Parliament Kecord of Export and Import, MS. 3 Waterford price. 4 Custom House price. 5 Supposed at that rate for want of authority. II. N 178 A TOUR IN IRELAND. Export of pork per annum, from 1771 to 1777, 55,240 ) barrels, at £2 6s. 6d. per barrel \ Bacon, 19,125 at 15.s 14,343 Lard, 2356 cwt. at £1 per cwt 2,356 Bread, 10,062 cwt. at 10s. per cwt 5,081 Hogs, 624, at 15.9. a piece 468 Average exports of the last seven years . . .£150,631 Increase in the last seven years £42,255 The data are now very completely before the reader, from which the merit of this extraordinary measure may be estimated. I will not assert that any custom-house accounts are absolutely authentic ; I know the common objections to them, and that there is a foundation for those objections ; but the point of consequence in the present enquiry does not depend on their absolute, but comparative accuracy ; that is to say, if the errors objected to them exist, they will be found as great in one period as in another; consequently their authority is perfectly com- petent for the comparison of different ones. Whoever will examine the entries with a minute attention, and compare them with a variety of other circumstances, will generally be able to distinguish the suspicious articles. In the present enquiry I will venture to assert that they speak truth, for they correspond exactly (as I shall by and by shew) with many other causes which could hardly have failed without a miracle of producing the effects they display. I should further add, that on the greatest number of the articles inserted in the preceding tables there are duties paid on the export which exempt them from the common objection to the entries. But to reason against the accuracy of such accounts is perfectly useless, while ministers, in defence of their measures, and patriots in opposition to them, found their arguments on them alone. Whoever attends either the English or Irish House of Commons will presently see this in a multiplicity of instances. All who come to the bar of those Houses, depend on these accounts ; Committees of Parliament relie on them, and the best political writers of every period, from Child and Davenant to Campbell and Whitworth, have agreed in the same conduct, knowing the errors to which they are liable, but knowing also that INLAND BOUNTY. 179 there is no better authority, and that they are perfectly competent to comparisons. Having thus closed my authorities, I shall now draw them into one view, by stating the account of the inland carriage bounty, Debtor and Creditor. Bounty on the Inland Carriage of Corn. Br. o payments of public ^ money on the aver age of the last 7 j years . . . To decrease in the ex port of beef, butter &c. . . , To decrease in the ex- \ port of wool and \- yarn J :•} £47,059 53,136 By decrease in the import of corn, &c. By increase in the ex- port of corn, &c. . By increase in the ex- port of pork, hogs, bread, <&c. . . . 106,049 Balance against the 1 bounty . . . J Cr. £16,907 3,570 42,255 62,734 143,510 £206,244 £206,244 Thus far I have laid before the reader a connected chain of such facts as the records of the measure and the Parlia- mentary accounts would permit: it appears as clearly as the testimony of figures can speak, that it has had very ill effects upon the general national account. Had the effect we have seen taken place of itself without any artificial means to assist it, the friends of the publick would perhaps have been well employed to remedy the evil : how absurd therefore must it appear to find that it has been brought about with the utmost care and assiduity, and at an expence of near fifty thousand pounds a year of the publick money ! It is the intention and effect of this bounty to turn every local advantage and natural supply topsy turvy. We have had for several years in England, an importation of foreign corn more than proportioned (the kingdoms compared) to anything the Irish knew. 1 If any one, to remedy this, proposed a bounty on bringing corn by land from Devon- shire and Northumberland, so as to give it a preference in the London market to that of Kent and Essex, with what contempt would the proposer and proposition be treated ! 1 In 1774 we imported to the value of £1,023,000 5 and in 1775 to that of £1,265,562. 180 A TOUR IN IRELAND. The corn counties of Louth and Kildare in the vicinity of Dublin are not to supply that market, but it is to eat its bread from Corke and Wexford ! It must also be brought by land carriage ! the absurdity and folly with which such an idea is pregnant, in a country blessed with such ports, and such a vast extent of coast, are so glaring, that it is amazing that sophistry could blind the Legislature to such a degree as to permit a second thought of it. Why not carry the corn in ships, as well as tear up all the roads leading to Dublin by cars ? Why not increase your sailors instead of horses ? Are they not as profitable an animal ? If you must have an inland bounty, why not to the nearest port from which it could be carried with the most ease and at the least expence to Dublin ? This would have answered the same end. The pretence for the measure was the great import of foreign corn at Dublin ; this is granting that there was a great demand at Dublin ; and can any one suppose that if the corn was forced to Corke or Wexford, it would not find the way to such a demand as easily as from the east of England, which is the only part of that kingdom which abounds with corn for exportation F But the very pretence was a falsehood ; for with what regard to truth could it be asserted that Dublin was fed with English corn before this measure took effect, when it appears by the preceding accounts, that the import of the whole kingdom from 1757 to 1763 was only =£84,000 a year, and from 1764 to 1770 no more than .£101,604? This import account does not distinguish, like the export one, the ports at which the foreign corn was received ; if it did I should in all probability find but a moderate part of this total belonging to Dublin, as it is very well known that in the north there is always a considerable import i >f oatmeal. Granting however the evil, still the plan of remedying it by a land carriage of 130 miles was absurd to the last degree. But suppose so considerable a city as Dublin did import foreign corn to a large amount, is it wise to think this so great a national evil, that all the principles of common policy are to be wounded in order to remedy it ? Where is the country to be found that is free from considerable importations even of the product of land ? Has not Ireland a prodigious export of her soil's INLAND BOUNTY. 181 produce in the effects of pasturage, for which her climate is singularly adapted? And while she has that, of what little account is a trifling import of corn to feed her capital city ? We have seen the undoubted loss that has accrued to the nation from a violent endeavour to counteract this import ; yet the measure has only lessened it to an incon- siderable degree. I was at a mill on Corke harbour, above 120 miles from Dublin, and saw cars loading for that market on the bounty, with a ship laying at the mill-quay bound for Dublin, and waiting for a loading ; could invention suggest any scheme more preposterous than thus to confound at the publiek expence all the ideas of common practice and common sense ! By means of this measure I have been assured it has happened that the flour of Slaine mills has found its way to Carlow, and that of Laughlin Bridge to Drogheda : that is to say, Mr. Jebb eats his bread of Captain Mercer's flour, and the latter makes his pudding with Mr. Jebb's assistance; they live 100 miles asunder, and the publiek pays the piper while the flour dances the hay in this manner. The vast difference between the expence of land and water carriage should ever induce the Legislature, though sailors were not in question, to encourage the latter rather than the former. From Corke there is paid bounty 5s. 6^d. yet the freight at 10s. a ton is only 6d. The bounty from Laughlin Bridge is 2s. 3|d. yet Captain Mercer pays in summer but Is. 4td. and in winter no more than Is. 6d. Mr. Moore at Marlefield receives 4s. bounty, but his car- riage cost him only 2s. 6d. in summer, and 3s. in winter ; hence therefore we find that the bounty more than pays the expence, and that the profit is in proportion to the distance, i.e. the absurdity. In the year ending September 1777, there were 34,598 barrels of malt brought from Wexford to Dublin by land, receiving .£7,077 4s. lid. bounty. 34,598 barrels are 51,897 Cwt. which at 6 Cwt. per } Q aAn T horse would take for one clay [ 8 ' 649 ho rses * From Wexford to Dublin and back takes seven { ™ rarx^ days, or \ bU '° 4b norses - One man to two horses 30,273 men. 182 A TOUR IN IRELAND. £ *. d. The horses at \M. a day 4,306 8 I Men at 9d. a day I.J 35 4- Seven days men and horses 5,171 12 9 The freight of which to Dublin at 8s. a ton should be 1 ,037 1 ^ ( > Saving by sea 1 4,134 9 It is therefore a loss of about 80 per cent, purchased by the bounty. In proportion as sailors are lessened, horses are increased. Suppose common coasting vessels navigated at the rate of one man to twenty tons, it requires sixty-six horses to draw that burthen, and thirty-three men : so that for every sailor lost there are above threescore of this worst of all stock kept ; which is of itself an enormous national loss. If the number of horses kept at actual work by this bounty, with the mares, colts, &c. to supply them were known, it might probably be found so large as to lessen a little of the vene- ration with which this measure is considered in Ireland. I find that in the sessions of 1769 and 1771, there was a bounty paid on the carriage of corn coast ways to Dublin. It amounted in the first to d£3,278, 2 and in the latter to .£4,973 ; 3 the Act lasted only those four years. It was an experiment which surely ought to have been continued; for, if corn is to be forced to Dublin, this most certainly is the only rational way of doing it. By the following table the amount of this coasting trade will be seen, with and without that bounty. 1 MS. communicated by — Nevill, Esq., member for Wexford. 2 June 1, 1768. 7th George III. Chap. 24. 4d. per Cwt. corn of Irish growth by water coastways to Dublin, southward between Wicklow and the Tuskar ; north, between Drogheda or Carrickfergus. 5d. per Cwt. if southward of Tuskar or North Carrickfergus. 4d. per Cwt. southward of Cooley Point to Newry, Belfast or London- derry. Continued to 24th June 1771. 3 MS. account of publick premiums communicated by the Right Hon. John Forster, member for the county of Louth. INLAND BOUNTY. 183 Corn and Flour brought Coastways to Dublin from 1758 to 1777:— In the year Wheat and wheat meal. Bere and barley. Malt. Flour. Oats and oatmeal. Totals. Barrels. Barrels. Barrels. Barrels. Barrels. Barrels. 1758 1,424 61,794 2,991 40 22,178 88,427 1759 527 69,326 5,106 37 10,963 85,959 1760 37 75,846 3,812 48 9,273 89,016 1761 43 64,589 3,272 40 9,792 77,736 1762 118 63,980 3,347 52 10,484 77,981 1763 902 66,150 3,505 124 10,762 81,443 1764 1,542 79,710 3,812 161 10,663 95,888 1765 1,611 64,705 3,427 142 10,053 79,938 1766 11,000 39,398 6,610 282 14,276 71,566 1767 8,006 61,346 6,266 1,150 12,006 88,774 Total . 836,728 1768 2,430 76,684 15,507 39 15,858 110,518 1769 5,669 81,749 14,479 753 21,723 124,373 1770 6,062 68,378 18,522 381 9,130 102,473 1771 5,425 60,530 8,558 232 16,157 90,902 1772 8,130 49,658 18,455 743 14,468 91,454 1773 3,525 48,836 17,106 269 12,117 81,853 1774 4,755 46,724 27,659 76 17,181 96,395 1775 832 49,213 25,165 290 5,615 81,115 1776 1,182 51,778 21,790 6,591 81,341 1777 712 37,511 17,467 630 10,733 67,05s 1 Total . 927,477 Average "j last 7 V years . J 3,508 49,178 19,457 320 11,837 84,301 With the the assistance of these particulars, united with the quantities on which the inland bounty is paid, given at page 167 and 168, we shall be able to see the principal part of the consumption of the city of Dublin. 1 MS. communicated by — Nevill, Esq., member for Wexford. 184 A TOUR IN IRELAND. Brought by Land- carriage Bounty. Stones. Cwt. Stones. Cwt. Year 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1768 1769 1770 1,730,869 1,592,418 1,622,933 1,409,726 1,464,296 945,289 2,148,805 2,608,910 1,920,978 107,986 79,350 Year 1771 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 1777 1,641,867 3, 146', 960 3,263,199 3,553,996 3,211,214 3,622,076 3,240,692 87,965 153,139 17."), 177 190,346 213,885 255,256 317,753 Average "| of last 7 V years .J 3,097,143 199,074 By these accounts, Dublin on an average of the last seven years has consumed 3,097,143 Stones of corn, 199,074 Cwt. of Flour, 84,301 Barrels of both coast ways. If the average weight of the corn is 14 stone per barrel, the first of these articles Will make in barrels 221,224 The 199,074 Cwt. of flour may be called in barrels of wheat 180,000 Add the above barrels coastways 84,301 Total 485,525 To this should be added the import of foreign torn, which is known to be considerably more than the export, and it will appear that, if there are 150,000 inhabitants in Dublin, they must consume above three barrels each of all sorts of corn in a year ; which, considering that the mass of the people live very much upon potatoes, is a great allowance, and suggests the idea either that the people are more numerous, or that more money is paid in bounties than there ought to be by the Acts, which is probable. I come now to consider one of the principal arguments used in favour of this measure. It is the increase of tillage being so beneficial to the kingdom. Taken as a general INLAND BOUNTY" . 185 position there may, or may not, be truth in the assertion : I am apt to think rather more stress is laid on it than there ought to be ; and some reasons for that opinion may be seen in " Political Arithmetic,'' p. 363, &c. But, not to enter into the general question at present, I have to observe two circumstances upon the state of Ireland ; first, the moisture of the climate, and secondly, the sort of tillage introduced. That the climate is far moister than that of England I have already given various reasons to conclude ; but the amazing tendency of the soil to grass would prove it, if any proof was wanting. Let General Cunningham and Mr. Silver Oliver recollect the instances they shewed me of turnep land and stubble left without ploughing, and yield- ing the succeeding summer a full crop of hay. These are such facts as we have not an idea of in England. Nature therefore points out in the clearest manner the application of the soil in Ireland most suitable to the climate. But this moisture, which is so advantageous to grass, is pernicious to corn. The finest corn in Europe and the world is uni- formly found in the driest countries ; it is the weight of wheat which points out its goodness ; which lessens per measure gradually from Barbary to Poland. The wheat of Ireland has no weight compared with that of dry countries ; and I have on another occasion observed that there is not a sample of a good colour in the whole kingdom. The crops are full of grass and weeds, even in the best management ; and the harvests are so wet and tedious as greatly to damage the produce ; but at the same time, and for the same reason, cattle of all sorts look well, never failing of a full bite of excellent grass : the very driest summers do not affect the verdure as in England. I do not make these observations in order to conclude that tillage will not do in Ireland. I know it may be made to do ; but I would leave the vibrations from corn to pas- turage, and from pasturage to corn, to the cultivators of the land, to guide themselves as prices and other circum- stances direct ; but by no means force an extended tillage at the expence of bounties. But what is the tillage gained by this measure ? It is that system which formed the agriculture of England two hundred years ago, and forms it yet in the worst of our 186 A TOUR IN IRELAND. common fields, but which all our exertions of enclosing and improving are bent to extirpate. 1. Fallow. 2. Wheat ; and then spring- corn until the soil is exhausted : or else, 1. Fallow. 2. Wheat. 3. Spring-corn ; and then fallow again. In this course the spring- corn goes to horses, &c. the fallow is a dead loss, and the whole national gain the crop of wheat ; one year in three yields nothing, and one a trifle ; whereas the grass yields a full crop every year. Let it not be imagined that waste and desart tracts, that wanted cultivation, are only turned to this tillage. Nine tenths of the change is in the rich sheep walks of Roscommon, Tip- perary, Carlow and Kilkenny. I have already proved this fact ; the question therefore is reduced to this : Ought you to turn some of the finest pastures in the world, and which in Ireland yielded twenty shillings an acre, into the most execrable tillage that is to be found on the face of the globe? The comparison is not between good grass and good tillage ; it is good grass against bad tillage. The tables I inserted prove that Ireland has lost fifty-three thousand pounds a year for seven years in the produce of cows and bullocks, and one hundred and six thousand pounds in that of sheep ; this is a prodigious loss, but it is not the whole ; there is the loss of labour on above fifty thousand stones of woollen yarn annually, which is a great drawback from the superior population supposed, perhaps falsely, to flow from tillage. When these circumstances are therefore well considered, the nation will not, I appre- hend, be thought to have gained by having converted her rich sheep walks, which yielded so amply in wool, and in the labour which is annexed to wool, into so execrable a tillage as is universally introduced. Another circumstance of this measure is, that of sacri- ficing all the ports of the kingdom to Dublin ; the natural trade, which ought to take a variety of different little channels, proportioned to vicinity, was by this system vio- lently drawn away to the capital ; a very ill-situated capital, the increase of which, at the expence of the out-ports, was by no means a national advantage. A question naturally arises from the premises before us ; should the bounty be repealed? Absurd as it is, I am free to declare, I think not at once. Upon the credit of the INLAND BOUNTY. 187 measure great sums have been laid out in raising mills, most in situations which render them dependant on this forced trade for work. Great loss would accrue in this to individuals, and the public faith rather injured. The following tables will show that this is not a slight consideration. The principal mills of Ireland, from June 1773 to June 1774. Cwt. Marlefield . . Stephen Moore, Esq. . . . 15,382 Slane . . . . D. Jebb, Esq., and Co. . . 11,070 Anner ... Mr. J. Grub 10,395 Rathnally . . J. Nicholson, Esq. . . . 9,870 Lodge .... Richard Mercer, Esq. . . 9,826 Kilkarn . . . Wade and Williams . . . 9,496 Carrick . . . D. Tighie, Esq 6,996 Archer's Grove. Mr. W. Ratican .... 5,503 'Lock . . . . Mr. H. Bready 5,446 Ballykilcavan . Doyle and Hoskins . . . 5,396 Tyrone . . . H. O'Brien, Esq 4,967 Newtown Barry Hon. B. Barry 4,574 The most distant mill from Dublin is that of Barnahely, Corke, one hundred and thirty miles. A prodigious number of men and horses would be thrown at once out of employ- ment, which would have bad effects ; and a sudden diversion of that supply, which has now flowed to Dublin for so many years, would certainly have very ill consequences. The policy therefore to be embraced is this ; lower the present bounty to the simple expence of the carriage, and no more ; and counteract it by raising the bounty on the carriage of corn coastwise, until it rivalled and gradually put down the land carriage. Perhaps it might be necessary to accompany this measure with a land carriage bounty from the mill to the nearest exporting port ; the Dublin bounty would therefore stand in order to prevent the evil of a sudden change ; but when the other bounties had got so far into effect, as to lessen the old one considerably, then it should be totally discontinued ; and it would then certainly be proper for the other bounties (having performed their office) to be discontinued also. The present system is so undoubtedly absurd, that the rival bounties should be raised higher and higher until they had turned the com- merce into the natural channel ; an expression I am sensible 188 A TOUR IN IRELAND. implies an apparent absurdity, for a natural channel of commerce does not want such bounties ; but a bad proceed- ing has made it so exceedingly crooked, that a mere repeal, leaving the trade to itself, most certainly would not do. You must undo by art the mischief which art has done ; and the commercial capital in Ireland is too small to bear any violence. United with the conduct I have ventured to recommend, in case the tillage system was persisted in, it would be very well worth the attention of Parliament, to annex such con- ditions to the payment of any new bounties, as might have the effect of securing a good tillage instead of a bad one. If it was found practicable, which I should think it might be, no publick money should ever be given for barley, bere, or oats, that did not succeed turneps ; nor for wheat, or rye, that did not follow beans, clover, or potatoes ; by this means the nation would have the satisfaction of knowing that, if the plough was introduced in valuable pasture land, it would at least be in a good system. Before I conclude this subject, it may be proper to observe a circumstance, which, however ill it may be re- ceived in England, has, and ought to have this weight in Ireland. The revenue of that kingdom is under some dis- advantages which England is free from ; the hereditary revenue is claimed in property by the Crown ; a great pension list is charged on it, and much of the amount paid out of the kingdom ; there is no free trade to compensate this ; a large part of the military establishment is taken out of the kingdom, and of late years the nation has run very much in debt : in such a situation of affairs, it is thought wise and prudent to secure the payment of such a sum as fifty or sixty thousand pounds a year towards the internal improvement of the kingdom. Nobody can deny there being much good sense in this reasoning; but the argument is applicable to a well founded measure, as strongly as it is to an absurd one ; and I should farther observe that, if this or any bounty is the means of running the nation so much in debt, that new taxes are necessarily the consequence, this idea is then visionary ; the people do not secure an advantage but a burthen. I cannot here avoid a comparison of expending so large a sum annually INLAND BOUNTY. 189 of the publick money rationally, or in a measure at best so very doubtful ; for, indulge the prejudices of gentlemen, and suppose, for a moment, that all the proofs I have given do not amount to an absolute condemnation, they certainly, even then, give it the most dubious eomplection that ever measure had. But, suppose from the beginning the money, which has been thus advanced, had been given in premiums of ten pounds, per acre, on all land absolutely waste, which was brought in and reclaimed. That sum I shewed on another occasion, will build excellent dwellings, fence, plant, drain, pare and burn lime, plough, sow and complete an acre ; the premium would therefore pay the whole, and leave to the proprietor no other business than to take the trouble of seeing the conditions of the premium complied with. The following table will show what the effects of such a premium would have been, calculating the annual produce at four pounds an acre, which is much under what it ought to be. The first column shews the sums paid as bounty, the next the number of acres that sum would have improved at ten pounds per acre, and the third the produce at four pounds per acre, waiting three years at first to give time for operations. Sums. Acres. Produce £ £ In the year 1762 4,940 494 1763 5,096 509 1764 5,483 548 1765 6,660 666 8,788 1766 9,212 912 12,436 1767 6,074 607 14,864 1768 13,675 1,367 20,332 1769 25,225 2,522 30,420 1770 18,706 1,870 37,900 1771 19,290 1,929 45,616 1772 39,560 3,956 61,440 1773 44,465 4,446 79,224 1774 49,674 4,967 99,092 1775 53,889 5,388 120,644 1776 60,745 6,074 144,940 1777 61,786 6,178 169,732 42,433 845,428 190 A TOUR IN IRELAND. From hence we find, that at the end of the year 1777, there would have been 42,433 acres improved in the com- plete and masterly manner ten pounds an acre effects, the annual produce of which would be at four pounds an acre, =£169,732, all absolute and undoubted profit to the king- dom : there would have been received in this manner no less than ^£845,000. If the lands were thrown, as they ought to be, into the course of — 1. turneps ; 2. barley; 3. clover ; 4. wheat ; and, reckoning the barley at ten barrels, and the wheat at six, there would now be a produce every year of (33,649 barrels of wheat, and 186,082 of barley ; and this from only half the land ; the other half in turneps and clover would undoubtedly keep ten sheep the year through, and yield fifty pounds of wool ; or, in the whole, 106,080 sheep and 33,150 stones of wool, with all the employment and population which would result from such excellent tillage, building, fencing, manuring and spinning. How different this effect from having in the last seven years lost above a million sterling by the inland carriage ! In that period the bounty has just trebled ; if it goes on so it will be one hundred and eighty thousand pounds a year in seven years more : and by that time there will be neither sheep nor cows left in the kingdom ; but, suppose it to stand at sixty thousand pounds a year, that sum in seven years, applied in a bounty on cultivating wastes, would improve forty-two thousand acres, and consequently be attended with all the effects which would have flowed from a similar number the past bounty would have improved. I have now done with this measure ; my English reader will, I hope, pardon so long a detail, which I should not have gone into, had I found the facts known in Ireland, or any just conclusions drawn from ideal ones. But in the variety of conversations I have had in that kingdom with all descriptions of men, I found not one who was acquainted with the facts upon which the merits of the measure could alone be decided. It is for their use that I have collected them from very voluminous manuscripts. Another measure relative to corn, which is in execution in Ireland, is a Parliamentary bounty on corn preserved on stands, that is, stacked on stone pillars, capped to prevent INLAND BOUNTY. 191 the depredations of rats and mice. I have been assured that very great abuses are found in the claims ; if these are obviated, the measure seems not objectable in a country where little is done without some publick encouragement. The following are the payments in consequence of this bounty. £ £ In the year 1766 . 891 In the year 1772. . . 5,487 1767 . . . 891 1773 . . . 5,487 1768 . . 3,442 1774 . . . 6,565 1769 . . 3,442 1775. . . 6,565 1770 . . 4,266 1776 . . . 6,866 . 6,866 1771 . . 4,266 1777 . . It would be a proper condition to annex to this bounty, that it be given only to corn preserved as required, and threshed on boarded floors ; the samples of Irish wheat are exceedingly damaged by clay floors ; an English miller knows, the moment he takes a sample in his hand, if it came off a clay floor, and it is a deduction in the value. The floors should be of deal plank two inches thick, and laid on joists two or three feet from the ground, for a free current of air to preserve them from rotting. 1 The reason of the sums being the same for two years throughout, is their being returned every second year to Parliament. SECTION XIX. MANUFACTURES. HE only manufacture of considerable importance in -L Ireland is that of linen, which the Irish have for near a century considered as the great staple of the kingdom. The history of it in its earlier periods is very little known ; a committee of the House of Commons, of which Sir Lucius O'Brien was chairman, examined the national records with great attention, in order to discover how long they had been in it ; all they discovered was that by an Act passed in 1542, the 33rd of Henry VIII., linen and woollen yarn were enumerated among the most considerable branches of trade possessed by the natives of Ireland, in an Act made against grey merchants forestalling. In the 11th of Queen Elizabeth the same Act was revived, and a further law made against watering hemp or flax, &c. in rivers. In the 13th of Elizabeth all persons were prohibited from exporting wool, flax, linen and woollen yarn, except merchants residing in cities and boroughs ; and by a further Act the same year a penalty of 12d. a pound was imposed on all flax or linen yarn exported, and 8d. more for the use of the town ex- ported from. In this last Act it is recited that the merchants of Ireland had been exporters of those articles in trade upwards of one hundred years preceding that period : and by many subsequent Acts and proclamations during the reigns of Charles I. and II. those manufactures were particularly attended to ; from whence it evidently appeared that the kingdom possessed an export trade in these commodities at those early periods. The Earl of Strafford, Lord Lieutenant in the reign of Charles I., passed several laws and took various measures to encourage this MANUFACTURES. 193 manufacture, insomuch that he has by some authors been said to have established it originally. At the end of the last century, in King William's reign, it arose to be an object of consequence, but not singly so, for it appears from a variety of records, in both kingdoms, that the Irish had then a considerable woollen manufacture for exportation, which raised the jealousy of the English manufacturers in that commodity so much that they presented so many petitions to both Lords and Commons, as to induce those bodies to enter fully into their jealousies and illiberal views ; which occasioned the famous compact between the two nations, brought on in the following manner. Die Jovis 9°. Iunij. 1698. The Earl of Stamford reported from the Lords' Com- mittees (appointed to draw an address to be presented to his Majesty, relating to the woollen manufacture in Ireland) the following address, (viz.) "WE the Lords spiritual and temporal in Parliament " assembled. Do humbly represent unto your Majesty, " that the growing manufacture of cloth in Ireland, both " by the cheapness of all sorts of necessaries for life, and " goodness of materials for making of all manner of cloth, ' ' doth invite your subjects of England, with their families " and servants, to leave their habitations to settle there, "to the increase of the woollen manufacture in Ireland, "which makes your loyal subjects in this kingdom very " apprehensive that the further growth of it may greatly " prejudice the said manufacture here ; by which the trade " of this nation and the value of lands will very much " decrease, and the numbers of your people be much " lessened here ; wherefore, we do most humbly beseech " your most sacred Majesty, that your Majesty would be " pleased, in the most publick and effectual way, that may " be, to declare to all your subjects of Ireland, that the "growth and increase of the woollen manufacture there, "hath long, and will ever be looked upon with great " jealousie, by all your subjects of this kingdom : And, if " not timely remedied, may occasion very strict laws, totally " to prohibit and suppress the same, and on the other hand, II. o 194 A TOUR IN IRELAND. " if they turn their industry and skill, to the settling and " improving the linen manufacture, for which generally the " lands of that kingdom are very proper, they shall receive, " all countenance, favour and protection from your royal " influence, for the incouragement and promoting of the " said linen manufacture, to all the advantage and profit, " that kingdom can be capable of. To which the House agreed. It is ordered, by the Lords spiritual and temporal in Parliament assembled, That the Lords with white staves doe humbly attend his Majesty with the address of this House, concerning the woollen manufacture in Ireland. Die Veneris 10° lunij 1698°. " The Lord Steward reported his Majesty's answere to the address, to this effect, (viz.) THAT his Majesty will take care to do what their Lord- ships have desired. ASHLEY COWPER. Clerk Parliamentor." Die Jovis 30 Junij 1698. "Most Gracious Sovereign, "WE your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, "the Commons in Parliament assembled, being very " sensible that the wealth and power of this kingdom do, in ' 1 a great measure, depend on the preserving the woollen " manufacture, as much as possible entire to this realm, " think it becomes us, like our ancestors, to be jealous of the "establishment and increase thereof elsewhere; and to use " our utmost endeavours to prevent it. " And therefore, we cannot without trouble observe, that " Ireland, is dependant on, and protected by England, in " the enjoyment of all they have ; and which is so proper " for the linen manufacture, the establishment and growth " of which there, would be so enriching to themselves, and 6 ' so profitable to England ; should, of late, apply itself to MANUFACTURES. 195 " the woollen manufacture, to the great prejudice of the " trade of this kingdom ; and so unwillingly promote the " linen trade, which would benefit both them and us. " The consequence whereof, will necessitate your Parlia- " ment of England, to interpose to prevent the mischief " that threatens us, unless your Majesty, by your authority, " and great wisdom, shall find means to secure the trade of " England, by making your subjects of Ireland, to pursue " the joint interest of both kingdoms. " And we do most humbly implore your Majesty's pro- " tection and favour in this matter ; and that you will make " it your royal care, and enjoin all those you imploy in "Ireland, to make it their care, and use their utmost " diligence, to hinder the exportation of wool from Ireland, "except to be imported hither, and for the discouraging "the woollen manufactures, and encouraging the linen "manufactures in Ireland, to which we shall always be " ready to give our utmost assistance. Eesolved, That the said address be presented to his Majesty by the whole House. Sabbati. 2. die Julil HIS MAJESTY'S ANSWER. " Gentlemen, " I shall do all that in me lies to discourage the woollen " manufacture in Ireland, and to encourage the linen manu- " facture there ; and to promote the trade of England." Thursday 27 th September, 1698. Part of the Lords Justices' Speech. " AMONGST these bills there is one for the encourage - " ment of the linen and hempen manufactures, at our first "meeting, we recommended to you that matter, and we " have now endeavoured to render that bill practicable and " useful for that effect, and as such we now recommend it " to you. The settlement of this manufacture will contri- 196 A TOUR Uf IRELAND. u bute much to people the country, and will be found much "more advantageous to this kingdom, than the woollen " manufacture, which, l»eing the settled staple trade of u England, from whence all foreign markets are supplied, " can never be encouraged here for that purpose, whereas "the linen and hempen manufactures will not only be u encouraged, as consistent with the trade of England, but u will render the trade of this kingdom both useful and "necessary to England." The Commons of Ireland returned the following Answer to the Speech from the Throne. " WE pray leave to assure your Excellencies that we " shall heartily endeavour to establish a linen and hempen 44 manufacture here, and to render the same useful to "England, as well as advantageous to this kingdom; and " that we hope to find such a temperament in respect to the u woollen trade here, that the same may not be injurious "to England." — And they passed a law that session com- mencing 25th of March, 1699, laying 4*. additional duty on every 20*. value of broad-cloth exported out of Ireland, and 2s. on every 20s. value of serges, baize, kerseys, stuffs, or any other sort of new drapery made of wool or mixed with wool ("frizes only excepted;, which was in effect a prohibi- tion. And in the same session a law was passed in England, restraining Ireland from exporting those woollen manufactures, including frize to any other parts except to England and Wales. The Addresses of the two Houses to the King carry the clearest evidence of their source, the jealousy of merchants and manufacturers ; I might add their ignorance too; they are dictated upon the narrow idea that the prosperity of the woollen fabrics of Ireland was inconsistent with the welfare of those of England ; it would at present be for- tunate for Wh kingdoms if these errors had U_*en confined to the last century. There is an equal mixture also of falsehood in the representations; for they assert that the cheapness of necessaries in Ireland drew from England the woollen manufacturers; but they forgot the cheapness of labour in Ireland, to which no workman in the world ever MANUFACTURES. 197 yet emigrated. The Irish were engaged in various slight fabricks not made in England ; but had they been employed on broad cloth for exportation, the English manufacture would well have borne it ; they did at that time and after- wards bear a rapid increase of the French fabricks, and yet nourished themselves. We have had so long an experience of markets increasing with industry and inventions, that the time ought to have come long ago for viewing com- petitors without the eye of jealousy. The memoirs of the time, as well as the expression in the above transaction, evidently prove that it was understood by both kingdoms to be a sort of compact ; that if Ireland gave up her woollen manufacture, that of linen should be left to her under every encouragement. I have however myself heard it in the British Parliament denied to have been any compact; but simply a promise of encourage- ment, not precluding a like or greater encouragement to the British linens. This is certainly an error ; for, so understood, what is the meaning of the ample encourage- ments promised by the British Parliament? They could not mean internal encouragement or regulation, for they had nothing to do with either : it could simply mean, as the purport of the words evidently shews, that they would enter into no measures which should set up a linen manufacture to rival the Irish. That woollens should be considered and encouraged as the staple of England, and linens as that of Ireland : It must mean this, or it meant nothing. That the Irish understood it so cann< it be doubted for a moment ; for what did they in consequence ? they were in possession of a flourishing woollen manufacture, which they actually put down and crippled by prohibiting exportation. Let me ask those who assert there was no compact, why they did this ? it was their own act. Did they cut their own throats without either reward, or promise of reward ? common sense tells us they did this under a perfect conviction that they should receive ample encouragement from England in their linen trade: but what moonshine would such encouragement prove, if England, departing from the letter and spirit of that compact, had encouraged her own linen manufacture to rival the Irish, after the Irish had destroyed their woollen 198 A TOUR IN IRELAND. f abricks to encourage those of England ? Yet we did this in direct breach of the whole transaction, for the 23rd of George II. laid a tax on sail-cloth made of Irish hemp. Bounties also have been given in England, without extend- ing fully to Irish linens. Checked, striped, printed, painted, stained or dyed linens of Irish manufacture are not allowed to be imported into Britain. In which, and in other articles, we have done every thing possible to extend and increase our own linen manufacture, to rival that of Ireland. I admit readily that the apprehensions of the Irish at the progress of British linens are in the spirit of commercial jealousy, as well as our violence in relation to their woollens. But with this great difference ; we forced them to put down a manufacture they were actually in j)ossession of ; and we, being the controuling power, do not leave them that freedom of market which we possess ourselves ; points which neces- sarily place the two nations in this respect upon very different footings. Give them, as they ought to have, a free woollen trade, and they will then have no objection to any measures for the encouragement of our linens, which do not absolutely exclude theirs. The following table will shew the progress of their linen manufacture through the present century. An Account of the Export of Linen-Cloth, and Linen-Yarn, from Ireland. In the year Linen ( !loth. Yarn. Value cloth at Is. 3d. per yard. Value yarn at £6 per 120 lb. Total value. Yards Cwt. £ £ £ 1700 14.112 1710 1,688,574 7,975 105,537 47,853 153,389 1711 1,254,815 7,321 78,425 43,928 122,354 1712 1,376,122 7,916 86,007 47,496 133,504 1713 1,819,816 11,802 113,738 70,815 184,554 1714 2,188,272 15,078 155,002 158,326 313,329 1715 2,153,120 13,931 107,650 146,283 253,939 1716 2,188,105 10,747 109,405 112,847 222.252 1717 2,437,265 18,052 132,018 189.555 321,574 1718 2,247,375 14,050 121,732 147.527 269.260 1719 2,359,352 15.070 127,798 158.239 286,038 MANUFACTURES. 199 An Account of the Export of Linen-Cloth, and Linen-Yarn, from Ireland. (Continued). Linen Cloth. Yarn. Value Value cloth at ; yarn at Is. 3d. per ! £6 per yard. 120 lb. Total value. Yards. 2,437,984 2,520,701 3,419,994 4,378,545 3,879,170 3,864,987 4,368,395 4,768,889 4,692,764 3,927,918 4,136,203 3,775,830 3,792,551 4,777,076 5,451,758 6,761,151 6,508,151 6,138,785 5,175,744 5,962,316 6,627,771 7,207,741 7,074,168 6,058,041 6,124,892 7,171,963 6,820,786 9,633,884 8,692,671 9,504,338 11,200,460 12,891,318 10,656,003 10,411,787 12,090,903 13,379,733 11,944,328 Cwt. 15,722 14,696 14,754 15,672 14,594 13,701 17,507 17,287 11,450 11,855 10,088 13,746 15,343 13,357 18,122 15,900 14,743 14,695 15,945 18,200 18,542 21,656 16,330 14,169 18,011 22,066 27,741 28,910 19,418 21,694 22,373 23,743 23,407 23,238 22,594 27,948 26,997 £ 121,899 126,035 170,995 218,927 193,958 193,249 218,419 238,444 234,638 196,395 206,810 220,256 237,034 298,567 340,734 422,571 406,759 409,252 345,049 397,487 441,851 480,516 471,611 403,869 459,366 537,897 511,588 722,541 543,291 594,021 653,360 751,993 621,600 694,119 806,060 891,982 796,288 Average in seven years 11,796,361 24,328 745,057 £ 94,334 88,178 88,524 94,637 87,564 82,207 105,042 103,720 62,975 65,206 55,485 84, 194 92,061 82,372 108,733 94,405 88,463 18,173 95,674 129,202 111,256 129,941 97,984 85,016 108,066 132,398 166,451 173,464 116,508 130,164 134,238 142,459 140,442 139,428 135,567 167,692 161,982 £ 216,233 214,213 259,519 312,964 281,522 275,457 323,462 342,171 297,613 261,602 262,295 304,451 309,096 380,939 449,468 517,977 495,222 497,325 440,724 506,690 553,108 610,457 569,595 488,885 567,432 670,295 678,010 896,005 659,800 724,185 787,598 894,452 762,042 839,018 941,732 1,059,675 1,046,841 145,972 904,479 200 A TOUR IN IRELAND. An Account of the Export of Linen- Clot I<, and Idn£n* Yam, from Ire lan d . ( Co n t in u erf.) In the year Linen Cloth. Yarn. Value cloth at 1*. 3d. per yard. Value yarn at £6 per 12011). Total value. 1757 1 758 1 759 1 760 1761 1762 1768 Yards. 15,508,709 14,982,557 14,093,431 13,375,456 12,048,881 15,559,676 16,0 13. 105 Cwt. 31,078 31,995 27,571 31,042 39,699 85,950 34,468 1,033,913 998,837 939,562 891,697 803,251 1.037,811 1,067,540 £ 186,473 191,970 165,426 186,254 238,198 215,702 206,808 £ 1,220,387 1,190,807 1,104,988 1,077,951 1,041,457 1,253,014 1,274,348 Average . 14,511,973 33,114 967,445 198,690 1,166,136 1764 1 765 1766 1767 1768 1769 1770 15,201,081 14,355,205 17,892,102 20,148,170 18,490,019 17.790,705 20,560,754 31,7 15 26, 127 35,018 30,274 32,590 87,037 33,417 1,006,738 957,013 1,192,806 1,343,211 1,232,667 1,186,047 1,370,716 190,292 151 1.702 210,109 181,648 195,542 222,223 200,502 1,197,031 1,233,402 1,552,017 1,692,761 1,382,294 1,556,525 1,742,559 Average . 17,776,862 82.81 1 1,184,171 193,868 1,379,512 1771 1 77° 1773 1774 177"> 1776 1 777 Hit 25,376,808 1 8,450,700 16.916,674 20,205,087 20,502,587 19,714,638 34,166 DO I I l .»_,»♦ 1 28,078 29,194 30,598 80.152 29,698 l,691,7S7 1,383,802 1.127,777 1,346,985 1,366,838 1.81 1,308 204,996 1 J. ft ~vf\ 168,473 174,864 1S3.5SS 216,912 178,188 2,108,257 1 7QQ f\Qft 1,552,276 1,302,641 1,530,573 1,583,750 Average . 20,252,239 31,475 1,390,919 18S,810 1,615,654 Average of 30 years since 1748 . . . Average of 30 years before .... 1,228,148 417,600 Mr. Henry Archdall, in the year 1771, asserted before a committee of the House of Commons, that Ireland manu- factured for MANUFACTURES. 201 Exportation And for home consumption . £1,541,200 658,906 £2,200,106 1 The latter article must be a mere guess ; the first we find contradicted in the preceding table, unless he meant cloth only. This ample table calls for several observations. It first appears that the manufacture has gone on in a regular increase, until it has arrived in the last seven years to be an object of prodigious consequence. The averages of each period of seven years are of particular importance ; as there is one political lesson to be deduced from them which may be of great use hereafter : they prove in the clearest manner that no judgment is ever to be formed of the state of the manufacture from one or two years, but on the contrary from seven years alone. In 1774 it appears that the export was lower than it had been for nine years before, and we very well recollect the noise which this fall made in England. I was repeatedly in the gallery of the English House of Commons when they sat in a committee for months together upon the state of the linen trade; and from the evidence I heard at the bar I thought Ireland was sinking to nothing, and that all her fabricks were tumbling to pieces : the assertion of the linen fabricks declining a third was repeated violently, and it was very true. But they drew this comparison from 1771, when we find from the preceding table that it was at its zenith ; to appearance a very unnatural one ; for it rose at once five millions of yards, which was unparalleled. It was ridiculous to draw a sudden start into precedent; for what manufacture in the world but experiences moments of uncommon prosrjerity, the continuance of which is never to be expected ; this fall of a third therefore, though true in fact, was utterly false in argument. In truth, the fall was exceedingly trivial ; for the only comparison that ought to have been made was with the average of the preceding seven years ; the decline then would have appeared only seven or eight hundred thousand yards, that is, not a twentieth, instead of a third. 1 Journals of the Commons, vol. 16, page 368. 