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LIFE AND LIMES 
 
 OF 
 
 HENRY G RATTAN. 
 
 VOL. V. 
 
Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 in 2013 
 
 http://archive.org/details/memoirsoflifetim05grat 
 
M £ M I K S 
 
 LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 Rt. Hon. HENRY GRATTAN. 
 
 BY HIS SON, 
 
 HENRY GRATTAN, ESQ., M.P. 
 
 NEW EDITION, 
 IN FIVE VOLUMES. 
 
 VOL. V. 
 
 H, ^> MASS. 
 LONDON: 
 
 HENRY COLBURN, PUBLISHER, 
 GREAT MARLBOROUGH STREET. 
 1849. 
 
15 a°i t*r<3 
 
 BOSTON COLLEGE LIBRARY 
 CHESTNUT HILL, MASS. 
 
 20.5775 
 
THE 
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 OF 
 
 CHAPTERS IN VOLUME V. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Ministers of George III. and Queen Elizabeth compared. — Policy of 
 England towards Ireland. — Influence of the Crown in the Irish Par- 
 liament. — The superior advantages possessed by Ireland. — Conduct 
 of the Irish Parliament. — Probability of a Union. — The proceedings of 
 the Irish Government justified the course pursued by Mr. Grattan. — In- 
 evitable consequence of their proceedings. — Sketch of the events that 
 led to the Union. — Natural consequences. — Means adopted by Go- 
 vernment. — Secret Service Money. — Sir John Parnell and James Fitz- 
 gerald dismissed from their offices for opposing the Union. — Letter of 
 Mr. Fitzgerald to the Bar. — Their conduct. — Meeting and Resolutions 
 as to the Union. — Meeting of Parliament, 22nd January, 1799. — 
 Mr. Ponsonby's amendment against Union lost only by one ! — Mr. 
 Plunket's speech. — Sir Lawrence Parson's amendment against the 
 Union carried on the 24th by five majority. — Union Paragraph rejected. 
 — Great joy of the Irish People. — Addresses to the Members. — Mr. 
 Saurin's reply. — The Regency Bill proposed by Mr. Fitzgerald. — 
 Mr. Foster's (Speaker) speech against the Union . . Page 1 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Military force in Ireland at the period of the Union. — Martial law. — 
 Cruel sentence on Devereux. — Indemnity bill. — Cases of torture 
 known by the Government-Trials. — Acquittal of Judkin Fitzgerald. — 
 Lord Avonmore's charge. — Mr. Barrington's resignation as lieutenant 
 of yeomanry.— Escheatorship refused to Colonel Cole. — Arts prac- 
 tised by Government. — Speeches of Plunket, Moore, and Ponsonby. 
 *— Ponsonby's attack on Lord Castlereagh. — House of Lords. — Amend- 
 
vi 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 ment proposed by Lord Powerscourt against the Union. — Last letter of 
 Lord Charlemont. — His death. — End of session of 1799. — Conduct 
 of Lord Cornwallis. — Addresses in favour of Union. — Lord Donough- 
 more's conduct. — Orange Lodges hostile to Union. — Divisions sown 
 among them and the Catholics. — Offers to the Roman Catholic clergy. 
 — Resolution of the prelates. — Veto. — Catholics grossly duped. — 
 Anecdote of Lord Cornwallis by Judge Johnson. — Catholics adverse 
 to the Union. — Meeting and speech of Mr. Daniel O'Connell, bar- 
 rister, against it. — Resolutions on the subject . . Page 31 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Mr. Grattan's difficulty of getting a seat in Parliament. — Conduct of 
 opposition.— Peter Burrowes's plan to appeal to yeomanry. — Sheri- 
 dan's words on the Union. — Arthur Wellesley's (Duke of Welling- 
 ton) opinion on Union. — Mr. Foster's difficulty as to the Catholics. 
 — Letter from Lord Downshire and Charlemont. — Three plans for 
 opposing the Union ; purchasing seats ; writing pamphlets; personal 
 conduct. — Mr. Grattan elected for the town of Wicklow. — Going to 
 the House. — Parting with Mrs. Grattan. — Her spirited words. — Sir 
 Lawrence PaTson's amendment. — Speeches of Plunket, Fitzgerald, 
 Moore, Ponsonby, and Bushe. — Mr. Grattan's entrance into the House. 
 — Sensation produced. — His appearance and conduct.— Speaks. — 
 Corry attacks him. — Arbitrary conduct of Government. — Post troops 
 at the Houses of Parliament. — Meetings of the people stopped by the 
 military. — Major Rogers threatens to blow the Court House about the 
 ears of the freeholders in the King's County, 5th Feb. — Mr. Grattan's 
 speech against Union. — Attacked a second time by Corry. — Govern- 
 ment press on the question. — No regard paid to the Committee on 
 Trade and Manufactures. — House in Committee. — Mr. Corry attacks 
 Mr. Grattan. — His reply.^— They leave the House. — Corry's character 
 and conduct. Corry 's friendship. — His verses on Mr. Grattan. — 
 Account of the duel by Mr. Grattan. — SherifT held by General 
 Cradock till the parties fought Page 63 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Effect of the duel between Mr. Grattan and Mr. Corry on the suppor- 
 ters of the Union. — Case of bribery, 5,000 guineas paid. — Some 
 could not be bribed. — Mr. Hardy. — His character. — Rejects all 
 offers. — Charles Kendal Bushe.— His character. — Rejects all offers 
 from Lord Castlereagh.— Peter Burrowes incorruptible. — His cha- 
 racter and conduct. — Speech of Mr. Saurin against the Union — His 
 character and conduct. — Foster's speech. — His character and conduct. 
 — Lord Cornwallis's letter to Lord Mornington. — Remarks upon it. — 
 Mr. George Ponsonby's motion. — Impatience of Government. — In- 
 troduce two bills. — Insurrection and Rebellion bills. — Invest the 
 Army with great powers. — Government propose to buy the House of 
 Commons, and pay 15,000/. for each borough abolished.— Letter on 
 the subject to the Marquis of Donegal.— Expenses of the Union. — 
 Mr. Plunket's celebrated attack on Government for their corrupt 
 practices.— Character of Mr. Plunket.— Character of Mr. Ponsonby. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Vll 
 
