MARY QUEEN OF SCOTS AND HER ACCUSERS EMBRACING A NAEKATIVE OF EVENTS FROM THE DEATH OF JAMES V. IN 1542 UNTIL THE DEATH OF THE EEGENT MURRAY IN 1570 BY JOHN HOSACK" BARRISTER- AT-LAW 237 1 WILLIAM BLACKWOOD AND SONS EDINBURGH AND LONDON MDCCCLXIX «O8r0lN COLLEGE UBP.AH^ CHESTMUT HILL. MASS. The right of Translatioji is reserved 3^ PEEFACE It is a remarkable fact, that notwithstanding the innumerable histories which have appeared of Mary- Queen of Scots, and notwithstanding the warm con- troversy to which the question of her guilt or inno- cence has given rise, the specific charges preferred against her at the Conference at Westminster in 1568 have never hitherto been published. It is well known that on that occasion a Book of Articles was pro- duced by her accusers before they exhibited their proofs to the Commissioners of Queen Elizabeth ; but in none of the voluminous collections relating to the subject is this document to be found. A copy of the Articles has, however, been preserved among the interesting collection of contemporary papers known as the Hopetoun Manuscripts ; and it is now given to the public, with the permission of the Earl of Hopetoun, to whom it belongs, and of the Lord Clerk Register, the Right Honourable Sir William vi PREFACE. Gibson-Craig, in whose custody it has for the present been deposited. As the authenticity of the Articles may be ques- tioned, the following reasons are submitted to the reader in proof of their genuineness : — In the first place, their title, which is peculiar, corresponds exactly with the title of the Book of Articles referred to in the Journal of Queen Eliza- beth's Commissioners of the 6th of December 1568,'" when the document was first produced ; and they also consist, like that referred to, of five parts. Secondly, They are not only written in a contem- porary hand, but they are written in the same hand as a considerable portion of the Eegister of the Privy Council of Scotland. This important fact was pointed out to the writer by Mr Thomas Dickson of the Eegister House, Edinburgh, to whom he has been indebted for much valuable assistance in the pro- secution of his researches. A specimen of the handwriting of the Articles, and of that which appears in the Eegister of the Privy Council about the same period, will be found at the beginning of the first chapter. It may be added that the handAvriting bears a very strong resemblance to that of Alexander Hay, who was clerk to the Privy Council at the time of the Westminster Conference, and for several years afterwards. But upon this point no confident opinion can be expressed. * Goodall, ii. 234. PREFACE. The last and strongest proof of the authenticity of these Articles is their identity in various passages with the ' Detection ' of Buchanan, which was pub- lished some time after the Westminster Conference. It is clear, from a comparison of these passages, that both are not original ; and as the Articles were in existence before the publication of the 'Detection,' the obvious inference is, that Buchanan inserted por- tions of them in his famous libel. Another interesting document is printed in the Appendix, which was supposed to have been lost — namely, the Journal of the proceedings at Westmin- ster''' on the day upon which the silver casket, con- taining the alleged letters of Queen Mary to Bothwell, was produced. We learn from this paper the order in which the letters and other documents were ex- hibited to the Commissioners of Elizabeth. A facsimile of a portion of the testamentary inven- tory of the jewels of the Queen of Scots, discovered some years since,t is given at page 148. The inven- tory was made out shortly before the birth of her son in June 1566. Through the researches of Professor Schiern of Copenhagen, the date of the capture of Nicolas Hubert, commonly called French Paris," has been ascertained. This is an important point considered with reference to the authenticity of the depositions which bear his name. A letter from Professor Schiern * See Appendix C. t In the Register House, Edinburgh. VIU PREFACE. to the writer will be found on the subject at page 245. The writer further desires to express his best thanks to Mr David Laing of Edinburgh, and to Mr John Hill Burton, Historiographer of Scotland, for the valuable assistance they have rendered him on many occasions in the prosecution of his work.''^ * There is an inaccuracy at page 48 which was not noticed until after it had passed through the press. It is there stated, or at least implied, that Mary of Lorraine before her death " received the minis- trations " of the Protestant minister John Willock. But the authority on which this is stated — namely, a letter of Thomas Randolph, who was in Edinburgh at the time — shows only that she consented to an interview with Willock. TABLE OF CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. STATE OP SCOTLAND IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTITIIY — DEATH OF JAMES V. — PROGRESS AND ESTABLISHMENT OF THE REFORMATION. PAGE Great power of the nobles, ..... 2 The Scottish Parliament, ..... 3 The clergy, ....... 4 James V,, . , . . . . . 5 He favours the clergy, ...... 6 Schemes of Henry VIII. , ..... 7 War with England, ...... 8 Death of James, ....... 9 Fresh projects of Henry, . . . . .10 Cardinal Beaton, . . . . . . .12 He is murdered, ....... 13 Renewal of the war, ...... 14 The Queen of Scots sent to France, . . . . 15 - Her mother appointed regent, . . . . . IG Character of the regent, . . . . .17" Progress of the Reformation, . . . . .18 Marriage of Mary Stewart to the Dauphin, . . . 19 The princes of Lorraine, ...... 20 The Lords of the Congregation, . . . . .21 John Knox, . . . . . . . 22"- Destruction of monasteries, ..... 23 Death of Henry II., 24 Discontent in Scotland, ...... 25 The Lords of the Congregation in arms, .... 26 The Earl of Arran and Queen Elizabeth, ... 28 Siege of Leith, ....... 29 The Earl of Bothwcll, ...... 30 Maitland sent to London, . . . . .31 Hesitation of Elizabeth, ...... 32 « X CONTENTS. An English, fleet in the Forth, The regent demands explanations, Reply of Admiral Winter, The Duchess of Parma, . Intrigues in France, The conspiracy of Amboise, /The treaty of Berwick, . Perilous position of the regent, Approach of the English army. Commencement of hostilities, Negotiations, Assault on Leith, Defeat of the besiegers, . Fresh negotiations, Cecil goes to Scotland, Death of the regent, Cecil and the Frencb plenipotentiaries, The treaty of Edinburgh, Exultation of Cecil, Decision of Francis and Mary, Convention of States, Protestantism established. 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 CHAPTER II. THE RETURN OF MARY TO SCOTLAND. The Lords of tbe Congregation propose marry the Earl of Arran, Death of Francis II., Knox's Book of Discipline, Destruction of religious houses, . Mary invited to return, . Duplicity of the Lord James, Letter of Throgmorton, . Mary's interview with Throgmorton, Mary applies for a safe-conduct, . Explanations, The Protestant chiefs in Scotland, Plans for intercepting Mary, She arrives in Scotland, . Disturbance in Edinburgh, Prospects of Mary, She has an interview with Knox, Her prudent conduct, The Lord James, . Intolerance of the Reformers, Persecution of the Catholics, The Earl of Arran and Bothwell, that Elizabeth should CONTENTS. xi Insanity of Arran, ...... 82 Bothwell leaves Scotland, ..... 83 Spanish opinions of Mary, ..... 84 The Earl of Huntly, ...... 85 A fight in the streets of Edinburgh, .... 86 The queen in the north, ...... 87 Forfeiture of Huntly, ...... 88 Insolence of the preachers, ..... 90 Civil war in France, ...... 91 Battle of Dreux, ....... 92 Murder of the Duke of Guise, ..... 93 The Enghsh abandon Havre, ..... 94 Chatelar, ........ 95 Persecution of the Catholics, . . . . .96 Suitors of the Queen of Scots, . . . . . 97 Lord Robert Dudley, ...... 98 The Earl of Lennox, ...... 99 Darnley arrives in Edinburgh, . . . . .100 Opposition of Elizabeth, ]..... 101 Derision of Mary, . . . . . .102^ Real views of Elizabeth, ...... 103 Murray leaves the Court, . . . . .104 Intrigues of Randolph, ...... 105 The General Assembly, . . . . . .106 Prudent conduct of the queen, . . . . .107 Suspicious conduct of Murray, ..... 108 He applies for aid from Bedford, . . . . 109 The queen marries Darnley, . . . . .110 CHAPTER III. FilOM THE queen's MARRIAGE TO DARNLEY UNTIL THE MURDER OF RICCIO. Murray rebels against the queen, . . . .111 He marches on Edinburgh, . . . . .112 Mary takes the field . . . . . .113 An ambassador from France, . . . . .114 Decision of Mary as to the rebels, . . . .115 Retreat of the rebels, . . . . . .116 They take refuge in England, . . . . .117 An envoy from Elizabeth, . . . . .118 Murray at the English Court, . . . . . 119 Huntly is restored, . . . . . .120 David Riccio, ....... 121 Ambitious schemes of Darnley, . . . . . 123 The Catholic league, . . . . . .124 Did Mary join the league ?..... 125 The conspiracy against Riccio, . . . . . 130 XII CONTENTS. The murder of Riccio, . . . . . .136 Escajje of Hiintly and Bothwell, ..... 138 Critical condition of the queen, ..... 139 Return of Murray, ...... 140 The queen escapes with Darnley, . . . .141 They reach Dunbar, ...... 142 CHAPTER IV. FROM THE MURDER OF RICCIO UNTIL THE BAPTISM OF THE PRINCE. The queen pardons Murray, ..... 144 Extraordinary conduct of Darnley, .... 145 Distress of the queen, . . . . . .146 She wishes to retire to France, ..... 147 She makes her will, . . . . . .148 Her bequests to Darnley, ..... 148 A spy in Edinburgh, . . . . . . 149 Pardon of Maitland, ...... 150 Violence of Darnley, . . . . . .151 Influence of Bothwell, . . . . . .152 He is wounded in Liddesdale, . . . . .154 The queen visits him, ...... 155 The ' Detection ' of Buchanan, . . . . .156 Dangerous illness of the queen, . . . . .157 Her recovery, ....... 158 The conference at Craigmillar, ..... 159 Bond for the murder of Darnley, .... 162 Baptism of the prince, . . . . . .163 Pardon of Morton, . . . . . .165 Buchanan at Stirling, ...... 167 His praises of the queen, . . . . . .167 His subsequent libels against her, .... 168 Question of the succession, . . . . .170 Consistorial jurisdiction restored, . . . .173 CHAPTER V. THE PLOT AGAINST DARNLEY — THE ALLEGED LETl'ERS OF THE QUEEN TO BOTHWELL. Morton returns to Scotland, . . . . .175 Meeting between him and Bothwell and Maitland, . . 175 Sickness of Darnley, . . . . . .178 The queen visits him, . . . . . .178 Interview between them, . . . . .179 Dei)osition of Thomas Crawford, . . , . .180 The queen and Darnley reconciled, .... 181 CONTENTS. Xlll Her alleged letters to Bothwell, ..... 183-^ Letter No. 1, . . . . . . .184 Letter No. 2, . . . . . . .186 How was the letter sent ? ..... 207 Opinion of Laing, ...... 208 Letter No. 3, , . . . . . .217 Letter No. 4, 221 Letter No. 5, 225 CHAPTER VI. THE MURDER OF DARNLEY. The queen and Darnley arrive in Edinburgh, Darnley is warned of a plot, Murray leaves Edinburgh, Confessions of the murderers, How far reliable, .... Contradictions in the confessions, The depositions of Paris, . The date of his capture, . His depositions examined. Opinion of Hume respecting them, Attestation of the depositions, Deposition of Thomas Nelson, Darnley's bed, .... Confession of Black Ormiston, And of the Earl of Morton, The testament of Bothwell, Letter of Archibald Douglas, General remarks on the evidence, Accusation of the primate. How was Darnley killed ? Opinions of Hume and Laing, Contemporary opinions, . CHAPTER VII. FROM THE DEATH OF DARNLEY UNTIL THE TRIAL OF BOTHWELL. The proceedings of the Council, ..... 268 Alleged apathy of the queen, ..... 269 Conflicting rumours, ...... 270 Spanish prejudices, ...... 272 Anonymous libels, ...... 273 Letters of Sir William Dmry, ..... 274 Scandals from Seton, ...... 275 The queen's wish to retire to France, .... 276 236 237 238 239 241 242 244 245 246 249 251 252 253 254 255 256 257 259 260 262 263 264 xiv CONTENTS. Alleged contracts of marriage, ..... 278 Arrival of Henry Killigrew in Scotland, . . . 279 Rumours in Paris, ...... 280 The Earl of Lennox and tlie queen, .... 282 Bothwell accused of the murder, ..... 284 Conduct of Lennox, ...... 285 Murray goes to France, ...... 287 Murray's will, ....... 288 A message from Elizabeth, ..... 289 Trial of Bothwell, ...... 291 His acquittal, ....... 292 Meeting of Parliament, ...... 293 Acts passed — their nature and objects, .... 295 Ainslie's supper, ....... 296 Complicity of Murray, ...... 297 Complicity of Morton, ...... 298 Letter of Kirkaldy, ...... 300 The queen goes to Stirling, . . . . .301 She is carried off by Bothwell, . . . . . 3(^ Where was she intercepted ?..... 303 Alleged letters of the queen to Bothwell — Letter No. 6, . 304 Letter No. 7, . . . . . . .306 Letter No. 8, . . . . . . .307 Remarks on the letters, ...... 309 CHAPTER VIII. THE MARRIAGE OF THE QUEEN OF SCOTS TO BOTHWELL. The queen at Dunbar, ...... 313 The Hamiltons, ....... 315 Divorce of Bothwell, . . . . . .316 John Craig, ....... 317 Remarks on Melvill's Memoirs, ..... 318 Fresh intrigues, ....... 320 Conduct of Elizabeth, ...... 321 The queen, marries Bothwell, ..... 322 Her demeanour, . . . . . . . 323 CHAPTER IX. FROM THE MARRIAGE OF THE QUEEN OF SCOTS TO BOTHWELL UNTIL HER IMPRISONMENT AT LOCHLEVEN. Policy of the Scottish nobles, ..... 326 The queen at Borthwick, ..... 327 A fresh rebellion, ...... 328 CONTENTS. XV Carberry Hill, ....... 329 Intervention of Du Croc, ..... 330 The queen a prisoner, . . . . , .331 Conduct of Morton and his friends, .... 332 The queen sent to Lochleven, ..... 334 Her alleged letter to Bothwell, ..... 335 CHAPTER X. FROM THE IMPRISONMENT OF THE QUEEN AT LOCHLEVEN UNTIL THE BATTLE OF LANGSIDE. Position of parties, ...... 337 The confederates and the French ambassador, . . . 339 Alleged discovery of the queen's letters, . . . 340 Buchanan's narrative, ...... 342 Conjectures of modern historians, .... 344 The General Assembly, ...... 347 Bothwell in the north, ...... 349 Attitude of Elizabeth, ...... 350 Throgmorton sent to Scotland, ..... 351 The Court of France, ...... 352 Instructions of Elizabeth to Throgmorton, . . . 353 His reception in Scotland, ..... 354 Justification of the insurgent lords, .... 355 Violence of Knox and the clergy, .... 356 Remonstrances of Elizabeth, ..... 357 Artifice of Cecil, ....... 358 Coronation of the infant prince, ..... 359 Alleged design of the Hamiltons, .... 360 Bothwell in the north, . . . . . . 362 He is pursued, ....... 363 He escapes, ....... 364 Murray returns to Scotland, ..... 365 The results of his trip to France, .... 367 Murray visits Lochleven, ..... 368 The queen's jewels, . . . . . ^ . 369 Murray proclaimed regent, ..... 370 A Parliament, . . . . . . .371 The queen accused in her absence, .... 372 The regent's Act of Council, ..... 374 Execution of Hay, Hepburn, and Dalgleish, . . . 376 The queen's jewels in London, ..... 378 (Jnpopularity of the regent, ..... 379 The queen escapes from Lochleven, .... 380 Battle of Langside, . . . . . .381 Mary arrives in England, ..... 382 Elizabeth and her ministers, ..... 383 Decision of the Council, ...... 384 xvi CONTENTS. CHAPTER XI. THE CONFERENCE AT YORK. Elizabeth x>roposes a conference, ..... 387 Letter of the regent to Elizabeth, .... ,S89 Mary at Carlisle, ....... 390 She accuses Morton and Maitland, .... 391 Mary sent to Bolton Castle, ..... 392 Her commissioners at York, . < . . . . 393 Opening of the proceedings, ..... 394 Complaint of the Queen of Scots, .... 395'' The answer of the regent, ..... 396 The queen's reply, ...... 397 Clandestine proceedings of the regent, .... 399 The letters j)roduced in private, ..... 400 Pretended warrant of the queen, ..... 402 She is informed of the proceedings, .... 403 Fresh instructions of Elizabeth, . . . . . 404 Opinion of her commissioners, ..... 405 Important letter of Sussex, . . . . . . 406 His advice to Cecil, ...... 407 Who closely follows it, . . . . . . 409 CHAPTER XII. THE CONFERENCE AT WESTMINSTER. A Council at Hampton Court, . . . . .411 Its decision, . . . . . . .412 Additional commissioners, . . . . .413 Murray arrives in London, ..... 414 Resolution of Mary, . . . . . .415 Hesitation of Elizabeth, . . . . . .416 Her answer, . . . . . . .417 Murray accuses the Queen of Scots, .... 418 Appearance of Lennox, . . . . . .419 Protest of Mary's commissioners, .... 420 Device of Cecil, . . . . . . . 421 Argument of Hume, ...... 423 CHAPTER XIII. THE CONFERENCE AT WESTMINSTER {cOnUnued) — THE BOOK OF ARTICLES AND THE PRODUCTION OF THE PROOFS. The Book of Articles, ...... 426 Identical in parts with the ' Detection, ' . . . . 428 CONTENTS. xvii The queen's ride to Liddcsdale, ..... 429 The conference at Craigmillar, . . . . . 4.'U New scandals, ....... 43,3 The Queen of Scots and Joanna of Naples, . . . 4.35 The finding of the letters, ..... 4.37 Fresh evasions of Murray, ..... 439 The silver casket produced, ..... 440 Its contents, ....... 442 Nelson and Crawford, ...... 444 CHAPTER XIV. PROCEEDINGS AT HAMPTON COURT, AND THEIR RESULTS. Examination of the letters, . . , . The result, ....... Mary charges her accusers with the murder, and demands the production of her alleged letters, .... New device of Cecil, . . . . _ . Attempt to induce Mary to resign her crown, Letter of Knollys on the subject, ... Advice of Lord Scrope, ...... Final decision of Mary, ...... Disappearance of Willie Douglas, .... Mary insists on the production of the evidence exhibited at Westminster, ...... Cecil evades the demand, ..... Final reply of Elizabeth, ..... The regent dismissed with a present, .... Mary again demands the production of the evidence. Interference of the French ambassador, .... The regent and the Duke of Norfolk, .... The regent returns to Scotland, ..... Arrest of Chatelherault and Herries, .... CHAPTER XV. STATE OF FEELING IN ENGLAND — REBELLION IN THE NORTHERN COUNTIES — DEATH OF THE REGENT MURRAY. Plot against Cecil, ...... 479 Intrigues in the Council, ...... 480 Proposal of marriage by Norfolk to the Queen of Scots, . 481 Her reply, . . . . . • .481 The project approved by the leading nobility of England, . 482 Mary communicates with her friends in Scotland, . . 483 Convention at Perth, . . . . . . 484 Conduct of her enemies, ...... 484 448 450 4.52 454 455 45G 458 460 461 462 464 465 467 469 470 472 474 476 xviii CONTENTS. Accusation of Maitland, ...... 485 He is arrested, ....... 485 He is rescued by Kirkaldy, ..... 486 Kirkaldy joins the queen's friends, .... 486 Elizabeth discovers the project of Norfolk and his friends, . 488 She sends the duke to the Tower, .... 488 The Earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland, . . 490 The regent betrays Norfolk, . . . . .491 Northumberland and Westmoreland in arms, . . . 492 They advance on Tutbiu-y, ..... 493 The Queen of Scots is carried off to Coventry, . . . 493 Failure of the rebellion, ...... 494 The chiefs escape to Scotland, ..... 495 Punishment of the rebels, ..... 496 A spy at Fernihirst, ...... 497 Instructions of Sadler, ...... 498 State of feeling on the Border, ..... 499 Remarkable letter of Knox, . . . . . 500 Project of Murray, . . . . . .501 Mission of Elphinstone, ...... 502 Death of the Regent Murray, . . . . . 503 Character of the regent, ...... 504 His sister's jewels, ...... 505 The assassin of the regent, ..... 506 A fresh rebellion, ...... 507 Defeated by Lord Hunsdon, ..... 508 CHAPTER XVI. Concluding remarks, ...... 510 APPENDIX. A. Letter of the Earl of Sussex to Sir William Cecil, . . 517 B. The Book of Articles, . . . . . . 522 C. Proceedings at Westminster, 7th December 1568, . . 549 D. Portion of Murray's journal, ..... 554 E. The alleged contracts of marriage, .... 555 F. The sonnets, ....... 562 G. The place of the queen's seizure, .... 567 H. The protestations of Huntly and Argyll, . . . 568 I. Pensions in Scotland, . . . . . . 574 K. Bond in favour of Both well, ..... 575 L. Opinion of civilians, . .... 578 MARY QUEEN OF SCOTS, AND HEE ACCUSERS. — ♦ — ■ CHAPTER I. STATE OF SCOTLAND IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY DEATH OP JAMES V. — PROGRESS AND ESTABLISHMENT OF THE REFORMA- TION. During the latter half of the fifteenth century the power of the feudal aristocracy in western Europe un- derwent a perceptible decline. In England this result was in a great measure due to the long and destructive contests between the houses of York and Lancaster. In France and Spain it was brought about partly by the growth of modern commerce, partly by the character and policy of their respective kings. A decided increase of the royal authority was a necessary consequence in all these countries of the diminished influence of the great vassals of the Crown ; and we perceive in the policy of Henry VII., of Louis XL, and of Ferdinand v., a vigour and a steadiness of purpose unsurpassed by that of the most celebrated of their predecessors. A 2 STATE OF SCOTLAND IN While these important changes were taking place among her neighbours, the condition of Scotland remained unaltered. Her nobles had never been weakened like those of England by the wars of a disputed succession, and her towns had as yet acquired no political importance. It was in vain that during this and the succeeding century the most strenuous efforts were made by the Scottish kings to break down the overgrown power of their great vassals. In all these struggles the latter proved victorious, and of the first five Jameses no fewer than three perished, the victims of aristocratic anarchy."' The division of nearly the whole of the Church lands among a body of men already too power- ful, was a necessary result of the Eeformation ; and from the death of James V. until the union of the two crowns, Scotland was oppressed by a nobility the most rapacious and corrupt that probably ever existed. Pre- vious to this time the people seem to have fared better at the hands of their feudal lords than in the neighbour- ing countries. In Scotland, one fruitful element of discord — diversity of race — was wanting. Although her Celtic and Teutonic inhabitants were essentially dis- tinct, and occupied different portions of the kingdom, their chiefs and nobles were, for the most part, men of native birth. The exception consisted of Anglo-Saxon and Anglo-Norman adventurers, comparatively few in number, who, having obtained their lands by royal grant or by marriage, soon acquired, in the midst of strangers, the language and the habits of their adopted * These were James I., James III., and James V. James II. and James IV. were killed in the English wars ; the one at Roxburgh, the other at Flodden. THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 3 country. To this community of blood and language between tbe vassal and his lord, we may probably attribute the remarkable fact, that although we have innumerable examples in Scottish history of insurrec- tions of the nobles against the Crown, we have none of an insurrection of the people against the nobles. In England, in France, and in Germany, the tyranny of the feudal lords led, throughout the middle ages, to frequent sanguinary outbreaks on the part of the un- happy peasantry ; and as the Scots were not more patient of oppression than their neighbours, the absence of any such commotions among them can only be ex- plained by the existence of a better state of feeling between the two great orders of society. Between the nobles and the people there existed an intermediate class peculiar in some respects to Scotland. These were the so-called lesser barons, lairds, or landed gentry, who held their estates directly from the Crown. The possessions of these men were often insignificant in extent, but, in virtue of their tenures, they enjoyed the privilege of a seat in Parliament, and were thus placed, for the time being, on a footing with the nobles and titled ecclesiastics. They all, in fact, together with the burgesses, or representatives of the royal burghs, sat and voted in the same House ; and although the in- fluence of the nobility was ever paramount, the theory, at least, of Parliamentary equality was fully recognised.'"" * Gilbert Stuart, Public Law of Scotland, 129. In criminal pro- ceedings the lesser barons or lairds were also on a footing of equality with the nobility. At the trial of the Earl of Bothwell for the murder of Darnley, in 1567, the jury of fifteen consisted of eight peers, two sons of peers, and five lairds — namely, Lochinvar, Langton, Cambusnethan, Barnbogle, and Boyne. — Keith, ii. 545 ; edition printed for the Spottis- woode Society in 1844. 4 STATE OF SCOTLAND IN Unlike the nobles, the Church and clergy of Scot- land were in general conspicuous for their loyalty. No aspiring prelate ever attempted like k Beckett to trample on the authority of the Crown : we may add that no pusillanimous prince ever consented like John to surrender their independence and his own to the See of Eome. The popes, indeed, while in the zenith of their power, sought to appropriate to themselves the ecclesiastical patronage of Scotland as well as that of other countries. But in the reign of William, sur- named the Lion, this attempt was successfully resisted. On the death of the Bishop of St Andrews in the year 1178, Pope Alexander III. claimed the right, in conjunction with the Chapter, of nominating his suc- cessor ; but William, unconvinced by the arguments, and undismayed by the threats of the Pontiff, not only refused to recognise his nominee, but banished him and all his kindred from Scotland."^' A similar spirit was displayed in the following century by Alexander 11. , who at first t refused to allow a Papal legate to enter Scotland, and who eventually consented to re- ceive him, only on condition that he signed a declara- * Annals of Scotland, by Sir D. Dalrymple, i. 143 ; Bower's History of the Popes, vi. 160. t The jealousy entertained of Rome by the early Scottish kings was remarkable. Alexander was at York on a visit to Henry III., when the Pope's representative applied for permission to visit Scotland ; but the northern monarch replied that no Papal legate had ever entered his king- dom, or ever should, if he could help it (Mat. Paris, anno 1237). Two years later the application was renewed, when Alexander again declared that the presence of the legate was not required in Scotland, for that Christianity already flourished there, and the Church was prosperous. Paris says that although the Papal representative proceeded no farther north than Edinburgh, he contrived to collect a considerable sum of money, with which he departed secretly when the king was in a distant part of his dominions (anno 1239). THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 5 tion that his visit should not be deemed a precedent. Still later we find that Sir William Wallace, when Guardian of the kingdom, deposed the Bishop of St Andrews, who was charged with favouring the designs of Edward L, and appointed in his stead a prelate whose fidelity and zeal were above suspicion.""' An- other instance of the supremacy of the executive authority occurred in the reign of James V., 'Who in the year 1533 committed the Primate of Scotland to prison on account of his refusal, it is supposed, to pay certain contributions which had been levied on the property of the Church, t These repeated assertions of the supremacy of the temporal power led to important results ; for the kings of Scotland continued down to the time of the Eeformation to exercise the sole right of nominating the bishops and other dignitaries of the Church ; and from vacant benefices, fines, and other casualties incident to ecclesiastical patronage in the feudal ages, a considerable portion of the royal revenue was derived. Few monarchs of Scotland enjoyed a greater share of popularity than James V. His high spirit, his love of adventure, his literary tastes, and, above all, his readiness on all occasions to redress the wrongs of the humblest of his subjects, acquired for him a title of which he was justly proud. But the " King of the Commons," as he was afiectionately called, was des- tined to find, as many of his ancestors had found before him, that the goodwill of the people was no * This extraordinary stretch of authority was made the subject of formal complaint by Edward to Pope Boniface VIII. See Documents and Records to illustrate the History of Scotland, by Sir F. Palgrave, 332. t Pinkerton, i. 321. 6 STATE OF SCOTLAND IN security against the ambition of the nobles. During his minority, the intolerable tyranny of the Douglases made so deep an impression on his mind that he would never, after arriving at manhood, suffer any member of that domineering house to live in Scotland. The dislike which in his boyhood he had 'imbibed against his stepfather, the Earl of Angus,"' and his kindred, extended by degrees to the whole order of nobility ; and James sought and found his ablest counsellors among the clergy. We learn from Sir Ealph Sadler,t who was better acquainted with Scotland than any English statesman of the day, that this order of men were alone capable, from their habits and education, of rendering efficient aid to the king in the conduct of public affairs. Interest as well as intellectual sympathy therefore induced James to prefer them to the unruly and unlettered barons, whose power his ancestors had in vain attempted to break down, and which eventually proved fatal to himself. Excluded from all state employment, the nobles were disposed more readily to listen to the doctrines of Luther and Calvin, which were now making considerable progress throughout the kingdom. It was not from spiritual zeal alone that they began to look with favour on the new faith. The plunder of the monasteries in England under Henry VIII. was a precedent which they might hope would one day be followed in the northern kingdom, where the posses- sions of the Church were, comparatively speaking, of immense extent and value. But James, though not * He married Margaret Tudor, widow of James IV., and eldest sister of Henry VIII. t Despatches, i. 47. THE SIXTEENTH CENTUEY. 7 opposed to the reformation of abuses/'' adhered steadily to the religion of his forefathers. Henry appears all along to have believed that by means of a personal interview he should succeed in persuading his nephew to renounce his spiritual errors ; but on three several occasions James declined, under different pretexts, to meet him at York. There can be no doubt that Car- dinal Beaton and the other clerical advisers of James did their utmost to prevent the meeting, and they were probably actuated on this occasion by political as well as by religious motives. All the worst features in the character of Henry became more and more con- spicuous towards the close of his reign. His temper, always overbearing, became ungovernable when he encountered the slightest opposition ; and we have undoubted proof that, before the last meeting proposed at York, he had formed the design t of kidnapping his nephew while he was engaged in a hunting expedition near the Border, and of carrying him off a prisoner into England. Henry's Council had the spirit and the * James, in his laudable desire to improve agriculture, had introduced various kinds of foreign stock into the kingdom, and was himself the owner of large flocks of sheep. Henry suggested through his ambassador that it would be more becoming in a prince to increase his revenue by taking into his hands the possessions of the richest abbeys in his king- dom than by meddling "with sheep and such mean things." James replied that there was not an abbey in Scotland that would not readily supply him with anything it possessed, " and so what needs us to spoil them?" Sadler then referred to the disreputable lives of the monks. " Oh," quoth the king, " God forbid that, if a few be not good, for them all the rest should be destroyed ! Though some be not," quoth he, " there be a great many good ; and the good may be suffered, and the evil must be reformed, as ye shall hear," quoth he, " that I shall help to see it redressed in Scotland, by God's grace, if I brook life." — Sadler, i. 30, 31. t For the plan of Henry and the remonstrance of his Council, see Bur- ton's History of Scotland, iii. 367. 8 DEATH OF JAMES V., [1542. prudence to express their decided disapproval of the treachery meditated by their master and, thwarted in his intentions of making either a convert or a prisoner of the King of Scots, Henry gave vent to his rage and disappointment by declaring war. In the autumn of 1542 the Duke of Norfolk t en- tered Scotland at the head of a powerful army ; but the left wing of the invading force was defeated near Jedburgh by the Earl of Huntly ; and partly from this cause, partly from the scarcity of provisions, Norfolk was soon compelled to retreat. James had summoned the Crown vassals to assemble in the neighbourhood of Edinburgh, and, unmindful of his father's fate, re- solved to follow his retreating enemies into England. But the consequences of his past policy now became strikingly apparent. He had mortally offended his nobles by his systematic neglect, and it was now their turn to make him feel the weight of their resentment. They flatly refused to cross the Border, asserting that they were not bound by their allegiance to leave their native country. It was in vain that the young king, elated with the victory of Huntly, used all his powers of persuasion, which were naturally great, to overcome the disaffection of his nobles ; and it was in vain that he afterwards, with a smaller army, attempted the in- vasion of Cumberland. At Solway Moss they not only refused to obey the leader he had appointed to com- mand them, but they laid down their arms, without striking a blow, to a few hundred English troops. This last disaster literally broke his gallant heart. He saw * See tlie memorial in Burton's History of Scotland, iii. 367. t He was the son of the conqueror of Flod'den. X At Haddenrig. 1542.] AND ITS RESULTS. 9 that his rebellious nobles had left him no choice be- tween a hopeless war and a humiliating peace ; and his untimely death furnishes a solitary example of a prince of vigorous intellect, and in the very prime of manhood, sinking under the weight of intolerable grief.'"' His only surviving legitimate child was eight days old when she became Queen of Scotland. Under circumstances exactly similar, Edward I. had proposed a marriage between his son, the first Prince of Wales, and an infant Queen of Scotland, and the terms offered by that politic monarch were to all ap- pearance so reasonable and just that they were readily accepted by the Scots ;t but the premature death of their queen had the effect of postponing for three cen- turies the union of the two crowns. Henry now re- vived the project of his great predecessor, and a mar- riage between Prince Edward, who was now five or six years old, and the heiress of Scotland, was so obvi- ous a mode of establishing permanent peace between the two countries, that the proposal was at first re- ceived with favour by the most intelligent politicians in both. But the arbitrary and capricious conduct of the English king eventually proved fatal to the scheme. Among the prisoners taken at Solway Moss were the Earls of Glencairn and Cassilis, and the Lords Max- well, Somerville, Oliphant, and Gray. There were also in London at this time the Earl of Angus and his brother Sir George Douglas, who had been banished from Scotland by J ames, and whom Henry, capricious in friendship as in hatred, had treated during their long * " He could die," says Drummond, " but could not digest a disaster. — Robertson, History, i. 285. t Rapin, book ix. 10 PROJECTS OF HENRY. [1543. exile with princely liberality. The King of England now determined to employ the prisoners of Solway Moss and the Douglases, who had so long been pen- sioners on his bounty, in promoting the marriage of his son ; and they, one and all, consented to use their in- fluence in Scotland for that purpose. But Henry had another and a still more ambitious object in view at this time. The projected marriage must necessarily be delayed for many years ; but Henry desired to annex Scotland to his dominions in his lifetime, and the Scottish prisoners, on condition of being set at liberty, bound themselves by a secret treaty to aid the king in his design. Whether they were sincere in their profes- sions may be a question, but, in any case, they found on their return to Scotland that Henry^s scheme of annexation was utterly impracticable. The project of the marriage had revived afresh among the people all the ancient jealousy of England; and had " the assured lords,'^ as Henry and his Council were wont to call them, ventured to take up arms on behalf of the Eng- lish king, they could not have counted upon a single follower even among their own retainers. Sir George Douglas, who on various occasions during the previous fifteen years had borne arms against his countrymen in the service of Henry, explained to the English ambas- sador in the most graphic language the impossibility at this time of carrying into execution his master s scheme. " There is not so little a boy," said Douglas, " but he will hurl stones against it ; and the wives will handle their distaffs, and the commons universally will rather die." He added, that these sentiments were shared by many noblemen, and by the whole body of the clergy. * Sadler, i., embassy to Scotland in 1543. 1543.] HOW DEFEATED. 11 It was necessary, therefore, to keep Henry's design a secret from the people. But ^ ' the assured lords became objects of general suspicion; and before the negotiations for the marriage were finally concluded, an incident occurred which had probably more effect than anything else in determining the Scots eventually to break off the match. Certain Scottish merchant-ships, relying on the truce between the two countries, had taken refuge from the weather in English harbours, and were seized by com- mand of the king, who alleged that they were carrying provisions to his enemies the French. The resentment of the Scots, and particularly of the inhabitants of Edin- burgh, at this proceeding, was extreme. They foresaw, as a consequence of the projected alliance with Eng- land, the entire loss of their trade with France ; and such was the excitement in Edinburgh, that Sir Ealph Sadler deemed it prudent, with a view to his personal safety, to retire to the impregnable fortress of Tan- tallan, a stronghold of the Douglases, near Dunbar. Henry, although indignant that his ambassador should not have deemed himself secure in the capital of Scot- land, appears to have felt that he had committed a mistake ; for he made some proposition, the terms of which are not known, to the owners of the captured ships. It was one, however, which they instantly re- jected, as inconsistent alike with their honour and with the interests of their country. Sir Ealph Sadler, in a letter to the Privy Council, states that they were greatly offended at the condition proposed to them, " and say,'' he adds, " they will not only lose their ships and goods without making any further suit of the same, but also they will lose their lives rather than 12 CARDINAL BEATON. [1545. grant that condition, and become traitors to their own country.^' Mr Tytler justly contrasts the spirit and patriotism of these honest traders with the servility and treachery of their noble countrymen ; and the pains taken by Henry to conciliate the former, indicate that the middle class in Scotland had already acquired some importance. The growing dislike of the people to the English marriage w^as witnessed with the utmost satisfaction by the whole body of the clergy, who did their utmost to deepen and extend it ; and Henry, irritated beyond measure at the obstinate jealousy of the Scots and the entire failure of his schemes, once more prepared for war. On the death of James V., the Earl of Arran, chief of the family of Hamilton, and next heir to the crown after the infant queen, was duly chosen governor of the kingdom. But this nobleman, who possessed no talents for government,t was only nominally at the head of affairs. The person who exercised the greatest influence in Scotland for several years after the death of James was Cardinal Beaton, a prelate of great capa- city and courage, devoted to the French alliance and to the old religion. Mary of Lorraine, the queen- dowager, naturally inclined to the party of which the cardinal was the head, and their joint influence com- bined with an English war to retard the progress of the Eeformation in Scotland. Henry regarded with intense hostility the man who from the first had * History of Scotland, iv. 307. t " A very gentle crature, and a simple man, easily to be ruled." — Sadler, 75. See also State Papers, Henry VIII., iv. 289, in wliicli the queen-dowager, a most intelligent observer, gives him the same character : " He is assuredly," she says, " a simple and the most inconstant man in the world ; for whatsoever he determineth to-day he changeth to-morrow." 1546.] CARDINAL BEATON. 13 detected, and who finally defeated, his policy in that country, and to rid himself of his enemy he did not scruple to employ the weapons of the assassin. Car- dinal Beaton was barbarously murdered at the Castle of St Andrews in 1546; and it cannot now be doubted that the crime was approved, and that its perpetrators were rewarded, by the King of England.'" Beaton has been very generally represented as a cruel persecutor of the Eeformers ; and the putting to death of a fellow-creature because his religious opin- ions differ from our own, is a thing so revolting to modern notions, that we regard with unmixed abhor- rence all such acts of tyranny. But these were not the sentiments of the sixteenth century. It is certain that many Catholics, as well as many Protestants, then regarded the destruction of their enemies as a sacred duty; and it is but fair, before we condemn the in- humanity of Beaton, to compare his conduct with that of contemporary rulers. Beaton is not accused by any one of putting to death more than seven persons, including the celebrated George Wishart ; and it is to be observed, that not one of these victims of in- tolerance perished by torture. Even Wishart, who, we have every reason to believe, was plotting t the death of the cardinal at the time of his capture, was not com- mitted alive to the flames.^ Compared with the in- numerable victims of religious tyranny who perished under horrible tortures in England under Henry VIII., in France under Henry IL, and in Spain under Philip * Tytler's History of Scotland, iv. 454, notes and illustrations. t See Burton, iii. 466, and the authorities there quoted. X This is stated even by Buchanan, one of Beaton's worst enemies. — History, lib. xv. Among Beaton's victims there was one woman, who was put to death at Perth by drowning. — Keith, i. 98. 14 RENEWAL OF THE WAR [1546. 11. — and compared with the wholesale butcheries of the Duke of Alva in the Netherlands — the persecutions of Cardinal Beaton sink into insignificance ; and consi- dering the age in which he lived, and the power that he enjoyed, he probably deserves rather to be commended for his moderation than denounced for his barbarity. The death of the cardinal proved fatal to Catholi- cism in Scotland ; and notwithstanding the hostili- ties with England, the Eeformation made steady pro- gress. These hostilities were chiefly remarkable for -the unprecedented display of national animosity which they exhibited, and it is impossible to read without a shudder the savage orders issued by Henry to his generals in the north.'"' So barbarous were these, that we find on one occasion the English borderers, inured as they were to war in its rudest form for centuries, refusing to obey them.t We find, on another occasion, that the tombs of the Douglases, who had now turned * The Earl of Hertford, who held the chief command, is instructed to " burn Edinburgh," so that it " may remain for ever a perpetual memory of the vengeance of God." The general is then to " sack Leith, putting man, woman, and child to fire and sword without exception." Hertford is then to cross over to Fife " to spoil and turn upside down the cardinal's town of Saint Andrews, sparing no creature alive within the same, specially such as either in friendship or blood be allied unto the cardinal." It is right to state that these orders were issued before the cardinal's murder. — Hamilton Papers, quoted by Robertson, i. 322. In March 1548, we find Hertford, then Duke of Somerset, directing his lieutenant. Lord Grey, to burn " as much houses and com " as he could. The latter afterwards reports that he has burnt Musselburgh and Dunbar, which latter town " burned handsomely." — Record Office. The correspondence of the time abounds with such details. The abbeys and religious houses were not spared, and one of Hertford's officers boasts of burning a nunnery. — Duddley to Hertford, January 1548 ; Record Office. t They refused to burn the standing corn in Scotland. — Record Office ; Hertford to Henry VIII., 18th September 1545. Hertford says that in consequence Irish troops were employed for the purpose. 1547.] WITH ENGLAND. 15 against Henry, were wantonly destroyed at Melrose by an invading force under Sir Ealph Evers and Sir Brian Layton. But the outrage was speedily avenged by the chief of that warlike house at Ancrum Moor, where the English army was totally defeated, with the loss of both of its commanders.'"' It was, in short, a war of fierce retaliation on the part of Henry and his successors, and of stubborn resistance on the part of the Scots — a war generally disadvantageous to the latter, who sustained at Pinkie, in 1547, a defeat hardly less disastrous than that of Flodden, but not permanently affecting the interests or the policy of either country. The ancient alliance between Scotland and France naturally became closer during these hostilities, and a treaty of marriage between the young queen and the Dauphin was concluded in 1548. Some of the most experienced statesmen of France disapproved of a match which they believed would endanger the old alliance between the two kingdoms ; but the ambi- tion of the house of Guise, the zeal of the Scottish clergy, and the prejudices of the people, rendered all opposition unavailing, and at the age of six Mary sailed for the country which was intended to be her future home.t About the same time a considerable body of French troops was despatched to Scotland, with the aid of which the war with England was pro- * They were both buried not inappropriately at Melrose, where the tomb of Sir Ralph Evers may still be seen. t It is a proof of the extreme good-nature of the queen-dowager that she allowed her husband's eldest illegitimate son, the Lord James, to accompany her daughter to France. He was ten or twelve years older than his half-sister, and he was thus introduced at the French Court under the most favourable circumstances. 16 MARY OF LORRAINE [1554. tracted for two years longer. A general peace was concluded between the three countries at Boulogne on the 24th March 1550. In the following year Mary of Lorraine visited France, and on her return to Scotland she had an interview with Edward VI. in London. The young king revived the project of his marriage with her daughter, to which it is said that the queen-dowager, probably foreseeing more clearly than her ambitious brothers that the days of Catholicism in Britain were numbered, was at this time by no means averse.'" It is said that she even undertook to use her influence with the King of France to induce him to annul the contract between the Dauphin and her daughter. But all these projects were extinguished by the premature death of Edward VI. in 1553. The Earl of Arran, who on the departure of the young queen for France had been created Duke of Chatelherault by Henry II., still remained Kegent of Scotland ; but it was a post for which his mild and irresolute nature rendered him eminently unfit ; and, with the consent of the Parliament, he resigned it in favour of the queen-dowager on the 10th of April 1554. It was a very remarkable circumstance that a Catholic and a stranger should, without the slightest opposition, have been thus acknowledged as regent by a people among whom the doctrines of Calvin had now fairly taken root, and who had never before obeyed a foreigner or a female. But the queen- dowager was a princess of singular merit. Her amiable disposition, and her excellent understanding, inspired both affection and esteem among all classes * Keith, i. 138. 1555.] APPOINTED REGENT. l7 of the people. She had, as well from prudence as humanity, protected the reformers from persecution, and it was chiefly through their influence that she was raised to the regency. In the crisis through which Europe was passing, it was impossible to hold the balance evenly between the contending factions. But such was the general belief in her integrity, that in an age of unexampled intolerance, her enemies re- proached not her but her ambitious brothers with the errors of her administration.'"' Besides appointing several of her countrymen to important offices t in Scotland, she was induced by her French advisers to propose the establishment of a standing army, on the model of that of France. The nobility by their silence J seemed to acquiesce in this unconstitutional innova- tion ; but it encountered the most strenuous opposi- tion on the part of the lairds or landed gentry, three hundred of whom, headed by one of their number, James Chalmers, § presented to the regent a spirited remonstrance, in which they declared that they had in times past successfully defended their country against foreign invaders without the aid of mercenary soldiers, and that they were equally well prepared to do so for the future. They further represented that nothing * " Erat enim singiilari ingenio praedita, et animo ad equitatem ad- modiim propenso." — Buchanan, Hist., lib. xvi. t Dii R,ubay, an advocate of Paris, was appointed vice-chancellor of the kingdom ; another Frenchman, Vilmont, was appointed comptroller of the royal revenues ; and another was made governor of the Orkneys. — Keith, i. 160. The Scots had for centuries before enjoyed every spe- cies of patronage, as well civil as military, in France ; but it seems they had no notion of reciprocity in these matters. X Fletcher of Saltoun says that " by their silence " on this occasion " they betrayed the public liberty." — Political Works, 22. § Of Gadgirth, in the county of Ayr. B 18 RAPID PROGRESS [1556. could be more disastrous for the kingdom than that those who were bound by honour and by interest to shed their blood in its defence should delegate that duty to men who fought for hire, and who therefore could never be relied upon in time of need.'''' The regent had the good sense at once to abandon a project which she perceived had raised a dangerous amount of discontent ; and from the readiness with which it was withdrawn, we may infer that it was only proposed in deference to the wishes of her French advisers. It is by no means improbable that this incident materially affected the subsequent course of British history. If the princes of Lorraine had succeeded in establishing a standing army in Scotland, we can hardly doubt that, under the circumstances, the exam- ple would have been followed in England ; and in that event, the great struggle between the Commons and the Crown in the following century might have had a different termination from that which actually occurred. With regard to religion,t the regent endeavoured, not without success, to moderate the animosities of the rival parties; but a circumstance which at first sight promised to strengthen the Catholics, had directly the contrary effect. The accession of Mary to the English throne, and the persecutions which followed, induced many Protestants to take refuge in Scotland, * Keith, i. 162. t According to the Protestant leaders, she showed no favour to the monasteries. In a letter to Knox, dated 10th March 1556, they say, " We see daily the priors, enemies to Christ's gospel, in less estimation, both with tlie queen's grace and the rest of the nobility of our realm." —Keith, i. 152. 1558.] OF THE REFORMATION. 19 where, under the milder rule of the regent, they were not only allowed to live in peace, but found the means of making converts to the new faith. Among these refugees, John Willock, a celebrated preacher, soon acquired a remarkable degree of influence over the reformers of every class.''''' On the 24th of April 1558, Mary Stewart was married to the Dauphin, in pursuance of the treaty which had been concluded ten years before ; and on the l7th of November following, Elizabeth, on the death of her sister Mary, succeeded to the English throne. This event opened new prospects of aggran- disement to the house of Lorraine. The most pro- minent members of that family were Francis, Duke of Guise, and his brother the cardinal — the one the most distinguished soldier, and the other the most ambitious statesman, of France. His triumphant defence of Metz against the Emperor Charles V., and, still more, his recent capture of Calais t from the English, in whose hands it had remained for upwards of two hundred years, rendered the duke at this time the idol of his countrymen ; while his brother, though personally less popular, exercised immense influence at the Court of Henry H. It was at the instigation of these ambitious princes that Mary and her hus- * Willock had originally been a Franciscan friar of Ayr. After em- bracing the Reformed faith he went to England, whence, on the accession, of Mary, he returned to his native country. t Cecil was probably the only Englishman who doubted at this time whether the loss of Calais was a subject for regret. In one of the numerous memoranda in his own handwriting which he has left behind him, we find the following query : " Whether, if Calais were had, it was better for the realm, or more chargeable than worth ? " — Public Record Office ; 18th July 1559. The secretary would not have ventured to ex- press his doubts in public. 20 THE PRINCES OF LORRAINE. [1559. band assumed, on tlie accession of Elizabeth, the arms of England in addition to those of Scotland and France. Elizabeth and her ministers well under- stood the imputation and the menace intended by this bold step. It meant, that in the eyes of the princes of Lorraine, and of all good Catholics, the Queen of England was a bastard, and that the Queen of Scots was the true heiress of Mary Tudor. To this circumstance we may trace the commencement of that rivalry between the two queens which led to conse- quences so serious to both. While the princes of Lorraine were indulging in these vain dreams, their sister became aware that a crisis was fast approaching in Scotland. From the toleration with which she had all along treated the Protestants, we may conclude that it was her object to effect eventually a compromise between the two religions ; but the arbitrary counsels of her French advisers on the one hand, and the fanatical spirit of the Eeformers on the other, rendered all such efforts unavailing. The regent experienced, in short, the fate of all who attempt, in time of revolution, to con- ciliate contending factions. She lost, for a time at least, the confidence of both. It had long been the custom in Scotland, when men were about to embark in any dangerous enterprise, to sign a " band," or bond, by which they obliged themselves to stand by each other at the hazard of their lives;''' and at the insti- * Matthew Paris says that it was a custom of the men of Galloway (and that district included in his day nearly the whole of the south-west of Scotland from the Sol way to the Clyde), derived from the remotest times, before engaging in any dangerous enterprise, to pledge themselves, in blood drawn from their own veins, to stand by each other to the death. This ceremony was performed, in the words of the historian. 1559.] THE CONGREGATION. 21 gation of John Knox, wlio was then at Geneva, the Protestant leaders formed themselves into a leao^ue for the maintenance and the extension of their faith, under the name of the " Congregation of the Lord;'' while on their opponents they bestowed the no less significant appellation of the " Congregation of Satan." There can be no doubt that, from the time of the formation of this league, it was the intention of Knox and his friends to attempt to establish their religion by force.'"* Protestantism had been established by the royal authority in England, and it was subsequently sup- pressed by the royal authority in France ; but the religious revolution which took place in Scotland in 1560 was wholly the work of the people, and it was marked by all the excesses which invariably accom- pany popular commotions. The Covenant subscribed by the leading Eeformers was very naturally regarded as a declaration of war by their opponents ; and the latter replied to the challenge by reviving the persecution of the Pro- testants, which since the death of Beaton had been entirely abandoned. The attempt, as it proved, was to the last degree impolitic, and tended only to widen the breach between the opposing parties. The " In signiim quod essent ex tunc in antea, indissolubili et quasi con- sanguineo foedere colligati ; et in prosperis et in adversis, usque ad capituni expositionem indivisi." — M. Paris, fol. edit., 430. Is it to this barbarous practice that we are to trace the origin of those political and religious leagues of which Scottish history contains such numerous examples ? * The parties to this bond declared that they would "continually apply our whole power, substance, and our very lives " in maintaining their doctrines. And again, that they would wage their lives against Satan, and all who troubled the foresaid Congregation. — Keith, i. 154. 22 RETURN OF KNOX [1559. victim selected for punishment was a priest named Walter Mill, who had for many years openly pro- fessed the new doctrines. He was condemned to the flames by the primate Hamilton/" and the great age and unshaken fortitude of the sufierer filled the spectators with sympathy and admiration. Walter Mill was the last victim of Catholic persecution in Scotland. Instead of intimidating the Protestant leaders, this act of tyranny only induced them to assume a bolder tone. The regent in vain attempted to interpose "her authority between them and the archbishop, and the Lords of the Congregation soon afterwards defied both the temporal and the spiritual power by openly celebrating the Protestant form of worship at Perth. The preachers who had thus violated the law were sum- moned to appear before the regent and her Council at Stirling, but as they failed to obey the summons, they were denounced as rebels in due form. From this time the queen-regent is charged by Knox, and the Pro- testant historians who have followed him, with various acts of dissimulation and falsehood ; but it was neces- sary for the Protestant leaders to justify their rebellion, and we require better evidence of the truth of these charges than the unsupported testimony of her most unscrupulous enemy.t While matters were in this critical state, Knox returned to Scotland. The zeal, the energy, and the * Keith, i. 157. t It is to be observed, that in none of their numerous public docu- ments do they accuse the regent of breach of faith. Even their famous Act of Deprivation, which enumerates their charges against her, is silent on this point. — See Keith, i. 234. See also on this subject the notes in Hume, chap. 38 ; and Liiigard, vi. 15. 1559.] TO SCOTLAND. 23 dauntless spirit of that remarkable man, were well known to the Eeformers of every class ; and from the time of his arrival in his native country he seems, by common consent, to have assumed the direction of the religious revolution which was impending. He reached Edinburgh in the beginning of May 1559. On the 11th of the same month, in defiance of the prohibition of the regent and the Council, he preached at Perth, and he denounced on that occasion, with such excessive violence, idolatry and image- worship, that the populace, in a frenzy of religious rage, de- faced the churches, and totally destroyed the monas- teries of that ancient city. Knox shortly afterwards proceeded through the adjoining counties of Fife, Stir- ling, and the Lothians, at that time the most pros- perous and populous in Scotland ; and wherever he appeared, the same scenes of savage violence announced his presence and proclaimed his power. In the course of a few weeks innumerable religious edifices, includ- ing the metropolitan Cathedral of St Andrews and the Abbey of Scone, where from time immemorial the kings of Scotland had been crowned, were either irre- parably damaged or levelled with the ground. The great Eeformer might boast with Attila, that desola- tion followed on his track whichever way he turned. In the midst of these disgraceful scenes, the Con- gregation was alarmed by the intelligence that Mary * Of tlie destruction of this edifice, the finest in Scotland, Knox speaks in a tone of levity in which he rarely indulged. In a letter to Anna Lock, dated 23d June, after informing her that the "reformation" of Saint Andrews began on the 14th, he says : " The bishop" {i. e., the pri- mate Hamilton) " assured the lords, that if they suffered me to preach, twelve harquebutts should light upon my nose at once. Oh burning charity of a bloody bishop ! " — Public Record Office. 24 DEATH OF HENRY II. [1559. Stewart had unexpectedly become Queen of France. In the end of June her father-in-law, Henry II., was accidentally killed at a tournament at Paris, and her husband, the amiable but feeble Francis, succeeded to the crown. By this event the princes of Lorraine acquired for a time the sole direction of affairs in France. During the lifetime of Henry, the great ser- vices and the high character of the Constable Mont- morency induced that monarch on many occasions to prefer his moderate counsels to those of his ambitious rivals. But the unbounded influence which the young queen possessed over her husband Francis, and the deference which she naturally paid to her uncles the cardinal and the Duke of Guise, enabled them easily to triumph over every competitor for power. Even the influence of the queen - mother, Catherine de Medici, was all but annihilated during this short reign; and she justly blamed and heartily hated her daughter-in-law on that account. The alliance which had been so eagerly courted by the Scots, in their anxiety to thivart the policy of Henry VIII., had now resulted in the union of the crowns of Scotland and France. But the anticipations of those who had planned and carried out this project were signally disappointed. Instead of cementing the ancient friendship between the two countries, the mar- riage of the Queen of Scots to a French prince was followed by discontent of the most serious kind. So long as the alliance between the French and Scots was of a purely military character, and directed against their common enemies, the Plantagenet kings of Eng- land, it was maintained with a fidelity upon both sides of which there are few examples in history. But the 1559.] DISCONTENT IN SCOTLAND. 25 attempt in the time of Mary to render the connection still closer not only weakened but destroyed it. Nor is it difficult to account for this result. The Scots, ever intensely jealous of foreign interference, regarded with deep dissatisfaction the continued presence of French soldiers in their capital, the advancement of Frenchmen to important offices in the state, and the airs of superiority which the latter were too apt to assume. Among a rude and warlike people, these feelings soon found expression, and it required all the address of the regent to prevent an open rupture. In spite, indeed, of all her efforts, the discontent of the Scots increased to such a degree, that even the leading Catholics became anxious for the withdrawal of the French troops. The Earl of Huntly, by far the most powerful of the Catholic nobles, and a professed ad- herent of the regent, preferred'"' at length the interests of his country to those of his religion. The death of Henry II. was regarded as a serious misfortune by the Scottish Eeformers. They were induced to believe that at the time t he was inclined to a change of policy in Scotland ; but they had nothing to hope, and everything to fear, from the princes of the house of Guise, who, they were well aware, would henceforth wield the entire power of France. But the prospect of fresh dangers only roused the fearless spirit of Knox to fresh exertions. It had become evident that a collision between the rival fac- tions was now inevitable, and he did not hesitate to * " He found many delays," says Kandolph, but at length subscribed the bond of the Congregation. — Letter to Norfolk of 28th April 1560 ; Kecord Office. t Keith, i. 222. 26 CIVIL WAR IN SCOTLAND. [1559. prepare his hearers for the coming conflict by exhort- ing them "to die like men or live victorious." The regent, ever averse to extreme measures, made vari- ous attempts to come to terms with the Protestant chiefs. She ofiered them at last a complete amnesty for their rebellion, provided they would put a stop to the wanton destruction of religious houses, and pro- vided they would prevent their preachers from publicly addressing the people. In the excited state into which the country had been thrown, it is hardly necessary to say that the first condition would have been worthless and impracticable without the last ; but both were peremptorily rejected. " The lords and the whole brethren," says Knox, refused such appointment, declaring that the fear of no mortal creature should cause them to betray the verity known and professed ; neither yet to suffer idolatry to be maintained." Finding it impossible to come to any terms with the insurgents, the regent retired to the fortress of Dunbar, at that time probably the strongest in Scot- land. A detachment of a thousand men soon after- wards arrived from France, and she received intelli- gence that one of her younger brothers, the Marquis d'Elbeuf, would speedily follow with a much larger force. The insurgent lords now occupied the capital, but Leith, the port of Edinburgh, was still in the hands of the royalists, and the regent employed her best French officers in strenoi^henino: its walls. The Protestant chiefs thought fit to protest against this very obvious * Knox to Anna Lock, 23cl June 1559 ; Record Office. It is to be observed tliat he expresses no doubt in this letter as to the good faith of the regent. 1559.] CIVIL WAR m SCOTLAND. 27 and necessary step. Her reply was simple, and sin- gularly expressive of the dangers by which she was surrounded. " Like as a small bird still pursued," she said, " will provide some nest, so her majesty could do no less but provide some sure retreat for herself and her company.'' ^'"^ The lords now resolved upon a very extraordinary step. On the 21st of October they met under the presidency of Lord Euthven, who pro- posed to them the following question : " Whether she, that so contemptuously refused the most humble re- quest of the born counsellors of the realm, being but a regent, whose pretences threatened the bondage of the whole commonwealth, ought to be suffered so tyran- nically to domineer over them." Much difference of opinion having been expressed, it was resolved that the preachers should be heard upon the subject, and John Willock and John Knox unhesitatingly declared that, under the circumstances, the regent might be lawfully deprived of her authority. This opinion, ex- pressed in the most emphatic language, appears speedily to have overcome the scruples of the Congregation, for the members present forthwith agreed, without a dissentient voice, that the regent should be deposed. An instrument, which they termed an Act of Depriva- tion, was drawn up, and proclaimed at the market- cross of Edinburgh on the same day. They thereafter despatched a letter to the regent, in which they in- formed her that they had, in the names of their sove- reigns, suspended her commission ; " and," they added, " as your grace will not acknowledge us, our sovereign lord and lady's true barons and lieges, for your sub- jects, no more will we acknowledge you as our regent * Keith, i. 229, note. 28 THE EARL OF ARRAN. [1559. or lawful magistrate unto us, seeing if any authority you have, by reason of our sovereign s commission, granted unto your grace, the same for most weighty reasons is worthily suspended by us, in the name and authority of our sovereigns, whose counsel we are of native birth in the affairs of this our common weal." The deposition of the regent was only intended as a prelude to a more important step. The Earl of Arran, eldest son and heir of the Duke of Chatelherault, had embraced the Eeformed faith while he was serving in the Scottish Guard in France ; and he had made his escape with difficulty from that country, where it is said that, in consequence of his change of religion, his life was in danger, t On his arrival in England, he was supplied with money for his immediate wants by Cecil ; and he was honoured with a private interview by Elizabeth at Hampton Court. What passed on that occasion is unknown, but the Lords of the Con- gregation, with the fervour peculiar to their country, had previously arrived at the conclusion that the surest way to establish Protestantism in Britain was to marry the Earl of Arran to the Queen of England. Their native sovereign might then be deposed as they had deposed her mother from the regency, and the Duke of Chatelherault would easily be induced to resign his title to the crown of Scotland in favour of his son. It was a bold, and, to all appearances, not an impracticable scheme ; but there were serious ob- stacles in the way, as the Congregation afterwards discovered. The marriage appears to have been first suggested to * Keith, i. 234. t Keith, i. 228. 1559.] SIEGE OF LEITH. 29 Throgmorton, the English ambassador in Paris, by Alexander Whitelaw, an emissary of the Congre- gation. Throgmorton gave him a letter to Cecil. "Sandy," he says, "proposed a marriage between the queen and the Earl of Arran, the chief upholder of God's religion." Throgmorton adds, referring farther to Whitelaw : " This bearer is very religious, and therefore you must let him see as little sin in England as you may. He seemeth to be very willing to work what he can that Scotland may forsake utterly the French amity, and be united to England.'' " Sir," con- tinues the ambassador, "in these services and occa- sions, to preserve you from further inconveniences, the queen's purse must he open, for fair words will not serve." It is probable that Cecil attended to the re- commendation of Throgmorton upon both points, as we know that the secretary cordially approved of the projected marriage between Arran and his mistress. t As the queen-dowager returned no reply to the in- solent communication of the insurgent lords, they pro- ceeded to attack Leith, which by this time had been carefully fortified by its French garrison. But they soon discovered that the capture of this place was an enterprise beyond their strength. All their attacks were steadily repulsed, and instead of taking Leith, they were themselves in the course of a few weeks driven from Edinburgh, which was again occupied by the troops of the regent. Previous to this event an incident occurred highly characteristic of the manners of the age. Elizabeth had privately instructed her resident at Berwick, Sir Ealph Sadler, to transmit a * Letter of 28th Juno ; Public Record Office, t Haynes, 359, 362. 30 THE EAEL OF BOTHWELL. [1559. sum of money to the Congregation, of which she knew that they stood much in need. It was intrusted to Cockburn of Ormiston, who passed Dunbar, with its French garrison, in safety; but as he was approaching Haddington, on the night of the 2d of November, he Avas suddenly attacked and wounded by the Earl of Bothwell, who carried off the treasure to his castle of Crichton, in the neighbourhood. Bothwell was at this time a young man of five or six and twenty, but, though a Protestant, a stanch adherent of the Eegent. Early next day his castle was attacked by a force of seven hundred men, both horse and foot, despatched by the Congregation to avenge their loss. Such was the speed of their movements, that Bothwell had 1 barely time to throw himself upon a horse without a saddle,"^'' and effected his escape. The troops of the Congregation, balked of their prey, pillaged his castle, but failed to recover the treasure which he had inter- cepted. To the demand of the lords that he should restore the money, Bothwell replied by sending a " car- tel of defiance ''t to the Earl of Arran, now their osten- sible chief, but who prudently declined the invitation. Such is the first appearance in history of James Hep- burn, Earl of Bothwell, a man who was ever after- wards regarded as an enemy both by Elizabeth and the Protestant leaders, and whose name and fortunes * " He was departed suddenly upon a horse, without saddle, boots, or spurs." — Henry Balnaves to Sadler, 4tli November ; Public Kecord Office. t Eandolpb to Sadler, 4tli November ; ibid. D'Oysell, the French commander in Scotland, says it was only £1000 that Bothwell inter- cepted — Teulet, i. 380 ; and Sadler himself says the same — see his letter to Randolph of 4th November ; Record Office. Mr Tytler must therefore be mistaken in setting it down at four times this sum — see Hist., V. 105. 1559.] MAITLAND OF LETHINGTON. 31 were afterwards so fatally connected with those of Mary Stewart. On their discomfiture at Leith, the insurgents retired to Stirling, where, after much anxious deliberation, they resolved to seek the active aid of the Queen of England. William Maitland of Lethington,"' a man of aston- ishing talents and address, who served and betrayed all parties in their turn, and who, notwithstanding, continued to be courted by all until the day of his death, was the person selected to proceed to London on this important mission. He had acted as secretary to the regent down to the time when she retreated to Dunbar ; but, with characteristic inconstancy, he then went over to her enemies, who evinced the sense of the acquisition they had made by employing him in a service so congenial to his tastes. On his arrival in London he found that the ablest of the English ministers, Sir William Cecil, was fully in- formed as to the critical position of the Protestants in Scotland, and was prepared to advise his mistress at all hazards to assist them. But in this, as in other important transactions during her reign, Elizabeth exhibited a singular amount of indecision. She was well aware that Mary, as Queen both of France and Scotland, was now a very formidable rival ; and she was also aware of the determination of the princes of Lorraine to crush, if possible, the Keformation in Scot- land — an event which she had every reason to dread. But, on the other hand, she could not but regard the Congregation as rebels ; and to support them openly against their lawful sovereign was a dangerous prece- * He was the eldest son of Sir Richard Maitland of Lethington. 32 HESITATION OF ELIZABETH. [1559. dent, wliich might some day be turned against herself. Her doubts and fears were shared by the Lord Keeper, Sir Nicholas Bacon, who was of opinion that she should continue to assist the Scots in secret, but that open intervention should be avoided, as it would bring about a rupture with France, and England was not then in a condition to engage in a great war."'* Cecil knew well that it would be dangerous to aid, as it would be dangerous to abandon, the Congregation ; but of the two perils he considered that the first would be the least. It required all his address, at this moment- ous crisis of British history, to overcome the scruples of his mistress, shared as they were by some of the most eminent of her Council. Elizabeth at length con- sented, though with the utmost reluctance, that a fleet should be sent to Scotland. But it was very doubtful whether the promised aid would arrive in time. Cecil had discovered that preparations were being made in France, on the most extensive scale, for the support of the regent. It was known that her health had been failing for some time past ; but the English envoy in Paris had ascertained that two of her brothers, the Marquis d'Elbeuf and the Duke d'Amaule, were pre- paring to proceed to Scotland, the first to succeed his sister as viceroy, and the second to follow shortly afterwards with an army of 20,000 men.t A circumstance which probably weighed more with Elizabeth than all these warlike preparations was the ostentatious manner in which Mary's pretensions to * Harl. MS., 253, 83 b. His speech is printed in the Calendar of State Papers (Foreign) for the year 1559. t Henry Killigrew to Queen Elizabeth, 27th December ; Record Office. He had previously written that there were eighty sail ready to carry stores to Scotland — 14th November. — Ibid. 1560.] AN ENGLISH FLEET IN THE FORTH. 33 the crown of England were at this time paraded by her uncles. We learn from the English envoy then in France, that on her entry with her husband into Kheims and Blois, the arms of England were displayed with those of Scotland and France. On her entering Chatelherault, we learn from the same source that the Queen of Scots walked first under a crimson canopy, on which were emblazoned the arms of Scotland, Eng- land, and France. The young king followed under a canopy which bore the arms of France alone. The circumstance that the princes of Lorraine should have thus caused their niece to take precedence of her hus- band in his own dominions, furnishes a striking proof of their unbounded influence ; and, considering the preparations which were being made to send a power- ful army into Scotland, it can hardly be doubted that it was their intention at this time to assert her claim to the crown of England by force. But upon this, as on a still more memorable occasion, the elements proved singularly propitious to Elizabeth. In the midst of boisterous winter weather her fleet reached the Firth of Forth in safety ; but two separate expedi- tions which left the coast of France about the same time were driven back, with the loss of many ships, a vast quantity of arms and provisions, and at least 3000 soldiers. Only two vessels, commanded by the Count de Martigues, lieutenant of the Marquis d'Elbeuf, reached the Forth, where they were immediately at- tacked and taken, after a desperate fight, by a Scottish volunteer. t The marquis himself regained Dieppe with * Henry Killigrew to the queen, November 29 ; Record OfBce. t "This feat," says Norfolk, "was done by one Andrew Sandes, a merchant, who is a great Protestant." — Norfolk to Cecil, 18th January 1560; Eecord Office. AiTan to Maitland, 20th January; ibid. C 34 EXPLANATIONS TO THE REGENT. [1560. difficulty, where it was resolved that a fresh expedition should be fitted out forthwith. But the discovery very soon afterwards of the Huguenot conspiracy of Amboise, which had for its object the destruction of the princes of Lorraine, put a stop to all such preparations. The foreign policy of Elizabeth at this time may be easily described. It was simply to foment in secret internal discord in every country from which she ap- prehended danger to her own. Her ministers were obviously of opinion that, in the divided state of par- ties, and with her doubtful title to the crown, they could not venture on a bolder course. But the inter- vention in Scotland was about to assume a shape, under the auspices of Cecil, for which there was no precedent, and for which it was not easy to find a plausible pretext. It was necessary, nevertheless, to make the attempt ; and when, accordingly, the French ambassador in London demanded explanations as to the armaments in the river, and the warlike prepara- tions in the northern counties, Elizabeth assured him of her intention to maintain the general peace so re- cently concluded,t and invoked the curse of heaven upon the heads of those who should be the first to break it. In a letter to Mary of Lorraine, who had asked for similar explanations, Elizabeth even assumed the language of injured innocence. She thought it much, she said, " that no surer account is made of her honour in this case," and that " her doings shall be always constant and agreeable to honour." | Her admiral in Scotland, William Winter, was in- ^ M. de Noailles. f At Cateau Cambresis, in April 1559. :|: Elizabeth to the Queen - Dowager of Scotland, 28th November ; Record Office. 1560.] EXPLANATIONS TO THE REGENT. 