202 A TOUR IN IRELAND. But, because the trade had run to a most extraordinary height in 1771, the manufacturers and merchants felt the fall the more, and were outrageously clamorous because every year was not a jubilee one. If such were to be the consequences of an unusual demand, ministers and legisla- tures would have reason to curse any extraordinary prosperity, and to prevent it if they could, under the conviction that the grasping avarice of commercial folly would be growling and dunning them with complaint- when the trade returned to its usual and natural course. In the year 1773 and 4, all Ireland was undone ; the linen manufacture was to be at an end ; but lo ! at the end of the period of seven years, upon examining the average, it is found to be in as great a state of increase as ever known before ; for the four periods have all the same rise one above another of three millions of yards each : consequently I say, upon the evidence of the clearest facts, that there has been no declension, but an increase. And I shall draw this manifest conclusion from it to disbelieve com- mercial complaints as long as I exist, and put no credit in that sort of proof which is carried to Parliament in support of such complaints. Falsehood and imposition I am con- fident find their way to the bar of a House ; and I do not think it much for the credit of those who supported the Irish complaints at the period above mentioned, that 1 should find, in copying at Dublin part of this table from the parliamentary record of imports and exports, the export of the year 1775 erased; the only considerable erasure there is in those volumes, the total of particulars makes 19,447,250 yards, but it now stands written over that erasure 20,205,087. It is easily accounted for ; if the trade had been known to have experienced so immediate a revival, half their arguments would have had no weight ; it might therefore be convenient to sink the truth. If it was merely accidental in the clerk, I can only say it was at a most unfortunate time and subject. 1 The following table will shew that England is the market for eighteen twentieths of the total Irish exportation. 1 In the woollen manufacture of England the same spirit of complaint and falsehood has at different times pestered both Parliament and the publick. See this point discussed in my " Political Arithmetic," page 1 52. MANUFACTURES. 203 Quantities of Irish Linens imported into England from Christmas 1756, to Christmas 1773. 1 In the year 1757 . 1758 . 1759 . 1760 . 1761 . In the year 1762 . 1763 . 1764 . 1765. 1766 . In the year 1767 , 1768 1769 . 1770 , 1771 . Yards. 11,925,290 14,383,248 12,793,412 13,311,674 13,354,448 65,768,072 or per annum 13,153,614. Yards. 13,476,366 13,110,858 13,187,109 14,757,353 17,941,229 72,472,915 or per annum 14,494,583. Yards. 16,500,755 15,249,248 16,496,271 18,195,087 20,622,217 87,063,578 or per annum 17,612,715. In the vear 1772 . 1773 . Yards. 19,171,771 17,896,994 The following table will shew the importation of the raw material for this fabrick. 1 Substance of Mr. Glover's evidence before the House of Commons 1774, page 60. 204 A TOUR IN IRELAND. Total value. CC CI CO CO — CC — 00 00 IS CO OB 'C CI Ci CC »C Ci © — X c 1 co" O ~t cc" -t CO CO >C X — — cc 1 - cc SB c. cc c 1 2 c 1 X CI 'C ~t c 1 lc c^ ci 0: 1^ ci 1 - — " cT »c x~ x" X Cl ) - x — X 161,394 Value. 21,111 38,321 22,624 12,448 23,249 19,620 44,547 X X »c CI ~ 1* '1 1 - 'i :*. ~ O ct 1 - 1 - C j co GO CC X — 1 - X 1 - 5 -t — " >C «c ci — — *H Cl fH CC Cl Cl CC cc — CO cc" Cl $« cc . m cL CP w p CP pa Cwt. 13,195 28,951 14,140 7,780 14.531 12,263 27,842 Cl co" — \~ ~ — 7Z V ~ '—• CO CO CC Cl CO cf cc a? cf -t cc cf 1 ci ci oa ~ ci X l- — »C 1 - 'C -.c (Ncccci-i--t:i cf a" Ci l • to 30 Cl 01 cc — — c 1 ~ c 1 1 - X cc cc CCCiCI-tl-XX *o Cl Cl ci *o c c — ' C CC X cc I - I - • C -r »C C~-t Cfcc 1 Cl Cl Cl i - cc cf Cl cp CO c* cc . cp *> ±3 ^ ^ cxi S Cwt, 53,870 12,871 8,047 7,307 9,908 7,690 9,276 X 8 X -r — 1 - cc ic ci — >C >C I - »C Ci — cc c 55 go — Cl Cl so ce ~ x r ic / Cl Cl cc cf Value. £ 112,588 97,191 108,640 150,766 67,063 175,077 68,012 cc cc cc c& X cc — CC 'C Cl cc c. »c - c :i - _ . - x c i — x j ~ 1 — 1 - x 3 — ' — iC X CC X -t X — t - CO. Hogsheads of flax-seed. 1 32,168 27,769 31,040 43,076 19,161 50,022 19,432 »ooiooot»cc x cc >c 1 1 ci 1- cc ci co^ id -t Ci iQ p — Ci ci cc ci ci cc O CO tj* iccooooa c ^ ci cc Tt< i.c cc 1^ CO CO CO CO CO CO r*» CP 1 - L- I- I - I - I - 1^ CP 1- t«. I - 1^ 1^ 1^ cc ( — 1 — 1— 1 — 1 — 1 — i — : ( CP > CP > This account is favourable to the state of the manu- facture ; for the increased import of flax-seed in the second period implies that the country supplied herself with more flax of her own producing, which accounts for the falling off in the import of undressed flax : the persons who have MANUFACTURES. 205 studied the manufacture in all its branches with the most attention, agree that there is no greater improvement to be wished for than the raising the flax instead of importing foreign. It is much to be lamented that the flax-husbandry has not made a greater progress in the kingdom ; for the profit of it is very great. The minutes of the tour furnish the following particulars : Places, Expen ces. Stones scutched. At per stone. Value. £ s. d. s. d. £ s. d. 6 6 4 30 4 2 6 5 Near ditto 48 8 19 4 4 13 4 25 8 10 Warrenstown . . . . 13 3 10 40 7 6 15 Lisburne to Belfast . . 9 4 2 56 9 4 26 2 8 9 Shaen Castle .... 8 4 6 54 7 10 21 3 8 2 4 16 Newtown Limavaddy . 9 3 28 5 4 7 9 4 5 14 30 Florence Court . . . 9 7 4 18 1 2 12 7 40 8 13 2 36 7 2 15 8 1 From hence we find, that the profit is near seven pounds an acre, clear, after paying large expences ; and that on the Cunningham acre. There is a notion common in the north of Ireland, which I should suppose must be very pre judicial to the quality as well as the quantity of flax produced ; it is, that rich land will not do for it, and that the soil should be pretty much exhausted by repeated crops of oats, in order to reduce it to the proper state for flax. The consequence of this is, as I everywhere saw, full crops of weeds, and of poor half-starved flax. The idea is absurd ; there is no land in the north of Ireland, that I saw, too rich for it. A very rich soil sown thin pro- duces a branching harsh flax ; but if very clear of weeds, 206 A TOIK IN IRELAND. and sown thick for the stems to draw each other up, the crop will be in goodness and quantity proportioned to the richness of the land. A poor exhausted soil cannot produce a flax of a strong good staple ; it is the nourishment it re- ceives from the fertility of the land which fills the plant with oil ; and bleachers very well know that the oil is the strength of the staple ; and unfortunately it is, that bleach- ing cannot be performed without an exhalation of this oil, and consequent weakness. But, though it is necessary for colour to exhale a portion of the oil, flax that never had but little, from the poverty of the soil it grew in, is of little worth, and will not bear the operation of bleaching like the other. Potatoes kept very clean under the plough are an excellent preparation for flax ; and turneps, well hoed, the same. The following are the Earnings of the Ma n ufacturer* in Linen Fabricks. Places. Weavers. Women Fine linen.' Coarse lin. Spin. s. d. d. d. Market Hill .... 1 8 l 2 3 1 2 Malum 1 Sh Lurgan . 4 1 3 Warrenatown .... 1 1 1 3 Innishoen 4 Mount Charles . . . 24 Castle Caldwell . . . 24 Inniskilling . . . . 4 Belleisle 1 3 4 Florence Court . . . 10 3 4 Strokestown . . . 34 34 24 Fortland 3 1 3 2 1 5 1 Oi 3i MANUFACTURES. 207 These earnings are from double to near treble those of husbandry labour throughout the kingdom ; and yet com- plaints of poverty are infinitely more common among these people than in those parts of the kingdom that have no share of the manufacture. It is so in all countries ; and ought to prevent too assiduous an attention to such com- plaints. Those who for the sake of great earnings will become weavers, must do it under the knowledge that they embrace or continue in a life not of the same regular tenour with the lowest species of labourers. If they will not be more prudent and saving, they ought not to clamour and exj>ect the publick to turn things topsy turvy to feed them, who, with any degree of attention, might have supported them- selves much better than another class that never complains at all. Having thus endeavoured to shew the rise, progress, and present amount of this manufacture, it will be necessary to lay before the reader some account of the sums of publick money which have, according to the fashion of Ireland, been expended in its encouragement. This is not easy to do fully and accurately as I could wish, but the following papers are the best authorities I could find. An Account of the Net Produce of the Duties appropriated to the use of the Hempen and Linen Manufactures from their Commencement, and also the Bounties from Par- liament. Nett duties. Bounties Nett duties. Bounties £ £ £ £ In the year 1721 2,500 In the year 1737 8,676 8,000 1723 5,500 1738 10,623 1725 4,000 1739 10,087 8,000 1727 4,000 1740 7,894 1729 4,000 1741 13,180 8,540 1742 12,561 1731 5,637 4,000 1743 13,770 8,000 1733 6,328 8,000 1744 14,844 1734 5,314 1745 18,066 8,00G 1735 6,748 8,000 1746 15,046 1736 9,181 1747 17,922 8,000 208 A TOUR IN IRELAND. An Account of the Net Produce of the Duties appropriated to the use of the Hempen and Linen Manufactures from their Commencement, and also the Bounties from Par- liament. (Continued.) In the year 1748; 17491 1 750 1751 1752 1 753 1754 175:, 1756 I7:»7 1758 L759 L760 1,761 L762 1763 1764 1765 L766 L767 1768 1769 £ 12,657 18,335 17,813 12,477 17.175 12,231 12,884 14,202 12,239 1,722 9,772 8,933 6,581 11,841 I l.ol I 15,064 14,998 15,820 18,634 12,717 10,41 i 2,183 8,000 8,000 8,000 1771 1772 1773 1774 i:::> 8,000 Totals. . . . 4,000' Nett tea duties 8,000 8,000 Average of the 8,000 last 7 years ound ; the value spun is from ten pence to a shilling, medium ten pence three farthings. d. Combing it, not quite 1 Spinning 2J n \ alue of the wool 7| 10? The balls are a pound and an half each of twelve skains ; the woman spins a ball in four days, being paid ten pence ; in Leinster it is ten pence halfpenny, and in Munster it is nine pence ; average nine pence three farthings. Combing a ball is about three pence, which, with spinning nine pence three farthings, makes twelve pence three farthings labour on a ball ; and the price of a ball, both wool and labour, in the year 1778, was three shillings and six pence. In a war the price of wool generally falls in Ireland. The last French war did not sink prices in Ireland, but the Spanish one did. The silk manufacture of Ireland has been already discussed in Section 16, and is a fabrick that merits neither the encouragement of the natives, nor the attention of others. SECTION XX. REVENUE TAXES. THE rise, progress, and present state of the revenue of Ireland is very little understood in England, though an object of considerable importance to that kingdom. The variations of this revenue are useful marks among niany others of the prosperity or declension of the island ; and every thing which enables us to judge of the real state of a country with which we are so intimately conuected well deserves our attention. The publiek revenue in that kingdom stands upon a very different footing from ours in England, owing to the operations of the Revolution relative to this object not having extended to Ireland. Before that epoch the two kingdoms were in this respect similar ; but the old subsi- dies and other duties which formed the hereditary revenue of the Stuarts in England were purchased of the Crown at the Revolution with the civil list revenue of ,£700,000 : no similar bargain took place in Ireland ; consequently the old hereditary revenue in that kingdom is at present under the same circumstances as the like funds were in England before ItiSS. It is upon this old revenue that the pensions on the Irish establishment are granted ; the Crown claims a right to apply the whole of it at its pleasure, but argu- ments have been urged against that claim. The following tables will set the progress of late years, and present receipt of the revenue, in a clear light. 222 A TOUR IX IRELAND. Additional In the Customs Customs Import Inland duty on ale, beer, and strong waters. Hearth year in. out. excise. excise. money. £ £ .€ £ £ £ 1 730 97,821 27,012 78,248 64,360 50,909 42,301 1731 78,671 24,030 66,808 71,410 56,439 42,263 1 732 76,880 25,807 74,259 76,473 60,374 42,810 1 733 87,395 24,174 76, 257 1 74,835 59,284 43,57)0 1 734 84,542 25,780 75,974 76,076 60,501 43,928 1 7.3.") 88,321 25,624 77.211 66,851 53,071 44,201 1736 104,580 24,124 84,875 ; 63,636 50,542 44,1 12 1737 96,218 24,705 7 1,160 65,653 52,194 43,921 1738 08,086 26,131 87,302 70,787 56,114 44,088 1739 95,428 24,414 79,203 71,731 56,895 44,244 17-10 84,912 25,388 73,336 69,075 55,375 45,045 171 1 98,381 21,064 79,360 66,956 53,151 44,965 1742 97,630 21,093 72,104 67,156 53,419 41,828 1 743 95,893 22,080 70,910 79,785 83,790 41,105 1711 88,451 27,647 09,759 ss 874 70,939 41,823 1745 86,531 23,824 72,00] 84,31)8 67,502 42,911 L746 89,685 22,836 63*710 74,026 59,564 41,410 1717 89,824 29,027 64,164 73,347 58,803 40,327 1 748 95,819 26,486 84,916 84,282 67,896 40,960 1749 109,840 31,32!) 88,463 88.8)7 71,648 42, 1 80 1 750 151,279 29,698 123,858 92,294 74,404 43,039 1 75 1 147,366 27,484 1 10,219 91,596 73,81)2 44,794 1 758 137,731 30,726 105,492 94,802 70", 389 51,984 1753 159,813 29,990 108,701 90,556 73,192 52,946 1 75 1 186,990 20,770 131,906 88,694 71,566 53,405 1755 156,764 30,485 119,765 83,311 67,155 53,789 1 7 7)1 i 147,409 26,884 98,202 80,728 65.042 54,283 1 77)7 124,428 28,569 84,049 73,296 58,716 54,153 1758 137,570 32,135 95,086 67,622 54,416 52,859 1 750 161 ,578 30,018 1 1 1 .0 1 s 69,301 54,742 53,482 17(H) 148,445 33,673 116,831 77,411 61,533 54,570 L761 150,997 39,419 103,225 86,504 69,119 1 55,027 1 762 190,553 39,988 132.540 93,543 76.349 55,970 1763 177,834 31,893 122,679 92,842 75,911 56.611 1704 209,999 38,805 144.587) 92.745 75,878 1 56,878 1765 213,128 35,943 152,367 87.754 72,109 57,237 170(1 914,985 37,788 173,313 85,752 70,250 57.523 17(57 204,864 34,259 147,411 80,094 64,788 57,406 176S 212,743 39,754 155,258 79,765 65,536 j 57,930 1769 211,049 40,045 157,241 83.557 69,147 58,362 1770 210,490 37,390 152.990 79,631 63,328 58,820 Average 211,036 37,712 154,753 84,185 6S,71S | 57,736 REVENUE — TAXES. 223 In the year Customs in. Customs out. Import excise. Inland excise. Additional duty on ale, beer, and strong- waters. Hearth money. 1771 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 1777 £ 200,270 199,368 232,767 229,609 203,008 248,491 251,055 £ 35,712 38,850 37,397 37,169 38,010 42,488 35,883 £ 146,329 146,461 151,662 144,796 130,104 152,238 153,727 £ 70,743 70,319 74,991 77,679 77,251 79,411 80,461 £ 49,160 48,971 53,274 55,419 54,894 57,353 57,750 £ 58,970 58,439 59,938 59,383 60,900 60,966 60,580 Average Ul Idol / years . 223,709 37,929 146,473 75,839 53,831 59,868 1778 1779 198,550 165,802 36,027 31,717 ! 131,284 106,070 81,761 76,335 58,612 54,934 61,646 60,617 A very slight examination of these columns will shew a great increase in all (except the inland excise, and customs outward) about the year 1748. The conclusion of the Peace of Aix la Chapelle seems, from this table, as well as from a variety of others, to have been the principal epoch in the prosperity of Ireland. The inland excise is a revenue so wretchedly administered, by the confession of the whole kingdom, that no conclusions whatever are to be drawn from it. The customs outwards have risen but little ; and not at all in the last seven years ; which is to be accounted for from some of the principal articles of the exports, such as linen, &c. being either duty-free, or having so small a custom as to be merely with design of ascertaining quanti- ties ; and also by the falling off in the export of the produce of pasturage, which I have shewed before, most of the articles of it having an ill-judged duty on them. But the customs inwards is not a bad one ; for an increased import, though at first sight it seems to be against a nation, ought never to be taken in that light. No kingdom ever imports goods which it cannot pay for ; and an increased consump- tion is the strongest proof of an increased ability to pay for it. I must however remark, that the increase in this 224 A TOUR IN IRELAND. column the last seven years is very trifling. There is in all the other columns, except hearth-money, a decline in this period, which very well deserves to be enquired into. That the kingdom has flourished in it I have little or no doubt ; it may, therefore, probably be owing to the multiplication of abuses in the collection of the revenues, which, being so many cancers in the body politick, ought to be remedied with the utmost assiduity. The increase of the hearth-money is a matter of import- ance, for it proves an increase of population clearly ; which indeed could not be doubted from the increased prosperity and wealth of the kingdom, and from the repeated informa- tion I received all over it to that purport. The whole gross revenues offer a different appearance from these particular duties ; the following account shews there has beeu an increase, but owing to an increase of taxes. I wo years ending 1 4 l/l\'-. Imports excess. Exports excess. £ £ £ £ 1697 223,913 251,262 27,348 1698 333,968 293,813 40,154 1699 417,475 269,475 147,999 1700 233,853 261,115 27,262 1701 285,390 296,144 10,753 1702 258,121 215,112 43,008 1703 324,289 266,324 57,965 1704 321,847 215,949 105,897 1705 279,992 244,057 35,934 1706 266,269 198,176 68,092 1707 306,423 263,412 43,010 1708 274,689 251,974 22,715 1709 276,423 251,519 24,904 1710 310,846 285,424 25,421 1711 297,238 261,426 35,811 1712 291,669 274,845 16,823 1713 295,926 306,964 11,038 1714 326,391 397,048 70,656 1715 389,437 420,062 30,625 1716 561,673 345,252 216,421 1717 42Q 880 776 1718 326,283 333,988 7,704 1719 380,130 387,460 7,329 1720 282,812 328,583 45,771 1721 332,882 378,838 37,956 1722 356,095 488,370 132,274 1723 360,526 553,945 193,418 1724 367,889 468,257 100,367 1725 333,870 474,836 140,965 1726 332,604 569,553 236,949 1727 307,038 436,012 128,973 1728 318,147 475,762 157,615 1729 287,648 517,198 229,549 1730 294,156 532,698 238,542 1731 308,936 618,684 309,745 1732 294,484 614,754 225,731 1733 oob,10o Owl OKI coo 1734 401,422 627,154 225,731 1735 417,421 769,244 351,822 1736 447,176 720,555 273,378 1737 346,476 739,910 384,433 1738 381,372 696,590 315,218 1739 1 411,924 673,621 261,697 236 A TOUR IN IRELAND. Trade of Great Britain with Ireland. (Continued.) In the year Imports. Exjxjrts. Imports excess. Exports excess. £ £ £ £ 1740 390,565 628,288 237,723 1741 404,863 69S,715 293,851 1742 346,814 775,650 428,835 1743 816,797 S60,17S 43,380 1744 390, 874 703,227 312,353 174,") 1,441,498 910,920 530,578 1746 532,686 796,157 263,471 1747 541,393 7 1^,677 207,284 174S 464,489 906,424 441,935 1749 567,770 1,006,045 438,268 1750 6 12, SOS 1,316,600 703,798 1751 664,484 1,174,493 510,008 1752 503,959 1,140,608 576,648 1753 561,489 1,149,552 588,063 1754 610,466 1,173,829 563,362 1755 643,165 1,070,063 426,897 1756 927,811 1,111,801 283,990 1757 687,471 960,843 '273,371 1 758 1,050,331 926. SS6 123,446 1759 832* 127 981,168 99,231 1760 904,180 1.050,401 146.220 176] 853,804 1,476,114 622,310 1762 889,368 1,528,696 639,328 1763 708,979 1,640,713 871,333 1764 777.412 1,634,382 856.969 1765 1,070,533 1,767,020 696,486 1766 1.154,982 1,920,015 765,033 1767 1,103,285 1,880,486 777,201 1768 1,226,094 2,248,315 1769 1,265,10? 1,964,742 699,634 1770 1,214,398 2,125,466 911,068 1771 1,380,737 1,983,818 603,081 1772 1,242,305 1,963,787 721,481 1773 1 1,252,817 1,918,802 665,986 1 Extracted from the accounts laid before the British Parliament. It is a circumstance very much to be regretted that these accounts no longer see the light ; they have not been laid before Parliament since 1773; why should a practice that had continued for above a century COMMERCE. 237 The reader will recollect that it was the general tenour of the information received in the journey, that the year 1748 was the epoch of the modern prosperity of Ireland ; all agree that after that peace Ireland advanced greatly ; her rise of rental will mark this clearly. The following is a review of the minutes : Rise of Bents. Lord Longford more than doubled in thirty years — Earl of Innis killing quadrupled in ditto — Mr. Cooper almost trebled since 1748. — Mayo trebled in forty years. — King's county two thirds since 1 750 — Tipperary doubled in twenty years. — Barony of Owna and Ara doubled in ditto. — Eich lands of Limerick risen a fourth in twenty years, and two thirds since 1748. In the preceding enquiries the truth of this is confirmed by every proof which authentic records can shew ; as the table now before us marks the commercial connection between Great Britain and Ireland, it is necessary to divide it into periods, in order to see the average of each. The table contains twenty-five years since 1748, during which period Imports. Exports. £ £ The averages are 965,050 1,482,513 Ditto in the twenty-five preceding years 438,665 657,97*2 Latter period superior by 526,385 824,541 Here is an account that is worth a dozen arguments ! It is from hence evident that our exports to Ireland have in the last twenty-five years considerably more than doubled, almost trebled ; and this great rise has been exactly in the period of the internal prosperity of that island. If I did not know persons of very respectable characters in Parlia- ment, who think very differently upon this great question of the freedom of Irish trade, I should be ashamed of dwelling a moment on the subject. How would it have cease just then ? If there were any trades, like the American, which did not offer a pleasing spectacle, there were others like those of Ireland, llussia, &c. to make amends. 238 A TOUR IN IRELAND. been possible for that country to support such an increased importation, unless she had increased in wealth ? And, having proved that such advances in national prosperity have been attended by this increased demand for manufac- tures and products of England, are we not perfectly founded in concluding that future advantages to Ireland will also be attended by similar effects ? The influx of wealth into that country brings a taste for the elegant luxuries with which we abound, and the capability of purchasing them ensures the purchase. An Englishman cannot go into a single house in Dublin, or see a person dressed, of either sex, without having this truth staring him in the face. But there is a circumstance in this account which deserves particular attention, and that is # our import trade not having increased so much as the export one ; from which this plain conclusion is to be drawn ; that, let Ireland get her wealth from where she will, it comes infallibly to England. The fourth column of the table which shews the balance she pays us, and which amounts of late years from six hundred thousand to a million a year, could not possibly be supported with the absentee drain, unless she made by her trade elsewhere. Imports. Exports. Average of the last seven years . . . Ditto of the preceding seven years . . £ 1,240,677 917,088 £ 2,012,202 1,573,934 323,569 438,268 From this comparison we find that the rapid increase of our exports to Ireland is in late years ; the stronger reason therefore to expect that, whatever increase of wealth she experiences, it will be England that will receive the full tribute of it. By means of the prosperity of Ireland, the trade we carry on with that kingdom is grown to be one of the most important which we possess ; and, in the last year of this table, nearly equalled the export to the whole continent of North America. Exports from England to the continent of North America, from Christmas, 1772, to 1773 . . . £1,981.544 Ditto to Ireland 1,918,802 COMMERCE. 239 Freight, insurance and profit on both, twelve per cent. Hence therefore this nation has no demand of policy so strong on her at present, as to encourage Ireland to the utmost of her power, in order to increase her own trade to that island, that American losses may be the less sensibly felt; but this can only be done by embracing a system totally new. And here it is a tribute fairly due to genius long since departed, to observe that the relative interests of England and Ireland were better understood by Mr. Houghton, in 1682, than by any later writer, whose pro- ductions have come to my knowledge ; and, as I have mentioned him on this occasion, I must remark that he seems to me to have had juster ideas of trade, manu- factures, prices of provisions, enclosures, &c. than nine tenths of the authors who have treated of those subjects : " The richer Ireland grows, the more wealth will the land- " lords have, and the more will they that live here spend. "I am told by an inquisitive and understanding knight, " that hath a great estate there, and very well understands " the Irish affairs, that what their gentry spend here, with " the pensions and the rent that are paid from thence " to the city of London, amounts to about three hundred " thousand pounds per annum ; and I see no reason why " this expence should not increase according to their " thriving." — " Even in the woollen manufacture I question " whether they could in cloth do more than the Dutch ; and, " for other manufactures, why might it not put both nations " at strife to find out some new consumptions, and so increase " the trades of both ? If there must be but a set quantity " consumed, seeing England bears up against, and in " cloathing outdoth terra firma, why may we not, if Ire- " land be joined to us, spoil the trade on the other side, " and so be both enriched ? " 1 Here is the interest of England, relative to that country, explained upon the most enlarged and most liberal principles of freedom and of commerce. This penetrating genius, who saw deeper into the true English interests than half our modern politicians, was sensible of no mischiefs from a free Irish woollen trade : the prevalence of commercial jealousy had not then arisen 1 Collection of Husbandry and Trade, vol. 4, p. 48. 240 A TOUR IN IRELAND. to the heights we have since seen it. Without any hesita- tion, Ireland ought to have an absolutely free trade of export and import to all our American colonies and African settlements ; also a very considerable freedom in her exports to Europe : but when this subject was in conversa- tion in the House of Commons, I heard the minister mention one circumstance, which seemed to stand in the way of doing justice to Ireland, that is to ourselves : taxes there being so much lower, that their manufactures, not being equally under the burthen of excises, would have an unfair start of ours. 1 With great submission, I think this will not be found sound doctrine either in fact or reason. I might here go into the question of a poor and cheap country robbing a rich one of her manufactures ; for the assertion comes directly to this; but Dr. Tucker has treated it in so masterly a manner, and has so clearly proved the absurdity of the idea, that what he has said ought to be considered as conclusive. But why give in linen what you deny in other fabricks ? Irish linen has all the advantages of a freedom from a great variety of excises, which the manufacturers of English linen labour under ; and yet we not only support the competition but thrive under it, from there being a difference in the fabricks ; and as great a difference would be in all other fabricks. Their broad cloth, also, is made under the same advantages ; and compare it in both price and quality with that of England ; I bought it at seventeen shillings and sixpence a yard at the Dublin Society's warehouse, without the master- manufacturer's profit and expences ; and I will venture to assert, from wearing both, twenty- three shillings for English cloth to be cheaper. The same fact runs through a variety of their fabricks. The fixed trade, capital and skill of England will for ever bid defiance to the no-excises of Ireland. But something was forced to be given — had woollens been put down and linens not permitted, the oppressed and ruined people would have sought redress with arms in their hands. The monopolizing spirit of commercial jealousy gave as little as possible, and would not have given that little could she have helped it. But 1 Written in June, 1779. FISHERIES. 241 the argument says, that Ireland having few excises will get much trade and wealth : and is it not your design that she should ? Ought not this, in common sense, to be your wish and aim ? For whom does she grow rich ? If I have not proved that point, there is no proof in fact, nor truth in figures. Why cannot she rival France, Holland and Germany, as well as England ? But we have ample experience to tell us that she may rival without im- poverishing us ; that she may grow rich, and we great by her wealth ; that she may advance, and we be prosperous. To assert, because there are not as many excises in one part of our dominions as another, that therefore their trade shall be cramped, is exactly like saying, that labour is cheap there, and for that reason shall never be dear ; making the poverty of the kingdom the motive for keeping it poor. Taxes flow from trade and consumption ; give them the wealth to consume, and never fear but taxes will follow. FISHERIES. There is scarcely a part of Ireland but what is well situated for some fishery of consequence ; her coasts and innumerable creeks and rivers' mouths are the resort of vast shoals of herring, cod, hake, mackarel, &c. which might, with proper attention, be converted into funds of wealth ; but capital is such a universal want in Ireland that very little is done. The minutes of the journey contain some valuable information on this head ; but the general picture is rather an exhibition of what ought to be done, than any thing that actually is executed ; nor have the measures of the Legislature been attended with any considerable effect; some of them seem to have done mischief, of which the following is an instance. By the 3 Gr. 3. c. 24. — Twenty shillings per ton on English or Irish-built vessels decked, after the com- mencement of this Act, not under twenty tons, nor to be paid for more than one hundred, to proceed from some port in Ireland. Bounty of two shillings a barrel on export of white herrings. II. R 242 A TOUR IN IRELAND. Bounty of two shillings and sixpence on mackarel. Ditto of five shillings for six score of ling. Ditto of three shillings for hake, haddock, glassing, and conger eel. Ditto of four shillings and three-pence halfpenny for every tierce of 41 gallons of wet fish exported. Ditto of three pounds per ton for whale oil, manu- factured in Ireland. Ditto of thirty shillings per ton for other oil of fish, manu- factured in Ireland. Ditto of four pounds per cwt. for whalebone, manu- factured in Ireland. The following has been the effect of this measure. Barrels of Herrings imported into Ireland for eighteen years. From From Total. ( J. 1 >rit;ii n. E. Country. Barrels. Barrels. Barrels. In the year . . 1 756 28,999 1,277 30,276 1757 28,955 2,080 31,035 1758 29,960 1,370 31,330 L750 23,61 1 113 23,724 1760 17,038^ i 17,039 1761 20,41 H 142 20,554 1762 21,388 844 22 232 1763 23,519 2,156 25^675 1764 14,932 8,661 23,593 Average of 9 years before the bounty .... 23,201 1,847 25,048 In the year . . 1 7(> 5 14,587 17,030 31,617 1766 35,552 24,555 60,107 1767 1-2,094 12,618 24,712 1768 16,640 23,252 39,892 1769 11,286 25,847 37,133 1770 22,891 23,655 46,546 1771 12,952 26,555 39,507 1772 10,44,-) 34,241 44,686 1773 13,471 40,539 54,010 Average of 9 years after the bounty .... 16,657 25,365 42,022 FISHERIES. 243 £ s. d. Import of herrings in the nine years since the bounty exceed the preceding period in 155,156 barrels. Value at fifteen shillings per barrel . 116,367 11 3 Export less by 16,357 barrels, at twenty shillings per barrel 16,357 15 Loss also on the export and import of dry cod, 1,298 cwt. at 145. per cwt 973 10 Ditto on barrelled cod 364 17 6 134,063 13 9 Hake 9,566 cwt. at fifteen shillings per cwt. . . 7,115 1 3 Salmon 1,108 tons, at twelve pounds per ton . 14,200 Mackarel, 2,666 barrels, at twenty shillings per barrel 2,666 Increased import since the bounty ... 1 158,604 15 Imported herrings for home consumption are from Scotland, for foreign use from Sweden. The former twenty shillings a barrel. The latter from fourteen to sixteen shillings. And their own from sixteen to twenty shillings. Prices of other sorts of fish. Dry ling from eighteen to twenty shillings per cwt. Salmon from twelve to thirteen pounds per ton. Hake from fourteen to sixteen shillings per cwt. Dry cod from fourteen to sixteen shillings per cwt. Wet cod from fourteen to eighteen shillings per barrel. 2 1 Manuscript report of the Fish Committee, 1778, communicated by th<' Right Hon. Will. am Burton. 2 Manuscript rdj oft, communicated by the Right Hon. William Burton. 244 A TOUR IN IRELAND. State of the Fishing Trade of Ireland, for Nine Years, since the commencement of the Bounty, compared with the Nine preceding Years. Import in 9 years to the i * 26th of March, 1773. Oft i ~* p .S rl ! Increase in last 9 years. Decrease in last 9 years. Total loss in last 9 ycar>. 1 1 Herrings, barrels . ( 'odd, CWt. . . . ( 'odd, barrels . Ling, cwt. . Salmon, tons . . 1 lake, CWt. . . Mackarel, hands 379,081 4,575 1,108 908 149 224, 175 3,235 s9o 1,415 LOO 57 128 155,158 1,340 807 4.)2 17 57 128 171,514 1,298 486 391 Export in la-t years. Export in first 8 year-. Herrings, barrels . Salmon, ton . . Hake, cwt. . . . Ling, cwt. . . . Mackarel, barrels Codd, cwt, . . . Codd, barrels . . 34,906 2,759 8,617 411 2,249 2 472 51,344 4,084 18,241 472 5,043 42 91 1 881 1 6,357 1,126 9,623 61 2,794 42 1,108 9,566 2,666 £ 6. d. Amount of premiums paid to fishing busses in last nine years 47,062 6 5 Ditto to exported fish 1,265 4 7 1 48,328 4 7 Before I quit this article of Irish fisheries, I shall observe that, next to the cultivation of land, there is no object in their national economy of so much importance. No manufactures, no trade can be of half the consequence to Ireland that many of her fisheries might prove, if encouraged with judgment. There is no undertaking 1 Manuscript report, communicated by the Right Hon. William Burton. FISHERIES. 245 whatever in which a small capital goes so far ; nor any in which the largest will pay such ample profits. Scotland has the herrings somewhat earlier ; but they come in good time to Ireland for the Mediterranean trade, and in a plenty that ought to make their capture a favourite object. The bounties hitherto given have been so far from answer- ing, that they have in some respects done mischief. I was present more than once at the meetings of the Fishery Committee of the Irish House of Commons, and I found them making anxious enquiries how to avoid great frauds ; from which I found that notorious ones had been com- mitted ; this is the great misfortune of bounties, when they are not given with great judgement and care. Kelative to the fisheries, the profit is so great that all acquainted with them will engage as far as their capital will admit; whatever bounties are given, therefore, should not be with a view to instigate men possessed of capital, for they do not exist, but to put capitals into the hands of those who will certainly make use of them. It appeared in the minutes of the Loch Swilly fishery that one boat and the nets sufficient cost <£20 ; the best bounty would be to give boats and nets to men used to the fishery, because few are able to buy or build them. To give a premium on the export of the herrings or upon the tonnage of the boats will not answer ; for it supposes them actually taken, and built, that is, it supposes the very difficulty got over which want of money makes perpetual. Before the boat is in the fishery it must be built, and before the fish are exported they must be taken ; those who have money to do either will go to work without any bounty, the profit alone being sufficient. In countries so very poor, the first steps in such undertakings are the most difficult ; and to assist in over- coming the early difficulties is what the Legislature should aim at. Giving boats and nets to men that would certainly use them does this, and would be productive of great national good ; always supposing that frauds and jobbing are guarded against ; if they are permitted to creep in, as in giving spinning-wheels, the mischief would be far more than the benefit. <£20,000 per annum thus expended would give 1,000 boats, which would soon accumulate to a vast number ; and if the effect was so great as to find the 246 A TOCR IN IRELAND. herrings regorge in the home market, then would be the time to drive them out by a bounty on the export, if their own cheapness did not bring the effect without it. I am far from from recommending a new system of bounties upon an object that had not received them before ; they have been long given or jobbed ; all I mean is, that if the publick is burthened with such payments, care should be taken that they are given in the mode that promises to be most advantageous. EMBARGOES. Of all the restrictions which England has at different times most impoliticly laid upon the trade of Ireland, there is none more obnoxious than the embargoes on their provision trade. The prohibitions on the export of woollens and various other articles, have this pretence ;it least in their favour, that they are advantageous to similar manufactures in England ; and Ireland has long been trained to the sacrifice of her national advantage as a dependant country ; but in respect to embargoes even this shallow pretence is wanting; a whole kingdom is sacrificed and plundered, not to enrich England. l>ut three or four London contractors! a species of men of an odious <\i>t, las thriving only on the ruin and desolation of their country. It is well known that all the embargoes that have ever been laid have been for the profit <>t' these fellow s, and that the Government has not profited a shilling by them. Whenever the affairs of Ireland come thoroughly to be considered in England, a new system in this respect must be embraced. It may not be proper for the Crown directly to give up the prerogative of laying them ; but it ought never to be exerted in the cases and with the views with which we have seen it used. The single circumstance of sacrificing Un interests of a whole people to a few monopolizing indi- viduals in another country, is to make a nation the beasts of burthen to another people. But this is not the only point ; the interest of England and of Government is equally sacrificed ; for their object is to have beef plentiful and cheap. But to reduce it so low by embargoes as to discourage the grazier is to lessen the quantity ; he increases EMBARGOES. 247 his sheep, or ploughs more, or is ruined by his business ; which necessarily renders the commodity too dear, from the very circum stance of having been too cheap. A steady regular good price from an active demand encourages the grazier so much, that he will produce a quantity sufficient to keep the price from ever rising unreasonably high ; and Government would be better supplied. Another considera- tion is the loss to the kingdom by not taking French money, and sending them to other markets ; if it could be proved, or indeed if the fact was possible, that you could keep their fleets in port for want of Irish beef, there would be an argument for an embargoe, perhaps, twice in half a century ; but when all experience tells us that, if they have not beef from Ireland, they will get it from Holstein, from Denmark and elsewhere, is it not folly in the extreme to refuse their money, and send them to other markets. The Dutch were ridiculed in Louis XIV. 's reign for selling the French, before a campaign, the powder and ball which were afterwards used against themselves : but they were wise in so doing ; they had not the universal monopoly of iron and gunpowder, as of spices ; and, if they did not supply the enemy, others would ; for no army ever yet staid at home in the heart of commercial countries for want of powder and ball : nor will a French fleet ever be confined to Brest for want of beef to feed the sailors. Embargoes therefore cannot be laid with any serious views of that sort ; but when contracts are made, the contractors, gaping for monopoly, raise a clamour, and pretend that no beef can be had, if France is served, directly or indirectly ; and, in order to make their bargains so much the more profitable, Government gives them an embargoe on the trade of a kingdom (like a lottery-ticket to a fund- subscriber) by way of douceur. This conduct is equally injurious to the true interest of England, of Ireland and of Government. Before I conclude this section, I must observe one cir- cumstance, which, though not important enough to stop the progress of commercial improvement in Ireland, yet must very much retard it ; and that is the contempt in which trade is held by those who call themselves gentlemen. I heard a language common in Ireland, which, if it was to become universal, would effectually prevent her ever attain- 248 A TOUR IN IRELAND. ing greatness. I have remarked the houses of country gentlemen being full of brothers, cousins, &c. idlers, whose best employment is to follow a hare or a fox ; why are they not brought up to trade or manufacture ? Trade ! (the answer has been) They are gentlemen ; — to be poor till doomsday : a tradesman has not a right to the point of honour — you may refuse his challenge. Trinity College at Dublin swarms with lads who ought to be educated to the loom and the counting house. Many ill effects flow from these wretched prejudices ; one consequence, manifest over the whole kingdom, is commercial people quitting trade or manufactures, when they have made from five to ten thou- sand pounds, to become gentlemen; where trade is dis- honourable it will not flourish ; this is taking people from industry at the very moment they are the best able to command success. Many Quakers who are, (take them for all in all) the most sensible class of people in that kingdom, are exceptions to this folly : and mark the consequence, they are the only wealthy traders in the island. The Irish are ready enough to imitate the vices and follies of England ; let them imitate her virtues, her respect for commercial industry, which has carried her splendour and her power to the remotest corners of the earth. SECTION XXII. GOVERNMENT UNION. HERE never was a juster idea than that which I had occasion in another section to quote, that the Revolu- tion did not extend to Ireland ; the case of the hereditary revenue was a remarkable instance, but the whole govern- ment of that island is one collective proof of it. The Revolution was a moment in which all the forms of govern- ment were broken through, in order to assert the spirit of liberty ; but Ireland lost that opportunity ; meeting security against the Roman Catholicks in the victorious arms of King William, she rested satisfied with a government which secured her against the immediate enemy. It is certainly more a government of prerogative than that of England ; and the law of the Empire, the common law of the land, is in favour of that prerogative ; hence the absurdity of proving the rights of Ireland in the details of common law, as Fitzgibbon and Mc. have done. Ireland, from distance and backwardness, lost those fortuitous oppor- tunities which proved so important to the liberty of Eng- land ; she could not claim the letter of the Revolution, but she could have claimed the spirit of it. The contribution of that territory to the general wants of the Empire is in two shapes. 1. By the pension list. 2. By the military establishment. The great liberal line for that kingdom to pursue is to examine, not only the present amount of these articles, but what might be a fair estimate for the future. To come openly to the English Government with an offer of an equal revenue applicable to whatever purposes Government should find most bene- ficial for the interest of the whole Empire; with this 250 A TOUR IN IRELAND. necessary condition, that the military should he absolutely in the power of the Crown, to remove and employ wherever it pleased. To think of tying down Government to keep- ing troops in any spot is an absurdity. Government can alone be the judge where troops are most wanting; it has an unlimited power in this respect in England, and it ought to have the same in Ireland ; the good of the Empire demands it. It is the fleet of England that has proved, and must prove, the real defence of Ireland ; and that island should take its chance of defence in common with England. At the same time, any apprehensions that they would be left without troops would be absurd; since it would be the King's interest to keep a great body of forces there for several reasons ; among others, the cheapness of provisions, which would render their subsistence compara- tively easy ; also, barracks being built all over the kingdom : another point which would induce him is the assistance their circulation would be of to the kingdom, whereas in England they would be a burthen. But the ]»oint might as well be given up chearfully, as to have it carried by a majority in Parliament. Pensions have been always on the increase, and will be so ; and as to the troops, Govern- ment carries its point at present, and ought to do so; why not therefore give up the point chearfully for a valuable consideration r As these things are managed now, Govern- ment is forced to buy, at a great expence, the concurrence of an Irish Parliament to what is really necessary ; would it not be more for the publick interest to have a tixed per- manent plan, than the present illiberal and injurious system ? The military list of Ireland, on an average of the last seven years, has amounted to £'528,544 ; to which add £80,000 pensions, and the total makes £608,544. Would it not be wise in Ireland to say to the British Government — " I will pay you a neat seven or eight hundred thousand pounds 1 a year, applicable to your annual supplies, or paving off your debt, and leave the defence of the kingdom entirely to your own discretion, on condition that I shall never have any military charge or 1 I have n entioned seven hundred thousand pounds : but the sum would depend of course on the liberality of the return ; a free trade would be worth purchasing at a much higher rat**. GOVERN M E N T — U N 10 N . 251 pensions laid on me ; the remainder of the revenue to be at the application of my own Parliament, for the uses of interior government only, and for the encouragement of the trade, manufactures and agriculture of the Kingdom. That you shall give me a specified freedom of commerce, and come to a liberal explanation of the powers of your Attorney General, the Privy Council, and Poyning's Act." It would be the best bargain that Ireland ever made. If the Government was once placed on such a footing, the office of Lord Lieutenant would be that of a liberal repre- sentative of Majesty, without any of those disagreeable consequences which flow from difficulties essentially neces- sary for him to overcome ; and the Government of England, having in Ireland no views but the prosperity of that Kingdom, would necessarily be revered by all ranks of people. The Parliament of the Kingdom would still retain both importance and business ; for all that at present comes before it would then be within its province, except the military, and complaints of pension lists and restricted commerce. Perhaps the advantages of a Union would be enjoyed without its inconveniences ; for the Parliament would remain for the civil protection of the kingdom, and the British Legislature would not be deluged by an addition of Irish peers and commoners ; one reason, among others, which made the late Earl of Chatham repeatedly declare himself against such a measure. 