 — His motion to dissolve Parliament. — Sir John Parnell's speech. — 
 Account of his family, the Poet and the Peer. — Remarkable words of 
 Mr. Saurin and Sir Lawrence Parsons as to the Union. — Exchange of 
 the militias of the two countries. — The Fitzgerald indemnity bill. — 
 Proceedings of the House of Lords. — Speech of Lord Clare. — Attacks 
 Mr. Grattan. — Publishes his Speech. — Mr. Grattan's celebrated an- 
 swer, and brilliant description of the men of 1782 . Page 110 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Proceedings in the British Parliament on the Union. — Sheridan's exer- 
 tions against it. — Lord Downshire on the offers to him from Govern- 
 ment. — Lord Camden on ihe torture in Ireland. — Description of the 
 Government supporters in the Irish Parliament in the Lower House. 
 — St. George Daly, William Smith, Luke Fox, Robert Johnson, all 
 created judges for their votes. — Society of the Monks of the Screw. — 
 Dr. Frederick Jebb. — Johnson promoted. — Curran's great eulogium 
 on Lord Avonmore. — Anecdote of him by Curran. — Dr. Arthur 
 Browne killed by the Union. — In the upper House, Lord Pery, Lord 
 Carleton, Lord Kilwarden, Lord Avonmore. — Anecdote of, by Curran. 
 — His last speech in the House alluding to Mr. Grattan. — Lord Cas- 
 tlereagh. — His character and conduct. — Motion of Mr. O'Donnell that 
 the placemen should go to the Lord Lieutenant with the address on 
 the Union. — List of them. — Union Bill read a second time. — Mr. 
 Grattan's speech. — Encomium on him by Mr. Burrowes. — Motion 
 that the Union Bill be burned. — Bill passed the 7th of June. — Re- 
 ceives the Koyal Assent on the 1st of August. — Speeches against the 
 Union bought by Lord Castlereagh and burned . . Page 154 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Afr. Pitt's opinion favourable to domestic legislation in Ireland. — His 
 letter to the Duke of Rutland. — Remarks on the Union. — Acquisi- 
 tions for Ireland gained by the Irish Parliament. — Results of the 
 Union. — Effect on the Trade, Commerce, and Revenues of the Coun- 
 try. — Ireland became bankrupt. — Military force necessary for Ireland 
 in 1782. — Forces kept up in 1840. — State of the people. — Parlia- 
 mentary reports. — Destitute condition of the agricultural classes. — 
 Original Red and Black Lists. — The speech and opinion of Mr. Fox 
 on the Union. — Comparison between Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox. — Their 
 characters and their style of eloquence . . . Page 181 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 After the Union Mr. Grattan retires to Tinnehinch and gives up politics. 
 — His mode of life. — Letter to Mr. Berwick. — Remark on Lord 
 Clare's speech in the Imperial Parliament. — Lord Fitzwilliam urges 
 Mr. Grattan to enter Parliament. — Mr. Grattan's letter to Signor 
 Acerbi. — Remarks on Ireland. — Mr. Pitt and Lord Comwallis retire 
 from office. — Their reasons. — Memorandum produced by Lord Castle- 
 reagh on the subject. — Mr. Addington's administration. — Peace with 
 the French Republic. — Emmett's insurrection in 1 803. — His words and 
 