35 structcd to hold language of a similar kind. On his arrival in the Forth, a herald from the regent was sent on board his ship, to demand whether he came as an- enemy or as a friend. Winter replied, according to his orders, that he had been commissioned to con- voy certain transports laden with provisions to Berwick ; that, finding no safe anchorage there for his ships, he had run into the Forth, expecting to meet with good and friendly entertainment; but instead of that, the French garrisons at Burntisland and Inchkeith had fired upon him " many cruel shot of cannon and cul- verin and, finally, that hearing of their great cruelty to the Congregation, he had determined to give them all the aid in his power, " whereof the queen his mis- tress was nothing privy." " The design is too trans- parent," was the very natural remark of the regent, t The remark will apply generally to the whole of the foreign policy of Elizabeth ; for, with all her unri- valled powers of mendacity, she very rarely succeeded in deceiving any one except her friends. The contest about to commence between these two remarkable women now called forth the intervention of a third, hardly less remarkable than either. The Duchess of Parma, who governed the Netherlands in * Addressed to the Privy Council, 25th January; Eecord Office. t In her letter to De Noailles, the French ambassador in London. — Teulet, i. 408. Winter acted in strict accordance with his instructions from the Duke of Norfolk, who commanded in the north. These were, to aid the queen's friends, and to prevent any French ships from entering the Forth ; " and this he must seem to do of his own head, as if he had no commission from the queen." — Instructions of Duke of Norfolk to Winter, 22d January 1560 ; Record Office. Cecil had previously desired Throg- morton to give the most pacific assurances to the French Government. " If," he says, " they shall ask whether she" (Elizabeth) " means to aid the Scots or no," he might assure them that at his departure no such thing was meant. — Cecil to Throgmorton, 30th December; Record Office, 36 SPANISH INTERVENTION. [1560. the name of her brother tlie King of Spain, had watched with deep interest the progress of events in Scotland ; and we are at first surprised to find that, of the two parties then struggling for ascendancy, a Catholic and a Spaniard should have preferred the tri- umph of the Protestants to that of their opponents. But the reason is easily explained. The Duchess of Parma regarded with just apprehension the gigantic schemes of ambition cherished by the princes of Lor- raine. If they succeeded in the attempt Avhich they seemed about to make, of uniting the monarchies of France and Britain, she had too good reason to fear that the Netherlands,'''' and probably the empire of the Indies, would speedily be lost to Spain. She strongly urged her brother Philip, therefore, to put an end to the war in Scotland by means of friendly medi- ation, and thus prevent the triumph of the Protestants on the one hand, or of the Guises on the other. The advice, from a Spanish point of view, was so obviously sound, that it was approved both by the Duke of Al- va t and his master. If the Spanish king had acted promptly in the matter, his intervention might have proved fatal to Elizabeth's meditated policy in Scotland. But his procrastinating habits enabled her to persevere, without giving any cause of just offence to Philip. When the Spanish envoy reached London with instruc- tions to negotiate, he was informed, and he himself admitted, that the Queen of England could not then recede from her engagements, and that his master had interfered too late. | * The Duchess of Parma to Philip, 6th January 1560.— Teulet, ii. 62. t Duke of Alva to the Bishop of Arras, 20th March. — Ibid., ii. 75. % See his letter to the Duchess of Parma. — Ibid., ii. 113. 1560.] INTRIGUES IN FRANCE. 37 • While Elizabeth was thus secure on the side of Spain, events were taking place in France which effec- tually prevented any further reinforcements being sent from thence to Scotland. The Protestant princes of the house of Bourbon regarded with the utmost jeal- ousy the power and the arrogance of the Guises ; and Elizabeth, by the advice of Cecil, now began to pursue the same policy in France which she had commenced in Scotland. Throgmorton, her ambassador in Paris, was instructed to seek a private interview with An- thony de Bourbon, King of Navarre. They met, ac- cordingly, at midnight, in the town of St Denis. The English ambassador commenced by informing the king that the queen his mistress entertained the highest esteem for his virtues, and was desirous of forming an alliance with him, " for the honour of God, and the advancement of true religion." The king well under- stood the meaning of this language, but he was cautious and reserved; and although he expressed his satis- faction at the prospect of an alliance with the Queen of England in so sacred a cause, he should prefer, he said, for greater security, to correspond directly with herself.'"* Shortly afterwards, a Huguenot gentleman named La Kenaudie, a noted partisan of the Bourbons, proceeded to England, whence he returned with prom- ises of aid as soon as the anticipated rising of the Protes- tants took place. At the same time, Elizabeth sent into Brittany a certain Captain Tremaine, to open up a com- munication with the Protestants of that province. En- couraged by the promises of help held out by the Eng- lish queen, they convened a secret meeting at Nantes, and the famous conspiracy of Amboise was the result. * Forbes, i. 174. 38 CONSPIRACY OF AMBOISE. [1560. That plot, which had for its object the seizure of the young king and queen, the destruction of the house of Lorraine, and the usurpation of the government by the Bourbons, was detected and defeated by the vigi- lance of the Duke of Guise. The design of the con- spirators was to assemble in large numbers in the neighbourhood of the Castle of Amboise, where the Court was residing, under the pretext of petitioning the king for a redress of grievances. Their ostensible chief was La Eenaudie, but the real leader of the movement was the Prince of Conde, brother of the King of Navarre. On the 16th of March, a number of persons, chiefly peasants, but many of them armed, attempted to force an entrance into the royal residence. But the Duke of Guise had taken eflfectual measures to resist the attack, and they were speedily repulsed, leaving behind them some forty or fifty prisoners. These were treated with much humanity by Francis, who, along with Mary Stewart, was intended to have been made a prisoner, had the plot succeeded. The young king not only pardoned nearly the whole of the insurgents on the spot, but dismissed them with small presents of money. It is probable that the con- spirators attributed this amiable conduct on the part of Francis to the weakness or the disaffection of his guards, for they renewed the attack on the following day in much more formidable numbers. But they were speedily attacked and routed by the Duke of Guise. Conde and Coligni, who were both residing at the Court, were compelled, to avoid suspicion, to fight * Throgmorton, who was at Amboise at the time, says that the king gave them a crown a-piece, and one man, who had been hurt, five crowns. —Forbes, i. 376. 1560.] TREATY OF BERWICK. 39 against tlieir fellow - conspirators. Their tool, La Eenaudie, was taken and hanged at the palace-gate, and a number of other executions followed the final discomfiture of the conspiracy. Such was the pre- lude to those terrible wars of religion in France, which only terminated with the extinction of the house of Valois. Although the Huguenot plot had failed, it proved of essential advantage to Elizabeth. By embittering the rival factions in France, it obliged the princes of Lor- raine to look to their own security at home, instead of seeking to extend their influence abroad. Inflamma- tory libels began at this time to be circulated against them throughout France, and we find Throgmorton suggesting that some of these might be carried into Normandy and Brittany by the English merchants trading to those parts, t The English ambassador also speaks of a rumoured expedition of the Earl of Arran to the coast of France. J In the menacing aspect of affairs, therefore, it became impossible to send the re- inforcements to Scotland which had been so long pro- mised, and were so urgently required by the regent. While Elizabeth and her ministers were thus en- deavouring in secret to kindle the flames of civil war in France, a formal treaty had been concluded at Berwick § by the Duke of Norfolk in the name of his mistress and certain lords of the Congregation, in the name of the Duke of Chatelherault, " second person * Lingard, vi. chap. 1. t " It will be well to make current the proclamation by means of merchants through Brittany and Normandy, to animate the people more against the house of Guise." — Throgmorton to Cecil, 6th April ; Record Office. t Ibid. § On the 27th February.— Keith, i. 258. 40 POSITION OF THE REGENT. [1560. of the realm of Scotland," the express object of which was the expulsion of the French from that country. It must have been a severe trial to the pride of the English queen thus to be forced to place herself on a footing of equality with the rebellious subjects of a neighbouring sovereign ; but she was now too far committed to the policy of Cecil to recede. She still, notwithstanding, sought to conceal her real intentions from the Scottish regent. She assured her, some days after the conclusion of the treaty, that " she means nothing more than good and sure peace, and all that she does is to that end.''"'^ She even gravely informs the regent in the same letter that, as she had com- plained of certain acts of hostility committed by her admiral in the Forth, she had directed the Duke of Norfolk to make inquisition into Winter s doings," although she was perfectly aware that Winter was acting under the express instructions of the duke. Mary of Lorraine, undeceived by all this outward show of amity, was now in a position of extreme per- plexity and danger. She had fully expected to be relieved from her onerous duties before this time, by the arrival of her two brothers in Scotland ; and she had made arrangements for returning thereafter to her native country. But disappointment and disaster, instead of crushing, seemed only to awaken all the energies of that heroic nature. Although suffering from a mortal malady, abandoned by the whole of the principal nobility,t and deprived for an indefinite time * Elizabeth to Queen - Dowager of Scotland, 6tli March ; Record Office. t Bothwell was at this time in France, and the Lords Seton and Borthwick alone, among the nobles, adhered to the regent. 1560.] ADVANCE OF THE ENGLISH. 41 of all prospect of aid from France, the regent bore up against the malice of her fortune with an intrepidity which never was surpassed. Indulging in no vain regrets — for her letters written at this time are free from all expressions of impatience or despondency — she sought to cheer the drooping spirits of her country- men with the certain hopes of assistance in the sum- mer. Her efforts were warmly seconded by D'Oysell their commander, a brave and experienced officer, who, in anticipation of a speedy and general attack upon Leith, took every available means of strengthening its defences. On the 30th of March, an English army of 8000 men, under the command of Lord Grey, crossed the Tweed, in accordance with the treaty of Berwick. They were joined on their march to Edinburgh by the Earls of Arran, Argyll, Glencairn, and other leaders of the Congregation, with their followers. On the approach of the hostile armies, the regent retired to Edinburgh Castle, the governor of which. Lord Ers- kine, had observed a strict neutrality in the contest, and who now deemed it his duty to offer an asy- lum to the mother of his sovereign. The English encamped at Eestalrig, about a mile south-east of Leith ; but Lord Grey soon found that his Scottish allies were in want of everything necessary for a siege. Above all, they wanted money, which he could not spare, and without which the feudal vassals of the Protestant lords could not be maintained in the field. The English commander found, moreover, that the defences of Leith were stronger than he anticipated ; and, to crown his difficulties, Elizabeth began to waver in her resolution of prosecuting the war. On the 5tli 42 SIEGE OF LEITH. [1560. ' of April, Grey writes to the Duke of Norfolk, who still remained at Berwick, that " he knows not which way to turn,"*" and that the queen seemed now desir- ous that the matter should be ended without blood- shed. As the regent was all along anxious for the resto- ration of peace, it is probable that hostilities might even yet have been avoided, but for the reckless gal- lantry of her countrymen. On the 6 th of April, a portion of the garrison of Leith was seen advancing towards the English camp. The leaders were warned, by a message from Lord Grey, to retire ; but they re- plied, in terms of proud defiance, that they were upon the territory of their mistress, and were ready and able to resist all armed invaders. They then forthwith opened fire on the English outposts, and a sharp con- flict ensued. The latter were completely taken by surprise, but they maintained their ground with com- paratively little loss, until a body of horse from the Congregation turned the scale against their assailants, who eventually were driven back to their entrench- ments, leaving behind them upwards of 100 men.t The siege was now commenced in earnest, and in their next adventure the French were more successful. On Easter Monday, the 14 th of April, an attack was made on the besiegers by the Count de Martigues, the only person of note in the ill-fated expedition of the Marquis of Elbeuf who appears to have reached Scot- land ; and the aflair was managed with such skill and courage, that he inflicted on the enemy a loss of 600 men, besides destroying several of their heavy guns.J Although blood had been thus freely shed, there was * Record Office. f Ibid. % Keith, i. 272. 1560.] NEGOTIATIONS. 43 now a fresh attempt at negotiation. A few days after the last successful sally of the French, John de Monluc, Bishop of Valence, arrived in Edinburgh with full powers from his mistress and her husband to negotiate a peace. On visiting the queen-regent in the castle, he seems to have been shocked at the change in her appearance. In writing to her daughter on the follow- ing day, he says : " The health of the regent has failed her; so has all else, save the greatness of her heart and the clearness of her judgment. She dreads these troubles as little as if she had all the forces in the world at her back.^'"' On meeting with the English and Scottish lords, the bishop proposed that a peace should be concluded by the withdrawal of the French from Scotland, with the exception of a limited number of troops to garrison Inchkeith, Dunbar, and Leith. The English leaders. Lord Grey and Sir James Croftes, advised the Congregation to accept the terms ; or, as they expressed themselves, finding the execution of the enterprise against Leith not so easy as was sup- posed, lacking sufficient power of men, they pressed the Scottish lords to be content to fall to some accord, "t But Maitland did his utmost to thwart the compromise proposed. He knew that it would be unsatisfactory to Cecil ; and it suited neither his own views nor those of the Lord J ames, both of whom, as well as their potent English ally, desired the total expulsion of the French. The arguments of Mait- land finally prevailed, and hostilities were forthwith recommenced. Elizabeth by this time had once more changed her mind, for in writing to the Duke * Calendar of State Papers (Foreign), 1559, Preface, t Grey and Croftes to Norfolk, 22d April. 44 THE ASSAULT, [1560. of Norfolk on the 1 4tli of April she says, " the more hardly the Frenchmen were handled in the siege the better;^''" and a reinforcement of upwards of 2000 fresh troops having arrived in the camp, it was resolved to proceed with the siege with the utmost vigour. The fire of four-and-twenty heavy guns was directed for several successive days and nights against the walls of Leith, and orders were issued for a general assault as soon as the breaches were rendered practicable. At daybreak on the 7th of May, accordingly, 10,000 English and Scottish soldiers, with 500 sailors from the fleet, advanced to the assault. The storming parties passed the ditch without difiiculty, but they found it impossible to ascend the breaches, and the scaling-ladders with which they were provided were too short to be of any service. The French were fully prepared for the attack, and even the women t of the garrison were of essential service in repelling the besiegers, who, after a stubborn but unavailing struggle of several hours, were driven back at all points, with the loss of 1500 men.| It is said that the queen- regent watched the progress of the fight from the battlements of the castle, which commanded a com- plete view of the ground occupied by the contending forces ; and Knox relates with indignant scorn, that * Record Office. t " For besides that they charged their pieces, and ministered unto them other weapons, some continually casting stones, some carried chim- neys of burning fire, and some brouglit timber and impediments of weight, which with great violence they threw over the wall upon our men, but especially when they began to turn back." — Knox's History, 243, folio edit. J The Spanish ambassador in London says, the assailants were hotly pursued during their retreat, and that they lost several guns. — Teulet, ii. 128. 1560.] AND ITS RESULTS. 45 after witnessing tlie victory of her countrymen, she immediately attended mass.'"^ It was indeed a proud day for France. A handful of half - famished veterans, entirely cut off from all communication with their country, had triumphantly defeated the entire military power of Britain. There were loud complaints of mismanagement both by and against the English commanders ; and Lord Grey was ungenerous enough to attribute to the cowardice of his men a result which was clearly due to his own incom- petence.t Another incident which happened shortly afterwards reflects but little credit on the English general. The malady under which the regent was suffering had now assumed the form of dropsy, and she applied to the commander of the garrison in Leith to send her a surgeon. But her letter was intercepted by Lord Grey, and, alas for the boasted days of chivalry ! he committed the letter of the sick princess to the flames. We are told by Knox J that when it was held to the fire, it was found to contain some private message to D'Oysell. But this circumstance is not mentioned by Lord Grey himself, or by any of the numerous correspondents from the camp ; and even if it were true, it could afford no justification for his conduct. The queen -regent appears to have regarded with characteristic equanimity both the ungallant behaviour * Knox's History, 224. t Lord Grey himself writes to Norfolk on tlie 4tli of May, that " no assaiiltable breach has yet been made ;" yet on the same day the orders for the assault were issued. — Public Record Office. On the 8th, the day after the assault, Norfolk writes to Cecil : " The thing was marvellously ill handled, for there was no breach saultable — no scaling-ladders long enough by two yards and more." — Ibid. X History, 246. 46 FRESH NEGOTIATIONS. [1560. of her enemies and the triumph of her troops. She was neither irritated by the one nor unduly elated by the other. On the l7th of May, she writes to D'Oysell " that she is better, and that she has been her own physician as well as surgeon.'"*" At the same time, she made another and a last attempt to come to terms with the insurgents. Maitland explained that nothing but the entire withdrawal of the French from Scotland would induce the Allies to consent to peace. To this demand the regent now expressed her readiness to yield. Experience had convinced her, that so long as a French force remained in Scotland there could be no permanent peace. And although her brother, the Duke of Guise, had assured her that she might con- fidently expect ample reinforcements in July, she took upon herself, now that the military honour of France was saved, to accede to the hard terms offered by the Congregation. But there was one obstacle to the restoration of peace which was found to be insuper- able. " The regent," says Maitland, " could in no wise digest the compact made with England." t It was indeed impossible that she could recognise the right of her daughter's rebellious subjects to conclude a treaty with a foreign power. Upon this point Mary of Lorraine was resolute ; and as the Scottish lords were too deeply committed to the policy of England to recede from their engagements, the negotiations were abruptly broken off. Meanwhile the failure of the assault not only put an end to active operations, but fears began to be entertained for the safety of the besiegers. Sir Ealph Sadler, who had joined the camp, in writing to the * Record Office. f In liis letter to Cecil of 14th May; Record Office. 1560.] CECIL SENT TO SCOTLAND. 47 Duke of Norfolk for immediate reinforcements, assures him " that if the enemy knew their weakness, it might be over -dangerous."'" It was now calculated that a fresh army of 20,000 men would be required to expel the French from Scotland. But Elizabeth at this time had neither the inclination nor the means of furnish- ing so large a force. She did consent that additional troops should be sent to Scotland, but, at the same time, she accused her ministers of having involved her in difficulties and dangers, which, from the first, she had foreseen. As Cecil had been the chief adviser of the expedition, she insisted, by way of retribution, that he should proceed at once to Scotland, and en- deavour to repair, if possible, the mischief that had been done to the character of her policy and the credit of her arms. Cecil was compelled, though with much reluctance, to comply with the commands of his im- perious mistress ; and the result proved that she was not mistaken in the selection she had made. Mary of Lorraine was still regarded as the main obstacle to the success of the Protestants in Scotland. A letter from Throgmorton, which reached Cecil while on his journey northwards, contained the following words : For the love of God, provide by one means or another that the queen-dowager were rid from thence" (Edinburgh Castle), "for she hath the heart of a man of war."t But Throgmorton's fears were now groundless, for, while he wrote, the regent was on her deathbed. In spite of shattered health and hopes, she had steadfastly maintained her post, inspiring all around her with that confidence in the final success of her daughter s cause which she * On the 7th May; Record Office. f June 7; Record Office. 48 DEATH OF THE EEGENT. [1560. herself had never ceased to feel ; but she paid the penalty of her devotedness at last. Finding that her end was approaching, she expressed a wish to speak with the chiefs of the Congregation, and the Duke of Chatelherault, the Earls of Argyll, Glencairn, and Marischal, and the Lord James, re- paired to her apartments in the castle. To them she expressed her deep sorrow for the troubles which afflicted Scotland ; and, as the best means of restoring peace, she earnestly recommended that the forces both of France and England should be withdrawn. She then reminded the lords of the ancient league with France, and of the youth and inexperience of her daughter, which furnished additional claims upon their loyalty. For herself, she asked only their forgiveness if she had erred in the performance of her duties, or if she had ever at any time given any one of them just cause of offence. The words of the dying princess, at once so magnanimous and gentle, were listened to with deep emotion by the Protestant chiefs, who, though in arms against her authority, all acknowledged and ad- mired her private virtues. As the last and only means of testifying their affection, they entreated her to receive the ministrations of their favourite preacher, Willock ; and she showed her immeasurable superiority to the prejudices of her age and her religion by com- plying with their request.''" Thus died, amidst the tears of her enemies, the best and wisest woman of the age. Knoxt alone sought, by means of the most * " She is well content to speak with Mr Willocke, who is presently with her." — Randolph to the Duke of Norfolk, 8th June; Record Office. t " The question was moved of her burial : the preachers boldly gain- stood that any superstitious rites shoidd be used within that realm." — Knox, 281. In another part of his History, he asserts that she was the 1560.] A TKUCE. 49 loathsome slanders, to vilify the character of this ex- cellent princess ; and it was doubtless at his instigation that the rites of Christian burial were denied to her remains in Scotland. A few days after the death of the regent, Cecil arrived in Edinburgh, accompanied by an experienced diplomatist, Dr Wotton, Dean of Canterbury. The English secretary soon discovered that the two most important members of the Congregation were Maitland and the Lord James ; the one from his political talents — the other from the zeal and courage he had displayed in the Protestant cause, as well as from his near relationship to the queen. Mary and her husband named as plenipotentiaries to treat with the represen- tatives of Elizabeth the Bishop of Valence and Charles de la Eochefoucault, Lord of Kandan. During the negotiations which followed, the English troops had various friendly meetings with the garrison of Leith, whose gallantry they could not but admire, but whose hospitality they had no desire to share. Cecil was well aware of the shortness of provisions in the French camp ; and he calculated that Winter s fleet would be able to intercept any fresh supplies. There was only one quarter whence danger might still be apprehended. Catherine de Medici had about this time addressed the Court of Spain, complaining of the treacherous policy of Elizabeth, and pointing out mistress of Cardinal Beaton, and even that the cardinal was the father of Mary. He further insinuates that she was the mistress of D'Oysell, &c. * On the first occasion of their meeting on Leith sands, the English produced abundance of good cheer, in the shape of beef, capons, beer, and wine. The French produced one starved capon and half-a-dozen roasted rats, and they boasted that they had abundance of such fare. — Record Office. D 50 TREATY OF EDINBURGH. [1560. the dangers which threatened both France and the Netherlands if "the heretics of Scotland"''' succeeded in their insolent demands. Spain might still, there- fore, be induced by these representations, backed by the influence of the Duchess of Parma, to interfere, and thus arrest that thorough triumph of Protestantism in Britain, upon which the English secretary had set his heart. But Philip, as usual, was silent and sluggish ; and although Cecil had no military force at his com- mand sufficient to expel the French, he felt secure from foreign intervention, and was thus enabled to assume a tone of superiority t towards their repre- sentatives which finally induced them to accede to all his demands. The principal conditions of the treaty of Edinburgh, which was signed on the 5th of July, were, that the Queen of Scots and her husband should, in all times coming, abstain from using and bearing the title and arms of the kingdom of England;" that during the absence of Mary in France the government of Scotland should be administered by a council partly named by her, and partly chosen by the States of the kingdom ; and, finally, that the forces both of France and England should forthwith return to their respective countries. But with regard to the leaders of the Congregation a serious difficulty arose. On the one hand, Elizabeth was bound to protect them against the consequences of their rebellion ; on the other, it was very doubt- * Catherine de Medici to the Duke of Alva, 21st May. — Teulet, ii. 140. t Writing to the Duke of Norfolk on the 26th of June, he says, " I have gotten more by bragg than by eloquence and on the 2d of July he speaks of "a brawling message" which he had sent to the Bishop of Valence, which appears to have had the desired effect, for the treaty was signed three days afterwards. — Record Office. 1560.] ITS IMPORTANCE. 51 ful whetlier the Frencli commissioners had any au- thority from their sovereigns to come to terms with the Scottish insurgents. Cecil, however, succeeded in obtaining on their behalf a series of " concessions," amounting, in fact, to a complete amnesty for their past conduct ; and the French commissioners stipu- lated that these concessions should be ratified by their sovereign in the same manner as the provi- sions of the treaty. Within a few days after it was signed, the troops both of England and France quitted Scotland. Sir Nicolas Bacon had objected to the Scottish ex- pedition among other reasons, because England pos- sessed at the time no efficient commanders ; t and the complete failure of the military operations at Leith seemed to justify the opinion of the Lord Keeper. It was reserved for Cecil to repair, by a signal diplomatic triumph, the blunders of his military colleagues ; and he was justly proud of his achievement. His language, usually so cold and measured, assumes on this occasion a tone of exultation proportioned to the decisive nature of the treaty he had just concluded. " It would finally procure," he confidently assures his mistress, " that conquest of Scotland which none of her progenitors with all their battles ever obtained ; namely, the whole hearts and goodwill of the nobility and people." | That sagacious minister did not overrate the import- ance of the negotiations in which he had been so suc- cessfully engaged. Ages of inveterate war and of far- reaching policy had hitherto failed to unite the British * Keith, i. 296. + See his speech, already referred to, p. 32. X Quoted by Tytler, v. 128. 52 DECISION OF FRANCIS AND MARY. [1560. kingdoms, but religions sympathy at length promised to bring about that which had baffled the power and skill of the greatest monarchs. Cecil well knew that if Scotland remained Catholic, the prospects of a peaceful union were more than ever hopeless. Elizabeth owed even more to her good fortune on this occasion than to the prudence and dexterity of her favourite minister. A singular fatality attended all the movements of her enemies. The succession of disasters which befell the French armaments at sea, and the impossibility at the time of supplying their loss — the procrastinating policy of Philip — and, finally, the death of Mary of Lorraine — were circumstances which all essentially contributed, and perhaps were all indispensable, to her success. The commissioners of Francis and Mary, among their other concessions to the Congregation, consented that the States of the kingdom should assemble on the 10th of July, and that on that day an adjournment should take place until the 1st of August. The in- terval of three weeks was fixed to enable the French commissioners to communicate to their sovereigns the conditions of the treaty they had concluded, and to enable them to summon the Parliament in the ordinarv form. But Francis and Mary refused to ratify the treaty of Edinburgh, mainly on the ground that their undertaking not to wear the arms or assume the title of England "in all times coming" might bar the claim of the Queen of Scots even after the death of Eliza- beth ; and the words had no doubt been introduced by Cecil with that intent. Neither did the Queen of Scots and her husband give their assent to the pro- 1560.] CONVENTION OF STATES. 53 posed meeting of Parliament, so that the Convention of States which met in August 1560 was possessed of no lawful authority. The nobility, the barons, and the burgesses as- sembled, notwithstanding, in large numbers on the appointed day ; but as no representative appeared, and no commission was sent on the part of their sovereigns, many were of opinion that the meeting of the States was unlawful. A whole week was spent in discussing this essential point, but it was eventually decided by a large majority that the Parliament was legally con- stituted. This matter being settled, they proceeded to elect " the Lords of the Articles," a committee through which all measures required to be submitted to a Scottish Parliament.'"* A petition was then pre- sented by a number of the Eeformers, praying that the doctrines which were tyrannically maintained by the Papists should be forthwith denounced and abol- ished. The petition further declared, " that in all the rabble of the clergy there was not one lawful minister according to the word of God." It denounced them " as thieves and murderers, rebels, traitors, and adul- terers," and called upon Parliament to pronounce them as unworthy of authority in the Church of God, and to expel them for ever from the great council of the nation. The petition concluded by demanding, first, that various doctrines of the Koman Catholic Church, including transubstantiation, the practice of grant- * The mode in which the Lords of the Articles were chosen is thus described by Ealidolph : " The order is that the lords spiritual choose the lords temporal, and the lords temporal the spiritual, and the bur- gesses their own." — Letter to Cecil, 8th August ; Record Office. 54 ESTABLISHMENT OF PEOTESTANTISM. [1560. ing indulgences, and purgatory, should be abolished ; secondly, that the profanation of the holy sacraments be prevented, and the discipline of the ancient Church restored ; and, lastly, that the Pope's usurped autho- rity should be abolished, and the patrimony of the Church employed in the sustentation of the ministry, the establishment of schools, and the maintenance of the poor. With regard to the first two points no diffi- culty was experienced. In the course of a few days a new Confession of Faith was drawn up, and adopted mth only three dissentient voices.'" An Act was then passed abolishing the mass under the most stringent penalties. Offenders were in the first instance to be scourged, and to forfeit the whole of their property of every description ; for the second offence, the punish- ment was perpetual banishment ; and for the third, it was death. Another Act was passed abolishing the authority of the Pope within the realm ; but to that portion of the petition which prayed for the restora- tion of the patrimony of the Church to the purposes to which it was originally designed, no attention was paid. The Protestant nobles, who had seized upon the Church lands in the general confusion, were pre- pared to proceed to any extremities against their Catholic fellow-subjects, but they refused to part with the smallest portion of their newly -gotten wealth. Knox, speaking on this occasion of his noble patrons, observes " that there were many that for worldly * " The Earl of Atlioll and the Lords Somerville and Borth^\'ick alone dissented, saying ' they would believe as their fathers before them had believed.' The Popish prelates were silent." — Spottiswoode, 327; Keith, i. 321. 1560.] ESTABLISHMENT OF PROTESTANTISM. 65 respects abhorred a perfect reformation ; for how many within Scotland that have the name of nobility are not unjust possessors of the patrimony of that Kirk V'^'^ The Convention of States, improperly called a Par- liament, which without any lawful authority had abol- ished the ancient religion and established a new form of worship in its stead, separated on the 27th of August 1560. * History, 239. CHAPTEE II. THE RETURN OP MARY TO SCOTLAND. The government of Scotland was now entirely in the hands of the Protestant nobility, who, enriched with the spoils of the Church, and enjoying the powerful support of the Queen of England, seem at this time to have renounced, in everything except in name, the authority of their native sovereign. After the adjourn- ment of their so-called Parliament, they despatched the Earls of Morton'" and Glencairn, along with Maitland of Lethington, on a special mission to Eliza- beth, to thank her for her timely intervention, and to make a formal proposal for her marriage with the Earl of Arran. Before taking this important step they had announced their intention to the King of France ;t but without asking or obtaining the consent of Francis and his queen, they proceeded at once to the execution of their design. They had already secured the cordial support of Cecil, if who saw in the projected marriage * Morton was a son of tliat Sir George Douglas, and a nephew of that Ear] of Angus, who had taken refuge in England in the tinie of James V. Morton, although professing Protestantism, had remained in retire- ment at Dalkeith until the arrival of the English army in Edinburgh induced him to join the Congregation. t Teulet, ii. 150. t Haynes, 359, 362, 363. 1560.] EMBASSY TO ELIZABETH. 67 the best guarantee for the maintenance of the Kefor- mation, and the best prospect of defeating the danger- ous claims of Mary Stewart and the ambition of her uncles. Elizabeth received the Scottish deputation with all courtesy. She spoke in flattering terms of the Earl of Arran, but concluded by declaring that she was content with her maiden state, and that God had given her no inclination to marriage. The represen- tatives of the Congregation did not think fit to renew their ofi'er, at which the queen was much ofi'ended. There is no reason for supposing that she ever seriously entertained the notion of marrying the Earl of Arran ; but she complained that, while kings and princes per- severed for months and even years in their suit, these Scots did not deign to ask her a second time."' While the Scottish lords sent two of their most important members and their ablest statesman to the Court of Elizabeth, they despatched a single knight. Sir James Sandilands, to Paris, to acquaint their own sovereign with their proceedings. By him Mary was informed that the States of Scotland had been convened without her authority, and that the exercise of the religion which she professed had been prohibiied under the pain of death. The Cardinal of Lorraine warmly complained to Throgmorton of these lawless proceedings, and of the studied indignity with which the Scottish lords treated their mistress, by sending to her as their representative " a mean man,'' while to the Queen of England they despatched "a great and solemn legation." t Sir James Sandilands was further informed that the "concessions" in favour * Hoynes, 364. f See Tytler, v. 151. 58 DEATH OF FEANCIS II. [1560. of the lords, wliicli had been extorted by Cecil from the French commissioners, were wholly invalid, as the latter had no authority to grant them. But the death of Francis II., who had always been a sickly youth, proved shortly afterwards a serious blow to the influence of the cardinal and that - of his aspiring family. The young king died on the 6th of December, and the event was hailed with indecent exultation by the leaders of the Congregation, who did not hesitate to announce it as a special interposi- tion of Providence on their behalf.'" They concluded that the last link of the old alliance between France and Scotland was now for ever broken, and that the princes of Lorraine would find sufiicient occupation in struggling to maintain their influence at Court, and in watching the Huguenot conspiracies which had been provoked by their ambition. Catherine de Medici now regained the influence which she had lost while Mary Stewart was queen. Catherine was wholly indif- ferent to religion, except as an instrument of govern- ment; but even her powers of dissimulation could not conceal the satisfaction with which she witnessed the diminished rank and influence of her accomplished daughter-in-law. Mary, whose health had been im- paired by her close attendance upon her husband during his last illness,t remained for some months in retirement, and she had the singular good fortune, so * "He was suddenly stricken with an aposthunie in that deaf ear that never would hear the truth of God." — Knox, 259. t " On the 6th December the king dej^arted to God, leaving as heavy and dolorous a wife as of right she had good cause to be, who by long watching with him during his sickness, and painful diligences about him, and especially by the issue thereof, is not in best tune of her body, but without danger." — Throgmorton to the queen, 6th December ; Re- 1561.] KNOX's BOOK OF DISCIPLINE. 69 long as she continued to reside in France, to escape calumny of every description. Yet when she was a prisoner in England it was confidently asserted by her enemies that she had murdered her first husband in France, as well as her second husband in Scotland.'"" The work of the Eeformation in Scotland now pro- ceeded without the prospect of interruption from any quarter,' and in the early part of the following year a Convention of States approved generally of the Book of Discipline, composed by Knox. To his plan of ecclesiastical policy, including the abolition of bishops and the election of ministers by the people, a ready assent was given. But it was in vain that he at- tempted to obtain any settled provision for the clergy out of the confiscated Church lands. He has even the candour to admit that some of the Keforming nobles were much more oppressive landlords than their Popish predecessors.t It is but just to add that the establishment of parish schools,;]; and a plan for the maintenance of the helpless poor, formed portions of his general scheme. cord Office. Notwithstanding this unimpeachable testimony, Mr Froude asserts that before her husband's body was cold, Mary " was speculating on her next choice." — Vol. vii. 300. * This story is told by Dr Thomas Wilson, a great friend of Cecil, and Wilson gave as his authority the Bishop of Eoss, one of Mary's most zealous advocates. The matter may be dismissed as utterly ridiculous, for all the world know that the death of Francis not only deprived Mary of the crown of France, but compelled her to leave the country to which she was so strongly attached. — See Murdin, 57. t " To our grief, we hear that some gentlemen are now more rigorous in exacting the tithes and other duties paid before to the Church than ever the Papists were ; and so the tyranny of priors is turned into the tyranny of lord or laird." — Spottiswoode, i. 352. X We judge that in every parish there should be a schoolmaster, such a one as is able, at least, to teach the grammar and Latin tongue." — Spottiswoode, i. 345. 60 DESTEUCTION OF MONASTEKIES. [1561. But while allowing Knox all credit for his honest zeal, and still more for his enlightened views respect- ing the education of the people, we must not suppose that the remarkable success which from first to last attended his efforts had in the slightest degree dimin- ished his blind hatred of his religious rivals. Nearly two years had elapsed since war had been declared against the monastic houses in the central counties of Scotland ; but in the other districts of the coun- try, north, south, and west, numbers of religious establishments still remained — a standing reproach to all true Eeformers. It was now resolved that this reproach should exist no longer ; and an Act — it was so called by its authors — was passed for the total destruction of those remaining monuments of superstition. This barbarous edict was obeyed to the letter. All that was most venerable in architecture and valuable in art at that time in Scotland was ruthlessly assailed. The libraries*"' and ancient records contained in the religious houses — nay, even the tombs of the dead — did not escape the general wreck. There is nothing in all history to be compared with this exhibition of fanatical fury. No invading army ever committed such merciless havoc in the territory of an enemy. No people ever before or since deliberately destroyed, with all the formalities of law, the monu- * " The registers of the Church and bibliotheqiies were cast into the fire. In a word, all was ruined ; and what had escaped in the time of the first tumult, did now undergo the common calamity, which was so much the worse that the violences committed at this time were coloured with the warrant of public authority." — Spottiswoode, i. 372. We are informed by the same authority that the work of destruction was super- intended in the north by the Lord James ; in the west, by Earls of Arran, Argyll, and Glencairn ; and in other parts, by " some barons that were held most zealous." — Ibid. 1561.] MARY INVITED TO RETURN. 61 merits of art and industry bequeathed to them by their own ancestors. In the midst of these dismal scenes, two envoys sailed for France to invite the widowed queen to re- turn to her native country. The Catholic party sent for this purpose John Leslie, afterwards the cele- brated Bishop of Eoss ; the Protestants were repre- sented by the Lord James Stewart, the natural brother of the queen. The Lord James was received with ex- treme cordiality as well by his sister as by her uncles, who sought by the most flattering offers of preferment in France to induce him to resume his original pro- fession of the Church. But he remained faithful to his new convictions ; nor does there appear to be any ground for doubting his sincerity. We find, however, that his spiritual zeal did not render him by any means indifferent to his temporal welfare. Although he re- fused all offers of ecclesiastical preferment in France, he had previously sought, through his sister's influence, to obtain a restoration of his pension from that coun- try, which had been discontinued during the religious war in Scotland. A charge of a much more serious kind has been made against the Lord James. He had visited the Court of Elizabeth on his way to France ; and it is asserted that, after having insinuated himself into his * " Whereas Lord James, Bastard of Scotland, had out of a bishoprick and abbey of this country yearly 2500 crowns, he has made suit to the king and queen both for the arrears and the continuance thereof. The queen has answered, that if he accomplish her favour according to the trust she has of him, he shall not only regain this, but also all the good favour that shall be showed him, whether he dispose himself to be eccle- siastical or temporal." — Throgmorton to Cecil, 29th November 1 560 ; Record Office. I 62 DUPLICITY OF THE LORD JAMES. [1561. sister's confidence and ascertained her real wishes and intentions, he immediately thereafter communicated them to the English queen. The evidence of this charge is contained in a letter of Throgmorton, who was still at this time ambassador in France. Mary had told her brother, among other matters, that she had no intention at that time of ratifying the treaty of Edinburgh — that she preferred the friendship of France to that of England — and that she would prefer marrying a foreign prince to any of her own subjects. She was at this time at Eheims, where the Lord James took his leave of her ; but on his arrival in Paris he immediately communicated all to Throgmorton. In a letter to Elizabeth the ambassador describes the interview as follows : " The Lord James being the same day, the 22d of April, arrived at this town, came to my lodgings secretly imto me, and declared unto me at good length all that had passed between the queen his sister and him, and between the Cardinal Lorraine and him, the circumstances whereof he will declare to your majesty particularly when he cometh to your presence. I suppose he will be in England about the 10th or 12th of May."'"' In the same letter Throgmorton plainly informs his mistress how, in his opinion, the services of the Lord James, in thus per- forming the office of a spy, ought to be rewarded. He says that, in the present state of Europe, he sees no danger likely to arise to Elizabeth except from the side of Scotland ; and to guard against that, he re- commends that she should win over to her party " the wisest, mightiest, and most honest of that nation." "And though, " he adds, "if it be to your majesty's * See Tytler, v. 179. 1561.] ADVICE OF THROGMORTON. 63 great charge as £20,000 yearly, yet it is to be in no wise omitted or spared." Then, after recommending the Earl of Arran, he adds, " and in like manner the Lord James, whose credit, love, and honesty, is com- parable, in my judgment, to any man in that realm." Again he says, " I do well perceive the Lord James to be a very honourable, sincere, and godly gentleman, and very much affected to your majesty, upon whom you never bestoived good terms better than on him, in my opinion." From the latter expression it would appear that Elizabeth had already given the Lord James some substantial proof of her regard ; and it is obvious from his conduct at this time that he was desirous of se- curing a pension as well from Protestant England as from Catholic France. At no period of her career did Mary appear to greater advantage than during her widowed life in France. Deprived in the course of a few months both of her mother and her husband, openly slighted by Catherine de Medici, and even to some extent ne- glected by her uncles, who were at this time too fully occupied with the affairs of France to give much of their attention to those of Scotland, she was at the age of eighteen thrown almost entirely upon her own resources. Yet she not only conducted herself with the utmost prudence, but she proved herself no un- worthy antagonist in negotiation with one of the wis- est of Elizabeth's counsellors. It is from Sir Nicolas Throgmorton himself that we learn these particulars, * See the letter in Tytler, v. 180. On the 6th of May Elizabeth re- plies to Throgmorton : " We mean," she says, " to use the Lord James to his contentation." — Record Office. 64 MARY AND THROGMORTON. [1561. and his letters clearly show that early acquaintance with adversity had both sharpened and strengthened her excellent natural abilities. Eeligion was one of the first subjects discussed between them. Throgmor- ton had no doubt been instructed to sound her real sentiments upon this essential point; and it would have been easy for Mary, with a view to the English succession, if she had been as dishonest as her enemies assert, to have expressed herself in a way so as to induce him to believe that a change might possibly take place in her opinions. But she stopped the English ambas- sador at once by a frank avowal of her faith. " I will be plain with you," she said ; "the religion which I profess, I take to be the most acceptable to God ; and, indeed, neither do I know, nor desire to know, any other. I have been brought up in this religion, and who might credit me in anything if I might show myself light in this case ? and she concluded the conversation with these words : " You may per- ceive that I am none of those that will change my religion every year ; and as I told you in the begin- ning, I mean to constrain none of my subjects, but would wish they were all as I am ; and I trust they shall have no support to constrain me,'''" — a pointed allusion to Elizabeth's unprecedented intervention in Scotland, to which her ambassador made no reply. Mary, having now determined to return to Scot- land, had applied to Elizabeth for a safe-conduct, as well to insure her from capture during the voyage, as to enable her to land in England in case of need. It happened that the request was made by D'Oysell, who * Throgmorton to Elizal»eth, 23d June. — Keith, ii. 33. 1561.] MARY APPLIES FOR A SAFE-CONDUCT. 65 had so successfully defended Leith, and who had sub- sequently become Mary's minister in London. Eliza- beth not only rejected the request on the ground that the Queen of Scots had refused to ratify the treaty of Edinburgh, but she either was, or affected to be, ex- tremely indignant that any such request was made ; and her tone and gestures were remarked by a num- ber of persons who happened to be present."^'' At the next interview of Throgmorton with Mary, she complained in warm terms of the want of courtesy exhibited by her sister queen. It seemeth," she said, she maketh more account of the amity of my disobedient subjects than she doth of me their sover- eign, who am her equal in degree, though inferior in wisdom and experience, her nearest kinswoman and her nearest neighbour. But, Mr Ambassador, it will be thought very strange amongst all princes and countries that she should first animate my subjects against me ; and, second, being a widow, to impeach my going into my own country. I ask her nothing but friendship. I do not trouble her state, nor practise with her subjects. The queen, your mistress, doth say that I am young and do lack experience ; but I trust that my discretion shall not so fail me, that my pas- sion shall move me to use other language of her than it becometh of a queen and my nearest kinswoman." t This allusion to the unseemly violence exhibited by Elizabeth was so pointed, that we are surprised to find * D'Oysell told Throgmorton that Elizabeth tlireatened to prevent Mary returning to Scotland at all. The English ambassador remarks, " It would have been better had no such things been said, and passage granted."— Throgmorton to Cecil, July 26 ; Record Office. Cecil, we shall find, appeared to be of a different opinion, t Letter of 20th July.— Keith, i. 47. E G6 EXPLANATIONS., [1561. Throgmorton repeating it thus to liis mistress, word for word. With respect to the treaty of Edinburgh, Mary informed the ambassador that it was impossible she could ratify it without first consulting the nobility and States of Scotland. The matter," she said, " is great — it toucheth both them and me ; and in so great a matter, it were meet to use the advice of the wisest of them. The queen, your mistress, saith that I am young; she might say that I were as foolish as young, if I would, in the state and country I am in, proceed to such a matter of myself without any counsel." Throgmorton next referred to her wearing the arms of England, but Mary was equally ready with a reply : " Mr Ambassador,'^ she said, " I was then under the com- mandment of King Henry my father, and of the king my lord and husband ; and whatsoever Avas then done by their order and commandment, the same was in like manner continued until both their deaths — since which time, you know, I neither bore the arms nor used the title of England. But in spite of the spirit and self-possession which she displayed in presence of the English ambassador, the young queen did not seek to hide from him her sense of the difficulties and perils which lay before her. She trusted that the wind might prove favour- able ; but if not, and she was driven on the English coast, his mistress would have her in her power. " And if," continued Mary, " she be so hard-hearted as to desire my end, she then may do her pleasure. , Peradventure that might be better for me than to live."t Never were anticipations of a dismal future more cruelly fulfilled. * Keith, ii. 47. t Ibid., ii. 51. 1561.] THE PROTESTANT CHIEFS IN SCOTLAND. 67 Although the Protestant chiefs had, through their representative, the Lord James, invited, with profound expressions of loyalty, the queen to take up her resi- dence in her native country, we have abundant proof that they were in reality opposed to her return. In a letter addressed by Maitland to Cecil about this time, he informs the English secretary that there is no danger of any breach of peace between the two realms so long as the queen is absent ; " but her presence," he adds, " may alter many things." Eandolph, who was now the English resident in Edinburgh, writes in the same strain. " I have shown your honour's let- ter," he writes to Cecil, " unto the Lord James, Lords Morton and Lethington. They wish, as your honour doth, that she might be stayed yet for a space ; and if it were not for their obedience' sake, some of them care not though they never saw her face."'"* The same language is held by Cecil, who, on the 12th of August, after Mary had sailed, writes to the Earl of Essex : "The Scottish queen was, the 10th of this month, at Boulogne, and meaneth to take shipping at Calais. Neither those in Scotland nor we here do like her going home. The queen's majesty hath three ships in the north seas to preserve the fisheries from pirates. / think they vjill he sorry to see her _pa55."t It is asserted by Camden that the Lord James, after invit- * Printed in Robertson, iii., Appendix, 287. The real name of the English resident was " Thomas Randall." He seems to have become acquainted with the Earl of Arran at Geneva, and he afterwards accom- panied or followed him into Scotland, where he remained for some time a guest of the Hamiltons. Before Mary's return he had been appointed permanent resident, and adopted the name of " Randolph," probably be- cause he was so called in Scotland. Elizabeth and Cecil always called him by his proper name of " Randall." t Wright's Elizabeth, i. 69. 68 PLANS FOR INTERCEPTING MARY. [1561. ing his sister to return to Scotland, instigated the English ministers to intercept her on the high seas ; and the tone of Cecil's letter would lead us to suspect that such was their intention. It would have been a harsh proceeding, but it might have been justified by a rigorous application of the law of nations, as understood and practised in the sixteenth century. Mary had refused to ratify the treaty of Edinburgh ; she was unprovided with a safe- conduct, and she therefore might be treated as a public enemy. These considerations, wdth the undoubted aversion of the Protestant party, both in England and in Scotland, to the return of the Queen of Scots to her dominions, and the presence of an English squadron in the North Sea, make out, at least, a case of strong suspicion against the enemies of Mary. And this suspicion is not diminished by a subsequent letter from Cecil, in which he expresses himself as follows : " The 19th of this present [month], early in the morning, the Scottish queen arrived at Leith with her two galleys. The queen's majesty's ships that were upon the seas to cleanse them from pirates saw her and saluted her galleys, and, staying her ships, ex- amined them of pirates, and dismissed them quietly." But Castelnau, who was on board the queen's galley, tells quite a different story. He says that they were in some alarm lest they should be taken by the Eng- lish ships of war, of which they came in sight during the voyage ; but they found that the queen's galleys sailed so much faster that the former could not have overtaken them.t Castelnau says nothing of the salute mentioned by Cecil, and Cecil is silent as to * See Keith, ii. 59, note. f Castelnau Memoires, lib. III. cliap. i. 1561.] HER AHEIVAL IN SCOTLAND. 69 the significant fact that one of the transports belong- ing to the Queen of Scots, and conveying the Earl of Eglinton and his attendants, was actually taken and detained by the English squadron.*''' This latter cir- cumstance, considered with reference to the known wishes both of Cecil and the Congregation, will pro- bably lead the reader to conclude that it was the intention of Elizabeth and her ministers to make a prisoner of the Scottish queen at this time, if they had succeeded in intercepting her. An incident occurred immediately on Mary's arri- val in Scotland which afforded her an insight into the character and habits of the people of her native kingdom. The ascetic doctrines of the Reformers appear at first to have been regarded with extreme dislike. The entire devotion of Sunday to religious observances was especially distasteful to the inhabitants of the towns, and a short time before the queen's arrival the young men of Edinburgh had, in spite of the prohibition of the magistrates, celebrated, according to ancient cus- tom, the masque of Eobin Hood and Little John, whose fame and popularity, it thus appears, had extended beyond the Tweed. t It was a serious aggravation of the offence that the pantomime had been performed upon a Sunday ; and in consequence of this defiance both of the spiritual and the temporal power, the ring- leaders were apprehended, and an unfortunate shoe- maker who had played the part of the immortal out- law was condemned to death. The punishment was * Tytler, v. 193. t Knox says, " the rascall multitude were stirred up to make a Robin Hood."— See p. 300 and 306. 70 ROBIN HOOD IN SCOTLAND. t [1561. SO outrageously disproportioned to the offence, at least in the eyes of his comrades, that they made an on- slaught on the Tolbooth, where the condemned man was confined, and liberated not only him but all his fellow-prisoners, without regard to the character of their offences. It was fortunate for the youths who had thus violated the law and defied the clergy, that their sovereign arrived in time to prevent any further mischief. They repaired in a body to the queen while she was on her way to Holyrood, and sought pardon for the outrage they had committed. Mary, not un- willing, probably, to mark her sense of the tyranny of the preachers, who, for a mere act of folly, would have consigned a fellow-creature to the gallows, dismissed the riotous apprentices with an admonition to con- duct themselves peaceably for the future; an act of clemency for which she was duly censured by her enemies.'"' Mary was accompanied to Scotland by three of her uncles, the Duke d'Aumale, the Marquis d'Elbeuf, and the Grand Prior. There were also in her suite the Count d'Amville, eldest son of the Constable Montmorency, together with Brantome, Castelnau, and the poet Chatelar, whose tragic fate has for ever asso- ciated his name with the no less unfortunate object of his idolatry. But she had returned to her native country, as we have seen, against the wishes of the ruling faction. The Catholic nobles, to whom she must naturally have looked for support, had for some time been deprived of all share in the government ; and the preachers regarded her as the mortal enemy of their religion. Without experience and without * Knox, uhi suj^ra. 1561.] PEOSPECTS OF MARY. 71 friends, notliing can be imagined more hopeless than the prospects of Mary Stewart on her return to Scot- land. But the young queen had resources within herself which were not dreamed of in the sour philo- sophy of the Eeformers. The surpassing beauty of her person, of which she alone appeared to be un- conscious — and the still more irresistible charm of her manner and address, for which she was indebted less to her courtly training than to her kindly heart — created a profound impression upon a people who, although the most self-willed and turbulent in Eu- rope, ever regarded their native monarchs with a sort of superstitious veneration. She was, moreover, the daughter of one of their best-beloved kings, and the virtues of her mother were fresh in the recollection of all. Many of the characteristics of both parents were conspicuous in Mary, but, unfortunately for her, those of her father predominated. She inherited all his high spirit and ready wit, his love of letters, and, we must add, his love of favourites ; for in selecting those to whom she gave her confidence, she was usually guided less by interest than by impulse. Had she possessed her mother's calm temper and consummate tact, she might possibly have steered in safety through the sea of troubles which lay before her ; but her more ardent and impressionable nature, although it inspired far warmer feelings of attachment, betrayed her at times into indiscretions of which her enemies took every possible advantage, and which they finally contrived to turn to her destruction. From his uncompromising hostility to her mother, it was natural that Mary should regard Knox as her worst enemy in Scotland ; but she was not deterred 72 INTERVIEW WITH KNOX. [1561. on that account from seeking an early interview with the great Keformer. It has been assumed that she sought by this mark of attention to flatter and to fas- cinate the enemy of her religion ; but her language, as recorded by himself, certainly implies no such purpose. On their meeting she asked him directly, though with her wonted urbanity, why he had instigated her sub- jects to rebel against her, and why he had written a book against her just authority ? Knox answered no less plainly, that he had obeyed the Word of God by denouncing idolatry. " You think, then," said the queen, " I have no just authority." Knox replied that learned men in all ages had expressed their opinions with freedom ; and, alluding to his ^ First Blast of the Trumpet against the Monstrous Eegiment of Women,^ he had the vanity to insinuate a com- parison between that quaint piece of boorish bigotry and the * Eepublic ' of Plato, who had been a reformer like himself. But he was willing in future to keep his opinions to himself. " If," he continued, " the realm finds no inconvenience from the regiment of a woman, that which they approve I shall not further disallow than within my own breast, but shall be as well content to live under your grace as Paul was to live under Nero." The complacency with which the Ke- former likened himself first to Plato and next to St Paul, while he compared the young queen to the bloodiest of all the Eoman tyrants, is highly charac- teristic of the intolerable arrogance of the man.'"' * Although this conversation is related by Knox himself (p, 311-315), we can hardly believe that he used language so gratuitously offensive. The truth is, that the Reformer was much given to boasting, and his ex- aggerations frequently border on the ludicrous. On a subsequent occa- 1561.] INTERVIEW WITH KNOX. 73 Mary had been accustomed to listen to comparisons very different at the Court of France ; but she restrained her feelings, and allowed the Eeformer to proceed with- out interruption. Her patient demeanour even induced him to express a wish that no evil should result to her from his book, which he explained was written most especially against that wicked Jezabel," Mary of Eng- land. " But ye speak of women in general,'' said the queen, justly regarding his work as a libel upon her sex ; and she asked him how he could reconcile with the Divine command his doctrine that subjects should not obey their rulers. Knox replied, that true religion was derived from God, and that subjects were not bound to conform to the religion of their princes, otherwise the Hebrews must have conformed to the religion of Pharaoh, Daniel to that of Darius, and the early Christians to that of the Eoman emperors. " But," rejoined the queen, " none of those men raised the sword against their princes ? " Knox, evading the question, replied that they resisted by not obeying. " But they resisted not with the sword," repeated Mary, perceiving her advantage. " God, madam," replied Knox, " had not given them the power and the means." Mary had now driven her adversary to a point whence escape was impossible, and she asked him plainly whether he believed " that subjects having the power may resist their princes '? " Knox could no longer avoid a direct reply. " If," he said, " princes exceed their bounds, madam, no doubt they may be resisted, even by power ; " and he instanced the case of sion he tells his readers, with much apparent satisfaction, that he caused the queen to weep so bitterly that "scarce could Marnock, one of her pages, get handkerchiefs to hold her eyes dry" (p. 359). INTERVIEW WITH KNOX. [1561. a father being struck with frenzy, in which case his children might bind his hands. " Even so, madam, is it with princes that would murder the children of God that are subject unto them." Mary did not stop to examine the transparent fallacy of his comparison, but she seems to have com- prehended on the instant the full import of the doc- trines she had just heard propounded. " I perceive," she answered, with equal brevity and truth, " that my subjects shall obey you and not me, and shall do what they list, not what I command." To this plain speech the Keformer replied, that his sole desire was that both princes and people should obey God. At this point Mary made an avowal of her faith, as explicit as she had formerly made to Throgmorton, declaring " that she believed the Church of Eome to be the true Church of God." This was too much for the intolerance of Knox. " Your will, madam," he exclaimed, " is no reason ; neither doth your thought make the Eoman Harlot to be the true and immaculate spouse of Christ;" and he forthwith launched the fiercest invectives against the Church of Eome, with all her countless abominations. " My conscience is not so," replied the queen, without noticing his insulting tone and language. Conscience, madam," continued Knox, in the same strain of insolent freedom, " requires know- ledge, and I fear that right knowledge ye have none. Have you heard any teach but such as the Pope and the cardinals have allowed ? " " You," said the queen, " interpret the Scriptures in one way, and they in another; whom shall I believe, and who shall be judge ? " Knox replied, that he was willing to argue the matter with the most learned Papist in Europe, 1 1561.] INTEHVIEW WITH KNOX. 75 and would demonstrate the utter vanity and falsehood of the Papistical religion ; and with this empty boast the interview was brought to a close. It was unfortunate for the queen that, according to Knox's own narrative, she had maintained throughout the superiority, as well in temper as in argument. Had there been a spark of generosity in the Eeformer's nature, he could not have failed to admire, in one so young, the native clearness of her intellect, and even the steadfastness with which she clung to the per- secuted faith of her fathers. But his egotism seems to have been wounded by his discomfiture, for it is certain that he ever afterwards regarded Mary with feelings of personal hostility. The Lord James had alone been present at the interview, and he appears by his silence to have approved of the harsh behaviour of Knox ; but the more cultivated and penetrating Mait- land perceived that the conduct of the Eeformer was more likely to confirm a young and high-spirited prin- cess in her religious opinions than to convert her to the new doctrine. " I could wish he would deal more gently with her,'^ he says at this time, in a letter to Cecil ; " but surely, in her comporting with him, she doth declare a wisdom far exceeding her age.'' ""^ The remark of Maitland was equally true as regards Mary's conduct in temporal affairs. To the great dis- appointment of the Earl of Huntly and the Catholic nobility, she selected the Lord James and Maitland, two of the most active leaders of the Reformation, as her principal advisers ; and she issued a proclamation declaring that she had no intention of disturbing the religion which she had found existing on her arrival in * Tytler, v. 200. 76 PHUDENT CONDUCT OF MARY. [1561. Scotland. As an earnest of her sincerity, slie shortly afterwards gave her sanction to a scheme for providing a settled income for the Protestant clergy out of the confiscated Church lands. The greed of the Protestant nobles rendered the provision thus secured a very slender one ; but the assent of the queen to this meas- ure was a matter of great importance, as it amounted, in fact, to a recognition on her part that the Eeformed religion was legally established in Scotland.'" Mary's first care therefore was, to conciliate the Eeformers ; her second was, to preserve amity with England. Elizabeth, having failed to intercept her at sea, had hastened to congratulate her on her safe arrival in her native country, explaining with suspi- cious anxiety that the ships of war which she had seen on her voyage had only been sent to look for pirates. Mary probably saw through the flimsy pretext; but she had escaped the threatened danger, she was sin- cerely desirous at this time of establishing friendly relations with Elizabeth, and she replied in cordial terms to the congratulations of her sister queen, t Previous to the arrival of Mary in Scotland, an im- portant proposal had been made by the Lord James respecting the vexed question of the succession. He suggested to Cecil, as the best means of establishing permanent friendship between the two queens and their respective countries, that Mary should be declared the next heir to the crown of England in the event of Elizabeth dying childless. ;|; It was clearly the most * Tytler, v. 209. t Randolph to Queen Elizabeth, 6th September ; Record Office. % Notwithstanding the suspicious conduct of Murray at this time, it must be admitted that the proj)Osal which he now made seems incon- sistent with his alleged complicity in the design of Cecil to intercept the 1.561.] THE LORD JAMES. 77 equitable arrangement that could be devised, but Eliza- beth, for obvious reasons, refused to entertain it. She believed, and probably with justice, that by acknow- ledging Mary as her heir, and thus stimulating the hopes of the English Catholics, she would have placed her throne in immediate jeopardy. The proposal was shortly afterwards repeated in a more formal manner by Maitland, and no less formally declined. It is confidently asserted by a certain class of writers, that Mary Stewart, although not yet nineteen years old, returned to Scotland with the fixed deter- mination of overthrowing the Protestant religion and restoring the ancient faith, as a stepping-stone to the throne of England.'" It is asserted, no less confidently by others, that her brother, the Lord James, from the time that he espoused the cause of the Congregation, had fixed his affections on his sister s crown. But the conspicuous personages of history frequently incur censure, or obtain credit, for designs which they have probably never seriously entertained ; and it must be admitted that the conduct, both of the queen and of her brother, at this time, seems to refute the imputa- tions which they have severally incurred. If Mary had determined on the overthrow of the Reformed religion, we cannot believe that she would so readily have consented to endow the Protestant clergy. If the Lord James had determined on seizing on the Scottish crown, his proposed plan of settling the suc- queen on her voyage to Scotland. But the Lord James was so wary a politician that we are often at a loss to make out his real intentions. Even his friend Throgmorton writes about this time that lie does not know what the Lord James " meaneth."' — Quoted by Tytler, v. 187. * She came, according to Mr Froude, " with a purpose fixed as the stars to trample down the Reformation." — Vol. vii. 78 INTOLERANCE OF THE REFORMERS. [1561. cession — which was made, as it appears, without his sister s knowledge — was clearly inconsistent with any such intention. That the enemies of both should sus- pect them of sinister designs was a necessary conse- quence of the peculiar position in which each stood. It may be assumed that Mary would gladly have seen the ancient faith restored in Scotland, but she had too much sense to attempt impossibilities, and she yielded with a good grace to circumstances which were beyond her control. That the Lord James, on the other hand, was suspected of the most ambitious projects, even by his friends, we have abundant proof ; but his prema- ture death must ever render it impossible to determine whether these suspicions were founded in truth. The queen naturally claimed for herself the same privilege which she had so freely accorded to her Pro- testant subjects — namely, that of worshipping God according to her own creed. But this reasonable com- promise was vehemently opposed by the more fanati- cal section of the Eeformers ; and Knox declared that he would rather see 10,000 Frenchmen in Scotland than a single mass. It is creditable to the Lord James that he should on this occasion have resisted the tyranny of the preachers, and obtained for his sister the privi- lege of attending mass in her own private chapel. The Eeformers appeared to think that the surest way of converting their sovereign was by taking every possible means of insulting her religion. Shortly after her arrival, she was entertained at a banquet in Edin- burgh Castle ; and after the repast, a child descended from the roof and presented her with a Bible. As the walls of the chamber were decorated with scenes from the Old Testament, representing the punishment of 1561.] PEllSECUTION OF THE CATHOLICS. 79 idolaters, the queen could be at no loss to under- stand the allusion to her religion. It was intended, on the same occasion, to have burnt a priest in effigy ; but this part of the pageant was omitted, through the influence of the Earl of Huntly."' A proclamation was issued by the Town Council of Edinburgh shortly after- wards, ordering the removal from the city " of all monks, friars, priests, nuns, adulterers, fornicators, and all such filthy persons," under the pain of branding on the cheek and perpetual banishment. Knox and the preachers continued, meanwhile, to threaten the nation with the vengeance of Heaven if idolatry was suflered to remain. We learn further from Eandolph, that the question began to be mooted, whether the prin- cess, being an idolater, was to be obeyed even in civil matters. The English envoy, who was by this time pretty well acquainted with the character of the Scots, adds the following significant reflection : " I think marvellously of the wisdom of God, that gave this unruly, inconstant, and cumbersome people no more substance nor power than they have, for then would they run wild."t The queen bore so patiently all her multiplied annoy- ances, that she won insensibly the goodwill of all classes of her subjects. She continued, at the same time, on the most friendly terms with Elizabeth. On the occasion of the Lord James's marriage, which took place a few months after Mary's arrival in Scotland, she pledged the health of the Queen of England, and gracefully made a gift of the cup, which was of gold, and weighed twenty ounces, to the English ambas- * Randolph to Cecil, 7th September. — Keith, ii. 83. t Tl)id., 11th November. — Ibid., ii. 111. 80 A MIDNIGHT BRAWL. [1562. sador."'' She at the same time created her brother Earl of Mar, which ancient title had been for some time in abeyance. An incident occurred about the same time, which, though trifling in itself, was the cause of much annoy- ance to the queen, and led eventually to serious con- sequences. It was discovered that the Earl of Arran, notwith- standing his professions of sanctity, had a mistress in Edinburgh at this time, whom he used to visit in secret. One night after supper, the Marquis d'Elbeuf, the Lord John Stewart, one of the queen's half-brothers, and the Earl of Bothwell, who probably was the ring- leader on the occasion, determined to see the lady who had captivated the Calvinist leader ; and, repairing to her residence in disguise, they were so well received that they repeated their visit on the following evening. On the second occasion, however, they were refused admittance ; whereupon, being heated with wine, they proceeded to break open the doors of the house. The news of the disturbance soon spread ; the retainers of Arran and of Bothwell hastened to the spot, and but for the prompt interference of the magistrates, aided by the presence of Huntly and of the I^ord James, a pitched battle must have taken place in the streets — an occurrence by no means unusual in that lawless age. The next day, the queen sharply reproved the perpetrators of this foolish outrage, + and commanded Bothwell, who had no doubt taken the most active part in it, to leave Edinburgh for a fortnight. But the Assembly of the Kirk, which happened to be sit- * Randolph to Cecil, 12th February 1562; Record Office, t Ibid., 27th December.— Keith, ii. 130. 1562.] THE HAMILTONS AND BOTHWELL. 