1 The great object of a Union is a free trade, which appears to be of as much importance to England as to Ireland ; if this was gained, the uses of an entire coalition would not be numerous to Ireland ; and to England, the certain revenue, without the necessity of buying majorities in Par- liament, would be a great object. But as to the objections to a Union common in Ireland, I cannot see their propriety ; I have heard but three that have even the appearance of weight; these are: 1. The increase of absentees. 2. The want of a Parliament for protection against the officers of the Crown. 3. The increase of taxation. To the first and last, supposing they followed, and were admitted evils, the i The Earl of Shelburne has assured me of this fact ; nor let me omit to add, that to that nobleman I am indebted for the outline of the pre- ceding plan. 252 A TOUR IN IRELAND. question is, whether a free trade would not more than balance them ; they imply the impoverishment of the Kingdom, and were objected in Scotland against that Union which has taken place ; but the fact has been directly otherwise, and Scotland has been continually on the increase of wealth ever since ; nay, Edinburgh itself, which was naturally expected most to suffer, seems to have gained as much as any other part of the kingdom. Nor can I upon any principles think a nation is losing, who exchanges the residence of a Bet of idle country gentlemen for a numerous race of industrious farmers, manufacturers, merchants, and sailors. But the fact in the first objection does not seem well founded. I cannot see any inevitable necessity for absentees increasing ; a family might reside the winter at London without becoming absentees ; and frequent journies to England, where every branch of industry and useful knowledge are in such perfection, could not fail to enlarge the views and cure the prejudices which obstruct the im- provement of Ireland. As to taxation, it ought to be considered as a circumstance that always did, and always will follow prosperity and wealth. Savages pay no taxes, but those who are hourly increasing in the conveniences, luxuries, and enjoyments of life, do not by any means find taxes such a burthen as to make them wish for poverty and barbarity, in order to avoid taxation. In respect to the second objection, it seems to bear uearly as strong in the case of Scotland; and yet the evil has had no existence; the Four-Courts at Dublin would of course remain, nor do I see at present any great protection resulting to indi- viduals from a Parliament which the law of the land does not give ; it seems therefore to be an apprehension not very well founded. So much in answer to objections ; not by way of proving that an entire Union is absolutely necessary ; as without such a measure Ireland might certainly have great commercial freedom, and pay for it to the satisfaction of England. SECTION XXIII. GENERAL STATE OF IRELAND. IT may not be disadvantageous to a clear idea of the subject at large, to draw into one view the material facts dispersed in the preceding enquiry, which throw a light on the general state of the Kingdom ; and to add one or two others, which did not properly come in under any of the former heads ; that we may be able to have a distinct notion of that degree of prosperity which appears to have been, of late years, the inheritance of her rising industry. Buildings. These, improving, or falling into decay, are unerring signs of a nation's increasing grandeur or declension : the minutes of the journey, as well as observations already made, shew that Ireland has been absolutely new-built within these twenty years, and in a manner far superior to any thing that was seen in it before ; it is a fact universal over the whole Kingdom ; cities, towns, and country seats ; but the present is the aera for this improvement, there being now far more elegant seats rising than ever were known before. Roads. The roads of Ireland may be said all to have originated from Mr. French's Presentment Bill, and are now in a state that do honour to the kingdom; there has been probably expended, in consequence of that Bill, consider- ably above a million sterling. 254 A TOUR IN IRELAND. Towns. The towns of Ireland have very much increased in the last twenty years ; all publick registers prove this, and it is a strong mark of rising prosperity. Towns are markets which enrich and cultivate the country, and can therefore never depopulate it, as some visionary theorists have pre- tended. The country is always the most populous within the sphere of great cities, if I may use the expression ; and the increased cultivation of the remotest corners shew that this sphere extends, like the circulating undulations of water, until they reach the most distant shores. Besides, towns can only increase from an increase of manufactures, commerce and luxury ; all three are other words for riches and employment, and these again for a general increase of people. Rise of Rents. The minutes of the journey shew that the rents of land have at least doubled in twenty-five years, which is a most unerring proof of a great prosperity. The rise of rents proves a variety of circumstances all favourable ; that there is more capital to cultivate land ; that there is a greater demand for the products of the earth, and consequently a higher price ; that towns thrive, and are therefore able to j>ay higher prices ; that manufactures and foreign com- merce increase. The variations of the rent of land, from the boundless and fertile plains of the Mississipi, where it yields none, to the province of Holland, where every foot is valuable, shew the gradations of wealth, power and im- portance between the one territory and the other. The present rental of Ireland appeared to be .£5,293,312 ; and, for reasons before given, probably not less than six millions. Manvfactu res. Linens, the great fabrick of the kingdom for exportation, have increased rapidly ; The export from 1750 to 1756, in value of cloth and yarn was t'904,479 Ditto from 1757 to 1703 1,166,136 Increase f-Jti l.f>:» 7 GENERAL STATE OF IRELAND. 255 From 1764 to 1770 £1,379,512 Increase £213,376 From 1771 to 1777 1,615,654 Increase 236,142 From 1771 to 1777 1,615,654 From 1750 to 1756 904,479 Increase 711,175 Thirty years since 1748 greater than thirty years before, by 810,548 Commerce. Trade in Ireland, in all its branches, has increased greatly in twenty-five years ; this has been a natural effect from the other articles of prosperity already enumerated. The Irish exports to Great Britain, on an average of twenty-five years before 1748, were £438,665 Ditto on twenty-five years since 965,050 Increase 526,385 This greatest article of her trade has therefore more than doubled. Export to Great Britain per annum for the last seven years . £1,240,677 The preceding seven years 917,088 323,569 The greatest exports of Ireland, on an average of the last seven years, are : Linen £1,615,654 The product of oxen and cows .... 1,218,902 Ditto of sheep 200,413 Ditto of hogs 150,631 Ditto of corn 64,871 3,250,471 256 A TOUR IN IRELAND. Her total exports are probably three millions and a half. The balance of trade in her favour must be above a million. 1 Consumption. A people always consume in proportion to their wealth ; hence an increase in the one marks clearly that of the other. The following table will shew several of the prin- cipal articles of Irish consumption. Years. Beer, ale and por- ter bar- rels at 32 gallons. Brandy, gallons. Rum, gallons. Sugar, Muscov. Tea, lbs. Tobacco, lbs. Wine, tuns. 1750 439,302 179,641 2 1751 700,905 130,306 1752 513,266 191,556 1753 784,945 140,465 1754 987,122 166,558 3,574,037 3 1755 507,864 199,938 4,154,203 3 1756 13,572 815,887 163,693 3,424,359 3 678,470 167,451 1 Mr. Gordon, Surveyor General of Munster, favoured me with an account of the trade, which made the total exports in 1772 to amount to £ s. d. 5,167,159 2 The imports . . . . 2,147,079 3 2 Balance . 3,020,079 18 10 But the above table clearly proves that this is exaggerated ; for the exports not included in my account can never amount to two millions. If her balance, however, was not above a million, it would be impossible for her to pay £800,000 in absentees and pensions, besides offices, interest of money, &c. &c. ; to do that, and yet increase as she has done in wealth, it should be near £1,200,000. 2 Commons' Journals, vol. 10, p. 318. 3 Ibid, vol. 11, p. 169. GENERAL STATE OF IRELAND. 257 Years. Beer, ale and por- ter bar- rels at 32 gallons. Brandy, gallons. Rum, gallons. Sugar, Muscov. Tea, lbs. Tobacco, lbs. Wine, tuns. 1757 1758 1759 1760 1761 1762 1763 10,949 15,222 16,517 13,500 18,837 18,007 22,099 511,682! 534,692 820,915 249,197 341,975 656,531 691,027 104,926 2 117, 111 4 129,673 5 4,769,975 3 4,958, 72P 3,662,246 3 16,447 543,717 1764 1765 1766 1767 1768 1769 1770 28,935 27,787 32,440 29,487 40,542 45,452 38,439 657,037 757,105 651,943 770,319 685,661 420,584 437,437 913,120 1,230,840 1,480,697 l,oo7,540 1,873,273 2,100,419 1,640,791 167,011 Iz9,d31 133,249 i oo oon ld3,8zy 181,924 183,337 183,245 204,891 0)0£> n AO zdo,908 297,988 183,257 239,800 1,007,693 1,130,486 5,725,777 a ioi orvi 4,431,801 6,049,270 A AOO Ol"70. 4,083,379 4,346,769 4,842,197 5,445,942 4,685 6,416 5,938 5,683 5,786 5,870 5,129 Average 34,726 625,726 1,558,097 158,846 471,576 4,988,162 5,643 1771 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 1777 44,104 47,735 58,675 51,995 53,906 65,922 6 70,382 6 408,011 374,144 310,025 395,740 556,133 403,706 479,996 2,035,388 1,973,731 1,704,557 1,503,086 1,322,506 1,888,068 1,680,233 176,924 188,260 201,109 171,347 205,858 238,746 193,258 913,296 741,762 839,218 1,207,764 1,041,517 680,526 704,221 5,012,979 5,525,849 5,231,714 5,434,924 3,949,740 5,379,405 3,916,409 4,948 4,634 5,425 5,709 4,698 4,521 4,646 Average 56,102 289,679 1,729,652 196,500 875,472 4,921,572 4,941 1 The following years differ in another account, Com. Jour. vol. 14, p. 141. gallons. gallons. In the year 1757 Rum . 513,193 In the year 1760 Rum . 275,732 1758 „ . 618,945 1761 „ . 370,011 1759 „ . 903,809 2 Commons Journals, vol 10, p. 318. 3 Commons Journal, vol. 11, page 179. 4 Ibid, page 169. 5 Ibid, page 180. 6 These two years are only of beer. II. S 258 A TOUR IN IRELAND. The articles of beer, rum, and sugar, are greatly increased ; tea quadrupled ; wine having lessened is certainly owing to the increased sobriety of the kingdom, which must have made a difference in the import. The imports of silks and woollen goods, given on a former occasion, spoke the same language of increased consumption. Specie. The specie of Ireland, gold and silver, is calculated by the Dublin bankers at c£l,600,000. Population. This article, which in so many treatises is reckoned to be the only object worth attention, I put the last of all, not as being unimportant, but depending totally on the preceding articles. It is perfectly needless to speak of population, after shewing that agriculture is improved, manufactures and commerce increased, and the general appearance of the kingdom carrying the face of a rising prosperity ; it follows inevitably from all this that the people must have increased ; and, accordingly, the information, from one end of the island to the other, confirmed it : but no country should wish for population in the first instance ; let it flow from an increase of industry and employment, and it will be valuable ; but population that arises, supposing it possible, without it, such a cause would, instead of being valuable, prove use- less, probably pernicious : population, therefore, 1 singly taken, ought never to be an enquiry at all ; there is not even any strength resulting from numbers without wealth, to arm, support, pay and discipline them. The hearth- tax in 1778 produced .£61,646, which cannot indicate a less population, exceptions included, than three millions. The minutes of souls, per cabbin, at Castle Caldwell, Drurno- land, and Kilfane, gave 6 and 6f , Upon the whole, we may safely determine that, judging by those appearances and circumstances, which have been generally agreed to mark the prosperity or declension of a country, Ireland has since the year 1748 made as great advances as could possibly be expected, perhaps greater than any other country in Europe. GENERAL STATE OF IRELAND. 259 Since that period her linen exports have just trebled. Her general exports .to Great-Britain more than doubled. The rental of the kingdom doubled. And, I may add, her linen and general exports have increased proportionally to this in the last seven years, consequently her wealth is at present on a like increase. SECTION XXIY. STATE OF IRELAND, BROUGHT DOWN TO THE END OF THE YEAR, 1779 DISTRESSES — FREE TRADE OBSERVATIONS ARMED ASSOCIATIONS. HPHE preceding sections have been written near a twelve- -L month ; events have since happened, which are of an importance that will not permit me to pass them by in silence, much as I wish to do it. The moment of national expectation and heat is seldom that of cool discussion. When the minds of men are in a ferment, questions originally simple become complex from forced combina- tions. To publish opinions, however candidly formed, at such times, is a most unpleasant business ; for it is almost impossible to avoid censure ; but, as a dead silence upon events of such importance would look either like ignorance or affectation, I shall lay before the reader the result of my own researches. Upon the meeting of the Irish Parliament in October last, the great topic, which seemed to engross all their attention, was the distress of the kingdom, and the remedy demanded — A free trade. In the preceding papers Ireland exhibits the picture of a country, perhaps the most rising in prosperity of any in Europe, the data upon which that idea was formed were brought down to Lady-day 1778. I must therefore naturally enquire into the circumstances of a situation which seems to have changed so suddenly, and to so great a degree. I have taken every measure to gain whatever proofs I could of the real declension in Ireland during this period, and I find the circumstance of the revenue producing so much less than usual particularly insisted on ; the following is the state of it. STATE OF IRELAND. 261 The greatest declension is in these articles : In the years. 1776. 1777. 1778. 1779. Customs inwards . Customs outwards . Import excise . . Wine, first . . . £ 248,491 42,488 152,238 15,825 £ 251,055 35,883 153,727 16,124 £ 198,550 36,027 131,284 13,497 £ 165,802 31,717 106,070 8,933 The totals are as follow, including the hereditary revenue, old and new additional duties, stamps, and appropriated duties. In the years. 1776. 1777. 1778. 1779. £ £ £ £ Totals . . . 1,040,055 1,093,881 968,683 862,823 The total decline in the last year amounts to about one hundred thousand pounds; and from the particulars it appears to lie on the import account ; for, as to the fall of five thousand pounds on the export customs, it is very trivial; those distresses which have, by associations or naturally, so immediate an effect in cutting off the expences of importation, while exports remain nearly as they were, have a wonderful tendency to produce a cure the moment the disease is known ; for that balance of wealth, arising from such an account, must animate every branch of industry in a country, whose greatest evil is the want of capital and circulation. Generally speaking, a declining revenue is a proof of declining wealth; but the present case is so strong an exception, that the very contrary is the fact; the Irish were very free and liberal consumers of foreign com- modities; they have greatly curtailed that consumption, not from poverty, for their exports have many of them increased, and none declined comparably with their imports, circumstances marked by the course of exchange being much in their favour, as well as by these and other 262 A TOUR IN IRELAND. accounts; this liberal consumption being lessened from other motives, they are necessarily accumulating a consider- able superlucration of wealth, which in spite of fate will revive their revenues, while it increases every exertion of their national industry. 1776. 1777. 1778. 1779. £ £ £ £ In the above account customs inwards, import excise, and wine duty, added together, amount to these sums, 416,554 420,906 343,331 280,802 42,488 35,883 36,027 31,717 From 1777 to 1778, the customs on their exports increased, but their customs on imports declined above ,£77,000. From 1778 to 1779 the former fell £4,310, or more than a ninth, at the same time the import duty fell £63,000 or a fifth ; this difference in these articles is very great, and, if all the heads of the revenue were included, it would be more still. It is not surprizing that the national debt should increase while the revenue declines. At Lady-dav 1779, it amounted to £1,062,597, which is more than in 1777 by 6237,171. But the decline of the revenue has by no means been general, as will be seen by the following table of articles, which have been upon the rise. 1776. 1777. 1778. 1779. £ £ £ £ 7,272 7,182 7,363 7,511 Wine and strong water ditto 19,563 19,984 20,823 20,298 60,966 60,580 61,646 60,617 Tea duty residues .... 4,404 4,590 7,300 5,747 58,046 51,453 47,698 52,558 Strong waters, third . . . 5,659 18,586 18,782 18,233 19,725 20,784 21.174 21,316 2,141 3,9S4 2 .427 4,012 STATE OF IRELAND. 263 All of which, except the article of stamps, are laid upon the great consumption of the common people; whatever distress, therefore, is marked by a falling revenue, the lower classes do not seem, fortunately, to have suffered proportionally with the higher ones. But let us farther enquire how far the declension of revenue is owing to an increase of poverty; and how far to a forced artificial measure, that of associations for non-import. These have been very general in Ireland during 1779, and must have had a considerable effect. In order to understand the question, the facts themselves must be seen ; the following tables will explain them. The revenue of Ireland is raised chiefly on the import of spirits, tea, wine, tobacco, and sugar. In the year Coals. Muscovado sugar. Brandy. Geneva. ' Rum. Tons. Cwt. Gallons. Gallons. Gallons. 1776 217,938 238,746 403,706 153,430 1,888,068 1777 240,893 193,258 479,996 137,474 1,680,233 1778 237,101 139,816 226,434 144,438 1,234,502 1779 219,992 145,540 180,705 87,423 1,183,865 In the year Tea, Bohea. Tea, Green. Wines of all sorts. Tobacco. 1776 1777 1778 1779 lb. 308,558 359,475 336,470 402,594 lb. 371,968 344,726 479,115 375,269 Tuns. 5,075 5,129 4,319 2,806 lb. 5,379,405 3,916,409 3,629,056 4,038,479 The great decline is in spirits and wine. Tea has not fallen upon the whole; and tobacco in 1779 is superior to 1778. Sugar since 1776 is much fallen, but from 1778 to 1779 there is a rise. Coals are tolerably equal. The strongest circumstance is that of wine, which has fallen very greatly indeed. The principal cause of the decline of 264 A TOUR IN IRELAND. the revenue is to be found in these imports. The remark I made before seems to be strongly confirmed, that the distress of Ireland seems more to have affected the higher than the lower classes; wine, green tea and brandy, are fallen off considerably, but tobacco, bohea tea, and musco- vado sugar, are increased from 1778 to 1779. This is strongly confirmed by the import of loaf sugar having fallen while muscovado has risen : the loaf in 1776 is 8,907 cwt., in 1777 it is 15,928 cwt, in 1778 it is 12,365 cwt., but in 1779 it is only 5,931 cwt. Other instances may be produced: imported millinery, a mere article of luxury for people of fashion, has fallen greatly : English beer, consumed by the better ranks, declines much ; but hops for Irish beer, which is drank by the lower ones, has risen exceedingly. Hops. Millinery Ware. Beer. Cwt. Value. Barrels. In the year 1776 9,694 £13,758 65,922 1777 18,067 16,881 70,382 1778 10,974 15,667 68,960 1771) 18,191 8,317 47,437 From this circumstance I draw a very strong conclusion, that rents are not paid as well as they ought, and that tenants and agents make a pretence of bad times to an extent far beyond the fact. The common expression of bad times does some mischief of this kind in England ; but in Ireland it is much more effective, especially in excuses sent to absentees instead of remittances. The great decline of the import of British manufactures and goods, which is remarkable, must be attributed to the non-import associations bearing particularly against them ; they have dropped so much, that we may hope the Irish manufactures they have interfered with may have risen in consequence. STATE OF IRELAND. 265 In the year New drapery. Old drapery. Muslin. Silk manufac. 1776 1777 1778 1779 Yds. 676,485 731,819 741,426 270,839 Yds. 290,215 381,330 378,077 176,196 Yds. 116,552 162,663 121,934 44,507 lb. 17,326 24,187 27,223 15,794 In most of these articles we find such a decline of import, that there is no wonder the revenue should have suffered. If it is said that this decreased import is to be attributed to a preceding poverty ; it will only throw back the period of enquiry into the years discussed in a preceding section, and from which no national decline can by any means be deduced. Some articles of import, however, contain such a decline, as induces me to think there must be more distress than appears from others. The following are the objects I fix on. Flax- seed. Hemp- seed. Clover- seed. Eaw silk. Cotton wool. Mohair yarn. Year 1776 1777 1778 1779 Hhds. 24,077 32,613 37,211 20,419 Hhds. 150 159 106 69 Cwt. 4,648 5,988 5,664 3,852 lb. 41,594 54,043 51,873 29,633 Cwt. 3,860 4,569 4,565 1,345 lb. 29,345 27,424 18,327 4,552 These are demanded by the agriculture or the manufac- tures of the kingdom, and are the last that ought to fall. The declension in the trade of Ireland is not, however, in imports only ; there is a great decline in many export articles, enough to convince any one that all is not right in that country ; the following particulars will shew this. 266 A TOUR IN IRELAND. In the year Beef. Hides. Tallow. Butter. Pork. 1 i lara. Candles. barrels. No. Cwt. Cwt. barrels. Cwt. Cwt. 1 / /O i ~>~ i lUo,0/4 070 4.1 1 1 , _. H 1 /Z, / 14 .»._]»» 0,100 1777 168,578 84,391 48,502 264,181 72,931 2,981 1,764 1778 190,605 79,531 38,450 258,144 77,612 3,428 938 1779 138,918 55,823 41,384 227,829 70,066 3,527 1,827 It is some consolation that hogs have not experienced the declension which has attended oxen and cows. The article beef puzzles me. I have been informed that for these two years all Government contracts for beef, &c. have not been entered on the custom-house books, by an order of Mr. Gordon, the Surveyor General ; if this is the fact, it accounts for the heaviest articles in this declension. 1 The circum- stance that the export of ox-horns has scarcely declined at all, that the export of ox-guts has greatly increased, and that glew has risen, would justify one in supposing that something of this sort must have affected the accounts of beef, &c. Ox-horns. Ox -guts. Glew. Cwt. Barrels. Cwt. In the year 1776 577 141 1,025 1777 338 243 1,215 1778 928 171 1,127 1778 896 350 l,154 a I need not observe that the greatest export of provisions from Ireland by far is to great Britain, especially in time of war : now the accounts which have been laid on the table of our House of Commons do not admit the same conclu- sions as the Irish accounts, owing probably to some circum- stances with which we are not fully aquainted, if not to the 1 See above, p. 90, the author's note to the account of the export of the products of pasturage. 2 The preceding tables in this section are taken from a MS. account of export and import communicated by William Eden, Esq. STATE OF IRELAND. 267 identical one I have mentioned. The following particulars are extracted from the accounts brought in by Lord North . Imports from Ireland. Value of Value of Value of Value of beef. butter. tallow. pork. £ £ £ £ In the year 1768 55,802 173,259 52,557 28,609 1769 55,107 260,357 45,635 18,544 1770 51,695 149,464 44,928 22,240 1771 64,072 236,403 43,274 25,504 1772 48,434 204,810 17,419 22,401 1773 45,364 229,528 43,230 30,198 1774 46,064 211,152 38,247 21,836 1775 50,299 245,624 46,398 40,358 1776 95,194 237,926 48,072 42,737 1777 106,915 274,535 41,695 29,575 1778 106,202 210,986 39,209 37,981 As far as this account comes, for the year 1779 is not in it, here is almost every appearance of increase ; or at least the decline, where there is any, is much too inconsiderable to found any conclusions on. Let us examine manufactured exports from the same account. In the year. 1768 1769 1770 1771 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 1777 1778 Linen. Yards. 15,249,248 16,496,271 18,195,087 20,622,217 19,171,771 17,876,617 21,447,198 21,916,171 20,943,847 21,132,548 18,869,447 Value. 500,778 549,875 606,502 687,407 639,059 595,887 714,906 730,539 698,128 704,418 628,981 Linen yarn raw. lb. 4,794,926 4,107,478 5,240,687 4,035,756 3,608,424 3,082,274 4,660,833 4,363,582 3,914,351 3,198,437 3,788,603 Value. 209,778 179,702 229,280 176,564 157,649 134,869 203,911 190,906 171,252 139,931 165,751 Bay yarn. Cwt. Value. 21,043 19,332 19,903 18,588 14,828 11,073 12,549 13,882 18,091 17,897 15,053 47,426 43,580 44,864 41,894 33,421 24,964 28,289 31,294 40,778 40,269 33,870 From hence we find that these articles have not fallen off so much as might for many reasons have been expected. Linen yarn has risen from 1777 to 1778 considerably. Cloth 268 A TOUR IN IRELAND. has fallen, but not enough to give any alarm. From 1770 to 1771 in linen yarn was almost as great a fall, without any ill effects ensuing. The following table contains the total export from Ireland. Export of Yarn, Linen, &c. Linen cloth. Linen yarn. Worsted yarn. In the year 1776 1777 1778 1779 Yards. 20,502,587 19,714,6.38 21,945,729 18,836,042 Cwt. 36,152 29,698 28,108 35,673 Stones. 86,527 114,703 122,755 100,939 Which does not mark any such decline as happened upon the bankruptcy of Mr. Fordyce. It is remarkable from these two accounts, how great a proportion of the exported linen of Ireland is taken off by England ; in the year 1776 it absorbed the whole. Indeed it appears to have more than done it ; which apparent error arises from the Irish accounts ending at Lady day, and the English ones the 31st of December. But, in order to explain this business as much as possible, I shall in the next place insert the English ac- count of all the exports and imports to and from Ireland. Exports to Ireland of English manufacture, foreign <*oods and merchandize, in and out of time, and ex- ported from Scotland. Goods and merchandize imported from Balance against Ireland to Ireland. England. £ £ £ In the year 176S 2,248,314 1,226,094 1,022,220 1769 2,347,801 1,542,253 805,548 1,185,838 1770 2,544,737 1,358,899 1771 2,436,853 1,547,237 889,616 177-2 2,396,152 1,416,285 979,867 1773 2,123,705 1,392,759 730,946 1774 2,414,666 1,573,345 841,321 1775 2,401,686 1,641,069 760,617 1776 2.461/290 1,654,226 807,064 1777 2.211,689 1,639,871 571,818 177S 1,731,808 1,510,881 220,927 DISTRESSES. 269 In the year 1768, the export and import between Scotland and Ireland is not included, but in the rest it is. This table is drawn from the accounts laid before Parliament at the close of the sessions of 177§- ; relative to the valuation, here followed, of the custom-house, I should remark it has been supposed, that the real balance is in favour of Ireland, notwithstanding the valuation speaks the contrary ; and Lord North, in December last, gave this as his information to the House of Commons. But, taking the account as it stands here, it must evidently appear that the distresses which have come upon Ireland within the last year or two do not in the smallest degree originate in her commercial connections with England ; for during the last nine or ten years her balance has grown less and less. From 1776 to 77 it sunk .£230,000 ; and from 77 to 78 it fell £350,000. If therefore Ireland was prosperous while she paid us a balance of 7, 8, and £900,000 a year, surely she ought not to be more distressed under less than a fourth of it ? That kingdom must upon the face of this account have had a superlucration of wealth, arising of late years upon this trade, to a very great amount. But this account does not include the pear 1779, of which, upon the general payments between the two kingdoms, I have no other authority than to mention the course of exchange. Mr. Eden observes (Four letters to the Earl of Carlisle) that during the year 1778 and 1779, the exchange of Dublin on London has varied from 5£ to 7^-; par. is 8^. October 27, 1779 it was at 6£, which is remarkably low, and proves that Ireland must have been accumulating wealth through that period. The reader will naturally remark that these are all external authorities : some of them seem to mark a distress in Ire- land, but others speak very strongly a direct contrary language ; it remains to be observed, that the interior authorities have been much insisted on. It has been asserted, and by very respectable persons, that rents have fallen, lands untenanted, prices low, 1 people unemployed, and 1 January 24th, 1780. I have this minute received from my very obliging friend Mr. Bolton (member for Waterford) the following note : ' 'Butter has been here (Waterford) all this winter at 42s. per cwt. Pork at the beginning of the winter 235. to 23s. 9d. ; from that it rose by degrees, and is now 26s. 6d. per cwt." The butter is very low, lower 270 A TOUR IN IRELAND. poverty universal. The misfortune of these circumstances, when produced as argument, is that they admit no proof. I ask for figures, and you give me anecdote : my Lord this is ruined — the Duke of t'other cannot afford to live at Dublin, the Earl of A. has no remittances, Mr. C. has c£18,000 arrears. This is a repetition of the complaints which the English House of Commons heard so much of in 1773. I am very far from denying them, but only desire that assertions may not be accepted as proofs. They are national complaints when a new system of policy is called for ; the palpable consequence of which is, that they are exaggerated — such complaints always were, and always will exceed the truth. Let it not however be imagined that I contend Ireland suffers none, or very little distress : while we see very great distress in England, we need not wonder that Ireland should, though in a less degree, suffer likewise. We see the funds have in a few years fallen 27 per cent. The years' purchase of land reduced from 33 to 23. The prices of all products fallen from 30 to 100 per cent. Wheat from 7s. to 3s. a bushel ; other grain in proportion. Wool from 18s. to 12s. ; all greatly owing to the scarcity of money arising from the high interest paid for the publick loans : I can hardly conceive those operations to have drawn money from the channels of industry in every part of this island, without likewise affecting our neighbour, much of whose national industry was, if not supported, at least much assisted by English capitals. Therefore, from reasoning, I should sup- pose they must have been somewhat distressed ; but the preceding facts will not permit me to imagine that distress to be anything like what is represented ; at the same time that they shew it is in many articles wearing out even while the complaints are loudest. Admitting some distress, and connecting it with the general state of the Kingdom rather than peculiarly to the present moment, I may be asked to what is it owing ? The than for ten years ; but pork keeps up its price. At Limerick the minutes shew that 295. 3d. is a very high price, and that 12s. was the price only eleven years ago." I am yet in hope, from an expression in Mr. Bolton's letter, to receive the price of other commodities before the work is entirely finished at press. — [Author's ?wtc] FREE TRADE. 271 preceding sections have been an answer to that question ; but to bring their result into a very short compass I should here observe, that the causes which have impeded the pro- gress of Irish prosperity are, I. The oppression of the Catholicks, which, by loading the industry of two millions of subjects has done more to retard the progress of the kingdom than all other causes put together. II. The bounty on the inland carriage of corn to Dublin, "which, by changing a beneficial pasturage to an execra- ble tillage at a heavy expence to the publick, has done much mischief to the kingdom, besides involving it in debt. III. The perpetual interference of Parliament in every branch of domestic industry, either for laying restric- tions or giving bounties, but always doing mischief. IV. The mode of conducting the linen manufacture, which, by spreading over all the north, has annihilated agricul- ture throughout a fourth part of the kingdom, and taken from a great and flourishing manufacture the usual effect of being an encouragement to every branch of husbandry. V. The stoppage of emigration for five years, which has accumulated a surplus of population, and thereby dis- tressed those who are rivalled by their staying at home. 1 1 This single circumstance is sufficient to account for any distress that may be found in the north. Men who emigrate are, from the nature of the circumstance, the most active, hardy, daring, bold, and resolute spirits, and probably the most mischievous also. The intelligence in the minutes speaks that language ; it was every year the loose, disorderly, worthless fellows that emigrated : upon an average of twenty years the number was four or five thousand ; but, from the great increasing population of the country, the number in the four or five years last past would have been greater. At any rate, there must be from twenty-five to forty thousand of the most disorderly worthless spirits accumulated, much against their wills, at home, and are fully sufficient to account for violence and riots, much more for clamour and complaint. — [Author's note.] 272 A TOUR IN IRELAND. VI. The ill-judged restrictions laid by Great Britain on the commerce of Ireland, which have prevented the general industry of the country from being animated propor- tionably with that of others. VII. The great drain of the rents of absentees' estates being remitted to England, which has an effect, I be- lieve, not quite so mischievous as commonly supposed. Is it upon the whole to be concluded, relative to the present moment, that the freedom of trade now giving to Ireland, is a wrong measure ? I by no means either think or assert such an opinion. In the preceding sections I have rejDeatedly endeavoured to shew that no policy was ever more absurd than the restricting system of England, which has been as prejudicial to herself as to Ireland ; but, because a measure is wise and prudent, is it proper to admit for truths facts which do not appear to be founded ? the ques- tion of political prudence is a question only of the moment ; but to admit circumstances to speak a national declension, which prove no such thing, is laying the foundation of future deception ; it is bringing false principles into the political science, in a point than which none can be more important, ascertaining the circumstances relative to all future cases as well as the present, which prove the prosperity or declen- sion of a kingdom. And here the reader will, I hope, pardon a digression on the conduct of one set of men in the present noise of distress ; it is a circumstance in the state of Ireland, that should make more impression upon the country gentlemen of that kingdom than it does : they have united with merchants and manufacturers in the violent cry for a free trade, and they have regularly in Parliament promoted all those visionary and expensive projects set on foot by interested people, for giving premiums and bounties, to the amount of above an hundred thousand pounds a year ; and which alone accounts for the whole of that national debt, and declining revenue, which will make many now taxes necessary. The Irish are a grateful an J a loyal people, and will not receive this free trade without making a return for it ; that can only be in taxation ; nay, they already speak in Parliament of a return. Thus have the country gentle- OBSERVATIONS. 273 men of that kingdom been such dupes, as to agree to measures for running themselves in debt, and have joined in the cry for a favour, which, I have shewn, cannot be of any considerable use perhaps for half a century, but for which they are immediately to pay a solid return ; and if that return takes the shape of a land tax, they have nobody to thank but themselves. What I would conclude from this is, and would urge it as a lesson for the future, that it is always for the benefit of the landed interest to be quiet. Let merchants and manufacturers complain, riot, associate, and do whatever they please ; but never unite with them ; restrain, but never inflame them. The whole tenour of the preceding minutes proves that Ireland has flourished for these last thirty years to an uncommon degree, I believe more than any country in Europe. Was not this enough ? Was not this a reason for being silent and still? Why not submit to a temporary distress, rather than by loud com- plaints, bring the state and situation of your country into question at all ? Why demand useless favours in order to pay solid returns ? During the whole flow of your prosperity what have been the additional burthens laid on you in taxa- tion ? Every country in Europe has added to those burthens considerably, England immensely, but you not at all, or to so trifling an amount as to be the same thing. Could your most sanguine hopes picture a more happy situation ? And yet to yourselves are you indebted for bounties on the car- riage of corn, for premiums on corn- stands, for ideal navi- gations through bogs to convey turf to Whitehaven, for collieries where there is no coal, for bridges where there are no rivers, navigable cuts where there is no water, harbours where there are no ships, and churches where there are no congregations. 1 Party may have dictated such measures, in order to render Government poor and dependent ; but, rely on it, such a conduct was for their own, not your advantage ; as the absolute necessity of new taxes will most feelingly con- 1 The assertion is not founded on the following charge in the national accounts, 1779, though one might presume something upon it : To the Board of First-fruits, for building new churches, and rebuilding old churches, in such parishes as no divine public service has been performed for twenty years past . £6,000 II. T 274 A TOUR IN IRELAND. vince you. Thus have you been duped by one set into measures, which have impoverished the public and bur- thened you with a debt ; and because another description of men suffer a distress, in its very nature temporary, you join in their cry to buy that, which if any good arose from it, would be theirs, 1 while you only are to pay the piper. Henceforward, therefore, execrate, silence, confound, and abash the men, who raise clamours at distresses, whether real or imaginary ; you know from the progressive pros- perity of your country, that such cannot be radical ; weighty experience has told you also, that you may have to pay for relief that goes but imaginarily to others, in giving up your solid gold for their ideal profits. Reflect that the great period of your increasing wealth was a time of quiet and silence, and that you did not complain of poverty until you were proved to be a. golden object of taxation. Ponder well on these facts, and be in future silent. That the measure of giving freedom to the Irish commerce is a wise one, I have not a doubt ; but I must own, I regret its not having been done upon principles of sound policy, rather than at a time when it can bear the construction, true or false, of being extorted ; and this leads me to one or two observations on the armed associations, which have made too much noise in England. If ill-founded apprehensions have led the Legislature of Britain to do now what it ought to have done long ago, the effect is beneficial to both countries ; but I cannot admit that it is merely giving charity to a sturdy beggar, who frightens us by the brandishing and size of his crutch. To suppose that Great Britain is at the mercy of Ireland, and that an Irish Congress may arise, supported by forty thou- sand bayonets, is mere idle declamation ; we have the strongest reason entirely to reject such ideas, because it could not possibly end in anything but the ruin of Ireland ; the very conflict would arrest all that prosperity which has 1 I am well aware of what may be here said upon the advantage of landlords being in proportion to the prosperity of manufactures and commerce : in general it certainly is so, and always when things are left to take their natural course; but when they rise above the tenour of that smooth quiet current, the conclusion may not be just ; all the measures condemned in the text are forced and artificial. — [Author's ?wte.] OBSERVATIONS. 275 been gradually flowing in upon her for these thirty years past, and leave her exposed, a divided, 1 weakened people, open to the attack of every potent neighbour. What a senseless, military mob, led by men who have nothing to lose, would wish or attempt, may be doubted; but that military associations, officered and commanded by men of the first property, who have not named a grievance without redress following, and who have experienced more favour from three sessions of the British Parliament than from three centuries before : — to suppose that such men, having everything to lose by public confusion, but nothing to gain, would so entirely turn their back to the most powerful pleadings of their own interest and that of their country, is to suppose a case which never did nor ever will happen. Apprehensions of any extremities are idle ; but there is this misfortune in a series of concessions, not given to reason, but to clamour, that they rather invite new demands than satisfy old ones ; and from this circumstance results the great superiority of coming at once to a universal explana- tion, and agreeing either to a Union, or to such a modifica- tion of one, as I stated in section xxii. In the next place let me inquire what degree of relief (supposing the dis- tresses of that kingdom to be as they may) will result from the freedom lately given to the Irish in respect to their woollen and American trades, which will naturally lead me to the question, whether any prejudice is likely to result to England. Whatever the distress may be in Ireland, it appears that these freedoms will not strike immediately at the evil, nor bring any considerable remedy ; they are general favours, and not applicable to the distress of the time ; this ought to be well understood in Ireland, because false hopes lead only to disappointment. It was highly proper to repeal those restrictions ; but it is every day in the power of the Irish to render to themselves much more important services. In order to convert their new situation to immediate advan- tage, they must establish woollen fabrics for the new 1 Those who are so wild as for a moment to conceive an idea of this sort, must surely have forgot the Roman catholics in that kingdom. It would be easy to en large on this point, but for every reason improper. — [Author's note.] 276 A TOUR IN IRELAND. markets opened to them ; those already in the kingdom I cannot suppose to be exported for this plain reason — they are rivalled in their own markets by similar manufactures from England, I mean particularly fine broad cloths and ratteens ; if the Irish fabrics cannot stand the competition of ours in the market of Dublin, while they have a heavy- land carriage in England, freight, commission, and duties on landing, and while the Irish cloth has a great bounty by the Dublin Society to encourage it, they certainly will not be able to oppose us in foreign markets, where we meet on equal terms; this removes the expected advantage to mew fabrics, which, let me observe, require new capitals, new establishments, new exertions, and new difficulties to be overcome ; and all this in a country where the old- e>tnblished and flourishing fabric could scarcely be sup- ported without English credit. It may farther be observed that the reason why that credit and support have been given to the linen of Ireland, is its being a fabric not inter- fering with those of Britain ; it is a different manufacture, demanded for different puq>oses. Had it been otherwise, the superiority of English capitals, and the advantage of long-established skill and industry, would have crushed the competition of the Irish linen ; as in future they mil crush any competition in woollens if of the same kinds we manufacture ourselves. When the capital of Ireland becomes much larger, when new habits of industry are introduced, and when time has established new funds of skill, then new fabrics may be undertaken with advantage, but it must be a work of time, and can no more operate as a remedy to present evils, than any scheme of the most visionary nature. Their West India trade, I believe, will be of as little service ; everything in commerce depends on capital ; in order to send ships freighted with Irish commo- dities to those colonies, reloaded with West-India goods, capital and credit are necessary ; they have it not for new trades ; the progressive prosperity of the kingdom has in- creased all the old branches of their commerce, but they all exhibit a proof that they are still cramped for want of greater exertions, which time is bringing. If new specula- tions change the current of old capitals, the advantage may be very problematical ; if this is not done, new trades will OBSERVATIONS. 