viii 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 death. — The Broken Heart, Moore's Melody. — Mr. M'Can's exami- 
 nation before the Privy Council. — Strange offers to him. — Mr. Grat- 
 tan's letter to Mr. Wickham. — The paper regarding the United Irish 
 Directory burned by Mr. Grattan. — Lord Fitzwilliam's letter to Mr. 
 Grattan and Mr. Plowden. — His History and Remarks on Mr. 
 Addington as to the Catholics. — Mr. Fox applies to Mr. Grattan on 
 the affairs of Ireland. — His answer. — His yeomanry corps. — Recon- 
 ciles Orangemen and Catholics. — Mr. Grattan's important letter to 
 Mr. Fox. — Mr. Fox to Mr. Grattan. — Hardy's Memoirs of Lord 
 Charlemont Page 210 
 
 CHAPTER VIII 
 
 State of affairs on the continent of Europe in 1804 and 1805.— Conduct 
 of Buonaparte. — His letter to the King. — Parties in Parliament. — 
 Mr. Addington.-— Mr. Pitt. — Letters of Lord Redesdale to Lord 
 Fingall. — Mr. Grattan solicited to return to Parliament. — Mr. Fox's 
 letters. — Mr. Pitt's conduct to the Catholics. — His message to Lord 
 Hardwicke. — Proceedings of the Catholics. — Apply to Pitt. — Entrust 
 their petition to Mr. Fox.— He moves on their petition. — -Account of 
 Mr. Grattan's speech in the Imperial Parliament.— Its success. — 
 Pitt's remark. — Lord Byron's. — Letter to Mr. Grattan on the subject 
 from Dr. O'Leary. — Lord Tyrawly. — Mr. Grattan's letter to Hardy 
 and M'Can. — Breach between Pitt and Foster. — Mr. Grattan wishes 
 to retire from Parliament. — Fox's letter. — Mr. Grattan to James 
 Grattan on the study of history. — To Dr. Berwick. — Victory at Tra- 
 falgar.— To Mr. Plowden.— Irish history. — Death of Mr. Pitt. — 
 Change of administration Page 247 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 The Duke of Bedford sent to Ireland as Lord Lieutenant. — Conduct of 
 the Whig administration. — Great expectations of the Irish people. — 
 Disappointed. — Mr. Fox's remarks as to the repeal of the Union. — 
 Treatment of Hardy and Curran. — Mr. Tierney. — His character. — 
 Conduct of the Catholics. — Letter of Mr. Grattan. — Refuses office. — 
 Mr. Fox's letterasto the Catholics. — Letter of the Lord Lieutenant. — 
 Letter of Mr. Grattan on the study of history.— His to Mr. Berwick 
 on Irish appointments. — To M'Can on ditto. — To Hamilton Rowan 
 as to Mr. Sampson. — To M'Can as to Curran. — Fletcher and Hardy. 
 — As to Mr. Fox's health. — Lord Lieutenant to Mr. Grattan on the 
 death of Fox. — Mr. Grattan to the Secretary of the Board of Educa- 
 tion on that subject. — Sir John Newport on ditto. — General election. 
 — Mr. Grattan declining Lord Fitzwilliam's offer to be returned for 
 an English borough, sets up for Dublin. — Is elected. — His speech. — 
 Letter of Mr. Keogh. — Ditto of Duke of Bedford.— Mrs. Grattan to 
 Mr. Hartley, refusing the subscription to defray the expenses of elec- 
 tion. — Lord Fitzwilliam to Mr. Grattan . . . Page 282 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 The Duke of Bedford's letter on a provision for the Catholic clergy. — 
 Mr. Grattan's opinion thereon.-— Also Edmund Burke's. — Proceed- 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 ix 
 
 ings of the Catholics as to their petition in 1807. — Mr. Ponsonby's 
 opinion and letter thereon. — Meeting of the new Parliament. — Lord 
 Grenville and Lord Howick continued in the ministry. — Remarks on 
 their character. — The Catholic Military Bill at first approved of, then 
 objected to, by the King. — The bill abandoned. — Unconstitutional 
 pledge demanded by the King. — Refused. — They are dismissed. — Mr. 
 Grattan's letter to the Duke of Bedford on the subject. — His letter to 
 Lord Fingall on the Catholic petition. — Speech of Mr. Keogh. — Re- 
 solution in favour of the Duke of Bedford. — His reply. — Mr. Pres- 
 ton's death. — Mr. Hardy his successor. — Mr. Grattan's letter to Mr. 
 Berwick. — No Popery administration. — Their conduct. — Their cha- 
 racter. — Mr. Canning. — Mr. Perceval. — House of Commons desert 
 the Whigs, and support Mr. Perceval's party. — Parliament dissolved. 
 — Unconstitutional efforts of the Tories at the elections. — Great ma- 
 jority in their favour in the House of Commons. — Insurrection and 
 Arms bill. — Mr. Grattan's conduct. — Mr. Sheridan's motion on the 
 state of Ireland. — Speech of Mr. Grattan thereon. — His letters on the 
 subject. — To Mr. Berwick and Mr. M'Can, and to H. Grattan, jun. 
 