81 ting at the time, was by no means satisfied that the matter should be thus lightly passed over. This now formidable body presented an address to the queen, demanding that " the principal actors of this heinous crime," including, of course, her uncle and her brother, should be brought to trial, and punished according to law. The queen had no choice but to yield to the clamour of the preachers, or to incur the imputation of sheltering her relatives from the consequences of their folly. To the great disgust of the Assembly, she chose the latter course ; informing them that her uncle was a stranger in the country, and that care should be taken that such scenes should not be repeated. "And so," says Knox, "deluded the just petition of her subjects." '' But the matter did not end here. Between Both- well and the Hamiltons there existed a feud of some standing, for which no cause can be assigned, except that they represented at this time the two most power- ful families in the south of Scotland. But as Both- well, as well as Arran, was a stanch Protestant, their notorious enmity was a scandal to the Congrega- tion, and Knox did his utmost to reconcile them. Unfortunately, as it happened, for both, the Eeformer succeeded. From the time of the queen's arrival in Scotland, the Hamiltons, conscious, apparently, of their treason- able project in promoting the Arran marriage, had kept aloof from Court. But shortly after the recon- ciliation brought about by Knox, the Earl of Arran sought an audience of the queen, and accused him- self and Bothwell of a design of murdering the Lord * Knox's History, 326. F 82 INSANITY OF AKRAN. [1562. James and seizing on the government. He further said that the whole plot was contrived by Bothwell, who, in consequence of the information, was imme- diately arrested. Elizabeth and Cecil appear never to have doubted that the Queen of Scots would not fail to avail herself of so fair an opportunity for crushing the Hamiltons, who had ever sided with her enemies, and who were the next heirs of her crown. But it was not in the nature of Mary Stewart to trample on a fallen enemy ; and we learn from Eandolph that when the Duke of Chatelherault appeared before her, bewail- ing with tears the ruin of his house, she received him with " all gentleness."'" It was afterwards discovered that Arran, who had been leading an irregular life, was deranged ; yet many were disposed, notwithstand- ing, to give credit to the charge he had made against Bothwell. That notorious person was young, daring, profligate, and needy, and was but too likely to engage in any enterprise which promised to recruit his dilapi- dated fortunes. Before, however, any steps could be taken to verify the charge against him, he made his escape from Edinburgh, whither he did not venture to return for upwards of two years. It has never been asserted that the queen, at this period of her career, showed any partiality for Both- well. From his rank, and the extent of his possessions, * " She has used his father, himself, and their friends with all gentle- ness, the more to let them know, and the world judge, that she loved them as kinsmen, and esteemed them as her successors. Unto the one she promised a reasonable sum towards his living during his father's life, and remitted unto the other many things that he was in danger for, both in body and goods." — Randolph to Cecil, 9th April ; Record Office. This is strong testimony, as Randolph came first to Scotland as the friend and guest of the Hamiltons. — See also his letter to Cecil of 25th April. 1562.] BOTHWELL LEAVES SCOTLAND. 83 he had acted as a member of her Council from the time of her return to Scotland. But beyond restoring to him certain lands which appear to have formerly belonged to his family, she distinguished him with no mark of favour. On the contrary, she seemed to think, and we find that Cecil''' was of the same opinion, that there was some truth in the accusation preferred by Arran. Some months after that occurrence. Both- well addressed her in penitent terms from his Border Castle of Hermitage in Liddesdale. But on this occa- sion Mary was more than usually firm. " Anything he can do or say," observes Randolph, t " can little pre- vail. Her purpose is to put him out of the country." Finding the queen inexorable, Bothwell shortly after- wards sailed for France. That the queen should have shown so much forbearance towards the Hamiltons, while she turned a deaf ear to the man of whom her enemies afterwards asserted she was so violently enamoured, is a circumstance not easily explained. From the gossiping letters of Randolph we learn nearly all that is known at this time of the disposition and habits of the Queen of Scots. Her early mis- fortunes, and the many vexations to which she was subjected, do not appear to have permanently affected her naturally cheerful temper. She seems to have been easily moved to mirth, and would indulge at times, in presence of the English envoy, in laughter of the most undiplomatic kind. Her modern enemies assert that this frank and open demeanour was the * Writing on the 8th June to the English ambassador at Madrid, he says, " There was something, but not so much as Arran uttered." — Record Office. t Randolph to Cecil, 23d September ; Record Office. 84 SPANISH OPINIONS OF MARY. [1562. result of consummate deceit ; as if any girl of nineteen, or indeed any human being, could conceal their real character from those immediately around them. It is certain, at all events, that neither Eandolph nor Cecil, who were both sufficiently prejudiced against the Queen of Scots, suspected her at this time of those deep and desperate schemes of which mqdern writ- ers, who are credulous enough to follow Knox and Buchanan, are wont to accuse her. The truth is, that the moderation of Mary in matters of religion had proved as offensive to the Catholic fanatics of Spain as it was to the Protestant fanatics of Scotland. " The Spanish Council,'' says Throgmorton, " dislikes the toleration the Queen of Scots allows to the Protestant religion in Scotland, and that she begins to order the Church lands in such sort as she does;"'"'' alluding, no doubt, to the provision made for the Protestant clergy. Cecil, on the other hand, entirely approved of the pol- icy and conduct of the Scottish queen. " The whole governance," he says, "rests in Lord James and the Laird of Lethington. The others that have credit are the Earls Marischal, Argyll, Morton, and Glencairn, all Protestants. The queen quietly tolerates the Ee- formed religion through the realm, who is thought to be no more devout towards Eome than for the con- tentation of her uncle." t Although Mary mixed freely in the amusements of her Court, even Knox admits that in Council, in which she spent much of her time, she always showed a becoming gravity. We learn from Eandolph;}: that * Throgmorton to Cecil, 24th March 1862 ; Record Office, t Cecil to Sir Thomas Challoner, ambassador in Spain, 8th June 1562 ; Record Office. 1 Letter to Cecil, 24th October ; Record Office. 1562.] THE EARL OF HUNTLY. 85 she was in tlie habit of appearing at the Council board with some piece of needlework in her hand, with which she employed herself at intervals during the discus- sions of her ministers. We learn from the same authority that she read Livy every day at this time with George Buchanan, who for his services was after- wards appointed lay Abbot of Crossraguel Abbey'"' in Ayrshire, and Principal of St Leonard's College, St Andrews. The elevation of the Lord James to the post of principal adviser of the queen was regarded by no one with greater jealousy than by the Earl of Huntly. As chief of the Catholic nobility and chancellor of the kingdom, he probaby expected, on JVlary's return to Scotland, to occupy the first place in her Coun- cil ; but the policy, which she had wisely adopted, of surrounding herself with Protestant advisers, proved fatal to his hopes. The queen had other reasons for distrusting Huntly. Throughout the whole of the religious struggle he had played a double game — ever promising his powerful aid to the stronger side, but in reality never helping either. A professed ad- herent of Mary of Lorraine so long as fortune favoured her arms, and a partisan of the English alliance when the tide turned against her — this crafty earl seemed indifferent to the rival religions, so long as he retained his vast possessions and his unrivalled influence in the north. These possessions had been steadily in- * He received this appointment from Queen Mary in November 1564. — See also letter of Randolph in Keith, ii. 242. The appointment was a valuable one, and rendered Buchanan for the first time in his life independent. — See Chalmers, i. 105. He was appointed Principal of St Leonard's by Murray, who was Prior of St Andrews. — Life of Buchanan by Irving, 117. 86 STREET WAREAEE. [1562. creasing for several generations, but an incident now occurred which effectually checked the growth of a family whose ambition, fortunately for the sovereigns of Scotland, did not equal its worldly prosperity. It happened that Sir John Gordon, a younger son of Huntly, accidentally met the Lord Ogilvie one summer evening in the streets of Edinburgh They had had a previous quarrel, and being both accom- panied by armed retainers, swords were forthwith drawn, and Lord Ogilvie was dangerously wounded by his opponent. The magistrates, who appear to have behaved with becoming spirit on the occasion, caused Gordon to be apprehended and committed to close custody,'"' and, at the same time, sent an account of the affair to the queen, who was then at Stirling. She replied to the communication of the magistrates on the same day on which she received it, thanking them heartily for their diligence in apprehending the disturbers of the peace; "for," she continued, '^albeit the party be great, as ye mite, yet nevertheless shall their greatness, nor respect of their kindred, stay us to execute justice as accords. We learn, from what subsequently occurred, that these were no empty words; but that she was resolved, if possible, to put down the barbarous practice of private warfare among her subjects. Before any proceedings could be taken, however, Sir J ohn Gordon contrived to make his escape from prison, and fled to Aberdeenshire. Unfortunately for him, the * The order is characteristic. He was to be kept in ward, and watched "by twelve men, " upon his awn expenses^^ until it should be known what was the result of Lord Ogilvie's wound. — Keith, ii. 155. t Keith, i. 157. 1562.] THE QUEEN IN THE NORTH. 87 queen had determined about this time to visit the northern part of her dominions. On her arrival in the country of the Gordons, the Countess of Huntly pleaded earnestly for the pardon of her son. But the queen insisted that he should proceed immediately to Stirling Castle, and there deliver himself up to the governor. With this injunction Gordon promised to comply ; but he again escaped from his guards, and fled with a body of horse to the northern part of his father's vast domains, where he finally concerted measures with the earl for destroying their enemy the Lord James, and seizing the person of the queen. It is surprising that a politician so crafty and cau- tious as Huntly should have ventured to embark in this desperate enterprise. But the influence of his son, and the dread of being stripped of his princely power by the Protestant advisers of the queen, finally induced him to take up arms. Mary was at this time at Aberdeen, and she was alarmed by the intelligence that Huntly was advancing upon the tow^n with a large force. But the Lord James was deficient in no quality that is requisite for worldly success. Marching out of Aberdeen at the head of a small body of pike- men, he encountered and totally defeated the undisci- plined Highlanders opposed to him. Huntly himself fell in the engagement, and his rash and unfortunate son, Avho appears to have been the sole cause of the rebellion, was beheaded a few days afterwards at Aber- deen. No other member of this noble family perished on the scaffold. Lord Gordon, the eldest son, although condemned to death, was pardoned by the queen ; and the same clemency was extended to his youngest 88 FORFEITURE OF HUNTLY, [1562. brother Adam, who was also actively engaged in the rebellion.'"'' The rich earldom of Murray had been for some time in possession of HuDtly ; but it was now bestowed, as a reward for his services, upon the Lord James. The Lord James also shared largely in the plunder of Strathbogie, the residence of Huntly, and reputed to be the finest house in Scotland. The Earl of Morton was appointed chancellor in the place of Huntly; and having thus reduced to complete obedience the north- ern counties, the queen returned to Edinburgh. It happened that this year there was a very late and scanty harvest in the north of Scotland, a circum- stance which Knox attributed entirely to the presence of the queen. " So," he exclaimed, " did God punish the idolatry of our wicked rulers." t But Eandolph| informs us that the harvest had failed before the queen reached Aberdeenshire, so that the Eeformer was mis- taken as to the facts whence his pious reflections were derived. If, as her enemies assert, Mary returned to her native country with the fixed determination of restor- ing the old religion, her consent to the total ruin§ of the chief of the Catholic nobility is simply inexplicable. The forfeiture of Huntly involved also that of his kins- man the Catholic Earl of Sutherland, and of a number of the northern gentry retainers of both families. But, * Adam Gordon afterwards became the hero or the villain of the fine tragical ballad of Edom o' Gordon." — See Percy's Reliqnes of Ancient Poetry. t Knox, 352. % Randolph to Cecil, 31st August ; Record Office. § She seems to have been greatly irritated by the perverse conduct of Huntly. " The queen," says Randolph, " is determined to bring him to utter confusion" (12th October, to Cecil). 1562.] AND ITS CONSEQUENCES. 89 in truth, this charge has been made against the queen upon certain preconceived notions of her character, and in total apparent ignorance of circumstances. In Scotland, as in Protestant Germany, the patrimony of the Church had been shared among the magnates of the land, who had, on that account, the strongest in- terest in maintaining the new religion. A restoration of the ancient state of things in Scotland, where the nobles were all-powerful, was a political impossibility. Nothing short of a successful foreign invasion could have brought it about ; and that, in the disturbed condition of France, was out of the question. In England, as Elizabeth well knew, there was much greater danger of reaction, because the wealth of the Church had been chiefly shared among new men and minions of the Court, who were naturally regarded with little favour, either by the old nobility or by the people. In consequence of the exile of Bothwell and the attainder of Huntly, Murray has been accused of a design to undermine the power of the great nobility, with a view to paving his way to the crown. But this accusation rests upon no sufficient proof. He was in no way responsible for the flight of Bothwell, or for the rebellion of the Gordons, an incident clearly arising from the feudal anarchy which prevailed in Scotland. The expedition to the north, moreover, seems to have been planned, not by Murray, but by the queen her- self ; '''^ and had any premeditated design existed to crush the Earl of Huntly, a sufficient force would have been provided for the purpose. As it Avas, the rash ■* "It is rather devised by herself than greatly approved by her Council." — Randolph to Cecil, 10th August 1562 ; Record Office. 90 INSOLENCE OF THE PREACHEES. [1562. attempt of Huntly completely took the royal party by surprise, and they were indebted for their safety to the loyalty of some of the northern clans. The queen thus succeeded for a time in curbing the insubordination of her nobles, but she found it impos- sible to check the insolence of the preachers. Every attempt which she made to conciliate Knox was rudely repelled. That fierce disciple of Calvin not only re- garded his sovereign as an incorrigible idolatress, but as an enemy whose death would be a public boon. He had even the audacity to express these savage sentiments in the pulpit.'" He denounced in the same public manner the amusements of the Court, and, in particular, the deadly sin of dancing. Yet, in spite of these rigorous denunciations, the Eeformer was by no means indifferent to female attractions ; for, at the mature age of fifty-eight, we find that he was paying his addresses to a girl of sixteen, t Throughout the winter, Mary had watched with painful interest the progress of events in France. Catherine de Medici had been induced, through her ceaseless jealousy of the house of Guise, to conciliate the Protestants by consenting to the famous edict of January 1562, which secured liberty of worship to the Eeformers. But this truce between the rival factions was soon violated by both ; and, stimulated by pro- mises of aid from England, the Prince of Conde, in the month of April, at last raised the standard of * " They pray," says Randolph, " that God will either turn her heart or send her a short life." Randolph adds, in his sarcastic manner, " of what charity or spirit this proceedeth, I leave to be discussed by the great divines." — 28th February 1563 ; Record Office. t Randolph to Cecil, 22d January 1563 ; Record Office. 1562.] EVENTS IN FHANCE. 91 rebellion. Elizabeth soon afterwards entered into a treaty with the leader of the Huguenots, as she had done, two years before, with the Duke of Chatelhe- rault, as representing the Scottish insurgents. She engaged to send into Normandy a body of 6000 troops, and to provide a sum of 100,000 crowns ; and although her ministers had been labouring incessantly for two years to stir up a Huguenot rebellion, she stated that, " in arming her subjects, she meant only the peace of Christendom." '''' She further stated that she had taken up arms, not against her ally the King of France, but to protect the people of Normandy against the tyranny of the house of Guise. Pretences so ridiculous deceived no one, and the Duke of Guise personally remonstrated with Throgmorton as being the instigator of the civil war — a charge which the English ambassador did not think fit to deny.t In the mean time, the royal army, led by the duke and the King of Navarre, who had now changed sides, advanced upon Eouen. The town was held by a Huguenot officer of Scottish descent, the Count Mont- gomery, who, aided by a few hundred English volun- teers, made a most obstinate defence. It was of the utmost consequence to Elizabeth to prevent the fall of this important place ; if but, with all her undoubted abilities, she seemed ever incapable of acting with de- cision in any emergency. No efficient aid was sent to the relief of Eouen ; and on the 26th of October, the * 20th Sept ; Record Office. f Forbes, ii. 79. X Sir Thomas Smith, the English ambassador in Paris, informs Cecil, that if a sufficient force had been sent to relieve Rouen, all Normandy- must have fallen into the hands of Elizabeth. — Letter of 8th Nov. : Record Office. 92 BATTLE OF DREUX. [1562. Duke of Guise succeeded, after a desperate struggle, in storming the town."^' The King of Navarre had been mortally wounded during the siege ; and Guise next proceeded to meas- ure his strength with the Prince of Conde. On the 19th December, the rival chiefs met at Dreux. The issue of that famous battle was long doubtful, and both sides at first claimed the victory. But the Duke of Guise, who lost one of his brothers in the engage- ment, t remained master of the field, with Conde for his prisoner. Throgmorton, who was in the Huguenot camp, was made a prisoner at the same time ; but after being detained for a few weeks, he was allowed to return to England. Mary could not but watch with deep anxiety the progress of a struggle in which her favourite uncle, the illustrious Duke Francis, was the leader on one side, and one of her most devoted admirers, the Prince of Conde, on the other. To the English ambassador she expressed herself on the subject with her usual frankness. She told him that she could not but con- sider her uncles as true subjects; that she heartily wished them well, as by nature she was bound to do. But she added, " she would not condemn those who were not of her mind." if The Duke of Guise, after his victory at Dreux, pro- ceeded to invest Orleans, the chief stronghold of the Huguenots ; but on the very eve of the day which had been fixed for the assault, he fell beneath the bullet of * Castelnaii, who was present, says that the duke behaved with great humanity on this occasion, and did hie utmost, after the town was taken, to save the citizens from the fury of his soldiers. — Memoirs, 177. t The Grand Prior received a wound from which he never recovered. X Randolph to Cecil, 2d Nov ; Record Office. 1562.] MURDER OF THE DUKE OF GUISE. 93 an assassin. He lived for some hours after receiving the fatal wound ; and it is worthy of note that, like his sister, Mary of Lorraine, this great soldier recom- mended with his latest breath, to his successors, a policy of peace and toleration. The murder of the Catholic chief was hailed with exultation by his ene- mies. Coligni declared that it was the greatest bless- ing that could have happened to France ; and Knox did not hesitate to assert that the Almighty had guided the aim of the assassin, t But the death of the Duke of Guise proved in the end a source of terrible calamities, and most of all to the Protestants themselves. His adherents never ceased to proclaim Coligni as the true murderer; and thus was roused, and kept alive, a spirit of revenge which found a vent, some nine years later, on the eve of St Bartholomew, and dealt a blow to Protestantism in France which it never afterwards recovered. The command of the English forces in France had been bestowed on the Earl of Warwick, who, in ac- cordance with the treaty concluded with Conde, occu- pied Havre de Grace. But the parsimony of Eliza- beth soon told with fatal effect on the expedition. The soldiers were so miserably supplied, not only with food and clothing, but even with arms, that no active operations could be attempted. It was in vain that Warwick and his officers complained J again and again * See the letter of Coligni to the q^ueen-mother, quoted by Lacratelle, Giierres de Religion, ii. 134. t " God had stricken that bloodie tyrant, the Duke of Guise." — Knox, 361. X On 24th November, Warwick writes to the Council that there is neither bread nor beer in the queen's stores. Two days later, on tlie 26th, Wood writes that the soldiers are without bedding ; and on the 94 HAVRE ABANDONED. [1563. to the Council on the subject ; and a deadly epidemic, the necessary consequence of cold and want, soon be- gan to decimate his men. Conde, in the mean time, became an object of universal unpopularity. His countrymen did not fail to contrast his conduct with that of his murdered rival, who had wrested from the English their last stronghold in France ; while he had invited back the hereditary enemies of his country, and put them in possession of a seaport far more valu- able than Calais. Stung by these reproaches, and not unwilling to punish the duplicity of Elizabeth, who had failed to supply him with the money she had pro- mised, Conde and his friends now made peace with the royalists, and both advanced to the attack of Plavre. Elizabeth pretended to hold the town in trust for her ally the King of France, but neither Protest- ants nor Catholics would listen to such vain pretexts. Two breaches were soon made in the walls ; and War- wick, unable with the wreck of his army to resist an assault, surrendered the town, on condition of his being allowed to return with his troops to England. Thus ended the inglorious expedition of 1563, which reflected as little credit on the arms as on the policy of Elizabeth. About this time a painful sensation was created at the Scottish Court by the tragic fate of the poet Cha- telar. On his own account, as well as on that of his patrons the Montmorencys, the queen had treated him with every attention; and had even, it is said, amused herself at times by replying in verse to his produc- 2d December, Vaughan writes to Cecil as follows : " The Essex men arrived here altogether unfurnished with armour and weapons ; and to- day 500 Devonshire, like unfurnished, arrived." — Record Office. 1563.] CHATELAR. 95 tions/"' Chatelar eitlier misinterpreted her courtesies, or, as is more probable, tliey had the effect of unset- tling his reason ; and one night at Holyrood he con- trived to conceal himself in the queen's bedchamber. On being discovered, he was ordered immediately to quit the Court. But with a degree of infatuation in- compatible with sanity, the unhappy man only two days afterwards followed the queen in secret to Burnt- island, and was again found concealed in her chamber in that place. The screams of her ladies soon brought IVEurray to the spot, and the intruder was secured and sent to prison.! It is impossible to acquit the queen of all blame in this unfortunate affair. Chatelar was condemned to death for his audacious conduct, and she allowed him to perish on the scaffold. It may be said, and it is no doubt true, that if she had interfered to save his life, the worst construction would have been put upon her motives ; but it would have been better to incur such imputations than to allow a punishment to be inflicted so disproportioned to the offence. About this time proceedings were taken, under the statute of 1560, against a number of persons in the west of Scotland, including John Hamilton, Archbishop of St Andrews, for celebrating mass ; and it is curious to find that the wilds of Ayrshire, which a century later were the haunts of persecuted Presbyterians, were * Hume, chap, xxxix. t Knox says that the queen ordered Murray to slay the intruder on the spot, "and never let him speak word" (p. 351). His whole account of the story is grossly over-coloured. Mary was certainly not in the habit of giving such peremptory orders ; but we can well believe that she was extremely indignant on the occasion. What would her enemies have said if she had shown no resentment at all ? 96 RELIGIOUS PERSECUTIONS. [1563. now the resort of persecuted Catholics, who on the bleak moorlands, or beneath the shelter of some friendly rock, worshipped in secret according to the faith of their fathers. Some of the more zealous Reformers, impatient of the proverbial tardiness of the law, did not hesitate to attack and disperse the " idolaters," when they found them thus engaged. The queen, as well from sympathy with her Catholic subjects as from her desire to maintain the public peace, remonstrated with Knox respecting these lawless proceedings. But he not only defended but applauded them. He asserted that private individuals might even slay with their own hands idolaters and enemies of the true religion;'" and he quoted a number of passages from Scripture in proof of his assertion. Mary had now remained a widow for upwards of two years. In the interval a host of suitors had sought her hand, among whom were the Kings of Sweden and of Denmark, the Archduke Charles, brother of the | Emperor, and Don Carlos, the Infanta of Spain. Of these, both Mary and her uncles would have pre- ferred the last to any of his competitors. But the unconquerable jealousy which Catherine de Medici entertained of the house of Guise, and of her daughter- in-law, proved fatal to this ambitious alliance. t Eliza- beth was equally opposed to a marriage between the Queen of Scots and the heir of the foremost Catholic power in Christendom. The two queens were at this time, to all appearance, on the most friendly footing ; and it was arranged in the simimer of 1562 that- a * History, 353. t Burton's History of Scotland, iv. 248, and the authorities there cited. 15G3.] SUITORS OF THE QUEEN OF SCOTS. 97 personal interview should take place between them at York. Some twenty years before, it had been pro- posed that their fathers should meet in the same city, but the project was defeated through the just suspi- cions entertained by James of the intentions of his uncle. The position of affairs was now reversed. Mary looked forward with girlish delight to the prospect of meeting her sister queen ; while Elizabeth hesitated, delayed, and finally declined the interview. It has been conjectured that she dreaded the superior attractions of her rival ; but a more powerful motive for her conduct may be found in the fact that the majority of the nobility and gentry in the northern counties regarded Mary's title to the English crown as better than her own. Although the project of the interview was aban- doned, the friendly intercourse between the two queens continued ; and after an infinite number of letters and messages had passed between them on the subject of Mary's marriage, Elizabeth at length, to the astonish- ment of every one, recommended her chief favourite, the Lord Robert Dudley, as a husband for the Queen of Scots. Mary could not fail to contrast both the rank and the reputation of this celebrated person with the host of royal and princely suitors who had sought her hand.* But she was anxious above all thino^s at this time to have the question of the succession settled, and she seriously entertained the proposal of Elizabeth, on the tacit understanding that she should be recognised * See anonymous letter in the Record Office, supposed to be "VNTitten by the Laird of Grange. Dudley had a year or two before been accused by public rumour of the murder of his wife. Amy Robsart.— See Lingard, vi. 34, note. 98 LORD ROBERT DUDLEY. [1564. as next heir to the English queen. By her language and her conduct at this time, Elizabeth certainly led Mary to believe that such was her intention ; and commissioners were eventually appointed to discuss the matter at Berwick. The negotiations were pro- tracted by every kind of artifice : but it became necessary at length for Elizabeth to declare her real intentions ; and by rejecting the terms upon which alone Mary would have consented to accept Dudley, a proposal which in reality was acceptable to none of the parties concerned, fell to the ground. There can be no doubt that Elizabeth was insincere throughout, and that she never really intended to part with her worthless favourite. Mary, on the other hand, was induced to listen to the project only from motives of public policy or of private ambition ; while the future Earl of Leicester entertained at this time such sanguine hopes of marrying Elizabeth herself, that he was believed by the best-informed historian of the age to have taken every means in his power to defeat the negotiations for his marriage with the Queen of Scots.'" The only motive which can be assigned for the conduct of Elizabeth in this transaction was her anxiety to prevent the Queen of Scots marrying a foreign prince ; and even before the projected match with Dudley was definitively broken off, she had com- menced a new series of intrigues with the same object. Matthew Stewart, Earl of Lennox, had been ban- ished from Scotland some twenty years before on account of his treasonable dealings with Henry VI IL, who, by way of recompense, gave him in marriage his * Camden, book i. 1564.] THE EARL OF LENNOX. 99 niece, the Lady Margaret Douglas, daughter of the Earl of Angus and of Margaret Tudor, widow of James IV. Elizabeth now wrote strongly to Mary in favour of Lennox, who was at this time a pensioner of the English Court ; and in consequence of her friendly intervention, the banished earl obtained per- mission to return to his native country. But the incon- sistencies of the English queen almost surpass belief. No sooner had she gained Mary's consent for Lennox to return to Scotland than she asked her to revoke it ; but Mary and her ministers not only refused to com- ply with this new freak, but they expressed, in lan- guage sufficiently plain, their opinion of Elizabeth's capricious conduct. What induced her to change her mind so suddenly it would be idle to conjecture ; but finding from Mary's firmness that she could not now recede, she put the best face on the matter, and allowed Lennox to proceed to Edinburgh in the belief that she had acted as his friend throughout. We find a hurried note written about this time by the Queen of England to her chief minister, which, unlike her compositions in general, seems to bear the genuine impress of her feelings. She finds herself, she says, in a perfect " labyrinth and she begs Cecil, who was sick at the time, to extricate her, and to find for her some excuse or explanation which she can make to the Queen of Scots.""''* The note is dated about the * The note, which is in Latin, is as follows : " In ejiismodi laber- intho posita sum de response meo reddendo R. ScotifB nt nescio quomodo illi satisfaciam, quum neque toto isto tempore illi ullum re- sponsum dederim nec quid mihi dicendum nunc sciam. Invenias igitur aliquid boni quod in mandatis scriptis Randall dare possem ; et in hac causa tuam opinionem mihi indica." The date of the note, endorsed in Cecil's hand, is 23d September 1564. — Record Office. 100 DARNLEY ARRIVES IN SCOTLAND. [1565. time when Lennox arrived in Edinburgh, and there can be little doubt that it refers to her correspondence respecting him. Mary, notwithstanding the equivocal conduct of her sister queen, not only gave Lennox a cordial recep- tion, but she called a Parliament expressly for the purpose of reversing his attainder. On this occasion, Eandolph informs us that she made " an oration, showing the reason of restoring Lennox, and the rather because it was at the request and suit of her sister of England."'"' In the same Parliament the celebration of the mass, excepting in the queen's private chapel, was again prohibited under the sever- est penalties, t In the early part of the following year, Henry, Lord Darnley, the eldest son of Lennox, obtained permis- sion from Elizabeth to visit Scotland ; and it is said that from the time of their first interview, which took place at Wemyss Castle, in the county of Fife, in Feb- ruary 1565, Mary fixed her affections on her hand- some kinsman. J It seems most probable that this was the case, for a woman of Mary's powers of intellect must have speedily detected the true character of Darnley had she not been under the influence of a passion which is proverbially blind. It is worthy of note that the Cardinal of Lorraine expressed himself at this time in terms of strong disparagement § of Darnley, and would apparently have preferred the gallant leader of the Huguenots, the Prince of Conde, * Randolph to Cecil, 3d December ; Keith, ii. 259. + Ibid. J " The Queen of Scots no sooner saw him but presently she fell in love with him." — Camden, book i. § He called him " un gentil hutaudeau." — Teulet, ii. 199. 1565.] OPPOSITION OF ELIZABETH. 101 clS 3) husband for his niece. All things considered, Conde was perhaps the most eligible of all the suitors of the Queen of Scots ; but, unfortunately for her, he appeared in the field too late. The practice of dissimulation was so habitual with Elizabeth, that her wisest ministers were often at a loss to discover her real intentions. It is not sur- prising, therefore, that the same difficulty should have been experienced by historians, and that the conduct of this great queen should often appear inexplicable. From the time that she allowed Darnley to visit Scot- land, she could not but perceive that a marriage be- tween him and the Queen of Scots was a probable con- tingency. She had frequently expressed to Mary her wish that she should not marry a foreign prince ; and considering the warm interest which she now pro- fessed to take in the Lennoxes, the Queen of Scots might naturally conclude that her choice of Darnley would not be unacceptable to her English sister. But as soon as it was known in London that this marriage was likely to take place, Elizabeth declared, through her Privy Council, that it was " directly prejudicial to the sincere amity between both the queens, and conse- quently perilous to the peace of both realms." The reasons which induced the Council to come to this conclusion were not explained. Active steps were immediately taken to break off the match. The Countess of Lennox, who was in London, was placed in confinement, and Throgmorton was sent on a special mission to the Scottish Court. But Mary had by this time made up her mind to be fooled no longer by the tortuous policy of Elizabeth, * Keith, ii. 276. 102 KESOLUTION OF MARY. [1565, and her language to the Engiish envoy, though per- fectly temperate, was clear and decisive. She ex- pressed her surprise at the opposition of her sister to her marriage, since she had followed her advice in choosing an Englishman in preference to any foreign prince. She added, that she thought that no one could be more acceptable, both to the Queen of England and to her own subjects, than Lord Darnley, who was descended from the royal blood of both kingdoms. Finally, she informed Throgmorton that her marriage would not be celebrated for three months, and she trusted in the interval to overcome any objec- tions which her sister entertained on the subject. Before the English ambassador took his departure she sent him a present of a gold chain weighing fifty ounces.'''' It must be admitted that Mary on this occasion kept Throgmorton in the dark on a very important point. We now know that she had t already privately married Darnley, but that they had determined to wait for the Pope's dispensation, which was neces- sary on account of their relationship, before the cere- mony was celebrated in public. But the conduct of Elizabeth had been such that we need not be sur- prised at Mary's silence on the subject of her private marriage. Notwithstanding the elaborate display of opposition * See his letter to Queen Elizabeth of 21st May 1565 ; Keith, ii. 284. t See the letters of the French ambassador in London to Catherine de Medici of 2d and 10th May ; Teulet, ii. 195, 196. See also a con- temporary memoir addressed to Cosmo de Medici, by which it appears, that the private marriage took place in Stirling Castle in an apartment fitted up by David Riccio for the occasion : " Fossero da im capellano catolicamente sposati in camera di esso David." — Labanoflf, vii. 86. 1565.] REAL VIEWS OF ELIZABETH. 103 on the part of the Englisli queen, we have every reason to believe that she was not in reality averse to the projected match. She would, no doubt, if she could, have prevented Mary from marrying at all ; but find- ing that impossible, she took the most effective means of preventing her from making, what she especially dreaded, a fresh alliance with one of the great Catholic powers. We cannot believe that she would have allowed the handsomest youth in her dominions to visit the Court of a young and beautiful queen, to whose hand it was well known he aspired, if she had been really opposed to the marriage."' Why, then, did Elizabeth make a show of opposing a match which would effectually avert the danger she so much dreaded? The only answer is, that this pretended opposition gave her an opportunity and a pretext for interfering in the internal politics of Scotland. To create and to perpetuate dissensions in that country was the easiest way of weakening the authority of the Crown, and of preventing a rival, whom she al- ways feared, from engaging in any enterprise which might endanger her own security. It was not, indeed, until after she was aware that there was a powerful party opposed to the marriage that she openly took part against it. The return of Lennox to his native country was not regarded with favour by either faction. Full of ambition, yet void of ability, his former career in Scotland had been con- spicuous only for its violence and its weakness. It was soon discovered that Darnley inherited in an ex- aggerated degree all the vices of his father. He had made enemies of the Protestant chiefs before he had * She never allowed Maiy to see her own favourite Dudley. 104 MUERAY LEAVES THE COUET. [1565. been a month at the Scottish Court ; and he deeply offended Murray in particular by remarking, when looking over a map of Scotland, that his earldom was far too large.t Shortly after this silly speech was reported to him, Murray left the Court and began to concert measures with his brother-in-law the Earl of Argyll and the Duke of Chatelherault for preventing Darnley's marriage with the queen. A period of three years and a half had now elapsed since Mary had returned to Scotland, during the whole of which time the chief share of the government had been intrusted to Murray ; and those who believe in his disinterested affection for his sister may defend the course he now took on the ground that he sought to prevent her making an imprudent marriage. Those who believe that ambition was his ruling passion will conclude that he was driven into rebellion by his re- luctance to lay down his power, or to share it with one whom he both disliked and despised. While matters were in this uncertain state, the Earl of Bothwell, who was still an exile in France, sued for permission to return to Scotland. It is worthy of notice, with reference to subsequent events, that the queen was decidedly averse to his return, and for a reason which no woman was likely to forget. J He did, however, make his way to Scotland notwithstanding, and sought a refuge among his lawless vassals in Liddesdale. From thence he was summoned to take * " Glencairn and Morton much dislike him, and ^^•ish him away." — Randolph to Cecil, 19th February ; Keith, ii. 265. t Randolph to Cecil, 20th March ; Ibid., ii. 275. X " The queen misljketh Bothwell's coming home, and hath summoned him to undergo the law. He is charged to have spoken dishonourably of the queen." — Randolph to Cecil, 15th March. 1565.] INTRIGUES OF EANDOLPH. 105 his trial in Edinburgh for his alleged conspiracy to murder the Earl of Murray. He repaired to the cap- ital accordingly; but on the approach of Murray and Argyll, with upwards of 5000 followers"' in their train, to attend his trial, he very naturally dreaded the result, and fled a second time from Scotland. From the time of Darnley's arrival in Scotland there is a marked change in the tone of Eandolph's letters. The numerous details which this active diplo- matist furnishes respecting the queen and her Court during the years of her widowhood enable us to form a very fair and a very favourable notion of her character and conduct. But from the time that Darnley appears upon the scene, he begins to paint her in colours less and less attractive, until the fair original is entirely lost. Misconceiving, in all probability, the real inten- tions of his mistress, he did his utmost, in secret concert with Murray and his friends, to prevent the marriage. He even abused his privilege of ambassador so far as to become a channel for supplying them with money — an offence for which Mary obliged him eventually to quit her dominions. It is curious to find that the first fault he finds with the Scottish queen after Darnley's arrival is her toleration. " Her will to continue Pa- pistry,'' he says, " and her desire to have all men live as they list, so offendeth the godly men's consciences, that it is continually feared that these matters will break out to some great mischief." t This was precisely * " The company that came to this town in favour of my Lord of Murray are esteemed five or six thousand. I never saw a greater assem- bly."— Randolph to Cecil, 30th March ; Record Office. t Randolph to Cecil, 20th March ; Keith, ii. 269. Lodge describes Randolph as being " of a dark intriguing spirit, full of cunning and void of conscience. There is little doubt," he adds, " that the unhappy divi- 106 / THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY. ^ [1565. the policy which four years before Mary had announced to Throgmorton that it was her intention to pursue. She had told that minister that she neither desired to change her own religion nor to interfere with that of her subjects, and Eandolph here unwittingly informs us that she had kept her word. But we need not be surprised that in such an age these wise and just maxims should have been the subject of reproach. Eandolph had a reason for calling attention to the matter at this time. He knew that Mary's subjects were now seeking to deprive her of the right which she had never denied to them. Ever since her return to Scotland she had been accustomed to celebrate mass in private, and this right, as we have seen, had been expressly sanctioned by the Parliament of the preceding year. But her projected union with the son of the Catholic Earl of Lennox roused the zeal and animosity of the Keformers to such a pitch that the Assembly of the Kirk which met in 1565, and was attended by the Earls of Morton, Argyll, and Glencairn, presented, under the name of a supplication, a solemn remon- strance to the queen, in which they declared that " the practice of idolatry" could not be tolerated in the sovereign any more than in the subject, and that the " Papistical and blasphemous mass " should be wholly abolished. To this demand the queen replied in language no less plain. She said " that where it was desired that the mass should be suppressed and abolished, as well in her majesty's own person and family as amongst sions in Scotland were chiefly fomented hy this man's artifices for more than twenty years together." — See Lodge, Illustrations, i. 431. The por- trait is not overdrawn. 1565.] PRUDENT CONDUCT OF THE QUEEN. 107 her subjects, her highness did answer for herself, that she was noways persuaded that there was any impiety in the mass, and trusted her subjects would not press her to act against her conscience ; for, not to dissemble, but to deal plainly with them, she neither might nor would forsake the religion wherein she had been edu- cated and brought up, believing the same to be the true religion, and grounded on the Word of God/' She further declared to "her loving subjects that she, neither in times past nor yet in time coming, did intend to force the conscience of any person, but to permit every one to serve God in such manner as they are persuaded to be the best, that they likewise would not urge her to anything that stood not with the quietness of her mind." Nothing could exceed the savage rudeness of the language of the Assembly ; nothing could exceed the dignity and moderation of the queen's reply. The faction of which Murray was the chief proceed- ed after the meeting of the Assembly to more active measures. A convention of the nobles had been sum- moned to meet at Perth, to which the queen formally announced her intention of marrying Lord Darnley. Neither Murray nor Argyll appeared on this occasion ; and the night before she left that city she received intelligence that these noblemen had formed the design of murdering Darnley, and of seizing and imprisoning her on the following day, while they were on their journey to Edinburgh. On hearing this alarming news, Mary summoned the Earl of AthoU and Lord Euthven, who was sheriff of the county, to attend her next morning at daybreak with 300 horsemen ; and travel- ling at full speed, she passed Lochleven, where her * Spottiswoode, ii. 30. 108 SUSPICIOUS CONDUCT OF MUKRAY. [1565. brother then was, long before he was aware of her approach. Two hours later Argyll appeared with his followers on the banks of the lake, but by this time the queen had crossed the Forth, and was safe beyond the reach of the conspirators. Among the attendants of the queen was Lord Erskine, an uncle of Murray, and on passing Loch- leven that nobleman sent a message to his nephew, asking why the queen entertained at this time such strong suspicions of his loyalty. Murray, in reply, declared to his uncle that her suspicions were un- founded, and that sickness had prevented him attend- ing the convention at Perth,'"''" and still detained him at Loch] even. We know these particulars from Ean- dolph, who was acting at the time in close concert with Murray. We know from the same authority that to the queen Murray assigned a different reason for his absence — namely, that Darnley and his father, the Earl of Lennox, had conspired to murder him. As both these reasons cannot be true, we are naturally led to suspect that both may be false, and this suspicion is greatly strengthened by his subsequent conduct. Upon hearing that he accused Lennox and his son of a design to murder him, the queen despatched messengers to her brother desiring him to come to Edinburgh and substantiate the charge. Murray re- plied that he could not come except at the risk of his * He told his uncle " that the cause of his heing there was the fluxes that took him at Edinburgh, which stayed him from coming to St John- ston" (Perth), — Randolj)h to Cecil, 4th July ; Keith, ii. 314. Two days before, Randolph had written to Cecil that Murray would have come to Perth, but that he " was assuredly advertised that it was intended that he should have been slain there." — Keith, ii. 300, 1565.] HE CRAVES THE AID OF BEDFORD. 109 life, upon which the queen transmitted a safe-conduct for himself and eighty followers. But he still declined to appear ; and as he and his fellow-conspirators now relied on assistance from the Queen of England, which had been promised to them through Eandolph and the Earl of Bedford,"' marshal or governor of Berwick, they prepared to take up arms against their sovereign. In a letter addressed by Murray to Bedford at this time he says,t " We crave your lordship's comfort as of one to whom God hath granted to know the subtile devices of Satan against the innocent professors of the Gospel ; '' and he entreats him especially to assist them against the queen's friends in the Border country, from whom he apprehended the greatest danger to his party. The only pretext, indeed, which Murray could put forward for his rebellion was, that the Eeformed reli- gion was in danger ; and to this effect rumours were carefully spread abroad, as well in England as through- out Scotland. Upon these reports reaching the queen, she issued a proclamation denying in the most explicit terms any intention of interfering with the religion of her people ; and she at the same time addressed letters with her own hand to various of the Protestant lords and gentry, declaring that all such rumours Avere utterly false, and that she never did and never would ^' impede or molest any of her subjects "if in the free exercise of their religion, and reminding them of the * Francis, second earl ; see Lodge, i. 431. t See Keith, ii. 342. Randolph, the secret associate of the rebels, at the same time implored Cecil " to let loose some strapping Elliots upon Lord Hume," the queen's chief supporter on the Border. — Randolph to Cecil, 4th July ; Record Office. X Caligula, book x. 316. 110 MAEEIAGE OF THE QUEEN. [1565. policy she had invariably pursued since her return from France. At the same time the Crown vassals of twelve counties were summoned to assemble forthwith with arms and provisions for fifteen days. This step was taken in consequence of intelligence having been received that Murray and his adherents were arm- ing in the west with the design of marching on the capital. A few days after this proclamation was issued — namely, on the 29th of July — the queen was publicly married to Lord Darnley at Holyrood ; and it is a striking proof of the unbounded affection which she entertained for him, that she immediately bestowed on him the title of king. It cannot be doubted that this step was alike imprudent and illegal, for Mary had no power to confer this title without the sanction of her Parliament. But such was the popularity she had acquired by her mild and equitable administration, and her amiable personal qualities, that no opposition was raised to this unprecedented stretch of the prero- gative. Her subjects had long desired that she should marry, and the validity of the title which her extreme affection for her husband had induced her to bestow upon him was never seriously questioned. This cir- cumstance enables us to test the value of the opinion and the testimony of Eandolph, who had informed Cecil a few weeks before'" that the queen, after her engagement with Darnley, had incurred the universal contempt of her subjects. We shall soon find further proof that he was grievously mistaken. * Keith, ii. 300. CHAPTEE III. FROM THE queen's MARRIAGE TO DARNLEY UNTIL THE MURDER OF RICCIO. Murray and his adherents had retired from the Court solely, as they professed, on account of their disap- proval of the queen's marriage. But failing in their attempt to break off the match, and fearing probably that they had advanced too far to recede with safety, they next determined to deprive their sovereign of her crown. Such revolutions were common in Scottish history ; and relying on the religious sympathies of the people, as well as on the aid of the Queen of England, they commenced operations with excellent prospects of success. Their nominal chief was Chatelherault, the next heir of the crown, who, forgetting the queen's generous forgiveness of his past intrigues, allowed himself on this occasion to become the tool of Murray. Argyll was omnipotent in the West Highlands ; and Glencairn, the most powerful nobleman in the south- west, although he had been present at the queen's marriage, and had even some days afterwards attended a Privy Council which ordered Murray to return to Edinburgh under pain of treason, proceeded immedi- ately afterwards to join the insurgents. The Earl of Rothes, Lord Ochiltree, the father-in-law of Knox, 112 THE REBELS OCCUPY EDINBURGH. [1565. Lord Boyd, and Kirkaldy of Grange, at the same time took open part with the enemies of the queen. Thus reinforced, the rebels advanced to the neigh- bourhood of Glasgow ; but they speedily retreated on the approach of the queen, who, with a hastily-collected levy of 5000 horse, prepared to give them battle. She rode at the head of her troops with pistols by her side, and was accompanied by her husband and his father, the Earl of Lennox. Morton, the chancellor, was also present, although we know from subsequent events that his sympathies were with the rebels. The latter, although not venturing to face the royal forces in the field, now made a dash at Edinburgh, which they sur- prised and occupied with a body of 1300 horse. The expedition was planned and led by the best soldier in Scotland, the Laird of Grange. But they quickly found that they had entirely mistaken the feeling of the people. It was in vain that the leaders of the Congregation called on them to arm in defence of the " Evangel," which was, they declared, in the most imminent danger. All their efforts had no effect in lessening the queen's popularity; and although the men of Edinburgh were promised the most ample rewards, both in this world and in the next, if they would join in the rebellion, they stood obstinately aloof. Disappointed in the quarter where they least expected, the insurgents retreated rapidly by way of Lanark towards Dumfries, intending there to await the promised aid from England. While Murray and Kirkaldy were thus engaged, Argyll plundered in the most merciless manner the earldom of Lennox,'"' which adjoined his own possessions. Paul de Foix, the French ambassador in London, to Catherine de Medici, 18th September 1565; Teulet, ii. 226. 1565.] MOVEMENTS OF THE QUEEN. 113 Wliile tlie queen was preparing to follow the insur- gents to Edinburgh, she heard of their hasty retreat to the south. Thus assured of the loyalty of the capital, she advanced by way of Stirling into the Protestant county of Fife, where the rebels had many secret sympathisers ; and at St Andrews the noblemen who were in arms against her were publicly proclaimed traitors. She then crossed the Tay and imposed a fine of 2000 merks on the town of Dundee, the pro- vost of which was an avowed partisan of Murray. At the same time that this penalty was inflicted, a pro- clamation was issued stating that many persons had been induced to join the rebels in the belief that the Eeformed religion was about to be overthrown, but that all such reports were false and groundless, and that all privileges enjoyed by the Protestants would be confirmed by the Parliament which was shortly about to meet.'"'' The queen and her husband returned to Edinburgh by way of Perth and Dunfermline, and reached Hol3rrood on the 1 9th of September, after an absence of nearly a month, during which time the rebels never ventured to make a stand against the royal forces. Before her return to Edinburgh, Mary had applied to the King of Spain t to aid her in suppressing the rebellion, the leaders of which, she truly said, were seeking to deprive her of her crown. Whetlier she was justified in taking a step of such importance may be matter of dispute ; but it is to be observed that her enemies had both sought and obtained foreign aid * Keith, ii. 368, note. t See her letter of 10th September 1565. — Lettres inedites de Marie Stuart ; LabanofF, 303. H 114 AN AMBASSADOR FROM FRANCE. [1565. before she applied to Philip. She knew that Elizabeth had furnished money to the rebels, and that they con- fidently expected from the same quarter a supply of troops. Elizabeth had further evinced her sympathy with the insurgents, and her hostility to her sister queen, by sending Darnley's mother, the Countess of Lennox, to the Tower. Mary had every reason, there- fore, to conclude that the Queen of England intend- ed to adopt the cause of the insurgents as her own ; and she appealed to Philip and to her brother-in- law, the King of France, on the broad ground that it was the duty of all princes to resist such lawless proceedings. Before an answer could be received from Spain, Cas- telnau had arrived in Edinburgh as ambassador from France; but, to the infinite surprise and disappoint- ment of the Scottish queen, the French envoy, acting no doubt under the instructions of Catherine de Medici, earnestly recommended her to make peace with the insurgents. Mary did not fail to detect the real object of this treacherous advice, and she had the spuit and the prudence to reject it on the spot. She told Cas- telnau that she would rather lay down her life than become the vassal of her rebellious subjects, and see her native kingdom, which had ever been a monarchy, converted into a republic. She was grievously dis- appointed at the message of her brother-in-law, for to him she had looked with the utmost confidence for help; and she took occasion to remind his ambassador, with much animation, of the services which in times past her countrymen had rendered to the kings of France. She finally declared that she could neither with the honour nor with the security of her crown 1565.] DECISION OF MARY. 115 adopt the recommendation lie had been instructed to make to her."^'^ ^ Mary was never more clear-sighted and self-pos- sessed than in the presence of immediate danger, and she seems to have acted on this occasion entirely on s|ier own responsibility. Morton, her chancellor, whose sympathies were known to be with the rebels, had retired at this time to one of his castles ; and we learn from the French envoy that, although Maitland re- mained at Court, he too was justly regarded with suspicion.t But the wisdom of the queen's decision was speedily proved by the result. She was no doubt by this time assured of her power and popularity, and to have come to terms with men who were in open rebellion would have been a confession of weak- ness which no friend could have recommended her to make. The course taken by the French ambassador can only be explained by the deadly dislike enter- tained by Catherine de Medici of her daughter-in-law, through whom she sought to inflict a fresh humiliation on the house of Guise. Elizabeth regarded with much uneasiness the pro- gress of events in Scotland. The insurgent lords had boasted loudly of the number and strength of their adherents; yet they had not only accomplished no- thing, but they were daily begging for assistance, without which it was becoming obvious that their enterprise must be speedily abandoned. Paul de Foix, the French ambassador in London, had discovered that 6000 crowns had been sent from the English treasury * Letter of Mauvissiere ; Teulet, ii. 251. In tlie same letter he says of Damley, " II n'est possible de voir un plus beau prince ;" but he seems to have taken no part in the discussion with the ambassador. t Teulet, ii. 255. 116 THE REBELS IN DANGER. [1565. to the rebels in the north ; and he mentioned the fact to Elizabeth in person, but she most solemnly as- sured him that he was misinformed.''^ Subsequently to this, Eobert Melvill,t an emissary of the insurgents, arrived in London, and after various meetings of the Council, the French ambassador ascertained that he obtained £2000. ;j; It was also debated in Council whether it would not be advisable to send a body of troops to Scotland ; but, as usual, Elizabeth could not definitively make up her mind. As a measure of pre- caution, however, and lest her rival should be pro- voked by her treacherous policy to cross the Border, she ordered up to Court the three northern earls of Northumberland, Cumberland, and Westmoreland, § representing the great houses of Percy, Clifford, and Nevill, who all still adhered to the old religion, and were all suspected of favouring the claims of the Queen of Scots. The Earl of Bedford, a most zealous Protestant, was eager to take part with the insurgents ; and in obedi- ence to the hint he had received from Murray, he had threatened to attack Lord Hume, the most powerful partisan of Queen Mary on the eastern border. But Elizabeth rebuked the indiscreet zeal of her warden, and ordered him to take no step that might lead to a breach between the two countries. She authorised him, however, to furnish Murray with £1000 and with 300 soldiers — a number, we need hardly say, absurdly inadequate for the occasion. Bedford was further in- * " Elle nya avec serment." — Teulet, ii. 225. t A brother of Sir James, the author of the Memoirs. X Letter of Paul de Foix of 11th October ; Teulet, ii. 239. § Ibid., 233. 1565.] THEY TAKE EEFUGE IN ENGLAND. 117 structed to send these troops " as if from himself," and " in the most secret sort possible," so that his mistress might not be compromised in any way; for she assured him that she had no intention, for many reasons, " to maintain any prince's subjects to take arms against their sovereign." Bedford accordingly, to avoid suspicion, sent the troops by small detachments to Carlisle, to be in readi- ness to move northwards. But by this time the cause of the insurgents was hopeless. In the beginning of October Mary left Edinburgh at the head of a feudal army of 18,000 men; and the rebels, being wholly unable to make head against such a force, speedily dispersed as she approached Dumfries. The greater number of the leaders, including Murray, fled to Car- lisle, where they were hospitably received by Bedford. But Elizabeth had now to play a part which taxed her ingenuity to the utmost. She had secretly encouraged and supported the fugitives in their rebellion, yet it was necessary to repudiate in public all such dealings ; and on hearing of their arrival in her dominions, she forbade them, in a tone of lofty displeasure, to approach her person, t Shortly after Mary's marriage, Elizabeth had re- quired her to send her husband back to England, of which country he was a born subject. The bearer of this extraordinary message was John Tam worth, a gentleman of the privy chamber ; but Mary, having been apprised beforehand of the nature of his com- mission, declined to see him, and desired him to put his message in writing. In refusing this preposterous * See her letter in Eobertson, Appendix, No. xiii. t Lingard, vol. vi. chap. ii. 118 MESSAGE OF TAMWORTH. [1565. demand, Mary recommended to her sister queen to content herself with the government of her own do- minions, instead of stirring up mischief among her neighbours. Tamworth, who appears to have been a vain, arrogant man, and had probably been selected for the mission on that account, refused a safe- conduct on his leaving Edinburgh, because it was signed by Darnley as well as by the queen. But he paid dearly for his folly; for on his journey home- wards he was seized as a vagrant by Lord Hume, and detained a prisoner for several days. Eandolph com- plained of the treatment of his countryman ; but Mary replied, that as he had refused a safe-conduct, he had no one to blame but himself.'"" Murray, accompanied by Gavin Hamilton, Abbot of Kilwinning, had taken his departure for London before it was known that Elizabeth had forbidden his presence at Court. On hearing of his approach, she had recourse to an expedient of a highly characteristic kind. The French and Spanish ambassadors had charged her in plain terms with stirring up dissensions in Scotland, with the purpose of averting them from her own do- minions, and she resolved to reply to this accusation in the most public and emphatic manner. Summoning Murray and his companion to appear at Court, she asked them, in presence of the two ambassadors and of her ministers, whether she had ever at any time encouraged them in their rebellion. Murray began to speak in Scotch, when the queen interrupted him by desiring that he would speak in French, which she better understood. The scene had been arranged be- forehand ; and, falling on his knees, he declared " that * Keith, ii. 355. 1565.] EXPEDIENT OF ELIZABETH. 119 her majesty liad never moved them to any opposition or resistance against their queen's marriage." Now," exclaimed Elizabeth, in her most triumphant tone, *^ you have told the truth ; for neither did I, nor any in my name, stir you up against your queen, for your abominable treason may serve for example to my own subjects to rebel against me. Therefore get you out of my presence ; ye are but unworthy traitors." This astounding exhibition of meanness and falsehood and folly, which, it is certain, imposed upon no one who witnessed it, is without a parallel in history. The energy and prudence displayed by the Scottish queen in suppressing this dangerous rebellion, go far to refute a prevalent notion that she was indebted to the counsels of Murray for the previous success of her administration. It is admitted even by those who hold this opinion, that at no period of her career were her abilities and address more conspicuous, t And her moderation in success was still more remarkable than the resolution which enabled her to achieve it. Not one of the rebels suffered death ; and her speedy par- don of the Duke of Chatelherault, who had so re- peatedly conspired against her crown, of which he was presumptive heir, was an instance of generosity unex- ampled in the history of princes. The Earl of Argyll, the Master of Maxwell, and other rebel chiefs, were treated with equal lenity. But the ingratitude and treachery of Murray had excited her resentment to such a degree that she refused to listen to all solici- tations — those of Elizabeth included — on his behalf. This refusal, which, under the circumstances, was both natural and just, has been magnified by Eandolph, * Keith, ii. 378. t Robertson, ii. 123. 120 RESTORATION OF HUNTLY. [1565. with mysterious malignity, into something very ter- rible/'* and by a modern German author into some- thing more dreadful still. But in spite of her calum- niators, contemporary as well as modern, it would have been well for Mary Stewart if she had persisted in refusing to overlook her brother s treachery. We learn, however, from Kandolph himself, t that she soon began to relent ; and we know that within six months after his flight to England she was imprudent enough to receive once more into her confidence the man who had deliberately plotted her destruction. During the operations against the rebels the Earl of Bothwell had been allowed to return to Scotland. Lord Gordon, who had remained in prison ever since his father's rebellion, at the same time obtained his liberty. He had embraced the Protestant faith during his con- finement, but this circumstance did not prevent the queen from restoring to him the forfeited earldom of Huntly.J The Earl of Sutherland, who had been im- plicated in the rising of the Gordons, and who after- wards had fled to Flanders, was also permitted to return to Scotland. These nobles were all possessed of great territorial influence, and they formed an im- * See a letter of Randolph, who had now entirely espoused the cause of the rebels. See also a new and monstrous calumny invented by M. Von Raiimer against the Queen of Scots, but which no one seems to have adopted but himself. — Von Raumer's Elizabeth and Mary, 69. t "Towards my Lord of Murray I find that some part of her ex- tremity is assuaged. She neither useth so grievous words as she hath done, nor so impatient to hear him spoken of." — Letter to Cecil, 24th January 1566; Stevenson, 151. X " The queen said to Huntly, * My lord, go with me to mass ; your father and mother were of this religion, and your enemies the contrary. 1 have restored you to your liberty and lands.' He said, * Madam, I will spend my life and fortune in your service ; but as to mass I desire to be excused.' " — Drury to Cecil, 16th February 1566. 1565.] DAVTD RICCIO. 121 portant accession to 'the party of the queen. To all appearance her position was now more secure than at any period since her return from France. The ease and rapidity with which she had suppressed JMurray's rebellion, aided though he had been by the chiefs of the Protestant faction, furnished conclusive proof that, in spite of her religion, she had won the affection of all classes of her subjects ; and if her husband had possessed even a very moderate share of prudence, her marriage must have added greatly to her popularity. But it was soon discovered that Darnley was a most unhappy compound of insolence and imbecility. The imperious airs which he assumed led Eandolph to pre- dict more than once that, if he did not mend his man- ners, he should have but a short life in Scotland ; and his habits of dissipation, and total incapacity for business, convinced the queen, when it was too late, of the error she had committed in bestowing upon him the title of king. It was at this critical period that Kiccio rose high in favour with his mistress. The office which he held — that of secretary for the queen's French correspondence — was one which had previously been filled by a foreigner and a Papist named Kaulet without creating any jealousy among the courtiers. But Eiccio was an able and accomplished man, thor- oughly versed in the troubled politics of the day; and the queen, who seems to have placed implicit confi- * " People have small joy in this new master, and find nothing but that God must either send him a short end or them a miserable life." — Letter to Cecil, 3d June 1565 ; Keith, ii. 291. " What shall become of him " (Darnley) " I know not, but it is greatly to be feared that he can have no long life amongst this people. He is counted proud, disdainful, and suspicious, which kind of men this soil, of any other, can worse bear." — 2d July ; Keith, ii. 299. 122 ENVY OF RICCIO. [1565. dence in his integrity, was in the habit of consulting him on the most important affairs. The Italian has been accused of assuming at this time the most oflfen- sive and disdainful airs even towards the chief nobility ; but these accusations rest only on the authority of his assassins, and their apologists Knox and Buchanan. Melvill, who was also a stanch Protestant, and who, from his residence at Court, had much better means of information, says nothing of Eiccio's arrogant demeanour to the nobles, but he describes in very graphic language their rude and rough behaviour to him. They would not only frown fiercely upon him, but would thrust him bodily aside when they encoun- tered him at Court.''' The poor secretary complained to Melvill on the subject, and he gave him some very sensible advice. Indeed Melvill speaks of him in the most friendly terms throughout. Eiccio was hated because he had gained the confi- dence of the queen, and because she, unaccustomed or unable to conceal her real sentiments, made no secret of the value she placed upon his services. Mr Froude justly remarks, with reference to the favour she showed to Eiccio, that Mary was "warm and true in her friendships /'t and her high spirit would lead her to disregard the prejudices of her ''country on a subject on which she deemed herself perfectly com- petent to judge. It is easy to say that it was indis- creet to repose such confidence in this friendless foreigner : it is less easy to point out among her turbulent and treacherous nobles a single man whom she could trust.J In seeking elsewhere for fidelity , * Melvill's Memoirs, 54. f History, viii. 191, note. X It was, in all probability, with reference to the envy entertained 1565.] SCHEMES OF DARNLEY. 123 and loyalty, she followed the example of her father. Like him, too, she soon experienced the fatal conse- quences of offending an aristocracy jealous to the last degree alike of its own privileges and of the authority of the Crown. Darnley, previous to his marriage, had found a firm and powerful friend in Kiccio. The astute Italian did not fail to perceive that the alliance of his mistress with the first prince of the blood in England was, all circumstances considered, the most advantageous that she could make.'"' But an incident happened soon after the marriage which entirely changed the feelings of Darnley towards the secretary. Not content with the title of king, which Mary had so imprudently be- stowed on him, he demanded in addition, at the in- stigation of his father, the crown-matrimonial, which would have secured to him the privileges of royalty during his natural life. Mary, by the advice of Kiccio, resisted this fresh demand ; and this opposition to his will efiaced in the feeble mind of Darnley all memory of past obligations, and led him to regard as his worst enemy the man to whom he was probably indebted for the title he possessed. Morton and Maitland, who had been the secret associates and were still the secret of Riccio by the nobles, that Mary wrote the memorandum, printed by Labanoff, vii. 297, in which she asks if the nobles, whether they in- herit the virtues of their ancestors or not, are to monopolise all the power in the State. " If," she says, " the sovereign finds a man of humble condition and poor in worldly goods, but of a generous spirit and faithful heart, and capable of serving the State, must he be debarred from all advancement," &c. ? It appears that Mary was as far in advance of her subjects in her notions of political justice as she was in her notions of religious toleration. * Melvill gave the queen the same advice in very decided terms. — Memoirs, 56. 124 THE CATHOLIC LEAGUE. [1566. friends of the rebel lords, still held the highest offices in the kingdom, and they did not fail to turn to the profit of their banished comrades the volatile and violent temper of the king. Darnley had hitherto strenuously opposed the pardon of the rebels, but hatred of Eiccio now induced him to join the power- ful party who had secretly supported them in their rebellion, and who had since attempted, to the utmost of their power, to screen them from the consequences of their crime. It was necessary, with this object, that the Parliament which had been summoned to meet in the spring of 1566 for the purpose of attainting the rebels should not be allowed to assemble. It was therefore resolved, that before the time appointed for its meeting Kiccio should be murdered, that the queen should be made a prisoner, and that the conspirators, with Darnley as king, should thereafter seize upon the government. While these nefarious schemes were in preparation, two special envoys arrived from France to congratu- late the queen upon her marriage. She at the same time received a message from Spain of a very secret and important character. The leading Catholic powers had at this time entered into a confederacy for the suppression of Protestantism, and the Queen of Scots was invited to join it. It is highly probable, though we have no proof of the fact, that Philip required her assent to the league as the price of the assistance which during the late rebellion she had sought at his hands. Whether or not this was the case, we are assured that, forgetting her solemn and oft-repeated promises to her Protestant subjects, she was induced to become a party to this dangerous confederacy. " To 1566.] THE CATHOLIC LEAGUE. 125 this fatal resolution," says Eobertson, "may be im- puted all the subsequent calamities of Mary's life."'''''' The same opinion is expressed in still stronger terms by Mv Tytler. " In an evil hour," he says, " she signed the league." And he adds : " This may, I think, be re- garded as one of the most fatal errors of her life, and it proved the source of all her future misfortunes. She united herself to a bigoted and unprincipled associa- tion, which, under the mask of defending the truth, offered an outrage to the plainest precepts of the Gos- pel," &c.t It is also asserted by Mr FroudeJ that the Queen of Scots at this time signed the Catholic league. Before proceeding with our narrative it is necessary to examine the evidence upon which this very serious charge has been made. It consists of a single passage in a letter written by Eandolph to Cecil on the 7th of February 1566. It is to the following effect : " There is a band lately devised, in which the late Pope, the Emperor, the King of Spain, the Duke of Savoy, with divers princes of Italy and the queen-mother, suspected to be of the same confed- eracy to maintain Papistry throughout Christendom. This band was sent out of France by Thornton, and is subscribed by this queen, the copy thereof remaining with her, and the principal to be returned very shortly, as I hear, by Mr Stephen Wilson, a fit minister for such a devilish device. If the copy hereof may be gotten, that shall be sent as I conveniently may."§ It is to be observed that Eandolph spoke only from hearsay, * History, ii. 144. f History, vii. 20. X History, viii. 235. He also says that France was a party to the league, which at this time was certainly not the case. § Robertson, iii. Appendix, 315. 126 THE CATHOLIC LEAGUE. [1566. for he does not say that he had seen either the ^^band" itself or the copy. It is also to be borne in mind that the whole of his correspondence betrays at this period a spirit of bitter hostility to the queen, and that she sent him out of Scotland very shortly afterwards on account of his notorious dealings with her rebel sub- jects. On a point of such interest we want some better evidence than the hearsay testimony of such a witness. But none such exists. On the contrary, the Earl of Bedford apprised Cecil a week later that Eandolph had been misinformed. The letter of Bedford, which is dated the 14th of February, contains the following passage : There is a league concluded between the King of Spain, the Duke of Savoy, and divers other Papist princes, for the overthrow of religion, as you shall hear more by others, which is come to this queen^s hand, hut not yet confirmed!^ The question remains, whether it was confirmed at any subsequent period ; and this has not been asserted by Eandolph or by any other person. If the Queen of Scots had joined the league, the fact could not have been long concealed, and her enemies would not have failed to make it a just and constant matter of reproach. As it is, the Protestant historians of the period — Knox and Buchanan in Scotland, Camden and Holinshed * Stevenson's Illustrations, 159. Bedford, who was at Berwick, probably forwarded in this letter the very letter of Randolph which he contradicts. He says at the commencement, " I send you herewith Mr Randolph's letters, whereby you shall, I doubt not, understand the whole state of things there." It is to be observed that he has taken the description of the league from Randolph's letter, but with the impor- tant distinction that it was still unsigned. Bedford probably derived this additional information from Randolph himself. 1566.] THE CATHOLIC LEAGUE. 127 in England, and De Thou in France — are all abso- lutely silent on the subject. In addition to this strong negative testimony, we have positive testimony from contemporary Catholic sources as to the powers which did join the league. These were the Pope (Pius Y.), the Emperor, the Kings of Spain and Portugal, the Dukes of Bavaria and Savoy, and the republic of Venice.'" Neither France nor Scotland, therefore, were at this time par- ties to the league. From documents recently brought to light, we find that Catherine de Medici, although invited to join it, stood persistently aloof. The famous interview be- tween her and the Duke of Alva took place at Bayonne during the previous summer, and the duke loudly complained of her obstinate refusal to join the reli- gious league.t She was wholly occupied, he says, in forming matrimonial schemes for her daughters. But the subtle Florentine had another motive for the ap- athy with which she listened to the pious arguments of Alva. It was her policy at this time to hold the balance between the rival religions. By oppressing Conde and the Protestants, she would have restored the Cardinal of Lorraine and his brothers to the un- bounded influence they formerly possessed. Upon the whole, we may conclude, from the letters of Randolph and Bedford, that an attempt was made at this time by Philip to induce the Queen of Scots to join the Catholic league ; and we may conclude, from the absence of all further testimony on the subject, that she declined to do so. Irrespective altogether of * Gonzales, Apuntamientos, 322. t Papiers d'Etat du Cardinal de Granvelle, ix. 312, 324. 