277 demand new capitals ; and I believe it will be difficult to point out three men in the kingdom with an unemployed wealth applicable to new undertakings. But it is said that English capitals will be employed ; an argument equally used to prove the gain of Ireland and the loss of England ; but in fact proving neither one nor the other. If the wealth of England is employed there, it will be for the benefit of England. Before the present troubles three-fourths of the trade, industry, and even agriculture of North America were put in motion by English capitals, but assuredly for our own benefit ; the profit was remitted to England ; and, whenever the fund itself was withdrawn, it was to the same country. Is it for the benefit of Portugal that English factors reside at Oporto ? Supposing the fact should happen, that English manu- facturers or merchants should establish factors or partners at Corke or Waterford, to carry on woollen fabrics, I see not a shadow of objection ; the profit of those undertakings would center most assuredly in England ; and, if in doing it the Irish were benefited also, who can repine ? Were not the Americans benefited in the same manner ? That Eng- land would suffer no loss, if this was to happen, is to me clear ; but I believe Ireland has very little reason to expect it for many years. I have shewn already that such a plan could never be thought of for such fabrics as are in Ireland rivalled by English goods of the same sort ; if it was to happen, it must be in new fabrics ; but let me ask a sensible manufacturer, whether it would not be easier for him to establish such amidst the long-established skill and inge- nuity of England, rather than go into a country where the whole must be a creation ; where cheapness of provisions, and the habit of subsisting on potatoes, at so small an expence, would baffle his endeavours for half an age, to make the people industrious, and where, under that dis- advantage, the price of his labour would be as high as in England ? I have a right to conclude this, seeing the fact in the linen manufacture, throughout the North of Ireland, where the weavers earn on average Is. hd. a day, and where also the cheapness of provisions proves very often detrimental to the fabric. As a general question, there is nothing more mistaken 278 A TOUR IN IRELAND. than dearness and cheapness of labour. Artizans and manufacturers of all sorts are as well paid by the day as in England ; but the quantity of work they give for it, and in many cases the quality, differ exceedingly. Husbandry labour is very low priced, but by no means cheap ; I have in a preceding section shown this, and asserted on experi- ence that two shillings a day in Suffolk is cheaper than six- pence in Corke. If a Huron would dig for twopence, I have little doubt but it might be dearer than the Irishman's sixpence. If an English manufacturer could not attempt an Irish fabric for cheapness of labour, what other motive could influence him ? Not the price of the raw material, for wool is on an average forty- seven per cent, dearer than in England, which alone is a most heavy burthen. Other reasons, were the above not sufficient, would induce me to believe, on the one hand, that the Irish will not immediately reap any benefit from English capitals employed in their woollen fabrics, and, on the other, that if it was to happen, England would sustain no loss. What time may effect is another question ; Ireland has been so fast increasing in prosperity, that she will gradually form a capital of her own for new trades, and I doubt not will flourish in them without the least prejudice to Britain. Those who are apt to think the contrary, cannot consider with too much atten- tion that case in point : North Britain, which, by means of cheap labour and provisions, has not been able to rival, with any dangerous success, one single English fabric, yet has she raised many to a great degree of prosperity ; but she has flourished in them without injury to us ; and her greatest manufactures, such as stockings, linen, &c, &c, have grown with the unrivalled prosperity of similar fabrics in England. If English capitals have been assistant, have •we, upon review, a single reason to regret it ? The plenty of coals in Scotland is an advantage that Ireland does not enjoy, where fuel is dearer than in England. But let me suppose for a moment, that the contrary of all this was fact, that English capitals would go, that Ire- land would gain, and that England would lose. Is it imagined that the account would stop there? By no means. Why would English capitals go? Because thej OBSERVATIONS. 279 could be employed to more advantage ; and will anyone convince us, that it is not for the general benefit of the Empire, that capitals should be employed where they would be most productive ? Is it even for the advantage of Eng- land, that a thousand pounds should here be employed in a fabric at twelve per cent, profit, if the same could make twenty in Ireland ? This is not at all clear ; but no posi- tion is plainer than another, because it is founded on uniform facts, that the wealth of Ireland is the wealth of England, and that the consumption in Ireland of English manu- factures thrives exactly in proportion to that wealth. While the great profit of the linen manufacture centers at last in England, and while English capitals, and English factors, and partners, have gone to the North of Ireland to advance that fabric, so much to the benefit of England, what shadow of an apprehension can arise, that other branches of Irish prosperity may arise by the same means, and with the same effect ? Take into one general idea the consumption of British goods in that kingdom ; the interest they pay us for money ; and the remittances from absentee estates ; and then let any one judge, if they can possibly increase in wealth without a vast proportion of every shil- ling of that wealth at last centering here. It is for this reason that I think myself the warmest friend to Britain, by urging the importance of Irish prosperity ; we can never thrive to the extent of our capacity till local prejudices are done away ; and they are not done away until we believe the advantage the same, whether wealth arises in Roscommon or in Berkshire. Upon the whole it appears, that the Irish have no reason to look for relief from this new and liberal system, to any distress peculiar to the present moment ; the silent progress of time is doing that for them, which they are much too apt to look for in statutes, regulations and repeals. Their dis- tress will most assuredly be only temporary. The increase of wealth, which has for some time been flowing into that kingdom, will animate their industry ; to put it in the future is improper, it must be doing it at this moment ; and he is no friend to Britain that does not wish it may continue in the most rapid progression. In this idea I shall not hesitate to declare, that the freedoms granted to Ireland, 280 A TOUR IN IRELAND. whenever they shall take effect to the benefit of that king* lorn, will prove the wisest measures for enriching this ; and that all apprehensions of ills arising from them are equally con- trary to the dictates of experience, and to the conclusions of the soundest theory. MODES OF A6EICTJLTURE RECOMMENDED TO THE GENTLEMEN OF IRELAND. HAVING- been repeatedly requested, by gentlemen in all parts of the kingdom, to name such courses of crops as I thought would be advantageous ; I very readily complied to the best of my judgment with the desire ; but, as it is necessary to be more diffuse in explanations than possible on the leaf of a pocket-book, I promised many to be more particular in my intended publication; I shall, therefore, venture to recommend such modes of cultivation as I think, after viewing the greatest part of the kingdom, will be found most advantageous. Turnejp Course. 1 1. Turneps. 2. Barley. 3. Clover. 4. Wheat. Directions. Plough the field once in October into flat lands ; give the second ploughing the beginning of March; a third in April; a fourth in May; upon this spread the manure, whatever it may be, if any is designed for the crop ; dung is the best. About midsummer plough for the last time. You must be attentive in all these ploughings thoroughly 1 For dry and light soils. 282 A TOUR IN IRELAND. to extirpate all root weeds, particularly couch (triticum repens) and water-grass ; the former is the white root, which is under ground, the latter, that which knots on the surface, and is, if possible, more mischievous than the former. Children, with baskets, should follow the plough in every furrow, to pick it all up and burn it ; and as fast as it is done, sow and harrow in the turaep seed. The best way of sowing is to provide a trough, from twelve to sixteen feet loug, three inches wide and four deep, made of slit deal half an inch thick ; let it have partitions twelve inches asunder, and a bottom of pierced tin to every other division; the holes in the tin should be just large enough for a seed to fall through with ease, three of them to each tin ; in the middle of the trough two circular handles of iron ; the seed is to be put, a small quantity at a time, into the bottomed divisions ; and a man, taking the trough in his hands, walks with a steady pace over the land, shaking it sideways as he goes : if he guides himself by the centers and furrows of the beds, he will be sure not to miss any land ; cover the seed with a light pair of harrows. A pint and half of seed the proper quantity for a plantation- acre ; the large globular white Norfolk sort, which grows above ground, yields the greatest produce. As soon as the crop comes up, watch them well to see if attacked by the fly ; and, if very large spaces are quite eaten up, instantly plough again, and sow and harrow as before. When the plant gets the third or rough leaf, they are safe from the fly ; and as soon as they spread a diameter of three or four inches is the time to begin to hand-hoe them, an operation so indispensably necessary, that to cultivate turneps without it, is much worse manage- ment than not to cultivate them at all. Procure hand-hoes from England, eleven inches wide, and, taking them into the field, make the men set out the turneps to the distance of from twelve to eighteen inches asunder, according to the richness of the soil ; the richer the greater the distance, cutting up all weeds and turneps which grow within those spaces, and not leaving two or three plants together in knots. Make them do a piece of land perfectly well while you are with them, and leave it as a sample. They will be slow and awkward at first, but will improve quickly. Do MODES OF AGRICULTURE. 283 not apprehend the expence ; that will lessen as the men become handy. On no account permit them to do the work with their fingers, unless to separate two turneps close together ; for they will then never understand the work, and the expence will always be great. Employ hands enough to finish the field in three weeks As soon as they have done it, they are to begin again and hoe a second time, to correct the deficiencies of the first ; and for a few years, until the men become skilful in the business, attend in the same manner to remedy the omissions of the second. And if afterwards, when the turneps are closed, and exclude all hoeing, any weeds should rise and shew them- selves above the crop, children and women should be sent in to pull them by hand. In order to feed the crop where they grow, which is an essential article, herdles must be procured ; as a part there- fore of the system, plant two or three acres of the strait timber sally, in the same manner as for a twig garden, only the plants not quite so close ; these at two years growth will make very good sheep herdles ; they should be 6 or 7 feet long and 3 feet high, the bottoms of the upright stakes sharpened, and projecting from the wattle- work 6 inches ; they are fixed down by means of stakes, one stake to each herdle, and a band of year-old sally goes over the two end stakes of the herdle and the moveable stake they are fixed with : the herdles are very easily made, but the best way would be to send over an Irish labourer to England to become a master of it, which he would do in a couple of months. Being thus provided with herdles, and making some other shift till the sallies are grown, you must feed your crop (if you would apply them to the best advantage) with fat wethers, beginning the middle of November, or first week in December ; and, herdling off a piece proportioned to the number of your sheep, let them live there, night and day ; when they have nearly eaten the piece up, give them another, and so on while your crops last : when you come to have plenty of herdles, there should be a double row, in order to let your lean sheep follow the fat ones, and eat up their leavings ; by which means none will be lost. The great profit of this practice in Ireland is being able to sell 284 A TOUR IN IRELAND. your fat sheep in the spring, when mutton almost doubles its price. If you fat oxen with turneps, they must be given in sheds, well littered, and kept clean ; and the beasts should have good hay. Take care never to attempt to fatten either beasts or wethers with them that are lean at putting them to turneps ; the application is profitable only for animals that are not less than half fat. Upon the crop being eaten, there is a variation of conduct founded on circumstances not easy fully to de- scribe ; which is, ploughing once, twice, or thrice for barley ; the soil must be dry, loose, and friable for that grain ; and, as clover is always to be sown on it, it must be fine ; but, if the first ploughing is hit in proper time and weather, the land will be in finer order on many soils than after successive ploughings. The farmer in his field must be the judge of this : suffice it to say, that the right moment to send the ploughs into a field is one of the most difficult points to be learned in tillage, and which no instructions can teach. It is practice alone that can do it. As to the time of sowing the barley in Ireland, I should miss no season after the middle of February if I had my land in order. Sow three quarters of a barrel, or a barrel and quarter of barley, to the plantation acre, according to the richness of the land ; if it had a moderate manuring for turneps, and fed with fat sheep, three quarters or a whole one would be sufficient ; but if you doubt your land being in heart, sow one and a quarter. Plough first, (whether once, twice or thrice) and then sow and cover with harrows of middling weight, finishing with a light harrow. When the barley is three inches high, sow not less than 201b. of red clover to each plantation-acre ; if the seed is not very good, do not sow less than 251b., and immediately run a light roller once over it ; but take care that this is in a dry day, and when the earth does not stick at all to the roller. When the barley is cut, and carried from the field, feed the clover before winter, but not very bare, and do not let any cattle be on it in the winter. Early in the spring, before it shoots, pick up the stones, clean off where you intend mowing it for hay; but, if you feed it, this is unnecessary. As to the application of the crop for hay a* food, it must be directed by the occasions of the farmer ; I MODES OF AGRICULTURE. 285 shall however remark, that it may be made exceedingly conducive to increase the number of hogs in Ireland, as it will singly support all quarter, half, and full-grown pigs. If mown, it should be cut as soon as the field looks reddish from the blossoms : it will yield two full crops of hay. Within the month of October let it be well ploughed, with an even regular furrow, and from half to three quarters of a barrel of wheat seed sown, according to the richness of the land, and harrowed well in. When this crop is reaped and cleared, the course ends, and you begin again for turneps as before. This system is very well adapted to sheep, as the clover fattens them in summer, and the turneps in winter. — Excellent as it is for dry soils, it is not adapted to wet ones ; the following is preferable. Bean Course} 1. Beans. 2. Oats. 3. Clover. 4. Wheat. Directions. Whatever the preceding crop, whether corn or old grass, (for the first, manure is properly applied, but unnecessary on the latter), plough but once for planting beans, which should be performed from the middle of December to the middle of February, the earlier the better, 2 and chuse either the mazagan or the horse-bean according to your market ; the single ploughing given must be performed so as to arch the land up, and leave deep furrows to serve as open drains. Harrow the land after ploughing. Provide slit planed deal poles, ten feet long, an inch thick, and two inches broad ; bore holes through them exactly at sixteen 1 For strong and wet soils. 2 In England it is proper to wait till the heavy Christmas frost breaks up ; but, as such are rare in Ireland, the same precaution is not necessary. — [Authors note.] 286 A TOUR IN IRELAND. inches asunder, pass pack-threads through these holes to the length of the lands you are about to plant, and there should be a pole at every fifty yards ; four stakes at the corners of the extreme poles, fasten them to the ground ; the intention is to keep the lines everywhere at equal distances and strait, which are great points to the l>ean husbandry to facilitate horse-hoeing. This being ready, women take some beans in their aprons, and with a dibber pointed with iron make the holes along the strings with their right hand, and put the bean in with their left ; while they are doing one set of lines, another should be prepared and fixed ready for them. Near Loudon they are paid 3s. and 3s. 6d. a bushel for this work of planting; but where they are not accustomed to it they do it by the day. The beans are put three inches asunder, and two or three inches deep. A barrel will plant a plantation-acre. A light pair of harrows are used to cover the seed in the holes, stuck with a few bushes. By the time the cold easterly winds come in the spring they will be high enough to hand-hoe, if they were early planted ; and it is of con- sequence on strong soils to catch every dry season for such operations. The hoes should be eight inches wide, and the whole surface of the space between the rows carefully cut, and every weed eradicated. This hoeing costs, near London, from 5s. to 7s. 6d. per English acre; but, with unskilful hands in Ireland, I should suppose it would cost from 12s. to 14s. per plan tat iou-acre, according to the laziness in working I have remarked there. When the beans are about six inches high, they should be horse-hoed with a shim, the cutting part ten or eleven inches v%ide. A plate of this tool is to be seen in my Eastern Tour. It is cheap, simple, and not apt to be out of order ; one horse draws it, which should be led by a careful person ; another should hold the shim, and guide it carefully in the center between the rows. It cuts up all weeds effectually, and loosens the earth two or three inches deep ; in a little time after this operation the hand-hoe should be sent in again to cut any slips which the shim might have passed, and to extract the weeds that grew too near the plants for that tool to take them. This is but a slight hoeing. If the weather is dry enough, a second horse-hoeing with the MODES OF AGRICULTURE. 287 shim should follow when the beans are nine or ten inches high ; but if the weather is wet it must be omitted ; the hand- hoe however must be kept at work enough to keep the beans perfectly free from weeds. Eeap the crop as soon as a few of the pods turn darkish, and while many of them are green ; you had much better cut too soon than too late. You may get them oft* in the month of August, (in England the mazagans are reaped in July) which leaves a sufficient season for half a fallow. Plough the ground directly, if the weather is dry ; and if dry seasons permit (but you must be guided entirely by the state of the weather, taking care on this soil never to go on it when wet) give it two ploughings more before winter, leaving the lands rounded up so as to shoot off all water, with deep and well cleansed furrows for the winter. It is of particular consequence for an early spring sowing, that not a drop of water rest on the land through winter. The first season dry enough after the middle of February, plough and sow the oats, harrowing them in, from three fourths of a barrel, to a barrel and a quarter, according to the richness of the land. As the sowing must be on this one ploughing, you must be attentive to timing it right, and by no means to lose a dry season ; cleanse the furrows, and leave the lands in such a round neat shape that no water can lodge; and when the oats are three or four inches high, as in the case before mentioned of barley, roll in the clover seed as before, taking care to do it in a dry season. I need not carry the direction farther, as those for the turnep course are to be applied to the clover and wheat. The great object on these strong and wet soils is to be very careful never to let your horses go on them in wet weather ; and, in the forming your lands, always to keep them the segment of a circle, that water may no where rest, with cuts for conveying it away. Another course for this land is : 1. Beans. 2. Wheat. In which, the beans being managed exactly as before directed, three ploughings are given to the land, the third 288 A TOUR IN IRELAND. of which covers the wheat seed : this is a very profitable course. Potatoe Course) 1. Potatoes. 2. Wheat. 3. Turneps. 4. Barley. 5. Clover. 6. Wheat. Directions. I will suppose the land to be a stubble, upon which spread the dung or compost equally over the whole field, in quantity not less than 60 cubical yards to a plantation. If the land be quite dry, lay it flat ; if inclinable to wet- ness, arch it gently ; in this first ploughing, which should be given the latter end of February or the beginning of March, the potatoes are to be planted. Women are to lay the sets in every other furrow, at the distance of 12 inches from set to set, close to the unploughed laud, in order that the horses may tread the less on them. There should be women enough to plant one furrow in the time the plough- man is turning another ; the furrows should be not more than 5 inches deep, nor broader than 9 inches ; because, when the potatoes come up, they should be in rows 18 inches asunder. The furrows should also be straight, that the rows may be so for horse-hoeing. Having finished the field, harrow it well to lay the surface smooth, and break all the clods ; and, if the weather be quite dry, any time in a fortnight after planting run a light roller over it followed by a light harrow. About a fortnight before the potatoes appear, shim over the whole surface of the field with one whose cutting edge is 2 feet long, going not more than 2 inches deep ; this loosens the surface mould, and cuts off all the young weeds that may bo just coming up. When 1 For light and dry soils ; potatoes never answer on clays or strong wet soils. — [Authors note.] MODES OF AGRICULTURE. 289 the potatoes are three inches high, horse-hoe them with a shim, as directed for beans, that cnts 12 inches wide, and go 3 inches deep, and immediately after hand-hoe the rows, cutting the surface well between plant and plant, and also the space missed by the shim. Bepeat both these opera- tions when the plants are six or seven inches high ; and in about three weeks after give a hand-hoeing, directing the men gently to earth up the plants, but not to lay the mould higher to their stems than three inches. After this nothing more is to be done than sending women in to draw out any weeds that may appear by hand. Take them up the beginning of October, first carrying away all the stalks to the farm yard to make dung; then plough them up across the field ; making these new lands very wide, that is 4, 5, or 6 perch over, in order to leave as few furrows that way as possible. Provide to every plough from ten to fifteen men with three pronged forks, and a boy or girl with a basket to every man, and dispose eight or ten cars along the land to receive the crop ; I used three wheeled carts, as they do not require a horse while they are idle. Have your wheat seed ready brined, and limed, and the seedsman with his basket in the field; as soon as the ploughman turns a furrow, the seedsman follows him close, spraining the seed, not into the furrow just opened, but into the land thrown over by the plough, the fork-men then divide themselves at equal distances along it, and, shaking the mould which the ploughman turned over with their forks, the boys pick up the potatoes. In using their forks they must attend to leaving the land regular and handsome, without holes or inequalities, as there is to be no other tillage for the wheat. They are also always to stand and move on the part unploughed, and never to tread on the other ; they are also to break all the land in pieces which the ploughman turns over, not only for getting all the potatoes, but also for covering the wheat. And thus they are to go on till the field is finished. If your men are lazy, and do not work hard enough to keep the plough constantly going, you must get more ; for they should never stand still. The treatment of this wheat wants no directions, and the succeeding crops of the course are to be managed exactly as before directed; only you II. u 290 A TOUR IN IRELAND. need not manure for the turneps, if the potatoes had in that respect justice done them. Flax Course. L Turneps. 2. Flax. 3. Clover. 4. Wheat. Direction*. This for flax on light and dry soils, the turneps to he managed exactly as before directed, and the remarks on the tillage of the turnep land for barley are all applicable to flax, which requires the land to be very fine and friable ; I would roll in the clover seed in the same manner ; and the weeding and pulling the flax will assist its growth. Let the flax be saved and stacked like corn, threshed in the spring, and the process of watering and dressing gone through the same as in the common way. This husbandry is exceedingly profitable. 1. Beans. 2. Flax. 3. Clover. 4. Wheat. This for strong soils. The bean land to be prepared for the flax exactly in the same manner as before directed f < fl- oats. 1. Potatoes. 2. Flux. 3. Clover. 4. Wheat. For any soils except the very strong ones. The potatoes to be managed exactly as before directed ; only, upon taking them up, the land to be left till spring ; but, if wet, no water to be suffered on it in the winter. In the spring, to apply more or fewer ploughings as will best ensure a fine friable surface to sow the flax in. MODES OF AGRICULTURE. 291 General Observations. In very stoney soils, the implement called a shim cannot be used to any advantage ; in which case the operations directed for it must be effected by extra hand-hoeings. By land I mean those beds formed in ploughing by the finish- ing open furrows : the space from furrow to furrow is the land. In ploughing wet soils be attentive to get these lands gradually into a right shape, which is a direct segment of a circle. A large segment of a small circle raises the centers too high, and makes the sides too steep ; but a small segment of a large circle is the proper form — for instance : — The segment of a appears at once to be an improper shape for a broad land ; but that of b is the right form ; keeping wet soils in that shape very much corrects the natural disadvantages. Permitting the teams to go on to wet soils in wet weather is a most mischievous practice ; but it is much worse in the spring than in the autumn. In all these courses, it is proper to remark that, keeping the fallow crops, that is, the turneps, beans and potatoes, abso- lutely free from all weeds, and in a loose friable order, is essential to success. It is not necessary only for those crops, but the successive ones depend entirely on this conduct. It is the principle of this husbandry to banish fallows, which are equally expensive and useless ; but then 292 A TOUR IN IRELAND. it is absolutely necessary to be assiduous to the last degree in keeping these crops in the utmost perfection of manage- ment ; not a shilling can be laid out on them that will not pay amply. There are in the preceding courses several refinements and practices, which I not only approve, but have practised ; but omitted here, as I do not think them likely to meet with the necessary attention in Ireland. Laying Land to Grass. There is no part of husbandry in Ireland less understood than this branch ; and yet, where laud is to be laid down, none is more important. Begin, according to the soil, with either turneps, beans or potatoes, and manage them as prescribed in the pre- ceding instructions. If the land has been long under a bad system, by which it has been exhausted and filled with noxious weeds, take a second crop, managed exactly like the first, but one only to be manured. After this sow either barley, oats, or flax, according to the tenor of the preceding directions ; but, instead of clover seed rolled in, harrow in the following seeds, with those spring crops: quantities for a plantation-acre, 151b. perennial red clover, called cow grass, (trifolium alpestre) . 121b. of white clover, (trifolium repens). 151b. of narrow leaved plantation, called rib grass, (plantage lanceolata). 101b. of yellow trefoil. Which, if bought at the best hand, will not usually exceed above twenty-five shillings. All the ploughings given for this end must tend to reduce the surface to an exact level ; but then a very correct attention must be used to dig open furrows, in order to convey away all water. AUTHOR'S APPENDIX. THE FOLLOWING PARTICULARS WERE OMITTED UNDER THEIR RESPECTIVE HEADS. Derry. THE shipping of this place in 1760 consisted of sixty- seven sail, from thirty to three hundred and fifty tons. 7 of and above 300 tons, 18 to 20 men and boys. 21 „ „ 200 „ 14 „ 16 „ 18 „ „ 100 „ 12 „ 14 „ 21 under 100 „ 5 „ „ Total, 10,820 tons. In 1776, about two thirds of the above ; the decline owing to that of the passenger trade, and in the import of flax- seed; for eighteen to twenty years back, two thousand four hundred persons went annually; not more in 1772 and 1773 than usual. CorJce. I was informed that there was no foundation for Dr. Campbell's assertion, that this city suffers remarkably in time of war. 1 Extent. Dr. Grew calculated what the real contents of England and Wales were, not at the rate of the geographic mile, but real statute square, one containing 640 acres, and 1 " Political Survey of Britain," vol. i. p. 243. 294 A TOUR IN IRELAND. makes it 46,080,000 acres, 1 instead of the geographick content of 31,648,000. Ireland, measured in the same manner, contains about twenty-five millions of English acres, or fifteen millions and a half Irish ; which, at nine shillings and sevenpence an acre, make the rental ,£7,427,083. Those who consider this attentively will not think I am above the truth at six millions ; as all unculti- vated bog, mountain and lake, are included in the valuation. Rental. The rental of England is stated at page 16 of the second part to be thirteen shillings ; but it is not accurate to compare that with the 9s. 7d. Irish rent. The latter is the gross rent of all the island, including every thing, let or not, deductions being made for the portions of lake, bog, river, £1 600 "FVInVnn T)prrv 1 600 Ross 20 Ardfert . 60 Killala . 150 Connor 200 Clovne 220 Clonmacnoise 50 Kilfenora 210 Corke 400 Dromore 400 St. Patrick's . . 800 20 l) f\ WT Tl 1 700 T ,pi oyTilin so 120 150 100 Waterford .... 140 Christ Church . . . 2,000 600 600 Kilmacdaugh . . 120 200 306 800 Ardagh . . . . 200 300 Emly 100 300 Kilmore . . . . 600 Archdeaconry of Kells 1,200 Idleness. La sociedad economica de Dublin ha levantado entera- mente de nuevo las lencerias de Irlanda ; cuyos habitantes estaban poseidos de gran indolencia. Han extendido su agricultura, en lugar que antes vivian de ganados y pastos, como los tartaros. See the "Appendice a la Educacion Popular." Parte Quarta. p. 35. Madrid 1777, by Canipomanes. Fall in the Price of the Products of Land, Having in the preceding sheets mentioned much distress being felt in England from the great fall in the price of all products, I think I may be pardoned one or two observa- tions in defence of opinions I have formerly held, and which then subjected me to much censure from the pens of a variety of pamphleteers. From the conclusion of the last peace, in 1762, to 1775 inclusive, the prices of all the products of the earth were at so high a price, that complaints were innumerable. I have a shelf in my study almost full of publications on the subject; and Parliament itself was employed more than 296 A TOUR IN IRELAND. once in enquiring into the causes. The suppositions of the publick were endless, there was scarcely an object in the kingdom, which was not mentioned as a cause ; jobbers, regrators, forestallers, sample selling, export bounty, post horses, stage coaches, hounds, &c. &c. ; but some respect- able complainants fixed on great farms and inclosures. During that period I more than once endeavoured to per- suade the publick, that the complaint itself was not well founded, that prices were not comparatively so high as had been asserted ; that the rise was not owing to any one of the causes mentioned, and that a considerable increase of national wealth was fully sufficient to account for it. In the years 1776, 1777, and 1778, prices fell consider- ably ; and in 1779 so low, that very general complaints have been heard of ruined farmers and distressed land- lords ; and at the time I am now writing the fact holds, that there is a very considerable fall in all products, and great numbers of farmers ruined. I have the prices of wool now for forty years before me ; and that which from 1758 to 1767 was from 18s. to 21s. a tod, is for 1779 only 12s. and was in 1778 but 14s. We must go back to 1754 to find a year so low as the last. Wheat and all sorts of grain are greatly fallen. 1 In addition to these facts, let me observe that great farms and enclosures are now as prevalent as ever. If they were the occasion of high prices before, how come they not to have the same effect now ? But it is quite unnecessary to dwell upon a fact, which at the first blush brings with it the most complete conviction. 1 The comparison in general must stand thus : Wheat, 3s. to 3s. (id. which five years ago was 6s. to 7s. Barley, 2s. ditto 3s. 6d. Oats, 2s. ditto 2s. 6d. Beans, 2s. lOd. to 3s. ditto 3s. 6d. Wool, I2d. to 15s. ditto 16s. to 21s. Lambs, 6s. ditto l'2s. 2 year old wethers, 10s. . . which were 20s. Cows, £5 to £6 „ £7 to £9. Hogs, 20s || 26s. 4 year old steers, £3 10s. to £5 „ £7 to £10. Oak timber, £3 to £4 . . . „ £3 10s. to £4 10*. Ash ditto, £2 to £2 5s. . . „ £2 10s. to £3. — [Author's note] author's appendix. 297 After the peace of 1762, there was a very great influx of wealth into this kingdom, which had the effect of nominally raising all prices, not of corn and cattle only, but of land itself; prices have declined in 1776, 1777 and 1778, but greatly in 1779. I am very apt to believe, that as the former clearness, as we called it, was owing to plenty of money, the present cheapness is owing to scarcity ; not to a scarcity, generally speaking, because there is a proof that the specie of the kingdom was never greater than at pre- sent, but to a scarcity in these innumerable channels, which like the smaller veins and ramifications of the human body, carry the blood to the least of the extremities. There is no scarcity of money in London, as I am informed by several very considerable bankers and merchants. But why is it so plentiful there ? In order to be applied at seven or eight per cent, interest in publick loans. This circumstance it is which collects it from every part of the country, from every branch of national industry, and which occasions the effect now so generally complained of, a fall in all prices. The reason why the farmers are ruined, which is really the case with numbers, is their having taken tenures of their lands at a rent proportioned to high prices ; nor is this the only circumstance ; labour ought to fall with other commodities ; but Government, having four hundred thousand men in pay, and consequently to be recruited, bids high in the market against the farmer. Poor-rates also ought to fall ; but there is so much folly, knavery, and infatuation, in every part of that abomiuable administra- tion, that I am not at all surprised at seeing them rise, which is the fact. These three circumstances easily account for the distress of the farmer. We may in future, I apprehend, expect to see more accu- rate ideas of what has been called dear and cheap rates of products, and never more to hear of great farms, engrossers of farms, commanding and monopolizing markets, or enclosures, condemned for doing that which we now find them so utterly incapable of doing, that the farmers are ruined and in gaol for want of the power to effect matters, for which they were before so execrated. We at least gain something, if the present experience gives the lie direct to all that folly, nonsense and absurdity, with which the 298 A TOUR IN IRELAND. publick was so repeatedly pestered. And there is the more reason for this, because, if such a peace succeeds the present war, as leaves us a wealthy and prosperous people, prices will assuredly rise ; when that folly might again be met with, if not at present displayed in the true colours. I know there are persons, who attribute both the former high, and the present low prices, to difference of crops, speaking much of plentiful and scarce years ; I have been uniformly of opinion, that the difference of product, upon an average of all soils, to be extremely small, so small as not to operate upon price ; and even upon particular spots the difference is not nearly so great, as to account for any considerable rise or fall. If this was a proper place, I could offer many reasons and facts for this opinion ; but, if we accept the idea, then there is at once an end to great farms and enclosures as the cause of the rise, which are the two circumstances the most insisted on. " I have lately received an account of a large common "field in Leicestershire, which used to produce annually 800 u qrs. of corn, besides maintaining 200 cattle, but which " now, in consequence of being inclosed and getting into few 14 hands, produces little or no corn ; and maintains no more u cattle than before, though the rents are considerably u advanced." — Dr. Price's Snpp. to Obs. on Rev. Pay. p. 388. u In Northamptonshire and Leicestershire, enclosing has " greatly prevailed, and most of the new enclosed lordships " are turned into pasturage, in consequence of which many " lordships have not now 50 acres ploughed yearly, in which "1,500, or at least 1,000 were ploughed formerly; and u scarce an ear of corn is now to be seen in some that bore "hundreds of qrs.; and so severely are the effects of this " felt, that more wheat had been lately sold in these " counties, on an average, at 7s. and 7s. 6d. the Winchester " bushel, than used to be sold at 3s. 6d." Rev. Mr. Addington's Reasons against Enclosing Open Fields. As en- closures have since proceeded as rapidly as ever — pray, why is wheat down at 3s. 6d. again, if it was enclosing that raised it to 7s. 6d. ? APPENDIX. ARTHUR YOUNG'S CONTRIBUTIONS ON IRELAND TO THE " ANNALS OF AGRICULTURE . ' ' Observations on the Commercial Arrangement with Ireland. "Annals," Vol. III. (1785), p. 257. If a proposal for breaking down some of the innumerable bars and obstacles to freedom of trade, had been made in the last century, we know the reception it would have met with in an age busily employed in multiplying restrictions and prohibitions ; but that such a proposition should be seriously opposed towards the close of the eighteenth cen- tury, may make one conclude, that the science of politics is yet in its infancy ; and that traders will never cease their arduous endeavours to deceive, while indolence and igno- rance are found to believe them. It should always be had in recollection, by any person who examines this or any similar question, that monopoly is the trader's god. Their first object is to get a market ; and their second, to keep off all competitors ; in proportion as they can do this, they buy cheap and sell dear, and a small capital makes as great returns as a large one would do under different circum- stances. The desire is exceedingly natural ; and I am far from reprobating men for pursuing, with eagerness, what they conceive to be strongly their own interest. But when, in order to promote that interest, they bring all sorts of evidence and allegations to the bar of a House of Parlia- ment, should they deceive the members of a Legislature too indolent to take the trouble of thoroughly examining a question seemingly complex — such a Legislature may sacri- fice the interests of a silent many, to those of the clamorous few ; in which case they would merit the reproaches of an oppressed people. 300 A TOUR IN IRELAND. The monopolizing spirit has filled our statute-books with restrictions and prohibitions of almost every species of foreign manufacture, in order to give our own the unrivalled command of our markets. There is not a doubt but the effect has been in several instances to vitiate our fabrics ; since nothing tends more powerfully to protect them, than a brisk competition, which keeps invention and exertion on the stretch. But, to secure the monopoly of our home- market to ourselves, has been thought essential to the national interests, and yet if the idea became universal, all trade and intercourse between nations would cease ; being in truth a false and mean principle, as injurious to the society at large, as it seems beneficial to those who furnish the supply. In fact, it is only by the competition arising from a free or equal trade, that a nation can discover what are those great and leading objects which ought to enrploy her capital, and command the attention of her industry. Fabrics that suit so little the climate, products, taste, and genius of the people, as to stand in need of a monopolizing encouragement, are of so sickly a growth, that they are rather national evils — a deviation of capital from more favourable pursuits, than beneficial enough to demand such pernicious means of sup- port. Aforeign competition in our own markets, which turned aside such ill-employed capitals into more productive chan- nels, in which were enjoyed superior advantages, would be very far from a national evil, however hard it might bear on certain individuals. In every discussion of this sort, we should remember there are two very distinct interests in the kingdom, the commercial, and the consuming. It is the interest of the former to sell as dear as they can ; it is the interest of the latter to buy as cheap as they can. The Legislature that conducts itself on principles which mark a greater attention to the first than to the latter of these classes, proceeds very blindly indeed. We must not be told, that the commercial part of the society forms a third or a half of the total, and, therefore, merits a proportional attention : this would be entirely fallacious, for the manufacturing classes rank in both situations. The individual selling the product of his own APPENDIX. 301 manufacture, is in the commercial class ; but buying for his use the product of other manufactures, he is clearly among the consumers. A cotton manufacturer is interested in his fabric meeting with no competition ; but the greater the rivalship in all others which he consumes the better. Thus every manufacturer in England, except the Manchester ones, are interested that cotton goods should be cheap : all the fabrics in Britain, except the woollen, that cloth should be cheap ; and the whole commercial interest of the king- dom, except Birmingham, Sheffield, &c. that hardware should be no monopoly. Thus the circle revolves, and arranges with the consuming class, a very considerable deduction from the commercial one. To apply these principles ; let us suppose a proposal from the Court of Versailles, pursuant to the article in the last treaty, for settling the commerce of the two kingdoms upon a reciprocal footing, that all the manufactures of each shall be received in the other, paying equal duties ; should such a proposal be accepted ? The Chamber of Manufactures might blow their horn for objections from Axminster to G-lasgow. One place would find out, that provisions are cheaper in France than in England : another, that nominal labour is as three to five : a third, that French flax is better than English : a fourth, that France produces raw silk : a fifth, that Sevres porcelaine would rival Worcester and Derby ; and a hundred others would come, each with his objection. The scheme thus violently opposed, what ought the Legislature to do ? Certainly to set aside minute ob- jections, and look only to the great outline ; the national advantage upon the whole. That always calls for freedom : for ever demands the annihilation of restriction and pro- hibition : two neighbouring, great, populous, industrious, and wealthy nations are formed to be reciprocal markets to each other : commercial jealousy, listened to in barbarous ages, and by ignorant legislators, propagated the idea, that the poverty of one nation formed the wealth of another; till seasons of peace brought no pacification in industry. Political friendship existed with commercial enmity : the war of the sword might cease, but that of duties and pro- hibitions was endless. There is no friendship in trade. But it may be said, ought we not to calculate on which 302 A TOUR IN IRELAND. side the advantage will lay ? The less the better. Such calculations are very congenial with the warehouse and the counter ; but ought to have little weight with an enlightened Legislature. A thousand instances have told us how falla- cious and short-sighted they are always found. Provisions 7 per cent. ; raw material 2 per cent. ; fuel 4 per cent. ; taxes 10 per cent.; navigation 1| per cent. It is all against us. We shall be undone ! Such has been the language a thou- sand times ; aud yet events have rarely failed of giving the lie to it. To encourage freedom ; to break down the mounds that have been raised against mutual traffic ; to animate industry by competition, and to check the jealousy of the commercial spirit ; to do all this, is to proceed on sound and efficient principles that are worth a thousand calculations. But, if you will calculate, do it on grounds which long- experience has proved to be the true foundation. Enquire which country has the greatest commercial capital ; the most improved and animated industry ; the best workmen and the best tools ; in a word, which has, in general manufac- ture, made the largest strides : rest assured that these are the circumstances that will decide the future competition, and laugh at the little minds that calculate the minutiae of the balance on paper, yet forget the animating soul of established prosperity, that inspirits, invigorates, and ex- tends every effort of national industry : that finds, in pre- sent possession, the means of future increase; that looks with pleasure on the wealth, not the poverty, of neighbours, secure in the superiority of skill and application for converting their prosperity into the means of her own aggrandizement. But the question is with Irelaud ! — It is of no consequence with what country. The principle I have touched upon, Freedom of Commerce, applies to all ; to France, to Spain, to Germany. It would be starting a paradox, indeed, to assert, that that rule of national conduct, which is right with all the world, with foes as well as friends, can be wrong with Ireland. But here I shall be told of manufacturers examined at the bar of the House of Commons, who have asserted directly the contrary of all this ; who have drawn parallels between Britain and Ireland, tending to show that the latter has so many advantages that she will run away with APPENDIX. 