 Page 330 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 The Roman Catholic Proceedings in 1808. — Letters of Mr. Grattan 
 thereon. — The Grant to the Catholic College of Maynooth reduced by 
 the No-Popery administration. — Remarks thereon by Mr. Foster, Mr. 
 Grattan, and Sir A. Wellesley (Secretary, afterwards Duke of Wel- 
 lington). — The History of the Veto. — Efforts of Government to gain 
 influence over the Catholic Church in 1782, 1795, 1799, 1806, and 
 1808. — The Object of Government. — Edmund Burke's opinions on 
 this question. — Catholic Question brought forward by Mr. Grattan. — 
 Dr. Milner's Communication with Mr. Ponsonby. — Veto as stated 
 by him. — Milner retracts. — People of Ireland oppose Veto. — 
 Mr. Grattan's opinion thereon. — His Letter to Mr. M'Can. — 
 Questions in 1809. — Sale of Writership and Seat in Parliament by 
 Lord Castlereagh. — Mr. Grattan's conduct thereon. — History of that 
 shameful transaction. — Public immorality and corruption. — Conduct 
 of the Duke of York. — Investigation by the House of Commons. — 
 Mrs. Clarke. — Mr. Grattan votes against the Duke, who is removed 
 from the command of the Army. — Expedition to Walcheren. — Great 
 loss experienced by the Army. — Subject of the Irish Union. — Mr. 
 Grattan's Letters thereon. — Trade and Exports of Ireland. — Mr. 
 Grattan's Letters to Messrs. M'Can and Berwick . Page 367 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Irish tithes.— Mr. Grattan brings on the Catholic question in 1810. — 
 Domestic nomination of Catholic bishops disregarded by ministers.— 
 Mr. Grattan complains of his absence from Ireland. — Injury from 
 absenteeism. — His life in London. — Visits to Richmond to Mr. 
 Sharp. — Samuel Rogers.— Cumberland. — Interesting conversation. — 
 Anecdote of Kean and Miss O'Neill. — Leadership of the opposition 
 offered to Tierney, accepted by Ponsonby. — Distress of Ireland. — 
 
X 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 Resolutions against the Union. — Public meeting and petitions against 
 it. — Mr. Grattan's answer and opinion thereon. — Banks's charge that 
 Ireland was a burthen to England. — Foster's spirited reply. — Illness 
 of George III. — Conduct of Mr. Perceval. — Mr. Grattan's letter. — 
 Opposes the restrictions on the Regency. — Mr. Ponsonby's able 
 speech. — Defeat of ministers on the household. — Mr. Grattan's 
 speech. — Prince accepts the office. — Lord Grenville, auditor of the 
 exchequer, refuses to issue the public money. — Unconstitutional 
 power assumed by the Commons. — Conduct of Sheridan. — Court 
 intrigues. — Arrangement of the new ministry. — Lord Grenville and 
 Lord Grey dissatisfied. — The No-Popery administration continued. — 
 Mr. Grattan disclaims a spurious reply to Flood. — Letters to M'Can. 
 — Letter on the Irish finances. — Sir John Newport's motion. — Mr. 
 Grattan's letter on reform. — On the interchange of militia. — Letters to 
 James Grattan, in Sicily, on public affairs . . Page 409 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Commencement of the Prince Regent's Government in 1811. — Proceed- 
 ings of the Catholics. — Mr. Pole's circular letter. — Mr. Grattan's re- 
 marks. — Presents the Catholic petition. — Motion thereon, and reply to 
 Mr. Perceval. — Conduct of the No-Popery Government. — Prosecution 
 of the Catholics. — Arrest of Lord Fingall. — Unconstitutional conduct 
 of the Chief Justice. — Convention Act. — Trial of the delegates. — 
 Acquittal of Dr. Sheridan. — Trial of Mr. Kirwan. — Conduct of Sir 
 Charles Saxton, Under Secretary.-— Tampers with the jury lists. — 
 Speech of Mr. Peter Burrowes. — Mr. Kirwan found guilty. — Conduct 
 of the prince. — His letter to the Duke of Richmond as to Lord 
 Leitrim. — Lord Hutchinson's spirited conduct. — Lord Grenville's and 
 Mr. Horner's Letters. — Lord Morpeth's motion as to Ireland. — Mr. 
 Grattan's speech. — America, orders in Council. — Mr. Grattan on 
 Mr. Perceval's policy. — Petition from the Protestants of Ireland in 
 favour of the Catholics. — Mr. Grattan moves Catholic petition, 23rd 
 April, 1812. — Speech. — Mr. Perceval assassinated. — Mr. Grattan's 
 letters. — Incapacity of Ministers to conduct the Government. — Record 
 thereof. — Attempts to form an administration. — Mr. Wortley's motion. 
 — Hostility of the Prince. — Old ministry retained. — Remarks on ne- 
 gotiations. — On Lords Grey, Grenville, and Moira . Page 445 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Conduct of the Catholics in 1812. — Witchery Resolutions. — Mr. Hay 
 (Secretary). — Letter thereon. — Motion in Parliament by Mr. Can- 
 ning and Lord Wellesley. — Mr. Grattan's friends meet at Tinnehinch, 
 and prepare the bill for Catholic Relief. — His letters. — Introduces 
 the bill in the new Parliament. — His resolutions. — Meeting of the 
 English members at Mr. Ponsonby's. — Proceedings on the bill. — 
 Rejected by Four ! — Conduct of the Speaker (Abbot). — Conduct of 
 the Prince. — Mr. Grattan's opinion and letter. — Lord Castlereagh. 
 — Election for Down. — Lady Downshire's letter. — Conduct of the 
 Catholics. — Application to Lord Donoughmore by Mr. Grattan. — 
 Mr. Wilberforce's letter. — Mr. Grattan declines to move on the 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 xi 
 