128 THE CATHOLIC LEAGUE. [1566. her engagements to her subjects, we may assume that she was actuated by two powerful motives in arriving at this decision. In the first place, she no longer re- quired the aid of the King of Spain, for she had suc- ceeded in completely suppressing Murray's rebellion with her own resources. In the second place, as France had not joined the league, she would naturally . be indisposed to take a step of such importance with- out the example and concurrence of her great Conti- nental ally. But it cannot be denied, on the other hand, that she had very powerful inducements to join the Catholic confederacy. Her religious sympathies were always strong ; and when we consider the innumerable pro- vocations which she had received from the Protestant //faction since her return to Scotland — the plots of the nobles, the insolence of the preachers, and the incessant intrigues of Elizabeth — it is not easy to overrate the strength of the temptation to which she was exposed. There was not a man in all her dominions to whom on the occasion she could look for friendly counsel. The influence of Eiccio at this time was great, and we cannot doubt that he did his utmost to induce the queen to join the league. If her husband was intrusted with the secret, which is very doubtful, his rash and intolerant temper must have prompted him to second the advice of the Italian. Her Catholic advisers could not fail to represent that her refusal to join the confederacy would alienate her friends with- out conciliating her enemies ; and the whisperings of ambition, as well as the memory of bitter wrongs, might have tempted many a wiser sovereign than Mary Stewart to hail the proflered opportunity of 1566.] THE CATHOLIC LEAGUE. 129 victory and vengeance. A spirit of disaffection pre- vailed at this time throughout the dominions of her rival which might have been readily turned to serious account. The northern English counties, as subse- quent events proved, were ripe for rebellion ; and the great Irish chieftain O'Neal had made proffer of his friendship and allegiance to the Queen of Scots. Never, indeed, did such a weight of responsibility rest upon a young and friendless woman. Upon her de- cision it depended whether or not a terrible religious war should be kindled, not in Scotland alone, but throughout the British kingdoms — a war similar to that which had already burst forth in France, and which in the following century desolated Germany for thirty years. Every passage in the life of the Queen of Scots has been ingeniously misrepresented by the persevering malice of her enemies, but they will find it difficult to suggest an unworthy motive for her conduct on this occasion. By refusing to join the Catholic league, she maintained her solemn promises to her Protestant subjects — the chief of whom, we shall find hereafter, remained her stanchest friends in the days of her misfortune — she averted the demon of religious discord from her dominions, and posterity will applaud the wisdom as well as the magnitude of the sacrifice which she made at this momentous crisis. Buchanan attributes the murder of Kiccio to the jealousy of Darnley and the hatred of the nobles ; but we now know that personal vengeance was but a secondary object with the conspirators who contrived his death, and that they regarded that only as a step to the main objects which they had in view, and I 130 THE CONSPIRACY AGAINST RICCIO. [1566. which were, in fact, the restoration of the rebel lords, the deposition of the queen, and the elevation of Darnley to the vacant throne. From a statement made by two of the conspira- tors, and therefore to be received with extreme sus- picion, it appears that Darnley first communicated to his bastard uncle, George Douglas,'"' his design of murdering Eiccio. Douglas then sought counsel of Lord Euthven, who was married to a kinswoman of the house of Angus, and who was consequently re- lated to the king. Euthven, well knowing the weak and fickle character of Darnley, refused to join in any enterprise unless he would solemnly swear to conceal it from the queen. To this Darnley at once consented. Euthven further demanded, as a condi- tion of his taking part in the conspiracy, that " the lords banished for the Word of God might return to their country and estates.^'t To this Darnley also agreed, on the understanding that they, as well as the conspirators in Scotland, should undertake to obtain for him the crown-matrimonial, which was at this time the grand object of his ambition. The preliminaries of the conspiracy being arranged, it was next communicated to Lord Lindsay — who was also married to a lady of the family of Douglas — and to the Earl of Morton, the most powerful member of that great house, and chancellor of the kingdom. * A natural son of the Earl of Angus, who married Margaret Tu- dor. But Melvill, who was at Court at the time, says, with more pro- bability, that it was George Douglas, at the instigation of Morton, who " put in his " (Darnley' s) " head such suspicions of Riccio that the king was prevailed with to give his consent to his slaughter." — Memoirs, 64. t Ruthven and Morton's Narrative ; Keith, iii. 261. 1566.] THE CONSPIRACY AGAINST RICCIO. 131 Crafty and smooth, yet resolute and enterprising, this high functionary was readily induced to embark in an undertaking which promised to gratify both his avarice and his ambition. None of the Scottish nobles had shared more largely in the plunder of the Church, none made louder professions of religion, and none were more dissolute in private life than Morton. It had been whispered that, in the Parliament which was about to meet, the Crown would resume possession of certain lands which he had improperly obtained. Morton was therefore as desirous as the rebel lords that it should not assemble at the time appointed. He further made it a condition of his joining the conspiracy, that Darnley and his father should give up all claim to the immense possessions of the house of Angus, and that these should be settled on the young earl, who was at this time a boy of eleven, and of whom Morton was both the uncle and the guardian."* So far the conspiracy assumed the character of a family compact. It seemed to owe its existence to the hereditary enmity of the house of Douglas to that of Stewart. But it aimed at a revolution of such consequence, that it was deemed necessary to com- municate the designs of the conspirators not only to the chiefs of the Protestant party, but to the English resident in Scotland. In a letter addressed by Ean- dolph to his friend and patron Dudley, now Earl of Leicester, on the 13th of February, he expresses him- self as follows : " I know that there are practices in hand, contrived between the father and son, to come to the crown against her will. I know that if that * Melvill, 148. 132 THE CONSPIRACY AGAINST HICCIO. [1566. take effect which is intended, David, with the consent of the king, shall have his throat cut within these ten days. Many things grievouser and tvorse than these are hrought to my ears ; yea, of things intended against her oivn loerson, which, because I think better to keep secret than to write to Mr Secretary, I speak of them but now to your lordship." ''^ Between the date of this letter and the execution of the plot there was ample time for Leicester and his colleagues to have warned the Scottish queen of the danger which threatened her ; but from their silence, and still more from the subsequent conduct both of Kandolph and Bedford, we are forced to conclude that the designs of the conspirators were approved by Elizabeth. Eandolph, a few days after he had written to the Earl of Leicester, was detected supplying money to the chief of the conspirators, Murray.t On being summoned before the Privy Council, and confronted with the man to whom he had given the money, the language of the English envoy was so insolent, and even defiant, that he probably considered the success of the intended plot and the speedy return of his friends, the banished lords, as certain. To the charge made against him he said he was responsible only to his own Government, and he even declared that he would not quit his post. But Mary acted with be- coming spirit on the occasion. She sent him off forth- with to Berwick under an escort, and complained to his mistress of his extraordinary conduct.^ * See Tytler, vi. 334. t It was Murray who first signed the bond for Riccio's murder. X Tytler, vii. 20. 1566.] THE CONSPIRACY AGAINST RICCIO. 133 The next step of the conspirators was to come to terms with the rebel leaders, who had taken up their residence in Newcastle; and thither the Earl of Lennox was despatched with two bonds, the one already signed by his son, and the other for the signature of Murray and his friends. That Lennox was allowed to visit England at this time, while his wife was a prisoner in the Tower, affords additional proof of the connivance of Elizabeth in the plot. By the first bond Darnley bound himself to obtain their complete pardon " as soon as by their help and supply he obtained the crown-matrimonial." He further engaged that they should be restored to the full enjoyment of their estates and titles, and that they should be allowed the free exercise of their religion. The second bond, which was signed by Murray and his friends on the 2d of March, bound them, at the first Parliament after their return, "to grant the crown-matrimonial to Darnley all the days of his life;" and further, to maintain the said noble prince in his just title to the crown of Scotland, ''failing of succession of our sovereign lady J' In other words, he was to be preferred in the suc- cession to the Duke of Chatelherault/"' with whom Murray had conspired only a few months before to dethrone Darnley. The following significant clause follows the obliga- tion to maintain Darnley as next heir to the queen : " And if any manner of persons will usurp or gainsay the said just title, the said lords shall maintain, defend, and set forward the same as best shall i^lease the said noble prince, without fear of life or death ; and shall seek and pursue them that usurps as shall please the * The duke was at this time in France. 134 THE CONSPIRACY AGAINST EICCIO. [1566. said noble prince to command, to extirpate them out of the realm of Scotland, or take or slay them"''^ On Sunday the 3d of March commenced the national fast, and on that day the denunciations of idolatry from the pulpits of Edinburgh were more than usually violent. The texts were chosen from those portions of Scripture which describe the vengeance incurred by the persecutors of God's people ; and from the inflam- matory language used, we may conclude that the fact of the plot had been communicated at least to some of the clergy, and that they took this mode of preparing the public mind for the expected revolution. A few days later Elizabeth received further intelli- gence of the impending plot. On the 6th of March Bedford and Eandolph wrote jointly to their mistress from Berwick, " that a matter of no small consequence was about to take place in Scotland." They added. We hope that by this means my Lord of Murray shall be brought home without your majesty's further suit or means to the queen his sovereign, and there- upon we have thought it good to stay the sending of your majesty's letters in his behalf" t The fact of their keeping back the letters of their mistress is a clear proof of the confidence entertained by Bedford and his colleague in the success of the conspiracy. On the following day, the 7th of March, the Parlia- ment was opened by the queen in person. It was in vain that she entreated Darnley to accompany her. * The original of this bond is in the charter-chest of the Earl of Leven, and is entitled, " Ane band maid by my Lord of Murray and cer- tain other noblemen with him before the slauchter of Davie." It is signed by Murray, Glencairn, Argyll, and Eothes, and Lords Boyd and Ochiltree. — Maitland Club Miscellany, iii. t Kecord Office. 1566.] THE CONSPIRACY AGAINST RICCIO. 135 Until he obtained that cherished object of his ambi- tion, the crown-matrimonial, he appears to have been resolved not to appear before the representatives of the nation. He rode off to Leith attended by his boon companions, leaving the queen to appear alone at the Tolbooth, where the Parliament was assembled. The only business of importance transacted on the day of its opening was the summoning of the rebel lords to appear on the 12th of March, under pain of the for- feiture of their titles and estates. , To defeat this measure the conspirators now pro- ceeded to the execution of their plans. Considering the number of persons who were in the secret, it is surprising that it should never in any shape have reached the ears of the queen. Kiccio, it is said, was apprised of his danger by a French astrologer ; but, being of a cheerful and lively temper, he disregarded and even derided the friendly warning. It is probable that Darnley may have heard that Eiccio had received some private intelligence on the subject, for it is said that he played tennis with his victim on the day before the murder with the object of lulling all suspicion.*"' It had been at first proposed to put Riccio to death in his own chamber, but we are informed by Morton and Ruthvent that Darnley insisted that the deed should be committed in the presence of the queen. * Miss Strickland, Lives of the Queens of Scotland. t Narrative. It is far more probable that this suggestion came either from Morton himself or at least from some one of the conspirators more intelligent than Darnley. In a memoir upon the subject of Riccio's murder preserved at Florence, and sent from Scotland at the time, it is said that it was at first proposed to kill Riccio while he was playing at tennis, but that one of the conspirators suggested instead that he should be killed in presence of the queen, in order to cast suspicion in the eyes of the people upon her honour. — Labanoff, vii. 86. 136 THE MURDER OF RICCIO. [1566. His accomplices were probably not unwilling to gratify his wish, as the murder of the favourite in the pre- sence of the sovereign might lead the people to sus- pect that the alleged jealousy of her husband was not without foundation. Nor could the chief conspirators have been blind to the danger of committing such an act of violence before the eyes of a woman who was in the sixth month of her pregnancy. But we have seen that the contingency of the queen^s death was ex- pressly provided for, and that in that event Darnley would have been immediately proclaimed her successor, to the exclusion of the house of Hamilton. The evening of Saturday the 9th of March was fixed by the conspirators for the execution of their project ; and as soon as it was dark, Morton, with 160 armed retainers, quietly took possession of the inner court of the palace and secured the outer gates. Darnley had supped earlier than usual, and on entering her cham- ber by a ]3rivate staircase, he found the queen still at table with the Countess of Argyll. Eiccio, Arthur Erskine, captain of the guard, and several other per- sons, were also present. Darnley seated himself by the queen, and, placing his arm round her waist, seemed more than usually amiable. But she was speedily startled by the appearance of Euthven, who, clad in full armour, had followed the king up the private staircase, and who, ghastly pale from a dis- ease which soon afterwards proved fatal, had gathered up his dying energies for the part assigned to him in the bloody drama. The unhappy secretary recoiled from the unwelcome visitor, and instinctively took refuge behind the queen's chair. George Douglas and other of the conspirators now entered the room, and 1566.] THE MURDER OF RICCIO. 137 the queen, turning to her husband, asked whether they had come by his invitation. He answered in the ne- gative, while some of the conspirators advanced to seize their prey. But the queen, rising from her seat, confronted the assassins, and commanded them in- stantly, upon pain of treason, to quit her presence.*'' The conspirators hung back, disconcerted by this un- expected display of self-possession ; and Darnley in particular, to use their own words, " wist not what to do." At this critical time the well-known war-cry of the Douglas, a sound that was rarely welcome now to the ears of Scottish monarchs, was heard ringing through the palace. It proceeded from the followers of Morton, who, impatient of delay, were crowding up the main staircase to the queen's apartments. En- couraged or reproached by the shouts of his clans- men, George Douglas now rushed past the queen and stabbed Eiccio with his dagger. Another ruffian, Ker of Faudonside, held a cocked pistol to her breast. In the confusion the supper-table was overturned, the lights extinguished, and the hapless victim of brutal prejudice and bigotry, whose only crime was fidelity to his mistress, was dragged from her presence and instantly butchered on the landing outside her apart- ments. So eager were his assassins, that some of them even stabbed each other in their fierce haste to shed the blood of the idolater, t The Earls of Both well, Huntly, and Atholl were at supper in another part of the palace. Hearing the * See Mary's letter to the Archbishop of Glasgow, in Keith, Melvill's Memoirs, and the Narrative of Morton and Ruthven. t Drury says that one of Rnthven's followers came to Berwick with his arm bound up in consequence of a wound received in this way. — 27th March, Drury to Cecil. 138 BOTHWELL AND HUNTLY. [1566. tumult, and apprehensive for the safety of the queen, they hastened to the inner court with their servants and retainers, and forthwith assailed the followers of Morton. Kuthven repaired to the spot as fast as his feeble frame could carry him, and calling Huntly and Bothwell aside, assured them, by all that was sacred, that the queen was safe, and that everything had been done with the sanction of the king. Thus assured, the two earls consented to retire to their apartments. But on learning that Murray, the declared enemy of both, was expected to return to Scotland immediately, they contrived in the course of the night to make their escape from the palace. Another attempt, which proved equally unsuccess- ful, was made on the queen's behalf. The Provost of Edinburgh, accompanied by a body of armed citizens, proceeded immediately to the palace on hearing that she was in danger, and finding the gates locked, in- sisted upon seeing their sovereign. Mary would gladly have shown herself to her loyal subjects from her apart- ments, which were on the second floor of the palace ; but the conspirators, some of whom never left her side, declared that if she ventured to approach the window they would " cut her in coUops"'" and throw her over the wall. They deputed Darnley meanwhile to pacify the people, by declaring to them that the queen was safe and well, and that the sole cause of the disturb- ance was the just punishment of an enemy of their reli- gion and a pensioner of the Pope. As that personage was believed in Scotland to be the accredited repre- sentative on earth of the devil, the artifice succeeded, and the people were induced to return to their homes. * See her letter to her ambassador in Paris, in Keith. 1566.] CONDITION OF THE QUEEN. 139 Indignation at the atrocious outrage to which she had been subjected, and grief for the loss of her faith- ful servant, seem at first to have prevented the queen from realising the perils of her situation ; and the passionate reproaches with which she assailed the cor- onetted cut-throats who gathered round her after the murder, relieved, no doubt, the violence of the shock she had received."' She forgot, while giving vent to her natural feelings of sorrow and resentment, that she was a prisoner in her own palace, and surrounded by assassins, of whom her husband seemed to be the chief. But in the course of the night such complete prostra- tion followed that her attendants were in the utmost alarm lest premature labour should commence. Their fears were not realised. The excellent constitution of the queen enabled her to surmount the first of the dangers, to which it was the obvious intention of the conspirators to subject her. The latter lost no time in proceeding to the exe- cution of their plans. On the day following Eiccio's murder the Parliament was dissolved by a proclama- tion issued in the name of the king alone; and all prelates, peers, barons, and burgesses who had come to attend it were by the same authority commanded to leave Edinburgh within three hours under the pain of treason. The banished lords and their associates could now return in safety ; and accordingly, on the * Ruthven and Morton, in their Narrative prepared at Berwick for the use of Cecil, state that the queen used the most threatening language to Darnley, declaring that she would cause him " as sorrowful a heart " as he had caused to her ; and many historians have adopted as genuine the testimony of two men who were not only fresh from the commission of this atrocious crime, but who were the queen's worst enemies. To treat as absolutely authentic the testimony of such men is clearly opposed to the simplest rules of evidence. 140 RETURN OF MURRAY. [1566. afternoon of the same day, being Sunday, the Earls of Murray and Kothes, Lord Ochiltree, the father-in-law of Knox, Kirkaldy of Grange, and various others, made their appearance in Edinburgh.*" Murray re- paired at once to Holyrood and had an interview with the queen. At the sight of her brother all her former affection for him seems to have revived. She em- braced him with the utmost warmth, exclaiming, that "if he had been present he would not have allowed her to be so crueUy handled." t It is said that the future regent of Scotland was moved to tears at the sight of his sister s distress. Yet we know, when he felt or affected to feel so deeply for her situation, that he had bound himself to aid, to the utmost of his power, to deprive her of her crown, and to transfer it to her worthless husband. Italy has been generally regarded as the country where in the middle ages the art of political perfidy reached the highest degree of perfection ; but we may search the annals of Eome or Venice in vain for the details of any plot which for depth of villainy can match with that of which the murder of Eiccio was only the first act. What were the consequences to be anticipated from that atrocity ? Probably the mis- carriage, perhaps the death, ;j; of the queen ; and, fail- ing these contingencies, her deposition and imprison- ment. What was to follow next ? The elevation to * The fact of their leaving Newcastle before the murder of Riccio, is a proof of their perfect confidence in the success of the plot. t Mr Froude assures his readers that this was all feigned, and that she hated her brother " with the hate of hell."— Vol. viii. 260. X Melvill, who was at Holyrood at the time, says : " For she being big with child, it appeared to be done to destroy both her and her child ; for they might have killed the said Riccio in any other part at any time they pleased." — Memoirs, 66. 1566.] ESCAPE OF THE QUEEN. 141 the throne of a prince who was an object of hatred and contempt to every one of his associates, and whose incorrigible folly would speedily afford them an oppor- tunity and a pretext for depriving him of his authority. Then, and not till then, would the true objects of Riccio's murderers be disclosed — namely, the usurpa- tion of the government, with the certain support of the more fanatical section of the Scottish Protestants, and the hardly less certain support of the Queen of England. Machiavelli never conceived — he has cer- tainly not described — a plot more devilish in its designs than that which was devised ostensibly for the death of Riccio, but in reality for the destruction both of Mary Stewart and of her husband. So far the conspiracy had proved successful. Eiccio was slain, the Parliament was dissolved, the banished lords had been recalled, the queen was a prisoner, and it had been resolved to confine her in Stirling Castle;'" but before this project could be effected, the plans and hopes of the conspirators were scattered to the winds by the amazing spirit and resolution of their sovereign. Perceiving symptoms of returning affection on the part of Darnley, and perceiving, too, that he began to regard with distrust, if not with dread, his new associates, she succeeded in persuading him to fly from a scene of such imminent peril to both. Arthur Erskine, cap- tain of the guard, provided horses for the purpose ; and accompanied only by that faithful oflicer, by one of her women named Margaret Garwood, and by three other attendants, Darnley and the queen escaped from Holyrood at midnight on the Tuesday after Eiccio's murder. They rode first to Seton, the * Tytler, vii. 33. 142 THE QUEEN AT DUNBAR. [1566. residence of one of Mary's most devoted friends, and from tlience to tlie Castle of Dunbar, behind wbose massive walls tliey were safe from all pursuit.'" It may be asked whether Darnley was really jealous of Eiccio. It is so asserted in Euthven and Morton's Narrative, yet that document itself contains strong proof to the contrary. Darnley, in speaking of the queen, is represented as saying that " she was a true princess, and he would set his life for what she prom- ised." t These words, which, we must remember, are reported by two of her worst enemies, seem to be wholly incompatible with jealousy ; nor is Darnley s subse- quent conduct, in escaping with his wife, consistent with that absorbing passion. It is most probable that he was throughout the dupe of Morton and his associates, and that whatever jealousy he may have felt of Eiccio was the result of their intrigues. Darnley had sufficient motives for joining the conspiracy in his eager desire not only to obtain the crown - matrimonial, but to supersede the Hamiltons in the succession, in both of which designs he was supported by his unscrupulous father. In a hurried letter which Mary addressed to her uncle, the Cardinal of Lorraine, on her arrival at Dunbar, she subscribed herself " A Queen without a Kingdom." But she was speedily undeceived. The heart of the nation was deeply moved by the news * They arrived at Dunbar at daybreak, and it appears that, not"\nth- standing the condition in which she was, and the dangers she had escaped, the queen was none the worse of her midnight ride. After the astonished warders had lighted a fire for their unexpected guests, she asked for some fresh eggs, and cooked them herself for breakfast. — Memoir to Cosmo de Medici ; Labanolf, vii. t Keith, iii. 276. 1566.] FLIGHT OF THE CONSPIRATORS. 143 of lier captivity, her suflferings, and her escape. The stirring tidings sped swiftly through the Lowland counties, and within three days 8000 Border spears had assembled at Dunbar. Bothwell, whose influence in that part of the kingdom was very great, along with Huntly, Atholl, and a host of other peers and gentlemen, hastened to join the army of the queen. Morton, Euthven, and the greater part of their associates, perceiving now that their enterprise was hopeless, fled to England and took up their residence at Newcastle, which Murray and his friends had left only a few weeks before. Maitland, who had taken an active part in the plot, but who had artfully kept in the background, retired to the Highlands ; and Knox, grieving deeply over the discomfiture of his friends, took his departure for the west. CHAPTEE IV. FROM THE MURDER OF RICCIO UNTIL THE BAPTISM OF THE PRINCE. After residing a few days at Dunbar, Mary proceeded to Haddington on her return to Holyrood. While on her journey she was met by Melvill, bearing a letter from her brother repudiating in the strongest language all connection with the men who had committed " the late atrocious murder/' With incredible facility Mary not only pardoned Murray and his associates, but received her brother once more into her confidence. If it was amiable in the sister to forgive, it was unwise in the queen to forget, his ingratitude and treachery. Mary was not aware that at the very time when he was disclaiming all connection with the murderers of Riccio, he was using his utmost influence with his English friends Bedford and Randolph on their behalf t The queen was now inclined to carry her clemency * Melvill, 66. t On the 27tli of March Bedford and Randolph write to Cecil as follows : " My Lord of Murray, by a special servant sent unto us, de- sireth your honour's favour of these noblemen as his dea?' friendsj and such as for his sake hath given this adventure ;" then follow the names of Morton, Ruthven, Lindsay, and the rest. — Sir H. Ellis, Letters on English History, ii. 220. 1566.] CONDUCT OF DARNLEY. 145 still further, and to pardon, under certain conditions, even the assassins of her secretary ; but Darnley became alarmed for his own safety, and strenuously resisted the proposal. Morton was in consequence deprived of the great seal, and Huntly was created chancellor in his stead. Maitland, who at this time, probably because he knew too much, was an object of especial aversion to Darnley, was deprived of the valuable lands formerly belonging to the Abbey of Haddington, and these, on account of his recent ser- vices, were bestowed upon Bothwell. A short time before — namely, on the 16th of February — the earl had married, with the entire approbation of the queen, the Lady J ane G ordon, a sister of Huntly. On the return of the Court to Edinburgh, Darnley took a still more effectual mode of exasperating his late associates. With an audacity and a recklessness of consequences which seem hardly compatible with sanity, he made a solemn declaration before the Privy Council to the effect that he was wholly innocent of the late murderous plot ; and on the 21st of March a public proclamation to this effect was made at the market-cross of Edinburgh. When intelligence of these .extraordinary proceedings reached the exiled conspira- tors their indignation knew no bounds. Even in that fierce age there were certain canons held to be sacred and binding upon all men. To refuse to prosecute an enterprise to which he had set his name and seal, and still more to betray a comrade, exposed the offender * Only two persons suffered death for the murder of Riccio — namely, Thomas Scot and Henry Yair — the one a lawyer, the other a rene- gade priest, and both dependents of Lord Ruthven. Two other persons were condemned to death, but were pardoned on the intercession of the Earl of Bothwell.— Keith, ii. 424. K 146 DISTRESS OF THE QUEEN. [1566. to almost certain vengeance. Darnley hencefortli be- came doubly hateful to his late associates. To him alone they attributed the failure of their enterprise ; and lie had not only deserted them at the time when success seemed certain, but he was now seeking to purchase his own safety with their ruin. The motives which afterwards induced Morton and Maitland to join in the conspiracy against Darnley 's life are there- fore sufficiently apparent. In the mean time they determined, in retaliation, to make a full exposure of his treachery and falsehood. The bonds which Darnley had signed were laid before the queen,'"' and she then discovered that, notwith- standing his public denial, he had not only taken a principal part in the plot against Eiccio, but that he had also conspired to usurp her crown. The agony of mind which she suffered on making this discovery has been touchingly described by one who witnessed it. False both to her and to his fellow-murderers, the wickedness and folly of her husband filled her with despair.t Mary Stewart Avas no longer the trium- phant queen, but the broken-hearted woman, whose confidence in the object of her afiections was utterly destroyed. We need not be surprised that, with such feelings and such prospects, she began to re- gard the cares of royalty as an intolerable burden, and that she seriously contemplated retiring to France. Her design was to appoint a regency of nobles to * " The queen hath now seen all the covenants and bonds that passed between the king and the lords, and now findeth that his declaration before her and the Council of his innocency of the murder of David was false." — Randolph to Cecil, 4th April. t " So many great sighs she would give, that it was a pity to hear her."— Melvill, 74. 156G.] SHE WISHES TO RETIRE TO FRANCE. 147 govern her unruly kingdom during her absence ; and she even had fixed upon their names.'" But her chief advisers strongly opposed this extraordinary project ; and as the period of her confinement was approaching, it was for the time laid aside. It is remarkable that, although she must now have known that Murray was accessory to the murder of Eiccio, she still continued to treat him with all apparent confidence and respect. It having been determined that she should await her delivery in Edinburgh Castle, as the place of greatest security in the kingdom, Murray and his brother-in-law, Argyll, who less than a year before had headed a rebellion against her, were the only two nobles who were permitted to take up their residence within the fortress. It is not surpris- ing that, considering all that she had suffered, the queen felt a strong presentiment that she should not survive her confinement ; and to secure as far as possi- ble the peace of her kingdom in case of her death, she now endeavoured to reconcile the feuds between her chief nobility. Murray and Bothwell had long been enemies ; Huntly regarded Murray as the author of his father's ruin ; and a hereditary feud existed be- tween AthoU and Argyll : but, in obedience to the wishes of the queen, they all now engaged to renounce their mutual animosities.t The queen also at this time made her will, which unfortunately has been lost; but in the year 1854 a paper was accidentally discovered X which may be considered as a portion, and an interesting one, of * These were Murray, Mar, Huntly, Atlioll, and Botliwell. — See letter of Maitland to Randolph, 27th April ; Cotton. Lib., Cal., b. 244. t Tytler, vii. 37. J In the Register House, Edinburgli. 148 BEQUESTS TO DARNLEY. [1566. the missing deed. This is a complete inventory of her jewels, with a bequest of each written in her own hand, but which was to take effect only in the event of the death both of herself and her child. " If the infant lives," she writes with her own hand at the foot of the inventory, "he is to have all." It has been generally assumed that Mary never for- gave Darnley for his share in Eiccio's murder ; but it would appear from this document, that as the period of her confinement approached, her resentful feelings had subsided, if they had not altogether passed away. To him she bequeathed a variety of her choicest jewels — far more than to any one else ; and there is one bequest in particular which bespeaks a revival of her afiection for the father of her unborn child in lan- guage of the most expressive kind. The last of the many bequests she made to Darnley was that of the ring with which he had married her. Was all this consummate acting 1 and if so, to what end '? Or did she not in these brief words give vent to the irrepressible feelings of her heart ? " There are," says Mr Kobertson, as many as twenty-six bequests to her husband : among them a watch studded with diamonds and rubies ; a little dial set with rubies, pearls, and turquoises ; a St Michael containing fourteen diamonds ; a chain of gold enam- elled in white, containing two hundred links, with two diamonds in each link ; and, of more interest than all, a diamond ring enamelled in red, against which the queen writes : ' It was with this that I was mar- ried: I leave it to the king who gave it me.' Preface to Queen Mary's Inventories, by the late Mr Joseph Robert- son, p. 33. JOrt-t^fVf-*' ft. "'<^« fit' pis iSf ^1 /^^^^ pa J 1 1566.] A SPY IN EDINBUHGH. 149 Mr Froude asserts'''' that wliile Mary was thus long- ing to return to France, and hardly hoping to survive her confinement, she was, notwithstanding, full of projects of the most daring and desperate kind. He informs his readers that she was at this very time pre- paring to stir up a rebellion in Ireland ; and after- wards, with the aid of the English Catholics, to invade England, and to assert by force of arms her title to Elizabeth's crown. Mr Froude gives, as his authority for these asser- tions, a letter addressed to Cecil from Scotland by one Christopher Euxbie or Eokesby, who had contrived through some treacherous device to obtain an audience of the Scottish queen. This man had fled from Lon- don to escape imprisonment for debt. He was after- wards employed by Cecil as a spy ; and from the vilest of human occupations he eventually, as we shall find, aspired to become an assassin. It is upon the sole authority of this enterprising person that Mr Froude asserts that Mary, broken in spirit and anxious to be relieved of the cares of State, was meditating a rebel- lion in Ireland and an invasion of England. What credit is to be attached to the uncorroborated testimony of a spy — and of such a spy — it is for the reader to determine. It may be mentioned as a proof, among innumerable others, of the indulgent temper of Mary, that she allowed this miscreant to remain in Scotland in spite of the discovery which was very soon made of his real character and objects. The birth of her son, which took place on the 1 9th of June, created the utmost satisfaction among all classes of her subjects ; and the readiness with which ^ Vol. vii. 281. 150 MAITLAND PARDONED. [1566. Elizabeth consented to stand godmother to the prince furnishes additional proof that she was not in reality averse to her marriage with Darnley. Soon after the birth of the prince, Maitland, who though a party to the conspiracy against Riccio, had taken a less pro- minent share in it than his associates in England, received a pardon from the queen. It was obtained by the solicitation of Murray and Bothwell, who, along with the accomplished secretary, now adminis- tered the affairs of the kingdom. As soon as the queen was able to travel after her confinement she proceeded by water on a short visit to the residence of the Earl of Mar, near Alloa. Two years and a half after the event — namely, in December 1568 — it was alleged, in the 'Book of Articles' pre- sented by the Earl of Murray at Westminster, that she was accompanied on this occasion by certain " notori- ous pirates," retainers of Bothwell, f without any one honest man to accompany her;'' aiid, moreover, that during her visit at Alloa she lived in open and scan- dalous intimacy with Bothwell. Buchanan, in his ' Detection,' published three years later — namely, in 1571 — repeats the same story almost in the same words. This story, so repulsive alike to decency and common- sense, is not only unconfirmed by any contemporary evidence, but it is directly contradicted by the Privy Council register of the day. It would no doubt be the duty of Bothwell, as hereditary high admiral, to provide a vessel for the accommodation of the queen. We do not find, however, from the register that he accompanied her on this occasion ; but we do find that among her attendants were not only her host the Earl of Mar, but the Earl of Murray himself, who 1566.] VIOLENCE OF DARNLEY. 151 afterwards presented tliis slanderous accusation against his sister before Elizabeth's commissioners at West- minster.'"* Darnley had occupied apartments in the castle during the confinement of the queen, and after the birth of his son a better understanding seemed to be growing up between the royal pair. We may fairly conclude, from the contents of the queen's testament, that she at least was inclined to forget the past ; but the suspicious and violent temper of the king soon led to fresh troubles. We learn from a letter of the Earl of Bedford, that soon after the birth of the prince Darnley had conceived the strongest antipathy to JMurray, and had even threatened to kill him.t The queen was again forced to attempt the work of recon- ciliation, the antagonists on this occasion being her brother and her husband, who had both but a few * See Chalmers, i. 279. The Book of Articles. The Detection. The queen " suddenly past out of the " She suddenly entered into a ship Castle of Edinburgh by water to Alloa, there prepared for her, which ship was conducted with certain notorious pirates provided by William Blacater, Edmund — such as William Blacater, Edmund Blacater, Leonard Kobertson, and Tho- Blacater, Leonard Kobertson, Thomas mas Dickson, Bothwell's servants, and Dickson, and their fellows, armed men, famous robbers and pirates. With this and dependers on Bothwell — to the great train of thieves, all honest men wonder- admiration of all honest persons, seeing ing at it, she betook herself to sea, tak- her take the sea without any one honest ing not any other with her, no not of man to accompany her. In Alloa, what her gentlemen nor necessary attendants, was the form of her behaviour," &c. for common honesty. In Alloa Castle, where the ship arrived, how she behaved herself I had rather every man should with himself imagine it than hear me declare it," &c. From this and other passages it is clear that Bnchanan, in composing his ' Detection,' borrowed largely from the ' Book of Articles.' t " The queen has declared to Murray that the king bears him evil will, and that he said to her that he is determined to kill him : findintr fault that she doth bear him so much company, and in like manner she wills Murray to speak it at the king," &c. — Bedford to Cecil, 3d August ; Von Raumer, 88. 152 INFLUENCE OF BOTHWELL. [1566. months before joined in a conspiracy against her crown, if not against her life. If we may judge by the results, her efforts were attended with but slight success. It is worthy of note that Darnley should never, so far as we know, have exhibited any jealousy or even dislike of Bothwell. That nobleman had now acquired so great an ascendancy at Court, and was so much hated on that account, that a plot had been already formed for his overthrow."' Mary has been much blamed for the favour which she showed at this period for this celebrated person, but the explanation is sim- ple and obvious. Bothwell was the only one of the great nobles. of Scotland who from first to last had remained faithful both to her mother and herself. We have no proof of the charge made against him by the unhappy Arran ; and whatever may have been his follies or his crimes, no man could say that James Hepburn was either a hypocrite or a traitor. Though stanch to the religion which he professed, he never made it a cloak for his ambition; though driven into exile and reduced to extreme poverty by the malice of his enemies, he never, so far as we know, accepted of a foreign bribe. In an age when political fidelity was the rarest of virtues, we need not be surprised that his sovereign at this time trusted and rewarded him. We may add, that although the common people admired his liberality and courage, Bothwell among his brother * " I have heard that there is a device working for the Earl of Both- well, the particularities whereof I might have heard, but because such dealings like me not I desire to hear no further thereof. BotJmell has grown of late so hated that he cannot long continue." — Letter of 12th August ; Von Raumer, 89. If Bedford had furnished us with the parti- culars of the " device," it might have thrown much light on subsequent events. 1566.] STRANGE CONDUCT OF DARNLEY. 153 nobles had no friends. His chief reliance, next to the favour of the queen, was placed upon his Border vassals and dependants — men whose lawless habits rendered them impatient of repose, and who were ever ready at the bidding of their lord to embark in any enterprise, however dangerous or desperate. At this time the Earl of Morton and his associates were making strenuous efforts to obtain pardon for their treason, Murray, Maitland, and Bothwell all interceded with the queen in their behalf; and, with her habitual readiness in forgiving injuries, she would have yielded to their entreaties but for the resolute opposition of Darnley. He knew that he was the cause of Morton^s exile, and he justly feared the resentment of the man he had betrayed. A vague sense of impending danger seemed to haunt the mind of the young king at this time, and he even expressed his determination of quitting Scotland altogether. On hearing of his intention, the queen, in presence of her Council and of Du Croc, the French ambassador, en- treated her husband to state his reasons for this extra- ordinary proceeding. " She likewise,^' says Du Croc, " took him by the hand, and besought him for God's sake to declare if she had given him any occasion for this resolution ; and entreated he might deal plainly, and not spare her.'' The lords also inquired whether they or any of them had given him cause of offence. To these appeals Darnley replied, " that he had no ground at all given him for such deliberation." He then took his leave of the queen in these words, " Adieu, madam ; you shall not see my face for a long space," and retired. This occurrence took place, we find from Du Croc's letter, on the SOtli September.'"' * Keith, ii. 451. From a letter of Robert Melvill to Archbishop 154 BOTHWELL WOUNDED. [1566. The continued vexation which the conduct of her husband caused to the queen did not prevent her neglecting her public duties. At this time the lawless condition of the Borders, aggravated if not caused by the intrigues of Morton, who still resided in Northum- berland, induced her, by the advice of her ministers, to proceed to Jedburgh for the purpose of holding an assize. The queen arrived at that place on the 8th of October. On the previous day an incident had occurred which has given rise to much discussion. Bothwell had been appointed warden of the marches by Mary of Lorraine, and he had displayed much activity at this time in apprehending the leading delinquents ; but one noted freebooter, John Elliot of Park, who had long set the law at defiance, was still at large. On the 7th of October this man was descried by Bothwell in the upper part of Liddesdale. Elliot fled, and Bothwell, being doubtless the better mounted of the two, followed and overtook him. The outlaw, seeing that escape was impossible, turned fiercely on his pursuer, and a desperate hand-to-hand encounter took place, in which Elliot was slain on the spot, and Bothwell was stretched senseless on the field. When his followers came up — for with characteristic daring he had left them far behind''' — they believed that he was dead ; and to that efiect Lord Scrope wrote to Cecil on the following day from Carlisle. But Both- well, although severely wounded and insensible from Beton it appears that Darnley was very violent at this time against Maitland ; the Justice-Clerk, Bellenden ; and the Clerk-Register, James Macgill.— Keith, ii. 461. * " His lordship being foremost, and far before his company, encoun- tered one J ohn Elliot of the Park hand to hand," &c. — Lord Scrope to Cecil, dated Carlisle, 8th October ; Record Office. 1566.] THE QUEEN VISITS HIM. 155 loss of blood, had received no fatal injury, and he was removed to his Castle of Hermitage, which, fortunately for him, was not far distant. The business of the assize at Jedburgh occupied from the 8th till the 15th of October; and upon the latter day, on the close of the proceedings, the queen, accompanied by her brother, paid a visit to Bothwell, who was now recovering from his wounds. They remained at the Castle of Hermitage for two hours, "^^ and returned to Jedburgh, a distance of eighteen miles, on the same day. . This simple act of courtesy on the part of the queen has been represented by her enemies as a clear proof of her guilty passion for Bothwell ; but it is only by a very gross misrepresen- tation of the circumstances that any such inference can be drawn. Viewed by the light of the evidence which we now possess, it cannot be said that there was anything unbecoming in this mark of attention on the part of the sovereign to a very powerful and a very loyal subject, who at the time had nearly lost his life in the public service. Let us see how this incident is related by Buchanan. After describing Both well's encounter, he says: " When news hereof was brought to Borthwick to the queen, she flingeth away in haste like a mad woman, by great journeys in post, in the sharp time of winter, first to Melrose and then to Jedburgh. There, though she heard sure news of his life, yet her affection, impatient of delay, could not temper itself, but needs she must * Carlisle is about twenty- five miles distant from Hermitage. The respective dates of Botliwell's wounds and of the queen's visit are cor- rectly given in the ' Diurnal of Occurrents.' On the day following her visit a mass of papers was sent to Bothwell from Jedburgh, no doubt relating to the business of his office.— Chalmers, i. 156 Buchanan's 'detection/ [1566. bewray her outrageous lust ; and in an inconvenient time of the year, despising all discommodities of the way and weather, and all dangers of thieves, she betook herself headlong to her journey, with such a company as no man of any honest degree would have adven- tured his life and his goods among them.""' According to this statement, Mary proceeded with the utmost speed, not from Jedburgh, but from Borthwick Castle to Hermitage, a distance of some sixty miles, as soon as she heard of Both well's wound. Buchanan further states that the journey was performed in winter, and that she travelled in the worst company. But Buchanan did not publish his narrative until five years after the event ; t and it was addressed, in the first instance, to Englishmen in England, who were necessarily unac- quainted with the facts. Subsequent historians have repeated, though in language less gross, the story of the queen's ride to Hermitage. " Mary instantly flew thither," says Kobertson, " with an impatience which has been considered as marking the anxiety of a lover, but little suited the dignity of a queen." J And Laing, relying implicitly on the highly-coloured narra- tive of Buchanan, says, " It is certain that she posted to the Hermitage on the first notice of Bothwell's wound." § If Kobertson and Laing had had access to the Public Eecord Office, they would have found from Lord Scrope's correspondence, written at the time, and without any motive for misrepresenting the truth, that instead of * Detection, English edition, 10. This description, like that of the queen's trip to Alloa, is evidently taken from the Book of Articles. — See Appendix B. t The first edition of the Detection was published in 1571. X Vol. ii. 172. § History, i. 17, note. 1566.] DANGEROUS ILLNESS OF THE QUEEN. 157 hastening to visit Bothwell immediately on hearing of his wound, the queen did not stir from Jedburgh until the business of the assize was finished, fully a week afterwards ; that the journey was performed not in the midst of winter, but in the middle of October, when the weather in the south of Scotland is often fine ; and that, instead of being attended by the worst of company, the companion of her journey was her brother, who was the Kegent of Scotland, and, we may add, the patron of Buchanan, at the time the latter composed his famous libel. It happened that Du Croc, who had accompanied the queen to Jedburgh, addressed a letter to Paris on the same day on which she rode to Hermitage ; and after describing the incomprehensible conduct of Darnley, and the complete discredit into which he had fallen in consequence of his follies, the French ambassador expresses himself as follows respecting the queen : " I never saw her majesty so much beloved, esteemed, and honoured, nor so great a harmony amongst all her subjects, as at present is by her wise conduct; for I cannot perceive the smallest difference or division.""'' The contrast between the testimony of this disinter- ested witness, written on the spot, and the subse- quently invented slanders of Buchanan, is sufficiently instructive. While the Court was still at Jedburgh, the queen was seized with a dangerous fever, the result, according to the opinion of Maitland,t of the continued vexation and anxiety which she suffered through the perverse conduct of her husband. For more than a week her life was in imminent peril, and she awaited the result * See Keith, ii. 45 L f Tytler, vii. 49. 158 THE queen's recovery. [1566. with characteristic fortitude and resignation. She earnestly recommended her son to the Earl of Murray, and entreated him and his brother nobles to live in peace. She declared her intention of dying in the religion in which she had been brought up ; and she besought her brother not to deal harshly with her Catholic subjects after she was gone.'" She sent her affectionate remembrances to the King of France, through Du Croc, who was no less impressed by her becoming behaviour than by the utter indifference displayed by Darnley. " The king," he says, " is at Glasgow, and has not come to this place, although he has received notice, and has had ample time to come had he been willing. His conduct can admit of no excuse." t Darnley did at length make his appearance at Jedburgh, but it was not until, contrary to the expectation of her physicians, his wife had recovered. He remained only a day at Jedburgh, and then returned to Glasgow, where his father, who had never ventured to Court since the murder of Eiccio, at the time resided. In the slanderous narrative of Buchanan we are told, that as soon as Darnley heard of the queen's illness " he hasted in post to Jedburgh, to comfort her in her weakness, and by all the gentle services that he possibly could, to declare his affection and hearty desire to do her pleasure," but that he was treated with studied rudeness and contempt. | As soon as the queen was able to travel she returned by way of Kelso and Dunbar to Edinburgh ; and she took up her residence, probably by the advice of her " That he would not be over-extreme to such as were of her religion." — Knox, 399. Knox would not have mentioned the circumstance unless he had deemed it discreditable to the queen, t Letter of 24th October ; Keith, ii. 467. X Detection, 11. 1566.] THE CRAIGMILLAll CONFERENCE. 159 physicians, at the Castle of Craigmillar, a massive feudal fortress three miles to the south of the capital. Her husband, about the end of November, also resided here for several days, and he then set out alone for Stirling, where it had been arranged that the prince should be baptised. We learn from Du Croc that during the king s visit matters went on much as usual. Darnley was as imperious and intractable as ever, and the queen, with weakened health and broken spirits, regarded with alarm every movement of her wayward husband. " I could wish to be dead ! were the ex- pressive words which she repeated again and again at this time to the French ambassador, who vainly endeav- oured, to the utmost of his power, to restore peace to the royal household. It was after the departure of Darnley from Craig- millar that the famous conference took place to which the murder of that unhappy youth may be directly traced. We have a detailed account of all that passed on this occasion from two of the parties who were present — Himtly and Argyll — both of them Protestants, and one of them the brother-in-law of Murray. According to their statement, Maitland and Murray first opened the matter to Argyll by lamenting the continued ab- sence of Morton and his friends, who were prevented through Darnley 's influence from receiving a pardon. Maitland then suggested that the most certain means of procuring the pardon of the exiles would be by ob- taining a divorce between the queen and her husband, who regarded Morton and his associates as his mortal enemies. To this Argyll observed that he did not see * Keith, i. xcvi. 160 THE CRAIGMILLAR CONFERENCE. [1566. how this could be done. " My lord," said Maitland, " give yourself no concern. We shall find the means well enough to make her rid of him, so that you and my Lord of Huntly will only behold the matter and not be offended thereat." The three councillors next sought Huntly and Bothwell, who were both also residing at Craigmillar, and after conferring with them, they all proceeded in a body to the presence of the queen. Maitland then, after adverting to the extraordinary conduct of the king, and the continued vexation which it had caused to her majesty, suggested that if she would consent to "pardon Morton and his com- panions in exile, means might be found to obtain a divorce between her and her husband. He added that this step had now become necessary, as well for the sake of her own peace of mind as for the public wel- fare. The proposal of the secretary was . so warmly seconded by the noblemen present, that the queen at first expressed a conditional approval of it. She said that if a lawful divorce might be obtained without prejudice to her son, she might be induced to consent to it. To this Bothwell observed that a divorce might certainly be obtained without affecting the rights of the prince, adding, by way of illustration, that he himself had inherited his fathers titles and estates although his parents had been divorced. A question then arose as to the place where the king should re- side in the event of a divorce taking place ; but the queen, upon further reflection, suggested that, instead of seeking a divorce, she herself should retire for a while to France. This notion, which, we have seen, she entertained before the birth of her son, was strenu- ously opposed by Maitland in the following significant 1566.] ANSWER OF MURRAY. 161 words : "Do not imagine, madam, that we, the prin- cipal nobility of the realm, shall not find the means of ridding your majesty of him without prejudice to your son ; and albeit my Lord of Murray here present be little less scrupulous for a Protestant than your grace is for a Papist, be assured that he will look through his fingers and behold our doings, saying nothing to the same." To this mysterious speech the queen at once replied : "I will that ye do nothing through which any spot may be laid on my honour or con- science ; and therefore, I pray you, rather let the matter be in the state that it is, abiding till God of His goodness put remedy thereto." '' To these allegations, so far as they affect the Earl of Murray, he subsequently gave in a written reply, which is still extant. " In case," he says, " any man will say and affirm that ever I was present when any purposes were holden at Craigmillar in my audience, tending to any unlawful or dishonourable end, or that ever I subscribed any band \bond^ there, or that any purpose was holden anent the subscribing of any band by me to my knowledge, I avow they speak wickedly and untruly, which I will maintain against them, as becomes an honest man, to the end of my life." This language is very vague, for he only expressly denies what was not alleged — namely, that he had signed any bond at Craigmillar. He goes on to say : " Only this far the subscription of bands by me is true, that indeed I subscribed a band with the Earls of Huntly, Argyll, and Bothwell, in Edinburgh, at the beginning of October the same year, 1566, which was devised in sign of our reconciliation in respect of the former * Protestation of Huntly and Argyll ; Keith, iii. 290. L 162 THE CRAGMILLAR BOND. [1566. grudges and displeasures that had been amongst us^ whereunto I was constrained to make promise before I could he admitted to the queen's presence, or have any show of her favour/' &c.'"* This latter allegation we know to be untrue. We know that Murray had regained the queen's favour long before the month of October. We know that in June he and Argyll were the only two noblemen who resided in Edinburgh Castle during the queen's confinement; and in the event of her death, we cannot doubt that they would have continued to administer the government, at least until the return of the Duke of Chatelherault, who was then in France. We learn, further, from the correspond- ence of the Earl of Bedford, that in the month of Au- gust the queen and her brother were on the best terms. " She confessed before the whole house,'' says Bedford, that she would not be content that either he " (mean- ing Darnley) or any other should be unfriendly to Murray." t The reason, therefore, assigned by him for becoming a party to the bond in October cannot be the true one. As the queen, on reflection, positively refused to entertain the project of a divorce,^ those who proposed it eventually resolved to pave the way for the return of Morton and his friends by the murder of the king. In accordance with the savage custom of the age, a bond was drawn up, in which he was declared to be " a young fool and tyrant, "§ who was unworthy to rule * Answer of Murray; Keith, iii. 294. t Quoted by Von Raumer, 88. t As a Catholic, she knew that the only ground upon which she could seek a divorce was upon that of consanguinity, and that her marriage could not be dissolved on that account without affecting the rights of her son. § Ormiston's Confession ; State Trials, vol. i. 1566.] BAPTISM OF THE PRINCE. 1G3 over them ; tlie subscribers therefore bound themselves to remove him by some expedient or another, each engaging to stand by the other in this deadly enter- prise at the hazard of his life and fortune. The deed was drawn up by Sir James Balfour, an experienced lawyer, but the most corrupt and treacherous of men, who at this time was an active tool of Bothwell ; and it was signed by both, as well as by Huntly, Argyll, and Maitland. Murray, we have seen, solemnly de- clared that he did not sign it ; and this is consistent both with the wary character of the man and with the significant expression used by Maitland in his pre- sence, "that he would look through his fingers and behold their doings, saying nothing to the same." This transaction took place in the beginning of De- cember 1566. On the 17th of the same month the prince was baptised at Stirling in presence of the principal no- bility, and of the English, French, and Piedmontese ambassadors. " The queen," says Du Croc, behaved herself admirably during the baptism, and showed so much earnestness to entertain all the goodly company in the best manner, that this made her forget in a good measure her former ailments.""' But he adds, that she sent for him a few days afterwards, and he found her weeping sore," and complaining of " a grievous pain in her side." I am much grieved," he continues, " for the many troubles and vexations she meets with." Du Croc furnishes us in the same letter with several particulars concerning Darnley, whose conduct at this time appears to be altogether inexplicable. He went * Quoted by Chalmers, i. 304. 164 DARNLEY IN STIRLING. [1566. to Stirling, as we have seen, from Craigmillar ; but Du Croc says that he did not believe he would be present at the baptism ; and the French ambassador was right. Two days before the ceremony the king announced his intention of leaving the town ; but he remained notwithstanding, although, to the surprise of the guests, he did not appear either at the baptism or at the entertainments w^hich followed. So unaccountable was his behaviour that Du Croc positively refused to see him, although he sent several messages on the day of the baptism desiring an interview. " His deport- ment is incurable," says Du Croc, " nor can there be ever any good expected from him." If the statement of Camden, that the Earl of Bedford was instructed not to give Darnley the title of king,''' is true, his absence from the baptism is sufficiently accounted for ; and we know as a fact that that title was never accorded to him in his lifetime by Elizabeth. The sullen and capricious conduct of Darnley may also have arisen from his belief that Morton and his accomplices were at length about to receive the par- don which had been hitherto withheld. Darnley had every reason to dread the return of these men to Scot- land. He had not only denounced and betrayed them, but they knew that it was entirely through his influ- ence that their exile had been prolonged. After the baptism of the prince a fresh attempt was made by the chief advisers of the queen — namely, Murray, Both well, and Maitland — to obtain the pardon of their friends ; and the powerful aid both of the French ambassador and of the Earl of Bedford, who spoke in the name and by the desire of his mistress, rendered it impos- * Camden, book i. 1566.] PARDON OF MOHTON. 1G5 sible for JVTary on such an occasion to resist the joint intercession of her chief nobility and her sister queen. Eobertson attributes the pardon of Morton and his friends entirely to the influence of Both well. "Mary," he says, "who had hitherto continued inexorable to every treaty in their behalf, yielded at last to the solicitations of Both well."''' But Elizabeth took to herself the sole credit of obtaining Morton's pardon. In a letter written some months afterwards to Throg- morton, she says : " The Earl of Morton had refuge in our realm when we might have delivered him to death ; and," she adds, " he was restored to his pardon for gratifying us upon instance made by our order at the Earl of Bedford's being with the queen." t On the 24th of December Mary signed Morton's pardon. His most active accomplice, Kuthven, was now dead ; but the queen's pardon extended to the son and representative of that nobleman, to Lord Lindsay, and to seventy-five other persons, who were all impli- cated in the conspiracy to murder Riccio and dethrone their sovereign. It is worthy of note that the latter purpose was accomplished by these very men within six months after they received their pardon. The only two persons exempted from the general amnesty were George Douglas, who had stabbed the secretary in presence of the queen, and Ker of Fau- donsidc, who had held his pistol at her breast during the perpetration of the murder. On the same day upon whi(di the pardon of the Earl * Vol. ii. 184. t Queen Elizabeth to Throgmorton, 27tli July 1567 ; Keith, ii. 705. This agrees with the letter written by Bedford to Cecil at the time. — See Chalmers, ii. 291. 166 BUCHANAN AT STIRLING. [1566. of Morton was signed, Darnley suddenly left Stirling for Glasgow without even taking leave of the queen. His disapproval of the amnesty was no doubt the cause of his abrupt departure. Buchanan does not hesitate to assert that he was poisoned by his wife before he left Stirling,'" and that he was taken ill on the road to Glasgow from this cause. This is not the only charge which Buchanan makes against the queen. He informs us that, both before and after her illness at Jedburgh, she was living in open and notorious adultery with Bothwell. He tells us further, that after having attempted to poison her husband at Stirling, she made a second unsuccessful attempt to poison him at Glasgow ; and, lastly, he assures us that it was her intention, after having mur- dered her husband, to destroy her child. These accusations are of a most extraordinary kind, but the proofs adduced in their support are more extraordinary still. " When he " (Darnley) " was preparing to depart for Glasgow," says the author of the ' Detection,' " she caused poison to be given him. You will ask. By whom 1 In what manner 1 What kind of poison ? Where had she it 1 Ask you these questions? as though wicked princes ever wanted ministers of their wicked treacheries. But still you press me, perhaps, and still you ask me. Who be these ministers ? If this cause were to be pleaded before grave Cato the censor, all this were easy for us to prove before him that was persuaded that there is no adulteress but the same is also a poisoner. Need we seek for a more substantial witness than Cato, every This is first insinuated in the ' Book of Articles.' — See Appendix B. It is roundly asserted by Buchanan. — See Detection, 48. 1566.] HIS PRAISES OF THE QUEEN. 1G7 one of whose sentences antiquity esteemed as so many oracles ? Shall we not in a manifest thing believe him whose credit hath in things doubtful so oft pre- vailed ? Lo ! here a man of singular uprightness, and of most notable faithfulness and credit, beareth witness against a woman burning in hatred of her husband," &c.'"' It is hard to believe, yet it is impossible to dis- pute, that the author of this rare piece of rhetoric was accounted one of the most accomplished scholars of the age. And where was Buchanan, it may be asked, at the time of the prince's christening 1 We know for cer- tain that he was at Stirling, assisting at the entertain- ments given in honour of that event, and extolling to the skies in pedantic Latin verses the virtues of the sovereign whom he tells us every one knew at the time to be a monster of lust and cruelty.t There can be no possible mistake upon this point. It is true * Detection, 49. Malcolm Laing labours hard to prove that this por- tion of the * Detection ' — namely, the " Oration " — was written not by Buchanan, but by Dr Thomas Wilson, an English civilian ; but the answer to this is simple and conclusive. The first Scotch edition of the * Detection,' published in 1571, bears the initials of Buchanan, and it contains the " Oration " as well as the " Detection," and both in Scotch, which Wilson could not have written. But when we find Buchanan acknowledging in the title-page that he was the author, it is idle to speculate further on the matter. A copy of the first Scotch edition is to be found in the Advocates' Library, Edinburgh. t The following lines of Buchanan were addressed to the queen on the occasion of a masque which was performed before the English and French ambassadors and the other guests at Stirling : — Virtute ingenio, Regina, et munere formae Felicibus felicior majoribus, Conjugii fructii sed felicissima, cujus Legati honoraiit exteri cunabula Rustica quern donis reverentur numina silvis, Satyri relictis, naiadesque fontibus/' &c. — Opera, lib. iii. 168 THE 'detection/ [1566. that the ' Detection ' was not composed for some years after the baptism of the prince ; but in that atrocious libel Buchanan tells us that for months before that event she was living in adultery with Bothwell — namely, at Edinburgh, Jedburgh, and other places — and in a manner so public and notorious, " as they seemed to fear nothing more them lest their ivicked- ness should be unknow7i." '''' If these charges were true, Buchanan himself knew, and every one else knew, when he was celebrating the virtues of the queen at Stirling, that she Avas the most abandoned of her sex. If he knew them to be false, no literary assassin was ever guilty of such villany. Buchanan composed his libel when the Queen of Scots was a fugitive in England, notoriously to serve the purposes of his new patrons, who had driven her from her native kingdom. He had been the most assiduous of her flatterers so long as she occupied her throne, but from the time that she became the tenant of a prison he pursued her with the malice of a demon ; and his slanders, as we have already stated, were addressed, in the first instance, not to his own coun- trymen, but to Englishmen in England, who had no means either of verifying or refuting them. The ene- mies of the Scottish queen exhibited their wonted skill in purchasing the services of Buchanan ^to blacken the character of their sovereign. His repute as a scholar secured for his book a wide and rapid circula- tion. The monstrous fictions of the ' Detection ' were duly copied in process of time by Knox and by De Thou. They disfigure innumerable pages of Kobertson, of Laing, and of Mignet, although these historians, one * Detection, 13. 1566.] AND ITS ADMIKERS. 169 and all, refrain from quoting liis libel as an authority. But a well-known modern author has displayed more candour and more courage. Mr Froude unhesitatingly declares his belief in the truth of the ' Detection ; ' and he asserts, moreover, " that it will receive at last the authoritative position which it deserves."*" We can therefore be at no loss to ascertain whence he has derived his notions of the character and conduct of the Queen of Scots. It is a striking proof of the carelessness with which history is written, that not one of the authors who have adopted the slanders of Buchanan has taken the trouble to ascertain whether or not they were con- firmed by any contemporary evidence. Had they done so, they would have found that none such exists. There is no proof whatever that any calumnious re- ports were in circulation respecting Bothwell and the queen during her husband's lifetime. These were first put in circulation not before, but after Darnley's mur- der ; and this is a circumstance especially deserving of attention. But if we have no evidence of the existence of any such injurious reports we have abundant evidence of a contrary kind. We have abundant proof that at the very time when, according to Buchanan, the Queen of Scots was leading a life of the most notorious pro- fligacy, she never stood higher in the estimation both of her own subjects and of her partisans in England. By far the most trustworthy testimony which we pos- sess concerning Scotland at this time consists of the letters written by the English and the French ambas- sadors in that country. But neither in the despatches * History, x. 320, note. 170 QUESTION OF THE SUCCESSION. [1566. of the Earl of Bedford, who was no friend to the Queen of Scots — nor in those of Sir William Drury, the English resident at Berwick, who carefully transmitted to Cecil every piece of gossip respecting the Scottish Court — nor in those of Du Croc, who, though favourably dis- posed towards Mary, was a man of known integrity,''* — do we find the most distant allusion to any unbecom- ing conduct upon her part. On the contrary, in the opinion of Du Croc, she never stood higher in public estimation than during the latter part of 1566. The Parliament of England, which met in November of that year, was evidently of the same mind. Both Houses addressed the queen on the subject of the suc- cession, praying her in the name of the nation not to allow the question to remain any longer unsettled.! Although the name of the Queen of Scots was not mentioned, Elizabeth was well aware that the move- ment proceeded from the partisans of Mary, who, in both branches of the Legislature, but especially in the Upper House, were at this time more numerous and active than ever. Considering the difficulties of her position, Mary had, upon the whole, conducted the government of Scotland with remarkable prudence and success ; and her moderation in matters of religion induced even the most powerful of the Protestant nobility to regard her claims with favour. The birth of a son who inherited all the rights of the eldest daughter of Henry YIL, gave additional strength to the pretensions of the house of Stewart. But Eliza- beth declined, though in very ambiguous terms, to make any settlement of the succession. She, however, * Holinshed describes him as " a wise aged gentleman." t Rapin, book xvii. 1566.] INSTRUCTIONS OF BEDFORD. 171 commissioned the Earl of Bedford, before he proceeded to Scotland, to make a final attempt to obtain from the Queen of Scots a confirmation of the treaty of Edinburgh ; and with this object the English ambas- sador was empowered to make concessions of the most important kind. Cecil had overreached the French commissioners at Edinburgh by introducing words into the treaty which were clearly intended to bar Mary and her descendants from the English succession, but Elizabeth was now willing to remove this obstacle to its fulfilment. " Our meaning is," she said in her instructions to Bedford, " to require nothing to be confirmed in that treaty but that which directly ap- pertains to us and our children, omitting anything in that treaty that may be prejudicial to her title as next heir after us and our children, all which may be secured to her by a new treaty betwixt us." Nothing could be more equitable than this proposal on the part of Elizabeth. It was, in fact, substantially the same as that which Mary herself had formerly made. But whether the temptation of adopting in her turn the tantalising policy of her rival was too strong to be resisted, or whether, as is more probable, she was guided by the mischievous advice of Maitland, she did not reply directly to the overture of Elizabeth. She suggested instead, that before proceeding further * Keith, ii. 462. The whole of the instructions are drawn up in the most friendly spirit. As godmother of the prince, Elizabeth sent a pre- sent of a splendid gold font to be used at the baptism. " You may say pleasantly," she says in her instructions to Bedford, speaking of her present, " that it was made as soon as we heard of the prince's birth, and then it was big enough for him ; but now he, being grown, is too big for it, therefore it may be better used for the next child," &c. The whole of Elizabeth's conduct at this time is inconsistent with her pro- fessed opposition to Mary's marriage. 172 WILL OF HENHY VIIL [1566. in the matter of the succession, it should be ascertained whether or not the will of Henry VIIL excluding the descendants of his eldest sister Margaret was genuine or not."^'* This proceeding on the part of Mary raises the suspicion that, remembering the habitual duplicity with which she had been treated, and relying on her flourishing prospects, she cherished the hope of being able at some future time to challenge her rival's title to the crown of England. But all such aspirations, if she ever entertained them, were very soon afterwards dashed to the ground ; and thus the only opportunity which occurred during the lifetime of the two queens of settling their differences on a just and solid basis was thrown away. Before the Court left Stirling a step was taken by the queen which has been generally attributed to the influence of Both well. There can be no doubt that the murder of Darnley had been resolved upon at Craigmillar; and we may conclude, from subsequent events, that Botliwell had determined, with the aid and probably at the instigation of his associates, to marry the royal widow. But as the earl was already married, it would be necessary to procure a divorce ; and it is alleged, and it is probable, that with this object he obtained a restoration of the consistorial jurisdiction of the Archbishop of St Andrews, which had been abolished by the Convention of States in 1560. As the Countess of Botliwell was a Catholic, and she and her husband were within the prohibited degrees of consanguinity, a divorce might be obtained on that ground in the court of the primate. If there was the slightest evidence to show that Mary was Keith, ii. 491 ; Mary to Elizabeth, 3d January 1567. 1566.] CONSISTORIAL JURISDICTION. 173 cognisant of the schemes of Both well, the restoration of the consistorial jurisdiction of the archbishop at this time would be a circumstance of strong suspicion ; but no such evidence exists, nor do we even know by whom the measure was proposed. It might have been suggested to the queen by Maitland, who was acting at the time in close concert with Both well ; and being recommended by her Protestant advisers, we can well believe that it would receive no opposition at her hands. The General Assembly of the Kirk, which was sitting at Edinburgh at the time, protested strenuously against the restoration of the archbishop's court, de- claring " that the queen should be informed that this was a violation of the laws of the realm, and the setting up again of the Roman Antichrist." In order to appease the discontent of the Protestant clergy, means were taken for increasing their very slender stipends. They accepted the boon under protest that it should prove no bar to their claim to the whole patrimony of the Kirk,"" of which they had been un- justly deprived. * Spottiswoode, ii. 47. CHAPTER V. THE PLOT AGAINST DAKNLEY THE ALLEGED LETTERS OF THE QUEEN TO BOTHWELL. Daenley had imprudently set out for Glasgow at a time wlien smallpox was prevalent in that city, and we learn from the Earl of Bedford that the queen, on hearing that her husband had caught that infec- tious malady, sent her own physician to attend him/* Buchanan, writing five years afterwards, to serve the purposes of the dominant faction in Scotland, asserts that, instead of sending her own physician to Glasgow, she actually prohibited her husband during his illness from receiving medical attendance of any kind.t It does not require the express contradiction of Bed- ford to convince us of the falsehood of this ridiculous accusation. About the middle of January the queen returned from Stirling to Edinburgh, accompanied by the in- fant prince. The Earl of Morton had by this time * Bedford to Cecil, 9th January 1567 ; Record Office. Bedford was then at Berwick. After the christening of the prince the English am- bassador visited the Earl of Murray in Fife, where he was received "with much honour, great cheer, and courteous entertainment" (letter to Cecil of 30th December). He then proceeded to Edinburgh and Berwick. t " And yet all this while the queen would not suffer so much as a physician once to come at him." — Detection, 16. 