303 our manufactures and commerce, and that we shall be ruined by the proposed approximation to a free trade. Before I enter into the details necessary to this question, permit me a word or two upon the credit to be given to these sort of examinations of men who conceive themselves to be very deeply interested in enquiries, in which party is but too apt to mingle. My observations do not go to any particular evidence, but generally to all ; and upon other questions as well as this of Irish commerce. Those who have read, or recollect the evidence which merchants and manufacturers have given upon various sub- jects at the bar of the House of Commons, when they have had some favourite measure to carry, will be convinced that all such examinations are to be listened to with great cau- tion and allowances. I was an auditor in the gallery of one that lasted a part of two sessions in 1773 and 1774, when the whole linen trade of England, Scotland, and Ireland, appeared at the bar to implore for what would now be called protecting duties, that is, higher customs on foreign linens, pleading the utter declension and threatened ruin of their fabrics. Their facts, in the great outline, were all false, and their apprehensions visionary, as experience began to prove, even before the examination ended ; and, if the authentic registers of that trade, such as the import from Ireland, export with bounty, and yards stamped for sale, be now looked into, the reader that takes the trouble will be amazed at the hardiness that could raise such a spirit of complaint, when there was so little reason for it ; the evil being, in truth, nothing more than a very temporary stagna- tion, owing to the check which every branch of industry sustained on the failures of Mr. Fordyce, &c. Another examination which I heard, and which made a great noise in its time, was upon the bill for cutting off the commercial intercourse between Newfoundland, the West Indies, and the revolted Colonies ; the utter ruin of those trades, if the bill passed, was the object to be proved at the bar ; and more desperate destruction never appeared there : but the bill passed, and every iota of what had been so clearly proved, was found to be speculative and imaginary. In the great declension and ruin, as it was called, of the woollen fabrics, when petitions for severer punishments. 304 A TOUR IN IRELAND. on running (otvling it was then called) of raw wool, and stricter prohibitions on every species of foreign goods, im- ported or smuggled, were called for ; Parliament was teazed with examinations, committees sat, and the press swarmed with croaking publications. At that very period, when the custom-house came to be examined, the export of our woollen manufacture was found to be greater than it had ever been before ; and men were with good reason astonished at the commercial impudence which had instigated the whole trade to complain of ruin, because wool happened to be a little dearer than common. A yet more remarkable instance was the number of petitions which flowed into Parliament against the bill that permitted the import of woollen yarn free of duty. The cheapness of spinning in Ireland is so much greater than in England, that it was apprehended such a measure would totally ruin our own spinning trade. The opposition to the measure failed ; and time has now so completely convinced our manufacturers of that egregious folly, that should a duty now be proposed on the import, they would, and much more justly, be in a flame. To instance every case would fill a volume ; our traders have generally been successful, and worried Parliament into measures pernicious to the kingdom. To this have been owing the prohibitions and high duties on foreign linens, laces, cambrics, and a thousand of other articles, which have induced other powers to copy our policy, and prohibit our hardware and woollens ; we have listened to the interested manufacturers of petty articles, and by it, injured in almost every other country our great and essential fabrics. To this has been entirely owing the horrible restrictions and oppressions on the colony commerce, which caused three wars, a debt of 200 millions, and at last the loss (if it be a loss) of all America. To this spirit we are solely obliged for having the present question before us ; for had not Ireland been governed, or rather oppressed, by the same prohibitions, in order for her market to be made a monopoly, she had not been in the predicament of this day. The loss of America, and the independency of Ireland, are obviously to be carried to our commercial account. Such are the fatal consequences that have flowed, and APPENDIX. 305 will ever flow from conducting the politics of trade, by the interested advice of merchants and manufacturers ! But the spirit still continues ; and we are now in the midst of more examinations, the great object of which is still monopoly. Keep our markets to ourselves ; and do not let the Irish come in competition ; if this is not dene, Ireland will run away with the supply ; the gain will be all hers, the loss alone ours. Our great manufacturers will emigrate with their capitals to Ireland, for carrying on their business to more advantage. This wretched stuff, which it is a folly to hear, and a disgrace to answer, refutes itself, and has been refuted a thousand times by experience. There never was a single examination at the bar for these hundred years past, in which this identical assertion has not been made. The emigration of great stocks, great skill, and a great manufac- ture from a rich country to a poor one ! I will venture to assert that the whole world cannot give an instance of it. We may defy the men that talk this language to quote one. But they say they will do it themselves. — It is now doing. Springes to catch woodcocks. If it was never done before, it will not be done now. Will you not believe a man's positive assertion ? Why should I believe A. more than B. ? Positive record tells me that B. C. D. E. &c. appeared at the bar upon interested questions, and gave an evidence calculated only to deceive. Is it a manufacturer at your bar that asks for a monopoly ? — Yes. Why then he shall have no credit from me : whether he comes from North, South, East, or West ; whatever his fabric, I am now smart- ing in common with my fellow subjects, under a heavy category of taxes, owing merely to such evidences being listened to and believed ; and common sense unites with experience to dictate my rejecting the whole. But, let us reason a moment upon the assertion that considerable manufacturers will emigrate. I am not willing to repeat what has been written already ; but Dr. Tucker has fully proved the impracticability of this imaginary transfer of stocks, capital, buildings, implements, and all the complex system upon which a great fabric depends. I shall, however, add that, granting a master-manufacturer ready to emigrate with his capital, that he will, supposing II. x 306 A TOUR IN IRELAND. the cheapness of labour contended for in Ireland, 1 find his workmen of a very different opinion ; the emigration from high wages to low ; from 8s. to 4s : from beef to potatoes, from porter to butter-milk, is perfectly incomprehensible in their ideas. These men, therefore, who assert that manu- facturing labour in Ireland is 100 per cent, cheaper than in England, and yet that our fabrics will move, start a mani- fest contradiction. The emigration of a manufacture, is the emigration of the workmen, not the master : and though the latter must be a great friend to low wages in theory, he will not be so in practice ; for such lowness is merely nominal: it is the cheapness of barbarity, backwardness, and ignorance : 2 it is a cheapness that keeps men poor and wretched, without making the masters rich. Corn, in Ireland, sells higher than in England, and the price of husbandry labour but one third of what it is with us. What a fine thing for their farmers, who must all be rich ! Just the contrar}', they are beggars, and for that reason. In truth, manufacturers never emigrate but for higher wages than such as they have been accustomed to : they may be, and certainly are, tempted abroad, to carry their skill into other countries. But is it by potatoes and milk ? is it by the inducement of low wages ? Ridiculous contradiction to common sense ! Yet has this been swallowed at the bar of a House of Parliament. Upon the article, however, of low wages, I lay little stress ; for the fact is not so relative to the master-manufacturer, though there is some truth in it rela- tive to the men : cheap labour to the master, and the benefit of his fabric, is not to be discovered by the pay per diem ; for skill, goodness of work, &c. come into the question, and form a material part of it. To compare the price of labour of two countries, can only be done by taking a piece of linen, woollen, or cotton goods, and enquiring at what 1 It is asserted to be 100 per cent, cheaper ! 2 " The lowness of labour is a nugatory argument ; for, until the instant that the price of labour is equal, the superiority of manufacture will remain with the English. The price of labour rises with the growth of manufacture, and is highest when the manufacture is best. The ex- perience of every day tells us, that where the price of labour is highest, the manufacturer is able to sell his commodity at the lowest price. * Mr. Burke's speech in 1778, on the Irish Bill. Pari. Deb., vol. is., p. 179. APPENDIX. 307 average price it can be equally well made in both. In this mode of enquiry, 10s. per week will generally be found to be cheaper wages than 8s. It has been asserted at the bar of the House of Commons, that the price of weaving-labour is 4s. a week in Ireland, and 8s. in England ; meaning, I suppose, on an average. This is an instance, and a remarkable one, how little reliance is to be placed on such examinations, commenced after some favourite measure is to be carried, or apprehended evil deprecated. At a time when no public question was in agitation, when party and commerce were not in any union, and there was no temptation, because no motive, to deceive, I went from one end of Ireland to the other, and made innumerable inquiries into the state of all their manu- factures, and particularly the price of labour. I had my intelligence at the fountain-head ; for the principal master- manufacturers gave it me, and it was confirmed by the men. I found the average of linen-weaving was, in fine goods, 8s. 6d. per week, and in coarse ones 6s. 3d. ; I did not meet with a single instance where it was so low as 4s. This was not the price in any particular period, but general when the men had employment : nor was it the price in any temporary stagnation of the trade, which threw numbers out of employ- ment, and in which, of course, earnings would be lower. If it is said, that some years have elapsed since those enquiries, the reply is plain, no change has taken place since in the rates of labour, but what have been temporary, and owing to stagnations that have nothing permanent in them ; my private intelligence long since received assures me of this, and it is confirmed by a variety of authority. As this point of manufacturing- labour has had a great stress laid on it, in my opinion very absurdly, I shall add another circumstance or two. I found in the woollen fabrics, in the county of Cork, at Kilbrac, that combers earned 10s. per week, and weavers the same, losing one day in 18. At Castlemartyr, combers 8s., and in other woollen fabrics in that country combers from 8s. to 10s., and weavers 7s. These combing prices are not quite so high as in England, but they are high enough to banish every idea of Ireland rivalling us from lowness of labour. I found some years ago in similar inquiries in England, that upon 308 A TOUR IN IRELAND. an average of nine 1 places, men earned 8s. bd. a week : in sixteen 2 others, men 9s. 6d. women 4s. 7d. and children 2s. 8d. A weaver, at Norwich, with his boy included, did not earn more than 7 s. a week on an average ; but with industry could make more. Darlington, linen weavers Is. to 8s. but some so low as 3s. 3 Upon the whole, these prices will not allow us to con- jecture, that the real value of labour is lower in Ireland than it is in England ; and, if we take into the account the greater cheapness of provisions, the sure encourager of idleness, and consequently of bad work, we shall be con- vinced, that the article labour is more in favour of the English manufacturer than his Irish rival : but let it ever be remembered, that this comparison depends on skill, and habitual and steady exertion, which certainly render labour, in that view, uniformly cheapest in the dearest countries. I have, on another occasion, taken notice of the nominal cheapness of husbandry-labour in Ireland : it is 6}>d. a day ; and I aver that pay (nor do I speak ignorantly, having had above 40 labourers in my employ there) is really dearer, though so much nominally cheaper, than 2s. would be in Suffolk. It would be very difficult to convince me, that something of this sort is not likewise found in manufactures. If it is not, what are the principles that govern a well-known fact, that we can undersell the Irish, and have always done it, in their own markets, in a variety of goods, in spite of nominal labour-taxes, freight, insurance, Ac. ? We actually do it in some branches, even of their favourite manufacture, linen. While the information of the day is subject to so much error and deception, particulars gained and declared pre- vious to this public agitation are valuable, and far more decisive than any to be had at present. Mr. Arbuthnot, inspector of the linen manufacture in Ireland, was employed in 1782 to examine the fabrics of the kingdom, and report their state and situation. In his first report in that year, 1 Lavenham, Sudbury, Hedingham, Braintree, Witney, Wilton, Salisbury, Rumsey, Gloucester. ■ Bedford, Rotherham, Sheffield, Wakefield, Leeds, Ayton, Darlington, Newcastle, Carlisle, Kendal, Warrington, Liverpool, Manchester, Burs- lem, Newcastle, Worcester. 3 Report of the Linen Committee, 1773. APPENDIX. 309 he describes the great undertaking in the cotton branch, at the new town of Prosperous. These are the prices of labour he minutes. A sheeting- weaver, who earns only 10s. or lis. a week, will in the cotton earn 13s. to 15s. A lad of 13, who had served but a year, earned 8s. or 9s. Active lads at the spinning-j enny lis. to 15s. Girls from 9s. to lis., who at flax spinning could get no more than 2s. or 3s. Such are the low rates of labour, which we are now told are to over- turn the fixed established stocks, skill, and industry of our Manchester fabrics, as if they were the fabrics of a vision ! The same unimpeached authority was informed in Limerick, by the manufacturers, that the prices of woollen-weavers were then higher than in England. And by Messrs. Lane, near Cork, that the Irish weavers will not work so much in the day as the English. 1 Does not this tally exactly with the result of all my enquiries in Ireland ; and confirm the suspicion I just now hinted, that the nominal rates of labour deceive ; and that the real superiority is with England ? And does any reason remain for surprise, that England actually undersells Ireland in cloth made of Irish yarn ? The clearest proof in the world that the dear and wealthy country will, in almost every competition, get the better of the cheap and poor one. It has, in the same manner, been apprehended, that they would navigate so much cheaper, as to rival us in the carry- ing, and even coasting trades: but there never was the shadow of an authority for this idea. I found, at Water- ford, that slup -building was <£10 per ton; that is 20s. dearer than in the Thames, where it is dearer than in any other part of the kingdom. 2 At Belfast, Waterford, and Cork, seamen in peace were paid 28s. to 30s. a month, but in war from 40s. to 60s. The peace price in England is 25s. to 30s. 3 Add to all this, that the freight and insurance from Cork to the West Indies, is the same as from London. 4 But, it is further contended, that should the cheapness of Irish labour not have the dreaded event, the lowness of their taxes compared 1 Third Eeport. 2 £9 a ton. At Hull, Whitby, &e., £7 10s. In the South and West, ^•8.— Lord Sheffield. 3 Ibid. 4 Commercial Arrangement with Ireland explained p. 57. 310 A TOUR IN IRELAND. with ours would ensure the evil. This is another vulgar error, thrown out to catch uninformed people, that have not taken the trouble to make themselves masters of the combi- nations that regulate this question. To assert that taxes cannot ruin a manufacture would be preposterous ; but experience has given us no instances of it in this kingdom, where it is a fact known to all the world, that notwithstand- ing our vast increase of taxation, many of our fabrics, perhaps the most important of them, have sunk in their price ; not because the taxes increased, but in spite of them ; and because large capitals, extensive correspondence and credit, improved skill and active industry, will secure the superiority, when they come in competition with the no taxes of poorer countries. For, let it be remembered, that taxes follow wealth ; and are in every country of the world paid easiest where they are highest : their height being little more than a proof of the wealth that is able to sup- port and even thrive under them. The reader sees, of course, that I speak in reference only to the industrious classes. If this observation was not completely true, all the export of British manufactures would have perished long ago. But the fact is, that this immensely taxed country undersells every neighbour she has in the world, much more than she is undersold, and none so decidedly as the poor countries that pay scarcely any taxes. Ireland is a pregnant instance of this fact. If we have any rivals, we must not look for them in poor countries, where the public burthens are low, we must go to Holland and Flanders, among the richest and highest taxed territories of Europe : and to some great wealthy French cities, where provisions are dearer, and taxes higher, than in any other towns of the monarchy. Irish land pays no land-tax, no poor-rates, and is wrought by men at 6d. a day : according to that mode of reasoning which I am combating, the corn of that land should be much more than cent, per cent, cheaper than that of England. The contrary, however, is the fact ; and it is uniformly dearer. 1 Why? I have examined the agri- 1 It is no reply to say, that cattle being the product of Ireland, corn must be dear*, for the soil is proper for both, and there is a free vibration between different products ; cattle are cheap, and corn dear, which ought to encourage the latter ; the real cause is, that feeding cattle demands APPENDIX. 311 culture of both kingdoms, more, I may without vanity assert, than any other man ever did, and I can reply in three words — Capital, Skill, and Industry are less. With such a prodigious superiority in the eye of the theorist, why do not British capitals go over to improve the lands of Ireland ? Because nothing is so difficult as the transfer of capital from one country to another ; a bill of exchange will convey the cash, but the owner of it is not so easily trans- ported : habit, custom, engagements, fixed property, and a thousand other circumstances impede his removal. I have stated, that the price of corn is higher in Ireland than in England ; it is so ; but provisions in general are certainly cheaper, 1 and this is brought as a fact that threatens us in the future manufacturing competition between the two kingdoms. But, in the opinion of the best writers, 2 this is not to the advantage of Ireland. It is an evil in the ideas of all their own master-manufacturers, as they assured me themselves ; and the notion was general amongst the best informed people there. The minutes of my Irish Tour will shew this in various instances. 3 no skill, but the culture of corn is a business that requires unremitted attention, and the people are too backward to do it to advantage. Land, in Suffolk, pays 3s. in the pound land-tax, 3s. more poor-rates, and is wrought by men who have \6d. and 18^. a day ; yet the corn of this county, under the expenses of land-carriage, freight, lading, unlading, insurance, commission, and port-charges, undersells Irish corn in the markets of Ireland. 1 The price of meat in Ireland to the price in England, as 11 to 14, 2 To advance trade in Ireland provisions must be rendered dear. — Sir William Temple. - Trade can never be extended where the necessaries of life are very cheap. —Sir W. Petty, and Sir Jos. Child. Provisions cheap in North America, and labour therefore dear. — Dr. Franklin. High taxes make provisions dear, and thereby promote industry. — De Witte. Dutch industry, from high prices of provisions, bought our rape, made oil, and with it undersold us in our ow r n markets. — Mr. Locke. 3 Cullen : The linen-manufacture never flourishes when oatmeal is cheap. The greatest exports when it is dearest. Lurgan : When provisions are cheap, the weavers live at whisky-houses. Warrens town : When provisions are dear, the more linen comes to market. Lisburne : Meal and cloth never cheap together — the men work no more than to live, &c. &c. 312 A TOUR IN IRELAND. I am not surprised that, in this general alarm at the imaginary superiority of Ireland, the article fuel should have beeD named : but surely never anything was more unfortunately brought in ; for in this respect there is no comparison between the two countries. Ireland has coals, but her collieries are worked in so incomplete a manner, for want of capital, that she cannot with the assistance of a parliamentary bounty supply even her own capital. It is a fact, that the colliers employed in some of her impracticable coal-mines, actually burnt peat as the cheaper fuel in their own cottages. But the import of English and Scotch coals will shew, in a moment, what is to be expected from Irish collieries. Tons. Average per ann. of 7 years, from 1764 to 1770 . 180.113 Seven do. from 1771 to 1777 204,566 The vear 1782 241,331 Value at 15*. . . £180,998. As to peat, it is the dearest of all fires. When fuel is, upon an average, so much dearer than in England, what must we think of apprehensions, lest Bir- mingham, Sheffield, Wolverhampton, andRotherham should be undersold by Irish hardware. Much reasoning on such questions as these should be avoided when we can bring experience to decide them. Seven years ago Lord North brought into the House of Commons his five trade bills ; the object of which was partially to lay open the colony and African trade to the Irish ; and to permit the import, into Great Britain, of cotton, yarn, cordage, and sail-cloth, from Ireland, duty free. While the resolutions to this purpose stood on the Journals of the House, the whole manufacturing interest of the kingdom took the alarm, and the table was covered with petitions against the measure, as utterly ruinous and destructive. The petitions from the following now lie before me: — Preston — linen, &c Glasgow — Traders and manu- Bridport — Sail-cloth. facturers. Stourbridge and Dudley — Glass Walsall — Brass and iron, and nails. Worcester — Gloves. APPENDIX. 313 Bristol — Merchants and manu- facturers, hemp, iron, steel, glass, and soap. Yeovil, &c. - Sail-cloth. Aberbrothock. Wolverhampton —Iron. Lancaster — Sail-cloth and soap. Newton. Warrington — Sail-cloth, &c. Exeter — Liverpool — Tallow, soap, glass, and merchants. County of Chester. Stockport — Checks, &c. Prescot, &c. — Sail-cloth. Blackburn — Calico-printers. Manchester — Linen and cotton. London — Tallow-chandlers, sugar-refiners, and glass. The number of petitions was 62, the tenour of them nearly similar : there was not one concession made to Ire- land, in the resolutions at which they were alarmed, that they did not expressly declare would be utterly ruinous to the respective manufacturers of England and Scotland. They urged, that the low taxes, cheap provisions and labour, and local advantages of Ireland, would raise a competition against them, which it would be impossible to withstand : that themselves and workmen must emigrate, that the poor would be without employment, poor rates prodigiously increased, general poverty and distress the general conse- quence, and that land-rents must necessarily sink. In one word, they raised a clamour nearly though not quite so great as exists at present. A circumstance happened in the progress of those peti- tions truly curious, and which shewed the grounds lighter than air on which our manufacturers could bring their apprehensions before the Legislature : the permission for importing sail-cloth duty free from Ireland, had been in being many years before ; but Mr. Burke, without knowing that such a law existed, brought in the bill then before the House. The English sail-cloth manufacturers, especially those of Somersetshire, took the alarm, and stated the manifold injuries that would befall them should such a measure take place. May 4, 1778, Mr. Burke remarks to the House, that if the bill was to be productive of the con- sequences stated in the petitions, it was a little extraordinary the petitioners forgot to complain when they were hurt ; and now feel so strongly when there is not even a possibility of sustaining any injury. From this he inferred, that the jealousy entertained of the other Irish bills was equally ill 314 A TOUR IN IRELAND. founded, and only originated in gross prejudice, or the selfish views of interested individuals. 1 In the years 1778, 1779, and 1780, all that these petitions apprehended was enacted ; and a great deal more by the acknowledged legislative independence of 1782. So that, owing to the liberal spirit of Lord North and Mr. Fox, that was done, which, according to the tenour of these petitions, must necessarily entail distress and ruin on so many branches of trade and fabric Now let us enquire into the event, which from five to seven years' experience enables us clearly to ascertain ; let us examine whether the horrible apprehensions breathed by the petitions, were founded in truth and propriety, or whether they were no more than the chimeras of monopoly — the agitations of distempered imaginations. If the effects which terrified our traders and manu- facturers took place, we must find them either in a decline of our own manufactures and commerce, or in the alarming increase of those of Ireland. Linen stamped for sale in Scotland. Yards. The highest year previous to 1773, was that of 1771, when there were 13,466,274 In 1782 15.348,741 In 1783 17,074,774 While British linen has thus thriven, our import of Irish has not increased. 1775 21,976,822 yards. 1776 20,989,371 „ 1777 21,151.063 „ 1782 24,692,072 „ 1783 15,212,968 „ The registered broad and narrow woollen cloths of York- shire have increased. Broads. Narrows. Yards. Yards. In 1778 being the greatest of any preceding year 3,795,990 ... 2,746,712 In 1782 4,563,376 ... 3,292,002 1 Pari. Reg. vol. ix., p. 162— 177S. APPENDIX. 315 The import into Ireland of English woollens, manu- factured silks, and British linen, cotton, and silk, to March, 1784, has increased considerably, as a late ingenious writer has shown by custom-house registers ; x that is to say, they have increased at the very time the manufacturers of them ought to have been, according to their petitions, in utter ruin. Lord Sheffield, in his excellent work on Irish com- merce, not only makes a similar remark, but foretells the utter improbability of Ireland ever being able to rival England in the woollen manufacture. 2 Import of Stockings. Woollen pairs. Worsted pairs. Average 1772 and 1773. . . 191 ... 5,102 „ 1782 „ 1783. . . 1,467 ... 9,280 The cotton manufacture is quite a new branch in Ireland, but it is said to have thriven wonderfully in four or five years ; a circumstance, however, in it that deserves attention, is its being set on foot and established by captains, colonels, and the relations of great families. The greatest under- taking is that of Prosperous, by Captain Brook. Gentle- men being thus employed, is the most decisive proof in the world, and worth a thousand arguments, of the want of capital in that country : we see no instances of the sort in England, and for a very plain reason — because we do not want them. Whatever is done in Ireland, is either by such artificial means, or by force of public money. Where are the English capitals that were to emigrate? Is it not very extraordinary, that in this new undertaking, in which the petitioners had such apprehensions of their property and workmen shifting to Ireland, not one establishment is affected by such means, nor is a single instance to be pro- duced of it in the whole kin gdom ? But, with all the progress it has made, we may easily judge in what degree it has rivalled the British fabrics, by the import of manufactures, and mixtures of cotton into Ireland. 1 u Arrangements with Ireland considered." 2 edit., p. 37, 38, 39. 2 P. 162. 316 A TOUR IN IRELAND. Value. Average of three years ending March 1773 . . . £18,278 16 2 Ditto „ „ „ 1783 . . . 103,119 8 5* Pairs. Imported of cotton stockings into Ireland, average of 3 years ending 1773 H>,406 Ditto ending 1783 20 Yet, their imports of muslins, in the same period, is decreased ; but most assuredly not to the prejudice of our manufacture ; since we find, on the same authority, 1 that five cotton mills are newly erected in Scotland ; and, in the city of Glasgow alone, above 1,000 looms have been set up, last year, in the muslin branch, which is an almost incredible progress. The silk manufacture will exhibit just the same result. The general import I have already mentioned. Manufactured Silk. Ribbands. Silk. Stockings, lb. lb. Pairs. Average of 3 years ending March 1773 557 ... 15.786 ... 373 Ditto ditto 1783 1,864 .. 22,626 ... 611 Our brewers and maltsters being at present alarmed, let us examine what the Irish have done in their way towards that immense improvement dreaded by our petitioners. Import barrels. Export barrels. Average of 3 years ending 1773 . 45,585 ... 3,550 Ditto 1 ditto 1783 . ;>4.r)46 ... 959 The petitions from our hardware-manufacture were par- ticularly strenuous in their assertion that Ireland would run away with their export trade. The Irish export of hardware arose from £16 in 1781, to £213 in 1783. And that of ironmonger's- ware fell from £253 to <£85 ; but their import of the same manufactures from England increased. But, while the advantages which Ireland has derived from the freedom given her, are not to be found by 1 Lord Sheffield on the Irish Trade, p. 199, 207. APPENDIX. 317 referring to these particular branches of commerce, the general account between the two kingdoms offers a fact that well deserves our attention, and shews, that if Ireland has gained upon the whole, that it has not been without a corresponding advantage to Britain. Average import from Britain into Ireland of 3 years Value. ending 1780 £l,765.955 l Ditto 3 years ending 1783 2,343,606 Superiority £577,651 To pursue these facts through every article of the national commerce would be tedious. The leading ones, and such as bear immediately upon the prayer of those petitions which expressed such apprehensions of the future rise and pros- perity of Ireland, I have laid before the reader. They are very striking, and speak a language too clear to be mis- represented or misunderstood. It appears evidently from them, on large and ample experience, that the fears of our manufacturers were vain, mistaken, and frivolous. That they suffered themselves to be led away and deceived by narrow and contracted views ; and that the ardent desire of monopolies would not permit them to see the liberation of Irish commerce in any other light than that of jealousy and rivalship. To take off commercial restrictions must neces- sarily be beneficial to any country ; but it is surprising to many, to see how little Ireland has yet been benefited by so liberal a system. Five years ago, however, I foretold 2 this event very exactly, and asserted that it would be probably half a century be /ore any very material effects showed from the new system. I founded the idea on the general back- wardness of that kingdom ; on the remarkable deficiency of capital, which in every country accumulates slowly — on the want of industry and animation, owing to cheap provisions, cheap labour, and low taxes ; that is, owing to the very causes which are now, and have been so long apprehended as the sure foundations of her prosperity. I viewed the whole kingdom with attention, my opinion was directly 1 Three years ending 1773 are still lower. 2 See the conclusion of my Irish Tour. 318 A TOUR IX IRELAND. contrary to that of more than threescore of our greatest manufacturing towns ; the event, as far as seven years' experience stands, is before the world ; let the reader judge, whether it confirms my prophesy or their complaints. If then the apprehensions of our manufacturers in 1778, upon this very subject of Irish commercial freedom, urged upon the same principles, supported by the same assertions, and expressed almost in the same words as the present opposition, has been proved by the undoubted evidence of facts, to have been utterly void of foundation, is not this a most powerful argument for suspecting the assertions which are at present brought forward, and for rejecting petitions, the prayer of which so manifestly tends to sacrifice public to private interests ? I do not enter into the question, whether the present proposition conveys a positive and most accurate equality between the two countries. It is said that in the articles of iron and silk, the duties ought to be a little varied, more to the disadvantage of Ireland : but the contrary is contended for in that kingdom. This is a theoretical question not easily settled to pence or shillings ; but certain I am that the practical advantages will be on the side of England, and that the hardware manufacturers of this kingdom will retain so prodigious a superiority as to set at defiance the competition of our neighbours. Kingdoms cannot deal upon the huckstering higgling principles of chapmen and pedlars. Propositions are made upon great and simple principles ; they must be accepted or rejected. To fritter them down by finding out minute objections, and to think it possible, that such great affairs, when national prejudices mingle in them, can be brought to an exact balance of profit and loss, like the pages of a merchant's ledger, is to expect what the nature of the business denies, and must for ever deny. A century of examinations would be insufficient to conduct the business to a conclusion on such principles. As warm a friend as I must declare myself to the general principle of a free trade between the two kingdoms, yet is there one part of the proposition which it would have been better to omit. The application of the future surplus of a deficient revenue, to the defence of the empire at the disposal of the Irish Parliament, was a resolution that had nothing APPENDIX. 319 at all to do with the commercial question. If any idea of recompense came into the measure, of a political nature, it ought certainly to have been an explanation of a future connection between the two kingdoms in case of a war. If it is possible that we can ever be in the predicament of war with France, but Ireland neutral, it is a subject much more proper for apprehension, and demands more attention than fifty surpluses of revenue. The arrangement of trade can only stand on its own merits. If it is not found, after mature consideration, to be as much in favour of England as of Ireland, it ought not to take place. We are under no obligation to make pre- sents or concessions to that country ; and, if the measure now under consideration could be considered in that light, it ought not to pass without a very different equivalent than that I have just mentioned. 1 The contrary is, how- ever, the case ; for the more it is examined the more clearly will it appear, that the proposed freedom of trade is as advantageous to England, as it can be to Ireland ; and, for the various reasons I have already given, more likely to bring with it advantages to ourselves than to that nation. Nor should it be forgotten, that if this measure does not receive the sanction of the British Legislature, our export trade to Ireland will be open in future to all that blindness, prejudice, and illiberality which constitute the commercial spirit of monopoly in that country as well as in this. We shall be at all times liable, upon every temporary stagnation of their manufactures, to the call for protecting duties and prohibitions. An incessant war of regulations and customs must necessarily arise between the two countries ; and our manufacturers, when it is too late, will curse their own folly that prevented a measure taking place, which would have secured to them the Irish market upon equal terms, free from all further restrictions. Party having mingled very much in this question, though i It must be confessed, that the relative situation of the two kingdoms at present may not permit so great a political question to be mingled with the commercial one; and that the repeal in 1782, of the 6th of Geo. I., was a proper time to have settled such a point: on the other hand, the proposition now made, to give a naval recompense, actually does mix the political and commercial questions. 320 A TOUR IN IRELAND. nothing ought to be more remote from it, I cannot conclude > without assuring the reader, that it has not the smallest influence on my mind. Those who have read the register of my Irish tour, as well as various essays in this work, will recollect at once, that I have ventured few opinions at pre- sent which I have not on other occasions most strenuously defended. The advantages to England, of giving freedom to the Irish trade, I have before explained, and attempted to shew, that in proportion to such freedom will be the security of converting the rising wealth of that country into the increasing prosperity of this. It is conviction alone, an old conviction, that induces me to take up the pen at present ; and by no means a partiality for any minister ; a race of men for whom few have less reason than myself to be partial to. A race so generally in the habit of doing commercial mischief, that it is seldom they merit support. When, however, they are right, the public good calls on every friend of his country to promote the measure — a motive that has pierced the neglected shade of my retire- ment, and produced this fugitive, but public protest against the madness of manufacturing opposition. Review of " Observations on the Manufactures, Trade, and Present State of Ireland" ; by John Lord Sheffield. 8vo. Debrett. hs. "Annals," Vol. III. (1785), p. 336. The career which this noble author has opened for him- self upon commercial subjects, is likely to prove as beneficial to his country, as it is undoubtedly honourable to himself. In his work on American commerce, he laid the foundation for a growing reputation, and he has, by this new perfor- mance, bid fair to outstrip every competitor. It treats of a great variety of topics, and enters fully into the effects which the proposed arrangement with Ireland is likely to have upon the agriculture, trade, and manufactures of both kingdoms. In general, he thinks, and gives reasons highly deserving attention, that the relaxation of the navi- gation laws may be mischievous ; but that there is little or no danger of Ireland ever being able to rival the manu- APPENDIX. 321 f actures of Britain ; contending, at the same time, that, in the articles of silk and iron, the proposed system will not include a sufficient equality of duties being too much in favour of Ireland. " Ireland might, at least, be satisfied, until she finds herself in the situation of being able to say to Britain, * My ports shall be open to all your manufactures, free of all duties, on condition that your ports shall be open to mine in the like manner. ' Ireland is hardly in the situation to agree to that proposal ; and the generality of Englishmen would probably at first object; but there is nothing in it which should alarm them. Great Britain could undersell Ireland in most manufactures ; such is the predominancy of superior skill, industry, and capital, over low-priced labour, and comparatively very few taxes." He concludes with a very animated and most interesting enquiry into the internal and political state of that kingdom ; and offers many observations, highly deserving attention, upon the volunteer corps, the arming of the Roman Catho- lics, and the interference of France in future. Upon the whole, this work is essentially necessary to all who wish to be well-informed upon this eventful subject; displaying uncommon knowledge in the author, and great abilities m arranging it for the reader's use. Extracts. Abstract of wool sold at Ballinasloe Fair, July 1771, to July 1778 :— Bags sold. Bags unsold. Total. 1771, July . . 1,492 15 1,507 1772 „ . . 1,286 11 1,297 1773 „ . . 1,550 33 1,583 1774 „ . . 1,623 25 1,648 1775 „ . . 1,574 61 1,635 1776 „ . . 1,857 64 1,921 1777 „ . . 2,004 70 2,974 1778 „ . . 1,359 553 1,912 Total .... Yearly average. 12,745 833 13,577 1,593 104 1,697 II. T 322 A TOUR IN IRELAND. The failure in 1778, arose from the stagnation of credit, and a decrease of the demand for bay -yarn from England. Sheep sold at the said fair : — 1771, October 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 1777 1778 Sold. 51,950 53,632 55,242 60,796 63,904 66,873 63,792 44,894 Unsold. 50 6.390 5.302 1,020 639 12,743 31.588 Total. 51,950 53,682 61,682 66,633 64,924 67,512 76,535 76,482 Bullocks sold at the said fair : — Sold. Unsold. Total. 1771, October . 10,876 10.876 1772 12,346 257 12,603 1773 „ 9.764 469 10,233 1774 9,328 263 9,591 1775 „ 10.201 113 10,314 1776 9.635 4,475 14.110 1777 „ . 9.646 1,815 11,461 1778 7,920 4,448 12,368 The noble author gives the following account of his flock : — " The writer of these observations can say, from experience, that the increased quantity of wool more than compensates for quality. His flock, consisting of above 1,000 sheep, was originally from the South Downs of Sussex. It was crossed ten years ago with one of Mr. Bake well's rams, whose wool was by no means of the coarsest or longest kind. The fleeces of the flock were increased, from an average of 2^1b. which sold for 9d. per lb., to full 51b. which sold for 8d. at the time wool was cheapest. The fleeces have returned towards their former weight; they average about 2 fib. It sold in the year 1784, at 10(7. per APPENDIX. 323 lb. only, although the price of fine wool is higher than it was a few years ago, and although some of the fleeces were so fine as to weigh only lib. 5ozs. It is clear then, than 51b. of coarse wool at Scl. answers better than 2 fib. at lOd. and in general what is most beneficial to the individual in matters of this kind, is best for the country. " Prices of wool in different parts of England. per lb. 1779. s. d. Norfolk at 64 Sussex, South Down, weighs about 2J lb. on an average . 9 The finest sells some years at near 15d. per lb. Kent — West Kent South Down wool 7 West country horned-sheep brought into West Kent, weighs about 3 \ lb. the fleece ..... 6 East Kent South Down 5J Komney Marsh (large) 5 West country 4^ Lincoln — Long 9J lb. the fleece 6 Heath wool 5J 5 Nottingham— Fallow-field 4 lb 5 Forest 2 lb 7| 1778. 1779. York — Long-combing 5J ... 3| Hog and wether mixed .... 9 \ ... * 7 Superfine clothing 17 ... 16 Second ditto 12 ... 1 0| Third ditto 8 ... 6} Fourth ditto 06 ... 04 Inclosures and artificial grasses have introduced large sheep, and have, in some parts of England, diminished the quantity of fine wool ; this is the case in parts of Shropshire. The finest wool of that county is at Morf, near Bridge- north, and at the Wrekin, the fleece is about l|lb. This year, 1784, it sold at 24s. per stone of 141b. sometimes it is as low as 18s. or a guinea, or Is. 6d. a lb. is the average. It is said to be as good as any in England, except that of Eoss in Herefordshire, which rises as high as 2s. 6d, per lb. Size of Farms. " The great farmer, of whom so many ignorantly complain in England, preserves us from scarcity, or extravagant 324 A TOUR IN IRELAND. prices in summer; his opulence answers the purpose of public granaries. A good system of agriculture, and intelli- gence and riches among farmers, are the best granaries on which a country can dejDend, and neither produce expence nor abuse. Such farmers are enabled to preserve part of their crop, and to wait the market of the ensuing summer. The little farmer, of very small capital, at the same time that he is the wretched sport of every irregularity of seasons, or of every trifling accident, is obliged to go to market with all his corn and all his produce at the time the price is lowest, and before the winter is finished. A more pitiable creature does not live, even when compared with the lowest labourer. He exists under an unremitting suc- cession of struggles and anxieties, useless to himself, and hurtful to the public. For the soil in his hands is not sufficiently cultivated, or half stocked, nor half the produce derived from it, that might be in the occupation of a more opulent man. The expense of cattle, husbandry utensils, of attendance, &c. are proportionably greater than on one of a moderate size. The profit is consumed by the team or necessary cattle on a small farm, or the land is not tilled, at least in due time." — Nothing can be more true than these observations. Comparative State of the Iron Manufactory in England and Ireland. "Annals," Vol. EH. (1785), p. 388. Article VII. Most of the iron slit into rods used in Ireland has been imported from London, where it is brought from Russia, much cheaper than it can be carried to Dublin. It is frequently imported to London as ballast (with hemp in general) at 5s. per ton freight ; the common freight is 15s. The Irish pay from 30s. to 35s. per ton, — the insurance there 50s. — to England 30s. There are eight slitting and rolling mills in Ireland, which it is supposed slit and roll from 1700 to 2000 tons a year. In England, 16 mills slit from 800 to 1500 tons each per year, and some, it is said, a greater quantity. Some APPENDIX. 325 nails have been exported from Ireland to America ; but the experiment is not likely to be repeated, as they were sold to a loss. Much stress is laid on the cheapness of labour in Ireland ; but the fact is, that nails are made, and nail-rods slit, much cheaper in England than in Ireland. A considerable manufacturer in this country has asserted, that nail rods and hoops can be brought to market in Ire- land, as cheap as the raw material can be had in the London market : the raw material in London has been at d£14 to c£14 10s. per ton ; the price of rod- iron in Dublin is from £18 10s. to £ 19 per ton ; and in England it is believed now to be about c£18 per ton. Answer VII. The assertion of this manufacturer is demonstrably true ; nor can it be invalidated by this artful method of stating what the price of raw material has been in London, and what it now is in Dublin. The difference of duty being nearly 50s. in favour of Ireland, and the waste of metal, and charge of slitting, not exceeding 30s. is full proof of this, which is attempted by this writer to be answered by the difference of freight and insurance between London and Dublin. 