 Catholic petition in 1814. — Catholic Board suppressed by procla- 
 mation. — Conduct of Mr. Saurin. — Letter of Peter Burrowes as to 
 Mr. Hay. — Disagreement in opinion between the Catholics and Mr. 
 Grattan. — Their petition entrusted to Sir Henry Parnell. — Ros- 
 common address to Mr. Grattan. — His reply. — Mrs. Grattan goes to 
 France. — Defeat of Buonaparte. — Princess of Wales. — Corn Laws. 
 
 Page 483 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Buonaparte's return from Elba. — Question of War. — Mr. Grattan sup- 
 ports it. — His speech, and remarks on Mr. Fox and Mr. Burke. — 
 Lord Grey opposes it. — Remarks on the conduct of the Opposition ; 
 on Lord Castlereagh and the Tory Party. — Catholic Question brought 
 on by Sir Henry Parnell. — Feeling on the subject. — Mr. Grattan 
 speaks. — Distress in Ireland. — Mr. Vesey Fitzgerald's letter.— Sir J. 
 Newport's motion as to Ireland. — Effects of the Union. — National 
 Bankruptcy. — Consolidation of the Exchequers. — Sir John Newport's 
 letter to Mr. Grattan. — Catholic Question. — Mr. Bellew. — Sir H. 
 Parnell's letter. — Catholic Committee apply to Mr. Grattan to sup- 
 port their claims (1817). — Sir James Mackintosh's remarks on debate 
 (note). — Death of Ponsonby and Curran. — Mr. Grattan's letter to 
 Lady Charleville. — Window Tax. — Discontent of Citizens of Dublin. 
 — Mr. Grattan elected for Dublin, fifth time. — Attacked when chaired. 
 — His reply to addresses then. — Pioposes Catholic Question, 1819. — 
 Letter to Judge Day. — Lord Holland's letter. — Diary of his illness 
 and death. Page 515 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 1. Letters of Mr. Grattan to Edmund and Richard Burke in 
 
 1793-4 . . . . . .557 
 
 2. Protests of the Irish House of Lords against the Union . 564 
 
 3. Protest and Address of the Irish House of Commons against 
 
 the Union ...... 574 
 
 4. Names of some who petitioned for and against the Union . 588 
 
 5. Lord Grenville's Letter to Lord Fingall, 1810 . . 592 
 
 6. Prince Regent's Letter, and Mr. Percival's Reply, on the 
 
 Regency, 1811 . . . . . .597 
 
 7. Prince Regent's Letter to the Duke of York, and Lords Grey 
 
 and Grenville's Reply ..... 599 
 
 8. Parody of a celebrated Letter, by Thomas Moore . . 602 
 
 9. Address of the Catholic Board to Mr. Grattan, and Reply, 
 
 1812 . . . . . . .605 
 
 10. List of Divisions in Parliament on the Catholic Question . 608 
 
INDEX 
 
 TO 
 
 THE LETTERS IN VOLUME V. 
 