1567.] RETURN OF MORTON 175 returned to Scotland ; and even before he reached his own home, Bothwell and Maitland met him, and pro- posed that he should join in the conspiracy for the murder of the king. This remarkable interview took place at Whittingham Castle in East Lothian, the residence of a kinsman of Morton's ; and according to the confession of that nobleman made before his exe- cution in the year 1581, he refused to take part in the enterprise unless it was approved by the queen. The conspirators assured him that this was the case ; but as they failed to produce any evidence of her assent, he says that he declined to join them. This incident occurred about the 20th January 1567. Morton was thus, by his own confession, acquainted with the fact of the conspiracy ; and there are strong reasons for believing that, notwithstanding his denial, he aided in the prosecution of the plot. Motives still more powerful than revenge urged him, as well as the other conspirators, to seek Darnley's death. Mor- ton and Maitland, as well as Murray, had imposed upon the generous nature of the queen in the disposal of the crown-lands, and they knew that Darnley had expressed his disapproval of the improvident bounty of his wife. They knew, moreover, that by the law of Scotland any such grants made without the sanc- tion of Parliament might be revoked at any time before the queen attained the age of twenty - five. t * A portion of the castle is still in good preservation. There is a splendid yew-tree in front of the building, under which tradition says the conspirators discussed the plan of Darnley's murder. Mr Froude has made the strange mistake of converting Whittingham Castle into a " hostelry." He makes the conspirators meet " in the yard of the hostelry of Whittingham." — Vol. viii. 351. t Stat. James II., anno 1437. Gilbert Stuart, Public Law of Scot- land, 49. 176 MOTIVES OF THE CONSPIKATOHS. [1567. The fears of the conspirators were not imaginary, for during the preceding reign various grants which James V. had been induced to make to his nobles during his minority were cancelled before he arrived at the full age prescribed by law."' Mary had now entered her twenty - fifth year, and it was of the utmost consequence to the conspirators to obtain a confirmation of their titles in the Parliament which was about to meet in the spring. If this opportunity were allowed to pass, the queen might at any time before December 1567 resume the extensive grants of crown and Church lands which she had made to the chief of the Protestant nobility before her mar- riage. The conspirators had good reason to fear that Darnley would exert all his influence to induce her to take this step ; and as his illness might not improbably lead to a reconciliation between the royal pair — for they all knew her forgiving temper — the danger was obvious and imminent. Although Both- well had shared less in the bounty of the queen than his associates, we know he had a motive no less powerful for seeking the death of Darnley. Thus was formed the third plot of the Protestant nobility for the destruction of Darnley and the queen. Two had already failed, but the conspirators were at length to reap the fruits of their perseverance and audacity. If it is asked why Maitland and Morton should have lent themselves to the daring schemes of Both- well, the answer is plain. They knew that, if success- ful, they must prove fatal both to him and to the queen. Both well had long been regarded as an enemy by the faction of which Murray was the chief The * Stuart, Public Law of Scotland, 52. 1567.] ALARMING RUMOURS. 177 reconciliation between tliem was recent, and it had never been sincere. " The murder of Darnley, followed by the marriage of the queen to Bothwell, could not fail to exasperate the people ; and amid the general discontent the Protestant chiefs would have an excel- lent opportunity of carrying out their long-meditated scheme of seizing on the government. Eobertson seems to think it incredible that men should help to elevate a confederate whom they hated with a view to his ultimate ruin ; yet we know that the very same men had played the very same game with Darnley only a few months before. They had engaged to obtain for him the crown-matrimonial as the price of his adhesion to the conspiracy against Eiccio ; but who can doubt that, if Darnley had ever acquired that dignity, he would have been speedily hurled from it Ijy the men to whom he was indebted for his eleva- tion ? The plot for the destruction of Darnley failed from causes already explained ; the plot for the ruin of Bothwell was entirely successful. While the enemies of Darnley were maturing their murderous schemes, various alarming rumours reached the queen. It was reported, on the one hand, that her husband intended to crown the infant prince prepara- tory to his assuming the government in the name of his son ; and, on the other hand, it was rumoured that it was intended to place the king himself in ward. One Hiegate, who was town-clerk of Glasgow, was said to have circulated these reports ; but upon being summoned before the Privy Council, he denied the accusation. The queen was much annoyed by these rumours, and in writing to her ambassador in Paris * See Bedford's letter of 3d August preceding, antCy 151. M 178 THE . QUEEN VISITS GLASGOW. [1567. on the 20tli of January, she spoke with some irritation respecting both Darnley and his father, whom she appears to have considered in some way responsible for their circulation. " As for the king our husband," she says in this letter, God knows always our part towards him ; and his behaviour and thankfulness to us is equally well known to God and the world, espe- cially our own indifferent"' subjects see it, and in their hearts, we doubt not, condemn the same. Always we perceive him occupied and busy enough to have inquisition of our doings, which, God willing, shall always be such as none shall have occasion to be offended with them, or to report of us anyways but honourably, however he, his father, and their fautors speak, which we know want no goodwill to make us have ado, if their power were equivalent to their minds," &c.t As she set out on the day following the date of this letter to visit her husband in Glasgow, some his- torians have drawn from it the most unfavourable;]; conclusions ; but these seem to be unwarranted. Mary had too good reason to be annoyed at the conduct of Lennox and his son, and it was natural that she should give expression to her annoyance while writing to one of her most faithful friends. To interpret such expressions as a proof of settled hatred of her husband is unreasonable and unjust. What would her enemies have said if, instead of giving vent to her real feelings, her letter had abounded in expressions of ardent affec- tion ? Would they not have asserted, and with far more justice, that such hypocrisy raised the strongest suspicion of her guilt ? * I.e., impartial. f Keith, i. 101. % Mignet, i. 204. 1567.] HER INTERVIEW WITH DARNLEY. 179 Mary left Edinburgh, according to her enemies, on the 21st'" of January, accompanied by Both well, who was sheriff of the county, and by his brother-in-law, the Earl of Huntly. They stopped that night at Cal- lander, near Falkirk, the residence of Lord Livingstone. The queen remained at Callander on the following day, and the two earls returned to Edinburgh. On Thurs- day the 23d she proceeded to Glasgow, and as she approached the city, the Hamiltons and other of the neighbouring gentry received her with every demon- stration of loyalty. The Earl of Lennox was residing at Glasgow at the time, but instead of waiting on the queen, he sent a retainer named Thomas Crawford to acquaint her that he durst not venture into her presence in consequence of the displeasure she had expressed respecting him at Stirling. Annoyed appa- rently at this fresh instance of perversity on the part of her father-in-law, Mary curtly replied that there was no medicine against fear, and proceeded on her journey. It is hardly necessary to observe that her language and bearing to the messenger of Lennox were entirely in accordance with the sentiments which she had ex- pressed three days before to her ambassador in Paris. The same remark holds good with regard to her first meeting with Darnley. Those historians who seek to make the queen's conduct accord with their own preconceived notions, assert that she loaded him with caresses in order to gain him to her purpose. " By all her words and actions," says Eobertson,t " she en- deavoured to express an uncommon affection for him.'' * This is disputed by Goodall, Chalmers, and others ; but it is my in- tention throughout to take the case against the queen as it has been presented by her accusers. — See Appendix D. t Vol. ii. 190. 180 DEPOSITION OF CEAWFORD. [1567. " She employed the most tender assiduities," says Laing,"' "to remove his suspicions and regain his con- fidence, to sooth and assure his mind, and to persuade him to return in a litter to Edinburgh." Mignett uses language equally strong ; but none of these histo- rians give us any authority for their assertions. We have, however, the deposition of a witness who professed to have heard from Darnley's own lips his account of his first interview with the queen ; and beyond a natural expression of sorrow for his sickness, we do not find a word to justify these imputations. On the contrary, instead of that extraordinary display of affection which has been conjured up by the ima- gination of modern historians, we find that Mary at once proceeded to question her husband respecting the alarming rumours which had reached her in Edin- burgh. She interrogated him closely upon these and other matters, and especially respecting his alleged design of leaving Scotland. It appears that sick- ness and solitude had rendered Darnley a wiser man ; and after replying to her inquiries, he made a full confession of his follies, pleading youth and want of friends as the cause of his misconduct. He ex- pressed at the same time his unalterable affection for the queen, and his earnest and only wish that they might live once more together.;]: It was not Mary, therefore, but her husband, who on this occasion was lavish in his professions of attachment ; but she readily gave him her hand in token of reconciliation, and it was agreed that they should proceed together * Vol. i. 26. f - Vol. i. 204. J " I desire no other thing but that we may be together as husband and wife. And if ye will not consent thereto, I desire never to rise forth of this bed." — Deposition of Thomas Crawford ; Record Office. 1567.] THE QUEEN AND DARNLEY RECONCILED. 181 to Craigmillar as soon as he was able to travel. Such, according to Thomas Crawford, the person above men- tioned, was the first interview between the queen and her husband. Crawford declared upon his oath that Darnley communicated the particulars to him imme- diately afterwards, and that he forthwith committed them to writing. Although the latter statement is suspicious, the narrative of Crawford bears, upon the whole, a strong air of probability. Nothing could be more natural than the behaviour of the queen through- out. We have seen that she left Edinburgh in a state of annoyance at the rumours which were afloat, and this feeling was probably aggravated by the rude apology which Lennox made for his non-appearance as she entered Glasgow. We find that the moment she meets Darnley she gives vent to the feelings which are uppermost in her mind. Her language is certainly not that of flattery, for nearly all her questions are in- direct reproaches of her husband ; but she is speedily silenced by his penitent and afl'ectionate demeanour, and a reconciliation more or less complete takes place between them. Is it at all surprising that Mary, who had twice forgiven the treachery of her brother, who had forgiven Maitland and Chatelherault, Morton and Lindsay and Euthven, should, under the circumstances, be induced to overlook the errors of a husband whom she had certainly married from afiection, and who now made so full a confession of his follies ? Her enemies accuse her of having feigned at this time an afiection for the man she detested, that she might entice him away to the fatal Kirk -of- Field ; but if this had been her design, we should have ex- pected that her conduct would have been the reverse 182 CONDUCT OF THE QUEEN. [1567. of that which Crawford has described. We should have expected that when she met her husband con- scious guilt would have assumed the guise, if not of ostentatious sympathy, at least of smooth attention. We should have thought that at all events she would have refrained from touching upon any topic which was likely to annoy him. She knew his wayward and captious temper ; and the slightest provocation might, by widening the breach between them, have led to the derangement of all her plans. But instead of approaching her husband with expressions of affec- tion real or feigned, she addressed him at once in the language of complaint. If Darnley's spirit had not been subdued by sickness, it is too probable that he would have replied in a recriminatory tone, and the alleged project of the queen must have fallen to the ground. As it was, he spoke, for the first time in his life, rationally and calmly ; and it is most important to observe that the proposal for a reconciliation came not from the queen, but from him. It was he who first proposed that they should live again together as man and wife. It is from testimony which the enemies of the queen themselves produced — namely, from Craw- ford's deposition — that we learn this most material fact. It is assumed by the historians adverse to the queen, that she went to Glasgow at this time of her own accord, or rather at the instigation of Both well. The Bishop of Eoss,*"' on the contrary, states that she visited Darnley at his own request. The testimony of so warm a partisan of Mary is to be received with cau- tion ; but we find it confirmed in the most positive manner by the queen's enemies. According to Craw- * See his " Defence of Queen Mary's honour," printed in Anderson. 1567.] HER ALLEGED LETTER TO BOTHWELL. 183 ford's deposition, she asked her husband, on their first meeting, what was meant by the cruelty mentioned " in his letters!' " It is of you only,'' replies Darnley, " that will not accept my offers and repentance ; " and he proceeds to express the utmost contrition for his past conduct. The principal letter produced against the queen at Westminster contained a passage identi- cal in meaning'"' and almost in words with that just cited; so that, whatever theories modern historians may form on the subject, it was certainly admitted^ by the queen's enemies at the time that Darnley had written to her from Glasgow, expressing sorrow for his misconduct, and seeking a reconciliation. Her visit to that city, therefore, which has been regarded; as one of the strongest proofs of her guilty complicity! with Bothwell, admits, according to the testimony of j her enemies, of a most simple and natural explanation^ It is asserted that while the queen was at Glasgow she wrote certain letters to Bothwell ; and it may be admitted that, if these letters are genuine, she was accessory to the murder of her husband. It will therefore be necessary to pause in our narrative, while we invite the attention of the reader to these justly- celebrated productions. The first t of the alleged letters in the English edition of Buchanan's * Detection ' is to the following effect : — * " You ask me " (it is Darnley who speaks) " what I mean by the cruelty contained in my letter ; it is of you alone, that will not accept my offers and repentance." — See No. 2 of the queen's alleged letters to Bothwell in this chapter. t This letter is often printed as the second of the series ; but it is placed first by Buchanan, and we know that it was the first produced at West- minster. 184 ALLEGED LETTERS OF [1567. Letter No. 1. It appears that with your absence there is also joyned for- getfuhiess, seeing that at your departing you promised to make me advertisement of your news from time to time. The waiting upon them yesterday caused me to be almost in such joy as I will be at your returning, which you have delayed longer than your promise was. As to me, howbeit I have no further news from you, according to my commissions T bring the man with me to Craigmillar upon Monday, where he will be all Wednesday ; and I will go to Edinburgh, to draw blood of me, if in the mean time I get no news to the contrary from you. He is more gay than ever you saw him ; he puts me in remembrance of all things that may make me believe he loves me. Perhaps you will say that he makes love to me, of the which I take so great pleasure that I enter never where he is but incontinent I take the sickness of my sore side, I am so troubled with it. If Paris * brings me that which I send him for, I trust it shall amend me. I pray you advertise me of your news at length, and what I shall do, in case you be not returned when I am come there ; for in case you work not wisely, I see that the whole burden of this will fall upon my shoulders. Provide for all things, and discourse upon it first with yourself. T send this by Betoun, who goes to one day of law of the Lord of Balfours. I will say no further, saving I pray you to send me good news of your voyage. — From Glasgow this Saturday in the morning. The letters are eight in number, and this is the only one that bears a date. The writer says that according to her commission she " brings the man to Craigmillar on Monday/' an expression which implies that it had been previously agreed between her and Bothwell that her husband should be brought to that place ; but according to another piece of evidence produced by the queen's enemies, Bothwell had already been pre- paring another place for the reception of the king. * A French servant of the queen. 1567.] THE QUEEN TO BOTHWELL. 185 At the Conference at Westminster in 1568, Murray produced a journal or diary of events in Scotland, com- mencing with the birth of the prince, and ending with the battle of Langside. According to this journal, the queen could not possibly have had a commission to bring her husband to Craigmillar, for on the day before her letter was written. Both well was preparing the house at the Kirk-of-Field for the reception of the king.''' How is this contradiction to be accounted for? We learn from the deposition of Thomas Nelson, the only one of Darnley's servants who survived the catastrophe at the Kirk-of-Field, that it was first pro- posed at Glasgow that Darnley should accompany the queen to Craigmillar ; but because he had no will thereof," t the purpose was altered, and he was taken to the Kirk-of-Field instead. But it is inexplicable how Bothwell should have known of this decision before the queen herself. On the Saturday morning, the 25 th of January, she writes positively that she will bring her husband to Craigmillar ; yet on the day before, according to the journal, Bothwell knew that he was coming to the Kirk-of-Field, and was making his preparations accordingly. This letter was produced before Elizabeth's commis- sioners both at York and at Westminster, and there was a person in England at the time who could have given important evidence regarding it. Archibald Beton,J by whom it is alleged to have been carried, * " And Bothwell, this 24th day [of January], was found verray tymus, weseing the king's ludging that wes in preparing for him ; and the same nycht tiiik journay towards Lyddisdail." — See Appendix D. t Howell's State Trials, i. X See the list of the queen's attendants who accompanied h(;r to England. — Chalmers, i. 441. 186 ALLEGED LETTERS OF [1567. was at Bolton Castle in attendance upon his mistress, the Queen of Scots ; but no attempt was made to obtain the attendance of this most necessary witness, nor was any question put to him on the subject. The second letter, also said to have been written from Glasgow, was the most important piece of evi- dence produced against the Queen of Scots. A con- temporary copy of it in English, marked with Cecil's hand, is still preserved in the Public Kecord Office. It is as follows : — Letter No. 2. Being gon from the place where I had left my heart, it may be easily judged what my countenance was, considering what the body may without heart, which was cause . . . that till dinner I had used little talk, neither would anybody adventure himself thereunto, thinking that it was not good so to do. Four miles from thence a gentleman of the Earl of Lenox came and made his commendations and excuses unto me, that he came not to meet me, because he durst not enterprise so to do, considering the sharp words that I had spoken to Conyng- ham, and that he desired that I would come to the enquisi- tion of the facts which I did suspect him of This last was of his own head without commission ; and I told him that he had no receipt against fear, and that he had no fear if he did not feel himself faulty. And that I had also sharply answered to the doubts that he made in his letters, . . . as though there had been a meaning to pursue him. To be short, I have made him hold his peace ; for the rest it were too long to tell you. Sir James Hamilton came to meet me, who told me that at another time he went his way when he heard of my coming, and that he sent unto him Houstoun, to tell him that * This letter contains various short passages which are not to be found in the Scotch, Latin, or French versions of the letters. These passages I have put in italics. 1567.] THE QUEEN TO BOTHWELL. 187 he would not have thought that he would have followed and accompany himself with the Hamiltons. He answered that he was not come but to see me, and that he would not follow Stuart nor Hamilton but by my commandment. He prayed him to go speak to him: he refuses it. The Lord Luse, Hous- toun, and the son of Caldwell, and about forty horse, came to meet me, and he told me that he was sent to one day o' law from the father, which should be this day, against the signing of his own handwriting, and that, knowing of my coming, he hath delayed it, and hath prayed him to go see him, which he hath refused, and swearing that he will suffer nothing at his hands. Not one of the town came to speak with me, which maketh me to think that they be his, and they so speaketh well of them, at least his son. The king sent for Joachim,* and asked him why I did not lodge nigh to him, and that he would rise sooner, and when I came, whether it were for any good appointment that he came, and whether I had not taken Paris and Gilbert to write, and that I sent Joseph. I wonder who hath told him so much even of the marriage of Bastian. This bearer shall tell you now, upon that I asked him of his letters. And where he did complain of the cruelty of some of them. He said that he did dreme, and that he was so glad to see me that he thought he should die*!* — indeed, that he had found fault with me. J I went my way to sup. . . . This bearer shall tell you of my arriving. He prayed me to com agayne, which I did ; and he told me his grief, and that he would make no testa- ment, but leave all unto me, and that I was cause of his sick- ness, for the sorrow he had, and that I was so strange unto him. And, said he, " you asked me what I meant in my letter to speak of cruelty. It was of your cruelty, who will not accept my offres and repentance. I avow that I have don amisse, but not that I have also always disavowed ; and * In the Scotch, "sent for Joachim yesternight in the French, "le roy appella hier Joachim ;" in the Latin, " rex accersivit Joachimmn heri." — Goodall, ii. 4. t " For glaidness," in the Scotch, and the same literally rendered in the French and Latin. X " That I was pensive," in the Scotch, French, and Latin. 188 ALLEGED LETTERS OF [1567. so have many other of your subjects, and you have well par- doned them. I am young. You will say that you have also pardoned me in my time, but that I return to my fault. May not a man of my age, for want of counsel, fail twice or thrice, and misse of promise, and at the last repent and rebuke him- self by his repentance ? If I may obtain this pardon, I pro- test I will not make fault again. And I ask nothing but that we may be at bed and table together as husband and wife ; and if you will not, I will never rise from this bed. I pray you, tell me your resolution hereof. God knoweth that I am punished to have made my god of you, and had no other mind but of you. And when I offend you sometime, you are cause thereof; for if I thought, when anybody doth any wrong to me, that I might for my resource make my moan thereof unto you, I will open it to no other ; but when I hear anything, being not familiar with you, I must keep it in my mind, and that troubleth my witts for anger."* I did still answer him, but that I shall be too long. In the end I asked him whether he would go in the English ship. He doth dis- avow it, and sweareth so, but confesseth to have spoken to the men. Afterwards I asked him of the inquisition of Hie- gate. He denied it till I told him the very words, and then he said that Minto sent him word that it was said that some of the Councill had brought me a letter to sign to put him in prison, and to kill him if he did resist, and that he asked Minto himself, who said unto him that he thought it was true. I will talk with him to-morrow upon that point. The rest, as Willi* Hiegate hath confessed; but it was the next day that he came hither. In the end he desired much that I should lodge in his lodging. I have refused it. I have told him that he must be purged, and that could not be done here. He said unto me, " I have heard say that you brought the litter, but I would rather have gone with yourself." I told * The whole of this passage agrees almost word for word with Craw- ford's deposition. + This passage is unintelligible in the English, but a reference to the Scotch explains it. "As to the rest of Willie Hiegate, he" (i. e., the king) confessed it ; but it was the morne after my cuniming" (i. e.j after the queen's arrival in Glasgow) " or" (i. e., before) " he did it." 1567.] THE QUEEN TO BOTHWELL. 189 him that so I would myself bring him to Craigmillar, that his physicians and I also might serve him without being far from my son. He said that he was ready when I would, so as I would assure him of his request. He hath no desire to be seen, and waxeth angry when I speak to him of Wallcar, and saith that he will pluck his ears from his head, and that he lieth ; for I asked him before of that, and what cause he had to complain of some of the lords, and to threaten them. He denyeth it, and saith that he had already prayed them to think no such matter of him. As for myself, he would rather lose his life than do me the least displeasure ; and used so many kinds of flatteries, so coldly and so wisely, as you would marvyle at. I had forgotten that he said that he could not mistrust me for Hiegate's word, for he would not believe that his ownself (which was myself) wold do him any hurt ; and indeed it was said that T refused to have him let Uoocl.* But for the others, he wold at least sell his life deare ynoughe ; but that he did suspect nobody, nor would, but love all that I did love. He would not let me go, but wold have me to watche with him. I made as though I thought all to be true, and that I would think upon it, and have excused my- self from sitting up with him this night, for he saith that he sleepeth not. You never heard him speake better nor more humbly ; and if I had not proof of his heart to be as waxe, and that mine were not as a diamond, no stroke but coming from your hand would make me but to have pity of him. But fear not, for the place shall continue till death.-|- Eemem- ber also, in recompence thereof, not to suffer yours to be won by that false race that would do no less to yourself. I think they have been at school together. He hath always the tear in his eye; He saluteth every man, even to the meanest, and * In the Scotch, "to subscrive the same;" in the French, "souscrire a cela;" in Latin, " ei rei subscribere." Laing suggests that the Eng- lish translator must have mistaken " signer" for " saigner." — Laing, ii. 159. t In quoting this passage, Mr Froude has altered "place" into "plan," tlius "the plan shall hold to the death." — See vol. viii. 358. But he has misunderstood the meaning of the writer. " Place," in the Scotch, means castle or place of strength. It is correctly translated in the French version of the letter, " forteresse." — Goodall, ii. 12. 190 ALLEGED LETTERS OF [1567. maketli much of them, that they may take pity of him. His father hath bled this day at the nose and at the mouth — guess what token that is. I have not seen him ; he is in his cham- ber. The king is so desirous that I should give him meat with my own hands, but trust you no more there where you | are than I do here. This is my first journey ; I will end to- morrow. I write all, how little consequence soever it be of, to the end that you may take of the whole that shall be best < for you to judge. I j ^^^^ ^ ^^^^ ^^^^ j j^^^^ ^^^^^^ i for your purpose, j hut I had legim it this morning; and you not list to laugh to see me so trimly make a lye at the least dissemble, and to mingle truth therewith. He hath almost told me all on the bishop's behalf and of Sunderland, without touching any word unto him of that which you had told me ; but only be much flattering him and praying him to assure himself of me, and by my complaining of the bishop, I have disclosed all,* / have known what I wonld. I have taken the luorms out of his nose. You have heard the rest. We are tied to with two false races. The good yeere'f untye us from them. God forgive me, and God knit us together for ever, for the most faithful couple that e'er He did knit together. This is my faith — I will die in it. Excuse it if I write ill ; you must guess the one-half I cannot do withal, for I am ill at ease, and glad to write unto you when other folke be asleep, seeing that I can- not do as they do, according to my desire, that is between your arms, my dear life, who I beseech God to preserve from all ill, and send you good rest, as I go to seek mine, till to-morrow in the morning, that I will end my bible. J But it grieveth me that it should let me from writing unto you of news of myself, much I have to write so long the same is. * The words in italics only occur in this version of the letter. " I have taken the worms out of his nose" is obviously a French phrase literally translated, " tirer les vers du nez." t In the Scotch, " the devill sunder us ;" in the Latin, " diaholus nos sejungat." The French translator, mistaking the meaning of both, makes it, " le diable nous vueille separer." — Goodall, ii. 14. t In the Scotch " bylle," or "letter," which both the English and French translators have converted into " bible." 1567.] THE QUEEN TO BOTH WELL. 191 Send me word what you have determined hereupon, that we may know by the one the other's mind for marring of any- thing. I am weary, and am asleep, and yet I cannot forbear scribbling as long as there is any paper. Cursed be this pocky fellow that troubleth me thus much, for I had a pleasanter matter to discourse unto you but for him. He is not much the worse, but he is* ill arrayed. I thought I should have been killed with his breath, for it is worse than your uncle's breath ; and yet I was set no nearer to him than in a chair hy his holste^^f and he lieth at the further side of the bed. The message of the father by the way. The talk of Sir J ames Hamilton of the ambassador. That the Lord of Lusse hath told me of the delay. The questions that he asked of Joachim, of my state, of my company, and of the cause of my coming, and of Joseph. The talk that he and I have had, and of his desire to please me, of his repentance, and of the interpretation of his letter, of Will Hiegate's doing, and of his departure, and of the L. of Livingstoun. I had forgotten of the L. of Livingstoun, that he at supper said softly to the Lady Eeres, that he drank to the persons I knew of, if I would pledge them. And after supper he said softly to me, when I was leaning upon him and warming myself, " You may well go and see sick folk, yet can you not be so welcome unto them as you have this day left some- body in pain, who shall ne'er be merry till he hath seen you again." I asked him who it was ; he took me about the body, and said, " One of his folk that hath left you this day." Guess you the rest. It is a question among the queen's enemies whether this letter was written at one or two sittings. The * In the Scotch, " he has received very niickle ;" in the French, "il en a pris beaucoup," alluding apparently to the illness — i. e., the small- pox — from which he was recovering. " 111 arrayed" is evidently nonsense. The Latin closely follows the Scotch and the French, " multum tamen accepit." t In the Scotch, ''at the bed-fute ;" in the French, " a ses pieds ;" in the Latin, " ad pedes ejus." 192 ALLEGED LETTERS OF [1567. former proposition is maintained by Laing, the latter by Eobertson and Hume. It is only necessary to remark at present, that if the letter was divided into two parts, this passage regarding Lord Livingstone may be considered as a postscript to the first. It will be observed that the description given by the queen of her first interview with Darnley corre- sponds exactly with the deposition of Crawford. The agreement, indeed, is so remarkable as to lead us to suspect that the same person who drew up the deposi- tion either wrote or furnished the materials for the letter. We can readily believe that Darnley should have communicated to his confidant the result of his interview with the queen ; but why she should describe it with equal minuteness to BothweU it is difiicult to explain. We should imagine that about the last thing a woman w^ould do in writing to her paramour would be to repeat with painful accuracy her conversations with her husband ; but if the letter is a forgery, the temptation to make it agree with the deposition of Crawford would be very strong. We find, in fact, that they are almost identical.'". That any two per- * The Deposition of Crawford. "Ye asked me what I meut bye the crueltye specified iu my lettres ; yat procedethe of yow onelye, that wille not accept mye olfres and repentance. I confesse that I have failed in soni thingis, and yet greater faultes have bin made to yow sundrye tymes, Avhich ye have forgiven. I am but yonge, and ye will saye ye have forgiven me diverse tymes. Maye not a man of mye age, for lacke of coiinsell, of which I am verj^e destitute, falle twise or thrise, and yet repent, and be chastised bye expe- rience ? If I have made any faile that ye hul think a faile, howsoever it be, I crave your pardone, and protest that I The alleged Letter of the Queen. " Ze ask me quhat I mene be the cmeltie contenit in my letter ; it is of zow alone, that will not accept my offeris and repentance. I confess that I have faillit, but not into that quhilk I ever denyit ; and sicklyke hes failit to sindrie of zour siibjectis, quhilk ze have forgiven. I am zoung. Ze wil say, that ze have fo^ge^•in me oft tymes, and zit yat I re- turne to my faultis. May not ane man of my age, for lacke of counsell, fall t\vyse orthryse, or m lacke of his prom- eis, and at last repent himself, and be chastisit be experience ? Gif I may ob- tain pardoun, I protest I sail never mak fault agane. And I craif na uther thing 1567.] THE QUEEN TO BOTHWELL. 193 sons should agree, with such perfect accuracy, in relating from memory a conversation of this length, is a circumstance that must strike with astonishment shall never faile againe. I desire no other thiuge but that we may be together as husband and wife. And if ye will not consent hereto, I desire never to rise forthe of this bed. Therefore, I praye yow, give me an answer hereunto. God knoweth howe I am punished for mak- ing mye god of yow, and for having no other thought but on yow. And if at any tyme I olfend yow, ye are the cause ; for that when ainie offendethe me, if for my refuge I might open mye minde to yow, I woulde speak to no other ; but when anie thing is spoken to me, and ye and I not beinge as husband and wife ought to be, necessitie compelleth me to kepe it in my brest," &c. bot yat we may be at bed and buird to- gidder as husband and wyfe ; and gif ze wil not consent heirunto, I sail nevir ryse out of yis bed. I pray zow, tell me zoor resolution. God knawis how I am pun- ischit for making my god of zow, and for having na uther thocht but on zow ; and gif at ony tyme I offend zow, ze are the caus ; becaus quhen ony offendis me, gif for my refuge I micht playne unto zow, I wald speik it unto na i;ther body; but quhen I heir ony thing, not being famil- iar with zow, necessitie constrains me to keip it in my breist," &c. See Burton, iv. 441. So far there is an entire agreement "between the deposition and the letter ; * and it may be asserted with perfect confi- dence, that if the conversation between the queen and Darnley had been taken down in shorthand on the spot by two experienced reporters, the resemblance would not have been so exact. If the reader will cast his eye over the two subjoined reports, he may test at once the truth of this assertion. They are taken from the columns of the two daily journals which have the largest circulation in the kingdom, and they profess to give verbatim the commencement of the judge's charge in a recent case which created an extraordinary degree of interest. It will be found that although the train of thought is identical in both, the form of expression frequently varies, and that the structure of the sentences is entirely dif- ferent. There is nothing, in short, like that " overwhelming " resem- blance which we find between the deposition of Crawford and the alleged letter of the queen. In the case of Saurin v. Star the Lord Chief-Justice is reported to have commenced his charge to the jury as follows, in The 'Times,' 27th February 1869. " Gentlemen, — I congratulate you on having arrived at the conclusion of this ' monster cause,' arising out of the miser- able squabbles of a convent, which might much better have been disposed of, and ought to have been disposed of, by the The ' Daily Telegraph ' of same DATE. " Gentlemen of the Jury, — I congrat- ulate you most heartily upon having ar- rived at last at the closing day of what, to use a modern phrase, I may call this * monster case.' I regret very heartily. * The former, it will be observed, is in English, and the latter in Scotch. N 194 ' ALLEGED LETTERS OF [1567. every one who has marked the discrepancies which every day occur in courts of justice between intelligent witnesses even upon the simplest matters of fact. visitorial jurisdiction of the bishop, ac- knowing from your varioiis avocations cording to the constitution of the how valuable time is to you, that upon order. But the cause is here ; and you should have fallen the lot to try however little it may interest us, no this long and wearisome case. On pub- doubt it is of deep and vital importance lie grounds I regret that the time of this to the parties concerned, and we must court, when so many cases of importance endeavour to ascertain on which side are waiting for trial, should have been the truth and justice lie. There is no now for nearly a month occupied with a doubt that, in consequence of the revela- case of this description, arising out of tions of convent life which the trial has the miserable jealousies of convent life, elicited, it has acquired a factitious in- which I think wo\Tld have been much terest and importance which, if it had better, and I think ought to have been, related to disputes arising in any other investigated by that visitorial power religious society, it never would have which, according to the rules and con- possessed. We must take care that stitution of the convent, has authority neither party derives any unfair advan- over it. But the case is here ; and tage from the religious element mixed up however little it may interest us, it is of in the case. The plaintiff has what the deep and xital importance to the parties defendants may deem a great advantage concerned, and we must deal with it to her and a great disadvantage to them according as the interests of justice re- - that they are here upon their trial quire, and what is right between the before a Protestant jury ; and I must parties, and endeavour to ascertain to warn you against allowing any religious the best of our ability on which side the prepossessions or prejudices to operate truth lies. And again, however uniu- to the advantage of one party or the teresting this case may be to many, disadvantage of the other. I believe I there can be no doubt that, in consider- am addressing twelve gentlemen who be- ation of its being connected with a reli- long to our great Protestant community, gious association and bringing to light and as such, perhaps also as thinking what passes in convent life, this trial men, you may think that convent life is has acquired a factitious importance an object of dislike and of suspicion." which, if it had related to disputes on any other matter, it would certainly not have possessed ; and we must take care that neither party derives any un- due advantage from the religious ele- ment which is mixed up in the consider- ation of these questions. The parties are here before a Protestant jury, and I trust you will forgive me for warning you not to alloAV your religious pro- fession or religious prejudices to inter- fere for the advantage of one or for the disadvantage of the other. I believe I am addressing twelve gentlemen who belong to oxir great Protestant com- munity, and as such, and probably as thinking men, you may look upon con- vent life as an object of dislike." 1567.] THE QUEEN TO BOTHWELL. 195 But here we have not two but three persons, all acting independently of each other, and all repeating in the very same series of sentences, and almost in the very same words, the same story. Crawford, we must remember, did not hear the conversation. It was only, he says, repeated to him by Darnley from memory, and from memory he says he wrote it down. The queen too writes it down from memory, without any intelligible motive for so doing, and sends it off to Bothwell ; and the agreement between the deposition and the letter is truly described by Mr Burton as overwhelming." It is indeed so overwhelming that we cannot believe both to be genuine. A true expla- nation of the matter is probably to be found in a cor- respondence which is still preserved at Hamilton. In the month of Junet 1568, after Mary had fled to England from the fatal field of Langside, the Earl of Lennox, who was then at Chiswick, and John Wood, secretary to the then Eegent Murray, addressed a letter to Thomas Crawford at Glasgow, desiring him " by all possible methods to search for more matters against her." This was preparatory to the conference which was about to take place at York. Crawford's attention is particularly directed to the following points by Lennox, or, to speak more properly, by Wood, who no doubt both suggested and wrote the letter. He is, among other matters, to give them all the information he can collect as to " the time of the queen's arrival at Glasgow ; the company that came with her ; and what purpose [discourse] Thomas Craw- ford held with her at her coming to the town. How * Vol. iv. 441. t The letter is dated on the 11th. — See Hamilton Papers. 196 ALLEGED LETTERS OF [1567. long she remained there with the king ; her usage and custom to entertain the king ; if she used to send any messages to Edinburgh ; hy whom ; and what women were in her company," &c.'" Although Crawford was thus expressly asked if the queen during her visit to Glasgow sent any messengers to Edinburgh, his deposition is silent on the subject. Her enemies afterwards asserted that she sent two — namely, Beton and Paris — and that each carried a letter to Bothwell. If the circumstance had been true, it could hardly have been concealed from Craw- ford ; but he speaks of nothing but of his conversa- tions with Darnley, and we cannot doubt that it was in consequence of the Ch is wick letter that his deposi- tion was produced some few months afterwards. The queen's letter was exhibited at the same time, and thus a very intelligible explanation is afforded of the exact resemblance of the two. That both are genuine is morally impossible ; but we can well believe that the narrative of Crawford is substantially true, and that it was afterwards appropriated almost word for word by the forger of the queen's letter, who, with the common failing of forgers, has overshot his mark by proving far too much. Laing, who examines this letter with the utmost attention, is unaccountably silent respecting Craw- ford's deposition ; but this historian, who invariably expresses himself with a degree of confidence which much diminishes that of his readers, asserts that this letter is a genuine and most characteristic composition of the Scottish queen. "Nothing is explained," he * Hamilton Papers, 120. Two other retainers of Lennox — namely, Robert Cuningham and John Stewart — were written to at the same time, but apparently without any result. 1567.] THE QUEEN TO BOTHWELL. 197 says, " of wliich Botliwell was informed ; nothing omitted of which he required information." These remarks are unfortunate, for she dwells upon details which, unless he were the most inveterate of gossips, could have little interest for Bothwell, while she mis- leads him on the only point of practical interest in the letter. Bothwell would probably care little about Darnley's confessions and complaints, but he would no doubt be eager to know where his victim was to be lodged on his arrival in Edinburgh. The queen is made to inform him that her husband is to be brought to Craigmillar, but we know that he was brought directly to the Kirk-of-Field. With regard to its internal evidences of authenti- city, every reader of this letter must judge for himself. It was necessary for the enemies of the queen to show that she entertained at this time a violent passion for Bothwell, and a no less violent hatred of her husband. The letter, accordingly, contains abundant proofs of both. She not only expresses the most extravagant attachment for her supposed paramour, but she seems to anticipate with savage joy the approaching fate of Darnley. She exultingly contrasts her own heart of adamant with her husband's heart of wax ; and to her guilty fancy the bleeding of his father s nose and mouth foreshadows the intended murder. " Have ye not desire to laugh to see me lie so well?"'"' she then exclaims, as she paints the perfidious arts with which she lulls the suspicions of her helpless victim. Hume pronounces the style of this letter to be na- tural," though inelegant. But human depravity surely has its limits, and the most hardened wretches do not * Vol. i. 329. t See the Scotch version in Gooclall. 198 ALLEGED LETTERS OF [1567. boast, and least of all in writing, of their treachery and cruelty. Even in the realm of fiction we find no such revolting picture. The most terrible woman that Shake- speare ever painted was, it so happens, a former queen of Scotland; but although determined at all hazards that Duncan shall be slain, Lady Macbeth indulges in no unseemly levity with the partner of her crime, nor does she gloat with fiendish delight* over her intended victim. Calm, resolute, remorseless, she inspires us with terror it may be, at last with pity, but never with disgust. The brutal levity of Both well's correspondent inspires the latter sentiment alone. There are hundreds of genuine letters of the Queen of Scots still extant, many of which are universally admitted to be models of good feeling and good taste. In none do we find the smallest approach to unbecom- ing levity or coarseness of expression ; and the same remark applies to her reported conversations, which difier notably in this respect from those of her more fortunate rival. Are we then to believe that a prin- cess, famed throughout Europe for intelligence and humanity, sank all at once to the depth of wickedness depicted in this Glasgow letter ? It is obvious that a charge of this heinous kind ought to be supported by the strongest evidence. Whether that which was pro- duced in its support answers to this description will be considered in its proper place. There is only one other passage in the first portion of the letter to which we would call the attention of the reader, and that is to the concluding paragraph or postscript. This postscript is perhaps the most remarkable pas- sage in the whole letter. It represents Lord Living- 1567.] THE QUEEN TO BOTHWELL. 199 stone and Lady Reres talking openly in the presence of the queen of her guilty intimacy with Bothwell. The queen says that while she is at supper Lord Living- stone alludes in a familiar bantering way to her fond- ness for Bothwell, and proposes to drink his health. How many persons were present we are not informed, but this is said in the hearing at least of Lady Reres. In the same bantering tone Lord Livingstone alludes to the queen's visit to her sick husband, yet she betrays not the smallest resentment or even surprise at this impertinence. On the contrary, she seems pleased and flattered ; for we find her shortly afterwards at the fireside leaning bodily on the man who had just spoken slightingly of her husband and proposed the health of her paramour. She even represents herself as asking who that person is ; and by way of reply Livingstone " thristit her body"t — Anglice, nudged her majesty in the ribs. She not only takes all in good part, but dwells with evident satisfaction on the whole scene. A fair critic ;|; of these letters has observed that they bear unmistakable marks of having been written by a man, and this scene in particular is so intensely coarse that we can hardly believe it to have been painted by a female hand. The colours are too glaring and too gross. Not only is the queen represented with the morals of a Messalina, and with manners that would disgrace a kitchen-wench, but she actually de- scribes to her paramour her suspicious familiarities with another man. Would not the last incident have been instinctively concealed even by the most abandoned woman in the world ? * Lord Livingstone was at this time a young man and a Protestant, t In the Scotch. — See Goodall. % Mademoiselle de Keralio. 200 ALLEGED LETTERS OF [1567. If Mary's courtiers ventured upon such allusions in her presence, we may be sure that they said much more behind her back ; and if this were so, how comes it that we hear nothing of her intimacy with Bothwell before her husband's death ? We know that she was surrounded by enemies and spies, who were ever on the alert to spread abroad anything to her discredit. The envoys of Elizabeth, the Protestant lords and the Protestant preachers, the Earl of Lennox and his par- tisans, were all upon the watch, yet all are silent on the subject. Mary herself, as she informed her ambas- sador in Paris only four days before the alleged date of this letter,'"* was perfectly aware of the perilous posi- tion in which she stood, and more especially of the close attention with which all her actions were watched by the relatives of her husband. Yet it was in Glasgow, where her husband was residing at the time, and where the Lennoxes were in the midst of their friends and adherents, that Mary is represented as talking and joking with her attendants about her guilty intimacy with Bothwell. We proceed with the remainder of the letter : — This day I have wrought till two of the clock upon this bracelet, to put the key in the clift of it, which is tied with two laces. I have had so little time that it is very ill, but I will make a fairer ; and in the mean time take heed that none of those that be here do see it, for all the world would know it, for I have made it in haste in their presence. I go to my tedious talk. ^You make me dissemble so much that I am afraid thereof with liorrour, and you make me almost to play the part of a traitor.^/ Remember that if it were not for obeying you, I had rather be dead. My heart bleedeth for it. To be short, he will not come but with condition that I shall * Laing asserts that this letter was written on Friday the 25th January. 1567.] THE QUEEN TO BOTHWELL. 201 promise to be with him as heretofore at bed and board, and that I shall forsake him no more ; and upon my word he would do whatsoever I will, and will come, but he hath prayed me to tarry till after to-morrow. He hath spoken at the first more pleasantly,'^ as this bearer shall tell you, upon the matter of the Inglishman and of his departure ; but in the end he cometh to his gentleness again. He hath told me, among other talk, that he knew well that my brother had told me at Stirling that which he had said there, whereof he had denied the half, and specially that he was in his chamber. But now to make him trust me I must feign something unto him ; and there- fore, when he desired me to promise that when he should be well we should make but one bed, I told him (feigning to believe his fair promises) that if he did not change his mind between this time and that, I was contented, so as he would say nothing thereof; for (to tell it between us two) the lords wished no ill to him, but did fear lest, considering the threat- ening which he made in case we did agree together, he would make them feel the small account they have made of him, and that he would persuade me to pursue some of them, and for this respect should be in jealousy if -f , ^^"^ - ^ ^ *^ ^ ( at one instant ) without their knowledge I did break the game made to the contrary in their presence. And he said unto me very pleas- ant and merry, " Think you that they do the more esteem you therefore ? But I am glad that you have talked to me of the lords. I hope that you desire now that we shall live a happy life ; for if it were otherwise, it could not be but greater in- convenience should happen to us both than you think. But I will do now whatsoever you will have me do. I will love all those that you shall love, and so as you make them to love me also. For so as they seek not my life I love them all equally." Thereupon I have willed this bearer to tell you many pretty things ; for I have too much to write, and it is late, and I trust him upon your word. To be short, he will go any where upon my word. '-. CHAPTER XIV. PROCEEDINGS AT HAMPTON COURT, AND THEIR RESULTS. After the regent had produced the whole of his proofs, there was a pause in the proceedings of the conference for several days. As the circumstances of the inquiry were unprecedented, every fresh step seems to have been anxiously considered by the laborious secretary. The question had been debated in the Council, as we have seen, whether or not the whole matter should be brought before Parliament ; but this notion, for rea- sons which it is not difficult to divine, was eventually abandoned ; and it was at length determined that the results of the conference should be communicated, not to the representatives of the nation, but to six of the most distinguished of the nobility, who were specially summoned to Hampton Court for this purpose. These were the Earls of Northumberland, Westmoreland, Shrewsbury, Worcester, Huntingdon, and Warwick. On the 14th of December, accordingly, these noble- men attended a meeting of the Privy Council, at which they were made acquainted with the course of the pro- ceedings which had taken place at York and West- minster. The whole of the papers produced by Murray were then laid before them, includiug the Book of 448 EXAMINATION OF THE LETTERS. [1568. Articles, the alleged letters of tlie queen to Bothwell, the contracts of marriage, and the various confessions and depositions already referred to. Two days were spent in hearing the explanations of Elizabeth's com- missioners, and in reading and examining the numer- ous papers produced. The alleged letters of the queen to Bothwell were produced once more by Murray ; and on this occasion they were, according to Cecil's jour- nal, " duly conferred and compared, for the manner of writing and fashion of orthography, with sundry other letters long since heretofore written and sent by the said Queen of Scots to the queen's majesty, in collation of which," it is added, " no difference was found."''* This is the only evidence we possess that these let- ters ever underwent any examination. It is nowhere stated that they were ever examined in Scotland, although it was there they were alleged to have been written, and hundreds of persons in that country were intimately acquainted with the queen's handwriting. But in presence of the six earls who had been sum- moned to meet Elizabeth's commissioners on this occasion, it is stated that Mary's letters were compared with genuine letters which she had formerly addressed to the Queen of England. It is important to ascertain in what way this examination was made, and it is described in the following graphic terms by Cecil him- self : "It is to be noted that at the time of the pro- ducing, showing, and reading of all these foresaid writings, there was no special choice nor regard had to the order of the producing thereof; but the whole writings lying altogether upon the council table, the * Goodall, ii. 256. 1568.] THE LETTERS AGAIN SHOWN. 449 same were one after another sliowed rather by hap, as the same did lie upon the table, than with any choice made, as by the natures thereof, if time had so served, might have been/^''' What is meant by the expression " if time had so served " we can only guess ; and it is remarkable that the secretary, usually so calm, patient, and methodical, should have allowed an investigation of this kind to be conducted in the confused and hurried manner he has himself described. When we consider that the whole question at issue depended on the genuineness of these letters,t the bitterest enemy of the Scottish queen will hardly maintain that this kind of haphazard inspection, in the absence of the accused or of any one on her behalf, was satisfactory. And we have evidence that this was the opinion of some at least of the noblemen who were present. We may assume that Cecil was eager at this time to obtain some decided expression of opinion against the Queen of Scots ; but we learn from the Spanish ambassador that unanimity did not prevail at the last meeting of the conference, and that some of the members present had had the courage to check the unseemly violence of the secretary. ;j: This statement is corroborated by * Goodall, ii. 258. t The Bishop of Ross, in his defence of Queen Mary's honour, asks : " But who conferred these letters 1 You will peradventure answer that there was due collation by you made. 0 perfect and worthy colla- tion ! 0 meet and apt men for such a purpose ! as though it is not notoriously known throughout the world that ye are her most mortal enemies." In spite of Cecil's description, Mr Froude says that the queen's letters " were examined long and minutely by each and every of the lords who were present." — Vol. ix. 347. X " Dichos sefiores havian mostrado algun valor y contrastado un poco la furia terribile con que el secretario Cecil queria perder aquella senora." — MSS., Simancas, quoted by Lingard, vi. 94. 2 F * 450 DECLARATION OF THE EARLS. [1568. Camden/"' wlio asserts that Norfolk, Arundel, Clinton the lord admiral, and even Sussex, maintained that the Queen of Scots had a right to be heard in person. That Sussex should on this occasion have sided with the opponents of Cecil may create surprise ; but we can well imagine that, although as a colleague he had given the secretary his best advice, he could not so far forget his manhood as to condemn without a hearing a woman and a queen. The result of the two days' deliberations at Hampton Court appears to have been a compromise. No opinion was expressed as to the guilt or innocence of the Queen of Scots ; but the six earls who had been summoned to the Council tendered their thanks to Queen Elizabeth for imparting to them the state of " this great cause in so plain a manner as they did perceive it; wherein they had seen such foul matters as they thought truly in their consciences that her majesty had just cause herein given to make to the said commissioners such an answer, being as reasonable as the case might bear ; and the rather for that they could not allow it as meet for her majesty's honour to admit the said queen to her majesty's presence as the case now did stand." t The only opinion, therefore, which Cecil could obtain from the six earls was, that their mistress was justified in refusing to receive the Queen of Scots as her case then did stand." But Mary did not now seek to be received as a guest by the Queen of England. She demanded as a matter of right that she should be con- fronted with her accusers in presence of the English nobility and the foreign ambassadors ; and the advice of the six earls, as recorded in Cecil's narrative, would * Book i. t Goodall, ii. 260. 1568.] NEW PROPOSALS OF ELIZABETH. 451 lead us to suspect that tlie fact of this demand had been concealed from them. It is difficult to account in any other way for the very peculiar terms in which they are said to have expressed themselves. Thus terminated these famous conferences, the his- tory of which we derive entirely from Mary^s enemies ; and if it does not convince us of her guilt, it convinces us, at least, of the utterly unscrupulous character of her accusers, and of the gross partiality of Elizabeth's ministers. On the day following, the 16th of December, the Bishop of Ross " had an interview with the English queen, in the course of which she proposed, with many expressions of sympathy for his mistress, that she might answer the charges made against her by the regent, either personally to commissioners to be named for the purpose, or by a writing under her own hand.'" In his reply, the bishop reminded her majesty,! that in con- sequence of the regent and his friends having been permitted to come to Westminster, his mistress too had demanded to be heard in person in presence of the English nobility and of the foreign ambassadors, and that because of the refusal of this just request she had broken off the conference. But instead of simply undertaking to transmit Elizabeth's new proposals to Bolton Castle, he made a rambling statement, in which, after reminding her of the example of Trajan, who would never allow any prince to be calumniated in his presence, he concluded by recommending that his mistress should be allowed either to return to Scotland or to proceed to France. Here was another injudicious step on the part of Mary's principal adviser, and of which Elizabeth did not fail to take advantage, by * Goodall, ii. 264. f Ibid., ii. 267. 452 DECISION OF MARY. [1568. observing in reply, " that she could not think them good or trusty servants to her good sister who would seek in the present circumstances to bring about an accommodation between her and the subjects who had accused her of such crimes." But in the midst of difficulties Mary was ever her own best counsellor; and before she could have received the proposals of Elizabeth, she had anticipated them by a fresh challenge to her accusers. The winter had been unusually severe,t and while her enemies were busy at Westminster, heavy snowstorms had blocked up the roads in Yorkshire. But when she at length received intelligence of the proceedings of her accusers, she at once acquainted her commissioners with her resolution, and commanded them forthwith to charge the Earl of Murray " and his accomplices " with the murder of her husband ; for that whereas they had alleged that she was guilty of this crime, " they had falsely, traitorously, and wickedly lied," imputing maliciously to her the crime whereof they were them- selves the authors, promoters, and some of them the actual perpetrators. J Eeferring then to the accusation which they had made against her of an intent to destroy her child, she exclaimed, with a burst of genuine feeling, and yet with queenly dignity, "The natural love which the mother bears to her only bairn is sufficient to confound them, and needs no other answer." She added, that all the world knew that the very men who now charged her with this atrocious crime had wronged her son even Goodall, ii. 268. t Letter of Knollys of 1 5tli December ; Record Office. X See the Protestation of Hiintly and Argyll ; Appendix II. 1568.] SHE ACCUSES THE REGENT. 453 before his birth ; for they would have slain him in her womb, although they now pretended in his name to exercise their usurped authority.'"' Finally, she directed her commissioners to obtain copies of all the writings produced, " and that we may see," she added, " the alleged principal writings, if they have any produced ; and with God's grace we shall make such answer thereto that our innocence shall be known to our good sister and to all other princes." In conclusion, she commands her commissioners expressly to charge her accusers with the crime they had imputed to her, and to demand a reasonable time and opportu- nity for the production of her proofs. Mary's letter is dated on the 19th of December, at Bolton Castle, and on the 25 th her commissioners repaired to Elizabeth, and informed her that they had received the special commands of their mistress to accuse the regent and his associates of the crime they imputed to her. " They further desired the queen's majesty to cause them to have such writings as were produced against their mistress." This request Eliza- beth declared to be " very reasonable," and was very glad to hear that " her good sister would make answer in that manner for the defence of her honour, "t But nothing was farther from her intention, or rather from that of Cecil, than to comply with this most just demand. The precise state of things which Sussex had foretold at York, had now arisen. Mary had been charged with the murder. She replied by demanding * Goodall, ii. 288. This appears to be tlie only notice that Mary ever took of the most atrocious of all the accusations made against her, and of which, it has already been observed, not the smallest proof was ever attempted to be offered. t Goodall, ii. 281. 454 PROJECTS OF CECIL. [15G8. a personal inspection of the evidence, and by accusing her accusers of the crime ; and Sussex believed that on a trial of proofs she would have the advantage. Some fresh expedient, therefore, must be devised to prevent a result which might have cost Elizabeth her throne ; and we find, accordingly, a variety of notes, in Cecil's handwriting, as to the disposal of the Queen of Scots. In one of these it is suggested that she should be induced, if possible, to resign her crown, through the persuasion of Sir Francis Knollys and the Bishop of Eoss ; and upon this course Cecil finally determined. He knew that Knollys had acquired considerable in- fluence over Mary ; but by what means the secretary and his mistress contrived on this occasion to gain over the Bishop of Eoss to their views we do not know. In the prosecution of this new scheme, a letter was addressed by Elizabeth to Knollys, directing him to suggest to his prisoner, "as if from yourself," that, all things considered, her wisest course would be to acknowledge the government of the regent, and this whole cause of hers, whereof she hath been charged, to be committed to perpetual silence." Knollys was to take especial care that he should make it appear that the advice proceeded from himself, and that he gave it as her friend. He was further to inform Lord Scrope, " with great secrecy," of the matter, so that, in case the Queen of Scots should refer to him, he might agree with Knollys in opinion. Knollys is further apprised that the Bishop of Eoss is about to proceed to Bolton Castle, but that " he has been stayed a day or two upon another pretence," as it was intended to * " To have the queen persuaded hereunto either by Sir Francis Knollys or the B. of Ross."— Cotton MSS., CaliguLa, c. 1. 1568.] LETTER TO KNOLLYS. 455 break the matter to him, so that " he shall have cause to deal with that queen " on his arrival/"' The scheme was well contrived. Knollys, as the pretended friend of his prisoner, was to suggest that, as a means of " committing to perpetual silence the accusations of her enemies, she should resign her crown. If she appealed to Scrope, he was to second the advice of his colleague ; and, finally, her own chief adviser, the Bishop of Eoss, who had been won over for the occasion by her enemies, was intended to appear and overcome any scruples she might entertain upon the subject. . Another letter was addressed, in furtherance of the plan, by Elizabeth to the Queen of Scots herself, in which the utmost sympathy was expressed for her misfortunes, and in which she was earnestly entreated, for the sake of her own honour, to make answer to the charges which had been made against her. But we know, from her instructions to Knollys, that Eliza- beth desired exactly the reverse. Her letter winds up with an extraordinary commendation of the Bishop of Ross, the object of which we can be at no loss to dis- cover. " She desires,^' she says, " specially to note to you your good choice of this bearer, the Bishop of Ross, who hath not only faithfully and wisely, but also so carefully and dutifully, for your honour and weal, be- haved himself, and that both privately and publicly, as we cannot but in this sort commend him unto you, as we wish you had many such devoted servants ; for, in our judgment, we think ye have not any in loyalty and faithfulness can overmatch him."t By such in- * Goodall, ii. 278. The letter to Knollys is dated the 22d December, t Goodall, ii. 270. 456 KNOLLYS ATTEMPTS TO [1568. sidious phrases did Cecil — for the letter is entirely in his handwriting — seek to throw Mary off her guard, and to tempt her to take a step which must for ever have proved fatal to her reputation. We may add that it clearly appears from Cecil's notes, that even if Mary had been weak enough to fall into the snare so artfully prepared for her, there was no intention of restoring her to liberty. She was still, in his own language, " to remain in the realm, and not depart ; " "^^ and although it was the depth of winter, secret prepa- rations were being made to remove her as speedily as possible to Tutbury. t The manner in which Knollys performed the ignoble task thus imposed upon him, we learn very clearly from himself. On the 26th of December, before Elizabeth's letter reached him, he had a conversation with the Scottish queen, in which he recommended her to an- swer the accusations of her enemies, and reminding her that before the conference at York she had in- structed her commissioners to reply to any charges that might be made against her honour. Mary re- plied that it was true that she had done so, but that since that time Elizabeth had broken her promise by allowing Murray to appear at Westminster, while she was detained a prisoner at Bolton Castle. She added, if she was not allowed to answer in person, " she would * Cotton Library, Caligula, c. 1. t " The Queen of Scots" — that is, after her resignation — " would also be removed to Tutbury, and no such free access of persons allowed to her as hath been. There would be a general restraint that none should come or send to her but by the queen's majesty's knowledge." — Caligula, c. 1. There was, therefore, a predetermined plan to detain her a pri- soner in any event, and also to curtail the degree of liberty which she enjoyed at Bolton Castle. 1568.] TERRIFY HIS PRISONER. 457 only answer her adversaries by open publication in writing, to make all princes generally, and all the world, judges between her and them."'"" Knollys says that after he had written thus far, he had received Elizabeth's letter of the 2 2d, " with a memorial of cer- tain reasons to induce this queen to resign lier crown to her son." He proceeded forthwith to carry out his instructions by endeavouring first to intimidate his prisoner, and then by fair words to persuade her to resign her crown as the only means of avoiding the dangers which threatened her. " As soon as she came abroad," he says, " I entered into conference with her, and said, * If you shall deny to answer, thereby you shall provoke the queen my mis- tress to take you as condemned, and to publish the same to your utter disgrace and infamy, especially in England of all other places ; ' and after this sort I began to strike as great terror into her as I could." Knollys ought by this time to have known his prisoner better than to attempt to work upon her fears. Instead of being intimidated by his threats, he says, " She an- swered stoutly, as she would make all other princes know how evil she was handled, coming upon trust into this realm ; and saith she, * I am sure the queen will not condemn me, hearing only mine adversaries, and not me.' ' Yes,' said I ; * she will condemn you, if you condemn yourself by not answering.' " At this point Knollys artfully suggested, in obedience to his instructions, that the best way of saving her honour, and causing all charges made against her to be buried in oblivion, was by offering to resign her crown to her son, and she herself "to remain in England a con- * Knollys to Queen Elizabeth, 26tli December ; Record Office. 458 LORD SCROPE's ADVICE. [1568. venient time.'' After using all the arguments he could devise to induce her to accede to this proposal, Mary observed that "the judgment of the world would in such a case condemn her." Knollys immediately re- joined, "I spake this only of goodwill, and I desired her not to utter this my speech to my prejudice, and for this matter she might think better upon it at her pleasure ; and thus I left her." It is a proof, among numerous others, of the fatal facility with which Mary became the dupe of pretended friends, that she received as genuine the professions of goodwill with which Knollys made this treacherous proposal. " In the afternoon," he says, " she began to speak with my Lord Scrope, and she told him what advice I had given her herein. ' And surely,' saith she, ' I think he doth not thus ad^dse me to the intent I should be entrapped and abused.' And my Lord Scrope," continues Knollys, "being made privy by me beforehand, did also very secretly persuade her in friendly manner accordingly ; and although she is too wise hastily to be persuaded in such a case as this is, yet Lord Scrope and I are in some hopes that if the Bishop of Koss at his coming will secretly per- suade her hereunto, that she will yield herein." It is due to Knollys to state that, although he had obeyed his orders, he had no relish for the degrading work imposed upon him, and earnestly desired to be re- lieved from his post.''^ Although it was the intention of Cecil, as we per- ceive from this letter, that the Bishop of Koss should proceed in person to Bolton Castle, this design was not carried out. It was probably, on reflection, deemed a * See his letter to Cecil of 15th DeceiuLer; Record Office. 1568.] MAEY IS NOT CONVINCED. 459 safer course that the bishop should communicate his advice in writing to his mistress, and this accordingly was done. On the 30th of December a messenger arrived from London with letters from him to the Queen of Scots ; and on the following day she had another conversation with Knollys on the subject of her proposed resignation. Knollys seems to have allowed Mary on this occasion to speak without ex- pressing any opinion. " Shall I resign," she at length exclaimed, " for these rebels who have so foully belied me V " No," said Lord Scrope, who was also present ; ''your grace may do it in respect of her majesty's advice and goodwill towards you." Knollys now seconded the opinion of his colleague ; and after hear- ing all they had to say upon the subject, Mary re- plied that in two days she would give them a final answer, and then retired for the night.''" It was probably because she listened to them with her accustomed courtesy t that Knollys and Scrope believed that she would accede to their advice, backed as it was by that of the Bishop of Eoss and of their mistress. But they were grievously mistaken. Their prisoner was indeed at this time, to all appearance, absolutely friendless. Her most powerful Continental allies — the Pope and his vicegerent, Philip of Spain — had not yet forgiven her for refusing to sign the * Caligula, c. 1. t Mary left Bolton Castle in the belief, apparently, tliat KjioUys and Scrope had acted as her friends throughout. On her arrival at Tutbury a few weeks afterwards, she wrote to Elizabeth in terms of hearty com- mendation of " Maister Knolis et my-lor Scrup — de me louer de leur honestes deportemens vers moy." — Fenelon, i. 206. She spells Lord Scrope's name as it was no doubt pronounced ; and we cannot believe that she would have spoken in this manner of her keepers if she had known that they had been acting in complicity with Cecil. 460 Mary's final answer. [1569. Catholic league. Her uncles in France were unable to aid her, and Catherine de Medici regarded her mis- fortunes with probably as much complacency as Cecil himself. The friendship of the Queen of England, upon which she had so confidently relied, had proved both a delusion and a snare ; and last, and worst of all, Leslie, the most zealous of her advocates, the most trusted of her advisers, had to all appearance sided with her enemies. Deprived of all external aid and counsel, Mary had nothing now to guide and to sustain her but her own noble instincts and the he- reditary courage of her race. But she was at leng-th awakened to the real designs of her enemies. Upon reflection, she saw and felt that if she resigned her crown at this critical time, her reputation was gone for ever. She saw that such a step must be held, not by her enemies alone, but by all the world, as an avowal of guilt. Such were the thoughts which led, no doubt, to her final resolution. She had promised KnoUys that he should have an answer in two days, and she did not fail to keep her word. She informed him at the expiration of that time that her resolution was unalterably fixed, and that she would prefer death it- self to the ignominious terms proposed by her enemies."^^* Cecil had been led to believe that his scheme would prove successful, and that with his pack of treacherous Scots and servile colleagues he had fairly hunted down his quarry. But she stood gallantly at bay, and * " Quant a la demission de ma couronne, comm'avez escript, je vous prie de ne me plus, empescher ; car je suis resolue et deliberee pliistost moiirir, que de faire ; et le derniere parole que je feral en ma vie sera d'une Royne d'Escosse," &c. — Record Office. It would be interesting to know M'hether, before returning her final reply, she consulted those faith- ful companions of her exile, Lady Livingstone and Mary Seton, who were both with her at this time. It is very probable that, deprived of all other counsel, she had recourse to them. 1569.] SHE EEFUSES TO RESIGN. 461 bade him do his worst. It is impossible to question the wisdom of Mary in thus decisively rejecting the insidious proposals of her enemies. But how are we to account for the conduct of the Bishop of Eoss in thus promoting the designs of Cecil ? Leslie has always been held up by the advocates of Queen Mary as one of her most faithful and devoted servants, but his behaviour upon this occasion leads us to suspect either his honesty or his discretion. He had far too much ability not to foresee the inevitable consequences of the step which he urged upon his mistress ; and even if he believed that it was her only chance of regaining her liberty — nay, of preserving her life — it is impossible to justify his conduct. We need not, therefore, be sur- prised that it was the subject of serious complaint by Mary ; ''^ and all the zeal which he subsequently dis- played in her service cannot efface from our minds the impression left by his suspicious interference on this occasion. A characteristic letter written by Mary at this time shows that amidst all her perplexities she did not lose sight of those who had claims upon her attention. It seems that Willie Douglas, the foundling boy who had aided the queen in making her escape from Lochleven, had been sent on some mission by his mistress ; but although furnished with a passport by the Queen of England, he had mysteriously disappeared. Mary immediately desired her commissioners in London to * " Bien vous supplie je d'une chose qui est de ne permectre plus qu'il soit mis en avant de si deshonestes et desavaiitaigeuses ouvertures pour moy que celles a quoy I'Evesque de Rosse a este conseille prester I'oreille ; car comrae j'ay prie le diet Maister Knolis vous tesmoigner, j'ay faict voeu k Dieu solemnel de jamais ne me d^mettre de la place ou Dieu m'a appellee," &c.