1 Article VIII. The state of the iron-founderies in Ireland is as follows : — The principal smelting-furnace is at Ennis- corthy ; its produce annually, when at work, may be about 300 tons, chiefly of castings, from 40 to 60 tons, of which 300 tons are pigs for the forge. There is another of the same sort at Mount rath, in the Queen's County ; but, from the great scarcity of charcoal, it does not work above three or four months every third or fourth year ; when this furnace is at work, that at Enniscorthy is idle. There are other founderies in Ireland, but not of the smelting kind ; they work by recasting pig-iron ; of these, there is one at Belfast, and another near to the town ; one in Newry, and five in Dublin ; it is believed there are no others in Ireland. The ore is English, and is raised in Lancashire. The only iron ore, which, it is understood, has been raised i If this argument were fair, a counter statement would have been given, and the present and late prices of both added ; that not being done, the conclusion is evident. — A. Y. 326 A TOUR IN I RE J A NO. in Ireland, is in the neighbourhood of Bally poreen, but it cannot be worked to advantage without a large portion of iron ore from England ; this work has been idle for many years past. The founderies in Ireland which work upon pig-iron, are supplied with it chiefly from Bristol and Chepstow, with some from Workington, some from Carron by Glasgow, and last year were supj)lied with about 150 tons from the south coast of Wales. The price is from £6 to £6 10s. per ton. The duty 10s. 6d. per ton. With respect to the fuel used at the Irish founderies, smelting ones use charred wood. Some of the Dublin founderies, charred English pit-coal (only one of them it is believed continues to use Kilkenny coal) ; the fuel which is used in the founderies in the north cannot be spoke to with certainty. The general price of coal is from 16s. 6d. to 17s. 6d. per ton; and the best coal for this purpose, to be had in Dublin, is brought from Harrington, in the neigh- bourhood of Workington. The average price of Kilkenny coal at the pit is 5c7. per hundred. The price in Dublin varies with the season. In winter it has sold for 3s. 6d. per hundred. In summer from Is. 8d. to 2s. 2d. Kilkenny coal has been tried in the smelting of iron ore, but it will not answer — no raw fuel of any sort, in its natural state, can possibly be used with success in obtain- ing metal from its ore ; its quality, whether it be pit coal or wood, must be changed by fire or heat, before it will smelt with success. Charring deprives both of its sulphur, which is an enemy to metals. Before the late dispute with America, Irelaud sent there articles of cast iron for flour mills, such as spindles, forks, gudgeons for water-wheels, shafts, &c. but since that period none of the produce of her iron-founderies has been exported there or anywhere else. Great quantities of foundery goods have been imported from the northern coasts of England, though on pots there is a heavy duty ; but, being entered for the use of the linen- manufacture, they are admitted under an easy one, if any at all is paid for them. Answer VIII. Nothing conclusive can be drawn from the state of furnaces in Ireland, at the present time ; it is well known that Ireland is possessed of the raw materials for APPENDIX. 327 iron, and labour is cheaper than in England ; add to this, that she can import ore from Lancashire, on as good terms as the English furnaces at Chepstow, and other places, in South Wales. Nothing, therefore, can be wanting, but a perseverance in industrious and spirited exertions to improve these natural advantages. Article IX. The price of coal at Birmingham is 6s. 8d. a ton ; and in some places they are cheaper. The prices of the different kinds of f oundery-work both in England and Ireland, are various, arising from the goodness of the metal used in making the article, and the labour employed upon it after it is cast ; as any of the most indifferent metal will make sash-weights, clock weights, scale weights, and all such articles that are used merely for their heaviness ; these, therefore, fell from £12 to £14< per ton : pots, pans, and hollow ware in general, require the best and most expensive pig-iron, and also require more time in the moulding, as well as the hand of the best workman ; the value consequently is greater, and the prices higher, from £16 to £18 and from that to £28 per ton ; such articles as bear the latter price are increased in value by the work of the smith, and the addition of bar-iron. Per ton. The customary price for bar-iron made in Ireland is . £20 Cast hammers and anvils, imported into Ireland, cost . 14 11 8 The prices in Ireland 1600 The duty ad valorem. Bar-iron made in Ireland, and imported. Per ton. Irish iron (very little made) 20 Stockholm iron at £16 15 to 17 10 Russia ditto 15 10 „ 16 Answer IX. Much weight is laid on the difference of the price of coal in the two countries ; but this will be removed as soon as the Irish work their mines, and complete the canals, which they have already begun. 1 Coals, at Birming- ham, cost 6s. 8d. at the wharf, but the carriage of them to 1 Here is speculation given in answer to positive fact. 328 A TOUR IN IRELAND. the works is to be added, which makes them Is. 4d. dearer. Further, to shew how little weight is to be laid on this difference in price of coals, so much insisted on by this writer, it ought to be observed, that at London, and its neighbourhood, where most of the hoops made in the king- dom are cut, and a great proportion of other heavy work, such as anchors, ship-work, &c. is carried on, coals, &c, are at least thirty per cent, dearer than in Dublin. 1 Article X:— Per toll Freight of bar-iron from London to Dublin . . . . £0 10 Insurance at 1 J per cent. Duty 106. 6d. per ton, charges &s. M 13 9 The Portage Act adds 009 Freight from Stockholm 1116 Insurance at £1 10*. to £4 10*. per cent. Article XI:— Freight from Petersburg £1136 Insurance at £1 lO*. to £4 10*. per cent. Duty and charges as above. If a ship is very late in the year, insurance runs higher. 1 This is a very remarkable fact, and, as it comes from those who oppose the propositions, it deserves particular attention. That coals are dearer on the Thames than in Ireland I readily grant ; but on comparing the prices generally between the two islands, there is a prodigious difference in favour of England ; for the most considerable works in Ireland are carried on by means of English coal : but from this fact I must make one observation : it is contended, that cheap labour, cheap coals, and a small difference in duty, would be sufficient to enable the Irish to run away with the hoop and wire manufactures, the comparison being drawn between theirs and ours on the Thames; but is not this a most powerful argument full in the teeth of those who are enemies to the propositions ; since it appears most manifestly, that cheap labour and cheap coals are of so little importance in this fabric, that our master- manufacturers rind it more advantageous to keep their works on the Thames, with the dearest labour and coals of the whole kingdom, than remove them, as they might do, where labour is much lower, and coals 200 per cent, cheaper, than on that river? If such fabrics, owing to circumstances that certainly are well understood by such master-manu- facturers, can not only hold up their heads in competition with other parts of the kingdom, but can, and do actually undersell the Irish in their own markets, how little apprehension ought we to have at that ideal superiority which is to arise among that people in some distant vague and unknown period, in predictions of which we have not the shadow of data on which to reason. Should such a competition arise, could not our fabrics, by partially removing from the Thames to our coal-pits, retain their superiority ? — A. Y. APPENDIX. 329 Tons. Ireland, imported in 1782 and 1783 from England . . . 7,305J And from the East country 10,136^ Of which, Dublin took from England 3,605 East country 5,237 8,842 Is per year 4,421 tons ; but on an average of seven years, is only 3,398|. What iron the Irish import from Russia, or Stockholm, must be paid for in bills on London, for which they are charged by their correspondence half per cent, for advance, and so much for commission. Coals to the Irish slitter cost, on an average, . £15 per ton. „ to the English at .... 25. 6d. to 2 8 „ How important the great difference in the price of coals is to the English manufacturer, need hardly be urged, when the addition of only three shillings a chaldron was last year stated as likely to be ruinous to their trade. Observations on the Earl of Dundonald's Scheme for transferring the Tax on Salt to Hearths. " Annals," Vol. III. (1785) p. 399. This worthy nobleman, who has lately published a pam- phlet, entitled " The Present State of the Manufacture of Salt explained," is at present well known to the public, by a patent for extracting tar from coals, the prolongation of which has been agitated in Parliament. I mention this circumstance, as it gives me an opportunity of adding the weak voice of my praise to that of many other persons, who justly commend the pursuits in which a noble person has spent his life and a considerable part of his fortune ; a proof of the highest merit, and deserving that tribute of applause due from the public to those who labour for the common good. The process of freeing common salt from its impurities and rendering it by that means more proper for curing fish, meat, butter, &c. must depend for its establishment on various experiments. It does not come 330 A TOUR IN IRELAND. within the sphere of this work ; but his lordship, having, in the same performance, proposed a great political measure, which would essentially affect the interests of every order of men connected with agriculture, it is incumbent on me to explain what would be its consequences, that my readers may in future (should this plan ever find its way into Parliament) be prepared to give it the examination it demands. The scheme is no other than taking off all the present duties on salt, and laying them by commutation on hearths. As I think this is most ruinous to the whole landed interest, and beneficial only to certain classes of the commercial, I must necessarily condemn it in toto— in doing this, however, let it be not be imagined that I am insensible to the merit of the noble author. His discovery of purifying salt is, I dare- say, highly valuable, and his researches in to the evils of the salt-tax judicious and useful ; but when he contends, be- cause of those evils, not for a remedy, but for so total a change, it is incumbent on the classes that are intimately concerned, to sift into the political part of the proposition ; and with the greater attention, as report has given a similar scheme to a right honourable gentleman high in office, 1 who is in a situation to support the opinion he imbibes. The noble earl states, from proper documents, that the gross receipts of the salt duties amounted, in 1776, to c£895,489. That there is deducted for drawbacks, bounties, and discount, £622,866, and for charges of management .£26,410, consequently that the nett produce of the revenue is no more than £246,213 ; but in 1784, owing to new duties, this nett produce was c£332,735. He also shews, that there are great frauds and abuses in this revenue, and much encouragement to smuggling salt from Ireland. To obviate which,, he would revive the tax of 2s. on every hearth, abolished at the Revolution. This is the outline of his plan ; the subordinate parts do not demand particular attention. It is a branch of a general scheme, formed at large by Sir Matthew Decker, of abolishing customs and excises, and laying the whole amount upon houses. A part was carried into execution by Mr. Pitt's tea commutation tax, which 1 Mr. Dundass. APPENDIX. 331 lias spawned the present proposition ; and, if this is listened to, will soon produce other copies, till the commercial classes have thrown their whole share of taxation on the landed interest. The subject necessarily forms itself into two questions by the double operation proposed : first, the merit of taxes on consumption ; and second, that of taxes on property, on the worst species of property, that of houses ; for a tax upon hearths, windows, chimneys, doors, &c. is ipso facto a tax upon houses. Taxes upon consumption, such as an excise upon salt, are the very best, and most unexceptionable of all others ; this is admitted by the greatest and most enlightened authors; and indeed their operation in common life is such as ought for ever to recommend them. The ease and well-being of the subject who pays the tax, ought surely to be considered as well as the interest of the exchequer that receives it ; and that method of levying by which the subject can with least difficulty pay the most, ought always to be preferred. Now taxes upon consumption, being blended with the price of the commodity, are paid without being known or felt ; he who wishes to consume a bottle of wine, or a pound of salt, knows the price ; and if that price, including the tax, is too high for him, he can avoid the whole by desisting from the consumption. This prevents such taxes from ever being really burthensome upon the individual. They can- not by extension be made so, because, when raised so high as to check consumption, two and two no longer make four, as Swift observed, but only three ; and G-overnment would find, that an increase of the tax would be a decrease of the revenue. Another admirable circumstance attending taxes on consumption, is their being strictly proportionable : every man pays exactly according to his expenditure ; if I consume 1000 bushels of salt, I pay the tax on that quantity ; if I consume none, I pay no tax. This equitable equality is fair, just, and prevents the tax ever being cruel, or even burthensome. These are circumstances attending all taxes on consunrption, which, falling equally on every class of the people, are hurtful to none. Reverse the medal, and examine a tax that is laid, not upon real property, but its appearance, such as an estate or a house, and we shall find it essentially failing in every one 332 A TOUR IN IRELAND. of these particulars. I will not dwell on the former, though the case is nearly as strong as in that of a house, for the real property is in the mortgagee or annuitant who escape taxation, not in the ostensible possessor. But in what manner, or by what rule, is a house or the number of windows or hearths, an index to either the property, con- sumption or ability to pay a tax in the person inhabiting such house ? The wit of man could hardly suggest a more vague or false estimate. A man of small fortune has many hearths, a man of immense property may have very few. Examine the houses of country gentlemen of =£2,000 a year, does any person imagine they have twice the number of hearths of others with half the estate? But the dispro- portion in every rank of people is so great, that a worse rule of ascertaining a man's income, it is obvious could not be thought of. But this mode of taxation does not only totally fail in equality of burthen, but in the capability of payment when the tax is demanded. You come to a man for his tax at a time when he is utterly unable to pay it without distress ; for his having so many hearths in his house is no proof whatever that he has so much money in his pocket ; but his going to a shop for a bushel of salt, is a proof that he can pay for it with either money or credit, and no distress or hardship can arise from the tax. It was just so with tea ; and the change to a window-tax was to the last degree cruel, if it was possible to have converted the custom into an excise upon the con sum pt ion, in such inauner as to have subjected smuggled tea to the tax equally with that fairly imported. This salt scheme is open also to another objec- tion in common with the tea commutation. Cottages pay nothing to that window-tax ; yet their inhabitants are very great consumers of tea; and there is not in the range of taxation any objects more proper than the luxurious con- sumption of the poor. Why was not the window-tax extended to them r because they neither would or could pay it. Ask a poor labourer for a hearth-tax of a penny, he will not, perhaps cannot pay it. But excise his tea, ale, or salt, and he pays you without his knowing it. No minister in this country will ever dare to lay any taxes on the poor, except those of consumption — disgust, discontent, APPENDIX. 333 riots, and perhaps something worse would be the conse- quence of levying them strictly ; for this reason, all commu- tations which take off taxes on consumption, and lay them on apparent property, such as land, houses, windows, hearths, &c. are bad in principle, tending to exempt the great mass of the people, whose consumption always yields the most productive levies, to add to the burthens of those who are already oppressed by the disproportionate manner in which they contribute to the necessities of the public. The noble author of this scheme would copy the old hearth -tax, which exempted all houses that did not pay to church and poor — that is, he falls into this great error, by the necessity of the case, knowing how impossible it would be to levy a tax on the hearths of cottages. The origin of this scheme deserves some attention, for it may perhaps be a guide to us how readily we ought to agree to it. I shall not lay any stress on the noble earl possessing considerable salt works himself, because there is reason to believe, from his known liberality, that such a circumstance would not influence him ; but every man knows the enquiry which has been instituted into the state of the Scotch fisheries, of which Mr. Dempster was at the head. I understand that one great means of promoting those fisheries, strongly recommended, and doubtless very ably, has been this business of freeing salt from the duty. I am too well convinced of the importance of encouraging fisheries to offer one syllable against giving them all possible assistance, providing it is done upon fair and equitable terms ; but I see no shadow of reason for giving a bounty to fisheries in the western isles, by laying a com- mutation tax on my hearths in Suffolk. It is not that local taxes should be laid for local purposes — I call for no such measure; if the encouragement of those fisheries is a national object (of which no one can doubt) let bounties be given in an effective manner by the national revenue : but do not take off a fair and equal tax on consumption, which falls lightly on an infinite number of points, to commute it for another tax which would fall with scarcely any weight on those who are the greatest consumers of salt, but most heavily on others who consume very little. This is not a commutation but a trick — Not the change of one tax for 334 A TOUR IX IRELAND. another ; but taking an old tax off one part of the king- dom, and laying a new one upon another part : which is a sort of commutation which I trust will not very readily be agreed to. In order to show what degree of fairness there would be in the execution of this project, let me take an instance in which I can be perfectly correct, and therefore reason from safely — myself. I find, that in the year 1784, my family, ten in number, consumed 1251b. of salt, 1 or 2\ bushels, 2 the duty on which, at 5s. a bushel, amounts to lis. 3d. ; suppose there is added to this 12 per cent, on advancing the tax, it will not amount to quite Is. 6cl, call it 12s. 9c?. for my salt tax. Now turn to the precious project of the hearth account. There are 16 in this house, which at 2s. are <£1 12s. instead of 12s. 9cZ. 3 That is to say, an advance of exactly 150 per cent ! And the noble author gives facts to show that less than 2s. would not probably answer the purpose. Connect the idea of laying an addition of 150 per cent, tax on Suffolk, in order to encourage fisheries in Argyle, and you have a proposal, to the modesty of which I am ready to give full credit. I do not lay much stress on the difficult circumstance of excisemen having a power to enter all the apartments, however private, of every house : the real necessities of the State cannot demand this : to mention it, 1 This is correct, for it was bought of the grocer, and his bill lies before me, from which I have extracted it. 2 Lord Dundonald, from Mons. Necker, calculates the consumption of salt in France at 19^ lb. per head of the whole people per annum, and supposes, because salt is cheaper, that the average in England is 25 lb., equal to 23 French pounds j I am apt to believe that this is an error in political arithmetic, and that the consumption is not nearly so large. That of my family, including butter, bread, and salted pork, is only 12 lb. per head. I have made enquiries among the poor, such as labourers, weavers, combers, &c, and I find that on an average of various families, their consumption, inclusive of bread, is only half a stone per family. In France the use of salt for cattle and sheep is almost everywhere common and considerable ; we have no traces of such a practice in England. Another circumstance is the arbitrariness of the tax, in which every family is supposed to consume a certain quantity, and taxed accordingly: these points make the analogy between the French and English consumption a very vague mode of calculating. 3 A gentleman, a neighbour of mine, 20 in family, consumes 5 J bushels in a year, his tax £1 7s. 6d., but he has 25 hearths, the tax on which would be £2 105. APPENDIX. 335 is sufficient to shew, that there is no parallel between such a power, and that of passing through a house to view an inner court. There is little occasion to be solicitous against such exertions, in order to lay bad taxes, while the great prosperity of the kingdom offers so many objects for good ones. The noble author of the scheme himself starts one objec- tion, which is very strong, and by no means removed by a baker's licence. He is sensible that bakers, who are great consumers of salt, would not sink the price of bread pro- portioned to the advantage they gained by taking off the salt-tax ; he calculates that the quantity they consume ought to pay at present above .£200,000. It is by no means a trifling objection to a plan of commutation, when there are such obvious means of turning that to a private advantage which ought to be solely a public one. And this extends to a variety of trades besides bakers ; all of whom are to be greatly favoured at the expence of the landed interest, who would most materially suffer by a hearth-tax. But I return with pleasure to that part of the scheme to which every one must readily agree ; that some method should be found to prevent the abuses that attend the pre- sent salt-tax. There is sufficient reason to think, that these take place more in drawbacks than in any other part of the business. A due investigation by the employment of proper persons to examine that matter on the spot, and in detail, would probably suggest effective means of cor- recting such abuses, and leaving so eligible a revenue open to few or no objections. Much stress is laid in this business on a point which will probably come again and again before the public — the prevention of smuggling. Reasons are not wanting to imagine, that this matter in relation to salt is much exaggerated, and that the quantity smuggled from Ireland, is not very considerable ; but if it was as great as the noble author imagines ; and if similar and greater abuses should exist in other branches of the revenue, they cannot amount to any sound argument for changing the mode of our taxa- tion from positive consumption to apparent property. That doctrine, if adopted, goes the full length which Sir Matthew Decker contended for; and calls for the abolition of all 336 A TOUR IN IRELAND. customs and all excises which are partly borne by the com- mercial classes, in order to throw a most enormous pro- portion of the burthen on the owners of land and houses. A doctrine that will always have its advocates, while private interest is found in commerce and manufacture. The Minister, in his late budget, has proposed a small extension of the salt-tax, by a regulation of allowance ; we may, from hence, conclude, that the present project is not in his contemplation. It is to be hoped that he will be too enlightened to admit the principle on which it is founded ; and too prudent to hazard the practice which the experiment would necessarily involve. I cannot conclude this paper, without noticing the pro- gress made in the ideas of our mercantile classes, in relation to taking taxes from their own shoulders and throwing them upon those of others. Sir Matthew Decker's scheme is above forty years old, and has been refuted repeatedly in the most clear and satisfactory manner ; but since the tea commuta- tion tax has given an example, the spirits of our manufac- turers are quite animated with the expectation of seeing the plan pursued. I have not often met with a more bare- faced repetition of these commercial extravagances, than in a pamphlet lately published, entitled " Manufactures im- proper subjects of Taxation, " the author of which, in the true commercial spirit, finds fault with every tax that but touches a manufacturer, and raises an outcry against even the receipt-tax (one of the best ever laid) because it is troublesome : he proposes to take off all taxes that are troublesome to trade, and lay the lumping amount on the rents of lands and houses, with which he is so perfectly ignorant as to assert, that Is. in the pound fairly levied would produce two millions, which is just an error of a half ; and he employs much time to shew that this would be a very good thing for landlords, because the farmers would draw back the tax by raising the prices of their products : in which again he is utterly wrong, and ignorant of all the principles of taxation ; because he might have known that a land-tax cannot be drawn back, and con- sequently that his scheme would be completely ruinous to the greatest and most considerable class of people in the State. Such wretched folly would be unworthy of all APPENDIX. 337 attention, if similar doctrines had not been broached from much more respectable quarters. The landed interest in Parliament ought to see clearly, that these plans, which creep in this manner from speculation to project, and from project to practice, should be rejected in the first instance with the scorn and contempt they deserve. By agreeing to the tea commutation tax 1 they have opened the door to endless schemes equally mischievous : a stand must be made somewhere, and the sooner it is made the better. A. Y. Bradfield Hall, May 10th, 1785. " Reflections on the present matters in dispute hetween Great Britain and Ireland" By J. Tucker, D.D., Dean of Gloucester. 8vo. Is. Cadell. " Annals," Vol. III. (1785), p. 417. Whatever comes from the pen of the celebrated projector, who, previous to the American War, gave a well-known article of advice to his country, which, had it been followed, would have saved this kingdom above one hundred millions sterling — must deserve no common attention. It will perhaps be found, that in his present performance he is not by any means equally happy, though always able, and in a great measure original. The ideas started in this pamphlet are peculiar: the author thinks that the freedom of trade given by the first resolutions to Irelaud (not as amended by the Minister in the debate) will be attended with the following effects : 1. To lay open the monopoly of the East India Company, by Ireland's free trade thither, which would ensure that of England. 2. To lay open the monopoly of the trade to Egypt, the Levant, &c. 3. A free importation of sugar from wherever it is to be had cheapest. 1 The idea might be necessary; but laying the whole burthen on windows was oppressive ; 5 per cent, addition on the revenue in general, with exception of various articles, would have answered the same purpose. II. Z 338 A TOUR IN IRELAND. 4. The entire abolition of the Navigation Act, which he considers as a monopoly. 5. A free import and export of grain. A recital of these advantages will make the reader be ready to imagine, that the Dean has written the whole ironically, and that he means to condemn the system for having these effects : but it is very sober and serious. The Minister's emendation of the resolutions will, if they are accepted, overturn most of the benefits which our reverend politician has deduced from them : effectually those of the East and West Indies. But this mode of attaining a right system of British trade, by beginning with giving it to Ireland, in order afterwards to receive it our- selves, is refining almost to a degree of paradox. As to the free export and import of corn, the part of the subject which connects the pamphlet with this work, the author's ideas are such as it is impossible to approve. He considers corn as the raw material of a manufacture, " consequently every encouragement ought to be given to the growth of it at home, and the importation of it from abroad." The idea of classing corn as a raw material of manufac- ture, is totally erroneous, and, if accepted, would lead immediately to absurd conclusions. Upon this principle the cheaper corn is the better : but the contrary is fact ; a very great cheapness of corn is ruinous to all manufactures, being a sure cause of idleness and profligacy among work- men. No sooner does a writer set out upon such an unlucky axiom, than it is sure to follow him through the whole texture of his enquiry ; and accordingly the Dean treats the whole question of corn upon that principle only. A free import and export, could it be attained under our govern- ment, would be, for reasons exceedingly different from those given by this author, the very best policy of that commodity: but every one who reflects upon our corn trade, and upon the effect which clamour is sure to have when the popularity of a minister comes in competition with the public good, must necessarily see, that this pre- tended free trade, would be freedom of import without a freedom of export. The Dean himself would restrain exportation " when crops have failed in other countries " — APPENDIX. 339 which shews what sort of a free trade it would be : when- ever prices had risen much, we should soon hear of failing crops, and famines ; and we should see a London mob, or a London Corporation petitioning (as it once did) for boun- ties upon import. Hence there is nothing that can be offered on the subject so inapplicable and frivolous, as pro- positions for a freedom of trade in this article, which every man of common sense knows (however desirable it certainly is) can never take place under our government. The landed interest ought strenuously to resist so fallacious a plan; and not be tricked (for it would be no better than a trick) out of a measure essential to their well-being — a regulation of import, as they are morally certain there never will be permitted an unregulated export. The Dean's observations on the bill now depending for making the prices of London regulate the export and import of the whole kingdom, are just and pointed. It is, in truth, one of the most bare- faced impositions on the public that perhaps was ever laid before them. But his idea, that the western parts of Ireland are more likely to become an emporium of imported corn (not much for the advantage of her agriculture if she was) will probably be thought to have little foundation. The author annexes an appendix, containing subjects for dissertations and premiums to be offered to the graduate students of the universities of England and Scotland. The first on the comparison or compact ability of the military spirit and commercial pursuits. The second on the proper military defence of a commercial people. The third and fourth on the employment of slaves in the West Indies. &c. The fifth on the revocation of all monopolies. He proposes that =£200 a year be given in premiums for dissertations on these subjects ; and very generously offers =£20 himself, and £20 more from his friends ; also that he will continue his own subscription for life. This is very noble ; and it is with great pleasure that I see steps gradually taking, which seem not only to evince a conviction of the deficient educa- tion of our universities, but to propose the means of remedy- ing it. 340 A TOUR IN IRELAND. An "Essay on the Population of Ireland." 8vo. Is. Richardson. By the Rev. J. Hovjlett. "Annals," Vol. V. (1786), p. 486. This gentleman, who is so well known by his indefatigable researches into the population of England, has turned his attention to the neighbouring kingdom, and has, with the assistance of the Eight Hon. Mr. Beresford, First Commis- sioner of the Kevenue in that kingdom, given the theory of Dr. Price, in what he lays down concerning Ireland, as complete an overthrow as he had before effected with relation to English population. The number of houses returned for the whole kingdom in the year ending at Lady-day 1781, were : — With one hearth 400,783 With from 2 to 5 hearths inclusive .... 43,980 With more than tive .... ... 15,098 Excused on account of poverty 17,741 477,602 Mr. Beresford remarks, that deficient returns, barracks, houses of revenue offices, &c, &c. will make the number 500,000 ; which, at five to a house, makes 2,500,000 souls ; but more probably, he says, at five and a half it is 2,750,000. From " Memoirs of the last Thirty Tears of the Editor's Farming Life, ivith notes. " "Annals," Vol. XV. (1791), p. 152. My journies to Ireland, the register of which I published, occupied the years 1776, 1777, 1778, and 1779. Of that work, I have not much apprehension, though the success in relation to profit (even with the assistance of a subscription), i Including a residence in the county of Corke, of something more than a year, employed in arranging and letting part of the estate of Lord Viscount Kingsborough. APPENDIX. 341 was nothing ; yet it will stand its ground, and I trust merit, in some small degree, the most flattering encomiums it has received in many parts of Europe. . I cannot, on such an occasion, name Ireland without remarking, that though the Irish are certainly a generous people, and liberal sometimes almost to excess, yet I have to complain, that not a ray of that spirit was by any public body shed on my labours. Without my seeking it, after I had left the kingdom, and published the Tour in England, I received the following letter, written by order of the Dublin Society : — " Sir, " With great pleasure I take up the pen in obedience to the commands of the Dublin Society, to communicate to you their thanks for the late publication of your Tour in Ireland ; a treatise which, in doing justice to this country, puts us in a most respectable view ; for which reason we consider you to have great merit. But what particularly gained the attention of the Society, were your just and excellent observations and reasoning, in the second part of that work, relative to the agriculture, manufactures, trades, and police of the kingdom. And gentlemen thought the publication of that part, particularly so as to fall into the hands of the generality of the people of this country, might be of great benefit and use ; and we wish you would let us know your sentiments relative to the preparing of a publi- cation of that kind, and in what mode you would think it most proper, and would answer best, and what you would think a reasonable amends for all this trouble, that we may lay the same before the Society at our next meeting, the beginning of November. " I am, Sir, " Your most obedient humble servant, " Bed. Morres." " Dublin, Sept. 16, 1780." " P.S. — There are a great many useful observations and hints, interspersed in many parts of your Tour, which may be of great use to throw into the hands of the public." 342 A TOUR IN IRELAND. " At a meeting of the Dublin Society, at their house in Grafton Street, Thursday, August 31, 1780, "The Eev. Dean Woodward, V.P., in the chair. " Eesolved, That this Society do highly approve of the work lately published by Arthur Young, Esq., an Honorary Member of the Society, entitled ' A Tour in Ireland ' ; and that the Secretary be directed to communicate the thanks of the Society to Mr. Young for the said work. " Eesolved, That Mr. Young be requested to prepare the second part, or Appendix, of his Tour in Ireland, in such manner that the same may be published separately ; and that Sir Lucius O'Brien and Eedmond Morres, Esq., be requested to write to Mr. Young on this subject. " Signed, by Order of the Society, " Thomas Lyster, Assistant Secretary/ 1 In answer to this letter I returned sincere thanks for the honour of the vote; and assured them, that I should be ready either to publish any part of the work separately, or to make an abridgement of the whole ; reduced in such a manner as to be diffused at a small expense over all the kingdom. In a few posts I received, under the Dublin post- mark, an envelope, enclosing an anonymous essay, cut out of a newspaper ; which referred to the transactions of the Society relative to me, and condemning pretty heavily my whole publication : and in this unhandsome manner the business ended. I heard no more of them. In a Society which disposes of =£10,000 a year of public money, granted by Parliament chiefly with a view, as the Act expresses, to encourage agriculture, but which patronizes manufactures far more, there will necessarily be an agricultural party and a manufacturing one. According as one or the other happens to prevail, such contradictions will arise. All that is to be said of my case now is, that it was not so bad as that of poor Whyn Baker, who settled in Ireland as their experimenter in agriculture — lived there in poverty ten or twelve years — and broke his heart on account of the treat- ment which he met with. But, while their Societies acted thus, the Parliament of the kingdom paid my book a far greater compliment than APPENDIX. 343 any Society could do ; for they passed more than one Act almost directly, which received the royal assent, to alter and vary in a good measure the police of corn, &c. which I had proved was vicious ; but which, till then, had been universally esteemed as the chief pillar of their national prosperity : and I had thus the satisfaction of seeing the Legislature of the kingdom improving the policy of it, from the known and confessed suggestions of a work that, in other respects, had proved to the author a mere barren blank. But I have since learned from the conversation of many most respectable gentlemen of Ireland, as well as from the correspondence of others, that the book is now esteemed of some value to Ireland ; and that the agriculture of the kingdom has been advanced in consequence of it. But it is time to dismiss a subject upon which I have dilated too much, and spoken perhaps with unguarded vanity and self-love, which would ill become me. I have but one word to say : to Ireland I am not in debt. 1 State of Ireland in 1748 and 1792 compared. " Annals," Vol. XX. (1793), p. 215. 1748. 125. to 225. £2 to £4 Land about Cork, English acre About Dublin, Irish acre . . Wool, per stone 65. to 8s. Sheep, from 45. to 145. Oxen, fat £4 to £6 Milch cows £1 15s. to £2 5s. Qd. 1792. £2 to £6. £5 to £12. 165. to 175. 125. to 405. £8 to £16. £5 to £10. 1748. Corn was occasionally very low and very high; but so un- equal was the country to feed itself, that Dublin alone paid to foreign parts, for wheat and flour, above £100,000 annually. 1792. There is not only now an ample supply, but Ireland has, upon an average, exported, lat- terly, 300,000 barrels of wheat and 500,000 barrels of oats. i The reader will see that I speak nationally, and not of individuals ; for I have had many hospitable acquaintances there, and some friends ; among the latter let me be proud to name Cornelius Bolton, Esq. , of Faithlegg, near Waterford ; and these " Annals" have testified the singular attention of Henry Arthur Herbert, Esq., of Muckruss. 344 A TOUR IN IRELAND. Bounty on the Inland Carriage of Corn in Ireland, " Annals," Vol. xxix. (1797) p. 157. Irish House of Lords, Friday, March 31. On the second reading of the Corn Bounty Repeal Bill, the Earl of Farnharn opposed it as injurious to the agriculture of the country, and unjust to a numerous class of men, the millers, who had expended large sums in the erection of extensive mills, relying on the continuance of the bounty. His lordship said, that there had been between two and three hundred bolting mills erected in this country, and that it would be impossible to make compensation to the proprietors for the loss of the bounty. He admitted, that at first great profits had been obtained by the millers, because then there was no competition; but latterly com- petition had lessened the profits ; the miller was only the medium of the bounty, which ultimately centred in the farmer : consequently the farmer would be the sufferer, and agriculture would necessarily decline. I will, said his lordship, suppose a case, that there had been held out by Parliament an encouragement to build a bridge, for which the builder was to be repaid by tolls, that the tolls turned out to be profitable, and that the Legislature should say the builder had got money enough, we will now appropriate the profits. In such a situation would the millers be left if their profits had been taken away. Their corn had been already purchased or agreed for without the knowledge of this bill being passed ; what loss must they not sustain by the discontinuance of the bounty ? His lordship said he was not fond of making experiments, particularly on a subject of such importance as the removal of a bounty which had existed upwards of forty years, and which had been attended with the best effects ; at any time such an experiment would be hazardous ; but, when such an encouragement, as there was this day held out to pasturage existed, it was in his opinion highly dangerous. His lordship concluded by declaring it as his opinion that such a bill ought not to pass. The Lord Chancellor said, that the bill was not intended as a bill of supply ; on such grounds he certainly would APPENDIX. 345 not have supported it ; on the contrary he would have conceived it an unwise and impolitic measure. The city of Dublin paid £1 00,000 a year bounty for inland carriage ; and he was bold to say there was no town in Europe the markets of which were worse supplied. Since the year 1784 (when the import of foreign corn was restricted) to the present day, the market of Dublin has been infinitely worse supplied than when it principally depended on a foreign supply : there had been an export bounty in England, which enabled the English exporter to come to our market with advantage over the Irish farmer. A regulation had been adopted by the Legislature of Ireland, in favour of the Irish farmer, which prohibited importation till the price of corn rose to a certain height ; and the market had been ever since more scanty than before — What a State solecism (said his lordship) it is, in a country abounding with navigable rivers, to pay J2100,000 a year for inland carriage ! You stop export from the city of Dublin, though the best situated of any other port in the kingdom for it, and from which so great a number of vessels daily sail in ballast, in order to fill your market ; and the consequence is diametrically opposite to the inten- tion. Your markets are scantily supplied, because there is no export for the redundance. — The inland bounties operate not only against the supply of the metropolis, but against the agriculture of the kingdom. It will astonish your lordships to hear, that within two or three months it occurred, that not one day's provision of corn was in the market of Dublin ; and that the Lord Lieutenant deemed it necessary to have vessels in Liverpool freighted with corn, to prevent a famine in Dublin ! Allow the export of corn, and the banks of your canals will be covered with granaries: let the port of Dublin be added to the other exporting towns of the kingdom, and her markets will be equally well supplied, because the redundancy can be disposed of to advantage abroad, if not at home. I have no doubt, my lords, but Dublin will then become a great export town, and that its own consumption will be more abundantly supplied than it has been heretofore. It is a well-known fact that flour is now dealt out to the inhabi- tants of Dublin, in such quantities as do not afford a 346 A TOUR IN IRELAND. plenty, much less a redundancy ; and under the present restraining laws that power will continue in the same hands, and be exercised in the same way. The principal millers in the neighbourhood of Clonmell, a pail of the kingdom from which there is a considerable influx of corn to the city, do not complain of the bill ; on the contrary, many have declared that they will not suffer any loss from it. I conceive, said his lordship, the bounty to be an idle expense ; the cause for which it was granted is removed — Ireland has become what she was not when it was given, a corn country, not only of ample supply for herself, but capable of exporting a considerable redundancy for her advantage ; and under this impression I declare myself an advocate for the bill : but, I repeat, not as a bill of supply, for in that point of view I would be adverse to it, but as a bill calculated to promote the agriculture of the kingdom, and to provide for the consumption of the metropolis. Lord Desart premised that he did not mean to oppose goveiiiment ; he conceived it the duty of every man in the present day to give all possible support to government ; but his opinion was that by granting the export trade now to Dublin, it would be impossible to control it hereafter, and that it must ultimately be carried to an extent too great. When the inland bounty was first granted, Ireland had no agriculture ; the country was laid out in farms of one, two or three thousand acres each, with a few herdsmen tending cattle. From the encouragement afforded by the the bounty, these large uncultivated tracts of land had been divided into small farms, at present covered with crops, and inhabited by thousands. His lordship contended that by opening the port of Dublin to export, the exporting trade of the country towns would be stopped, and conse- quently the farmer, wanting a market for his provisions, would be discouraged from agricultural improvement. His lordship could not think of supporting the bill, when he considered that the flourishing state of our agriculture has been owing to the bounty. The Earl of Portarlington supported the bill on the ground that England had materially profited by encourag- ing an export trade. Lord Sheffield said, the great increase of Irish tillage APPENDIX. 347 must not be attributed to the carriage bounty on corn ; that an examination of the import and export of corn for the last fifty years, and of the circumstances which had taken place during that period, would demonstrate what he asserted. He observed that the quantity of corn imported and exported on an average of fourteen years, following the date of those bounties, namely 1758, (when compared to the great increase of export, and decrease of import, which took place in consequence of other laws) did not differ much from the average of four- teen years preceding the granting of those bounties, and that the export did not exceed the import till other circumstances began to have effect, namely, the new arrangement of the English corn-laws in 1772, by which corn from Ireland was admitted at a considerably lower price than had been allowed near a hundred preceding years, namely, wheat 5s. 4d. per quarter lower. In 1774, the Parliament in Ireland added a bounty on the export, and then, on an average of the next period, previous to passing the corn-laws in Ireland, in 1783, we find a great decrease of import and increase of export ; but after the establishment of the corn-laws, which protected at the same time that they encouraged Irish tillage, then, and not till then, we saw, on an average of eight years preceding the present war, a most extraordinary increase of export, and the importation sunk almost to nothing. Here his lordship stated the average import and export of corn at different periods during the last fifty years. His lordship observed, it had been argued, that the Legislature, having by bounties encouraged an improvement, would do a great injury if those bounties were not continued : he said bounties were not justifiable, except as regulations on foreign trade, or to encourage undertakings in the beginning, and for a limited time. The case in question was of the latter description, and surely had been most amply encouraged, and for a great length of time, near forty years ; and when an under- taking has been established, if it cannot go on by itself, it is contrary to all policy to force it, by extravagant premiums of .