 Page 
 
 Lord Comwallis to Lord Mornington, March 2, 1800 . .128 
 
 Edward May to Lord Donegal, October 22, 1800 . .134 
 
 Edward Cook to Lord Castlereagh, March 3, 1801 . .217 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. Berwick, July 25, 1803 . . .223 
 
 Same .. to Mr. Wickham, August, 1803 . . . 231 
 
 Same .. to Mr. M'Can, do . . .231 
 Same . . to Same do ... 232 
 
 Lord Fitzwilliam to Mr. Grattan, September 23, 1803 . . 234 
 
 Same . . to Mr. Plowden, do. . . 234 
 
 Mr. Plowden to Mr. Grattan, October 8, 1803 . . . 235 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. Fox, December 4, 1803 . . . 239 
 
 Same . . to Same, December 9, 1803 . . . 240 
 
 Same .. to Same, December 12, 1803 . . .241 
 
 Mr. Fox to Mr. Grattan, March 17, 1804 . . . 243 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. Berwick, October 24, 1804 . . 245 
 
 Mr. Fox to Mr. Grattan, March 13, 1805 . . . 254 
 
 Same . . to Same, March 16, 1805 . . . 255 
 
 Same . . to Same, March 23, 1805 . . . .256 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. Berwick, April 13, 1805 . . . 256 
 
 Lord Fitzwilliam to Mr. Grattan, April 27, 1805 . . .257 
 
 Dr. O'Leary to Mr. Grattan, May 25, 1805 . . . 263 
 
 Lord Tyrawly to Mr. Grattan, May 26, 1805 . . 264 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. Berwick, June 10, 1805 . . . 265 
 
 Same . . to Mr. Hardy, June 14, 1805 . . . 266 
 
 Same . . to Mr. M'Can, June 19, 1805 . . . 267 
 
 Same .. to James Grattan, June 22, 1805 . . . 269 
 
 Same .. to Mr. M'Can, July 15, 1805 . . . 271 
 
 Mr. Fox to Mr. Grattan, July 16, 1805 . . . .272 
 
XIV INDEX TO LETTERS. 
 
 Pajje 
 
 Mr. Grattan to James G rattan, July 14, 1805 . . .273 
 
 Same .. to Same, July 28, 1805 . . . .273 
 
 Same .. to Same, July 29, 1805 . . . .275 
 
 Same . . to Mr. Berwick, September 8, 1805 . . . 277 
 
 Same . . to Mr. James Grattan, October 10, 1805 . . 277 
 
 Same . . to Mr. Berwick, November 23, 1805 . . 278 
 
 Same . . to Same, December 19, 1805 . . . 278 
 
 Same . . to Mr. Plowden, December 28, 1805 . . 279 
 
 Same . . to James Grattan, February 16, 1806 . . 292 
 
 Mr. Fox to Mr. Ryan, February 18, 1806 . . . 295 
 
 The Lord Lieutenant to Mr. Grattan, February 19, 1806 . . 296 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. Hardy, February 20, 1806 . . . 297 
 
 Same . . to Henry Grattan, February 20, 1806 . . 300 
 
 Same . . to Same, February 22, 1806 . . . 302 
 
 The Lord Lieutenant to Mr. Grattan, March 14, 1806 . . 303 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. Berwick, Patrick's Day, 1806 . . 305 
 
 Same to Mr. M'Can, March 31, 1806 . . . 306 
 Same . . to Same, April 1, 1806 .... 307 
 
 Same . . to James Grattan, April 7, 1806 . . . 307 
 
 Same . . to Mr. M<Can, April 15, 1806 . . . 308 
 
 Same . . to Archibald Hamilton Rowan, April 22, 1806 .311 
 
 Same . . to Mr. M'Can, May 8, 1806 . . . .315 
 
 Same .. to Same, June 5, 1806 .... 315 
 
 Same . . to Same, June 17, 1806 .... 316 
 
 Same . . to Same, June 30, 1806 . . . .316 
 
 Same .. to Same, July 24, 1806 . . .317 
 
 The Lord Lieutenant to Mr. Grattan, September 30, 1806 . . 318 
 
 Sir John Newport to Mr. Grattan, October 16, 1806 . . 320 
 Mr. Grattan to the Secretary of the Board of Education, March 
 
 25, 1811 . . . . . . .321 
 
 Mr. John Keogh to Mr. Grattan, November 8, 1806 . . 326 
 
 The Lord Lieutenant to Mr. Grattan, November 9, 1806 . . 326 
 
 Mrs. Grattan to Mr. Hartley, Esq., December 7, 1806 . . 327 
 
 Lord Fitzwilliam to Mr. Grattan, December 28, 1806 . . 328 
 
 Mr. Hardy to Mr. Grattan, January 5, 1807 . . . 330 
 
 The Lord Lieutenant to Mr. Grattan, January 9, 1807 . . 331 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. M'Can, February 21, 1807 . . . 336 
 