— Mary to Elizabeth, from Tutbury, lOtli February 1569 ; F^nelon, i. 208. 462 EMBARRASSMENT OF CECIL. [1569. represent the matter to Elizabeth, and to entreat her not to allow one who was under her protection, and who " set us at liberty and saved our life,"'" to fall into the hands of his enemies — one of whom, a servant t of the laird of Lochleven, had threatened, if he ever met him, to " put his hands in his heart's blood." Mary also applied to the French ambassador J on the subject, and through her exertions Douglas was at length dis- covered in a prison in the north of England, and set at liberty. It is from incidents like these that we can readily comprehend the extraordinary degree of attach- ment with which Mary was regarded by her dependants of every degree. Cecil and his mistress had received an unexpected check by the resolute refusal of Mary to resign her crown, and their embarrassment was increased by the incessant demands which the Scottish queen continued to make for an inspection of the evidence produced against her. On the 7th of January the Bishop of Eoss, who appears by this time to have seen the im- prudence of his conduct in allowing himself to become the tool of Cecil, along with Lord Herries and the Abbot of Kilwinning, made a fresh attempt to obtain a sight of the papers exhibited by Murray. On that day they had an interview with Elizabeth, and they in- formed her that they had received fresh instructions from their mistress to answer to " the calumnious accu- sations of her subjects," and also to accuse them as the authors, promoters, and perpetrators of the crime of which she was falsely accused by them ; and therefore * Goodall, ii. 299. f James Drysdale by name. This amiable individual has been intro- duced by Sir Walter Scott in his admirable romance of ' The Abbot.' I Fenelon, i. 133. 1569.] HE MAKES A FRESH ATTEMPT. 463 she " desired the writings produced by her rebellious subjects, or at the least the copies thereof, to be delivered unto them, that their mistress might fully answer thereto, as was desired."'" In her letter of the 19th December, Mary had de- manded an inspection of the writings actually produced against her ; but she now instructed her commissioners to obtain even copies of these documents. It was a bold challenge to offer to prove the forgery even from copies of her pretended letters ; but even copies were not to be obtained. Elizabeth, as usual, desired time for consideration, and promised an answer to the de- mands of her sister queen in " two or three days." Before Marv's commissioners took their leave, Eliz- abeth, acting no doubt by the advice of Cecil, made a last attempt to effect a compromise, by once more suggesting that the Scottish queen should resign her crown in favour of her son. But the Bishop of Eoss replied that his mistress could listen to no proposal involving the resignation of her crown, and he was expressly commanded to declare that this was her final resolution, in case any fresh suggestion was made to that efiect. Notwithstanding the explicit answer of the bishop, Elizabeth still continued to urge himt and his two colleagues to write once more to the Queen of Scots on the subject ; but they one and all refused on the spot to comply with this most unreasonable request. When Cecil had once made up his mind as to the line of conduct he should follow, he adhered to it with singular pertinacity. In the present instance he had arrived at the conclusion that the Queen of Scots must by some means or other be induced to resign her crown, * Goodall, ii. 297. t Her majesty did earnestly press him," &c. — Ibid., ii. 300. 464 ANOTHER MEETING AT HAMPTON COURT. [1569. as the best and only means of rendering her powerless for the future. He did not comprehend as yet the lofty spirit of his antagonist, but thought apparently that he would overcome her, as he usually overcame his mistress, by persistently adhering to his point. On the 9th of January, accordingly — only two days after Elizabeth had been assured in the most positive terms that Mary would not upon any consideration resign her crown — he made a fresh attempt, in his own dog- ged fashion, to accomplish his much-cherished project. On that day, which happened to be a Sunday, Mary's commissioners were summoned to Hampton Court, where they were received by the Duke of Norfolk, the Earls of Arundel, Pembroke, and Leicester, and the secretary. The question of the resignation of the Scottish queen was again discussed, and her commis- sioners once more declared, in terms more peremptory than ever, that their mistress ^' would never consent to resign her crown in any way, nor upon any conditions which were or could be proposed, but was determined during her lifetime to retain the same." Cecil must have been at length convinced that the scheme for the ruin of the Queen of Scots, on which he had set his heart, and the notion of which he had derived from Sussex, was absolutely hopeless. It was therefore necessary to determine, and to determine quickly, what was next to be done. The proceedings of the conference had been reoarded from first to last with extreme suspicion, as well by the foreign ambas- sadors as by the friends of the Queen of Scots through- out Britain. Cecil knew that in Yorkshire, as well as in the adjoining counties, her partisans were numerous * Goodall, ii. 304. 1569.] DECISION OF ELIZABETH. 405 and active ; and it is probable that the inquiry conld not have been prolonged without the risk of civil war. The secretary found, in short, that he had placed his mistress in a false and very perilous position, from which he must attempt to extricate her at any cost. She had promised in " two or three days " an answer to Mary's most reasonable demand, that she should be furnished with even " copies of the papers produced against her, and two days had already passed ; but on the third day, instead of fulfilling her promise, the matter was brought to a termination in a manner as extraordinary as it was unexpected. On Monday the 10th of January Murray and his associates were summoned to Hampton Court, where, by the mouth of Cecil, they were informed that, " for- asmuch as there has been nothing produced against them, as yet, that may impair their honour or allegi- ance ; and, on the other part, there had been nothing sufficiently produced nor shown by them against the queen their sovereign, whereby the Queen of England should conceive or take any evil opinion of the queen her good sister for a^iyihing yet seen ; and there being alleged by the Earl of Murray the unquiet state and disorder of the realm of Scotland, now in his absence, her majesty thinketh meet not to restrain any further the said earl and his adherents' liberty, but suffer him and them at their pleasure to depart,'' &C.'"'" Cecil must have been, indeed, hard pressed when he was forced to close the inquiry by this astounding announcement. He and his mistress had first urged the Queen of Scots to reply to the charges made * Goodall, ii. 305. 2 G 466 THE REGENT DISMISSED [1569. against her ; they had then endeavoured, by the most treacherous means, to induce her to resign her crown ; and finding that she not only saw through their schemes, but persisted in her demand for the produc- tion of the papers exhibited against her, they suddenly declared, in efiect, that this was wholly unnecessary, for that the charges made against her were disproved by the e^ddence adduced in their support. Two things are to be specially noted in this remark- able declaration. The first is, that the Queen of Scots was pronounced to be innocent; and the second, that • Murray obtained leave to return to Scotland with his pretended proofs at the very time when he and his associates were themselves charged with the crime of which they had accused their sovereign. These points mutually explain each other. If Mary had been de- clared guilty, it would have been impossible to refuse her a sight of the writings produced against her, and this was obviously deemed too hazardous to be attempted. If Murray was allowed to remain in England, the Queen of Scots, according to Sussex, would probably succeed in turning the tables on her accusers,'"'' a consummation which at the time might have proved fatal not only to Elizabeth, but to Pro- testantism in Britain. The expedient to which Cecil resorted to avoid the dangerous alternatives before him . was at the best a clumsy one, but it served his pur- pose for the time. Mary's commissioners were assured that the reputation of their mistress was unblemished; * She had already obtained from her lieutenants in Scotland, Huntly and Argyll, a " protestation " or statement of what took place in their presence, and in the presence of Murray, at Craigmillar, when Maitland proposed to get rid of Darnley. — See Appendix H. 1569.] WITH A PRESENT. 467 and the regent was hurried back to Scotland with his box of papers, where they never more saw the light of day."' Before his departure for the north, he received the sum of £5000 from the English treasury t for attempting to destroy his sister's character by means of proofs which Elizabeth, by the mouth of her secre- tary, declared to be absolutely worthless. On the following day, the 11th of January, there was another meeting at Hampton Court, which was attended both by Murray and his colleagues, and by Mary's commissioners, and Cecil inquired of the latter if they would accuse Murray and his adherents of the * What eventually became of the famous silver casket and its contents is one of the unsolved mysteries of Scottish history ; but it is nowhere stated that they were ever exhibited except on the two occasions at Westminster and Hampton Court already described. It is nowhere stated that they ever underwent any examination in Scotland, either before or after the Westminster conference. Laing asserts that the very disappearance of the alleged letters of the queen " demonstrates that they were genuine " (i. 330). To maintain that the disappearance of documents alleged to be forged affords con- clusive proof of their authenticity, is an argument of a very novel kind ; but Laing endeavours to support it by suggesting that the pretended proofs of Mary's guilt were destroyed by her son James when he reached manhood, as he would be anxious to obliterate all traces of his mother's guilt. But if this were so, it is difficult to explain the preservation of the contemporary copies of the queen's letters in the State Paper Office. It is still more difficult to explain the preservation of the deposi- tions of Paris, which accuse the queen directly of the murder, and con- tain, in fact, the only positive evidence on the subject that ever existed. Although Laing throughout his History expresses himself with extreme confidence respecting the authenticity of the queen's letters, he seems in private to have used language of a very different kind. I have now be- fore me a letter of his dated 19th March 1800, and addressed to George Chalmers in London, and thanking that gentleman for having sent him from the State Paper Office a copy of the long Glasgow letter (No. 2). Laing had then for some time been engaged on his work, and he says, " I have hitherto been inclined rather to consider the letter as genuine." The letter of Laing was kindly lent to me by his namesake David Laing, Esq., of Edinburgh. t See Murray's receipt for the money; Fosdera, xv. 677. 468 MARY APPLIES AGAIN [1569. murder of Darnley. They immediately replied that they had the express commands of their mistress to that effect, as well as to answer all calumnies which had been uttered against her, provided they might have " the copies of the pretended writings given in against their mistress, which they have divers times required of the cpeen's majesty and her Council, but they have not as yet obtained the same ; and how soon they received the copies thereof, she would answer thereto in defence of her innocence." To this fresh demand Cecil had no reply to make, and on the very next day — namely, the 12th of Janu- ary — Murray and his associates obtained formal leave to return to Scotland. On the 13th Mary's commissioners again repaired to Hampton Court, and repeated once more in pre- sence of the Council the demand of their mistress to be furnished with copies of the papers produced against her ; but by this time Cecil had invented a new pre- text for delay. He said that Elizabeth would comply with their request only on condition that the Queen of Scots sent a special writing, signed with her hand, " promising that she would answer to the said writ- ings and articles laid to her charge without any excep- tion." We thus find that Cecil changed his tone as soon as Murray and his friends had turned their backs. He had distinctly declared that nothing had been proved against the Queen of Scots, and he now re- quired a written undertaking that she would answer the charges made against her, which only two days before he had pronounced to be groundless. But Mary's commissioners reminded him on the spot that * Goodall, ii. 308. 15G9.] FOR THE EVIDENCE. 469 she had already, by two several writings under her own hand, and shown to the Queen of England, offered to make answer whenever she was furnished with the papers produced against her, or even with copies. They further complained that Murray and his associ- ates were allowed to return to Scotland after they had been expressly charged by their mistress with the murder of her husband. To the first point Cecil made — for he could make — no answer; to the last he replied that the Earl of Murray had promised to return if the Queen of Eng- land should require his presence at any future time ; " but in the mean time," Cecil added, " the Queen of Scotland could not be suffered to depart, for divers respects." No further explanation was or could be made of the determination of the ruling faction to detain the Queen of Scots a prisoner in England, which was obviously the intention of Cecil and his supporters from the time of her arrival. To attempt to give any reasons for their decision would have been hopeless. They had examined the charges made against her by her rebellious subjects ; they had pro- nounced those charges to be groundless ; and they treated her, nevertheless, as if they had been proved. Mary's commissioners made a notarial protest against the decision of the Council in thus detaining their mistress a prisoner, while her rebellious subjects were allowed to return to Scotland ; and this brought the day's proceedings to a close. Foiled in every attempt to obtain a sight of the writings produced against her, Mary had recourse to a fresh expedient. She applied to the French ambas- * Goodall, ii. 312. 470 INTERFERENCE OF [1569. sador, La Mothe Fenelon, on the subject. On the 20th of January, accordingly, he had a long interview with Elizabeth, in the course of which he expressed his hope and his belief that she would not allow a princess who had sought an asylum in her dominions to be oppressed by her rebellious subjects ; and that she would cause the papers which they had produced at Westminster to be furnished to the commissioners of the Scottish queen. Elizabeth's better feelings seemed to be touched by the ambassador's appeal, for he says that she listened to him with visible emotion. She even rashly pro- mised, for Cecil was not by her side, that on the following day''' the writings should be placed in the hands of Mary's commissioners. It has been generally assumed by the enemies of the Queen of Scots, that notwithstanding her repeated applications for a sight of the papers produced against her, she did not in reality wish to obtain them. But this proceeding of the French ambassador, which has not, so far as I know, been hitherto noticed by any writer, affords the clearest proof of her sincerity; and the succession of devices by which Cecil and his mistress sought to evade her just demands, furnishes proof no less decisive that they were resolved, at the expense of any amount of equivocation, that the evidence produced should be withheld from her in- spection. It is hardly necessary, therefore, to inform the reader that Elizabeth did not keep her promise. We find that ten days later — namely, on the 30th of the month — Fenelon took occasion in person to remind * " Que le lendemain elle accorderoit aiix depputez de la dicte dame la dicte communication." — Fenelon, i. 133. 1569.] THE FRENCH AMBASSADOR. 471 her"^'" of it ; but having been no doubt duly tutored in the interval, she flew into a passion — real or feigned it matters not to inquire — and complained that Mary had written a letter to one of her partisans in Scot- land complaining of her gross partiality at the con- ferences, and also charging Murray with designs on the Scottish crown. This was the last and the weakest of all the artifices devised by Cecil and his mistress. Because, as they alleged, the Queen of Scots had complained of their notorious partiality, and because she had expressed suspicions of her bro- ther's real designs, she was denied a privilege accorded to the meanest of criminals. Some days before this interview took place — namely, on the 26 th of Janu- ary — Mary had been forced against her wishes to quit Bolton Castle, and to set out in the midst of most inclement weather for her new prison of Tutbury. It had no doubt been determined from the first that she should not be allowed a sight of the evidence produced against her at Westminster ; and if there was no other proof of fraud, the persistent refusal of her enemies to allow her to inspect it would be held alone sufficient, by any tribunal in the civilised world, to deprive it of all credit. Although Murray was extremely desirous at this time to return to Scotland, he had received informa- * Fenelon, i. 162. There is a letter of tlie description referred to by Elizabeth in the Cotton Library (see Goodall, ii. 325), but it is not in Mary's hand, and she declared that, although she had written a letter at this time to one of her partisans in Scotland, she had made no un- friendly allusions in it to the Queen of England. — See letter of Knollys to Cecil, 28th January; Record Office. It is admitted that the letter was intercepted by Mary's enemies. It may easily have been interpolated by the same hands. But assuming it to be perfectly genuine, it had nothing to do with the question at issue between the two queens. 472 THE EEGENT AND [1569. tion which induced him, for very sufficient reasons, to delay his departure. His whole conduct towards his sister had created the utmost indignation among her friends in the northern counties, and some of the leading gentry of Yorkshire and Durham had deter- mined to attack him and his followers on their return to Scotland. The enterprise, he had discovered, was heartily approved by the Earl of Westmoreland, the most powerful and zealous of the partisans of the Scottish queen in that part of the kingdom, and whose zeal in her cause, it thus appears, had been in nowise abated by the alleged proofs of her guilt which had been exhibited before him at Hampton Court. Elizabeth herself at this time could not have protected the regent against the threatened danger ; but he was never wanting in dexterity and cunning, and he was indebted for his safety on this occasion to a device which probably no one but himself could have practised with success. The project of his sisters marriage with Norfolk had been privately discussed, before the termination of the conference at York, between the regent and the duke ; but at Westminster, in consequence of the accusation of the Scottish queen, the matter had been entirely dropped. Murray now revived it in a manner which he has himself described, and with an object which he does not seek to conceal. " It being whis- pered and showed to me," he says, " that if I departed, he [the duke] standing discontented and not satisfied, I might peradventure find such trouble in my way as my throat might be cut before I came to Berwick ; and therefore, since it might well enough appear that he aspired to her marriage, I should not put him in 1569.] THE DUKE OF NORFOLK. 473 utter despair that my goodwill cannot be had therein. So, few days before my departing, I came to the park at Hampton Court, where the duke and I met toge- ther, and there I declared that it was come to my ears how some misreport should be made of me to him, as that I should speak irreverently and rashly of the said queen my sovereign s mother.'^ Continuing in the same strain, the regent declared that if his sister was once "separate from that ungodly and unlawful marriage that she was entered in, and then after were joined with such a godly and honourable personage as were affectioned to the true religion, and whom we might trust, I could find in my heart to love her, and to show her as great pleasure, favour, and goodwill as ever I did in my life. And in case he should be that personage, there was none I should better like of,'^ &c. We know not whether to be most aston- ished at the hypocrisy of Murray in thus profess- ing the sincerest affection for the sister he had just accused of the most horrid crimes, or at the singular credulity of Norfolk, who was induced to give faith to such professions. But the regent was an excellent judge of human character, and he completely suc- ceeded in persuading the duke that he was his friend, although when they parted some lurking suspicion did cross his mind. " Earl of Murray,^' he said, thou hast Norfolk's life in thy hands." "^'^ These ominous words * Trial of the Duke of Norfolk ; State Trials, i. The account given by Murray of his interview with the duke agrees substantially with that of the Bishop of Ross, who no doubt received his information from Norfolk. According to the bishop, Murray told the duke that his sister the queen was the creature upon earth he wished most good and honour unto." — Leslie's Negotiations ; Anderson, iii. 35. He also told the duke that she "had been troubled in times past with children, 474 THE REGENT RETURNS [1569. must liave made a deep impression on ttie mind of the regent, for he repeated them some months afterwards to Queen Elizabeth, when it became necessary to pre- serve her favour by bearing witness against the duke. This interview is one of the most remarkable inci- dents* in the history of these proceedings. Murray had just accused his sister of the murder of her hus- band and of other crimes besides, and Norfolk had seen, both at Westminster and at Hampton Court, the proofs that were produced in support of the charge. Yet the project of the marriage was once more revived by Murray and entertained by Norfolk, as if the silver casket and its contents had never been heard of. Human nature must have undergone a wonderful change during the last three centuries, if Murray, believing in the genuineness of his proofs, could have made such an. overture at such a time to Norfolk ; or if Norfolk, believing them to be genuine, could have lent a willing ear, which he unquestionably did, to the proposals of the regent. It is certain, at all events, that they parted friends ; and in consequence of the interview. Sir Eobert Melvill was immediately despatched to Eipon, where the Queen of Scots then was on her journey from Bolton Castle to Tutbury, and obtained from her a letter or writing of some kind, enjoining Westmoreland and his adherents not to offer any violence to the regent or his followers young proud fools, and fiirions men " (alluding to Francis II., Dam- ley, and Bothwell), " and that her subjects would be glad to see her joined to a wise man," &c. — Anderson, iii. 38. In relating the circumstances, Mr Froude says that Murray " con- sented to an interview with Norfolk" (ix. 423). But it is obvious from Murray's own words that the interview was sought by him, and with the object he very clearly explains. 1569.] TO SCOTLAND. 475 on their return to Scotland/''* Murray lost no time in availing himself of the opportunity now afforded for his safe retreat, and travelling with all expedition, he reached Berwick on the last day of January. From this place he addressed a letter to Cecil, which plainly betrays his duplicity to Norfolk. The regent says that, from all he can learn, his sister is by no means destitute of friends, " and so methinks there was never greater occasion to be careful of her surety." t A few days before, he had led Norfolk to believe that he cordially approved of his marriage with his sister ; and when — entirely through Norfolk's intervention — he reached Scotland in safety, he immediately recommended Cecil to keep her in closer custody than ever. Notwith- standing his flattering language to the duke, there cannot be a doubt that from first to last Murray was decidedly opposed to the marriage, and for the obvious reason that it must have proved fatal to his own political influence and power. Murray had acquainted Cecil, on his arrival in Scot- land, that the queen was by no means destitute of friends. Her lieutenants, Huntly and Argyll, were in fact at the head of a much larger force than the regent could have mustered to oppose them ; but he had the address to induce his sister, through the influence of Norfolk, to command her friends to abstain for the present from all hostilities. In obedience to their mistress, they reluctantly allowed Murray to resume the reins of government ; and he proceeded with remarkable energy to consolidate the power which, had they known the truth, they might very probably at this time have succeeded in wresting from his hands. * Leslie's Negotiations, uhi supra, t Goodall, ii. .333. X Tytler, vi. 6. 476 ARREST OF CHATELHERAULT [1569. While the regent was availing himself of the oppor- tunity thus afforded him of collecting his scattered strength, the Duke of Chatelherault and Lord Herries arrived in Scotland. The former had resided for some time in France, but he had been in London during the conference at Westminster, and he now bore the com- mission of the Queen of Scots as her lieutenant-general. Lord Herries, by whom he was accompanied, was one of the ablest and most faithful of Mary's adherents, and the regent had no alternative but to disarm these new and formidable enemies, or to resign his power. In the hope of winning them over to his side, he invited them to an interview, and they met at Glasgow on the 13th of March. It was in vain that he endeavoured on this occasion to induce them to acknowledge the authority of the infant king ; but it was agreed that another meeting should take place on the 14 th of April at Edinburgh. Surrounded on this occasion by his friends, the regent now dropped the mask, and on the appearance of Chatelherault and Herries, he produced a paper, and called upon them to subscribe it on the spot as an acknowledgment of the king's authority. Taken completely by surprise, they hesitated, pro- tested, and finally refused to comply with this arbitrary requisition. The regent was prepared for this contin- gency. The two noblemen were immediately arrested. Lord Herries, the more formidable of the two, was sent forthwith to Edinburgh Castle : the duke followed on the next day; and they were both detained as prisoners during the remainder of the regent's life.^^* * This flagrant breach of faith on the part of the regent was con- demned even by many of his friends. The duke and Lord Herries had come to Edinbiu'gh on the express agreement that their persons were 1569.] AND OF LORD HERRIES. 477 Murray now no longer pretended to keep terms with the queen's friends, and shortly after the imprisonment of Chatelherault and Herries, he published a proclama- tion accusing her afresh of the murder of her husband. It was but a few weeks before that he had assured the Duke of Norfolk, and had even induced that nobleman to believe, that he regarded his sister with the sincerest affection, and he now publicly branded her as the most infamous of her sex."' Argyll and Huntly were still in arms for the queen ; but on the first of these nobles small reliance could be placed, and as the tide seemed to turn in favour of the regent, he was soon brought to terms. From the time that the queen bad generously restored to Huntly his title and estates, he had acted the part of a loyal subject ; but he now stood alone, and in the begin- ning of the summer he was reluctantly compelled to acknowledge the authority of her mortal enemy. We learn from a contemporary source that about this time four priests were condemned to death at Stirling for celebrating the mass. The extreme penalty of the law, prescribed by the Act of 1560, was remitted by the regent ; but the unfortunate victims of Calvinistic zeal were exposed on the pillory, and subjected to every species of indignity by the populace.! secure. " And for security of the cuming of the nobility foirsaid, my lord regent promeiss on his honour that they shall he skaithless and without danger in their cuming, remaining, and returning." — See the Articles drawn up at Glasgow ; Historie of James the Sext, 61. * Proclamation of 13th May ; Record Office. Fenelon, i. 342. t They were " bund to the mercat-croce, with thair vestmentis and challices in dirisioun, quhair the people caist eggis and uther villany at thair faces be the space of an hor, and thairefter thair vestmentis and challices were brunt to ashes." — Historie of King James the Sext, G6. C H A P T E E XV. STATE OF FEELING IN ENGLAND REBELLION IN THE NORTHERN COUNTIES DEATH OF THE REGENT MURRAY. While the regent was thus making the most strenuous efforts to re-establish his authority in Scotland, the prospects of his sister in England had assumed a much more favourable aspect than ever. Although Cecil had succeeded in forcing the regent to accuse the Scottish queen, and had thereby, as was intended, created an irreparable breach between them, the results of the conference had by no means ful- filled the anticipations of the secretary. At York Mary had won an easy victory over her opponents. At Westminster, her triumph, although less speedy, was still more decisive, for they retired in haste from the field rather than submit their papers to her in- spection ; while, to cover their retreat and silence her complaints, Elizabeth declared that there had been nothing proved against her sister queen. To detain her as a prisoner after this declaration was an outrage too gross, even in that age, to be committed with impunity ; and Cecil soon discovered that his tortuous policy, instead of destroying the reputation of the captive queen, had created in her favour a 1569.] PLOT AGAINST CECIL. 479 dangerous amount of sympathy among all classes of society. A variety of incidents convinced him that in spite of all his efforts her friends were increasing in number and importance every day. Her commis- sioners, before their departure for the north, were in- vited, along with Lord John Hamilton, to a banquet by the Lord Mayor of London.'"' The most zealous and faithful of her friends. Lord Herries, was enter- tained at supper by a party of members of the Inns of Court, an incident as to which the indefatigable minis- ter at once set on foot the most searching inquiries, t A discovery of a far more alarming kind which he made shortly afterwards could not fail at length to convince him that the line of conduct which he had forced upon his mistress was fraught with the utmost danger both to her and to himself The secretary had ever been regarded with distrust and jealousy by the ancient nobility, Protestant as well as Catholic, who, from political as well as religious prejudices, were generally opposed to the levelling doctrine of the Eeformers. His conduct during the conference I at Westminster furnished his enemies with fresh grounds of dissatisfaction, and shortly afterwards events in France tended greatly to stimu- late the hopes of the English Catholics. On the 1 6th of March the Huguenots sustained a crushing defeat at Jarnac, and they lost, besides, on that occasion, * Miss Strickland, vi. 291. t " What time was ye supper at ye King's Head in Fleet Street, when 16 of ye Inns of Court made the Lord Herries a supper ? How- many do you know of them, and what are their names and places of abode ? " — Examination of Thomas Bishop, note in Cecil's hand ; Caligula, c. i. 296. X It appears that the project of overthrowing him was formed during the conferences. — Fenelon, i. 59 ; letter of 28tli December. 480 INTRIGUES IN THE COUNCIL. [1569. their commander, the gallant Conde, who perished, after making the most heroic efforts to retrieve the fortunes of the day,*"'' at the early age of thirty-two. The chief opponents of Cecil in the Council were the Duke of Norfolk and the Earls of Arundel and Pembroke, and they not only contrived to gain over Leicester to their side, but they employed the queen's favourite to shake her confidence in the secretary by artfully insinuating that his policy of supporting in secret the rebellious subjects of foreign princes was alike discreditable and dangerous. But Elizabeth listened with impatience upon this point even to Leicester. With all her weaknesses, she never failed to appreciate those who faithfully served her ; and she took the part of Cecil with so much warmth and spirit t that his opponents in the Council were forced to seek the accomplishment of their purpose by other means. The intrigue soon reached his ears ; but no one could better accommodate himself to cir- cumstances than the supple secretary, and instead of presuming too confidently on the queen's support, he endeavoured, by his conciliatory bearing towards the discontented lords, to disarm their hostility ; and to some extent he was successful. The enemies of Cecil were soon engaged in a new intrigue, suggested, it is said, by Leicester. This was the fulfilment of the project of the marriage between Norfolk and the Scottish queen. The matter was secretly communicated by the above-named nobles to the Bishop of Boss, and a letter was drawn up in * Lacraetelle, Giierres de Religion, ii. 222. He led the last charge, al- though he had an arm disabled and a leg broken in the battle, t Fenelon, i. 235, 236. 1569.] REPLY OF MARY. 481 the names of Norfolk, Arundel, Pembroke, and Lei- cester, proposing that the Queen of Scots should be restored to her throne, and receive a confirmation of her claim as next in succession to the crown of England, on the following conditions : That she should never impugn the rights of Elizabeth or of the heirs of her body ; should conclude a perpetual league, offensive and defensive, with England ; should allow the establishment of the Eeformed religion in Scot- land ; should pardon her disobedient subjects ; should procure from the Duke of Anjou a renunciation of any claims she might have made to him ; and, lastly, should consent to a marriage with the Duke of Norfolk. It is plain that the whole of these proposals were made in a spirit of perfect loyalty to Elizabeth; and this could hardly be otherwise when we bear in mind that the four noblemen in whose names they were to be presented to the Scottish queen were all Protestants.'"' This letter was carried to Tutbury by a retainer of the Earl of Leicester, and the reply of Mary was satisfactory. With regard to the last and the most important point — her proposed marriage with Norfolk — she said that her sorrowful experience would lead her to prefer a single life, but that she was willing to defer to the judgment of others in a matter which con- cerned the welfare of both realms, provided — and this she specially required — that they should first obtain the consent of her sister the Queen of England.! The project of the marriage was afterwards com- * Lingard, vi. 98. t Even Mr Froude admits that her reply was " graceful, dignified, self-respectful." — Vol. ix. 456. 2 H 482 THE EARL OF BEDFORD. [1569. municated to the Earl of Bedford,'" another zealous Protestant ; to the Earl of Shrewsbury, whose ortho- doxy was doubtful ; and to the two Catholic Earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland; and by all it was warmly approved. Throgmorton, who always seems to have entertained a friendly feeling towards the Queen of Scots, supported it with all his influence ; and even Cecil himself, perceiving that he must either swim with the tide or sink, gave a tacit, though no doubt a most reluctant, consent to the scheme. We find, therefore, that at the very time when Murray, notwithstanding the professions of afiection for his sister which he had so recently made to Nor- folk, was once more proclaiming her a murderess and a tyrant in Scotland, the leading nobility and states- men of England were not only bent on her restora- tion, but were ready to acknowledge her as the heir- presumptive of the English crown. It is obvious that their conduct at this time can admit of only two explanations. Every one of the men who gave his assent to the proposal made to the Scottish queen, had, with the exception of Throgmorton, a very short time before seen, either at Westminster or at Hampton Court, the whole of the evidence produced against her ; and if they believed it to be genuine, they were so utterly lost to all sense of honour and shame as to recommend that a murderess of the worst de- * The Earl of Bedford had had much better opportunities of judging of the character of the Queen of Scots than any of the other noblemen, for he had been in Scotland very shortly before Darnley's murder. He was, moreover, a constant supporter of the regent's faction ; and that he should so soon after the accusation of Mary at Westminster have approved of the project of Norfolk and his friends, is a circumstance which seems to admit of only one interpretation. 1569.] AFFAIRS IN SCOTLAND. 483 scription should be acknowledged as the successor of their sovereign. If, on the other hand, they gave, like Elizabeth, no credit to the unverified accusations of Mary's enemies, their conduct is sufficiently ex- plained. On which side the probability lies the reader will determine for himself."'' The assent of all the leading men in England, both Protestant and Catholic, having been secured, it only remained to impart the matter to Elizabeth ; and it was determined that Maitland, in whose busy brain the project had originated, and who for diplomatic audacity and readiness of resource stood unrivalled, was the fittest person for the purpose. But events in the mean time took place in Scotland which prevented this intention being carried out. JMary informed her friends in the north of the pro- posal she had received, and requested that at a con- vention of the nobles which Avas to take place on the 25th of July, it should be considered whether her marriage with Both well could be annulled. In con- sequence of the rigorous measures adopted by the regent against the queen's friends since his return to Scotland, a coldness had arisen between him and Maitland, who was now devoting himself entirely to * We need not be surprised that, when the leading Protestant nobles both of England and Scotland were thus in effect proclaim- ing the queen's innocence, the Catholics went further, and declared that her accusers were the real murderers of her husband. In a letter addressed from London to Cosmo de Medici immediately after the conference at Westminster, it is stated, " Che da tutti fu conoscinto senza dubio alcuno, che ella era innocentissima, et che li accusatori erano colpevole di questo delitto." — To Cosmo de Medici, February 1569 ; Labanoff, vii. 147. Even the King of Spain and his representatives forgot that she had refused to sign the Catholic league, and no longer insinuated that, being a heretic, she might also be a murderess. 484 CONVENTION AT PERTH. [1569. the service of his mistress. This was only a prelude to a more serious breach between these celebrated men, who had so long acted together as the most active leaders of the Scottish Eeformation. At the convention, which was appointed to meet at Perth, it was a matter of general surprise that the regent did not appear ; but his principal adherents — including Morton, Ruthven, Lindsay, and other well- known enemies of the queen — were present ; and when Maitland read her letters calling their attention to the subject of a divorce from Both well, a violent debate arose. Maitland suggested that the matter should be referred to the judges for their opinion ; but this proposal was vehemently opposed by Macgill, the clerk- register, who denounced even as impious the motion of the secretary.'" Maitland, no longer doubting the treachery of the regent, calmly retorted that it was very strange that those who had so lately taken up arms expressly for the purpose of separating the queen from Bothwell should have now so entirely changed their minds. This taunt, the bitterness and truth of which was felt by every one in the assembly, only aggravated the hostility of the rival factions. It was even asserted by one of Maitland's opponents that his proposal amounted to an act of treason against the king's authority, a sentiment which was received with acclamation by the queen's enemies. A scene of utter confusion followed, and the convention broke up without coming to any decision. t We have seen that Murray, only a few months * The Earl of Sussex had observed at York in the previous autumn that Macgill and Maitland were not friends. — See his letter, Ap- pendix A. t Tytler, vii. 235. 1569.] ACCUSATION OF MAITLAND. 485 before, when he pretended, for very sufficient reasons, to favour the project of the Duke of Norfolk's mar- riage with his sister, had expressed the strongest wish to see her separated from Bothwell."' We now see that after his purpose had been served he took the most effective means of preventing a divorce. Shortly after the Perth convention Maitland was ac- cused of the murder of the king. The charge was no doubt preferred at this time with the double object of detaining him in Scotland, and of destroying his credit with the supporters of the Norfolk marriage in England. It was now, and not till now, that the regent and his friends referred to the depositions or confessions of Paris in proof of Maitland's guilt. But we have seen that Paris was delivered up to an emissary of the regent ten months before, t and that not a word was said in the interval of this most im- portant witness. The fact of the depositions being drawn up at this time J can only be explained by the determination of the queen's enemies in Scotland to defeat if possible the project of the Norfolk mar- riage. The fact of their subsequent concealment, as well from her enemies as from her friends, has already been sufficiently accounted for.§ Maitland was arrested at Stirling in the beginning || of September, and it was intended to confine him in Tantallon Castle, a place of immense strength at that time, under the control of Morton ; but before the secretary had reached that gloomy fortress he was rescued by his friend the Laird of Grange, and car- * Ante, 473. f On the 30th October 1568; ante, 245, note. I They are dated the 9th and 10th August 1569 ; Goodall, ii. 76. § Ante, 252. || Tytler, vii. 239. 486 KIRKALDY OF GEANGE. [1569. ried off in triumpli to Edinburgh Castle, of which Kirkaldy was the governor. Both of these men had now joined the party of the queen, to which they steadily adhered during the remainder of their lives, and their desertion proved a serious and perhaps a fatal blow to the authority of the regent. There was no man in Scotland who for political knowledge and experience could compare with Maitland ; there was none who for military skill and personal integrity could compare with Grange. Although youthful fana- ticism had led him to take part in the murder of Cardinal Beaton, he seems in his maturer years to have formed a juster estimate of the men who ren- dered their religion a pretext for the gratification of every evil passion. John Wood, the regent's secre- tary, was employed to bring back if possible so im- portant a personage to the ranks of the queen's enemies ; but after listening to all he had to say, Kirkaldy curtly replied that he saw nothing among them but " envy, greediness, and ambition," whereby, he added, they would wreck the regent and ruin the country."' Murray himself made a last attempt to win back the redoubtable Laird of Grange by paying him a visit in Edinburgh Castle. That the regent should in this age of treachery and violence have put him- self in the power of a declared enemy, furnishes a striking proof of the universal belief in the chivalrous character of Kirkaldy. But the regent, as has been well remarked, could trust him although he could not trust the regent. t We may add that the latter suc- ceeded no better than his secretary in his attempt to regain the valuable services of Grange. * Melvill, Memoirs, 101. t Ibid. 1569.] SIR JAMES BALFOUR. 487 Another important member of Murray's faction, Sir James Balfour, went over at this time to the party of the queen ; and it is a suspicious coincidence, as we have already remarked,"' that he as well as JMaitland is, according to the depositions of Paris, implicated in the king's murder. It is another suspicious cir- cumstance that Huntly and Argyll, who had accused the regent at Westminster! some months before, were also implicated in these depositions, which were by common consent consigned to oblivion at the time, but which modern writers have invested with a degree of importance utterly denied to them three centuries ago. The defection of JMaitland may be taken as con- clusive proof at this time of the growing strength of the party of the queen. Throughout his busy and erratic career there was one guiding principle which the secretary kept steadily in view, and that was, amid the strife of parties ever to choose the strongest side. So unpopular, indeed, at this time had the regent become, that Maitland assured the queen that not one even of the clergy would oppose her return to Scot- land, with the solitary exception of Knox. J We shall find that upon the latter point his opinion was speedily confirmed. In the mean time events had taken place in Eng- land which seriously altered the position and the prospects of the Scottish queen. The project of her marriage with the Duke of Norfolk had been care- fully concealed from Elizabeth, in the belief that Mait- Ante, 244. t See Appendix H. X Maitland to Queen Maiy. He says if she can come to Scotland she will not have a man against her. — September 20 ; Record Office. 488 NORFOLK IN THE TOWER. [1569. land, on his arrival in London, might be able to overcome her opposition ; but the arrest of the secre- tary in Scotland, an expedient to which Murray had no doubt resorted to defeat the scheme, caused an inevitable delay; and while its promoters were hesitat- ing how to proceed, their secret was betrayed to the English queen by Wood,"''' the regent's secretary, and very probably by the orders of the regent. Elizabeth, who already entertained strong suspicions of Norfolk, was furious at the discovery, and after some hesita- tion she sent the duke to the Tower, and forbade his friends, Leicester, Arundel, and Pembroke, to appear at Court. The Bishop of Koss, Throgmorton, and Lord Lumley, another promoter of the marriage, were placed under arrest, and the most stringent means were taken to prevent the escape of the Queen of Scots. The Earl of Huntingdon was joined in the commission with the Earl of Shrewsbury, and a most rigorous search was made in her private repositories at Tutbury for any letters or papers relating to the marriage. None were found, and she complained with justice of the invasion of her apartments by the armed retainers of her two keepers. She was not aware that she had at this time a juster subject of complaint. Although no evidence of her assent even to the marriage had been found, a secret order had been sent down to the two earls, that in the event of any rising on the part of Norfolk's adherents, she should immediately be put to death, t Anderson, iii. 50-55. + See letter of the Earl of Leicester, printed in Tytler, vii. 383. Leicester says that the great seal was sent down to the two earls at this time as their warrant, in case of need, for the immediate execution of their prisoner. 1569.] FEELING IN THE NORTHERN COUNTIES. 489 The proceedings of Norfolk and his friends had been watched with deep interest in the northern counties, where the most powerful of the nobility and the great body of the gentry favoured the claims of the Queen of Scots. The two Earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland had been summoned to Hampton Court, with other of their peers, to examine the alleged proofs of her guilt. What opinion they entertained upon the matter we do not know ; but it is certain that their ardour in the cause of the captive queen was in no wise diminished by a sight of the papers produced by the regent. They conferred while in London with the Bishop of Eoss, with the Spanish ambassador, and with Eidolphi, a Florentine merchant and an agent of the Papal Court, regarding the means of liberating Mary; and both being zealous Catholics, the two earls were prepared, with the view of restoring the old religion, to entertain much more dangerous schemes than their confederates in the Council. They applied, through the Spanish ambassador, to the Duke of Alva, to send over a body of troops from the Netherlands ; they looked with confidence for a supply of money from the Vatican;'" and on their return home they secretly communicated their designs to their numerous Catholic friends. Leonard Dacre, the male represen- tative at this time of the Dacre of the North," and a man of a restless intriguing spirit, heartily approved of the enterprise. Egremont EatclifFe, a brother of the Earl of Sussex, agreed to join them ; and a number of the northern gentry — including the Nor- tons, Markenfields, Swinburnes, Tempests, and other families of note — were equally ready for a march to * Gonzalez, Apiintaniientos, 88. 490 THE REGENT AND NORFOLK. [1569. Tutbuiy whenever the Duke of Norfolk should give the word. But the duke had neither the ability, the courage, nor the inclination for an enterprise of this description. Although ambition had tempted him to seek the hand of the Queen of Scots, there is no proof that at this period of his career he meditated any treason against Elizabeth ; nor can we believe that as a Protestant, and supported in his scheme by the leading Protestant nobility, he could have approved of the design of the northern lords to bring a Spanish force into England. While he was only seeking to marry the next heir of the crown with the consent of his sovereign, his confederates aimed at a revolution both political and religious ; and to the want of concord between him and them on a point so essential to success Elizabeth was eventually indebted for her safety. While Norfolk was in the Tower, and his best friends were in disgrace, Elizabeth applied to the regent for any evidence in his possession respecting the projects of the duke ; and to retain the favour of the English queen, Murray at once, with characteristic baseness, betrayed the confidence of the man who had assured him a few months before that " his life was in his hands." Murray not only disclosed all"" that had passed between him and the duke at Hampton Court, * On the 13th October Elizabeth wrote to Murray desiring him to send up any proofs against the duke respecting the marriage ; and she adds, " The more evident the proofs shall be, the better shall we allow of you and your actions." — In Cecil's hand ; Record Office. On the 22d of October Murray replies from Hawick, that no diligence shall be want- ing on his part to procure the desired information. On the 29th he sends up his narrative and the letter of the Duke of Norfolk of 31st July, afterwards produced at the trial. — Record Office. 1569.] THE REGENT AND NORFOLK. 491 but he delivered up a letter which he had received from Norfolk some time afterwards, which clearly dis- closed his intention of marrying the Scottish queen, and which abounded in expressions of goodwill to the regent. Mr Froude"' points confidently to this letter as a singular tribute to the good faith with which Murray was acting and had acted throughout." From these expressions Mr Froude would lead his readers to conclude not only that Murray had acted a most honourable part throughout, but that the loyalty of his conduct had been expressly and gratefully ac- knowledged by the duke. But the date of Norfolk's letter at once proves the fallacy of this assertion. It was written in July, but it was not sent up by Murray till October. We have further to remark, that on the trial of the Duke of Norfolk, some fifteen months t afterwards, this very letter was produced as evidence against him, and before it was read he exclaimed, " The Earl Murray sought my life.'';j: Mr Froude, who describes at considerable length the trial of Norfolk, § is not only silent as to this damning fact, but he does not even so much as mention Murray's name in connection with that event ; and he thus leaves his readers under the impression that from •first to last the conduct of his immaculate hero to the duke was irreproachable. || Norfolk appears to have clearly foreseen that any premature movement on the part of the northern lords * Vol. Lx. 460. t In January 1571. t State Trials, i. 985. § Vol. x. 322. II Even Maitland peremiDtorily refused to betray the duke's confidence, although urged by Elizabeth and Murray to do so. " He has flatly denied to nie to being in any sort the accuser of the Duke of Norfolk." — Murray to Cecil; Chalmers, ii. 483. 492 THE NORTHEEN REBELLION. [1569. would prove fatal both to them and to himself."' But the hopes of the English Catholics were at this time extremely high. They looked with the utmost con- fidence for help from Spain ; and in the month of October another great royalist victory at Moncontour, where Coligni was totally defeated by the Duke of Anjou, encouraged the belief that in France the Huguenot rebellion was drawing to a close. Through- out Northumberland, Durham, and a great part of Yorkshire, secret preparations had been going on for some time, and in the beginning of November the leaders found that they could no longer recede with safety. Joining their forces, which consisted, ap- parently, of from 6000 to 8000 men, the two earls advanced rapidly upon Durham, which they entered without opposition on the 1 4th of that month. In the proclamations which they issued, they declared that they had taken up arms against the oppressors of the ancient nobility and of the true religion ; but no allu- sion was made to the Queen of Scots, whose unjusti- fiable captivity furnished the immediate motive for the rebellion, and whose title to the English crown it was the undoubted object of the insurgent lords to assert, t From their conduct in this emergency it would appear that Cecil and his mistress were better skilled in stirring up insurrections abroad than in putting them down at home. Sussex was in command at York, but the force at his disposal was so far inferior in numbers to the rebel army that he could not ven- ture to act on the offensive. Instead, however, of * See the evidence of Richard Cavendish on the duke's trial. t See Sir Cuthbert Sharpe's Memorials of the Northern Rebellion. 1569.] ADVICE OF LORD HUNSDON. 493 sending northwards without loss of time every avail- able man, the queen, to save expense, despatched the Earl of Eutland, a boy of thirteen, to call out his tenantry in the midland counties. Sir Ralph Sadler, who accompanied him, was instructed by Cecil, who had taken to his bed on the occasion, to be " tender and careful ^' with the young commander, and esjje- cially to admonish him if he was " negligent of resort to common prayer/'''^ But Elizabeth had a kinsman in the north who, fortunately for her, could both ad- vise and act in the face of danger. Lord Hunsdon, whose sterling qualities were never sufficiently appre- ciated by his jealous cousin, wrote in the most urgent terms that the Queen of Scots must be instantly moved from Tutbury.t His advice was followed, and she was hurried off under a strong escort to Coventry. The insurgents, a body of whom were by this time within a day's ride of Tutbury,;]: came to a sudden halt on learning this unwelcome news. The removal of the Scottish queen proved, in fact, a fatal blow to the rebellion. Disappointed in their hopes of effecting her release, the leaders determined to retrace their steps, and in their situation retreat was ruin. They had seized upon Hartlepool with the intention of opening up a communication with the Netherlands ; and they made themselves masters of Barnard Castle on their march northwards. But by this time the * Cecil to Sadler, "From Windsor in my bed," 20th November ; Sad- ler, ii. 34. t " For God's sake let her not remain where she is, for their greatest force are horsemen." — Hunsdon to Cecil, 20th November ; Border MSS. X It had been determined that Northumberland, Lord Wharton, and two of the Lowthers should advance with a strong body of horse and carry off the Scottish queen.— Border MSS. 494 RETREAT OF THE REBELS. [1569. Council was fairly alarmed. The queen at length con- sented that the levies of the southern counties should be called out ; and the Earl of Warwick and the Lord Admiral were appointed to lead them against the rebels. Threatened thus in front, while Sussex and Hunsdon were daily gathering recruits at York, the insurgent chiefs did not venture to risk an engagement, but on the approach of the queen s forces from the south, made the best of their way to Scotland. This unfortunate rebellion proved disastrous alike to its authors and to her whose wrongs it was under- taken to redress. Fe\V Englishmen coulcl regard with satisfaction the prospect of a Spanish invasion ; and while the negotiations of the insurgent leaders with the butcher of the Netherlands prevented many of the Catholics from joining their ranks, the Protestants of every class were united in their detestation of the treason meditated by their enemies. It was not with- out truth that Cecil could boast at this time that his mistress had been supported by her subjects "of all sorts without respect of religion ; " '''' and although we have no proof that Mary encouraged the rebellion, although she would have been abundantly justified in so doing, it enabled her enemies to assert that she was ready to engage in the most desperate schemes for the restoration of her religion and the ruin of her rival. On their arrival in Scotland, Westmoreland and his attendants, after some strange adventures among the outlaws of the debatable land, were hospitably received by the Laird of Fernihirst, near Jedburgh. Northum- * Cecil to Norris ; Cabala, 180. The Earl of Cumberland, with the Earl of Derby and his sons, were expected to join in the rebellion ; but they, as well as other noblemen, drew back, very probably in conse- quence of the dealing of the leaders with foreign powers. 1569.J CONDUCT OF ELIZABETH. 495 berland was less fortunate. He became the guest of Hector Armstrong of Harlaw, in Liddesdale ; and the scoundrel, whose infamy has been immortalised in Border song, betrayed him for a sum of money to the regent. Elizabeth was eager to obtain possession of the great northern earl, and Murray would gladly have complied with her request, but to deliver up a fugitive to certain death was a crime which even the thieves of Liddesdale regarded with horror ; and the regent, finding that he dared not outrage the universal feeling of the country,'" confined his noble prisoner in Loch- leven. Soon afterwards the regent summoned Fer- nihirst to give up his guest, but the Border chief treated his message with defiance and contempt ; and such w^as the strong feeling in favour of the English fugitives, that Murray did not dare to risk an attack on the stronghold of the Kerrs. In this rebellion no blood was shed except upon the scaffold. But although the insurgents had never ventured to meet the queen^s forces in the field, Eliza- beth, either through policy or panic, was impatient to inflict the most signal retribution on the disturbers of the peace. The granddaughter of Henry VH. and the daughter of Henry VHI. exhibited on this occasion all the rapacity of the one and all the remorseless spirit of the other. Her orders were, that such of the rebels as possessed lands should be reserved for trial, that upon their conviction for treason their estates might be forfeited to the Crown ; but that " those who had no freeholds, copyholds, nor * No one spoke more loudly against the proposed surrender than Morton, yet it was he himself who afterwards gave up Northumberland for a large bribe. — Hunsdon to Cecil, 11th January ; Record Office. 496 PUNISHMENT OF THE REBELS. [1569. any substance of lands, were to be immediately hanged by martial law." She further ordered that "the bodies were not to be removed, but to remain till they fell to pieces where they hung."'" She scolded Sussex because at York the work of the executioner did not keep pace with her thirst of vengeance ; and as the loyalty of that nobleman was suspected, in consequence of his brother's share in the rebellion, he was induced to obey her murderous orders to the letter. During the succession of rebellions which occurred in Scot- land in the reign of Mary, only three persons perished on the scaffold.t On the present occasion there were three hundred executions in the county of Durham alone, ;j: and it was not the fault of Elizabeth that the adjoining counties did not suffer in proportion. But the High Sheriff of Yorkshire had the courage to repre- sent to his mistress that " many places would be left naked of inhabitants" if he continued to obey her orders. § The Bishop of Durham had a month before addressed a remonstrance to the queen of a similar kind, but without effect. || * Record Office, notes by Cecil. t These were, Sir John Gordon at Aberdeen in 1562, and two persons for the murder of Riccio in 1566. X Memorials of the Northern Rebellion, by Sir C. Sharpe, 140. § Sir T. Gargrave to Cecil, 6th February ; Border MSS. We learn from Fenelon that the Earl of Warwick, who commanded in Northum- berland, also interceded vrith the queen on behalf of the rebels. Al'ter describing the severities of Sussex, the French ambassador says : " Au contraire le Comte de Varwick, s'y porte fort modestment, lequel a envoye supplier la royne d'octroyer remission a ces pouvres gens." —Vol. iii. 22. II Sadler, ii. 95. Sussex estimated the total number of executions to be " six or seven hundred at the least of the common sort, besides the prisoners taken in the field." — Sharpe, Memorials, 121, The Bishop of Ross estimates the total number at eight hmidred, which does not appear to be exaggerated. — See his Negotiations, in Anderson, iii. 1570.] A SPY AT FEPvNl HIRST. 497 The leading rebels were in the mean time beyond her reach. She had expected, or pretended to expect, that Murray would at once surrender them ; but Nor- thumberland alone was in his power, and to give him up to certain death was a step upon which, in the excited state of feeling in Scotland, he dared not venture. Under these circumstances, an attempt was made by Cecil and his colleagues to attain the object on which their mistress had set her heart by other means. A cousin of Westmoreland, named Eobert Constable, was induced to play the part of traitor to his countrymen. This man repaired to Fernihirst as the pretended friend of the earl and his followers, and strongly advised them to return to England and trust to the queen's clemency. He attempted, to use his own words, " to trap them that trust in me, as Judas did Christ." Westmoreland and his friends enter- tained not the slightest doubt of his fidelity, and they inquired if he could provide them guides. Constable replied that he could give them two Border outlaws who would rob anything or anybody, but would not betray any man that trusts them for all the gold in Scotland or France.'' The contrast between the mor- ality of these humble brigands and that of the well- born traitor who described it, must, if he was not dead to all sense of shame, have filled him with at least a momentary consciousness of humiliation. But no suspicion crossed the minds of the fugitives, and he * Sadler, ii. 114. It appears from Constable's letter tliat the fugitives were received into various houses along the Border. Westmoreland was at Fernihirst. At Branksome, with the Laird of Buccleuch, there were Egremont Ratcliffe, Sir John Nevil, Swynburne, and Markenfield. The Nortons were guests of Douglas of Cavers ; others were with Lord Hume, &c. 2 I 498 INSTRUCTIONS OF SADLER. [1570. left them in tlie belief that they would speedily follow his advice. To that effect he wrote to Sir Kalph Sadler. His letter was sent to Elizabeth, and through Cecil the spy was promised a large reward if he suc- ceeded in enticing the rebels to his house in Yorkshire, or to some other place in England ; " and for the better covering and colour of the enterprise/' says Sadler in his instructions, it is thought good that the matter be so handled as you also may he taken with them, and he outwardly charged as an offender with them against her majesty. If you can work this matter to effect, you shall win favour and liberal rewards at her majesty's hands." If he fails to induce his friends to return to England, he is then to try if he cannot, by means of bribes judiciously ad- ministered in Scotland, obtain possession of them ; but before concluding any bargain he is to communi- cate with Sadler, and the better terms he can make the larger will be his reward. Elizabeth was eager beyond measure to make prisoners of the rebel lead- ers, that she might try them for treason and con- fiscate their estates ; but parsimonious in the price she paid even for blood, she wanted to obtain them at as cheap a rate as possible. Fortunately for all con- cerned, the English fugitives eventually declined the perfidious advice of their countryman ; and from what he saw in Scotland, he did not venture, as Sadler had suggested, to try and find a second Hector Armstrong. Constable had had an opportunity of witnessing under peculiar circumstances the strong feeling of the country with respect to the surrender of the fugitives. In order to disarm suspicion, he spent a night at Jed- * Sadler, ii. 143. 1570.] STATE OF FEELING ON THE BOEDER. 499 burgh at a house which was the resort of the most desperate characters on the Border. They were drink- ing and gambling, and the spy sat down and joined them. A notion, it appears, had got abroad at this time that the regent intended to give up Northumber- land in exchange for the Scottish queen, and the pro- ject was denounced by the whole company in terms the most emphatic. They declared that if the regent made any such attempt, "the Borderers would start up and rive both the queen and the lords from him, for the like shame was never done in Scotland ; and that he durst better eat his own luggs than come again to Fernihirst ; if he did, he should be focht with ere he crossed Soutra edge.'"' As for Hector of Harlaw, they wished they had his head, that it might be eaten for supper." The spy could not have listened to the dis- course of that lawless company without a profound, and a very uncomfortable conviction, that if they had known, or even suspected, his true character, he would have speedily met at their hands the only kind of justice that was proverbially known in Jedburgh. Amid the monotonous scenes of violence and treach- ery which followed the suppression of the rebellion, the chivalrous spirit displayed by the Borderers, and their hearty determination to protect their unex- pected guests against all comers, stand out in pleas- ing relief. Constable appears to have heard with surprise the strong suspicions expressed as to the intentions of the regent, but they were speedily con- firmed. The position of Murray was in fact more insecure at this time than at any period since his ele- vation. In addition to the desertion of so many of his * A high hill on the road between Edinburgh and Jedburgh. 500 REMARKABLE LETTER OF KNOX. [1570. friends, he was well aware that the Hamiltons, as well as Huntly and Argyll, were prepared on the first opportunity to turn against him ; and the significant fact that the Laird of Fernihirst openly set his autho- rity at defiance, was a sufficient proof that he had lost much of that influence over his countrymen which he at one time undoubtedly possessed. Morton, Euthven, Lindsay, and a few of his old partisans, still stood by him ; but none of these men could supply the place of the friends he had lost, and he clearly saw that with- out extraneous aid he could not hold his ground. There was but one quarter to which he could look for help, and he turned to his old but fickle friend the Queen of England with an earnestness which suffi- ciently betrayed his sense of the perils by which he was beset. On the 2d of January a remarkable letter was ad- dressed by Knox to Cecil, in which he warns the secretary that "if ye strike not at the root, the branches that appear to be broken will bud again, and that more quickly than men can believe, with greater force than we could wish." On the same day the regent also addressed a letter to Cecil, informing him that Nicolas Elphinstone was about to proceed to London with certain important instructions to be laid before the queen. The nature of these we only know at second hand, for, unlike his confederate Cecil, the regent was not in the habit of committing his secrets to paper. From Cecil's notes we learn that the first point to which the reofent called his attention was the service * Record Office. The letter is signed " John Knox, with his one foote in the grave." 1570.] PROJECT OF MURRAY. 501 he had rendered in making a prisoner of Northumber- land. Upon hearing that the earl was in Liddesdale, Murray says that he marched an army to Peebles, and paid a reward for the delivery of the fugitive. After he was given up, an attempt was made to rescue him by a number of Scots and some Englishmen of the west Border, who killed one of the regent's captains and wounded various of his soldiers. The regent adds that he is using all diligence to apprehend the rest of the rebels. He then recounts at length the events of the last two years — namely, the deposition of his sister, her imprisonment, and her flight to England, where she had been sowing sedition, pretending title to the crown, and seeking a marriage with the Duke of Norfolk.''^ That her friends in Scotland, the Hamil- tons, Huntly, and Argyll, would ever be hostile to the party of the young king ; and that he had now to sustain the government " almost alone : " if, therefore, he was to continue in alliance with the Queen of Eng- land, he must have a sum of £2000 yearly, in addition to a supply of arms and ammunition. Lastly, he "remembereth to the queen's majesty the head of all these troubles to be at her commission; he also admon- isheth her that this late rebellion is not now ended, but that it hath more dangerous branches, and if now it be not remedied, the fault will be in her majesty." t The latter sentiment agrees so entirely with that of Knox, that, bearing in mind that he and the regent both addressed Cecil on the same day, we cannot * It was not a twelvemonth before that Murray had expressed himself to the duke as strongly in favour of the marriage, t Notes in Cecil's hand ; Record Office. 502 MYSTERIOUS MISSION OF ELPHINSTONE. [1570. doubt that they wrote with a common purpose, and that the source of danger to which both pointed was the Queen of Scots. Nor can there be any doubt that the real object of the mission of Elphinstone was to obtain the surrender of the Scottish queen,'''' and that the scheme which Constable had heard so fiercely denounced by the men of Teviotdale was at the very time under the consider- ation of Elizabeth.t Upon what terms the surrender was to be made we do not know ; but we know that after some deliberation and delay the proposals of the regent were accepted. On the 24th of January she addressed a letter to him, stating that she had deter- mined to send down to Scotland "some trusty friend," who would explain her wishes ; " and in such sort," she adds, " as you shall have very reasonable conten- tation and satisfaction as to the several matters thereof doth belong. And finding your servant desires to return, we would not detain him ; but in the mean time we hope you will, according to our expectation, pro- cure that our rebels remaining within that realm be apprehended and delivered, being such as manifestly are known as well to you and the States of Scotland as * There is in the Eecord Office a paper entitled an " Instrument hy the Earl of Murray," which represents the Queen of Scots as the source of constant danger to the kingdom ; that the danger is increased by her remaining in England ; " and that it is fit that the Queen of England be moved to send her back into Scotland," &c. The paper is without date, but preserved among the documents of December 1569. See also in Fenelon his letter of 15th January 1570, iii. 15; and Leslie's Negotia- tions in Anderson, iii. + Constable's letter is dated the 12th of January, by which time El- phinstone was in London. But the matter required serious considera- tion, and on the 18th Cecil writes to Sadler, " The regent's servant, Mr Elphinstone, is not answered, nor now shall not be until the next week at our coming to Hampton Court." — Sadler, ii. 139. 1570.] DEATH OF THE REGENT MURRAY. 503 to US, to have, beside their high treason intended against us and our crown, purposed the alteration of the religion professed'"' and established in both realms." It clearly appears, therefore, that the surrender of the fugitives was an essential condition of the mysterious bargain that was about to be concluded. But before he learned that Elizabeth had listened with approval to his proposals, the regent t had gone to his account ; * Record Office, 24th January 1570. The " trusty friend " was Ran- dolph, a very fit person for such an errand. t He was killed at Linlithgow on the 23d of January, the day hefore her letter was written. It is difficult to understand the motives of the regent in desiring at this time so earnestly the surrender of the queen. Her presence in Scotland could not have failed to strengthen her parti- sans, who were already sufficiently formidable ; and to put her to death was a desperate expedient, upon which, dependent on the Queen of England, as by his own confession he had become, he could hardly have ventured. But whatever may have been the real motives or intentions of Murray, we can have no difficulty in ascertaining those of Kjnox, who was clearly Acting at this time in concert with the regent. The hostility of the Reformer to the queen seemed to acquire increased intensity with his increasing infirmities. A few months before he had bitterly com- plained that " foolish Scotland would not obey the mouth of God when He had delivered that vile adulteress and cruel murtherer of her own husband in their own hands, to have suffered as her iniquitie deserved." — Letter dated 19th August 1569 ; Works of Knox, by David Laing, vi. 566. In his letter to Cecil of the 2d January he exhorts him " to strike at the root ; " and in his prayer on the occasion of Murray's death, a few weeks afterwards, he calls the queen that wretched woman, the mother of all mischief ; " and he adds, " 0 Lord, if Thy mercie prevent us not, we cannot escape just condemnation, for that Scotland hath spared and England hath maintained the life of that most wicked woman. Oi3pose Thy power, 0 Lord, to the pride of that cruel murtherer," &c. — Knox, Works, vi. 579. But we need not be surprised at this language when we know that he had prayed for her death long before any charge had been brought against her, except that of being a Catholic. There is extant a remarkable letter of Sussex to Maitland on this subject, written about this time, from which we learn that the regent and his faction, during the conferences in England, had urged Elizabeth to put their queen to death. " This," says Sussex, " I know well, that if her majesty would have digested that which was openly delivered unto her by the general assent of 7/oiir whole company, in such sort as yoit 504 CHARACTER OF THE REGENT. [1570. and it is more than probable that the bullet which cut short his career on the streets of Linlithgow pre- vented the consummation of even a darker deed than any that had yet disgraced the age. In the Eegent Murray we have the example of a man sincere in his religion and irreproachable in his private morals, who yet was goaded on by his ambition to the commission of the worst of crimes. It is easy, therefore, to understand that while his friends should have denominated him " the Good Eegent," his enemies denounced him as a forger and a murderer. There were, indeed, substantial grounds for this wide differ- ence of opinion. It cannot be denied that he possessed great abilities, and that, although unscrupulous in the exercise of his power, he was neither cruel nor vindic- tive. Nor can it be denied that while the lives of Arran, Bothwell, Morton, and other of the reforming nobles, strangely belied their professions, the house- hold of the regent was a model of propriety. But the early part of his public career is open to much suspi- cion, and the latter part is deeply stained with crime. That he was the first to sign the bond for the murder all desired, and earnestly (I will not say passionately) persuaded lier at that time to do for her own surety, the benefit of Scotland, and the con- tinuing of the amity between both the realms, there had been worse done to your queen than either her majesty or any subject of England that I know whomsoever you take to be the least free from passions, could be induced to think meet to be done." — Sussex to Maitland, 29th July 1570; Record Office : quoted by Tytler, vi. 138. This letter opens up a new scene of villany. Both Maitland and Sussex knew all that had passed at the conferences, and it clearly ai)pears that at the very time when the regent and his friends were seeking by means of theii- forged papers to destroy the reputation of their queen, they were secretly urg- ing Elizabeth to take her life. When so many implacable enemies were bent on her destruction, the wonder is not that Mary eventually fell a sacrifice, but that the catastrophe was so long delayed. 1570.] HIS sister's jewels. 505 of Riccio is not disputed ; that he signed the bond for the marriage of the queen with Bothwell, although he afterwards rebelled against her on that account, was believed even by his friend and confederate Cecil.'"' His subsequent conduct to his sister, his dealings with Elizabeth, and his base betrayal of the Duke of Nor- folk, display throughout a nature essentially treacher- ous and sordid ; and although he inherited, and could inherit, nothing,t his assiduous devotion to his private interests enabled him to accumulate, during his short career, wealth and possessions more ample than those of any nobleman in Scotland. It was to the bounty of his sister that he owed his worldly prosperity ; and she discovered, shortly after his death, that he had betrayed her confidence in a matter which, after her experience of his conduct, ought hardly to have caused the surprise and annoyance she expressed. She ascer- tained that a number of her most valuable jewels were in the possession of his widow. Mary immediately wrote to her, and after expressing her sorrow for the death of her husband, " although he had so unnaturally and unthankfuUy offended us,";j: she desired her ''in- continent after the sight hereof" to hand over the royal jewels to her lieutenants, Huntly and Lord Seton. There was one diamond in particular, the finest she possessed, and called, from its former owner, " the Great Harry," § which the queen was extremely * Ante, 297, and Appendix K. t Murray was born in 1531, and he was appointed Prior of St Andrews by his father when only seven years old. As to his subsequent acquisitions, see Chalmers, iii. 386. X 28th March, from Tutbury ; Robertson's Inventories, preface, 132, § It had been a present from Mary's father-in-law, Henry of France, and she had bequeathed it, in her testamentary inventory, to the crown of Scotland. — See the Inventory, ibid. 506 THE ASSASSIN OF THE EEGENT. [1570. anxious to recover; but the regent's widow, who possessed apparently all the acquisitiveness of her husband, not only refused to part with the gem, but she retained it in spite of all the efforts of Lennox, who succeeded Murray in the regency, and who de- sired, as he alleged, to obtain possession of it for his grandson.'" Another circumstance connected with the regent's death requires notice. Although Mary declared that she knew nothing of the plot against him, it is alleged that she nevertheless allowed a pension out of her French dowry to the assassin, who was a Hamilton and a nephew of the archbishop. This is the only material charge against Mary which her enemies have verified,t and it is one which cannot be justified. But it is to be stated in extenuation that Bothwell- haugh had been utterly ruined through his loyalty to the queen. He had fought at Langside, and had been taken prisoner ; and although his life had been spared, he had been stripped of everything he had in the world, including a small estate belonging to his wife, J * Robertson's Inventories, uM supra. It appears that, some time before, Murray had intended to sell the whole of his sister's jewels ; but Mary, having heard of his purpose, represented the matter to Elizabeth, and she earnestly " advised the regent to forbear the sale or other dis- posal of the same, for otherwise it shall be judged that the ground and occasion of all your actions proceedeth of a mind to spoil her of her riches, and greatly to benefit yoiu'self and your friends." — Record Office, 2d October 1568, Elizabeth to Murray. When, in the previous month of May, Elizabeth had bargained with the regent for Mary's pearls, and had obtained them far below their value, these considerations do not seem to have occurred to her. — Ante, 378. The sale of the pearls must have been kept a secret from Mary, for she does not refer to it in any of her letters. t See Mary's letter ; Labanoff, iii. 346. % According to the contemporary author of the 'Historic of King James the Sext' (75), she was turned out of her house under circum- 1570.] A FRESH REBELLION. 