£80,000 yearly, on an average ; and especially at this time, it would be a shameful waste of public treasure. He then observed that the professed object of 348 A TOUR IN IRELAND. the inland carriage bounty was the supply of Dublin with Irish instead of English corn. The late corn-law secured that supply, and the opening the port of Dublin for exportation will secure a more steady supply for that city, than had hitherto been the case, by giving a market for a surplus ; and Dublin, from its situation, is likely to have a steady and permanent export of corn to the north western parts of Great Britain, which do not raise nearly sufficient for its numerous inhabitants, and which have hitherto been supplied from the southern, and even very largely from the eastern coast of England : and this trade is farther secured to Ireland, by the ports of Great Britain being not long since open to corn from hence, at lower prices than corn coming from foreign countries. He said, all the other parts of the bill had been so ably treated by the learned lord on the woolsack, that it was unnecessary, and it would be presumption, to attempt to add anything. That he seemed to himself to endeavour to prove a self-evident proposition, which he argued in favour of the bill, and that he should apologize for having trespassed on their lordships with so little pretensions. He was happy in the opportunity of adding, that although he had not the honour of residing long in the country, no man could more ardently wish to promote the prosperity of Ireland than he did. The bill was then read a second time, and committed for to-morrow. 1 A. Y. 1 In the year 1779, I explained fully, from very detailed calculations, the mischievous tendency of the inland bounty, so much to the satis- faction of the leading men in that kingdom, that the very next ensuing sessions of Parliament (as appears by Sir Henry Cavendish's u State of the Public Revenue") it was reduced half, to the saving of £40,000 per annum to Ireland. At last the whole measure is repealed. It is not every individual that has the opportunity, in so obscure a situation as myself, to make savings for the public. I should not mention it here, if it was not a matter of public record. I have upon another occasion mentioned the return which a public body in Ireland at that time made me. — A. Y. BIBLIOGRAPHY OF ARTHUR YOUNG. By John P. Anderson, of the British Museum. 1S91. I. Works. II. Translations into Foreign Languages. III. Appendix : — Biography, Criticism, Magazine Articles, etc. IV. Chronological List of TVorks. V. Arthur Young's Contributions to the " Annals of Agriculture." BIBLIOGRAPHY OF ARTHUR YOUNG. WOEKS. The Theatre of the Present War in North America. By A. Y * * * * London, 1758, 8vo. Reflections on the Present State of Affairs at Home and Abroad. London, 1759, 8vo. [According to the "Biographie Universelle " (vol. xlv.,p. 273), A. Y. began in 1759 a periodical called "The Universal Museum," which he discontinued after six numbers, by the advice of Dr. Johnson. In 1760 he contributed (according to the same authority) to the "Museum Rusticum." In any case these dates must be wrong, as the former magazine only began to appear in 1762 and the latter in 1766.] The Farmer's Letters to the People of England ; containing the sentiments of a practical husbandman, &c. London, 1767, 8vo. Second Edition. London, 1768, 8vo. Third Edition, enlarged, 2 vols. London, 1771, 8vo. A Six Weeks' Tour through the Southern Counties of England and Wales, &c. London, 1768, 8vo. Keprinted in Dublin. 1768, 12vo. Second Edition. London, 1769, 8vo. Third Edition. London, 1772, 8vo. Letters concerning the Present State of the French Nation, &c. London, 1769, 8vo. An Essay on the Management of Hogs ; including experi- ments on rearing and fattening them, &c. London, 1769, 8vo. Essays on the Management of Hogs and the Culture of Cole-seed. Second edition, with additions, 2 pts. London, 1770, 12mo. The Expediency of a Free Exportation of Corn at this time, &c. London, 1769, 8vo. Second Edition. London, 1770, 8vo. A Six Months' Tour through the North of England ; contain- ing an account of the Present State of Agriculture, Manufactures, and Population in several Counties of this Kingdom, interspersed with descriptions of the Seats of the Nobility and Gentry, &c. 4 vols. London, 1770, 8vo. Second Edition. 4 vols. London, 1771, 8vo. 352 BIBLIOGRAPHY. Extracts from Mr. Young's Six Months' Tour through the North of England, &c. London, 1774, 8vo. The Farmer's Guide in Hiring and Stocking Farms ; with plans of Farmyards and sections of the necessary Buildings, &c. 2 vols. London, 1770, 8vo. Kural (Economy: or, Essays on the practical parts of Hus- bandry ; to which is added The Rural Socrates, being memoirs of a [Swiss] Country Philosopher [M. Hirzel]. London, 1770, 8vo. Reprinted in Dublin. 1770, 8vo. Second Edition, 1773 ; and reprinted at Philadelphia. 1775, 8vo. A Course of Experimental Agriculture ; containing an exact register of all the business transacted during five years on near three hundred acres of various soils ; including a variety of experiments on the cultivation of all sorts of grain and pulse, both in the old and new methods, &c. 2 vols. London, 1770, 4to. The Farmer's Tour through the East of England ; being the register of a journey through various Counties of this Kingdom, to enquire into the state of Agriculture, &c. 4 vols. London, 1771, 8vo. The Farmer's Calendar ; containing the business necessaiy to be performed on various kinds of Farms, during every month of the year. London, 1771, 8vo. [There are numerous editions of this work. ] Proposals to the Legislature for Numbering the People ; con- taining some observations on the population of Great Britain, S:c. London, 1771, 8vo. Letter from Arthur Young, dated North Mimms, March 28, 1772, in answer to Dr. Price's observations on the decrease of population. [In "London Magazine" for 1772, pp. 162-165.] Political Essays concerning the Present State of the British Empire, &c. London, 1772, 4to. [Not mentioned by Lowndes or Watts. Given here on the authority of Dr. Paris in his memoir of A. Young, in the " Quarterly Journal of Science," vol. ix.] Observations on the Present State of the Waste Lands of Great Britain, &c. London, 1773, 8vo. Political Arithmetic ; containing observations on the Present State of Great Britain and the principles of her policy in the encouragement of Agriculture, &c. London, 1774, 8vo. Political Arithmetic. Part II. Containing considerations BIBLIOGRAPHY. 353 on the means of raising the supplies within the year. Occasioned by Mr. Pulteney's pamphlet on that subject. London, 1779, 8vo. A Tour in Ireland, with general observations on the Present State of that Kingdom, made in the years 1776, 1777, and 1778, and brought down to the end of 1779. 2 pts. London, 1780, 4to. Keprinted in 2 vols. Dublin, 1780, 8vo. Eeprinted in Pinkerton's " General Collection of Voy- ages," &c. Vol. iii. 1808, 4to. Also, in part, in Mavor's "British Tourists," vol. iii. 1798, 12mo. And again in vol ii., 1809. Another Edition [containing only a few extracts]. A Tour in Ireland, 1776-1779. London, 1887, 16mo. [Vol. lxxvi. of " Cassell's National Library."] An Inquiry into the Legality and Expediency of increasing the Eoyal Navy by subscriptions for building County Ships. Being the correspondence on that subject between Arthur Young and Capel Lofft, Esqs. London, 1783, 8vo. Annals of Agriculture and other useful Arts ; collected and published by A. Young. 46 vols. London, 1784-1815, 8vo. Vol. xlvi. consists of No. 270, "An Inquiry into the pro- gressive value of Money," &c, dated 1812 ; and No. 271, 11 An Inquiry into the Kise of Prices in Europe," &c, dated 1815. [For A. Y.'s contributions to the " Annals," see below.] The Question of Wool truly stated. In which the facts are examined for and against the Bill now depending in Parliament. London, 1788, 8vo. A Speech on the Wool Bill that might have been spoken in the House of Commons, May the 1st, 1788, on the Question of adjourning the consideration to that day three months. London, 1788, 8vo. Travels during the years 1787, 1788, and 1789 ; undertaken more particularly with a view of ascertaining the cultivation, wealth, resources, and national prosperity of the Kingdom of France. 2 vols. Bury St. Edmunds, 1792, 4to. Second Edition. London, 1794, 4to. Keprinted in Pinkertoris " General Collection of Voy- ages," vol. iv. 1808, 4to. — Another Edition. Travels in France during the years 1787, 1788, 1789, with an introduction, biographical sketch, and notes by M. Betham-Edwards. Second Edition. London, 1889, 8vo, [Part of " Bonn's Standard Library." N.B. This Edition omits the Spanish and Italian portions of the Travels, as also the statistical portions of vol. ii.] II. A A 354 BIBLIOGRAPHY. Address proposing a Loyal Association to the inhabitants of the hundreds of Thedwastry and Thingoe. [Bury St Edmunds ?] 1792, s. sh. fol. A Letter on Tithes to Arthur Young [by J. S.], with his remarks on it ; and a second letter to those remarks. London, 1792, 8vo. The Example of France, a warning to Britain. (Appendix). London, 1793, 8vo. Second Edition. Bury St. Edmunds, 1793, 8vo. Third Edition. Bury St. Edmunds, 1793, 8vo. Fourth Edition. London, 1794, 8vo. An Abstract of the Example of France, a warning to Britain. London, 1793, 8vo. General View of the Agriculture of the County of Sussex. Drawn up for the consideration of the Board of Agriculture, &c. London, 1793, 4to. Another Edition. London, 1808, 8vo. Postscript to the Survey of Hampshire. [By A. and W. Driver.] London, 1794, 4to. General View of the Agriculture of the County of Suffolk, with observations on the means of its improvement. London, 1794, 4to. Another Edition. London, 1797, 8vo. An Idea of the Present State of France, and of the conse- quences of the events passing in that Kingdom. Second Edition. London, 1795, 8vo. The Constitution Safe without Reform ; containing some remarks on a book entitled "The Commonwealth in Danger,'* by J. Cartwright. Bury St. Edmunds, 1795, 8vo. A Farming Tour in the South and West of England. See " Annals of Agriculture," vols, xxviii., &c, 1796, &c. National Danger, and the means of Safety. [Being Letters to the Yeomanry, &c, subscribed by A. Y.] London, 1797, 8vo. An Enquiry into the State of the Public Mind amongst the Lower Classes ; and on the means of turning it to the welfare of the State : in a letter to William Wilberforce. London, 1798, 8vo. General View of the Agriculture of the County of Lincoln. Drawn up for the consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement. London, 1799, 8vo. The Question of Scarcity plainly stated, and Piemedies con- sidered ; with observations on permanent measures to keep wheat at a more regular price. London, 1S00, 8vo. An Inquiry into the Propriety of applying Wastes to the better maintenance and support of the Poor, &c. London, 1801, 8vo. On the Size of Farms. (An Essay in " Georgical Essays," by A. Hunter, vol. iv., pp. 555-570). York, 1803, 8vo. BIBLIOGRAPHY. 355 Letters from George Washington to Arthur Young, &c. [Letters on Agriculture. Edited by Arthur Young.] Alexandria, 1803, 8vo. Essay on Manures. London, 1804, 8vo. An Essay on Manures. (Art. x. of the Bath Society Papers, vol. x. pp. 95-198). Bath, 1805, 8vo. General View of the Agriculture of Hertfordshire. Drawn up for the consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement. London, 1804, 8vo. General View of the Agriculture of the County of Norfolk. Drawn up for the consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement. London, 1804, 8vo. On Hogs and their Management. — On Carrots. — On Beans. (Essays in " Georgical Essays," by A. Hunter, vol. v. pp. 64-93, 418-440, 488-490). York. 1804, 8vo. On Summer Fallowing. (An Essay in " Georgical Essays," by A. Hunter, vol. vi. pp. 128-144). York, 1804, 8vo. General View of the Agriculture of the County of Essex. Drawn up for the consideration of the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement. 2 vols. London, 1807, 8vo. General Report on Inclosures. London, 1807, 8vo. On the Advantages which have resulted from the Establish- ment of the Board of Agriculture : being the substance of a lec- ture read to that Institution, May 26th, 1809. London, 1809, 8vo. View of the Agriculture of Oxfordshire. Drawn up for the Board of Agriculture and Internal Improvement. London, 1809, 8vo. On the Husbandry of the three celebrated Farmers, Messrs. Bakewell, Arbuthnot, and Ducket : being a lecture read to the Board of Agriculture, June 6, 1811. London, 1812, 8vo. An Inquiry into the progressive value of Money, as marked by the Price of Agricultural Products. London, 1812, 8vo. [Xo. 270 of vol. xlvi. of the " Annals of Agriculture."] An Inquiry into the Bise of Prices in Europe during the last twenty-five years, compared with that which has taken place in England, &c. London, 1815, 8vo. [Printed also in the " Pamphleteer," vol. vi., 1815. Forms No. 271 of vol. xlvi. of the " Annals of Agriculture."! Baxteriana : containing a Selection from the Works of Baxter. Collected by Arthur Young. London, 1815, 12mo. Oweniana : or, Select Passages from the Works of Owen. Arranged by A. Young. London, 1817, 12mo. II. TRANSLATIONS INTO FOREIGN LANGUAGES. Le Cultivateur Anglois, ou oeuvres ckoisies d Agriculture, et d'econoinie rurale et politique, (T Arthur Young, traduit de l'anglois par CC. Lamarre, Beuoist et Billecocq ; avec des notes par le citoyen Delalauze. Avec des planches. 18 torn. Paris, 1800-1801, 8vo. Voyage agronomique, precede du parfait fermier, contenant l'etat general de la culture anglaise, traduit par de Freville. 2 vols. Paris, 1774, 8vo. Arithinetique politique, adressee aux societes economiques etablies en Europe, traduit par If. Freville ; 2 torn. La Haye, 1775, 8vo. Recueil d'ouvrages d'economie politique et rurale, traduit de Tanglais. 2 vols. Paris, 1780, 8vo. Le Guide du Fermier, ou Instructions pour elever, nourrir, acheter et vendre les betes a comes, les brebis, &c. 2 parts. Paris, 1782, 12mo. Filature, commerce et prix des laines en Angleterre, ou Cor- respondence sur ses matieres. Paris, 1790, 8vo. Voyage en France, pendant les annees 1787-90 ; traduit de TAnglais par F. S. Soules, avec notes et observations par Cazeaux. 3 vols. Paris, 1793, 8vo. Seconde edition. 3 vols. Paris, 1794, 8vo. Nouvelle traduction par M. Lesage. 2 vols. Paris, 1860, 12mo. L'Exemple de la France, avis aux Anglais et aux autres nations, &c. Bruxelles, 1793, 8vo. Voyage en Italie, pendant les annees 1787-90, traduit par F. Soules. Paris [1796], 8vo. Voyage en Italie et en Espagne pendant les annees 1787 et 17S9. Traduction de M. Lesage. Paris, 1860, 12mo. Voyage en Irlande, traduit par Ch. Millon, avec des re- cherches sur l'lrlande par le traducteur. 2 vols. Paris, 1799, 8vo. BIBLIOGRAPHY. 357 Essai sur la nature des engrais, traduit par M. M * * *. Paris, 1808, 12mo. Memoires sur l'education, les maladies, l'engrais, et l'emploi du pore. Paris, 1823, 8vo. Seconde edition, corrigee et augmentee, &c. Paris, 1835, 8vo. Annalen des Ackerbaues und die Kiinste ; aus dem Englischen von Hahnemann, mit Anmerkungen von Kiem. 3 Thle. Leipzig, 1790-1802, 8vo. Politische Arithmetik ; aus dem Englischen (von C. J. Kraus). Konigsberg, 1779, 8vo. Keisen durch England, in Absicht auf die Oekonomie, Manufacturen, etc. 4 Thle. Leipzig, 1772-75, 8vo. Eeisen durch Frankreich und einen Theil von Italien in dem Jahren 1787 bis 1790. Aus dem Englischen von E. A, W. Zimmermann. 3 Bde. Berlin, 1793-95, 8vo. Eeise durch Irland ; aus dem Englischen. 2 Bde. Leipzig, 1780-82, 8vo. Ueber Grossbritanniens Staatswirthschaft, Polizei und Hand- lung ; aus dem Englischen von F. A. Klockenbring. Gotha, 1793, 8vo. [According to the 11 Biographie L'niverselle," the three English Tonrs ("Six Weeks' Tour through the Southern Counties," "Six Months' Tour through the North of England," and " The Fanner's Tour through the East of Eng- land,") were translated into Russian by order of Catherine II. The "six Weeks' Tour" was certainly so translated. See "Annals of Agriculture," vol. ii., p. 232.] III. APPENDIX. BIOGRAPHY, CRITICISM, ETC. Annuaire Necrologique. Mahul. Paris, 1821, 8vo. Arthur Young, pp. 384-390. Baudrillart, Henri. Publicistes modernes. Paris, 1863, 8vo. Second Edition, 1873. Arthur Young et la France de 1789, pp. 22-63. Biographie universelle, ancienne et moderne. Paris, 1828, 8vo. Arthur Young, torn, li., pp. 502-509. Also the last edition, Paris and Leipzig, n. d. Vol. xlv., pp. 273-277 ; article by Despres. Nouvelle biographie generale (Hoefer). Paris, 1866. Vol. xlvi., pp. 902-905. Biographie universelle et portative des Contemporains, &c. Paris, 1834, 8vo. Arthur Young, vol. iv., pp. 1615-1617. Cartwright, John. The Commonwealth in Danger ; with an introduction, containing remarks on some late Writings of Arthur Young. London, 1795, 8vo. Day, Thomas. A Letter to Arthur Young, Esq., on the Bill now depending in Parliament to prevent the Exportation of Wool. > London, 1788, 8vo. Dictionnaire d'economie politique (Coquelin et Guillaumin). Paris, 1873. Arthur Young, vol. ii., p. 870. Donaldson, John. Agricultural Biography; containing a notice of the Life and Writings of the British Authors on Agri- culture, &c. London, 1854, 8vo. Arthur Young, pp. 55-57. Egremont, John. Observations on the Mildew, suggested by the Queries of Mr. Arthur Young. London, 1806, 8vo. BIBLIOGRAPHY. 359 The Encyclopaedia Britannica, Ninth Edition. Edinburgh, 1888, 8vo. Arthur Young, vol. xxiv., pp. 755-756. [By J. K. Ingram. There is also a brief notice in the 8th edition.] Knight, Charles. The English Cyclopaedia. London, 1857, 4to. Arthur Young, vol. vi., pp. 878-884. Pell, Albert. Arthur Young. Published for the Farmer's Club. London, 1882, 8vo. Public Characters of 1801-1802. London, 1801, 8vo. Arthur Young, pp. 559-594. Sinclair, Sir John. The Correspondence of Sir John Sinclair, Barfc. 2 vols. London, 1831, 8vo. Arthur Young, vol i., pp. 406-408. Somerville, J., Lord. A Letter to . . . Lord Somerville . . . with a review of the pamphlet of Arthur Young and William Brooke upon the present high price of provisions. London, 1800, 8vo. Stuart, Daniel. Peace and Keform against War and Corrup- tion. In answer to a pamphlet, by Arthur Young, entitled " The Example of France, a warning to Britain." By D. Stuart. London, 1794, 8vo. Upcott, William. A Biographical Dictionary of -the Living Authors of Great Britain and Ireland, &c. London, 1816, 8vo. Arthur Young, pp. 403-405. Wakefield, Edward. An Account of Ireland. 2 vols. London, 1812, 4to. Arthur Young, vol. i., p. viii., &c. Wright, Kev. T. The Formation and Management of Floated Meadows ; with corrections of Errors found in the treatises of Messrs. Davis, Marshall, Boswell, Young, and Smith. Northampton, 1808, 8vo. [There is a notice of Arthur Young in vol. xci., pp. 106-111 of Davy's Suffolk Collections, in the MS. Dept. British Museum.] A. Y. gives some autobiographical notes in his Annals of Agriculture : — Vol. iii., 1785, pp. 56-58 and 481 [unimportant]. Vol. xiii., 1790, pp. 154-158 [on his return from France]. Vol. xv., 1791, pp. 152-182 [interesting and important]. Vol. xxix., 1797, pp. 167 and 473-490 [on the Irish corn bounty, and on the official translation of A. Y.'s works into French]. [For a full list of A. Y.'s contributions to the "Annals of Agriculture," see below.] 360 BIBLIOGRAPHY. MAGAZINE ARTICLES. Young, Arthur. — Account of. European Magazine (with a portrait), vol. xxviii., 1795, pp. 363-365 ; also vol. lxxvii., 1820, giving details about his death. Agriculture of the County of Essex. Monthly Keview, vol. lv., 1808, pp. 153-161. Agriculture of Hertfordshire. Monthly Review, vol. xlv., 1804, pp. 151-157. Agriculture of the County of Lincoln. Monthly Review, vol. xxx., 1799, pp. 55-60, vol. xxxiv., 1801, pp. 367-374. Agriculture of the County of Suffolk. Monthly Review, vol. xxviii., 1799, pp. 69-79. Agriculture of the County of Sussex. Monthly Review, vol. lx., 1809, pp. 137-147. Annals of Agriculture. Monthly Review, vol. lxxvi., 1787, pp. 39-42. Biography of. The Annual Biography and Obituary for the year 1821. London, 1821, 8vo. Arthur Young, vol. v., pp. 121-137. Example of France to Britain. Critical Review, vol. vii., 1793, pp. 277-282. Farmer's Calendar. Monthly Review, vol. xlviii., 1805, pp. 283-286. Inquiry into Waste Lands. Monthly Review, vol. xxxix., 1802, pp. 415-420. Memoir of. Quarterly Journal of Science, by J. A. Paris, vol. ix., 1820, pp. 279-309 ; same article in German in Zeitgenossen, Bd. vi., 1821. — Congregational Magazine, vol. iii., 1820, pp. 465-471.— Gentleman's Magazine, vol. xc. pt. 1, 1820, pp. 469-470. Political Arithmetic. Monthly Review, vol. li., 1774. pp. 470-473. Present State of France. Monthly Review, vol. xvi., 1795, pp. 287-295. Les Reformateurs agricoles du xviii e siecle en Angle- terre. Revue britannique (from the " Quarterly J ournal of Agriculture''), 1839, pp. 57-79. Tour in Ireland. Monthly Review, vol. lxiii., 1780, pp. 38-45, 97-104, 161-171. Travels in France. Monthly Review, vol. x., 1793, pp. 1-13, 152-168, 279-290; vol. xviii,, 1795, pp. 203-212.— Critical Review, vol. xviii., 1796, pp. 264-273. Works of. Quarterly Journal of Agriculture, by C. W. Johnson, vol. xiii., 1842, pp. 129-152. IV. CHBONOLOGICAL LIST OF WOEKS. The Theatre of the Present War in North America. 1758. Eeflections on the Present State of Affairs at Home and Abroad. 1759. The Farmer's Letters to the People of England. 1767. Six Weeks' Tour through the Southern Counties of England and Wales. 1768. Letters Concerning the Present State of the French Nation, &c. 1769. Essay on the Management of Hogs. 1769. The Expediency of a Free Exportation of Corn at this time. 1769. Six Month's Tour through the North of England. 1770. The Farmer's Guide in Hiring and Stocking Farms. 1770. Kural (Economy. 1770. Course of Experimental Agriculture. 1770. Farmer's Tour through the East of England. 1771. The Farmer's Calendar. 1771. Proposals to the Legislature for Numbering the People. 1771. Political Essays concerning the Present State of the British Empire. 1772. Observations on the Present State of the Waste Lands of Great Britain. 1773. Political Arithmetic. 1774. Political Arithmetic, part ii. 1779. Tour in Ireland. 1780. Annals of Agriculture. 1784-1815. The Question of Wool truly stated. 1788. Travels in France during the years 1787, 1788, and 1789. 1792. The Example of France a Warning to Britain. 1793. General View of the Agriculture of the County of Sussex. 1793. 362 BIBLIOGRAPHY. General View of the Agriculture of the County of Suffolk. 1794. The Constitution Safe without Reform. 1795. An Idea of the Present State of France. 1795. National Danger and the Means of Safety. 1797. Enquiry into the State of the Public Mind amongst the Lower Classes. 1798. General View of the Agriculture of the County of Lincoln. 1799. The Question of Scarcity plainly stated. 1800. Inquiry into the propriety of applying Wastes to the better maintenance and support of the Poor. 1801. Essay on Manures. 1804. General View of the Agriculture of Hertfordshire. 1804. General View of the Agriculture of Norfolk. 1804. General View of the Agriculture of the County of Essex. 1807. General Report on Inclosures. 1807. On the Advantages which have resulted from the Establish- ment of the Board of Agriculture. 1809. View of the Agriculture of Oxfordshire. 1809. On the Husbandry of the three celebrated Farmers, Bakewell, Arbuthnot, and Ducket. 1811. Inquiry into the Progressive Value of Money. 1812. Inquiry into the Rise of Prices in Europe. 1815. Baxteriana. 1815. Oweniana. 1817. V. ARTHUR YOUNG'S CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE " ANNALS OF AGRICULTURE . ' ' Vol. L, 1784. An enquiry into the situation of the kingdom on the conclusion to the late treaty, and into the surest means of adding to the national resources by a proper application of the arts of peace, 9-87. A cotqj d'oeil on the present state of the nation, 119-123. Experiments to ascertain how far and in what form phlogiston is the food of plants, 139-189. On the price of land at present in England, 203-206. Advertisement in Italian, French, and Latin for the cooperation of Italian, French, and German writers on agriculture, between pp. 220 and 221. Experiments on the food of plants, 254-272. Experiments on fattening hogs, 333-353. Eeview of vols, iii.-vi. of Robert Wight's " Present State of Husbandry in Scotland," 357-369. Review of Lord Sheffield's " Commerce of the American States," 369-388. Considerations on the connection between the agriculture of England and the commercial policy of her Sugar-islands, particularly respecting a free trade with N. America, 437-447. Review of M. d'Auberton's " Instruction pour les Bergers," 447-461. Appeal for more subscribers to the Annals, 461-467. Vol. II., 1784. Observations on the petition for an Act to restrain the export of rabbit's-wool, 12-17. Experiments on manures, 17-32. A Fortnight's Tour in Kent and Essex, 33-104. A Five Days' Tour to Woodbridge, &c, 105-168. 364 BIBLIOGRAPHY. Observations on the means of promoting Kussian husbandry ; a Memoir inscribed to the Free (Economical Society of Petersburg, 238-258. Observations on the window-tax as a commutation for the duty on tea, 301-313. An observation on the brick and tile tax, 314-315. Reviews of new publications relating to agriculture, 316-342. A minute of the husbandry at Helkham of Thomas Wm. Coke, Esq., 353-383. The course of exchange and the price of bullion, 402-412. On the pleasures of agriculture, 456-487. Vol. IIL, 1785. On housing cows, 58-62. Experiments on manures, 63-81. Continuation of the experiments on the food of plants, 103-127. On emigrations to America for practising agriculture with advantage, 169-182. On anonymous correspondence, 223-230. Price of provisions at Paris in January, 1785, 253-255. Observations on the commercial arrangement with Ireland, 257-291. Review of Lord Sheffield's " Observations on the Manufactures, Trade, and Present State of Ireland, 336-342. Observations on the late Count Bentinck's proposed embank- ment against the sea, 353-359. Comparative state of the iron manufactory in England and Ire- land, 388-411. Observations on the Earl of Dundonald's scheme for transferring the tax on salt to hearths, 399-411. Review of Dr. Tucker's " Reflections on the Present Matters in Dispute between England and Ireland," 417-421. On the growth of trees, 429-432. Thoughts on establishing a Chamber of Manufacturers, 452-455. Considerations on the means of ascertaining the prices of com for the regulation of export and import, 456-468. Queries concerning phlogiston as the food of animals, 476-481. Review of Necker's " Administration des finances de la France," 504-525. Vol. IV., 1785. How far a new arrangement of trade between Great Britain and France may affect the agriculture of either kingdom, 16-28. Review of the 3rd vol. of Necker's " Administration des finances de la France," 53-56. French Edict in consequence of the scarcity in France, with observations, 63-71. On the French Edict prohibiting British manufactures, 116-120. BIBLIOGRAPHY. 365 On the expences of keeping horses, 124-132. On a sort of wheat called "velvit," 132-135. Queries on sowing wheat, 135-137. A Tour to Shropshire, 138-190. Publishing account of Vols. I., II., and III. of the " Annals of Agriculture," 249-252. Price of bullion, 286-287. Memoirs of corn for the last fourteen years, 361-410. An idea of an experimental farm, 455-466. Keview of French official publications on agriculture, 522-527. Vol. V., 1786. On the conduct of experiments in agriculture, 17-46. Minutes in rural ceconomy taken at Kainham, the seat of the Lord Viscount Townshend, in Jan., 1785 ; 119-137. State of the manufactures at Lyons and Carcassonne, 150-155. Influence of liberty on the prosperity of nations, in reply to M. de Lazowski, 164-180. Minutes relating to the dairy farms of High Suffolk, taken at Aspal, the seat of the Kev. Mr. Chevallier, in Jan., 1786 ; 193-224. Keview of French official publications on agriculture and of French pamphlets printed in London ; 299-306. Keview of Senebier's " Kecherches sur l'influence de la lumiere," &c; 306-317. Resources of the kingdom. — Inclosure of the Royal Forests; 386-410. Observations on spinning, 419-422. Farming news from abroad, 430-432. Review of the Memoirs of the Literary and Philosophical Society of Manchester, 478-485. Keview of J. Howlett's " Essay on the Population of Ireland," 485-486. Review of J. Howlett's " Enquiry upon the Influence of Enclo- sures," 486-489. Review of French publications on agriculture, 489-496. Review of James Anderson's "Present State of the Hebrides," 496-509. Experiments on the food of plants, 1785 ; 515-535. Vol. VI., 1786. A Tour to the West of England, 116-151. Farming news, Bohemia, France, Germany, and England, 169-173. Additional notes to the Tour in Suffolk, 217-230. On the air expelled from the earth, &c. ; 265-323. 366 BIBLIOGRAPHY. Abstract of an Act appointing Commissioners to enquire into the Crown Lands, with observations ; 396-405. Experiments on the food of plants, 1786 ; 442-452. A ten day's Tour to Mr. Bakewell's, 452-502. Observations on the Bill for restraining the growers, &c, of wool, 506-528. Vol. VII. , 1786. Observations on the Duke of Grafton's sheep-farming, 16-20. On the price of provisions, 42-58. On the Wool Bill, 94-96 and 134-175. Review of Dr. Hunter's edition of Evelyn's " Silva and Terra," 192-199. Experiment on the culture of beans, 204-210. Experiments on expelling air from soils, 217-248. On the commercial treaty with France, 265-276. On the Wool Bill, 288-291. Review of Marshall's " Rural (Economy of Norfolk," 342-354. Eeview of a " Commercio-Political Essay on the balance of foreign trade," 354-362. Review of Baron Reisbeck's " Travels through Germany," 362-368. Review of " Observations on the Corn Bill," 368-378. To anonymous correspondents, 380-381. The philosophical system of the anti-phlogistonites, 397-404. Reply to the Manufacturer's defence of the Wool Bill, 405-428. Of the population of different periods, 429-457. Review of " Collection des Memoires presentes a l'Assemblee des Notables," 469-473. Sale of Crown lands, 478-480. Review of Gilbert's " Considerations on the Bills for the better Relief of the Poor," 480-482. On the necessity of avoiding all public regulations relative to the size of farms, 510-526. Review of M. Herrenschwand's works on 14 Political Economy," 530-556. A journey to Dover (en route for France), 561-574. Vol. VIII., 1787. Experiments on expelling air from calcareous earths, 14-28. A Tour in Wales (in 1776 and 1778), 31-88. Some particulars relative to the late John Whyn Baker, Esq. ; 125-133. On the chemical analysis of soils, translated from the Italian of Fabbroni; 173-181. Tour in Catalonia, 193-275. (Reprinted in an abridged form in the " Travels in France.") BIBLIOGRAPHY. 367 A coup cVoeil on the present situation of Europe, 276-284. On a method of fattening oxen in Limosin, in France, 325-332. Farming news ; Italy, France, and Lorraine ; 343-345. Keview of French publications on agriculture, 351-370. Experiment on the smut in wheat, 409-413. Account of the net produce of all the taxes, with observations ; 414-427. Eeview of the Kev. J. Howlett " On Enclosures," 427-439. Eeviews of two pamphlets on the laws relating to the woollen manufactory, 439-467 [misprinted]. On the export of wool and the bill now in Parliament, 467-490. Vol. IX., 1788. Eeview of the " Memoires d' Agriculture de la Societe Eoyal d' Agriculture de Paris," 1786 ; 32-40. Act for encouraging the growth of hemp and flax, with observa- tions ; 73-81. On the abolition of slavery in the West Indies, 88-96. Experiment on the comparison of different preparations for barley, 129-164. Eeview of the Chevalier Larnerville's " Observations pratiques sur les betes a laine," 174-178. Notice of pamphlets concerning the poor, 178-179. On the profit of a farm, 235-244. Effect of the monopoly of rabbit-wool, 244-247. Eeview of " Whilst we live let us live," 248-252. On the prices of wool and state of spinning at present in England, 266-376. Eeview of John Hustler's " Observations on the Wool Bill," 458-465. Bounty on the growth of hemp and flax, 473-477. Experiments on manures for potatoes, 651-654. On the Hay Bill, 655-657. To the wool-growers of Great Britain, 657. Vol. X., 1788. The Wool Act, 1-126, 139-185, 521-524, 545-559, and 577-589. A day at Mr. Ducket's, 186-198. Eoyal Society of Agriculture at Paris, 214-216. Note concerning succory, 216-217. Experiment on the smut in wheat, 231-232. On the police of wool and the neglect of the farming interest in this country, 235-282. West Indian agriculture, 335-362. Observations on Mr. Moses Grant's " Letter on Tithes," 399-402. On the necessity of County Associations of the landed interest, 402-418. 368 BIBLIOGRAPHY. Eeview of M. de Fresne's 44 Traite d' Agriculture," 517-519. Sheep controversy between Messieurs Chaplin and Bake well, 560-579. Conclusion of the first ten volumes of this work, 589-594. Vol. XI., 1789. Eeview of Adam Dickson's 44 Husbandry of the Ancients,'' 66-74. Kussian farming news, 143-145. Extracts (with notes) from the Count de Mirabeau's 44 De la monarchie prussienne," 146-169. A Tour in Sussex, 170-304. Communications relating to the late severe frost, 321-342 and 617-662. Observations on wool, 371-373. Eeview of Sir John Dalrymple 44 On the Foreign Policy of Eng- land," 373-376. Eeview of the Eev. T. Wright 44 On Watering Meadows," 376-377. Eeview of Dr. Priestley's 44 Lectures on History and General Policy," 377-380. On the Hessian fly, 386-390 and 406-613. Vol. XII., 1789. Course of the exchange for the year 1788, 38-39. Some minutes taken at Houghton, the seat of the Earl of Oxford ; 40-52. Further extracts (with notes) from the Count de Mirabeau's 44 De la monarchie prussienne," 111-132, and 465-477, 280-303. On the winter and spring provision for sheep and cattle, 221-238. Eemarks on Mr. Morley's tare and buckwheat husbandrv, 303-309. Experiments on expelling air from soils, 392-413. Vol. XIII., 1790. Observations on the prohibition of the export of corn, 152-154, 163-182. The Editor's return to England, 154-163. Circular Letter on the Corn Laws, 185-187. On the Corn Bill, 456-460. Vol. XIV., 1790. Observations on the present season, July, 1790 ; 64-74. Eeview of intelligence on corn, 75-79. Experiments in weighing fatting cattle alive, 140-163. On the effect of electricity upon plants, 221-226. Observations on a project for the cultivation of commonable lands, 312-314. Circular letter on sheep, wool, and corn ; 405-407. BIBLIOGRAPHY. 369 Vol. XV., 1791. Memoirs of the last thirty years of the Editor's farming life, with notes, 152-197. Experiment in the introduction of South Down sheep into Suffolk, 286-334. Average prices of corn, 1787* and 1788, with observations, 372-378. Keview of Lord Sheffield's " Observations on the Corn Bill," 386-394. An account of experiments with chickory, 395-400. A few notes taken in Sussex, 427-434. Eeview of Townsend's " Journey through Spain in 1786 and 1787," 459-481. English settlements in the Crimea, 547-552. Vol. XVI., 1791. Miscellaneous notes, minuted at Houghton in April, 1791, 41-48. Account of grazing twelve bullocks, 1790-91, 64-80. On the taxes paid by landed property in England, 103-112. On the present season, 1791, 121-123. Plan for a barn, and the buildings necessary for cattle, 149-155. Upon the irrigation in Cambridgeshire made by Pallavicino, 177-182. Observations on tythes, 278-283. Observations on Kussian agriculture, 331. Miscellaneous notes, 351-365. Experiment on dibbling barley, 382-384. Enquiry how far the common practice of a country is to be con- sidered experimental, 412-420. Notes on the cultivation and advance of value of burnt fen in the county of Suffolk, 462-476. A Month's Tour to Northamptonshire, Leicestershire, &c, 480-607. Vol. XVII., 1792. Gleanings in an excursion to Lewes Fair, 1791, 127-178. Circular on a proposed premium for ascertaining the merits of the different breeds of sheep, 209-212. Sheep, Table raisonne of the contents of Vols. I. -XVII. of the Annals concerning, 602-627. Vol. XVIII., 1792. Some experiments in a winter's support of cattle and sheep, 84-124. Notes on a report of the Committee of Twelve in the French National Assembly, 144-147. The Farmer's cart, 178-192. A few notes on an excursion to Bedfordshire, 220-228. II. BB 370 BIBLIOGRAPHY. Beview of "Wool encouraged without Exportation," by "A Wiltshire Clothier," 321-330. A week in Essex, 391-444. French events applicable to British agriculture, 486-495, and 582-596. Vol. XK, 1793. French events applicable to British agriculture, 36-51. Experiment of meadow land, 211-216. On the variety of teams used in different countries, 419-422. A week in Norfolk, 441-499. Vol. XX., 1793. Circular letter on the spinning of wool, 178, 179. Experiments on chickory, 188-203. Plan for establishing a Board of Agriculture, 204-213. State of Ireland in 1748 and 1792 compared, 215. Some farming notes in Essex, Kent, and Sussex, 220-297, and 499-512. Experiments in laying down arable land to grass, 512-529. General index to Vols. I. -XX. of the Annals. Vol. XXL, 1793. Experiments on the foot-rot in sheep, 58-69. Agriculture as capable of being made a pursuit for the education of children, &c, 229-279. Arrangement of the Agricultural Surveys, 346-354. Writers on Husbandry, 450-465, and 574-601. Experiments on chicory and the summer support of sheep, 601-620. Also, Vol. xxiv., 23-29, and Vol. xxvi., 489-494. Vol. XXII., 1794. Of the drill husbandry before the late improvements, 72-90. A Tour through Sussex, 1793, by the Bev. Arthur Young, 171-334, and 494-631. Vol. XXIIL, 1795. A fortnight's Tour in East Suffolk, 18-52. On some watered meadows in Hampshire, 264-268. An idea of the present agricultural state of France, &c, 274-311. Of the rent of land, 336-340. On planting, 393-403. On keeping grass a year before feeding, 406-410. Some notes at Biddlesworth, 437-444. Experiment on some courses of crops, 471-507. Vol. XXIV., 1795. Estimate of Waste Lands in Great Britain, with sketch of an Act for a General Enclosure of Commons, 10-17. BIBLIOGRAPHY. 371 Circular on the scarcity of provisions, 42, 43. Consequences of rioting on account of the high price of pro- visions, 536-545. Substitutes for wheat flour, 576-578. Vol. XXV., 1796. Queries concerning the food of horses, 25, 26. The Constitution Safe without Eeform, 246-293. Tax of Corn in kind levied in France, 294-297. Political remarks on the high price of corn, 449-472. A good method of assisting the poor, 530, 531. Bice bread, 535-537. Vol. XXVI., 1796. Sermon on the scarcity of corn, 197-208. A farmer's letter to the yeomanry of Suffolk, 516-521. Vol. XXVII., 1796. A farmer's letter to the yeomanry of England, 49-54. Excursion to Yorkshire, 287-312. Experiments on some grasses, 372-407. Serradilla, a Portuguese grass, 503-510. A farmer's second letter to the yeomanry of England, 528-538. Song by " a Suffolk Yeoman" — " Hear ye not the din from far ?" 539. Notes on the experimental husbandry of Mr. Parkinson, of Doncaster, 555-557, and 561-564. Vol. XXVIII., 1797. A farming Tour in the south and west of England, 61-109, 113-129, 225-240, 353-379, 460-483, 620-640. A farmer's third letter to the yeomanry of Britain, 177-187. Experiments upon the winter and summer support of sheep, 258-268. Queries on horses, 405-407. A word in season (Letter iv.) at a critical moment, to landlords, yeomen, and farmers, 426-443. Vol. XXIX., 1797. Potatoes, 38-62. A farming Tour in the south and West of England, 89-98, 195-208, 309-318, 427-439, 557-587. Note on the repeal of the bounty on the inland carriaga of com in Ireland, 167, 168. Some notes on the Earl of Exeter's husbandry, 379-385. French translation of the Editors works, 473-482. Petworth Prize Meeting, Nov. 20, 1797, 505-520. Mr. Bentham's pauper tables, 556-557. 372 BIBLIOGRAPHY. Vol. XXX., 1798. A farming Tour in the south and west of England, 72-88, 185-201, 299-319, 330-357. On certain principles of taxation, 177-184. General index to Vols, i.-xxx. Vol. XXXI., 1798. A farming Tour in the south and west of England, 79-94. Holderness, Beverley, Hull, some notes in 1797, 113-164. Some notes at Newark, 201-203. Experiments on the winter and summer support of sheep, 204-224. Notes on inclosures, 529-554. Vol. XXXIL, 1799. Queries relating to tithes, &c, 275-278. Some notes on the Earl of Wincbilsea's husbandry, 351-382. On the conduct of Workhouses, 382-388. Vol. XXXIII., 1799. On waste lands, 12-59. Experiments on the winter and summer support of sheep, 180-190. Warping in Lincolnshire, 383-399. Kemarks on the late severe winter and backward spring, 400-404. Circular stack and threshing yard, 488-498. On the price of corn and the situation of the poor in the ensuing winter, 621 029. Vol. XXXIV., 1800. Experiments in planting, 54-68. Price of provisions and state of the poor, 100-107. On the state of the poor, 186-192. Experiments on the winter and summer support of sheep, 414-425. Vol. XXXV., 1800. Note on the examination of the woollen manufacturers before f the House of Commons on occasion of the Union with Ire- land, 473-474. Observations on the price of corn in September, 1800, 569-582. Vol. XXXVI., 1801. Circular letter on the state of the poor, 113, 114. Observations on the King's Proclamation concerning the presen scarcity, 196-198. BIBLIOGRAPHY. 373 General Enclosure, 210-214. Inquiry into the propriety of applying wastes to the maintenance of the poor, 497-547. Vol. XXXVII., 1801. Experiments on the winter and summer support of sheep, 273-276. Sermon to a country congregation, 614-633. Vol. XXXVIIL, 1802. Experiment in making hay, 1, 2. On premiums offered by Agricultural Societies, 322-324. Vol. XXXIX., 1803. A day at Buxhall, 73-83. A year's observations on hogs, 371-382. The husbandry of His Grace the late Duke of Bedford, 385-458. Doubts concerning the season of making farm-yard manure, 602-606. Vol. XL., 1803. Reflections on the political economy that ought to be pursued in peace, 79-92. Experiment in manuring the soil of Bagshot Heath, 97-104. On Sainfoin, 142-150. Lucerne and Guinea grass in Bengal, 164-166. On some circumstances to be attended to in the establishment of a new colony, 437-440. General index to vols, xxxi.-xl. Vol. XLL, 1804. Circular letter to Agricultural Societies, 25-27. On the new Malt Tax, 39-52. Of the English Poor-laws, 52-71. Experiments on some courses of crops, 97-158. A day at Ardleigh, 497-505. Vol. XLIL, 1804. Useful horse-shoe, 84. Idea of a cottage, cheap to build and warm to inhabit, 284-286. On the effects of the modern agricultural system, 299-318. Mole-plough drawn by the force of women applied mechanically, 413-422. Parliamentary enclosures in the county of Cambridge, 471-502. Also vol. xliii. 42-59 and 111-118. Some notes at Cricklade, 517-526. Vol. XLIII. , 1805. Price of corn, land, and labour, 35-42. 374 BIBLIOGRAPHY. Notes on a fallowed farm, 101-110. New information on paring and burning, 133-152, 198-231, 300-321, and 539-573. On the crop of 1804, 244-253. Experiments on manures, 433-455. Also vol. xliv. 344-359, and vol. xlv. 105-109, and 330-339. A farmery, 473-478. Vol. XLIV., 1806. Minutes on enclosures, 39-62, 174-201, 288-307, and 426-432. A day at Noddishall, 257-272. An ass-car, 366. The example of Europe a warning to Britain, 386-410. Monument to the memory of Luther, 506. Vol. XLV., 1808. By what rule ought tithes to be rated ? 193-208. The abolition of the slave trade, 211, 212. The fen paring-plough, 230-231. The Isle of Thanet shim, 240-241. Account of a flock of Southdown sheep, 298-316. On hemp, 321-330. Circular on stopping the malt-distillery, 513-515. Evidence before the House of Commons' Committee on the grand distillery question, 573-604. Plain facts on the grand distillery question, 605-608. Vol. XLVI., 1809. On chalk as manure, 62. The publication of the Annals was discontinued after page 64 of this number (270). But the following tracts, published in 1812 and 1815 respectively, and paged continuously, were marked as Nos. 270 and 271 of vol. xlvi. : — An enquiry into the progressive value of money in England, pp. viii. and 137. An enquiry into the rise of prices in Europe during the last twenty-five years, 141-219. List of publications for and against the Corn Bill, 1S14-15, 220. INDEX. Subjects have been as far as possible, classified under the following general headings, e.g. : — Labouring Poor — Land— Landlord and Tenant — Manufacture — Religion — Revenue and Taxes. Annals of Agriculture" — author's contributions to, on ABSENTEES. See Landlord and Tenant. Acreage of Ireland, vol. ii. 3 ; vol. ii. 293. Adair — - cattle trade in, vol. ii. 105. labour, price of, vol. ii. 36, 51. Palatines, particulars of hus- bandry relating to, vol. i. 377, 378. Quin, Mr. , particulars of hus- bandry, vol. i. 375, 376, 377. tithes, churchlands, vol.ii. 109. Agriculture — modes of, recommended to gentlemen of Ireland by the author, vol. ii. 281, 282, 283, 284, 285, 286, 287, 288, 289, 290, 291, 292. neglect of, as an art, vol. i. 10. sacrificed for manufacture, vol. ii. 214, 215, 216, 217, 271. support of monarchy, vol. i. 2. Ainsworth, Mr., of Lecale, vol. i. 140. Alabaster, use of, for stucco plaster, vol. i. 148. Aldworth, Mr. R., Annesgrove, agricultural particulars, vol. i. 93, 94, 296, 300, 301, 302. Alexander, Mr. R., Derry, herring fishery, vol. i. 167, 169, 170. Altamont, Lord, Westport estate, vol. i. 250, 253, 254, 255, 259. Altavilla, vol. i. 375. Ireland, vol. ii. 299, 324, 329, 340. Annes Grove — Aldworth, Mr. R., par- ticulars of husbandry, vol. i. 93, 94, 296, 297, 298, 299, 300, 301, 302. cattle trade in, vol. ii. 105. labourers claiming to be of ancient family and dispos- sessed of their estates, vol. i. 300. products, vol. ii. 19, 38. rental of, vol. ii. 12. tithes, vol. ii. 109. wool, smuggling in to England, vol. i. 299. Antrim — acreage of, vol. ii. 3. husbandry and manufacture, vol. i. 146, 147, 148. rental of, vol. ii. 14. Shanes Castle. See that title. Antrim, Lord — estate in Antrim, vol. i. 146. Arabela — land, condition of, vol. i. 367. Palatines, colony of, vol. i. 368. provisions, price of, vol. ii. 74. Arbutus tree, vol. i. 94, 95. Ardfert — Bateman, Mr., agricultural experiments, vol. i. 370. Crosby, Lord, vol. i. 371. Shannon, mouth of, vol. i. 371. 376 INDEX. Ardpatrick, rich lands in, vol. i. 381. Ards — husbandry and manufacture, vol. i. 138, 139. products, vol. ii. 19, 20. rental of, vol. ii. 11. Armagh — acreage of, vol. ii. 3. farms, division of, between j father and son, vol. i. 120. labour, price of, vol. ii. 50, 52. manufacture and husbandry, vol. i. 