 The Lord Chancellor to Mr. Grattan, March 7, 1807 . . 337 
 
 Same . . to Same, March 7, 1807 . . . .338 
 
 Mr. Elliot to Mr. Grattan, March 10, 1807 . . . 340 
 Same .. to Same, March 14, 1807 .... 340 
 
 Mr. Grattan to the Duke of Bedford, March 16, 1807 . . 344 
 
 Same . . to Lord Fingall, March 21, 1807 ♦ . .346 
 
 Same . . to Same, March 21, 1807 . . . .346 
 
 Same . . to Mr. M'Can, March 28, 1807 . . . 349 
 
 Same . . to Mr. Berwick, April 18, 1807 . . 349 
 
 Same . . to Mr. M'Can, July 26, 1807 . . . 362 
 
 Same .. to Mr. Berwick, August 10, 1807 . . . 362 
 
 Same . . to Mr. M'Can, August 18, 1807 . . . 363 
 Same . . to Same, August 26, 1807 .... 363 
 
 Same . . to Mr. Sterne Hart, August 28, 1807 . . 364 
 
 Same . . to Henry Grattan, August 29, 1807 . . . 365 
 
 Same . . to Matthew O'Conor, Esq., February 1, 1808 . 368 
 
INDEX TO LETTERS. XV 
 
 Page 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. M'Can, February 11, 1803 . . .368 
 
 Same .. to Same, May 6, 1808 . . . . 370 
 
 Same .. to Same, May 13, 1808 . . . .380 
 
 Same . . to Mr. Berwick, June 20, 1808 . . . 382 
 
 Same .. to Mr. M'Can, April 31, 1809 . . .397 
 
 Same . . to Mr. Henry Grattan, December 3, 1809 . . 400 
 Same . . to Same, December 6, 1809 .... 400 
 
 Same . . to Mr. Hardy, February 15, 1810 . . . 402 
 
 Same . . to Mr. M'Can, February 19, 1810 . . .403 
 
 Same . . to Mr. Berwick, April 9, 1810 . . . 403 
 
 Lord Dungannon to Mr. Grattan, September 8, 1810 . -418 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Henry Grattan, December 4, 1810 . . 423 
 
 Same . . to Mr. M'Can, January 5, 1811 . . . 427 
 
 Same . . to Same, March 5, 1811 . . . . 435 
 
 Same . . to Same, March 7, 1811 . . . . 436 
 
 Same .. to Same, April 3, 1811 . . . .439 
 
 Same .. to Mr. Henry Grattan, 1811 . . . .439 
 
 Same . . to Mr. Edward Hay, June 5, 1811 . .441 
 
 Same . . to Mr. James Grattan, June, 1811 . . . 442 
 Same .. to Same, July, 1811 ..... 443 
 Lord Grenville to Mr. Grattan ..... 458 
 
 Mr. Horner to Mr. Allen, September 14, 181 1 . . .458 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. M'Can, March 3, 1812 . . . 472 
 
 Same .. to Mr. Berwick, April 21, 1812 . . .472 
 
 Same . . to Mr. M'Can, May 15, 1812 . . .474 
 
 Same .. to Same, June 18, 1812 . . . .429 
 
 Same . . to Same, February 12, 1313 . . . . 490 
 
 Same .. to Same, May 25, 1813 . . . .496 
 
 Lady Downshire to Mr. Grattan, Nov. 2, 1812 . . . 498 
 
 Mr. Wilberforce to Mr. Grattan, April 30, 1814 . . . 500 
 
 Peter Burrows to Mr. Grattan, April 13, 1814 . . . 502 
 
 Mr. Grattan to H. Grattan, March 8, 1815 . . . 514 
 
 Mr. Vesy Fitzgerald to Mr. Grattan, 1816 . . . 523 
 
 John Newport to Mr. Grattan, October 25, 1817 . . . 528 
 
 Mr. Bellew to Mr. Giatlan, February 1, 1817 . . .531 
 
 Sir H. Parnell to Mr. Grattan, February 14, 1817 . . 532 
 
 Mr. Grattan to the Countess of Charleville, July 17, 1817 . 534 
 
 Same .. to Mr. Day, November 19, 181 9 . . .541 
 
 Lord Holland to Miss Fox, June 20, 1820 . . . 554 
 
LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 OF 
 
 HENRY GRATTAN. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Ministers of George III. and Queen Elizabeth compared. — Policy of 
 England towards Ireland. — Influence of the Crown in the Irish Par- 
 liament. — The superior advantages possessed by Ireland. — Conduct 
 of the Irish Parliament. — Probability of a Union. — The proceedings of 
 the Irish Government justified the course pursued by Mr. Grattan. — In- 
 evitable consequence of their proceedings. — Sketch of the events that 
 led to the Union. — Natural consequences. — Means adopted by Go- 
 vernment. — Secret Service Money. — Sir John Parnell and James Fitz- 
 gerald dismissed from their offices for opposing the Union. — Letter of 
 Mr. Fitzgerald to the Bar. — Their conduct. — Meeting and Resolutions 
 as to the Union. — Meeting of Parliament, 22nd January, 1799. — 
 Mr. Ponsonby's amendment against Union lost only by one ! — Mr. 
 Plunket's speech. — Sir Lawrence Parson's amendment against the 
 Union carried on the 24th by five majority. — Union Paragraph rejected. 
 — Great joy of the Irish People. — Addresses to the Members. — Mr. 
 Saurin's reply. — The Regency Bill proposed by Mr. Fitzgerald. — 
 Mr. Foster's (Speaker) speech against Union. 
 