507 the loss of which, it is said, impelled him to take vengeance on the author of his ruin. In his last letter to Cecil, the regent had warned him that the late rebellion was not yet ended, and the prediction was speedily fulfilled. No one had been more deep in the secrets of the rebel leaders than Leonard Dacre ; but he remained in London during the insurrection, and although an object of strong- distrust to Cecil, he succeeded by his insinuating ad- dress in lulling the suspicions of the queen. After his confederates had fled to Scotland, he returned to his Castle of Naworth ; and in consequence of some discoveries that were made after he left London, Lord Scrope, the warden at Carlisle, was ordered to arrest him.'"' Upon learning the intention of his enemies, Dacre resolved to strike a fresh blow for the Scottish queen. The influence of his name and family was hardly inferior to that of the two great Catholic lords who had headed the late rebellion, and he possessed talents far superior to either. Dacre had calculated his chances well before deciding on another struggle. He knew that throughout the northern counties there was an immense amount of disafl'ection among the gentry,t and he knew that the people were burning stances of such extreme barbarity that she lost her reason. Her husband thereupon "was deliberat to putt his lyfe to fortoun, and avowit in divers oppin cumpanies to be avengit on the bastard regent, for these were his ordinar wordis," &c. * " We find daily more matter against Leonard Dacre to charge him with high treason." — Cecil to Sadler, 18th January; Sadler, ii. 139. t Sadler, writing a short time before from York, says : " There be not in all this country ten gentlemen that do favour and allow her majesty's proceedings in the cause of religion, and that the hearts of the common people for the most part be with the rebels." — Sadler to Cecil; Sad- ler, ii. 55. 508 ENTERPRISE OF LORD HUNSDON. [1570. with indignation at the barbarous treatment they bad so recently received. In Scotland, Elizabeth had lost in the regent her best friend, and the whole of the Border country from east to west was ready to rise for Queen Mary. Lord Hunsdon, like Murray, had warned Cecil that the danger was not over, and he added that if the sore broke out afresh, he'" feared it would be past all cure. The French ambassador t expressed himself in language equally strong ; and when 3000 English and Scottish Borderers assem- bled with incredible rapidity under the well-known banner of the Dacres, Elizabeth, although she did not seem to know it, was never in her life in greater peril. Buccleuch and Fernihirst sent word to Naworth that they were ready to march with 5000 men, and Leonard Dacre was in active correspondence with the Catholics in the south of England. But the singular good fortune of the English queen once more pre- vailed. Lord Hunsdon saw at a glance that if Dacre was allowed to form a junction with his Scottish allies and their English guests, the northern counties must be lost. But he was just the man for the emer- gency. He had only under his command at the time about 1500 men ; but they were mostly trained soldiers, and he resolved to surprise the rebel leader before he could communicate with his allies in the north. Moving rapidly from Hexham up the Tyne, he came suddenly upon Dacre's force on the little river Gelt, near Naworth. Being far superior in numbers, Dacre forthwith attacked the royal troops, and the first onslaught of the Border men proved all but irre- * Hunsdon to Cecil, 13tli January; Record Office, t Fenelon, iii. 35. 1570.] HE DEFEATS THE REBELS. 509 sistible. " It was," says Hunsdon, " the proudest charge I ever saw."''^ The fate of his mistress and of British Protestantism was trembling in the balance, while he thus eyed with honest admiration the prowess of his enemies ; but the steady discipline of his veteran troops, who plied their firearms with deadly effect, at length prevailed, and won a complete, though by no means a bloodless, victory. Dacre himself made his escape with difficulty t from the field, and fled across the Border, which was but a few miles distant. The enterprise and courage of Lord Hunsdon had nipped in the bud this dangerous rebellion, and it is pleasing to find that this brave soldier interceded suc- cessfully on behalf of the rebels who were taken or wounded in the fight. The disgraceful scenes which followed the suppression of the former insurrection were not repeated ; and during the remainder of the long reign of Elizabeth the tranquillity of the northern counties was not again disturbed. To the philosophi- cal student of history it is not a pleasing matter for reflection, that while the unexampled forbearance and humanity exhibited towards her rebellious subjects by Mary only encouraged them to fresh attacks upon her authority, the ruthless policy of her sister queen proved eventually successful. Hunsdon to Cecil, 20th February ; Record Office, t He was taken prisoner, but rescued by some Scots, — Hunsdou's letter, ubi supra. CHAPTEE XVI. CONCLUDING REMARKS. The history of Mary Stewart has left so indelible a stain on that both of England and Scotland, that we need not be surprised to find a majority, and probably a large majority, of the writers of both countries agreed in representing her as the victim of her own misconduct. Although it is natural to sympathise with misfortune, national pride and religious prejudice are sentiments far stronger; and nothing could be more humiliating to both than the reflection that an inno- cent woman had undergone a course of persecution to which all similar examples of State iniquity are but as dust in the balance. But there are three English historians of the seventeenth, eighteenth, and nine- teenth centuries respectively, who have arrived at this conclusion, and who, in point of research and accuracy, are certainly unequalled by any of their contempo- raries. These are Camden, Carte, and Lingard,""' whose We may add that the late Mr Markham J. Thorpe, of St Edmund's Hall, Oxford, in his preface to the calendar of the Scottish series of papers published by the authority of the Master of the Rolls, after examining and arranging all the original documents relating to the Queen of Scots, expresses himself as follows: "The evidence they contain is all- im- portant ; there is abundance of insinuation, there is much assertion of CONCLUDING REMAUKS. 511 works have hardly been referred to in this volume, as it has been my intention throughout to investigate the charges against the Queen of Scots as they have been presented by her enemies, and to test them chiefly by the evidence which they have supplied. Those historians who maintain that the Scottish queen was the victim, like so many of her ancestors, of her turbulent and treacherous nobility, have an easy task to perform ; but those who have adopted what may be called the popular view of the question, have an obvious difliculty in presenting to their readers an intelligible notion of her character and conduct. The caricatures of Knox and Buchanan have at least the merit of consistency. They deny her the possession of a single virtue, and they accuse her of every crime. But these extravagant creations have given place to others still more extravagant. The favourite fashion at present seems to be to paint her at once as the worst of criminals and the most estimable of her sex. Kindly, yet cruel — constant in her attachments, yet treacherous and fickle — generous and confiding, yet perfidious alike in planning and remorseless in executing her schemes of vengeance, — Mary Stewart has been presented to modern readers as a paragon of contradiction, resembling nothing else in history or even in fiction. In this estimate of the character of the Scottish queen, Hume, the ablest and the most indulgent, and Mr Froude, the most recent and most reckless of her guilt, but proof nowhere, so far as the compiler has been able to seek it." — Preface, 26. The testimony of this gentleman is most valuable, as it was his duty to examine in detail every original document, including what he justly calls " the monstrous letters " said to have been \mtten by the queen to Both well. 512 CONCLUDING REMARKS. modern adversaries, seem to agree. " The most ami- able of women"''' is an expression which slips, as it were, involuntarily from the pen of Hume when sum- ming up the qualities of Mary. Mr Froude, although he denounces her as the worst and most abandoned of her sex, and in language unprecedented among his- torians of any age,t nevertheless informs his readers that she was " warm J and true in her friendships ; " that she had " a noble nature ; and that she was generous " § in the extreme. It is difficult to see what more could be said even by the most devoted of her admirers. But there seems to be an unaccountable confusion of ideas in the notion thus presented of the character and qualities of this celebrated queen. We can well understand that a person of an amiable, constant, noble, and generous nature, might, under the impulse of some strong and sudden provocation, be induced to commit a great crime. But that is not the charge against Mary Stewart. She is accused of a murder requiring in its execution not only the greatest de- liberation, but the most consummate deceit, practised not on one occasion, but for a considerable length of time. She is accused of feigning the tenderest affec- tion for the husband she abhorred, that she might lure him to the snare prepared for him by his assassins. To assert that any human being, possessed of the high moral qualities attributed by her modern adversaries to Mary Stewart, could have been guilty of such * Chap. xlii. t See vol. ix. 44, where he compares her to " a brute." Yet in the very next sentence he speaks of " her noble nature." X Vol. viii. 191, note. § Vol. ix. 250. CONCLUDING REMARKS. 513 monstrous wickedness, is an absurdity which refutes itself. Yet Mr Froude seeks, apparently, to reconcile the existence of all these virtues with all this depravity. By quoting two or three unfriendly remarks from Spanish envoys, the motive for which has been suffi- ciently explained'"' — by accepting as authentic the letters produced at Westminster — by accepting as genuine the " depositions " of Paris, which even Buchanan rejected, although they bear his name as an attesting witness — by accepting as genuine the fictions of the * Detection,' and even, when it serves his purpose, by inventing fictions of his own,t — Mr Froude has made out, to all appearance, a very strong case against the Queen of Scots. But how to reconcile all this wickedness with the noble and amiable quali- ties which he attributes to the royal criminal is a problem which he leaves his readers to solve for themselves. * The refusal of the Queen of Scots to sign the Catholic league. t Of this, one notable instance has been given. It is well known to every one acquainted with the history of the controversy, that one of the most suspicious circumstances connected with the alleged letters of the queen to Bothwell is the absolute silence of her enemies at the time of the pretended discovery. Mr Froude gets over the difficulty by boldly asserting not only that the confederate lords were surprised and indignant beyond measure at the finding of the letters, but that they forthwith sent off one of their number to acquaint Murray, who was then in Paris, with the fact, and to urge him to return to Scotland. For all these details, so circumstantially narrated, not a vestige of authority is given {ante, 346). See also the speech put into the queen's mouth at the time when she was intercepted by Bothwell, for which no authority is given {ante, 302). With respect to Mr Fronde's general treatment of the subject, the . reader is referred to three very able articles by Professor Wiesener of Paris, in the 'Revue des Questions historiques' for April, July, and October 1868 ; and also to the preface to the second edition of the recent work of Mr Alexander M'Neel Caird, * Mary Stuart, her Guilt or Inno- cence.' 2 K 514 CONCLUDING REMARKS. Mr Burton has another theory as to the supposed guilt of the Scottish queen. " Mary," he says, was evidently one of those to whom at that time a great affair of the heart was a necessity of life." But why at that time ? Mary had lived for upwards of four years of widowhood in France and Scotland, and, although constantly surrounded by watchful and hos- tile eyes, without reproach of any kind.t This is a most important fact to be considered in estimating her character and disposition, and one which is too generally lost sight of. It may be admitted, notwith- standing, that if her marriage with Bothwell was a purely voluntary act, the presumption of guilt would be strong against her; but we have shown that the stories circulated at the time respecting her infatuated attachment to that personage | rest either upon hearsay or on the authority of notorious enemies. We have shown that they are contradicted by the indisputable evidence which we possess of her actual conduct both before and after her marria2:e. Her earnest desire to return to France after Darnley's death, a fact which Ave learn from the Spanish ambassador in Paris, at * Vol. iv. 324. t The insinuations regarding Chatelar to be found in Knox were cir- culated long after the event. X We have no contemporary description of Bothwell except from Brantome, who describes him as " le plus laid honmie et d'aussi mau- vaise grace qui se piit voir" (Des Dames illustres, disc, iii.) Lord Hailes observes upon this picture, " As far as I can judge, Brantome never saw Bothwell" (Remarks on the History of Scotland, 167). It is surprising that a writer so careful as Lord Hailes should have thus attempted to impugn the testimony of Brantome. It is well known that that lively writer accompanied Mary to Scotland, and Bothwell was * present at the first Privy Council which she held in Edinburgh — namely, on the 13th October 1561 (see Keith, ii. 104). But it is most jDrobable that Brantome had seen Bothwell in France long before that time. CONCLUDING REMARKS. 515 that time an unfriendly witness ; the precarious state of her health as described by Drury, another hostile witness ; her miserable condition on her wedding-day, as witnessed by Du Croc ; and the still more con- clusive fact that she parted from Bothwell within a month afterwards, and against his wish, are circum- stances wholly incompatible with that absorbing pas- sion with which her enemies assert she was possessed. And when we consider who these enemies were, and the overwhelming interest they had in transferring the suspicion of the king's murder from themselves to Bothwell and to her — when w^e consider the un- fathomable craft of Murray, the unrivalled subtlety of Maitland, and the cynical contempt of all morality and justice habitually displayed by Morton — we need not be surprised at their success. That the true object of the marriage — namely, the ruin of Bothwell and the queen — was suspected even before it took place, we know from Drury ; and when we look at the formi- dable array of names appended to the " Ainslie " bond,t it is impossible to see how she could have avoided the snare prepared with such consummate art for her destruction. A temporary retreat to France, to which she instinctively looked J amid the unknown perils to which she was exposed, could alone have saved her ; but the implacable jealousy of the queen-mother cut off her only chance of safety. The same lawless oligarchy which had sought, while she was in France, to deprive her of her crown — which had done its utmost to prevent her return to Scotland — which had risen in rebellion against her * Ante, 315. f Appendix K. X Letter of Frances de Alava, 15tli March 1567 ; Teulet, v. 22. 516 CONCLUDING REMARKS. after her marriage with Darnley — which had plotted her destruction at the time of Eiccio's murder, — at length accomplished her ruin by forcing her to marry Both well. And when we look back at the singular forbearance which she displayed on all occasions, we are tempted to conclude that, like the foremost man of all the ancient world, whom in the magnanimity of her nature she certainly resembled, she fell at last, through her extreme indulgence to her vanquished enemies. If Elizabeth had been in her place, can we for a moment doubt what would have been the fate of Murray and Chatelherault, of Morton and Glencairn ? Yet in the darkest hours of her existence, even when she hailed the prospect of a scaffold as a blessed relief from her protracted sufferings, she never once expressed a doubt as to the verdict that would be finally pronounced between her and her enemies. "The theatre of the world," she calmly reminded her judges at Fotheringay, " is wider than the realm of England." She appealed from the tyranny of her persecutors to the whole human race ; and she has not appealed in vain. The history of no woman that ever lived approaches in interest to that of Mary Stewart ; and so long as beauty and intellect, a kindly spirit in prosperity and matchless heroism in misfor- tune, attract the sympathies of men, this illustrious victim of sectarian violence and barbarous statecraft will ever occupy the most prominent place in the annals of her sex. * HoweU's State Trials, i. APPENDIX. APPENDIX A. The Earl of Sussex to Sir William Cecil. — See Lodge, Illustrations of British History, i. 458. Upon your request and promise made in your letters of the 16th, I will write to you fully what by any means I conceive in this great matter, although the greatness of the cause, in respect of the person whose it is, the inconstancy and subtle- ness of the people with whom we deal, and the little account made always of my simple judgment, give me good occasion of silence. And, therefore (except it be to the queen's majesty, from whom I would not wish any thought of my heart to be hidden), I look for performance of your promise. This matter must at length take end, either by finding the Scotch queen guilty of the crimes that are objected against her, or by some manner of composition with a show of saving her honour. The first, I think, will hardly be attempted, for two causes : the one, for that if her adverse party accuse her of the murder by producing of her letters, she will deny them, and accuse the most of them of manifest consent to the mur- der, hardly to be denied ; so as, upon the trial on both sides, her proofs will judicially fall best out, as it is thought. The other, for that their young king is of tender and weak years and state of body; and if God should call him, and their queen were judicially defaced and dishonoured, and her son, in respect of her wickedness, admitted to the crown, Hamil- 2 L 518 APPENDIX. ton, upon his death, should succeed ; which, as Murray's faction utterly detest, so, after her public defamation, they dare not (to avoid Hamilton) receive her again for fear of revenge. And, therefore, to avoid these great perils, they surely intend (so far as by any means I can discover) to labour a composition ; wherein Lydington was a dealer here ; hath by means dealt with the Scottish queen, and will also, I think, deal there ; and to that end I believe you shall shortly hear of Melvil* there, who, I think, is the instrument be- tween Murray, Lydington, and their queen, to work this composition; whereunto I think surely both parties do in- cline, although diversely affected for private respects. The Earl of Murray and his faction work that their queen would now willingly surrender to her son, after the example of Navarre, and procure the confirming of the regency in Murray ; and therewith admit Hamilton and his faction to place of council according to their states ; and to remain in England herself, with her dowry of Erance, whereunto I think they would also add a portion out of Scotland. And if she would agree to this, I think they would not only for- bear to touch her in honour, but also deliver to her all matters that they have to charge her, and denounce her clear by Par- liament ; and therewith put her in hope, not only to receive her again to her royal estate if her son die, but also, upon some proof of the forgetting of her displeasure, to procure in short time that she may be restored in her son's life, and he to give place to her for her life ; and if she will not surrender, it is thought Murray will allow of her restitution and abode in England, so as he may continue regent. The Hamiltons seek that the young king's autliority should be disannulled ; the hurts done on either side recompensed ; and the queen restored to her crown, and to remain in Scotland. And yet, in respect of her misgovernment, they are contented that she should be governed by a council of the nobility of that realm, to be appointed here ; in which council there should be no superior in authority or place appointed, but that every nobleman should hold his place according to his state ; and that the queen's majesty should compound all differences * Sir Robert, brother of the author of the Memoirs. LETTER OF THE EARL OF SUSSEX. 519 from time to time amongst them. And, to avoid difference and peril, their queen should have certain houses of no force, and a portion to maintain her estate. And the castles of Edinburgh, Stirling, and Dunbar, and other principal forts of the realm, to be delivered into the hands of upright noblemen that leaned to no faction ; to be sworn to hold them in sort to be prescribed ; and that the whole nobility of Scotland should swear amity, and should testify the same under their hands and seals. And that the queen's majesty should take assur- ance for performance ; and have the bringing up of the young prince in England, by nobility of England or Scotland, at her appointment. And so as this might take effect, I think they might easily be induced to consent their queen should also remain in England, and have her dowry of France, and a portion out of Scotland, to maintain her state and her son's, in places to be appointed by the queen's majesty. Thus do you see how these two factions, for their private causes, toss between them the crown and public affairs of Scotland, and how near they are to agree if their private causes were not ; and care neither for the mother nor the child (as I think before God), but to serve their own turns. Neither will Murray like of any order whereby he should not be regent styled ; nor Hamilton of any order whereby he should not be as great, or greater, in government than Murray. So as the government is presently the matter, whatsoever they say was heretofore the cause ; and, therefore, it will be good that we forget not our part in this tragedy. The opinion for the title to the crown, after the death of their queen and her son, is diversely carried, as the parties are affected to these two factions. The Hamiltons affirm that the Duke of Chatelherault to be the next heir by the laws. The other faction say that the young king, by his coronation and mother's surrender, is rightfully invested of the crown of Scotland ; whereby his next heir in blood is, by the laws, next heir also to the crown ; and thereby the duke avoided. The fear of this device makes Hamilton to withstand the king's title for the surety of his own, and the regency of Murray in respect of his claim to be governor, as next heir to the crown ; for which causes it is likely Hamilton will hardly yield to the 520 APPENDIX. one or the other ; and yet J ames Macgill, an assured man to Morton, talks with me secretly of this matter, and (defending the right of the Earl of Lenox's son, as next heir in blood to the young king) confessed to me that he thought, because it came by the mother, it must return, by the law, to the mother's side, which was Hamilton ; but it would put many men on horseback before it were performed ; whereby you may see what leadeth in Scotland. There is some secret envy between Lydington and Macgill ; and, as I think, if they agree not by the way, you will find Lydington wholly bent to composition, and Macgill, of himself, otherwise inclined. If the queen's majesty would assure their defence, you may deal with them both as you see cause. Thus far of that I have gathered by them ; wherein, if they do not alter, I am sure I do not err. And now, touching my opinion of the matter (not by way of advice, but as impart- ing to you what I conceive), I think surely no end can be made good for England except the person of the Scotch queen be detained, by one means or other, in England. Of the two ends before written, I think the first to be best in all respects for the queen's majesty, if Murray will produce such matter as the queen's majesty may, by virtue of her superiority over Scotland, find judicially the Scotch queen guilty of the murder of her husband, and therewith detain her in England at the charges of Scotland, and allow of the crowning of the young king, and regency of Murray. Whereunto, if Hamilton will submit himself, it were well done, for avoiding his dependency upon France, to receive him, with provision for indemnity of his title ; and if he will not, then to assist Murray to prose- cute him and his adherents by confiscation, &c. If this will not fall out sufficiently (as I doubt it will not) to determine judicially, if she denies her letters ; then surely I think it best to proceed by composition, without show of any mean- ing to proceed to trial ; and herein as it shall be the surest way for the queen's majesty to procure the Scotch queen to surrender, &c., if that may be brought to pass, so, if she will by no means be induced to surrender, and will not end except she may be in some degree restored, then I think it fit to consider therein these matters following : — LETTER OF THE EARL OF SUSSEX. 521 First, To provide for her and her son to remain in England at the charges of Scotland. Secondly, To maintain in strength and authority Murray's faction, as much as may be, so as they oppress not unjustly Hamilton. Thirdly, To compound the causes between Murray and Hamilton, and their adherents ; and to provide for Hamilton's indemnity in the matter of the title, to avoid his dependency on France. Fourthly, That the queen's majesty order all differences that shall arise in Scotland ; and to that end have security of both sides. Fifthly, If Hamilton will wilfully dissent from order, it is better to assist Murray in the prosecuting of Hamilton by confiscation, although he fly therefore to France, than to put Murray anyways in peril of weakening. And, lastly. To foresee that these Scots on both sides pack not together, so as to unwarp (under colour of this compo- sition) their mistress out of all present slanders, purge her openly, show themselves satisfied with her abode here, and, within short time after, either by reconcilement or the death of the child, join together to demand of the queen the delivery home of their queen to govern her own realm, she also making the like request; and then the queen, having no just cause to detain her, be bound in honour to return her into her realm, and for matters that in this time shall pass, have her a mortal enemy for ever after. And thus, ceasing to trouble you any further, I wish to you as to myself. From York, the 22d October 1568. — Yours most assured, T. Sussex. 522 APPENDIX. APPENDIX B. The Book of Articles presented to the Commissioners of Queen Elizabeth at Westminster by the Earl of Murray on the 6th of December 1568. {From the Hopetoun MS., the property of the Earl of Hopetoun.) Articles contenying certane coniectouris presumptionis liklie- hoodis and circumstances, be the quhilkis it sail eui- dentlie appeare That as James sumtyme erle boithuile wes the cheif executour of the horrible and vnworthy mnr- ther perpetrat in the persoun of vmquhile king henry of gude memory father to our said souerane lord, and the quenis lauchfull husband Sa wes she of the foirknawlege counsell devise persuader and commander of the said murther to be done and mantenar and fortefear of the executoures thereof diuidit in five partes. The first part contenis the alteratioun of the said quenis affectioun fra vmquhile king henrie our souerane lordes father hir lauchfull husband of gude memory In converting hir ardent lufe towardis him in extreme disdayn and deidlie hatrent. The secund part contenis the said quenis inordinat affec- tioun borne to James sumtyme erle boithuile in the liftyme of the king hir husband zea baith before and efter his murther. The thrid part contenis the conspiracy devise and execu- tioun of the said vmquhile king henryes horrible murther be the said queue his wiff and boithuile. The fourt part contenis the sequele of the said murther fra the committing thairof to the accompleshyng of the pretendit and vnlawfull mariage betuix the said queue and boithuile. The fyft and last part contenis how be occasioun of the pvnishement of the said murther neglected The noblemen and others gude subiectis tuke amies and detenit and seques- trat the said quenis persoun for a tyme and of thair proced- ingis thaireftir. THE BOOK OF ARTICLES. 523 The first part contenyng the alteratioun of the quenis mynd and affectioun fra vmquhile the king our souerane Lordes father hir lauchfull husband be converting hir ardent luif towardes him in extreme disdayn in deidlie hatrent. Efter hir vehement luif borne towardes the king quhair- vpoun followit the mariage solemnizat betuix thame the xxix day of Julij 1565, she suddanlie alterit the same about november nixt thaireftir, for she removit and secludit him fra the counsale and knawlege of all counsale affairis, quhairby it apperit the luif lasted not aboue thre monethis betuix thame. About the begynnyng of Januar in the same zeir a new cunze of syluer wes diuisit to be sett furth, quhairon baith thair faces wes ordanit to be imprentit and in the circum- scriptioun his name preferrit, as it wes in all letters and paten tis continewalie efter there mariage and quhill his death, zit in euident takin of hir disdayne towardes him she causit the forme of that cunzie be suddanlie alterit and in the circum- scriptioun placit first hir awin name as maria et henricus dei gratia Regina et Eex scotorum contrar the ordour of nature and observance of all princes in the like cais. Continewing in hir disdayn she determinat to seclude him fra all knawlege of the publict effairis and to the end that be subscriving with hir (to quhilk honour she wilfullie accepted him) he suld not vnderstand quhat lettres past, she caused mak a printing Irne and vsed the same in all thingis in place of his subscriptioun. Off all the noblemen then exilit she granted remissioun onely to the duke of Chastellerhault, knawin Inemy to the king hir husband his fader and haill hous, in his and thair dispite. And knawing the king had opponit him thairto gif he had bene maid previe to the same She causit signe the remissioun with the printing Irne as the kingis subscriptioun, vtterlie refusand the like fauour to the remanent noblemen of hir awin and the kingis surname and vtheris ancient freindis to the hous of lennox Nothwithstanding the king hir hus- bandis ernest desire and speciall requeistis of the quenis Maiestie of england and king of france send to that effect. Throw this hir disdayn continewit aganis the king hir hus- 524 APPENDIX. band not onely schew she this speciall and extraordinar fauour to his knawin enemy Bot begoiith to be rigorous and extreme to his freindis and kinsmen namelie to the erle of Mortoun chancellar of the realme fra quhome she causit the greit seill be takin The keiping quhairof propirlie belangeth to his office And put the same seill in the custody of vtheris aganis the lovable ordour and custume of the cuntre he haifand the office of chancellary and keping of the greit seill for his lif- tyme and having committit na offence that culd be impute to him. Althocht the printing Irne of the kingis counterfut subscrip- tioun wes tint zit continewing in hir disdayne she wald not permit the king to subscriue lettres and signatures with hir passing in the names of thame baith Bot Inuentis a new devise And in place of his subscriptioun writt Fiat efter hir awin name for warrand to the signet and scales Secludand him thairby vtterlie fra the knawlege of the state of the realme. This hir ruitit disdayn still continewing a litle before hir deliuerance of hir byrth In Maij or Junij 1566 In making of hir later will and testament She named and appointed boithuile amangis vtheris to the tutele of hir birth and yssue and governament of the realme Incais of hir deceis, And ^^lnaturaly secludit the father from all kind of cure and regi- ment ower his awin childe avancing boithuile aboue all vthers to be lieutenent generall, gif warres suld happin In the princes less aige. She disponit also her haill movables to \i:hers beside hir husband. And least reasoun suld haue owerthrawin this hir later will amangis the nobilitie eftir hir deceis, she caused thame gif thair solempnit aith for observance of the haill contentis thairof without inspectioun of ony thing con- tenit thairin. Being deliuerit of hir byrth and thaireftir convalescit of hir infirmetv The kino- hir husband suitino- to be admittit to bed with hir wes reiected And she disdanyng him and fieing his cumpany suddantlie past out of tha castell of Edinburgh be watter to alloway conducted with certane notorious pyratis Sic as William blacatar, edmond blacater Leonard Robertsoun Th omas Diksoun and thair felowis avowit men and dependers on boithuile To the greit admiratioun of all honest personis THE BOOK OF ARTICLES. 525 Seing hir tak the sea without ony ane honest man to accum- pany hir, quhilk william blacater thaireftir wes at the murther of the king hir husband and wes iustefeit to the deid for the same. In alloway quhat wes the forme of hir behaviour anew persauit litle to thair contentatioun Seing it mair wantonlie then honestlie and far exceding the modestie requisite in sic a personaige. Alwayis the king hir husband hearing of hir suddane departing quicklie followit, and be streuiling come to Alloway Off purpose to attend vpoun hir according to his dewetie Bot at his cuming he nother ressauit gude coun- tenance nor hertlie intertenyment of hir And scarslie had reposed him his servandis and horsses with meit quhen it behuvit him to depart Sa greit wes hir disdayne that she culd not suffer him remane in hir curapany nor zit wald she declair ony glaid cheare in his presence. Heireftir in September 1566 She ludgit in the chekkerhous in Edinburgh, and the king lying at streuiling thoght gude to assay agayne gif sche wald accept him to familiaritie, quhilk she hering purposelie fled out of the chekkerhous and past to the palace of halyrudehous, quhair the king cuming, he wes reiected and rebuked opinlie in presence of diuerse lordes then of hir pre vie counsale quhill he wes constrenit to returne to streuiling. By the way out of corstorphin he wreit to hir lamentand his evill intreatment and fremit vsaige. About the middes of October she lying extreme seke in Jedburgh, the king in haist come fra streuiling to visite hir, quhair of hir nor na vther he ressauit nother gude wordes nor gude countenance, nather meit drink nor ludging wes preparit or appoyntit for him Bot the queue in the extremitie of hir seknes continewit in hir disdayne In sic sort that nane of the lordes or oflficiaris there attending durst anys luke to him or do him reverence and humanitie. And specialie sche fearing that my lord erle of Murray nov/ Eegent suld schaw him that beneuolence to gif him his chalmer She sent my Lordes wifif spedelie to the chalmer/'willing hir to counterfute hir self to be seik To the end the king suld not sute the ludging. Or in case he socht it my lady Murrayis seiknes mycht be a suffi- cient excuse quhy he suld not haue it. Swa compellit to bor- 526 APPENDIX. row the Beschope of orknayis bed for that nicht, he returned agane to streuiling Being willit zea and commandit not to resort to Monsr. le counte de biran the king of frances ambas- sadour qnhill the tyme of the babtisme that his apparell mycht be prepaired, fearing he suld hane discoverit his hard and vnnaturall intreatment Bot qnhen all this difficulty wes maid to gett him ludging meit and drink for a nycht She wes sa cairfull for boithuile evin in the extremitie of her seiknes That she causit him be transportit fra his ludging in the toun quhilk was nathing inferiour to ony vther noble mannis aisiament and placit him in hir hous in the chalmer directlie under hir awin. In the moneth of november 1566 she come to craigmillair. The king her husband not ceassing his affectionat lufe and fauour towardis hir come thider Offering him self as become the husband to the wifiP. Bot quhen he had thair continewit a certane space, he nowther fand hir passioun and cholear mitigat nor be ony his gude behaviour culd procure her luifing countenance and permissioun to pas to bed with hir Bot partlie persaudit and partlie minassed to returne to Streuiling, as the place appointed for his exile and purgatory, he was willit as afore na wayis to haue intelligence or resort to the foreyne ambassadouris, quliill the tyme of the babtysme, vnder pretext and colour that his garmentis wer not prepairit. Quhen in december the appointed tyme of the babtysme approchit, the queue past to streuiling agane quhilk solemp- nitie she prepaired and gaif to boithuile out of hir awin coffers and coft be hir proper money diuerse riche habulzea- mentis, at the devise and fassoning quhairof hir self wes Mr of work, And tuke nales cair to haue the samin decorit aboue the state of the remanent noblemen nor gif she had bene his bound servand. And on the vther part not onely wes the king her lauchfull husband left desolat without ony kind of preparatioun diuisit or maid for him to the aduancement of his honour in the time of sic a triumphe Bot he was propoislie restranit fra access to the foreyne ambassadouris and thay willit to forbeare societie with him being all day within the castell of streuiling As alswa the noblemen of Scotland and sum officiaris that be hir awin appointment wer directed of before THE BOOK OF ARTICLES. 527 to attend on his service at the tyme of the said babtysme wer inhibite ayther to accumpany him or schaw him gude visaige or courtesy. This hir vnnaturall dealing in the sicht and audience of foreyin princess ambassadouris sa far deiectit him in curage That disperatlie he departit furth of streuiling to glasgow quhair his father than maid residence. Bot afore his depart- ure to augment his greif in euident declaratioun of hir indurit disdayn, she causit hir Mr houshald and vthers hir officiaris Tak fra him all the plaitt and siluer veschell that wes ap- pointed for him the tyme of there mariage and quhilk had bene occupyit for his vse and service continewalie thaireftir And in place thairof gart deliuer pewder platis and veschell, and causit the servandis appointed be hir ordour to await on him, leif his service and cumpany. During this quhilk haill tyme, bot specialie eftir the de- liuerie of hir byrth she sa procedit and continewit in hir disdayn that she culd not be content ony nobleman or gen- tleman or familiar servand of hir hous suld do honour to the king hir husband vse familiaritie or cumpany with him or convoy him on the hie gait And gif ony did Incontinent she conceavet sic suspitioun of thame That thay taisted of hir evill will and bitter Indignatioun. And because hir clieif study and travell wes to retene him fra hir cumpany and furth of hir presence Sche committit him as it wer to ward first, during hir keping bed in dalkeith eftir hir byrth And thaireftir in streuiling continewaly quhill the babtysme, fra quhilkis places quhen sum tyme he repairit towartis hir as particularly is before expressit, she dischargit hir officiaris to furneis him ony kynd of expenssis Concluding he suld haue nathing bot in the rowme quhair she willit him to abyd and remane. Quhilk deiectioun and solitar state Joynit with his povertie and necessitie of neidfull thingis, may be compted not onelie exile and fremmit banyshement from the court Bot als a strait and miserable ward to ane personage of his byrth aige and calling In all this tyme boithuile governit baith the court and publict effaires Sa that without his moyen na noblemen or vther subiect had place of fre speiclie with the quene, or credite or exped the leist sute they culd mak. 528 APPENDIX. The seciind parte concernyng the said quenis inordinat affec- tioun borne to James sumtyine erle boithuile in the liftyme of the king hir husband baith before and eftir his murthure. As hir disdayne begouth aganis the king her lauchfull husband quhome be godis ordinance she aucht to haue pre- ferrit in honour and governament before all vtheris She pro- movit boithule to the office of lieutenent generall ower all the bordouris And maid him generall of hir men of weir Causand thair captaynis of futemen to gif thair aith to him and mak thair haill dependence vpoun him. - Quhairas na prouision wes deuisit for the support and sus- tentatioun of the king hir husbandis honorable estait (a sober pensioun furth of the bishoprik of Eoss except) she gratefeit boithuile with the rentis of the abbayis of melross hadingtoun and northberwik with promise of the abbay of scone, how sone the same sail vaik and becum in hir handis be consent of the dimissioner or deceis of the possessor thairof his kins- man. In March e v° thre scoir five zeris She gaif and disponit heritablie to Boithuile The landis and lordschip of Dumbar with the heritable keping thairof quhilk than wes deliuerit In his handis with the haill polder and ane great part of the mvnitioun of the Eealme of Scotland The same landis and lordschip being of the proper patrimony annext to the Croun and specialie* assignit to the sustentatioun of hir hous. In September the zeir of god j^^ thre scoir sex zeris She being at Maister Johnne balfouris hous in the cannonegait and the chekkerhous within Edinburoh Boithwell had con- o tinewall access to hir baith nycht and day, quhen as the king hir husband wes fremmitlie removit and secludit from hir so- cietie not sufferit to remane with hir ane houre. Hir beha- viour in the said Chekkerhous furth schew how at that tyme sche abvsit hir body with him, he resorting through Maister David chalmeris ludging quhair she lay convoyit to hir be the lady Eires* Moyen quhilk hir self hes confessit to diuerse * That this lady was a confidant of Queen Mary appears only from the writings of Buchanan, from the alleged letters toBothwell, and from these Articles. Mary bequeathed to her none of her jewels, as appears from THE BOOK OF ARTICLES. 529 And specialie he breking the appointed tryst at ane tyme And she impatient of his tary and delay, send the said Lady Rires to his chalmer for him Quhilk lady passing ower the dyke at the nearest Tuik him out of the bed fra his wiff and brocht him to the Quene. In October following The zeir of god Jaj v° thre scoir sex zeris Being in Borthuik As she wes Intendit to pas to Jed- burgh She hard of boithuillis hurting to the death in Liddis- dale, quhairat she wes sa astunysed That vtterand hir Inor- dinat affectioun She departed in haist first to Melross syne to Jedburgh nevir taking kyndlie rest quhill she come to the armitaige in liddisdaill, and saw him, without respect of the Intemperance of the wether and tempestuus air The lenth and difficulty of the way Or the danger of hir persoun amangis the handis of notorious theifis and traitouris. Throw quhilk excess returnyng to Jedburgh, she fell in ane havie and grevous seiknes, quhairin to all manis apperance she wes deid, And aduertisement thairof past be poist in france. Quhat Inordinat cair she tuik to prepair all thingis for his transporting fra the armitage to Jedburgh and for his ease- ment thair, bot cheiflie how befoir he wes convalescit of his hurtis She causit him be transportit furth of the Ludging appoynted for him and be placit within hir hous directlie vnder hir awin chalmer, quhair she spairit not to visie him evin before hir convalescing, and how familiarly they had cumpany togidder at that tyme in very suspitious maner Tliay that wer present persauit, and the warld in thay same dayis begouth to speik of it Compairing boithuillis Intertenyment with that quhilk the king hir husband ressauit at hir handis quhen he come fra streuiling to visite hir. Fra Jedburgh as she Jornait throw the Merss the nycht she lay in coldinghame The lady Eires wes intercepted cumand the Inventory lately published, nor did Lady Eeres hold any appoint- ment in the queen's household (see Teulet, ii.) ; and the list there given was made out in February 1567, at the very time when they were asserted to be on the most intimate terms. The fact of Lady Reres being a niece of Cardinal Beaton may account for her being made an object of calumny in the libellous publications of the day. — See on this subject Queen Mary's Inventories, preface, 93, note. 530 APPENDIX. throw the watche quha was In cumpany with hir and quhair she intenclit to pas, they knew weill that met with hir And the propois wes not altogether unknawin to sic as at that tyme attendit in the quenis cumpany. At the baptisme of the king now oure souerane lord and before the samin It wes mervelous to behald the qnenis cair and solicitude taken for preparatioun of apparell and riche sarmentis to Boithuile, of hir awin stuff be hir awin devise and commanding of the craftismen, quhen as na kynd of thing wes appointed for the king in apparell furniture or vtherwise Bot he fremmitlie sequestrat fra all societie of the foreyne am- bassadors being all within streuiling castell at on[es]. The tyme of the said baptysme she causit begin to mak a passaige betuix hir chalmer in the new work or palace within the castell of streuiling and the great hall thairof Thinking to haue had access at all tymes be that meane to Boithuile, quhome purpoislie she causit be ludgit at the north end of the said greit hall, as evidentlie apperit to all that wer present for the tyme, and as the vnperfected work this day testifeis, quhilk wes left of be ressoun it culd not be endit and serve to thair commoditie, for that thay departed furth of streuiHng before it culd be perfect. The same tyme becaus syndre gentlemen of the lenox and vtheris the kingis freindis resortit to streuiling during the solempnytie of the baptysme Boithuile tuik sic feare that he causit xii or xiiii servandis ly round about his bed in armes, and she movit be the gruge of hir gyltie conscience consav- ing the like feare and suspitioun for the said erle commandit gilbert balfour hir Mr houshald for the tyme to bring within the castell fiftie harquebusies for boithuillis gaird, quhilkis cuming to the castell zett without knawlege of the erle of Mar capitane thairof he refusit to gif thame entre. Quhen she vnderstude that the erle of Murray intendit to convoy the erle of bedfurde ambassadour for the Quenis Maiestie of england throw fyff to his hous at sanctandrois She willit the said erle of Murray to desire Boithuile to accumpany thame to Sanctandrois That it mycht appeare they wer guid freindis, quhilk according to hir desire my said erle of Murray now Regent did, and boithuile condiscendit, bot THE BOOK OF ARTICLES. 531 nather he nor the queue mynding sic thing Thay departit togidder towart Drymmen the lord drummondis hous, abyding there five or sex dayis And fra that come to tuUybardin. In quhat ordour they wer chalmerit during thair remaining in thay twa houssis mony fand fault with it that durst not reprove it. How lasciuius alsua thair behaviour was It wes verie strange to behald notwithstanding of the newis of the kingis grevous Infirmety, quha wes departed to glasgow and thair fallin in deidlie seiknes. Eeturnyng to Streuiling and still continewing in hir inor- dinat affectioun to boithuile, She thocht she culd not suffi- ciently persuade him of hir fauour without she deliuerit hir sone alswa in his handis as a plege thairof. And for that purpois she begoud to find fault with the princes ludging as lacking gude air, and in the extremitie of the cauld wynter causit him to be transportit out of the castell of streuiling to the palice of halyrudehous quhair he wes vnder the gard of boithuile and the suddartis quhilkis wer euir at his command- ment, and specialie the tyme that the queue raid toward glasgow to convoy the king to Edinburgh. Finalie this hir inordinat affectioun to Boithuile begynnyng as she enterit in dysdayne with the king hir husband Con- tinewit not onely to his murthure Bot the said boithuellis place credite and auctoritie wes in sic estimatioun with hir That onelie he had the mvnyment of all the publict effaires and without his knawlege nathing wes exped at the quenis handis. And fra September. 1566. he become sa familiar with hir baith nycht and day that at his pleasour he abusit hir body to the consummatioun of the king hir husbandis murthure, quha in all that tyme wes neuir permittit to remane paciently the space of xlviii houris togidder in hir cumpany Bot quhen he ingyrit him self to remane and attend vpoun hir according the husbandis dewtie, quha be excusis persuasionis or scharp minassings he wes compellit to retier to sic places as she appointed Boithuile in the meantyme remaning in cumpany with hir and vsand all thingis at his pleasoure. Off the quhilkis disdayne and extreme hatrent consauit aganis hir husband, and inordinat affectioun borne to boithuile with quhome she abusit hir body in hir said husbandis lif- 532 APPENDIX. tyme in manner aboue expremit, Necessary followith the compassing and deliberatioun takin of his death and distruc- tioun and consequentlie the execntioun of his murthure. The thrid part contenyng tlie conspiracy deuisit and execn- tioun of the said kingis horrible murther be the Quene his wiff and Boithuile. Eftir hir lang disdayn continewit aganis the king hir hus- band and Inordinat affectioun borne to boithuile, Increscit hir indurit and deidlie hatrent aganis the king in sic sort That she impacient langar to be abstractit fra abusing hir body in publict maner with boithuile At the occasioun of a lettre writing to hir be the king quhilk she ressauit being at kelso in hir progres as she returnit fra Jedburgh about the begynnyng of november. 1566. she burstit furth in direct wordis to my lord now Eegent the erle of huntley and the secretar, sair gretand and tormentand hir selff miserablie as she wald haue fallin in hir seiknes and said without she war quyt of the king be ane meane or vther, she culd neuir haue a gude day in hir lyff, And rather or she fallit thairin, To be the Instrument of hir awin death. In the samin moneth at hir cuming to craigmillar quhair she reposit a quhile before hir passing to Streuiling for the baptysme, she renewit the same purpois quhilk she spak of before at kelso In the audience of the said erle of Murray now regent the erles of huntley ergile and the secretair proponing that the best way to be quyt of the king hir husband wes be diuorce, quhilk mycht easalie be brocht to pas throw the consanguinitie standing betuix thame, the dispensatioun being abstracted, quhilk she causit be socht and brocht afoir pur- poislie to that end Bot seing it anserit how that culd not be gudelie done, without hazard that the prince hir sone suld be declarit bastard. Sen nather the king hir husband nor she contractit that mariage as ignorant of the degres of consan- guinitie quhairin thay stude. She vtterlie left that consait and opinioun of diuorce And evir from that day furth Imaginit and deuisit how to cut him away by death. And first in the begynnyng of december. 1566. at hir cum- ing to streuiling for the baptysme, She causit the king hir THE BOOK OF ARTICLES. 533 husband remove furth of William bellis ludging to the castell, And thair placit him in ane obscnir and narrow rowme at na better estait nor a presoner,. during all the tyme that the am- bassadouris remanit thair to quhome he had neuir access, bot remanit coveritlie quhill his departing to glasgow, being all tyme seruit of his meit furth of the quenis kitchene be hir officiaris and servandis. Quhat he resauit thair god knawis Bot Immediatlie efter his departing out of streuiling before he had riddin half a myle, he fell in sa grevous and sa un- couth seiknes as he wes dispairit of his lyff Bot zit raid ford- wart to glasgow And lay thair all the tyme thaireftir, quhill she drew him to Edinburgh. That it was poysoun that grevit him apperit be the broking out of his body and mony vther circumstances quhilk alswa James abirnethy chyrurgian at the sycht of him playnelie jugeit and spak In this alswa apperit hir cruelty That she refusit to send hir medicinar or ypothicar to visite him. Bot this his marvelous seiknes (in all mennis jugementis seamyng rather artificiall then naturall) wes zit owercum be zouthheid and nature And she hering of his convalescing Tuke propois with Boithuile in Edinburgh To pas to glasgow and bring the king to Edinburgh And she being at glasgow traveling to bring the king with hir She wrait to boithuile to see gif he mycht fynd out a mair secrete be medicine to cut him of nor that way quhilk betuix thame thay had conspyrit and deuisit of his distructioun before hir cuming from Edinburgh. For it apperis weill thay had diuisit the fatall hous for him before she raid to glasgow, with whome past boithuile and the erle of huntley quhill she come to callander And thair re- maning with hir a nycht they returnit to Edinburgh and she raid furthwart to glasgow. Bot boithuell at his cuming to Edinburgh ludgit in the toun, quhair custumably he vsit to ly at the abbay And rising in the morning tymous he past directlie to the kirk of feild, to visite and consider the hous prepairit for the king quhair he wes fund be diuerse quhilks for sindre effairis socht him that morning And he was richt sair offendit that ony suld haue fund him thair And from glasgow be hir lettres and vtherwise, she held him contine- waly in rememberance of the said hous. 2 M 634 APPENDIX. Being in glasgow suddanely she alterit hir fraward counte- nance and disdayne lang continewit aganis hir husband In dissemblit reconsiliatioun and hertlie intertenyment And howbeit he was not throughlie convalescit and notwithstand- ing that he fearit his liff (as she hir self writtis) and wes myndit to pas furth of Scotland, zit vpoun hir promise and treasonable dealing, she entystit and perswadit him to cum to Edinburgh with hir quhair his death and distructioun wes concludit and eftir execute betuix hir and boithuile. And in declaratioun that it was onelie hir craft and subtile persuasioun that drew him furth of glasgow As thay wer ryding furth the way by kiisyth she past afoir desyrand him to follow hir eftir in the litter Bot he evin than suspectand his liff, Said he wald returne to glasgow gif sche tareit not with him, And she not willing to'spill the propois that wes sa far broght to pas [not] onely returnit to him bot lichtit and gaif him meit furth of hir awin handis. Zit she had na will to pas in Edinburgh, quhill she knew assuredlie that the hous quhair the kingis ludging and all vther thingis neidfuU for the murthure wer prepairit Quhair- fore she remanit at linlythgow quhill hob ormistoun ane of the murtherars quha is condempnit thairfore come to hir declarand that boithuill wes returnit Edinburgh and had prepairit all thingis. At hir cuming to Edinburgh she convoyit the king to the appoynted ludging Bot he of accident ryding a litle afore hir lichtit in the kirkzard of the kirk of feild, and past directlie to the duik of chastellerhaultis ludging becaus it wes the maist gudelie hous he saw ewest the kirk, thinkand it thair- foir to be preparit for him. Bot the beschop of Sanctandrois purpoislie ludgit in it at that tyme onely to debar the king fra it, and the queue finding him standing at the zett of the duikis hous, desirit him and causit him cum to the vther vn- worthy hous prepairit for his distructioun, quhilk was vnmeit in all respectis for ony honest man to luge in, situat in a solitar place at the outmest parte of the towne, ruynous waist and not inhabite be ony of a long tyme before, and subiect on all sydes to euident perrell, having foure seuerall intresses, at every ane quhairof his evilwillairis mycht easalie have access. THE BOOK OF ARTICLES. 535 ane of thame throw the townewall, ane other eistward toward the blak freir zaird, The thrid throw the chaiplanis chalraer, and the fourt the foir entre. To the effect that the horrible murther thus conspirit mycht the mair easalie be done Thair wes double keyis maid of the haill durris of the said hous and deliuerit in the handis of Johnne of boltoun servand to boithuile quha wes ane of the cheif executoiires of the murthure with his handis. Bot the keyis of the dur betuix the kingis chalmer and the hous vnder it quhair the queue lay and quhair the pulder wes put in wer deliuerit to Archibald betoun and parice frenscheman the quenis awin cubicularis. Bot to abuse the warld be apperance of that new reconsi- liatioun betuix hir and [hir husbjand to the end the having of certane keyis of the ludging suld not be fund suspitious in hir servandis handis, she lay in the hous vnder the king, quhair also thaireftir the pulder wes placit, being ane vnmeit place for a prince to ludge in, twa nychtis viz. the wedinsday and fryday before his murther, quhilk wes than concludit to haue been execute on the fryday at nycht, bot zit stayit partlie becaus the preparationes wer not all ready and partlie in respect of ane other moyen, quhilk she practized vpoun settirday at eftirnone betuix the king and my lord of haly- rudehous Thinking it mair semelie to haue hir husband cuttit of be sic ane accident preceding in contentioun then be the pulder and raising of the hous. For on settirday she spak the king anent sum comunica- tioun that had bene betuix him and the said lord Eobert And the same denyit be him she brocht thame togidder in the kingis chalmer the same day at eftirnone And thair con- fronting thame neuir left to provoke the ane aganis the other quhill in hir awin presence fra wordes she causit thame offer straikis And in hir it stude not bot they had maid end of the mater evin thair, nathing caring quha suld be victour Bot thinking the ane being slane, the vthe suld schortlie follow, Juging the same the maist commodious moyen to colour the murther interprisit, quhilk in hir lettres to boithuill she termes oure effaires. Vpoun the sonday at nycht she and boithuill soupit in Mr 536 APPENDIX. Johnne balfouris hous in the canongait quhair the beshop of His maid banquet fra the quhilk boithuill past directlie to the laird of ormistonis chalmer aboue the bow in Edinburgh, and thair with the said laird hob ormistoun his father brother Johnne hepburne of bowtoun and Johnne hay youngar of talo, devisit and concludit vpoim the convoying of the pulder towardes the kingis hous The queue past vp the way to that same hous and gaif the king all maner of Intertene- ment to colour the act, quhairof the executioun foUowit sa neare for she said she wald ly thair all nycht: howbeit in the meanetyme Parice hir familiar servand in hir chalmer, was in the laich hous quhair she lay the nychtis preced- ing and oppynnit the dur thairof Takand in the pulder and the murtherars thairat, for he kepit the key that oppynnyt to that entres of the garding And becaus thair wes a bed and some tapestrie of valour in that ludging sett vp for the king befoir his cuming thairto She causit remove the samin be the kepaires of hir gardrop to Halyrudhous on the fryday preced- ing the murther, and ane vther wors wes sett up in the place thairof quhilk she thocht guid anewch to be wairit in sic vse, seing it was destinat for the same. The pulder being laid in the laich hous quhairat boithuile in proper persoun was present, he come thair fra in to the kingis chalmer And eftir he had plaid at the dice a quhile with the vtheris lordes quhilkis attendit thair on the queue Parice come up out of hir chalmer and gaif ane signe that all wes prepairit, Quhilk sa sone as she persauit (being kissand and familiarlie Intertenand the king, at quhilk tyme she pat ane ring on his fingar) she said, I haue faillit to bastian, that this nycht of his mariage promisit him the mask And swa Incontinent cryit for hors and departit toward halyrudehous boithuile being in hir cumpany. All the way quliill hir cuming to the palice, and eftir hir lichting In hir awin chalmer she hell purpois with boithuile alanerlie quhill eftir xii houris in the nycht. For the laird of tracquair captane of the gaird being the last man that tareit in the chalmer that nycht left thame togidder and past to his bed Eftir quhilk boithuile departit as it had bene to his THE BOOK OF ARTICLES. 537 bed in the lord Euthvennis hons, quhilk had passaige baith within and without the palace, and Incontinent changit his hois and doublet, and past without delay to the execution of the murther, quhilk being done he retumit directlie to his said chalmer at the palice, passing and repassing by hir watche. The fourt part contenyng the sequele of the said murther fra the committing thairof to the accompleshing of the pre- tendit and vnlawfull mariage betuix the quene and boithuile. The murther thus continewit in a strange and vncouth maner Notwithstanding the horrible crak of the pulder in the owerthraw and raising of the hous, quhilk astonysed and walkynnet the maist part of the inhabitantis of the toun, zit it nowther fearit nor movit the quene na mair nor evir sic thing had bene. Thaireftir boithuile being raisit furth of his bed be Mais- ter george halket his man cuming furth .... * befoir his Maister slepit The said boithuile and certane vtheris lordis and ladyes lying in the palice past to the quenis chalmer and declarit the king was deid, zit she wes litle alterit or abaysit of thay strange newis Bot desirit thame to pas to the towne and se the maner And thaireftir slepit soundlie, dureis and wondois all closit, vnsperand farther newis quhill twelf houris at none. The same monnonnday quhilk wes the xii of februar. 1566. at eftirnone the mater being wonderit at, and great execra- tioun in the mouthis of the multitude aganis the authors of that myschevous fact, for the maners saik a counsale wes convenit in the erle of ergilis chalmer To mak sum schaw of Inquisitioun, quhair Thomas Nilsoun and sum otheris that lay in the kingis hous wer iriquirit amangis vther thingis quha preparit and ordainit that hous for the king, vtheris sperit quha had the keyis To quhome the said Nilsoun answerit that there wes certane keyis namelie they that wer in the handis of the quenis servandis Archibald betonis and * Margin of MS. frayed. One or two words gone. 538 APPENDIX. Parice, quhilkis he nor na vtlier servand of the kingis evir ressauit, quhilk the laird of tuUibardin comptrollar hering, said thair is a griind. Bot boithuile and vtheris of the coun- sale persaving the perrell neuir dippit farther in the triall and inquisitionn, bot grudgit at the erle of Athole and comp- trollar In sic sort, that it behvuit thame for feare of thair lyffis to leave the court, quhairvnto thay neuir returnit during the said erle boithuillis bearing of rule. Vpoun the morne eftir the murther quhilk wes twysday the ellevint day Margret Carwod the quenis familiar and secrete servand (quhais gret credite in all thingis is not unknawin to our aduersaires) was mareit within the quenis palace, and the banket maid on the quenis charges quhilk declarit that the dule schortlie for the king decayit, and thair wes the dayis following mair travell for the inquisitioun of certane money stowin fra the said Margret nor for the kingis murther re- cently committit preparit. The kingis persoun wes left liand in the zaird quhair it wes apprehendit the space of thre houris na man anes preas- ing to carey the same away, quhill the Irascall people trans- portit him to a vile hous neir that rowme quhair befoir he was ludgit quhair he remanit xlviij houris as a gasing stok without ony cair takin of him saulffing certane .... * pur- poselie sat to keip the entre That his corps suld not be sene be the multitude, fearing that they movit be the sicht suld haue bene induced suddanelie to mak vproare, Thair was purpois haldin in counsale of his honorable buriall and conclusioun takin that his cors suld be takin and brocht to the chapell within the palace of halyrudehous and thair remane quhill preparatioun mycht be maid for his buriall and honorable intertenement quhilk suld not haif bene accomplesit quhill the end of fourty dayis. Notwith- standing in manyfest declaratioun of hir continewit hatrent aganis his deid body, she causit the same be brocht fra the kirk of feild to the said chapell of halyrudehous be certane sol- diours pynouris and vtheris vile personis vpoun ane auld blok of forme of tre. And eftir that the corps had lyne certane dayis in the chapell quhair alswa she beheld it The same * Margin of MS. frayed. One word gone. THE BOOK OF ARTICLES. 539 corps without ony decent ordour wes cast in the erih on the nycht without ony ceremony or cumpany of honest men. This vnworthy vsaige of the kingis body and the oversicht and neglecting of triall and Inquisitioun for his murther movit the commoun people to affix placardis secretlie in all publict places naming and declaring the murtherars cheiflie boithuile quha wes ay the bettir fauourit, and had place to call, and trouble all payntouris and vtheris suspectit for working or affixing of the saidis placardis Swa that all the inquisitioun that dewly aucht to haue bene takin for the kingis murther wes turnyt and vsed aganis the vpputtaires of the saidis placardis Quhilk notwithstanding fra tyme to tyme continewit zit least it suld appeare that natliing at all wer done for the murther, Thair wes a proclamatioun sett furth promitting a thousand pund to ony that wald reveill the murtherars quhilk wes not lang vnanserit, for be a new placard It was offerit That the money being consignit in ane equale hand The mur- therars suld be revelit and the avower suld vtter his name, zit nathing foUowit. Bot in the parliament she set furth ane act aganis the affixers of the saidis placardis Making the doing thairof cry me of lese maiestie. And at the pronuncia- tioun of the act in the parliament hous, Said gif she war that woman quhilk the placardis namet She wes not onely vn- worthy to Eeigne aboue sa ancient a people, bot wes alswa vnworthy to leif on the face of the earth. Howbeit the erle of [Lennox the] kingis father mony tymes writt to hir not onelie Eequirand the murther to be tryit Bot alswa namand boithuile in speciall and certane vtheris of the murtherars, and craving that they mycht be put in ward quhill the end of the triall, zit she vtterlie neglectit schiftit and delayit the same, And wilfuUie retenit the nominat and knawin murtherair of hir husband in hir cumpany in cheifest honour and familiaritie Rewardand his servandis and com- plices at all occasionis. Bot seing the incessant crying of my lord erle of lennox for Justice Sa directlie tweching the erle boithuile hir cheif mynioun, with quhome she had now oblissit hir self to marie, ze, as Weill apperis before the murther of hir husband, vnto the quhilk mariage without sum forme of purgatioun of boith- 540 APPENDIX. uile Thinking it decent for hir to proceid Sum of tlie coun- sall wer tliairfore comniandit to convene in seytoun, And consultatioun takin how and in quhat fassoun he mycht be quytt of the murther, quhairvpoun lettres wer direct, sum- monding the erle of lennox and all vtheris haifing intres to persew boithuile on fourty dayis warning aganis the order of law in sic caissis observit, for the cryme being tressoun as they that ar callit aucht to be summondit on xl dayis warning. Sa gif the suspect traitour sute his awin purgatioun as boith- uile than did, The father mother wiff barnis king and freindis of the murtherit king aucht to haue bene summondit To persew on the like space of xl dayis, as the murtherar mycht haue cleamit Incais he had bene directlie persewit at thair Instance And farther becaus Lady Margret the kingis mother wes furth of the Kealme, hir premonitioun aucht to haue bene on Ix dayis according to the lawes of Scotland. Zit impatient of the delay of that vnlauchfuU mariage, quhairvnto she Intendit with the murtherar of hir husband, Eftir the summondis direct, and before the day that the mur- therar tholit law, he being cled with a lauchfuU wiff of his awin The queue maid the secund contract of mariage with him daitit at Seytoun the v day of Aprile and writtin be the erle of huntley 1567 subscriuit with baith thair handis as. a reward and recompence of the murther quhilk be hir advise he had committit. Vpoun the xii day of Aprile. 1567. appoynted to try for the fassoun the murtherar be the law, diuerse noblemen and vtheris, knawing quhat wes intendit and suitin[g to] eschew the strait Ernistlie travellit that thay sould not be on his assyse or inqueist Notwithstanding thay war compellit be the queue extraordinarlie to be present at the actioun and to be of the nowmer of the samyn Inqueist. Quhair of dewetie she aucht to haue takin speciall cair and vtter diligence for the persute of hir husbandis murther, be the contrar hir soldiouris wer appoynted to attend on boithuillis persoun as a gaird for his defence quhen he past and returnit to and fra the tolbuith, hir aduocattis also wer expreslie defendit to persew him, And to the end the mater suld haue past furthwart without stop or contradictioun They accusit THE BOOK OF ARTICLES. 541 him of ane murther committit on the nynt day The kingis murther indeid being committit on the tent day. The dictay wes alsua presentit aganis him vnsworne. And notwith- standing of the ernist soHstatioun of my lord erle of lennox, bot als of the quenis maiestie of englandis request send for differring of that day, In consideratioun of that Inordinat and partiall proceding intendit, quhill a tyme mair oportune All wes vtterlie refusit, becaiis nathing wes regardit, bot anys to haue clemgit be ane meane or vther, that the mariage mycht follow. Befoir this tyme thair wes a counterfuted dule, quhilk albeit it lastit scars audit dayis of fourtie That according to the custume of princes ar dew, zit the seremony was sa evill observit evin in the aucht and ten dayis nixt eftir the murther That hary killegrew the quenis Maiestie of englandis servant deprehendit the ordour of the hous all perturbit as he come to the quenis presence (Then for the maner saik keping the bed) howbeit in his access he wes not suddane nor indiscreit Sa diflficill it is to feingze dule out of a joy us heart. Few dayes eftir the murther remaning at halyrudehous, she past to seytoun, exercing hir one day richt oppinlie at the feildis with the palmall and goif, And on the nycht planelie abusing hir body with boithuell, quha in that hous wes placit in a derne and obscure chalmer directlie vnder hirs, haifing a secrete passaige betuix, be the quhilk he had access to hir at his appetite The said chalmer being altogether vnmeit for a nobleman of sic state and credite as he bure at that tyme, And thair being mony ma sufficient housses beside the samyn occupyit be meane men, Gif that the chalmer had not bene vsit purpoislie to the effect abouespecifeit. And albeit Monsr. de Crocq ambassadour for the king of france drew hir out of seytoun to Edinburgh, zit sche thocht tlie place of seytoun sa proper for thair vsaige, that schort quhile tarey- ing at Edinburgh returnit agane to seytoun. Eftir the murther of the king hir husband be advise of boithuile and vtheris then hir cheif counsalouris she thocht not onely that the erledome of lennox wes fallin in hir handis be ressoun of waird throw deceis of the king hir husband, hir sone the prince now our souerane lord being lauchfull and 542 APPENDIX. riclituous air tliairof Bot als she causit diuers of tlie fre tenentis of the said erldome fyne for the waird of thair proper landis And disponit a part of ye propirtie thairof to the lord boyd. Alswa she disponit hir said vmqiihile husbandis horss clething armour and quhatsoeuir wes his to boithuell his cheif murtherar and vtheris his knawin vnfreindis in manifest prufe of hir continewit hatrent aganis his deid body and of hir fauour born to his murtherars. And to the end she mycht the mair easalie attene to the mariage of the murtherair, quhilk cnld not be quhill dinorce wer maid and led betuix him and his lauchfiill wiff the erle of huntleyis sister. The qnene restorit the said erle of huntlie be parliament to his leving, for the quhilk he perswadit his sister to subscriue a procuratorie that the diuorce mycht be persewit in hir name. The queue neuir ceassit eftir the murther of hir husband quhill she had the erle of Mar displacit out of the castell of Edinburgh quha and his father had trewly kepit the same of a lang continewance And schortlie placit the murtherair thairin and pat the haill mvnitionis of the realme in . . . * The parliament of the erle of huntleyes restitutioun being endit vpoun the xix day of aprile 1567 The lordis being callit to suppar be boithuile at his hous than kepit within the palace of halyrudehous, quhilk was Invironed with his gaird of men of weir, Eftir suppar he proponit a band to them to subscriue for avanceing of him to the quenis Mariage, quhilk they refus- ing to subscriue without hir awin advise and knawlege of hir opinioun. She subscriuit a lettir at the first motioun in takin of hir consent and guidwill, he then being cled with a wyff, and the king hir husband murtherit litle attour twa monethis of befoir. In quhilk space she had past twa contractis to marie him ane without a dait, the vther of the fyft of Aprile, And she desirit the said lettre of hir consent to be kepit secrete. Nixt for coverture of thair vngodlie and filthye vsaige con- tinewit a lang tyme, thay devysit a counterfuted revising of hir persoun And for that purpois she raid to streuiling as it war to visite hir sone on monnonday the xxi of Aprile and on * Margin of MS. worn. One or two -svorcls gone, — probably " his hands." THE BOOK OF ARTICLES. 543 the wednisday returnit at nycht to linlythgow, he on the vther part feingzeing him to ryde in liddisdale convenit a cnmpany of armit men and according as had bene afore deuisit and as she writt to him furth of linlythgow, he mett hir and revisit hir, conveyand hir in haist to Dumbar castell, quhair he plane- lie past to bed with hir, abvsand hir body at his pleasour, qnhilk forme of revising he practized alswa to his awin advantaige Thinking it being a cryme a lesemaiestie to tak a remissioun thairfore as he did, And vnder the same cryme to comprehend the kingis murther Incais it mycht be tryit thaireftir. Being thus led and detenit as apperit captiue in Dumbar ^ diners noblemen writt to hir, Eequiring to knaw the trewth of hir strange and Irreverent handilling, and offering to convene hir forces and releif hir Maiestie, she planelie mockit at and schew na signes of discontentatioun. In the tyme of hir remaning at dumbar be the space of viij or ix dayis a diuorce wes led in twa formes betuix boithuile and his lauchfuU wiff not without the quenis ernist solista- tioun to the Jugeis and vtheris that mycht further the same she notwithstanding professing hir self captiue, quhilkis di- uorcementis weill considerit ar null, That quhilk is grouiidit on adulterie vpoun his parte for lak of pruif and insufficiency of the witnes. The vther for consanguinitie standing betuix him and his wiff procedit onelie becaus the dispensatioun wes abstracted, the pure man nominat Juge being diuerss tymes minascit of his liff. Sentence being pronuncit in this vnlawfull diuorce, she and boithuell removit frome Dumbar to the castell of Edinburgh, haistit be all meanis to accompleis the pretendit mariage be- tuix thame, And thair maid the thrid contract of mariage, gaif him the erledome of orknayand lordschip of Zetland heretablie, quhilk of befoir she had disponit to hir brother my lord Kobert of halyrudehous The redar alswa of the kirk of Edin- burgh Eefusand to cry hir bandis she writt commanding the same expreslie to be done, abiding than in Edinburgh castell. And vpoun monnonday the xij of Maij eftir hir bannis wer cryit, she come furth of the castell to the tolbuitli of Edinburgh And thair in presence of the lordis of counsale and 544 APPENDIX, sessioun and diuerse noblemen declarit that albeit she wes commovit for the present of hir takin be boithuile zit for his guid behaving towardis hir she stude content with him, declar- and that she forgaif him and his complices, and declarit hir self at liberty quharin hir deip assimulatioun may easalie be espyit. In all this tyme she nenir reqnirit the avise and opinioiin of hircounsale and nobiletie towardes hirmariage norneuir enterit propois thairof quhill the eftirnone afoir it wes acconipliced, And then the samin being proponit The lordes that wer present thoght greit evill of that forme of proceding and spak in plane termes they culd not approve the mariage Onles the band quhilk was subscriuit on the xix of Aprile wer destroyit for satisfactionn of qnhome the qnenis consent to that band wes written vponn the same paper and she subscriuit it. And vpoun thurisday the fyftene day of Maij.1567. wes the said pretendit and vnlauchfuU mariage endit and accumplesit in twa fassions quhilk Monsr.duCrog the frenche ambassadoure sa greitlie disdaynit That being ludgit within a very schort space to the palace of halyrudelious, he wald not at the quenis desire pas to banket. Swa, Apperandlie to oure jugement les presumptionis nor heir ar expresit suld serue for the full prohatioun of this mater Considering that queue Jane of napillis being of the like cry me accusit was adiugit culpable of the same, far feuar presum^ptionis being laid to hir charge, as it apperis be the exemple of lowis king of ungarie, Ansuerand the said queue Claris in thir wordis. Inordinata vita precedens, retentio potestatis in regno, neglecta vindicta vir alter susceptus, et excusatio subsequens : necis viri tui te probant fuisse participem et consortem. The fyft and last part Contenyng how be occasioun of the pvnyschement of the said murther neglected, The noble- men and vtheris guid subiectis take amies detenit and sequestrat the said Quenis persoun for a tyme. And of the coronatioun of our soueraine lord and estableshing of the governament of the realm in the persoun of the Eegent during his hienes minoritie. THE BOOK OF ARTICLES. 