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126. Oakboys' and Steelboys' riots, vol. i. 124. potatoes, vol. ii. 38. provisions, price of, vol. ii. 11. religion of, vol. i. 124. rental of, vol. ii. 11, 14. Kobinson, Archbishop, public buildings and improve- ments, vol. i. 117, 118, 119. tithes, vol. ii. 109. Armed associations, vol. ii. 274, 275. Armstrong, Mr., of King's County, vol. i. 34. Ashbrook, Lord, plantation^, vol. i. 469. Athy— product*, vol. ii. 19. rental of, vol. ii. 10. Walsh, Dean, vol. i. 7". Atkinson, Mr. W.— orchard husbandry, vol. i. 417. Author — " Annals of Agriculture," contributions to, vol. ii. 299, 3'24, 329. land-steward to Lord Kings- borough, vol. i. 463. memoirs of last thirty years of author's farming life, vol. ii. 340. works by, vol. ii. 349, 351, 352. Ay res, Colonel, vol. i. 341. Baker, Mr. AVhyn, vol. i. 29, 159— Dublin Society, vol. ii. 131, 139. farming experiments, want of capital, vol. i. 29. Balbriggan — Hamilton, Baron, building of the pier, vol. i. 107, 108. labour, vol. i. 107 ; vol. ii. 50. Ballina — agricultural particulars of, vol. i. 245, 246. labour, price of, vol. ii. 51. salmon fishery, vol. i. 245. Ballinasloe, vol i. 247, 249. Ballybar, vol. i. 73. Ballybofey — bogs, vol. i. 176, 177. oxen drawing sledge cars, vol. i. 176. Ball yean van — cvder making, an account of ' vol. i. 416, 417. fishery industry, vol. i. 412. Hies, destruction of crops by, vol. i. 415. husbandry of the neighbour- hood, Mr. Bolton, Mr. AVvse, vol. i. 406, 408, 410, 411, 412, 413. labouring poor, condition of, vol. i. 411 ; vol. ii. 36. potatoes, vol. ii. 38. products, vol. ii. 20. rental, vol. ii. 12. tithes, vol. ii. 109. Ballygarth — Pepper, Mr., particulars of husbandry, vol. i. 108, 109. Ballymote — bogs, vol. i. 222, 223. manufacture, establishment of, vol. i. 223, 224, 225, 226, 227, 228, 229, 230, 231, 232, 233. products, vol. ii. 20. Ballynakill— cattle trade, vol. ii. 104. labouring poor, vol. ii. 36. INDEX. 377 Ballynakill (continued) — potatoes, vol. ii. 38. Vicars, Mr., particulars of husbandry, vol. L 71. Ballynogh — husbandry, vol. i. 212. labour, price of, vol. ii. 52. provisions, price of, vol. ii. 74. Ballyragget, Whiteboys, vol. i. 83. Ballyroan Inn, vol. i. 469. Ballysadare — falls, description of, vol. i. 241. gentlemen of the country, Cromwell's soldiers and Welsh families, vol. i. 243. husbandry, particulars re- lating to, vol. i. 241, 242, 243. lead mine, vol. i. 238. oysters, consumption of, shells used for lime, vol. i. 242, 243. Ballyshannon, salmon-leap, vol. i. 187. Bally spellan, vol. i. 468. Bandon, vol. i. 341. Bangor, Lord, of Castlewarcl, vol. i. 143. Bargy and Forth Baronies — husbandry, particulars of, vol. i. 86, 87, 88, 89. labour and condition of the poor, vol. i. 88, 89 ; vol. ii. 36, 52. products, vol. ii. 19. provisions, price of, vol. ii. 73. rental, vol. ii. 11. Saxon population, vol. i. 85, 89 ; vol. ii. 146. straw hats, worn by men and women, vol. i. 89. Barretts, rental of, vol. ii. 12. Barry Barry, Mr., estate at Drewstown, vol. i. 53. Barrymore, rental of, vol. ii. 12. Bateman, Mr. — agricultural experiments, vol. v i. 370. manure, use of, vol. ii. 94. Battle on the Boyne, vol. i. 110. Bean husbandry, Dublin Society, premiums, vol. ii. 141. Bective, Lord — cattle trade, vol. i. 52 ; vol. ii. 104. improvements in Headfort, vol. i. 50, 51, 52, 53. Belfast, vol. i. 135. description of, vol. i. 146. Donegal's, Lord, estate, vol. i. 146. emigration, vol. i. 144, 145. husbandry, vol. i. 146, 147, 148. provisions, price of, vol. ii. 71. rental, vol. ii. 11. trade, vol. i. 144. Belleisle — husbandry, Earl Ross's estate, vol. i. 197, 198, 199. labouring poor, condition of, vol. i. 198 ; vol. ii. 51. products, vol. ii. 20. provisions, price of, vol. ii. 74. Belleek water-fall, vol i. 187. Belvidere, Lord — Tullamore estate, vol. i. 61. Blackwood, Mr., vol. i. 135. Bland, Bev. Mr., boggy land, improvement of, vol. i. 366. Blarney — Jefferys, Mr. S. J., building the town, establishment of manufacture, &c, vol. i. 312, 313, 314, 315. Blennerhasset, Mr. — manure, use of, vol. ii. 94. mountain improvement, vol. i. 369, 370. Blewstone — Oakboys' riots, vol. i. 124. Bogs. See Land. Bolton, Mr. C, of Ballycanvan, husbandry, vol. i. 406, 409, 410, 412, 413, 414, 415. Boyle, vol. i. 222. Boyne, field of battle, descrip- tion of scenery, vol. i. 110. Lord, Slaine estate, vol. i. 44. 378 INDEX. Branchale — cattle and distillery, vol. i. 33. Brockham — Townshend, Mr. C, Sussex farmers, vol. i. 342, 343. Brown, Archbishop of Tuam, vol. i. 261. Brown, Mr., of Brownshill, husbandry, vol. i. 72, 73. Brown, Mr., of Fortland, hus- bandry, vol. i. 243, 244. Brownlow, Mr., of Lurgan, vol. i. 127, 128. Brownshill, particulars relating to husbandry, vol. i. 72 ; vol. ii. 109. Bruff, husbandry, particulars relating to, vol. i. 380, 381, 384. Buildings, improvements, pro- motion of civilization, vol. i. 463 ; vol. ii., 253. Bullocks. See Cattle. Bunratty Castle, O'Briens, Prince of Thomond, vol. i. 292. Bun tin, Mr. A., vol. i. 148. Burgh, Prime Sergeant, vol. i. 20. Burke, Mr., " connivance is the relaxation of Slavery, not the definition of Liberty," vol. i. 114. Burton, Colonel, vol. i. 104 — Slaine mills, vol. i. 37, 43. Bushe, Mr., husbandry, par- ticulars of, vol. i. 75, 76, 79. Butler, Mr. James — cattle trade, vol. ii. 104. husbandry, vol. i. 73. Cabins — building and costs of, vol. i. 55. cattle in, vol i. 78. description of, vol, ii. 47, 4S, 49. dogs in, vol. i. 150. Dromore cabins, vol. i. 133. dunghills, moving cabins to get away from, vol. i. 257. inhabitants of, as well off as most English cottagers, vol. i. 35. Cabins (continued) — Inns, vol. i. 105, 177. Monknewton, preference for mud huts, vol. L 47. number residing in, vol. i. 79. Paddy Macguire's, vol. i. 192. rents of, vol. ii. 38. windows and chimneys, want of, vol. i. 35. Refer also to Labouring poor, conditions of. Caldwell, Sir James, vol. L 187, 190, 193, 194. Campbell, Dr. — Cork, sufferings of, in war time, vol. ii. 293. Carbery, vol. i. 341. Carlo w, vol. i. 71, 72, 73. acreage of, vol. ii. 3. rental of, vol. ii. 13. Whiteboy riots, vol. i. 84, 92. Carlo w, Lord, Dawson Court, vol. i. 424. Carrick, Lord, Mount Juliet, vol. i. 75. Carrick, manufacture, vol. i. 402. Cars. See Roads. Cartown, Duke of Leinster's estate, vol. i. 31. Cashel, vol. i. 394. Holland's inn, vol. i. 468. tithes, church lands, vol. ii. 112. Castlebar — burning corn in the straw, vol. i. 249. ploughing by the tail, vol. i. 249. wakes, hiring men and women to howl, vol. i. 249. Castle Caldwell, vol. i. 187 — husbandrv, particulars of, vol. i. 187, 188, 189, 190, 191. labouring classes, vol. i. 190, 191 ; vol. ii. 36. manure, use of, vol. ii. 94. potatoes, vol. ii. 46. products, vol. ii. 19. rental of, vol. ii. 11. scenerv, description of, vol. i. 192/193, 194. INDEX. 379 Castle Connell, vol. i. 450. Castle Coole, Cony, Lowry, Mr., vol. i. 196. Castle Hume, vol. i. 195. Castleisland — condition of land, vol. i. 367. rental of, vol. ii. 12. Castle Lloyd — Rev. Mr. Lloyd's improve- ments in husbandry, &c, vol. i. 450, 451, 452, 453, 454, 455, 456, 457. Castlemartyr — bullocks drawing by the horns, vol. i. 326, 327. manufacture, vol. i. 325, 330. potato husbandry, vol. ii. 38, 39. rental, vol. ii. 12. Roche, Mr. R., agricultural improvements, vol. i. 330. Shannon, Earl, husbandry, particulars of, vol. i. 321, 322, 323, 324, 325, 326, 327, 328, 329, 330. Castle Mary — . Longfield, Mr. , husbandry and manufacture, vol. i. 331, 332. Castle Oliver, vol. i. 296. husbandry, rich land, &c. , vol. i. 380, 381, 382, 383, 384, 385, 386, 387. labouring poor, potato hus- bandry, &c. , vol. ii. 36, 38. Palatines, Mr. Oliver's colony of, vol. i. 386, 387. pictures, Mr. Oliver's, vol. i. 387. potatoes, vol. ii. 38. products, vol. ii. 20. rental, vol. ii. 12. Castletown, Conolly, Mr., de- scription of house, vol. i. 30. Castle Ward, Bangor, Lord, estate, vol. i. 143. Catholics. See Religion. Cattle- cattle business, lazy farmers, vol. ii. 22. drawing by the horns, vol. i. 326, 327. Cattle {continued) — management of, table of prices; and profits, vol. ii. 104, 105 > 106, 107. ploughing with oxen, vol. u 332. sheep. See that heading. sledge cars, oxen drawing* vol. i. 176. trade, improved condition of the people, vol. i. 294. winter food, vol. ii. 107, 108. Cavan — acreage of, vol. ii. 3. ploughing by the tail, vol. i» 211. rental of, vol. ii. 14. Caves, stalactite cave at Ske- heenrinky, vol. i. 464, 465. Celbridge — labouring poor, potato hus- bandry, &c, vol. ii. 36, 38. Marlay, Colonel, vol, i. 25. products of, vol. ii. 19. rental of, vol. ii. 10. tithes, church lands, vol. ii. 109. Charlemont, Lord — Dublin, house in, vol. i. 18. Marino, villa at, vol. i. 19. Charleville — Johnston, Captain, vol. ii. 62. rental of, vol. ii. 10. rich lands, vol. i. 381. Charter-school, French, Mr., supported by, vol. i. 273. Chinnery, George, Dean of Cork, vol. i. 332. Church. See Religion. Clanwilliam, Earl of, Tippe- rary, vol. i. 388, Clanwilliam, Lady, planting trees, vol. i. 391, 392. Clare — acreage of, vol. ii. 3. religion, vol. i. 288. rental of, vol. ii. 14. wool smuggling, vol. i. 289. Clare Island, vol. i. 250,256, 260. Clements, Mr., long-legged sheep, vol. i. 25. 380 INDEX. Clibborn, Mr., linen manufac- ture, vol. ii. 129. Climate, average rainfall, mois- ture without rain, &c., vol. ii. 8. Clonleigh — husbandry, particulars of, vol. i. 173. 1 rental of, vol. ii. 11. tithes, church lands, vol. ii. 109. Clonmel — More, Mr., husbandry, &C, vol. i. 394, 395, 396, 397. Sterne, birthplace of, vol. i. 394. Clonmelly, husbandry of, vol. i. 291. Cloonalis House, O'Connor, descendant of Roderick O'Connor, King of Con- naught, vol. i. 219. Close, Mr. Maxwell, vol. i. 124. Coals- importation to Ireland, table of quantities, &C, vol. ii. 127, 128, 129. Irish coals, navigation, want of capital, vol. ii. 127, 128, 129, 130. mine near Kanturk, vol. i. 308. Coleraine — emigration, vol. i. 164. rental of. vol. ii. 11. salmon nshery, vol. i. 163, 164. Colonies, government of, com- mercial system, vol. i. 7, 8, 9. Commerce. Sec Trade and com- merce. Conrlans, vol. i. 92. Connaught— acreage of, vol. ii. 3. labourers. See Labouring poor. O'Connor and Macdermot, vol. i. 219. Connemara, sun-risherv, vol. i. 276. ourers, &C, vol. i. 53 ; vol. ii. 50. manure, use of, vol. ii. 91. potatoes, vol. ii. 38. products, vol. ii. 19. Hearth tax, Earl Dundonald's scheme, vol. ii. 329. Herbert, Mr., of Mucross — agricultural experiments, im- provements, vol. i. 351, 352, 354, 363, 364, 365, 366. Oroch's Hill, description of, vol. i. 350. Herring fishery. See Fisheries. Herring Island, vol. i. 194. Hillsborough Church, vol. i. 133. Hitt, Mr., ''Treatise on Hus- bandry," vol. i. 11. Hollymount, Mr. Lindsay's es- tate, &c, vol. i. 260 ; vol. ii 12, 38, 104. Holmes, Mr. P., vol. i. 135, 432. Holroyd, Mr. J. B. , Monknewton estate, vol. i. 46. Hops, trained horizon tall v, vol. i. 306. Houghton, Mr., vol. ii. 239. Howlett, Rev. J., "Essay on the Population of Ireland," vol. ii. 340. Hurling matches for wives, vol. i. 446, 447. Husbandry — Dublin Society scheme. See that hcaclinq : refer also to title Agriculture. Hussy, Colonel, monument^ of, vol. i. 357. Hutchinson, Bishop of Killala, vol. i. 246, 248. Huts. See Cabins. Hyde, Mr., vol. i. 301, 302. Imokilly, rental of. vol. ii. 12. Inch Island, herring fishery, vol. i. 16a Inchiquin, Lord, of Rostellan, vol. i. 332. Inishf alien, Isle of, vol. i. 35S, 359, 360, 361, 362. Inishoen, labour, provisions, products, vol. iL 20, 51, 74. Inistioge, vol. i. 80. Inland carriage of corn. > Trade and commerce. Inland revenue. See Revenue and taxes. Inniskilling. See Enniskillen. Inns — Ballyroan, vol. i. 469 Holland's, at Cashel, vol. L 468. Killarney, want of, at, vol. i. 362. miserable condition of, vol. L 450. Irish races. See Manners and customs. Irnham, Lord, vol. i. 21. Iron manufactory. See Trade and commerce. Irwin, Mr., Tanrego House, vol. i. 241, 242. Jackson, Mr., Coleraine salmon fishery, &C., vol. i. 163, 164. Jebb, Mr., Slaine mills, vol. i. 37 44 45. Jefferys, Sir. S. J., Blarney Castle, building the town, establishment of manufac- ture, &c, vol. i. 312, 313, 314, 315. Jephson, Mr., of Mallow, vol. i. 307, 308, 309. Johnston, Captain, of Charle- ville, vol. i. 62, 64, 65. Johnston, Mr. A., Rademan House, vol. i. 143. i Johnstown — husbandry, Mr. P. Holmes, baronies in co. Tipperarv, &C, vol. i. 432,433,434,435, 436, 437, 438, 439, 440. labouring poor, expenses and receipts of, vol. l. 436, 437 ; vol. ii. 36, 51, 52. potatoes, vol. i. 437 ; vol. iL 39. products, vol. ii. 20. I provisions, price of, vol. ii. 74. INDEX. 387 Johnstown [continued) — rental, vol. ii. 12. scenery, description of, vol. i. 439. tithes, church lands, vol. i. 437 ; vol. ii. 109. village, built bv Mr. Hayley, vol. i. 468. Jones, Mr., of Ballina, vol.i. 245. Jones, Mr., of Dollardstown, vol. i. 32, 34. Kanturk, collieries, vol. i. 308. Keating, Mr., Tipperarv, vol. i. 388, 391. Kelly, John, cottar on Mr. Fitz- maurice's estate, vol. i. 233. Kenmare. See Xedeen. Kerry — acreage of, vol. ii. 3. climate, vol. i. 348. labouring poor, miserable con- dition of, vol. i. 369. Spaniards in, vol. ii. 145. Kerry, Earl, seat at Lixnaw, curious anecdote about a lease, increased value of pro- perty, vol. i. 372. Kilcock — husbandry of the neighbour- hood, &c, vol. i. 32. labour, price of, vol. ii. 30. provisions, price of, vol. ii. 73. Kildare — acreage of, vol. ii. 3. Curragh, the, famous turf, vol. i. 424. rental of, vol. ii. 15. Kilfaine — farming in partnership, vol. i. 79. husbandry, vol. i. 75, 76, 77, 78, 79. labouring poor, condition of, rent of cabins, »S:c. , vol. i. 78 ; vol. ii. 36, 51, 52. potatoes, vol. i. 78 ; vol. ii. 38. products, vol. ii. 19. rental, vol. ii. 10. tithes, church lands, vol. ii. 109. Kilkenny — acreage of, vol. ii. 3. rental of, vol. ii. 15. Whiteboy riots, vol. i. 8 1 , 83, 92. Killala — fisheries, vol. i. 248. labour, price of, vol. ii. 51, 52. post-house, market - town, justice of peace, none of, vol. i. 247. provisions, price of, vol. ii. 74. Killala, Bishop of, vol. i. 246. Killarney — copper mines, disused, vol. i. 352. Herbert's, Mr., improvements, vol. i. 350, 351, 352, 354. inns, want of, vol. i. 362. rental of, vol. ii. 12. scenerv, description of, vol. i. 349,\350, 351, 353. 354, 355, 356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362, 363. Killrew— husbandry, vol. i. 105. labouring poor, vol. ii. 36. products of, vol. ii. 19. rental of, vol. ii. 11. Killvbegs, scenerv, vol. i. 177. Killylea, vol. i. 124. | Kilmacrenan, vol. i. 183. Kilmore, Bishop of, vol. i. 206. Kilnatalton, rental of, vol. ii. 12. Kiltartan, agricultural improve- ments, Mr. R. Gregory, vol. i. 284. Kin£, Bight Hon. Mr., vol. i. 245, 246. Kingsborough, Lord, Mitchels- town estate, vol. i. 458, 459, 460, 461, 462, 463. King's county — baronies, vol. i. 425. extent of, vol. ii. 3. rental, vol. ii. 13. Kingston, vol. i. 222 ; vol. ii. 11. Kingstown. See Dunleary. Knockninny, vol. i. 199, 200. | Labouring poor — cabins. See that title. 388 INDEX. Labouring poor [continued) — clothing, vol. ii. 47. condition of, cottar system of labour, price of labour, &c.,voL i. 59, 68, 78, 79, 99, I L06, 111, 114, 117, 120, 126, 127, 128, 150, 161, 174, 186, 190, 196, 205, 206, 21), 213, 214, 217, 237, 247, 275, 288, 294, 299, 300, 308, 316, 340, 346, 366, 369, 373, 375, 377, 379, 384, 391, 400, 401, 402, 411,412,413,419,423,428, | 429, 436, 437, 444, 445, 455, j 456, 461, 462, 463; vol. ii. 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, I 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57. Connaught labourers, vol. i. j 53. dancing. See that heading. distress, decline in trade and commerce. Sec title Trade ! and commerce, education, vol. i. 446 ; vol. ii. 147. "Employ, don't hang them" vol. i. 399. expenses and receipts of poor families, vol. i.429, 436, 444, 445, 455, 456, 457 ; vol. ii. 36, 37, 38, 39. farms, division of, between parents and children, vol. i. 120, 150 fishermen's wages, division of j produce, vol. i. 1<>7. food, healthiness of the lalxmr- ing poor, vol. ii. 41, 42, 13, 44, 45, 46, 47 hurling match for a wife, vol. i. 44(5, 447. idleness, vol. ii. 295, income, deficiency in, how to make good, vol. i. 445. industrious labourers, vol. i. 88, 89, 106, 111. Irish names changed to Eng- lish, vol. i. 259. labourers claiming to be of j ancient family and dispos- bourin** poor (continued) — sessecl of their estates, vol. i. 300. land given to cultivate on their own account, vol. i. 397, 398, 399. lawless people that will not betray each other, maiming cattle, &c., vol. i. 429, 430. live stock, vol. ii. 49, 50. marriages, population, voL iL 119, 120, 121. O'Brien, Sir Lucius, labourers, vol. i. 290. oppressions of, vol. i. 59, 60 ; vol. ii. 53, 54, 55, 56. See also title Religion, oppres- sion of the Roman Catholics. Palatines. See that title. pigs and children, vol. i. 461. religion. See that title. Saxon and native population, vol. i. 89. straw hats worn by men and women, comic appearance, vol. i. 89. tea drinking. See sub-heading. condition of, supra. thieving amongst the poor, vol. i. 60, 64, 68, 99, 109, 114, 115, 175, 190, 238. weavers, condition of, hounds kept bv, &c., vol. i. 117, 127, 133. whisky houses, vol. i. 128. White boy riots. See that title. Land — bog and mountain, improve- ment, vol. i. 176, 177, 223, 262, 263, 264, 266, 267, 268, 363, 365, 366 ; vol. ii 7, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 142. extent of Ireland, vol. ii. 3, 293. improvement, good invest- ment, vol. ii. 18. Ireland's advantage over Eng- land, vol. ii. 7. land by the ounce, vol. i. 347. INDEX. 389 Land (continued) — land-pirates, vol. i. 369. open fields, enclosing of, vol. ii. 298. taxes. See title Revenue and taxes. uncultivated land, vol. ii. 5. Refer also to title Soil. Land products, fall in the price of, vol. ii. 295, 296, 297, 298. Landlord and tenant — absentees, vol. i. 13, 43, 69, 114, 133; vol. ii. 114, 115, 116, 117, 272. cottar tenantry of Bally can - van, vol. i. 413. intermediate tenant or middle- man, vol. i. 35, 47, 114, 146, 151, 189, 190, 191, 275, 288, 462 ; vol. ii. 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31. land-pirates, re-letting cabin lands, vol. i. 369. occupying tenants, circum- stances of, vol. ii. 29, 30, 31, 32. penal laws. See title Religion. Protestants' leases, vol. i. 57. rental of Ireland, vol. ii. 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 294, 295. rents, raising of, vol. i. 114, 124 ; vol. ii. 254. resident landlords, treatment of small tenants, vol. ii. 31, 33, 34. tenants, perpetuities, vol. i. 146. La Touche, Mr., vol. i. 101. Lauglinstown, Baker, Mr. W., farming experiments, vol. i. 29. Law — duelling and ravishing, vol. ii. 152, 153, 154. lawless people, m aiming cattle, scattering stock, &c. , vol. i. 429, 430. penal laws. See title Religion, Roman Catholics. Lecale — husbandry and manufacture, vol. i. 140, 141, 142. labouring poor, vol. ii. 36. manure, use of, vol. ii. 94. products, vol. ii. 19. rental, vol. ii. 11. tithes, vol. ii. 109. Leighlinbridge, Butler, Mr. James, vol. i. 73. Leighlinbridge, Mr. Mercer's mill, vol. i. 74. Leinster, acreage of, vol. ii. 3. Leinster, Duke of, vol. i. 31, 32. Leitrim, vol. i. 212, 214— acreage of, vol. ii. 3. linen manufacture, vol. i. 238. mines, vol. i. 238. Leslie, Mr. — demesnes, vol. ii. 150. estate, description of, parti- culars of husbandry, vol. i. 373, 374. manure, use of, vol. ii. 94. Leslie Hill- demesnes, vol. ii. 149. emigration, vol. i. 153, 161. labouring poor, condition of, &c, vol. i. 161 ; vol. ii. 51. Lesly, Mr., husbandrv, vol. i. 153, 154, 155, 156/157, 158, 159, 160. potatoes, vol. ii. 38, 39. provisions, price of, vol. ii. 74. Lesly, Mr. and Mrs., of G las- lough, vol. i. 125. Levellers. See Whiteboys. Leyny, Milesian race, vol. i. 238. Liberty — battle on the Boyne, vol. i. 110. liberty, England's greatness, not trade, vol. i. 7. Lighthouses, Millen Hill, suit- able place for, vol. i. 137. Limavady — labour, price of, vol. ii. 51, 52. provisions, price of, vol. ii. 74. See also title Newtown Lima- vady. 390 INDEX. Limerick — acreage of, vol. ii. 3. cyder, Limerick famous for, vol. i. 385. gay city, vol. i. 295. labouring poor, vol. ii. 36. prosperity and progress, vol. i. 292, 293, 294. provisions, price of, vol. L 295 ; vol. ii. 74. rental of, vol. ii. 12. soil, rockiness of, vol. ii. 6. Spaniards in, vol. ii. 145. Lindsay, Mr., of Ballina, vol. i. 245. Lindsay, Mr., of Hollymount, vol. i. 260, 261. Lisburn, manufacture of the neighbourhood, vol. i. 133, 134, 135. Lisle, Mr., "Observations on Husbandry," vol. i. 11. Listow el, vol. i. 372. Literature, Irish authors, vol. ii. 155. Lixnaw — Earl Kerry's estate, vol. i. 372. increased value of property, curious anecdote about a lease, vol. i 372. Llovd, Mr. J., of Gloster, vol. * i. 424, 425. Lloyd, Rev. Mr., of Castle Lloyd, 'vol. i. 450, 451, 457. Londonderry. Sec Deny. Longtield, demesnes, vol. ii. 150. Longford, vol. i. 214. acreage of, vol. ii. 3. cattle trade, vol. ii. 104. labouring poor, vol. ii. 36. potatoes, vol. ii. 38. products, vol. ii. 20. rental, vol. ii. 11, 12. Longford, Lord — demesnes, vol. ii. 49. Packenham Hall, vol. i. 53,59. Lota — description of scenery, vol. i. 317. Rogers, Mr. F., estate, vol. i. 332. Lough Earn, vol. L 195, 196, 197. Lough Neagh, vol. L 149. Louth — acreage of, vol. ii. 3. products, vol. ii. 19. rental, vol. ii. 14. Lucan, vol. L 30. Lurgan — Brownlow, Mr., vol. i. 127. emigration, vol. i. 128. labouring jx>or, vol. i. 128. market day, sale of manu- factured materials, vol. L 128. rental of, vol. ii. 11. Luttrell, Colonel, vol. i. 21. Luttrells Town, agricultural products, vol. i. 21, 22, 23, 24. Luttrellstown, provisions, price of, vol. ii. 73. Lynch, Mr., vol. i. 248. Macartnej-, demesnes, vol. ii. 150. Macarthy, Mr., of Tipperary, vol. l 388, 3S9, 390. Macdermot, the Prince of Coolavin, strange recep- tion of I>ord Kingsborougn, Mr. OHara, Mr. Stand- ford, and others, vol. L 219. Macdermots, origin of, vol. ii. 146. Macgeoogh, Mr., of Armagh, vol. i. 119. Macguire, Paddy, vol. i. 192. McFarlan, Mr., manure, use of, vol. ii. 93. Madan, Dr. Samuel, Dublin Society, vol. ii. 131. Maghan House, vol. i. 125. j Magheral>ov — cattle trade, vol. ii. 104, 105. lal>ouring ]>oor, vol. L 237 > vol. ii. 36, 51, 52. husbandry, vol. i. 234, 235, •236. 237, 238, 239, 240. manufacture, vol. ii. 205, 206- INDEX. 391 Magheraboy {contin ued) — potatoes, vol. ii. 38. products, vol. ii. 20. rental, vol. ii. 12. tithes, vol. ii. 109. Malion — husbandry, vol. i. 125. manufacture, vol. ii. 206. products, vol. ii. 19, 20. rental, vol. ii. 11. Mahon, Mr., vol. i. 214, 215, 217, 218, 219; vol. ii. 94, 149. Mallow- agricultural particulars, Colo- nel Jephson, &c, vol. i. 207, 208, 209. labouring poor, vol. ii. 36. manure, use of, vol. ii. 94. potatoes, vol. ii. 39. products, vol. ii. 20. rental, vol. ii. 12. waters, drinking of, vol. i. 309. M.inners and customs — common Irish, vol. ii. 146, ! foreigners in Ireland, vol. ii. I 145, 146. rich Irish, vol. ii. 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154. small country gentlemen, vol. ii. 155. M an uf ac t u r e — agricultural sacrifices for, vol. ii. 214, 215, 216, 217, 271. Amies Grove, wool smuggled into England, vol. i. 299. Armagh, vol. i. 122. 123. Ballymote, voL i. 223, 224. 225, 226, 227, 228, 229, 230, 231, 232, 233. Belleisle, vol. i. 19$. Blarney, voL i. 312, 313, 314, 315. Carrick, vol. i. 402. Castlemartyr, vol i. 325, 330. Castle Mary, vol. L 331, 332. cloth rubbing, vol. i. 131. Manufacture {contin ued) — Cork, vol. i. 332, 333, 334, 335. Curraghmore, vol. i. 402. Dromoland, smuggling wool, etc., vol. i. 289. Dublin Society, manufactur- ing improvement schemes, vol ii. 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139. expenditure of money for the encouragement of, vol. ii. 207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212, 213. exports and imports, tables of quantities, &c., vol. ii. 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 207, 220. free trade, England hostile to. See title Trade and commerce. Galway, vol. i. 277. Germany the rival, not Scot- land, vol. i. 123. history of linen and woollen manufacture, England hos- tileto woollen manufacture, vol. ii. 192, 193, 194, 195, 196, 197, 21S, 219, 220, 240, 241. Refer also to title, Trade and commerce, Free trade. improvement of land, profit on, compared with profit on manufactories, vol. i. 221). increase of, vol. ii. 254. Inniskilling, vol. i. 204, 205. iron manufacture, compara- tive state of, vol. ii. 324, 325. 326, 327. 328, 329. Lurgan, vol. i. 128. Market Hill, vol. i. 116. 117. Monivea, Mr. French's estate, vol. i. 271. New Grove, vol. i. 312. Protestant manufacturers, vol. i. 117. Sheffield, Lord John, " Obser- vations on Manufacture, Trade." &c., vol. ii. 320, 321, 322, 323, 324. 392 INDEX. Manufacture (continued) — silk manufacture, vol. ii. 132, 220. Strokestown, vol. i. 217. Tippei ary, vol. i. 394. bleaching greens, vol. i. 131. Waringstown, vol. i. 129, 130, 131, 132, 133. weavers. See title Labouring poor. A\ estport, Lord Altamont's estate, vol. i. 255. Whiteboy riots. See that title. Manure — burning dunghills, vol. i. 44. cabins, moving of, to get away from dunghills, vol. i. 257. compost, uncommon in Ire- land, vol. i. 100. sea-weed, use of, for land by Saxon population, vol. l. 89. table of quantities used in Ireland, vol. ii. 93, 94, 95. Market Hill- husbandry, Lord G os port's estate, vol. i. 116, 117. labour, price of, vol. ii. 50, 52. manufacture, vol. i. 116, 117 ; vol. ii. 206. manure, use of, vol. ii. 94. provisions, price of, vol. ii. 73. Marley, Colonel, farm at Cel- bridge, &c, vol. i. 25, 26, 27, 28 ; vol. ii. 149. Marlfield, Moore, Mr., hus- bandrv, vol. i. 394, 395, 396, 397. Marly, Mr., of Packenham, vol. i. 57 ; vol. ii. 93. Marriages. See Population. Mathew, Mr. Francis, of Thomastown Castle, vol. i. 468. Maurice, Mr., of Slaine, vol. i. 44. Maynooth, New Town, vol. i. 32. Mayo — acreage of, vol. ii. 3. husbandry, singularities of, vol. i. 259. | Mayo (continued) — Milesian race, vol. i. 238. rental of, vol. ii. 14. Meath— acreage of, vol. ii. 3. soil, rockiness of, vol. ii. 6. Mellifont Abbey, vol. i. 46. Memoirs of last thirty years of author's farming life, vol. ii. 340. Mercer, Captain, Leighlin- bridge mill, vol. i. 74. Mercra. See Magheralx>y. I Middleton, Lord, vol. i. 321, 328. Milesian race, vol. i. 219, 238 ; vol. ii. 146. | Milford Haven, badness and expensiveness of route to, vol. i. 408, 417, 418, 419. Military establishment, Ire- land's contributions to the empire, vol. ii. 249, 250. Military mob, distress in Ire- land, vol. ii. 274, 275. Millen Hill, lighthouse, vol. i. 137. Mines — collieries at Kanturk, coals three shillings a barrel, voL i. 308. copper mines, disused, vol. i. 352. lead and silver, vol. i. 186. Leitrim, lead and coal in, vol. i. 238. Mitchelstown, vol. i. 419, 468— author as land steward to Lord Kingsborough, vol. i. 463. building promotes civilization, vol. i. 463. cave, stalactite, description of, vol. i. 464, 465. den of thieves and vagabonds, vol. i. 463. Galty mountains, beauty of scenery, &c, vol. i. 465, 466, 467, 468. labouring poor, vol. i. 461, 462; vol. ii. 36, 51, 52. INDEX. 393 Mitchelstown {continued) — Kingsborough, Lord, particu- lars of improvements, &c, vol. i. 458, 459, 460, 461, 462, 463. pigs and children, vol. i. 461, 462, 464. potatoes, vol. ii. 39. products, vol. ii. 20. provisions, price of, vol. ii. 74. rental of, vol. ii. 13. sheep trade, vol. ii. 105. Molyneux, Sir Capel, vol. i. 125. Monaghan, acreage of, vol. ii. 3. Monarchy, support of, by agri- culture, vol. i. 2. Monasteries, vol. i. 469. Monivea — cattle trade, vol. ii. 105. charter school, supported by Mr. French, vol. i. 273. farms round Monivea, vol. i. 273, 274, 275. French, Mr., agricultural experiments and manufac- ture, vol. i. 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 266, 267, 268, 269, 270, 271, 272, 273, 274, 275. labouring poor, vol. ii. 36, 51, 52. potatoes, vol. ii. 38. products, vol. ii. 20. Protestants in, vol. i. 276. provisions, price of, vol. ii. 74. rental of, vol. ii. 12. Monknewton — husbandry, vol. i. 46. huts and the common farmers, vol. i. 47. Montgomery, Mr., vol. i. 176, 177, 179, 181. Moore, Mr. — demesnes, vol. ii. 149. husbandry, &c, vol. i. 394, 395, 396, 397. sheep, vol. ii. 105. Mornington, Lord, improve- ments at Dangan, vol. i. 36. Mount Charles — fisheries, vol. i. 177. husbandry and manufacture, Mount Charles (continued) — vol. i. 184, 185, 186 ; vol. ii. 206. labour, price of, vol. ii. 51, 52. provisions, price of, vol. ii. 74. Mount Juliet, Lord Carrick's seat, vol. i. 75. Mount Kennedy — arbutus tree, great curiosity, vol. i. 94. Cunningham's, General, seat, vol. i. 94. husbandry, particulars, vol. i. 95, 96, 97, 98, 99. labour, price of, vol. ii. 50, 54. manure, use of, vol. ii. 93. products, vol. ii. 19. provisions, vol. ii. 73. rental, vol. ii. 11. tithes, vol. ii. 109. Mountains, vol. i. 465, 466, 467 ; vol. ii. 7. Mountains, improvement of. See Land. Mountrath, vol. i. 425. Muckross — abbey, vol. i. 348, 350, 357. bog reclaiming, vol. i. 363, 365, 366. dancing, love of, by the people, vol. i. 366. Herbert, Mr., agricultural improvements, vol. i. 350, 351, 352, 363, 364, 365, 366. manure, use of, vol. ii. 94. scenerv, vol. i. 348, 349, 356, 357/ stones, breaking of, by fire, vol. i. 363. Mules, use of, on farms, vol. i. 240, 244. Mullingar, vol. i. 61 ; vol. ii. 10, 38. Munster — acreage of, vol. ii. 3. Irish wakes, vol. i. 249. Murray, Mr. Maurice, of Cool- more, vol. i. 338. Naas, husbandry, vol. i. 419. Navigation. See Public works. 394 INDKX. Xedeen, vol. i. 341. labouring poor, vol. ii. 36, 51, 52. manure, use of, vol. ii. 94. provisions, price of, vol. ii. 74. roads, vol. l. 34.'*. Sbelburne, Lord, improve- ments, vol. i. 344, 345, 340, 347. Nepbin Beg, vol. i. 245. Xesbit, Mr., of Farnbam, vol. i., 208. Xesbit, Mr., of Kilniaerenan, vol. i. 1S3. Xesbit, Rev., of Drogbeda, vol. i. I 10 Neville, Mr., M. P. for Wexford, ▼oL i. Ho Xevill, Mr., of Furnace — demesnes, vol. ii. 180. husbandry, particulars, vol. i. 419, 420, 421, 422, 423. New Grove, ( lonlon, Mr., manu- facture and agricultural im- provements, vol. i. 310, 31 1, 312. Xewbrook, vol. i. 900. Xeweomen, Mr., vol. i. 212 ; vol. ii. 149. Newfoundland — emigration. See that htadmff, trade with Waterfonl. See title Waterfonl. Xewry, flourishing town, vol. i. lie. Newtown Limavady — Bishop of Deny, vol. i. 164. emigration, vol. i. 166. busbandrv ami manufacture, vol. i. 165, 106 ; vol. ii. 21)5. manure, use of, vol. ii. 94. potatoes, vol. ii. 38. products, vol. ii. 20. rental, vol. ii. 11. Newtown Monasterboice, vol. i. 46. Newtown Pery, vol. i. 292. Newtown Stewart, vol. i. 136. Xicbolson, Mr., vol. i. SO. Nore, banks of, Lord Car rick's seat, vol. i. 75. Norfolk bailiff. See Sbelburne, Laid. Nunn, Colonel, vol. i. 85, 87. Oaklioy riots. See Whitel*oy riots. O'Brien, Sir Lucius — Dromoland, particulars of agriculture, vol. i. 284, 285, 286, 287, 288, 289. lalM)iirers, vol. i. 290. O'Briens — origin of, vol. ii. 146. l'rincesof Tbomond, vol. i. 292. U'I?riensl»rid^e, vol. i. 450. O'Connor, descendant of Ro- derick O'Connor. King of Connnnght, vol. i. 219. O'Hara, Sir., Macderniot'a (Prince of Cool a v in) recep- tion of, vol. i. 219. O'Haras, origin of, vol. ii. 146. Oliver, Rev. Andideacon, of Coolmore, agricultural par- ticulars, vol. i. 888. 337, 338, 339, 340, 341 ; vol. ii 150. Oliver, Right Hon. Mr., of Castle Oliver, busl>andry particu- lars, rich lands, OB., vol. i. 3S0, 881, 882. 888, 384, 385, 386, 387 ; vol. ii. 150. < diver ( 'a*tle. »r < \ostle Oliver. O'Xeil, Mr., of Shanes Castle, vol. i. 149, 150; vol. ii. 149. O'Xeils, origin of, vol. ii. 146. Orrery, rental of, vol. ii. 12. Osborn, Sir \V. — mountain improvements, land given to lain Hiring classes to cultivate, vol. i. 396, 397, 398, 808. 400. orator, vol. i. 20. Ownev and Arra baronv, vol. i. 442. Oxen. See titles Cattle and Ploughing Packenbam — cattle trade, vol. ii. 104. lalnmrin*; poor, vol. i. 59 ; vol. ii. 36, 38, 50, 52. INDEX. 395 Packenham {continued) — Lord Longford's estate, vol. i. 53. manure, use of, vol. ii. 91. products, vol. ii. 19. provisions, price of, vol. ii. 73. rental of, vol. ii. 10. tithes, vol. ii. 109. Paine, Mr., of Ballvmote, vol. i. 226. Palatines — Adair, Palatines in, vol. i. 377, 378. Arabela, Palatines in, vol.i. 368. failure of, vol. ii. 34. Rathkeale, Mr. Oliver's colony in, vol. i. 386. Parker, Mr., vol. i. 441. Parliament — debates in, author's visits to, vol. i. 20. government of Ireland, vol. ii. 249, 250, 251. interference in domestic in- dustry, vol. ii. 271. Irish orators, vol. i. 20. Roman Catholics as voters. See title Religion, Oppres- sion of Roman Catholics. Union, the, with England, vol. ii. 5251. Parnell, Sir John, vol. i. 469. Passage, sailing from, for Mil- ford Haven, vol. i. 408, 417. Penal laws. See Religion, Op- pression of the Roman Catholics. Pension list, Ireland's contribu- tions to, vol. ii. 249, 250. Peor, Mr., vol. i. 400. Pepper, Mr., vol. i. 108, 109. Pei v, Mr., the Speaker, vol. i. 292. Phoenix Park, vol. i. 21. Pictures — Dunkettle. See that heading. Quin's, Mr. See that heading. Plantagenets in Sligo County, vol. i. 260. Ploughing — boys as ploughmen, vol. i. 217. Ploughing {continued) — drawing by the horns, vol. L 326, 327, 332. ploughing bv the tail, vol. L 205, 211, 213, 237, 249, 258, 259. Popham, Mr., vol. i. 274. Population — depopulation of England, ab- surd theories, vol. ii. 118, 119. essay on, by Rev. Howlett, vol. ii. 340. increase of population in Ire- land, vol. i. 258, 259 ; voh ii. 119, 120, 121. Portaferry — description of, vol. i. 136, 137. labour, price of, vol. ii. 50. provisions, price of, vol. i. 139 ; vol. ii. 93. Potato, culture, vol. i. 33, 331 ; vol. ii. 38, 39, 46.. See also Labouring poor, food of, &c. Power, Mr., vol. i. 83. Powerscourt, description of, voL i. 101. Pratt, Mr. James, vol. i. 330. Protestants in Ireland. See Religion. Products, tables of, vol. ii. 19,. 20, 295, 296, 297, 298. Provisions, price of, vol. i. 19» 59, 139, 140, 145, 295, 368, 369, 412,431,438,447 ; vol. ii. 73. Public works — inland navigation, want of capital for, &c, vol. ii. 127, 128, 129, 130. money voted by Parliament for, vol. ii. 123. Quakers, Shelmal barony, rich Quakers, vol. i. 87. Queen's county — acreage of, vol. ii. 3. beauties of, vol. i. 468, 469. Urlingford to Dawson Court improved country, best in Ireland, vol. i. 4H!>. AVhiteboy riots, vol. i. 84. 396 INDEX. Queenstown. See Cove. Quin, Mr. and Mrs., of Adair, pictures, &c. , vol. i. 375, 379, 380. Rabbit Island, vol. i. 194. Rabbits, Killala, warren at, profits on rabbits' skins, vol. i. 246. Rademan House, Mr. A. John- ston, vol. i. 143. Italian, Lord Sbelburne, Nor- folk bailiff, vol. i. 65. Ranis, Mr., vol. i. 94. Randalstown, vol. i. 108. Rapho6| Bishop of, vol. i. 175. Rathkeale, colony of Palatines, vol. i. 386. Ratoath, cabin inn, vol. i. 105. Ravensdale, Mr. Fortescue, vol. i. 115. Religion — Annes Grovo, Roman Catho- lics in, vol. i. 3. congregations and mass bouses, vol. i. 90. Cullen, colony of Protestants, \n|. i. HI." Droinoland, Catbolics in, vol. i. 288. emigration, Dissenters and Roman Catbolics, vol. i. 115, 129. Hillsborough cburcb, vol. i. 133. Inniskilling, Catbolics and Protestants in, vol. i. 206. Killala, Protestants ami Ro- man Catbolics in, vol. i. 247. Leslie Hill, Presbyterians in, vol. i. 161. Magberaboy, Protestants and Catbolics in, vol. i. 238. Monivea, Protestants in, vol. i. 276, Penal laws, oppression of the Roman Catholics, vol. i. 58, 59, 60, 114 ; vol. ii. 31, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 271. Protestant weavers, vol. i. 223. Religion (continued) — Roman Catholics, industrious people, vol. i. 114. Whiteboy and Hearts of Steel riots. See that title. Rental — Ireland's advantage over Eng- land, vol. ii. 17 table of particulars, vol. ii. 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17. Rents. See Landlord and tenant. Revenue and taxes — decline in revenue, vol. ii. 260, 261. disadvantages compared with England, vol. ii. 188. free trade for Ireland. See title Trade and commerce, inland carriage of corn, bounty on. See title Trade and commerce, land tax, vol. ii. 229, 230, 231. particulars relating to revenue and taxes, vol. ii. 221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 226, 227, 228, 229, 230, 231. salt and hearth tax, vol. ii. 329, 330, 332, 333, 334, 335, 336. Union, the, and taxes, vol. iL 252. River Barrow, description of, vol. i. 71, 81. Roads and cars — French, Mr., Presentment Bill, vol. ii. 252. single horse carts, vol. iL 81, 82, 83, 84. system of making roads, taxes, &c, vol. ii. 77, 78, 80, 81. turnpike roads, vol. L 116. Roche, Mr., vol. i. 330. Rock Island, residence of Mac- dermot, vol. i. 222, Rogers, Mr., vol. i. 332. Roman Catholics. See Religion. Roscommon, acreage of, vol. 11. 3. Roscrea, vol. L 425. Ross Castle, vol. i. 359. INDEX. 397 Ross, Earl — Belleisle, husbandry, vol. i. 197, 198, 199. demesnes, vol. ii. 149. Ross, River Barrow. See that title. Rosshill, vol. i. 260. Rostellan, Inchiquin, Lord, vol. i. 332. Rowley, Mr., vol. i. 35, 36 ; vol. ii. 149. Rundale, division of farms by balks. See Farming in partnership. Ruthledge, Mr., vol. i. 248. Ryves, Mr., vol. i. 385; vol. ii. 150. Saintfield, vol. i. 143, 144. St. Margaret's, vol. i. 85, 87, 89. St. Wolstan's, vol. i. 25, 30, 104. Salmon fishery. See Fisheries. Savage, Mr., vol. i. 137, 140; vol. ii. 149. Saxons in Ireland, vol. i. 85 ; vol. ii. 146. Scotch race in Ireland, vol. ii. 146. Sea- weed, used for land by Saxon population, vol. l. 89. Shanes Castle, co. Antrim — description of, vol. i. 149. husbandry, Mr. O'Neil's, vol. i. 149, 150. labour, price of, &c, vol. ii. 51, 52, 150. potatoes, vol. ii. 36. products, vol. ii. 19. provisions, price of, vol. ii. 73. rental, vol. ii. 10, 11. sheep, profit on, vol. ii. 105. tithes, vol. ii. 109. turnip hoers, vol. i. 149. Shaen Castle, Queen's county — Dean Coote's estate, hus- bandry, improved lands, vol. i. 67, 424. Shaen Castle {continued) — labour, price of, vol. ii. 50, 52. potatoes, vol. ii. 38. products, vol. ii. 20. provisions, price of, vol. ii. 73. rental, vol. ii. 10. sheep, profit on, vol. ii. 105. tithes, vol. ii. 109. Shannon, in praise of, vol. L 292, 371, 438, 439. Shannon, Lord, vol. ii. 150. Sheep — long legs, ridiculous preposses- sion, vol. i. 25. pulling wool off by hand, voL i. 259. trade in, table of profits, &c., vol. ii. 105. Sheffield, Lord, "Observations on Manufacture, Trade, and Present State of Ireland," vol. ii. 320. Shelburne, Lord and Lady — agricultural particulars, voL i. 344, 345, 346, 347. Ballymote, establishment of manufacture, Protestant weavers, vol. i. 223, 224. 225. Norfolk bailiff, vol. i. 65, 66. Shelmal, Ouakers in, vol. i. 87. Singleton, Mr., destruction of rushes, vol. i. 291. Skeheenrinky, stalactite cave at, vol. i. 464, 465. Slaine — Boyne's, Lord, estate, vol. i. 44. Forster's, Lord Chief Baron, improvements, vol. i. 43. husbandry, vol. i. 37. labouring poor, vol. ii. 36, 50,, 52. manure, use of, vol. ii. 93. Maurice's, Mr., farm, vol. i. 44. products, vol. ii. 19. provisions, price of, vol. ii. 73. tithes, vol. ii. 109. Slaine Castle, Lord Conyng- hani's seat, vol. i. 42, 43. 398 INDEX. Slaine Mills, description of, vol. i. 37, 44. Slate quarries in Derry, vol. i. 448. Sledge ears, oxen drawing, vol. L 176. Sligo- acreage of, vol. ii. 3. Plantagenets in, vol. i. 260. weaving, vol. i. 233. Smith, Mr., vol. i. 16o. ♦Soil, conditions of, vol. ii. 5, 67, 17. See "ho title Land. Spaniards in Ireland, vol. ii. 14.">. Springs, sulphureous and mineral, vol. i. 202. Staple, Sir Robert, vol. i. 469. Sterne, birthplace of, vol. ii. 394. Stewart, Mr., of Portaferrv, vol. i. 136. Stones, breaking of, by tire, vol. i. 363. Strangford — description of scenerv, vol. i. 140. lough, vol. i. 136. provisions, price of, vol. i. 139. Straw, burning of, vol. i. 42, 43. Stroke>to\vn — husbandry, particulars, vol. i. 214, 21o. 216, 317, 318, 219. labouring poor, vol. ii. 36, 51, 08. products, vol. ii. 20. provisions, price of , vol. ii. 74. rental, vol. ii. 11. sheen, profits on, vol. ii. 10o. WOOda, finest in Ireland, vol. i. 215, 21S. Stromzbow's Saxon population, vol. i. So. Summerhill — products, vol. ii. 19. remains of cabins, plough- marks, &e»a b elo w the sur- face, vol. i. 36. rental of, vol. ii. 10. soil of intermediate tenants, vol. i. 35. Swans, flights of, in Knock- ninny, vol. i. 200. I Taghmon — inn, description of, voL L 85. labour, price of, vol. iL 50. provisions, price of, vol iL 73. Tanrego, Mr. L. Irwin's seat, vol. L 241, 243. Tarbert, vol. i. 373. labour, price of, vol. iL 51, 52. Leslie, Mr. E., husbandry, vol. i. 374. manure, use of, vol. ii. 94. provisions, price of, vol. iL 74. rental of, vol. ii. 12. i Tea drinking. 8m Labouring j>oor. Tenants. See Landlord and tenant. Thomastown Castle, Mr. Francis Matthews, vol L 468. Thomond, Princes of, vol. i. 292. Thurot, Killala harbour, no ships in, vol. i. 248. Tillage- increase due to potato culture, not to bounty on inland carriage of com, vol. i. 33 ; vol. ii. 21, 169, 170, 184, 186, 1S6. inferior tillage, vol. ii. 21, 22. pro d uc ts . See that title, Timl>er— Clanwilliam's, Ladv, planta- tions, vol. i. 391, 392. destruction of woods, planting trees by the cottars, vol. ii. So, S6, 87, 88, S9, 90, 91, 92. Dublin Society, premiums for timl>er planting, vol. iL 143. Monivea, tree planting in, vol. i. 272. Strokestown, Mr. Mahon's plantations, finest in Ire- land, vol. i. 215, 218. willow trees, extraordinary growth of, vol. L 417. I Tipperary — acreage of, vol. ii. 3. baronies in, vol. L 432, 433. I cattle and sheep, price of, and INDEX. 399 Tipperary {continued) — profits on, vol. i. 388, 391 ; vol. ii. 104, 105. Clanwilliam's, Lady, planta- tions, vol. i. 391, 392. Derry Castle. See that title. husbandry, particulars on, vol. i. 388, 389, 390, 391. labouring poor, vol. ii. 36, 51, 52. manufacturing in, vol. i. 394. mountain lands, vol. i. 394. potatoes, vol. i. 390 ; vol. ii. 38. products, vol. ii. 20. provisions, price of, vol. ii. 74. rental of, vol. ii. 15. soil of, vol. i. 391 ; vol. ii. 6. Whiteboy riots, vol. i. 82, 83, 84. Tithes and church lands — bishoprics, annual value, list of, vol. ii. 112. proctors, treatment of the poor, &c, vol. i. 82, 84, 213, 275, 375, 447 ; vol. ii. 110. recompense in lieu of, vol. ii. Ill, 112. table of particulars, vol. ii. 109, 110, 112. Whiteboy riots. See that heading. Towns, increase of, vol. ii. •_V>4. Townshend, Mr., of Brockham, vol. i. 342, 343. Trade and commerce — Belfast, trade of, vol. i. 144, 14.3. commerce aids agriculture, vol. i. 6, 7. commercial wars, vol. i. 68. consumption, vol. ii. 256. Corn Bounty Repeal Bill, vol. ii. 344. corn, inland carriage, bounty on, vol. i. 33, 74, 219 ; vol. ii. 21, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168, 169, 170, 179, 180, Trade and commerce {con- tinued) — 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189, 190, 191, 271, 344. decline in trade and commerce, distress in Ireland, voL iL 260, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 266, 267, 268, 269, 270, 271, 272, 273, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280. embargoes, vol. ii. 246, 247. exports of produce of pastur- age, &c, inland bounty on, vol. ii. 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178. fisheries. See that title. free trade, England hostile to, commercial dispute bet ween Great Britain and Ireland, vol. ii. 232, 233, 234, 235, 236, 237, 238, 239, 240, 241, 299, 300, 301, 304, 305, 306, 307, 308, 309, 310, 311, 312, 313, 314, 315, 316, 317, 318, 319, 320, 321, 322, 323, 324, 325, 326, 328, 329. government of Great Britain, trading system, vol. i. 6, 7, 8, 9. harbours in Ireland, capa- bilities of commerce, vol. i. 81. increase of commerce, vol. ii. 255, 256, 257. inland navigation. See title Public works. Irish ports, want of commerce in, vol. i. 292. land, cultivation of, at the sacrifice of commerce, vol. i. 9. land products, fall in the price of, vol. ii. 295, 296, 297. liberty, England's greatness, not trade, vol. i. 7. manufacture. See that title. neglect of national soil for commerce, vol. i. 5. provisions, price of. See that title. 400 INDEX. Trade and commerce (con- tinned) — salt and hearth tax, Earl Dundonald's scheme, vol. ii. 329, 330, 331, 332, 333, 334, 335, 336, 337. state of Ireland in 1748, 1792, vol. ii. 343. trade, contempt for, in Ireland by gentlemen, vol. ii. 247, 248. Union of Ireland with Great Britain, its effect on Irish trade, vol. i. 69 ; vol. ii. 251, 252. Waterford, trade with New- foundland, vol. i. 406, 407. Tralee, vol. i. 367. Tree planting. See Timber. Trent, Mr., of Dunkettle House, vol. i. 316, 317. Trench, Mr., of Woodlawn, vol. i. 277, 278, 279, 280, 281. Tuam — Archbishop of, vol. i. 261. land, condition of, vol. i. 261. tithes, annual value, &c, vol. ii. 112. Tucker, J., D.D., Dean of Gloucester, trade dispute between Great Britain and Ireland, vol. ii. 337. Tullamore — lielvidere's, Lord, estate, vol. i. 61, 62. labouring poor, vol. ii. 36, 50. sheep, fatteningof, vol. ii. 105. tithes, vol. ii. 109. Tullespace, vol. i. 61. Tuosist, land taken by the ounce, vol. i. 347. Turnip husbandry — Dublin Society, premiums for, vol. ii. 140. hoeing of, unusual in Ireland, vol. i. 147, 175, 2S4. introduction of, by Mr. R. Gregory, vol. i. 284. Tye, Mr., vol. i. 94. Tynan, vol. i. 124 Tyrawly, barony, vol. i. 247. Tyrera — cultivation of flax, voL ii. 243. products, vol. ii. 20. rental of, vol. iL 12. Tyrone, acreage of, voL iL 3. Tyrone, Earl, husbandry, voL L 400, 401, 402, 403, 405, 406 ; vol. ii. 94. Ulster, extent of, vol. ii. 3. Union, the, with Great Britain, objections to and advan- tages of, vol. i. 69 ; voL iL 252* Urlingford, vol. i. 408, 409. Vancover, Mr., Norfolk bailiff, vol. i. 65. Vesey, Agmondisham, vol. L 30. Vicars, Mr., husbandry, par- ticulars of, vol. i. 71. Wakefield, Mr., vol. L 223. Wakes, hiring men and women to howl at, vol. i. 249. Walsh, Dean, vol. i. 70. Walsh, General, husbandry, vol. i. 70 ; vol. ii. 149. Waring, Mr., vol. i. 129. Waringstown-- labouring |>oor, vol iL 36, 38, 39, 50, 206. linen manufacture, vol. L 129, 130, 131, 132; vol. iL 206. manure, use of, vol. ii. 94. provisions, price of, vol. iL 71. Waterford — acreage of, vol. ii. 3. church, description of, vol. L 407, 40S. deanery of, vol. ii. 295. herring lisherv, vol. i. 407. inns, miserable condition of, vol. i. 418. lal>our, price of, vol. iL 52. provisions, price of, voL iL 74. rental of, vol. ii. 15. tithes and church lands, voL ii. 112. trade with Newfoundland, vol. L 406, 407. Weavers. Sec Labouring poor. INDEX. 401 Wells- products of, vol. ii. 19. rental of, vol. ii. 11. West Indies, herrings for, vol. i. 89. Westmeath — acreage of, vol. ii. 3. rental of, vol. ii. 13. Westport — Altamont's, Lord, estate, particulars of husbandry, vol. i. 250, 251, 252, 253, 254, 255, 256, 257. labouring poor, vol. i. 256 ; vol. ii. 51, 52, 206. linen manufacture, vol. i. 258 ; vol. ii. 206. products, vol. ii. 20. provisions, price of, vol. ii. 74. rental, vol. ii. 12. 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