545 At the accomplesing of this suddane and vnprouisit mariage and counsale haldin the eftirnone preceding, few of the noble- men wer present as ane act of sic solempnitie and Importance had bene requisite, for mony of thame finding thame selffis sa trappit be cuming to suppar, and consequentlie be subscriving the band the xix day of Aprile fearing to be burdynnit with mair vngodlie and vnlefull thingis departit quietlie and come not agane to court bot withdrew thame to thair housses secreitlie, to se quhat end that strange and marvelous con- fusioun wald draw vnto, juging it rather better sa to do than to offer trew counsale quliair it was wilfullie reiectit and mockit at, As thay traistit at the sicht of the quenis consent to subscriue ye said band on ye said nyntene day, and be hir mocking quhen as the noblemen send to dumbar offerand to releif hir. Heireftir diuers meanes wer maid to draw the noblemen (that she and he fearit myslikit that state) to the court, quhair gif they had cumin Outher thay suld haue gane ford- wart in all vngodlie thingis with thame or ellis haue bene wardit or as weill apperit destroyed and put to death The hard conditionis proponit to the noblemen that desirit to pas oat of the realme wes a forwarning of the ordour deuisit for thame. Swa the circumstances of this haill tragedie gravelie con- siderit be diuerse noblemen how that wicked and godles man had fund sic hap In sa vngodlie a mater as be the murther of the king, To obtene the quenis mariage and governament of the realme, beside the cair of there awin lyffis, quhilkis euidentlie they saw subiect to euident perrell and destruc- tioun. Bot maist of all takand regard to the preservatioun of the Innocent person of the natiue prince quhais liff had not indurit, his fatheris murtherair having sic authoritie, seing it that is aspirit to and gotten be wicked meanys, be the same meanys custumably it is mantenit. Thairfoir the saidis noble- men and vtheris gude subiectis drevin to the vttermaist poynt of iust necessitie behuiffit to tak armes on the suddane, Think- ing nathing mair godlie nor mair honorable in the sicht of the warld, then be pvnysing of boithuile cheif author of the mur- ther To releif vtheris saikleslie calumpinat thairof To put the 546 APPENDIX. quene to libertie and fredome fartli of the bondaige of that tyran quha sa presumptuouslie had interprisit to reveis and marie hir, quhais lauchfull husband he culd not be nether she his lauchfull wiff And to preserve the Innocent persoun of thair native prince furth of the handis of him that murtherit his father as weill apperit be thair procedingis at thair cum- ing neir borthuik Out of the quhilk how sone they knew boithuile to be escapit they schew na kynd of persute aganis the quene Bot past bak to Edinburgh Thair to advise on thair greit and wechtie purpose, and to gif warnyng to the remanent noblemen of thair occasioun of their taking of armes and Intentioun to proceid to the pvnisment of the murther. And boithuile knawing the noblemen and thair cumpany to be departit towardis Edinburgh Send the lard of ormistoun in teviotdaill Ane that wes present in persoun at the kingis murthure with his other freindis And be thame causit the quene be convoyit fra borthuik to the castell of dumbar arrayit in sic forme, that it wes marvelous to the behalders at that tyme and vnworthy presentlie to be rehersit, evir thinking be hir and hir auctoritie to cover him fra pvnisment. Sone eftir hir cuming to dumbar quhilk wes weddinsday at nycht the xj day of Junij. 1567. strait proclamationis past furth Commanding all men to repair in weirlike maner towardes the quene, and boithuile then termed duik of orknay hir husband, quhilkis convening he marchit from dumbar on settirday the xiiij day, having in his cumpany beside the power of the cuntre cartit ordinance and wageit men of weir. Quhairfore the noblemen convenit for persute of the murtherar being to lait aduertesit, removit furth of Edinburgh And vpoun sonday the xv day approchit to the said erles cumpany, quhilk then was at Carbarryhill xv mylis from dumbar and five mylis onelie from Edinburgh, Quhair being inquirit of the cans of there takin of armes Declarit the occasioun to be the persute of the murthur of the king vpoun the erle boithuile cheif author thairof, Eor indeid the querrell wes than onelie intentit aganis him and the remanent knawin murtherars without the bludesched of ony Innocent man and in takin thairof it wes ofiferit to try THE BOOK OF ARTICLES. 547 the mater with him in singular battell betuix the cumpanyes, according to the law of armes be a gentleman undefamit quhais name being inquirit The lard of tullibardin declarit him reddie thairto. Bot the murtherar boithuile schifting (aganis the tennour of his cartele quhilk of before he had proclamit) said he wald fecht with ony erle or lord on the other party. The lord lindesay acceptand the conditio un, preparit him Immediatelie for the same, and the maist part of baith the cumpanyes louked assurcdlie to haue sene the mater then instantlie tryit Bot the murtherar dispairit of his querrell and movit be the gruge of his gyltie conscience not without the quenis perswasioun refusand all Escapit be fiicht to Dumbar castell, Incurrand thairby the ignominy dew vnto the vincust be the law of armes. And she preferrand his Im- pvnitie to hir awin honoure wald se him convoyit away, And to the end he suld not be followit nor persewit come hir self to the noblemen assemblit aganis the murtherar, quhilkis convoyit hir to Edinburgh. And being in Edinburgh vpoun the xvj day of the said moneth of Junij. 1567. Albeit hir inordinat fauour schawin to the said boithuile hir husbandis murtherair, wes ower greit a presumptioun to convince hir as gyltie of the murthure, zit the noblemen past to hir humlie requiring hir that she wald se the murtherars pvnised and be content that the pretendit and vnlawfuU mariage quhairin she wes Improuisitlie enterit to be dissoluit for hir awdn honour, the saulfgard of hir sone and the quietnes of hir realme and subiectis To the quhilk na vther ansuer culd be obtenit bot rigorous minassing on the ane part avowand to be revengit on all thame that had schawin thame selffis in that cause And on the vther part offerand to gif ower the realme and all, swa she mycht be sufferit to posses the murtherar of hir husband And in farther pruif of hir indurat affectioun toward es him She convoyit a purs with gold to him be dauid kintor the same xvj day, quhilk hir inflexible mynd and extremitie of necessitie com- pellit the noblemen to sequestrat hir persoun for a seasoun fra the cumpany and having intelligence with the said boith- uile and his fautoures quhill farther triall mycht be takin and executioun maid for the murther Seing it had bene impossible 548 APPENDIX. to mak ony pvnisement thairfoir, she remaning at liberty and liir passioun sufferit to wirk the awin effect. The noblemen remaning at Edinburgh ernistlie travilling be Inquisitioun and vtherwise to haue the said murther tryit and pvnised, Boithuile then admirall of the realme abiding certane space at dumbar Eepairit to the Northland, and thair prepairit to pas to the sea in pyracie as the last tred that wickit and dispairit personis commounlie frequentis And zit send to the castell of Edinburgh for a box with letters quhilk he left thair Thinking gif he culd haue the samin the grund of the cans suld neuir cum to lycht Bot as god wald the box wes intercepted and takin fra vmquhile george dalgleishe his servand and being viseit thair wes fund in the samin sic lettres of quenis awin handwritt direct to the said erle and vtheris writingis as cleirlie testifeit That as he wes the cheif executour of the murther sa was she of the foirknawlege coun- saler deuisar and mantenar of the authors thairof, and that hir revesing preceiding hir pretendit mariage with the said erle, wes nathing ellis but a colourit mask inuented and com- mandit be hir selff, as a cloik of the abusing of hir body and fylthie lyff frequentit with him of a lang continewance, baith before and eftir the murther of hir husband. Quhilk strange and vnnaturall crueltie befoir suspectit being now euidentlie knawin be mony infallible pruiffis and argumentis was oppinlie spokin of amangis the people and swa the fame thairof at last come to the quenis awin earis, Quhairvpoun considering hir former vngodUe lyff and wickit behaviour and how iust occasioun she had gevin to hir subiectis to myslike and werie of hir governament she wes content to dimit and resigne the same with hir royall croun and all pertinentis thairof In the fauores of hir sone now our souerane lord And during his minoritie to establishe the regiment of the realme in the persoun of tlie erle of Mur- ray without his knawledge or desire, he being then absent furth of the realme, and that voluntarlie na compulsioun violence or force in word or deid vsit or practized to move hir thairto. PROCEEDINGS AT WESTMINSTER. 549 APPENDIX C* CoMicoNS OF W. Cecylls hand. {State Tampers {Mary Queen of Scots), 1568, vol. ii. No. 61.) Apnd Westm. die Martis, 7 Decembf hora 9*^ ate Meridie, 1568. The Queens Ma^y^ Commissioners having heard the foresaid Book of Articles thoroughly red unto them the night before, and not the other writings containing the Act of Parlem* and the names of Estats assembled for the same Parlem* did hear the same ij writings red unto them And after that entred into a new hearing of the Book of Articles, whereof having heard iij of the Chapters or heads the Earl of Murray and his CoUegues according to the Appointm* came to the said Commissioners, and said, They trusted that after the reading of the said book of Articles, and specially upon the siglit of the Act of Parlem* wherein the whole cause where- with theire Adversaries did charge them, were found declared, and concluded to be lawfull ; their Lt would not onely be satisfied to thinke them clear and void of such crime as her Ma^y did charge them with all, but also would so satisfye her Ma^y, for they had no manner of meaning from the beginning of this Conference to have dealt anything to the prejudice of the Q. of Scottes their Soveraigns Mother, but that upon her request made to the Q. Ma^y they were commanded to come into this Kealm to answer to such things, as they should be charged withall. And so being charged by their Adversaries they had made such Answer as their Lt. had seen, and the same charge being continue'd against them, their Ma^y also as it seemeth charging them, @ as it were, condemning them, they required to know whether their Lt were not now satis- fied with such things as they had seen, and if they were not, and that it would please them to shew if in any part of those Articles exhibited they conceived any doubt, or would have * The minutes supposed to be lost. — See Laing, i. 219 ; Goodall, ii. 235. 2 N 550 APPENDIX. any other proofe, which they trusted, needed not, considering the circumstances thereof were for the most part notorious to the world, they would willingly shew matter therein to satis- fye them. Whereunto her Ma^y^ Commissioners answered, that it was well known, what place they held in this Confer- ence, that was, to be only hearers, and with all indifferency to make report unto her Ma^y of such things as should be on either part produced without requiring or procuring any other matter, than they themselves should find convenient to utter or exhibite, and therefore they could not with good in- differency declare what they thought sufficient or insufficient in these matters last produced, for that were now proper to their Adversaries to shew what they thought to be insuffi- cient, and where also they seemed to move her Ma^ys said Commissioners to allow hereof in like sort as the iij Estats in Scotland had, the said Commissioners answered they knew not, how the States in Scotland wer thereto moved, and as for themselves, how they were herewith moved they need not to declare. Whereupon the said Earle and his CoUegues pausing a while did withdraw themselves, and at their re- turn they repeated their former unwillingnes in like manner (though in diversity of Speech) and requiring that they might utter, and declare that, which they might utter and shew under the benefit of their former protestacon, adding sundry times, that their Adversaries in this matter had been the cause of the utterance of any thing spoken to the infamy of the Queen whom they knew well had more particular respect to themselves, than to the honour and weal of the Q. And so they produced a small gilded coffer of not fully one foot long, being garnished in many places with the Eoman Letter F set under a E. Crown, wherein were certain letters, and writings, and as they said and affirmed to have been written with the Q. of Scottes own hand, to the Earl Bothwell, which coffer, as they said, being left in the Castle of Edenborough by the said Earl Bothwell before his flying away, was sent for by one Georg Dalglish his servant, who was taken by the Earle of Morton, who also thereto sitting presently as one of the Commissioners avowed upon his oath the same to be true, and the writings to be the very same, without any PROCEEDINGS AT WESTMINSTER. 551 manner of change, and before they would exhibit the sight of any of those letters, they exhibited a writing written in a Romain hand in French, as they said, and would avow by the Q. of Scottes herself, being a promise of Marriage to the Earl Bothwell; which writing being without date, and although some words therein seem to the contrary, they did suppose so to have been made and written by her before the death of her husband, the tenour whereof thus foUoweth : Nous Marie par la Grace de Dieu &c. They also exhibited an other writing in Scottish which they avowed to be wholly written by the Earle of Huntley dated the v^^ of Aprill containing a form of a contract for mar- riage betwixt the said Queen and Earle Bothwell subscribed Mary which they avowed to be the proper hand of the said Queen, and underneath it James Earle Bothwell, which they also avowed to be the proper hand of the said Earl Bothwell. At which time he was commonly defamed, and not cleansed (as they termed it) which is not acquited before the xii*^ of Aprill following, the tenour of which contract thus ensueth : At Seton the v^^ day of Aprill. After this they shewed the Acts or Eecords of the Justice Court held at Edenborough the said xij*^^ of Aprill, signed by John BoUenden Justice Clerk among which followed dictaye otherwise called the Inditem* in this sort following. James Erie Bothwell Lord Hayles and Crighton &c. And in another place amongst the said Acts and Records the names of the Lord of Hiassises**with their Answere to the said dictay as hereafter followeth. Assise Andrew Erie of Rothes &c. To which they added this in defence of the said verdict, besides the matters contained in the later part of protestation made by George Erie of Catnes Chan- celour of the said Assise that the said dictay was not in this point true alledging the murder to be committed the ix*^^ day of February which was .... for that in deed the mur- der was committed on the next day being the x^^^ in the morn- ing before at ij houres after the midnight preceding, which in law was and ought to be truly accompted the x^^^ day, and so the acquitall not in that point untrue They also required * Sic in original. 552 APPENDIX. that consideration might be had of certain words in divers places of the contract made at Seto the v*^ of Aprill 1567. Whereof the tenour is above inserted, whereby is by express words mentioned that before the v^^^^ of Aprill a process of Divorce betwext the Earle Bothwell, and Dame Jane Gour- day * his Wife was intented, that is to say, begon, for that they alleged that at the same time ye proces of the said Divorce was not begon but the said contract was made not only when the said Earle was undivorced but before any such proces or suite was intented ; for which purpose the said Earle and his CoUegues produced forth before ij severall ordinary Ecclesi- asticall Judges 2 Acts of the whole Judgem^^ of the Divorce wherein appeared that the process of the one begon the xxv^^ of Aprill and the other the xxvij*^ as further may appeare by the tenour of the said Process hereafter followins^. After this the said Earle, and his Collegues offred to shew certain prooves not onely of the Queens hate towards the King her husband but also of unordinate love towards Both- well, for which purpose they first produced a letter written in French and in Eomain hand which they avowed to be a letter of the said Queens own hand stet* to Bothwell when she was at Glasco with her husband at the time she went to bring him to Edenborough, the tenour of which letter hereafter folio weth : II Semble que avecques vre absence &c.t After this they produced for the same purpose one other long lettre written also with the like hand, and in French, which they also avowed to be a letter written with the said Queens own hand to Bothwell from Glasco. Upon the read- ing whereof they did expresse their own knowledg of certain matters concerning doubtfull speeches in the same letter con- tained, of one Willin Higate, and . . . . and also of the Lord of Mynte, by which they intended to make it plain A that otherwise was doubtfull, the Tenour of all which letter followeth hereafter. Estant party du lieu &c. J * Sic in original. t Letter No. 1, in French, ante, 184. t Letter No. 2, in French, aiUe, 186. PROCEEDINGS AT WESTMINSTER. 553 [Indorsed] vijt^ of Decemb. 1568. The 6 Session at the Parlem* Chamber the vij^^ of Decembf 6^ Sessen. Windebanke Scotl(i I certify that the foregoing is a true and authentic copy, H. J. Sharpe, Assistant-Keeper of Public Records. February 5, 1869. 554 APPENDIX. APPENDIX D* {From a copy marked hy Cecil — Cot Lihr., CaL, B. ix. fol. 247.) January 21, 1566. The Quene tuik liir journay towards Glascow, and was accompany it with the Earlis of Huntly and Bothwell to the Kalendar, my Lord Levistonn's Place. 23. The Quene came to Glascow, and on the rode met hir Thomas Crauford from the Erie of Lennux, and Sir James Hamilton, with the rest mentionit in hir letter. Erie Huntly and Bothwell returnit that same nycht to Edynbrough, and Bothwell lay in the town. 24. The Quene remaynit at Glascow, lyck as she did the 25th and the 26th, and hayd the conference with the King whereof she wryttis ; and in this tyme wrayt hir bylle and uther letteris to Bothwell. And Bothwell this 24th day wes found verray tymus weseing the Kyng's ludging that wes in prepar- ing for him, and the same nycht tuik journay towards Lyddis- daill. 27. The Quene (conforme to hir commission, as she wryttis) broucht the King from Glascow to the Kalendar towards Edynbrough. 28. The Quene broucht the King to Linlythquow, and there remained all morn, quhill she gat word of my Lord Bothwell his returning towards Edynbrough, be Hob Ormistoun, ane of the murtheraris. The same day the Erie Bothwell came back from Lyddisdaill towards Edynbrough. * This is the portion of Murray's Journal relating to the queen's journey to Glasgow. THE CONTRACTS OF MARRIAGE. 555 APPENDIX E. The First Contract produced by James Stewart, Earl of Murray, at London * Nous Marie, par la grace de Dieu, Koyne d'Escosse, douar- yere de France, &c. promettons fidellement, & de bonne foy, & sans contraynte, a Jaques Hepburn Conte de Boduel, de n'avoir jamays autre espoulx & mary que luy, & de le prendre pour tel toute & quant fois qu'il m'en requerira, quoy que parents, amys ou autres, y soient contrayres. Et puis que Dieu a pris mon feu mary Henry Stuart dit Darnlay, & que par ce moien je sois libre, n'estant soubs obeissance de pere, ni de mere, des mayntenant je proteste que, lui estant en mesme liberte, je seray preste, & d'accomplir les ceremonies requises au mariage : que je lui promets devant Dieu, que j'en prantz a tesmoignasge, & la presente, signee de ma mayn : ecrit ce . . . Marie R The Second Contract produced by the Earl of Murray at London. At Setoun, the V. day of April, the zeir of God 1567, the richt excellent, richt heich and michtie Princes, Marie, be the grace of God, Queue of Scottis, considering the place and estait quhairin Almightie God lies constitute hir heichnes, and how, be the deceis of the King hir husband, hir Majestic is now destitute of ane Husband, leving solitarie in the stait of wedowheid : In the quhilk kynde of lyfe hir Majestic maist willingly wald continew, gif ye weill of hir realme and subjectis wald permit : Bot on the uther part, considdering the inconveniencis may follow, and the necessitie quhilk the realme hes, yat hir Majestic be couplit with ane husband, hir * From the original, Cotton Library, Caligula, c. i. This is probably the paper actually produced ; but the signature is certainly not that of the queen, although there is an obvious attempt at imitation. 556 APPENDIX. Heichness lies inclynit to maiy. And seing qiihat incom- moditie may cum to this realme, in cace hir Majestie siild joyne in mariage witli ony forane Prince of ane strange natioun, hir Heichnes hes thocht rather better to zeild unto ane of hir awin subjectis : Amangis quhome hir Majestie findis nane niair abill, nor indewit with better qualiteis, then the richt nobill, and hir deir cousin, James Erie Bothwell, &c. of quhais thankfuU and trew service hir Heichnes, in all tymes bypast, hes had large prufe and infallibill experience. And seing not only the same gude mynd constantly persevering in him, bot with that ane inward affection and hartly lufe towardis hir Majestie, hir Heichness, amangis the rest, hes maid hir chose of him : And thairfoir, in the presence of the eternall God, faithfully, and in the word of ane Prince, be thir presentis, takis the said James Erie Bothwell as hir law- full husband, and promittis and oblissis hir Heichnes, that how sone the proces of divorce, intentit betwixt ye said Erie Bothwell and Dame Jane Gordoun, now his pretensit spous, beis endit be the ordour of ye lawis, hir Majestie sail, God willing, thairefter schortly mary and tak the said Erie to hir husband, and compleit the band of matrimonie with him, in face of haly kirk, and sail never mary nane uther husband bot he only, during his lyfetyme. And as hir Majestie, of hir gratious humanitie and proper motive, without deserving of the said Erie, hes thus inclynit hir favour and affection to- w^ardis him, he humblie and reverentlie acknawledging the same, according to his bound dewtie, and being als fre and abill to mak promeis of mariage, in respect of the said proces of divorce, intentit for divers ressonabill causis, and that his said pretensit spous hes thairunto consentit, he presentlie takis hir Majestie as his lauchfull spous in the presence of God, and promittis and oblissis him, as he will answer to God, and upon his fidelitie and honour, that, in all diligence possibill, he sail prosecute and set fordward the said proces of divorce alreddy begunne and intentit betwix him and the said Dame Jane Gordoun his pretensit spous, unto the fynal end of ane decreit and declarator thairin. And incontinent thairefter, at hir Majesteis gude will and plesure, and quhen hir Heichness thinkis convenient, sail compleit and solem- THE CONTRACTS OF MARRIAGE. 557 nizat, in face of haly kirk, ye said band of matrimony with hir Majestie, and lufe, honour and serve hir Heiclmess, according to the place and honour that it hes pleisit hir Majestic to accept him unto, and never to have ony uther for his wyfe, during hir Majesteis lyfetime : In faith and witness- ing quhairof, hir Heichness and the said Erie hes subscrivit this present faithful! promeis with yair handis, as followis, day, zeir and place foirsaidis, befoir thir witnessis, George Erie of Huntly, and maister Thomas Hepburne Persoun of Aulhamstock, &c. Sic suhscrihitur, Marie E. James Erle Bothwell. Heir note, that this contract was maid the V. of Apryll, within VIII. oulkis efter the murther of the King, quhilk was slane the X. of Februar befoir ; also it was maid VII. dayis befoir that Bothwell was acquyitit, be corrupt judgement, of the said murther. Alswa it appeiris be the wordis of the contract itself, that it was maid befoir sentence of divorce betwix Bothwell and his former wife, and alswa in verray treuth was maid be- foir ony Sute of divorce intentit or begune betwene him and his former wyfe, thocht sum wordis in this contract seme to say utherwyse. Quhilk is thus provit ; for this contract is daitit ye V. of Apryll, and it planely appeiris, be the judiciall actis befoir the twa severall Ecclesiastical ordinarie judges, quhairin is contenit the haill proces of the divorce betwene the said Erie and Dame Jane Gordoun his wyfe, that the ane of the same processis was intentit and begun the XXVI. day of Apryll, and the uther the XXVII. — Buchanan's ' Detection.* The True Contract of Marriage between Q. Mary and James Duke of Orknay, Earl Boithvile, &c.* At Edinburgh, the xiiii. day of Mali, the zeir of God MD. thrie scoir sevin zeris. It is appointit, agreit, contractit, and finalie accordit betwix the richt excellent, richt heich, * From the original in the Royal Archives. — See Goodall, ii. 57. 558 APPENDIX. and michtie Priiicesse Marie, be the grace of God, Qiiene of Scottis, dowarrier of France, on the ane part, and the richt noble and potent Prince James Duke of Orknay, Erie Boith- vile, Lord Halis, Creichtoun and Liddisdaill, greit Admirall of this realme of Scotland, on the uther part, in manner, forme, and effect as efter followis ; that is to say : Forsamekle as hir Majestic, considering with hirself how almichtie God hes not onlie placit and constitute hir Heines to regnne owir this realme, and during hir lyvetyme to governe the people and inhabitantis thairof, hir native subjectis ; bot als that of hir royall persoun successioun mycht be producit, to enjoy and posses this kingdome and dominionis thairof, quhen God sail call hir Hienes to his mercy out of this mortall lyff ; and how graciouslie it hes plesit him alreddy to respect hir Hienes, and this hir realme, in geving unto hir Majestic of hir maist deare and onlie sone the Prince, baith hir Hienes self and hir haill subjectis ar detbund to rander unto God immortal prayse and thankes. And now hir Majestic being destitute of an husband, levand solitary in the state of wedoheid, and zit zoung and of fiurishing aige, apt and able to procreate and bring forth ma children, hes bene preissit and humbly requirit to zeild unto sum mariage. Quliilk petitioun hir Grace wey- ing, and taking in gude part, bot cheiflie regarding the pre- servatioun and continewance of hir posteritie hes condescendit thairto. And mature deliberatioun being had towert the per- sonaige of him with quhome hir Hienes suld joyne in mariage, the maist part of hir Nobilitie, be way of advise, hes humbly prayit hir Majestic, and thocht bettir that she suld sa far humble hirself, as to accept ane of hir awin borne subjectis on that state and place, that wer accustomat with the man- eris, lawis and consuetude of this countre, rather nor ony foreyne Prince : And hir Majestic pref errand thair advyse and prayers, with the weilfair of hir realme, to the avance- ment and promotioun quhilk hir Hienes in particular mycht have be foreyne mariage, hes in that poynt likewise inclynit to the sute of hir said ISTobilitie. And thay namand the said noble Prince, now Duke of Orknay, for the special personaige, hir Majestic well avysit, hes alio wit thair motioun and nomi- natioun, and graciouslie accordit thairunto, having recent me- THE CONTRACTS OF MARRIAGE. 559 morie of the notable and worthie actis, and gude service done and performit be him to hir Majestie, alswell sen hir return- ing and arrivall in this realme, as of befoir in hir Hienes's minoritie, and during the time of governament of umquhile hir dearest moder of gude memorie, in the furthsetting of hir Majestie's auctoritie aganis all impugnaris and- ganestand- eris thairof: Quhais magnanimitie, courage, and constant trewth towert hir Majestie, in preservatioun of hir awin per- soun from mony evident and greit dangeris, and in conduct- ing of heich and profitable purposes, tending to hir Hienes's avancement, and establissing of this countrie to hir perfite and universal obedience, hes sa far movit hir, and procurit hir favour and affectioun, that abuif the commoun and accus- tomat gude grace and benevolence quhilk Princes usis to bestow on noble men, thair subjectis weill deserving, hir majestie vril be content to ressave and tak to hir husband the said noble Prince, for satisfactioun of the hartis of hir Nobilitie and people. And to the effect that hir Majestie may be the mair able to governe and rewill hir realme in time to cum during hir lyfetime, and that yssue and suc- cessioun, at Godis plessour, may be producit of hir maist noble persoun, quhilkis, being sa deir and tender to hir said dearest sone, eftir hir Majestie's deceis, may befoir all utheris serve, ayd and comfort him. Quhairfore the said excellent and michtie Princesse and Queue, and the said noble and potent Prince James Duke of Orknay sail, God willing, solemnizat and compleit the band of matrimony, ather of thame with uther, in face of haly kirk with all guidlie diligence. And als hir Majestie, in respect of the same matrimony, and of the successioun, at Goddis plesour to be procreat betwix thame, and producit of hir body, sail in hir nixt parliament grant a ratificatioun, with avise of hir thrie estatis, (quhilk hir Majestie sail obtene) of the Infeftment maid be hir to the said noble Prince, than Erie Boithvile, and his airis maill to be gottin of his body, quhilkis failzeing, to hir Hienes and hir crown to return, of all and haill the erldome, landis, and ilis of Orknay and Lordship of Zetland, with the holmis, skerreis, quylandis, outbrekkis, castellis, touris, fortalices, manor-places, milnis, multuris, woddis, 560 APPENDIX. cunyngharis, fisheingis, alsweill in freshe watteris as salt, havynnis, portis, raidis, outseittis, partis, pendiclis, tenentis, tenendries, service of fre tenentis, advocatioun, donationn, and richt of patronage of kirkis, benefices and chapellanries of the samyn, liand within the sheriffdom of Orknay and fowdry of Zetland, respective, with the toll and custiimis within the saidis boundis, togidder with, the ofi&ces of sheriffship of Orknay and fowdry of Zetland, and office of Justiciarie within all the boundis als weill of Orknay, as Zetland ; with all the privilegis, feis, liberteis and dewteis perteining and belanging thairto, and all thair pertinentis, erectit in ane haill and fre Dukry, to be callit the Dukry of Orknay for evir : And, gif neid be, sail mak him new infeftment thairupon in compe- tent and dew forme : Quhilk hir Majestic promittis in verho principis. And in cais, as God forbid, thair beis na airis main procreat betwix hir Majestic and the said Prince, he oblissis his utheris airis maill, to be gottin of his body, to renounce the balding of blanche ferme contenit in the said infeftment, takand alwayes and ressavand new infeftment of the saidis landis, Erldome, Lordship, ilis, toll, custumis, and offices above writtin, and all thair pertinentis erectit in ane Dukry, as said is : Quhilk name and titill it sail alwayes retene notwithstanding the alteratioun of the balding ; liis saidis airis maill to be gottin of his body payand zerlie thair- foir to our said soverane Ladyis successoris, or thair comp- trollaris in thair name, the soum of twa thousand poundis money of this realme, like as the samyn was sett in the tyme of the Kingis grace hir gracious fader, of maist worthy memorie. Mairover, the said noble and potent Prince and Duke oblissis him, that he sail nawyse dispone nor put away ony of his landis, heritaigis, possessiounis and offices present, nor quhilkis he sail happin to obtene and conquess herefter during the mariage, fra the airis maill to be gottin betwix him and hir Majestic ; bot thay to succeid to the same, als Weill as to the said Dukry of Orknay. Furthermair, it is concluded and accordit be hir Majestic, that all signatours, lettres and writtingis to be subscrivit be hir Majestic in tyme to cum, efter the completing and solemnizatioun of the said mariage, othir of giftis, dispositionis, graces, privilegis, or THE CONTRACTS OF MARRIAGE. 5G1 utheris sic thingis quhatsumevir, sal be alsua subscrivit be the said noble Prince and Duke for his interesse, in signe and takin of his consent and assent thairto, as hir Majestie's hus- band. Likeas it is alsua agreit and accordit be the said no- ble Prince and Duke, that na signatours, lettres or writingis, other of giftis, dispositionis, graces, privilegis, or uthir sic thingis concerning the affaires of the realme, sal be subscrivit be him onlie, and without hir Majesteis aviso and subscrip- tioun : And gif ony sic thing happin, the samyn to be of nane avale. And for observing, keping and fulfilling of the pre- missis, and every point and article thairof, the said noble and mychtie Princesse, and the said noble Prince and Duke hes boundin and oblissit thame faithfuUie to utheris ; and ar con- tent and consentis that this present contract be actit and registrat in the buikis of counsell and sessioun, ad perpetuam rei memoriam : And for acting and registring heirof in the said buikis, hir Majestic ordanis hir advocattis, and the said noble Prince and Duke hes maid and constitute Maister David Borthwick, Alexander Skene his procuratoris con- junctlie and severalie, promittand de rato. In witness of the quhilk thing hir Majestic and the said noble Prince and Duke hes subscrivit this present contract with thair handis, day, zeir and place foirsaidis, befoir thir witnessis, ane maist reverend fader in God Johnne Archiebishop of Saintandrewis, Commendatar of Paisly, &c. George Erll of Huntlie, Lord Gordoun and Badzenach, Chancellar of Scotland, &c. David Erll of Crawfurd, Lord Lindsay, &c. George Erll of Eothes, Lord Leslie, Alexander Bishop of Galloway, Commendatar of Inchaffray, Johnne Bishop of Eoss, Johnne Lord Fleming, Johnne Lord Hereis, William Maitland of Lethington younger, Secretar to our Soverane Lady, Sir Johnne Bellenden of Auchnoule, Knight, Justice- Clerk, and Mr. Eobert Creychton of Eliok, Advocate to hir Hienes, with utheris divers. Maeie E. James Duke of Orknay. 562 APPENDIX. On the bach, xiiii. Maii, 1567. Comperit personalie the Quenis Majestie, and James Duke of Orknay, &c. and desyrit this contract to be registrat, &c. in presens of the Clerk of Eegister &c. of quhais command I haif reo'istrat the samin. J. Scott. APPENDIX F. Love-Sonnets. O Dieux, ayez de moy compassion, Et m'enseignez quelle preuve certaine Je puis donner, qui ne luy semble vaine, De mon amour & ferme affection. Las n'est-il pas ja en possession Du corps, du coeur, qui ne refuse peine, Ny deshonneur en la vie incertaine, Offence de parens, ne pire affliction ? Pour luy tons mes amis, j'estime moins que rien, Et de mes ennemis je veux esperer bien. J'ay hazarde pour luy & nom & conscience. Je veux pour luy au monde reu oncer, Je veux mourir pour le faire avancer : Que reste plus pour prouver ma Constance ? Entre ses mains, & en son plain pouvoir, Je mets mon fils, mon honneur, & ma vie, Mon pais, mes subjets, mon ame assubjettie. Est toute k luy, & n'ay autre vouloir Pour mon objet, que sans le decevoir Suivre je veux, malgre toute I'envie Qu'issir en pent. Car je n'ay autre envie. Que de ma foy luy faire appercevoir : LOVE-SONNETS. 563 Que pour tempeste, ou bonasse qu'il face. Jamais ne veut changer demeure ou place. Bref, je feray de ma foy telle preuve, Qu'il cognoistra, sans faute, ma Constance ; Non par mes pleurs, ou feinte obeissance, Comme autres sont, mais par diverse espreuve. Elle, pour son honneur, vous doit obeissance : Moy vous obeissant, j'en puis recevoir blasme, N'estant, k mon regret, comme elle, vostre femme ; Et si n'aura pourtant en ce point preminence. Pour son proufit elle use de Constance, Car ce n'est peu d'honneur d'estre de vos biens dame : Et moy, pour vous aimer, j'en puis recevoir blasme, Et ne luy veux coder en toute I'observance. Elle de vostre mal n'a I'apprehension, Moy je n'ay nul repos, tant je crain I'apparence. Par I'advis des parens elle eust vostre accointance ; Moy, malgre tons les miens, vous porte affection, Et de sa loyaute prenez ferme asseurance. Par vous, mon coeur, & par vostre alliance, Elle a remis sa maison en honneur, Elle a joiiy par vous de la grandeur, Dont tons les siens n'avoient nuUe asseurance. De vous, mon bien, elle a eu la Constance, Et a gaigne pour un temps vostre coeur, Par vous elle a eu plaisir en bon lieur, Et pour vous a honneur & reverence, Et n'a perdu sinon la joiiissance, D'un fascheux sot qu'elle avoit cherement. Je ne la plain d' aimer done ardement Celuy qui n'a en sens, n'y en vaillance, Ny en beauts, en bonte, ny Constance, Point de second. Je vy en ceste foy. Quant vous I'aimiez, elle usoit de froideur, Si vous souffriez pour s'amour passion, Qui vient d aimer de trop d'affection, 564 APPENDIX. Son doigt monstroit la tristesse du coeur. N'aiant plaisir en vostre grand ardeur. En ses habits monstroit sans fiction, Qu'elle n'avoit paour, qu'imperfection Peust I'effacer liors de ce loyal coeur. De vostre mort je ne vis. la peaur, Que meritoit tel mary & seigneur. Somme de vous elle a eu tout son bien, Et n'a prise, n'y jamais estime, Une si grand heur, sinon puis qu'il n'est sien, Et maintenant dit I'avoir tant aime. Et maintenant elle commence k voir, Qu'elle estoit bien de mauvais jugement, De n'estimer I'amour d'un tel amant, Et voudroit bien mon amy decevoir Par les escrits tous fardez de s9avoir, Qui pourtant n'est en son esprit croissant, Ains emprunte de quelque auteur luisant, A faint tresbien un envoy sans I'avoir. Et toutesfois ses paroles fardeez, Ses pleurs, ses plaincts remplis de fictions, Et ses hautz oris & lamentations, Ont tant gaigne, que par vous sont gardeez Ses lettres, escrites, ausquels vous donnez foy, Et si I'aimez, & croiez plus que moy. Vous la croyez, las ! trop je I'apper^oy, Et vous doutez de ma ferme Constance, O mon seul bien, & ma seule esperance, Et ne vous puis asseurer de ma foy. Vous m'estimez legiere, qui je voy, Et si n'avez en moy nulle asseurance, Et soup^onnez mon coeur sans apparence, Vous meffiant a trop grand tort de moy. Vous ignorez I'amour que je vous porte. Vous soup9onnez qu'autre amour me transports. Vous estimez mes paroles du vent. Vous despeignez de cire mon las coeur. LOVE-SONNETS. 565 Vous me pensez femme sans jugement ; Et tout cela augmente mon ardeur. Mon amour croist, & plus en plus croistra, Tant que vivray, & tiendray h grandheur Tant seulement d'avoir part en ce coeur, Vers qui enfin mon amour paroistra Si tresclair, que jamais n'en doutera. Pour luy je veux recercher la grandeur, Et feray tant que de vray congnoistra Que je n'ay bien, heur, ne contentement, Qu'^ I'obeir & servir loyaument. Pour luy j'attendz toute bonne fortune, Pour luy je veux garder sante & vie. Pour luy tout vertu de suivre j'ay envie, Et sans changer me trouvera tout'une. Pour luy aussi j'ay jette mainte larme, Premier qu'il fust de ce corps possesseur, Duquel alors il n'avoit pas le ccBur. Puis me donna un autre dur alarme, Quand il versade son sang mainte dragme, Dont de grief me vint laisser douleur, Qui m'en pensa oster la vie & frayeur, De perdre, las ! le seul rampart qui m'arme. Pour luy depuis j'ay meprise Thonneur, Ce qui nous peult seul pourvoir de bonheur. Pour luy j'ay hazarde grandeur & conscience, Pour luy tous mes parens j'ay quitte & amis, Et tous autres respectz sont k part mis, Brief, de vous seul je cherche I'alliance. De vous, je dis, seul soustien de ma vie, Tant seulement je cerche m'asseurer ; Et si ose de moy tant presumer, De vous gaigner maugre toute I'envie : Car c'est le seul desir de vostre chere amie, De vous servir, & loyaument aimer, Et tous malheurs moins que rien estimer, 2 0 566 APPENDIX. Et vostre volont^ de la mienne suivre Vous congnoistrez aveques obeissance, De mon loyal devoir n'obmettant la science, A quoy j'estudiray pour tousjours vous complaire, Sans aimer rien que vous, soubs la subjection De qui je veux sans nulle fiction, Vivre & mourir ; & ^ ce j'obtempere. Mon coeur, mon sang, mon ame, & mon soucy, Las ! vous m'avez promis qu'aurons ce plaisir De deviser aveques vous a loisir, Toute la nuict, ou je languis icy, Ayant le coeur d'extreme paour transy, Pour voir absent le but de mon desir. Crainte d'oublir un coup me vient saisir, Et I'autre fois je crains que endurci Soit contre moy vostre aimable cceur. Par quelque dit d'un mescbant rapporteur : Une autre fois je crain quelque aventure. Qui par cbemin destourne mon amant. Par un fascheux, & nouveau accident : Dieu destourne tout malheureux augure. Ne vous voyant selon qu'avez promis, J'ay mis la main au papier pour escrire, D'un different que j'ay voulu transcrire. Je ne S9ay pas quel sera vostre ad vis ; Mais je S9ay Men qui mieux aimer S9aura, Vous diriez bien qui plus y gaignera.* * On the subject of these sonnets the reader may consult Whitaker, iii. ; Lord Hailes's Remarks on the History of Scotland, cap. xi. ; and Tytler's Inquiry. THE SEIZURE OF THE QUEEN. 567 APPENDIX G. As to the place where the queen was intercepted by Both- well, the following " remission" appears to furnish the best evidence : — Preceptum remissionis Andree reidpeth in deringtoun pro arte et parte proditorie vemencie in comitiua cum Jacobo comite de boithuile et insidiationis vie regine S. D. N. regis charissime matris Ipsa reuertente a burgo de Striuiling ad burgum de Edinburcht prope aquam de Awmond Et pro captione et raptu eius nobilissime persone et ductione eius- dem cum eis ad castrum de dunbar ipsam ibidem captiuam detinendo et pro arte et parte proditorie fortificationis et de- tentionis dicti castri domus et fortalicij de dunbar contra legem et suam auctoritatem mensibus aprilis Maij augusti et septembris ultimo elapsis commissis Et pro omnibus actione et criminibus etc. Necnon pro omnibus aliis actioni- bus etc. murthuro quondam henrici regis charissimi patris dicti S. D. regis duntaxat excepto etc. Apud dunbar primo die mensis Octobris Anno domini etc. Ixvij^^ Per signetum (Eegistrum Secreti Sigilli, lib. xxxvij. fol. 21 ; MS., Gen. Eegister House, Edinburgh.) Another " remission " for the same offence : — Preceptum remissionis Adami portuous in halkschaw et Johannis melros in finglen pro arte et parte in comitiua cum Jacobo comite de boithuile domino hailis creichtoun etc. mag- no admirallo regni Scotie proditorij raptus nobilissime per- sone S. D. N. regine Ipsa proficiscente iter suum a burgo de linlithgw ad burgum de Edinburcht et portationis et deduc- tionis dicte regine ad castrum de dunbar suamque personam in eodem in carcere et captiuitate ad eorum libidinem de- tinendi et restringendi in mense aprili ultimo elapso conmiis- sorum Et pro omnibus actione et crimine etc. Necnon pro omnibus aliis actionibus criminibus proditionibus trans- 568 APPENDIX. gressionibus et offensis quibuscunque per ipsos aut eorum alteram aliquibus temporibus retroactis diem date presentium precedentibus commissis seu quomodolibet perpetratis etc. Apud Edinburcht decimo die meiisis Maij Anno etc. lxvij*<> Per signetum (Eeg. Seer. Sig., lib. xxxvj. fol. 97.) The summons of treason against Both well and his associates (Thomson's edition of the Acts of the Parliaments of Scot- land, iii. 5 et seq.), after charging them with the murder of Darnley, proceeds thus : — Ac etiam pro eorum proditoria interceptione nobilissime persone clarissime matris nostre Marie Scotorum regine in via sua inter linlythgow et oppidum Edinburgi prope pontes vulgo vocatos foull briggis eam adoriendo cum mille equitibus armatis more bellico instructis mense aprilis ultime elapso ac proditoria et violenta incarceratione nobilissime persone dicte charissime matris nostre in castro nostro de dunbar et deten- tione eiusdem in dicto castro ad spatium duodecim dierum. APPENDIX H. The Protestatioun of the Erlis of Huntley and Argyll, touching the Murthour of the King of Scottis. (A copy— Cot. Libr., CaL, C. i. fol 282.) We George Erie of Huntley, Lord Gordoun, and great Chancellour of Scotland, and we Archibald Erie of Ergile, Lord Campbell and Lorne, and greit Justiciar of the said realme ; It mott be kend till all and sindrie [to] quhais knawledge thir presentis sail cum, how we (being informit that sum disobedient subjectis to the Queue's Majestic our soverane Lady, for excuse and covering of thair taking armour aganis hir Hienes, imprisoning of hir maist nobill persoun. PROTESTATION OF HCJNTLY AND ARGYLL. 569 usurping of hir Grace's auctoritie, practising the keiparis of the principal places and fortressis of hir realme, invading thairof, reiving and spuilzeing hir Majcstie's pretious mov- abillis, jewellis, and stanes of greit valour, durst, in lying falsly and calumniously, accuse hir Hienes to have bene of the foirknawledge, counsallit, devysit, perswadit, and com- mandit the murthour committit in the persoun of umquhile Henry Stewart, hir Majestie's husband) will, for the dew tie of guid and faithful subjectis, and discharge of our consciences afoir God and the warld, declair that quhilk we knaw of the said murthour. That is to say, In the zeir of God 1566 zeiris, in the moneth of December, or thairby, efter hir Hienes's greit and extreme seiknes, and retourning from Jedwart, hir Grace being in the castel of Craigmillar, accompanyit be us abone written, and be the Erlis of Bothwell, Murray, and Secretaire Lethingtoun ; the said Erie of Murray and Lethingtoun came in the chamber of us the Erie of Ergile in the morning, we being in our bed ; quha "lamenting the banishment of the Erie of Mortoun, Lordis Lyndsay and Eowen, with the rest of thair factioun, said. That the occasioun of the murthour of David, slane be thame in presence of the Queue's Majestic, was for to troubill and impesche the parliament ; quhairin the Erie of Murray and utheris sould have bene foirfaltit, and declarit rebellis. And s^ing that the samin was cheiflie for the weilfare of the Erie of Murray, it sould be estemit ingratitude gif he and his freindis, in reciproque manner, did not interpryse all that wer [in thair] puissance for releif of the saidis banishit ; quhair- foir thay thocht, that we, of our part, sould have bene as desyrous thairto as thay wer." And we agreing to the same, to do all that was in us for thair releif, provyding that the Queue's Majestic sould not be offendit thairat : On this Lethingtoun proponit and said, " Tliat the narrest and best way till obtene the said Erie of Mortoun's pardoun, was, to promise to the Queue's Majestic to find ane moyen to mak divorcement betwix hir Grace and the King hir husband, quha had offendit hir Hienes sa hielie in mony way is." Quhairunto we answering, That we knew not how that 570 APPENDIX. myght be done ; Lethingtoun said, the Erie of Murray being ever present, " My Lord, Cair zou not thairof. We sail fynd the meane weill aneuch to mak hir quite of him, swa that ze and my Lord of Huntlie will onlie behald the matter, and not be offendit thairat." And then thay send to my Lord of Huntlie, praying him to cum to our chalmer. This is as thay dealit with us particularlie. Now lat us schaw quhat foUowit efter that we wer assemblit. We Erie of Huntlie being in the said chalmer, the saidis Erie of Murray and Lethingtoun oppinit the matter lykwise to us in manner foirsaid, promising, if we wald consent to the samin, that thay sould fynd the mean to restoir us in our awin landis and offices, and thay to stand guid freindis unto us, and cause the said Erie of Mortoun, Eowen, and all the rest of that cumpanie, to do the like in time cuming. Our answer was, it sould not stop be us, that the matter cum not to effect, in all myght be proffitfull and honorabill baith for thame and us, and speciallie quhair the pleasour, weill and contentment of the Queue's Majestic consistit. And thairon we four, viz. Erlis of Huntlie, Ergile, Murray, and Secretaire Lethingtoun, past all to the Erie of Bothwell's chalmer, to understand his advise on thir thingis proponit ; quhairin he ganesaid not mair than we. Swa thairefter we past altogidder towardis the Queue's Grace; quhair Lethingtoun, efter he had rememberit hir Majestic of ane greit nombre of grievous and intollerabill offences, that the King, as he said, ingrait of the honour ressavit of hir Hienes, had done to hir Grace, and continew- ing everie day from evil to worse ; proponit, That gif it pleisit hir Majestic to pardoun the Erie of Mortoun, Lordis Eowen and Lyndsay, with thair cumpanie, thay sould fynd the meanis with the rest of the Nobilitie, to mak divorcement betwix hir Hienes and the King hir husband, quhilk sould not neid hir Grace to mell thairwith. To the quhilk it was neces- sare, that hir Majestic tak heid to mak resolutioun thairin, als weill for hir awin easement als weill of the realme ; for he troublit hir Grace and us all ; and remaining with hir Majestic, wald not ceis till he did hir sum uther evil turn, PROTESTATION OF HUNTLY AND ARGYLL. 571 quhen that hir Hienes wald be mekil impeschit to put remeid thairto." Efter thir persuasiounis, and utheris divers, quhilk the said Lethingtoun usit, by * these that everie ane of us schew par- ticularlie to hir Majestie to bring hir to the said purpois, hir Grace answerit, "That under twa conditiounis scho myght understand the samin ; the ane, that the divorcement wer maid lauchfullie ; the uthir, that it war not prejudice to hir sone ; utherwayis hir Hienes wald rather endure all tormentis, and abyde the perrellis that myght chaunce hir in hir Grace's lyftyme." The Erie of Bothwell answerit, " That he doutit not bot the divorcement myght be maid but prejudice in ony wayis of my Lord Prince ; " alledging the exampill of himself, that he ceissit not to succeid to his father's heritage without ony difficultie, albeit thair was divorce betwixt him and his mother. It was alswa proponit, that efter thair divorcement the King sould be him allane in ane part of the countrey, and the Queue's Majestie in ane uther, or ellis he sould reteir him in ane uther realme ; and heiron hir Majestie said, " That per- adventure he wald change opinioun, and that it wer better that scho hirself for ane tyme passit in France, abyding till he acknawledgit himself." Then Lethingtoun taking the speache, said, " Madame, Fancie ze not we ar heir of the principal of zour Grace's nobilitie and counsal, that sail fynd the moyen, that zour Majestie sail be quyte of him without prejudice of zour sone. And albeit that Iny Lord of Murray heir present be lyttill les scrupulous for ane Protestant, nor zour Grace is for ane Papist, I am assurit he will luik throw his fingeris thairto, and will behald our doingis, saying nath- ing to the samin." The Queue's Majestie answerit, "I will that ze do nathing quhairthro ony spot may be layit to my honor or conscience, and thairfoir I pray zou rather lat the matter be in the estait as it is, abyding till God of his guidnes put remeid thairto ; that ze beleifing to do me service may possibill turn to my hurt and displeasour." " Madame, (said Lethingtoun) lat us guyde the matter amangis us, and zour Grace sail se nathing bot guid, and approvit be parliament." * Besides. 572 APPENDIX. Swa efter the premissis, the murthour of the said Henry Stewart following, we judge in our consciences, and haldis for certane and treuth, that the saidis Erie of Murray and Secre- tarie Lethingtoun wer auctoris, inventaris, devyseris, counsal- louris, and causeris of the said murthour, in quhat maner, or be quhatsumever persounis the samin was execute. And quhair the saidis Erie of Murray and Lethingtoun, or ony of thame, will deny and ganesay to the foirsaid, we ar deliberat to defend the samin be law of armis, as our awin proper honour, in quhatsumever place thay will cheise in Scotland, afoir the estaitis thairof ; out of the quhilk realme we cannot pass, be ressoun of the troubillis ar thairintilL And gif the Queue's Majestic of Ingland pleisis to send ony in hir name, to heir and se the premissis defendit, the samin sail be put to executioun in thair presence. And albeit that Lethingtoun be nouther of qualitie nor blude equal unto ns, notwithstanding we will admit and ressave him in combat with the said Erie of Murray, gif thay will baith present thameselfis thairto. And quhair ane of thame onlie w^ald deny and ganesay it that is afoir rehersit, and accept the said combat, onther the ane or the nther of us sail ressave the samin ; protesting that gif thay answer not directlie to this our present attestatioun, declaratioun, accusatioun and cartell, thay sail be repute guiltie and vainquissit of the said murthour. In witness of the quhilk we have subscrivit thir presentis with our handis, and seillis of our armis affixit thairto, at the day of and at the day of the said moneth, the zeir of God ane thousand, fyve hundred, threscoir aucht zeiris, and of our soverane Lady's Kegime the xxvij. zeir. Ane Answer by the Earl of Murray, Regent, to the Protes- tation of the Earls of Huntly and Argyll. (An original — -j^a^^ec? on the hack of the Protestation) Because the custume of my adversaris is, and has bene, rather to calumpniat and backbite me in my absence, than befoir my face ; and that it may happen thame, quhen I am departit furth of this realme, sclanderouslie and untrewlie to ANSWER OF THE REGENT. 573 report untreuthis of me, and namelie, towardis sum spechis haldin in my hearing at Craigmillar, in the moneth of Novem- ber, 1566. I have alreddie declarit to the Quene's Majestie the effect of the haill purposis spokin in my audience at the samin tyme, sincerelie and trewlie, as I will answer to Al- mychtie God, unconceilling ony part to my remembrance, as hir Hienes I traist will report. And farther, in cais ony man will say and affirm that ever I was present quhen ony pur- posis wer haldin at Craigmillar in my audience, tending to ony unlauchful or dishonorabill end, or that ever I subscrivit ony band there, or that ony purpois was haldin anent the subscriving of ony band be me, to my knawledge ; I avow thay speik wickitlie and untrewlie, quhilk I will mantene aganis thame, as becumis ane honest man, to the end of my lyfe ; onlie this far the subscriptioun of bandis by me is trew, That indeed I subscrivit ane band with the Erlis of Huntlie, Ergile, and Bothwell, in Edinburgh, at the beginning of October the samin zeir 1566, quhilk wes devysit in signe of our reconciliation, in respect of the former grudges and despleasouris that had bene amangis us ; quhairunto I was constranit to mak promise befoir I could be admittit to the Quene's presence, or have ony schew of hir favour ; and thair wes never na uther band ather maid or subscrivit, nor zit proponit to me in ony wayis, befoir the murthour of umquhile the King, father to the King, now my Soverane : Nouther zit, efter the murthour, wald I ever, for ony persuasioun, agre to the subscriptioun of ony band, howbeit I was earnestlie urgit and pressit thairto be the Quene's commandment. This far I thocht guid to put in write, and leif behind me, in cais (as I have befoir said) my adversaris, in my absence, bald speche, and report untrew matteris of me, to my dis- honour or disadvantage. Subscrivit with my hand at London the nyntene day of Januar, 1568. James Ekgent. Below is icritten in Secretary Cecil's hand, thus : — 19 Januar, 1568. An answer of the Erie of Murray, to a wryting of the Erie of Huntly and Argyll. 574 APPENDIX. APPENDIX I. The Names of such as are to be entertayned in Scotland by Pencions out of England. (From original in British Museum, Caligula, c. v.) £ The Regent 500 ) C Moreton. w" Thearle of Angiish 100 ) II Hi. Kotnos daughter. Thearle of Atholl 200 "1 ^ Eleminge Grand Prieurs Sister Thearle of Argile 200 > The E. Marshalls daughter. '» Thearle of Montrosse . 100 ) ^ Dromond daug. Thearle of Rothosse . 100 C Ruthis sister. Mefens wife. '» X Thearle of Clinkarn (Glencairn) 100 ~" X The Countesseof Marre 200 Tillihurnes sister. The of Askyn (Erskine) 150 Humes sister. The L. Glames . 100 The L. Ruthin . 100 ( ^ L. Mefens sister. The L. Lindsay . 100 L. Lochleuins sister. The L. Boyd 100 M'^ The L, Harris (Herries) 100 M^ "17 X The L. Maxwell 100 M'^ E. of Anguish sister. 77 X The L. Loughleuin 50 i:7r2000. The L. Boldukell 50 The L. of Domwrassell (Drumwhassel) 100 The L. of Ornieston . 50 L. Cawdens daughter. James M'gell 100 M'^ Buckannon 100 M'^ Nicholas Eluiston 50 Peter Younge scholem^ 30 Alexander Hay . 40 Carmichell 2653ii BOND IN FAVOUR OF BOTHWELL. 575 APPENDIX K. Band made by a number of the nobility in favour of the Earl of Both well, 19th April 1567. (A copy — -from the Cotton Library, Caligula, C. i.fol. 1.) Wee undersubscryveand understanding, that altho' the nobill and mightie Lord James Erie Bothwell, Lord Halis, Creightoun, and Liddesdaile, Great Admirall of Scotland, and Lievetennent to our Soverane Lady ouer allthe marches thair- of, being not onlie bruitit and calumniat be Placartes privilie affixit on the publick Places of the Kirk of Edinburgh, and utherwayes sklanderit be his evill willaris, and privie Eny- meis, as airt and pairt of the haynous murthour of the King, the Queue's Majesteis lait husband, but also be speciall let- teris sent to her Hienes be the Erie of Lennox, and delaitit of the samyne Cryme, quha in his Letteris earnestlie desyrit and requyreit the said Erie Bothwell to be tryit of the said Mur- thour, he be condigne Inqueist and Assise of certane nobill- men his Peares and utheris Baronnes of gud reputation, is fund guiltles and innocent of the odious Cryme objectit to him, and acquite thairof, conforme to the Lawes of this Eealme, quha also for farder Try ell of his Part, has offerit him reddie to defend and mantane his innocencie, contrair all that wiU impugne the samyne, be the Law of Armes, and sua hes omittit nothing for the perfyte Tryell of his accusatioune, that any Nobillman of Honor or be the Lawes ought to under- lye and accomplishe, and wee, considering the Anciencie and Nobillnes off his Houis, the honorable and guid Service done be his predecessoris, and speciallie himselffe to our Soverane, and for the defence of this her Hienes Eealme againis the Enymeis thairof, and the Ami tie and Friendshipe quhilk sa lang hes perseverit betwix his Houis and everie ane of us, and utheris our Predecessoris in particular, and therwithall seing how all nobillmen being in Keputation, Honor and Credite 576 APPENDIX. with their Soverane, are conimonlie subject to sustene asweill the vaine Bruites of the common People inconstant, as the Accusatiouns and Calumnies of thare adversers, invyfull of our place and vocation, quhilk we of our dewtie and Friend- ship are astricht and debtbund to repress and withstand : Thairfore oblies us, and ilk ane of us, upon our Faith and Honors, and Treuth in our Bodies, as we are Nobillmen, and will answer to God, that in caice heirefter anie maner of Person or Persones, in quhatsumever manner sail happin to insist farder to the sklander and Calumniatioun of the said Erie of Bothwell, as participant airt or pairt of the said hyneous murthor, quhairof ordinarie Justice hes acquite him, and for the quhilk he hes offerit to do his Devoire be the Law of Armes, in manner above rehersit ; we, and every ane of us, be our selffes, our Kyn, Friendis, Assistaris, Partakeris, and all that will doe for us, sail tak trew effauld,* plane, and upricht Pairt with him, to the defence and mantenance of his Quarrell, with our Bodies, Heretage, and Guids, agains his privie or publick Calumnyatoris, bypast or to come, or onie utheris presumeand onie Thing in word or deid to his Ee- proach, Dishonour or Infamie. Mairovir, weying and con- siddering the Tyme present, and how our Soverane the Queues Majestic is now destitute of a Husband, in the quhilk solitarie state the Commonweale of this Kealme may not permit her Hienes to continew and indure, but at sum Tyme her Hienes may be inclynet to yield unto a Mariage ; and thairfore in caice the former affectionate and hartlie Service of the said Erie done to her Majestic from tyme to tyme, and his uther gude Qualities and Behaviour, may move her Majestic so farr to humble her selff, as preferring ane of her native-born sub- jectis unto all forrane Princis, to tak to husband the said Erie, wee, and everie ane of us undersubscryveand, upon our Honors and Fidelitie, oblies us and promitts, not onlie to forder, advaunce, and set fordwart the Mariage, to be solem- nizat and compleitit betwix her Hienes and the said nobill Lord, with our Voatis, Counsell, Fortificatioun, and Assistance in word and deid at sic Tyme as it sail pleis her Majestic to think it convenient, and how sone the Lawes sail leave it to * Honest. BOND IN FAVOUR OF BOTHWELL. 577 be done;* but in caice onie wald presume directlie or in- directlie, openlie or under quhatsumevir Colour or Pretence, to hinder, hald back, or disturb the same Mariage, we sail in that belialfe esteime, hald and repute the Hinderaris, Adver- seris, or Disturbaris thairof, as our comoune Enemyis and evill willeris ; and notwithstanding the samyne, tak Pairt and fortifie the said Erie to the said Mariage, so farr as it may pleise our said Soverane Lady to allow; and thairin sail spend and bestow our Lyves and Guidis againes all that leive or die may, as we sail anser to God, and upon our awin Fidelities and Conscience ; and in caice we doe in the contrare, nevir to have Eeputation or Credite in na Tyme heirefter, but to be accounted unworthie and faithles Traytors. In witnes of the quhilk we have subscryveit thir Presents, as follows, at Edinburgh, the 19 day of Aprile, the Zeire of God 1567 Zeires. To this the Queene gave her consent the night befoir the Mariage, quhilk was the 14 Day of May, the Zeir of God for- said, in this Forme. The Queenes Majestie haveing sene and considderit the Band above writtine, promittis in the word of a Princesse, that she, nor her Successoris, sail nevir impute a Cryme or Offence to onie of the Personis subscryveris thairof, thaire consent and subscriptioun to the matter above written, thairin con- tenit ; nor that thai, nor thair Heires, sail nevir be callit nor accusit thairfoir ; nor zit sail the said consent or subscryving be onie Derogatioun or Spott to thair Honor, or thai esteemit undewtifull subjectis for doing thairof, notwithstanding quhat- sumevir thing can tend or be allegeit in the contrare. In witnes quhairof her Majestie hes subscryveit the samyne with her awin Hand. At the end of the bond there is added, in the handwriting of Cecil : — The names of such of the Nobilitie as subscribed the Band so far as John Read might remember, of who me I had this * That is to say, when Bothwell shall have been divorced from his wife. 578 APPENDIX. copie, beeing his owne hand beeing commonly termed in Scot- land Aynslies Supper. Eglinton subscribed not, but slipped away. — See p. 297. Opinion of English civilians, advising that the Queen of Scots ought to be allowed to appear in person to answer the charges preferred against her. It is attached to a despatch of Fenelon, dated 15th December 1568 (i. 51). This opinion was given in reply to the following questions: 1. Que la Eoyne d'Escoce demande estre ouye personelle- ment en sa cause ; 2. N'advouant toutefois q' autre que Dieu ayt jurisdiction sur elle ; 3. Et qu'elle puysse desduyre son faict devant la Eoyne d'Angleterre sa bonne soeur, 4. En presence de la noblesse du diet pays d'Angleterre, 5. A ce assistans les ambassadeurs de France et d'Espaigne, 6. En ceste ville de Londres. The Earls of Sutherland. EOTHES. Glencairn. Caithness. ^Murray. Argyll. HUNTLY. Cassilts. Morton. Lords Boyd. Seyton. Sinclair. Semple. Oliphaxt. Ogilyie. Eosse-Hacat. Carleile. Herries. Hume. Innermeith. APPENDIX L. OPINION OF CIVILIANS. 579 To some of these points the civilians took exception, but the conclusion at which they arrived was the following : — Nous estimons ceste volontaire offre d'estre ouye si im- portante que sommes d'advis qu'on luy concMe tout ce qu'elle demande, ne contrevenant en rien k la Eoyne d'An- gleterre et ne prejudiciant k sa majesty afifin que personne n'ait que dire de la facon de procMer qu'on aura tenu en cette affaire." * * Fenelon does not give the names of the persons consulted. He calls them " advocats et gens de lettres de ceste ville." THE END. 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Octavo, 7s. 6d, The Birthday, and other Poems. By Mrs Southey. Second Edition, 5s. Professor Wilson's Poems. Containing the "Isle of Palms," the "City of the Plague," "Unimore," and other Poems. Comploto Edition, Crown Octavo, 4s. Poems and Songs. By David Wingate. In Fcap. Octavo. 6s. " It contains genuine poetic ore, poems which win for their author a place among Scotland's true sons of song, and such as any man in any country might rejoice to have written. "-London Review. " We are delighted to welcome into the brotherhood of real poets a countrjrman of Bums, and whose verse will go far to render the rougher Border Scottish a classic dialect in our literature." — John Bull. PUBLISHED BY W. BLACKWOOD AND SONS, WORKS OF FICTION Tales from " Blackwood." Complete in Twelve Yolumes, Bound in cloth, 18s. The Volumes are sold separately, Is. 6d,, and may be had of most Booksellers, in Six Volumes, handsomely half-bound in red morocco. CONTENTS. Vol. I. The Glenmutchkin Railway. — Vanderdecken's Message Home. — Tlie Floating Beacon. — Colonna the Painter. — Napoleon. — A Legend of Gibraltar. — The Iron Shroud. Vol. II. Lazaro's Legacy. — A Story without a Tail. — Faustus and Queen Elizabeth. — How I became a Yeoman. — Devereux Hall. — The Metempsychosis — College Theatricals. Vol. III. A Reading Party in the Long Vacation.— Father Tom and the Pope. — La Petite Madelaine. — Bob Burke's Duel with Ensign Brady. — The Headsman : A Tale of Doom. — The Wearyful Woman. Vol. IV. How I stood for the Dreepdaily Burghs.— First and Last.— The Duke's Dilemma : A Chronicle of Niesenstein. — The Old Gentleman's Teetotum. — *' Woe to us when we lose the Watery Wall."— My College Friends : Charles Russell, the Gentleman Commoner. — The Magic Lay of the One-Horse Chay. Vol. V. Adventures in Texas.— How we got possession of the Tuileries.— Captain Baton's Lament. — The Village Doctor. — A Singular Letter from Southern Africa. Vol. VI. 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The verj' best manual for intelligent emi- grants, whilst to the British agriculturist and general reader it conveys a most complete con- ception of the condition of these prosperous region than all that has hitherto been written."— Economist. Journal of a Tour in G-reece and the Ionian Islands. By William Mure of Caldwell. Two Volumes, Post Octavo, Maps and Plates, 24s. A Cruise in Japanese Waters. By Capt. Sherard Oshom, C.B. Third Edition. Crown Octavo, 5s. Life in the Far West. By &. P. Euxton, Esq. Second Edition. Foolscap Octavo, 43. " One of the most daring and resolute of travellers. ... A volume fuller of excitement is seldom submitted to the public." — Athenoeum. larrative of a Journey through Syria and Palestine. By Lieut. Van de Velde. Two Volumes Octavo, with Maps, &c., £1, 10s. " He has contributed much to knowledge of the country, and the unction with which he speaks of the holy places which he has visited, will commend the book to the notice of all reUgious readers. His illustrations of Scripture are numerous and admirable. " — Daily News. PUBLISHED BY W. BLACKWOOD AND SONS, GEOGKAPHICAL WORKS NEW GENERAL ATLAS. DEDICATED BY SPECIAL PERMISSION TO HER MAJESTY. THE ROYAL ATLAS MODERN GEOGRAPHY IN A SERIES OF ENTPRELY ORIGINAL AND AUTHENTIC MAPS. BY A. KEITH JOHNSTON, F.R.S.E. F.R.G.S. Author of the "Physical Atlas," &c. With a complete Index of easy reference to each Map, comprising nearly 150,000 Places contained in this Atlas. Imperial Folio, half-bound in russia or morocco, £5, 15s. 6d. Athenseum, August 10, 1861. Under the name of " The Royal Atlas of Modern Geography," Messrs Blackwood and Sona have published a book of maps, which for care of drawing and beauty of execution appears to leave nothing more to hope for or desire. Science and art have done their best upon this mag- nificent book. Mr A. Keith Johnston answers for the engraving and printing : to those who love clear forms and delicate bold type we need say no more. All that maps should be, these maps are : honest, accurate, intelligible guides to narrative or description Of the many noble .atlases prepared by Mr Johnston and published by Messrs Blackwood and Sons, this Royal Atlas will be the most useful to the public, and will deserve to be the most popular. Saturday Review, The completion of Mr Keith Johnston's Royal Atlas of Modern Geography claims a special notice at our hands. While Mr Johnston's maps are certainly unsurpassed by any for legibility and uniformity of drawing, as well as for accuracy and judicious selection, this eminent geographer's Atlas has a distinguishing merit in the fact that each map is accompanied by a special index of remarkable fulness. The labour and trouble of reference are in this way reduced to a minimum. . . . . The number of places enumerated in the separate indices is enormous. We believe, indeed, that every name which appears in the maps is registered in the tables ; and as each place is indicated by two letters, which refer to the squares formed by the parallels of latitude and longitude, the method of using the index is extremely easy and convenient We know no series of maps which we can more warmly recommend. The accuracy, wherever we have attempted to put it to the test, is really astonishing. Morning Herald. The culmination of all attempts to depict the face of the world appears in the Royal Atlas, than which it is impossible to conceive anything more perfect. Guardian. This is, beyond question, the most splendid and luxurious, as well as the most useful and complete of all existing atlases. Examiner. There has not, we believe, been produced for general public use a body of maps equal in beauty and completeness to the Royal Atlas just issued by Mr A. K. Johnston. Scotsman. An almost daily reference to, and comparison of, it with others, since the publication of the first part some two years ago until now, enables us to say, without the slightest hesitation, that this is by far the most complete and authentic atlas that has yet been issued. EDINBURGH AND LONDON. GEOGEAPHICAL WOKKS Index G-eograpMcus : Being a List, Alphabetically ar- RANGED, of the Principal Places on the Globe, with the Countries and Subdivisions of the Countries in which they are situated, and their Lati- tudes AND Longitudes. Compiled specially with reference to Keith John- ston's Royal Atlas, but applicable to all Modern Atlases and Maps. In One Volume Imperial Octavo, pp. 67o, price 21s. The Physical Atlas of latural Phenomena. By Alex. Keith Johnston, F.R.S.E., &c., Geographer to the Queen for Scotland. A New and Enlarged Edition, consisting of 35 Folio Plates, 27 smaller ones, printed in Colours, with 135 pages of Letterpress, and Index. SUBJECTS TREATED OK. Geography and Orography, .... 11 Plates. Hydrography, 6 „ Meteorology and Magnetism, . . . . 6 Botanical Geography, 2 „ Zoological Geography, 6 „ Ethnology and Statistics, 4 „ Imperial Folio, half-bound morocco, £8, 8s. "The Physical Atlas of Mr Keith Johnston— a perfect treasure of compressed infoiination." — Sir John Herscliel. " There is no map in this noble Atlas upon which we might not be tempted to write largely. Almost every one suggests a volume of reflection, and suggests it by presenting, in a few hours, accurate truths which it would be the labour of a volume to enforce in words, and by imprinliug them, at the same time, upon the memory with such distinctness that their outlines are not likely to be afterwards effaced. The ' Physical Atlas ' is a somewhat costly work, reckoning it only by its paper ; but upon its paper is stamped an amount of knowledge that could scarcely be acquired without the reading of as many books as would cost seven times the price." — Examiner. " This Atlas ought to have a place in every good library. . . . We know of no work con- taining such copioiis and exact information as to all the physical circumstances of the earth on which we live.'' — Quarterly Reviexv. The Physical Atlas. Ey Alexander Keith Johnston, F.Pl.S.E., F.R.G.S., Geographer to the Queen for Scotland. Reduced from the Imperial Folio. This Edition Contains Twenty-Five Maps, including a Palre- ontological and Geological Map of the British Islands, with Descriptive Letter- press, and a vei-y copious Index. In Imperial Quarto, half-bound morocco, £2, 12s. Cd. " Executed with remarkable care, and is as accurate, and, for all educational purposes, as valu- able as the splendid large work (by the same author) which has now a European reputation." — Eclectic Review. Atlas of Scotland. 31 Maps of the Counties of Scotland, coloured. Bound in roan, price 10s. 6d. Each County may be had separately, in Cloth Case, Is. . A Greological Map of Europe, exhibiting the different Systems of Rocks according to the latest researches, and from Inedited materials. By Sir R. I. Murchison, D.C.L., F.R.S., &c., Director-General of the Geological Survey of Great Britain and Ireland ; and James Nicol, F.R.S.E., F.G.S., Professor of Natural History in the University of Aberdeen. Constructed by Alex. Keith Johnston, F.R.S.E., &c., Geographer to the Queen, Author of the "Physical Atlas," &c. Scale, j;^^ of Natul-e, 76 miles to an inch. Four Sheets Imperial, beautifully printed in Colours. Size, 4 feet 2 inches by 3 feet 5 inches. In Sheets, £3, 3s ; in a Cloth Case, 4to, £3, 10s. PUBLISHED BY W. BLACKWOOD AND SONS, GEOGKAPHICAL WOKKS Keith Johnston's School Atlases :— I. General and Descriptive Geography, exhibiting the Actual and Comparative Extent of all the Countries in the World, with their present Political Divisions. A New and Enlarged Edition. Corrected to the present tirtio. With a complete Index. 26 Maps. Half-bound, 12s. 6d. II. Physical Geography, illustrating, in a Series of Original Designs the Elementary Facts of Geology, Hydrology, Meteorology, and Natural History. A New and Enlarged Edition. 20 Maps, including coloured Geological Maps of Europe and of the British Isles. Half-bound, 12s. 6d. III. Classical Geography : Comprising, in Twenty-three Plates, Maps and Plans of all the important Countries and Localities referred to by Classical Authors ; accompanied by a pronouncing Index of Places, by T. Harvey, M.A. Oxon. A New and Revised Edition. Half-bound, 12s. 6d. tv- Astronomy. An Entirely New Edition. Notfes and Descrip- tive Letterpress to each Plate, embodying all recent Discoveries in Astro- nomy. 20 Maps. Half-bound, 12s. 6d. V. Elementary School Atlas of General and Descriptive Geogra- phy for the Use of Junior Classes. A New and Cheaper Edition. 20 Maps, including a Map of Canaan and Palestine. Half-bound, 5s. *' They are as superior to all School Atlases within our knowledge, as were the larger works of the same Author in advance of those that preceded them." — Educational Times. " Decidedly the best School Atlases we have ever seen." — English Journal of Education. "... The PAi/sica 1 .4 Was seems to us particularly well executed. . . . The last gene- ration had no such help to learning as is afforded in these excellent elementary maps. The Class- ical Atlas is a great improvement on v/hat has usually gone by that name ; not only is it fuller, but in some cases it gives the same country more than once in different periods of time. Thus it approaches the special value of a historical atlas. . . . The General ^ Was is wonderfully full and accurate for its scale. . . . Finally, the Astronomical Atlas, in which Mr Hind is respon- sible for the scientific accuracy of the maps, supplies an admitted educational want. No better companion to an elementary astronomical treatise could be found than this cheap and convenient collection of maps. " — Saturday/ Review. " The plan of these Atlases is admirable, and the excellence of the plan is rivalled by the beauty of the execution. . . . The best security for the accuracy and substantial value of a School Atlas is to have it from the hands of a man like our Author, who has perfected his skill by the execution of much larger works, and gained a character which he will be careful not to jeopar- dise by attaching his name to anything that is crude, slovenly, or superficial." — Scotsman. Atlas of Plans of Countries, Battles, Sieges, & Sea-PigMs, Illustrative of the History of Europe from the Commencement of the French Revolution to the Battle of Waterloo. Constructed by A. Keith Johnston, F.R.S.E., &c. &c. With Vocabulary of Military and Marine Terms. 109 Plates, Demy Quarto, price £3, 3-s. Another Edition, in Crown Quarto, £1, lis. 6d. EDINBURGH AND LONDON. GEOGEAPHICAL WOEKS A New Map of Europe. By A. Keith Mnston, F.R.S.E., F.R.G.S., Geographer to the Queen. The Map is fully coloured, and measures 4 feet 2 inches by 3 feet 5 inches. Price, mounted on Cloth and Mahogany Roller, Varnished, or Folded in Quarto in a handsome Cloth Case, 21s. Geological Map of Scotland, rrom the most Eecent Au- thorities and Personal Observations. By James Nicol, F.R.S.E., &c.. Profes- sor of Natural History in the University of Aberdeen. With Explanatory Notes. The Topography by Alexander Keith Johnston, F.R.S.E., &c. Scale, 10 miles to an inch. In Cloth Case, 21s. A Small &eological Map of Europe. From Keith John- ston'S School " Physical Atlas." Printed in Coloui's, Sixpence.. A Geological Map of the British Isles. Erom the same. Printed in Colours, Sixpence. Hand Atlases : Being the Maps of Keith Johnston's School Atlases on Large Paper, and half-bound, full size, Imperial Quarto. 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"The Atlas is undoubtedly the most beautiful work of its class that has ever been published, and in several respects the most instructive." — The Astronomer Royal. Seological and Palaeontological Map of the British Islands, including Tables of the Fossils of the diflferent Epochs, &c. &c., from the Sketches and Notes of Professor Edward Forbes. With Illustrative and Explanatoiy Letterpress. 21s. PUBLISHED BY W. BLACKWOOD AND SONS, AGRICULTUKAL AND EUML AFFAIES The Book of the Farm. Detailing the labours of the Farmer, Farm-Steward, Ploughman, Shepherd, Hedger, Cattle-man, Field-worker, and Dairymaid, and forming a safe Monitor for Students in Practical Agriculture. By Henry Stephens, F.R.S.E. Two Volumes, Royal Octavo, £3, handsomely bound in cloth, with upwards of 600 Illustrations. " The best book I have ever mot with." — Professor Johnston. 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C E I T 1 C I S M 1 The Book-Hunter, &c. By John Hill Burton. In Crown Octavo. Second Edition, 7s. 6d. " We have not been more amused for a long time : and every reader who takes interest in typography and its consequences will say the same, if he will begin to read ; beginning, he will finish, and be sorry when it is over." — Atlunceiim. ' Mr Burton has now given us a pleasant book, full of quaint anecdote, and of a lively bookish talk. There is a quiet humour in it which is very taking, and there is a curious knowledge of books which is really very sound." — Examiner. "One of the most charming volumes we have ever read, abounding in quaint anecdote, and printed in appropriate fashion on cream-coloured paper. It is impossible anywhere to open the book without coming upon a ' good thing.' " — Literary Budget. The Sketcher. By the Eev. John Eagles. Originally published in BlackivoocC s Magazine. Octavo, 10s. 6d. "This volume, called by the appropriate name of 'The Sketcher,' is one that ought to be found in the studio of every English landscape-painter More instructive and sug- gestive readings for young artists, especially landscape-painters, can scarcely be found." — The Globe. Essays. By the Eev. John Eagles, A.M. Oxon. Originally published in BlachwoocV s Magazine. Post Octavo, 10s. 6d. Contents : — Church Music, and other Parochials. — Medical Attendance, and other Parochials. — A few Hours at Hampton Court. — Grandfathers and Grandchildren. — Sitting for a Portrait. — Are there not Great Boasters among us? — Temperance and Teetotal Societies. —Thackeray's Lectures : Swift. — The Crystal Palace. — Civilisation : the Census. — The Beggar's Legacy. lectures on the Poetical Literature of the Past Half-Cen- tury. By D. M. MoiR. Third Edition. Foolscap Octavo, 5s. " Exquisite in its taste and generous in its criticisms." — Hugh, Miller. Two lectures on the Grenius of Handel, and the distinc- tive Character of his Sacred Compositions. Delivered to the Members of the Edinburgh Philosophical Institution. By the Very Rev. Dean Ramsay, Author of 'Reminiscences of Scottish Life and Character.' In Crown Octavo, 3s. 6d. Essays : Critical and Imaginative. By John Wilson, Professor of Moral Philosophy and Political Economy in the University of Edin- burgh. Edited by Professor Ferrier. Four Volumes, Crown Octavo, 16s. Homer and his Translators, and the Grreek Drama. By Professor Wilson. Crown Octavo, 4s. Blackwood's Magazine, from Commencement in 1817 to December 1861. Numbers i to 554, forming 90 Volumes. £31, 10s. Index to the Eirst Fifty Volumes of Blackwood's Magazine. Octavo, 15s. Lectures on the History of literature. Ancient and Modern. By Frederick Schlegel. Translated by J. G. Lockhart. Foolscap, 5s. PUBLISHED BY W. BLACKWOOD AND SONS. DATE DUE Fffl — ^ ■Qf^ NOV 19/1 -r-^ n Cf' — \ 0 '^^^ JAN ? ^486? — i 1 1 GAYLORD 1 PRINTED IN U.S.A. 1 I BOSTON COLLEGE 3 9031 01213598 4 Bapst Library Boston College Che$tn Jt Hill, Mass. 02167