 In one of Essex's letters to Queen Elizabeth, he 
 writes, — " If your Majesty will have a strong 
 party in the Irish nobility, and make use of them, 
 you must hide from them all purposes of estab- 
 lishing English government, till the strength of 
 the Irish be so broken that they shall see no 
 safety but in your Majesty's protection."* Such 
 was the spirit of the time of Elizabeth ; such it 
 was in the time of George the Third : his minister 
 practised what her deputy recommended :| for 
 
 * Birch's Memoirs of Elizabeth, 2d vol. p. 416, 15th June, 1598. 
 f See Pacata Hibernia, for her orders to the Deputy in Minister, to 
 torture the Irish. 
 
 VOL. V. B 
 
2 
 
 POLICY OF ENGLAND 
 
 [chap. I. 
 
 years he had artfully concealed his real design ; 
 but when the strength of the Irish was broken, — 
 their Volunteers disbanded — their people divided, 
 and their nobles corrupted, then the plot trans- 
 pired. Lord Clare, who had opposed the idea in 
 1785, only disclosed it when success was certain, 
 and when the conspiracy of the minister against 
 the Constitution was likely to be more successful 
 than the conspiracy of the people against the 
 Government. That Government had laboured 
 for years to degrade the Legislature, and surrender 
 it to Great Britain ; and in one of his speeches, 
 Lord Clare not only admits, but almost boasts 
 that he had been for eight years engaged in this 
 horrid plot. The minister had more powerful 
 means at his disposal than the people ; he had an 
 abundant treasury,* an army of occupation, 
 military government, and martial law : he had a 
 House of Lords subservient to his will, and a 
 House of Commons packed with his dependents ; 
 a distracted and dispirited people, and a broken- 
 down insurrection : he had brought Ireland on 
 her knees, and was about to place England on 
 her back. To the latter, success was a great 
 object, for by it she could dispense with the 
 inconvenience of a second parliament, and dis- 
 entangle herself from a constitution wrested from 
 her in the moments of weakness, — which Ireland 
 had strove to render independent, and which 
 England had sought to prostrate from the outset 
 in 1782. Another object of prominent import- 
 ance to her was the trade and commerce of that 
 kingdom, which she knew she could direct and divert 
 
 * See Burke's Posthumous Letters. — In 1781, the Treasury was so 
 reduced that the Irish Government were obliged to borrow money, for 
 the service of the State, from a private individual, and 20,000/. was ad- 
 vanced by Messrs. Latouche, — they then applied to a wealthy Roman 
 Catholic of the county of Cork, Mr. Goold, who advanced 5000/., thus 
 were the Roman Catholics generous in the extreme, supporting a party 
 that kept them excluded from honour, office, and power. 
 
CHAP. 1.] 
 
 TOWARDS IRELAND. 
 
 3 
 
 as she pleased, if in possession of her Legislature. 
 This object she had kept for centuries continually 
 in view. Her statute-book showed this unrelent- 
 ing disposition. She had destroyed the export 
 trade of Ireland in the time of Charles II. * by the 
 navigation act, and destroyed its woollen trade 
 in the time of William. In 1778 she yielded a 
 stinted measure of concession, which she sought 
 to more than neutralise by the propositions of 
 1785, attempting to cheat the manufacturers and 
 traders of Ireland, passing the resolutions, sug- 
 gested by the jealousy of her merchants, which 
 declared that England's commercial decisions 
 should be registered by Ireland. Failing in her 
 base designs, she threatened a union. These 
 ominous words she was now about to verify, for- 
 getful that no country deserved to be treated 
 by England better than Ireland, and that no 
 country had been treated worse. 
 
 Ireland had made many and great sacrifices to 
 British interest and British supremacy, — to her 
 love of gain, and her love of power. She had 
 made herself, to a great extent, an auxiliary to 
 British empire and British commerce. She had 
 not launched into that military and commercial 
 independence for which her situation, her am- 
 bition, and her resources qualified her: she had 
 refrained in 1782, (when she was irresistible) — 
 but because she would not yield all ; because 
 she required some practical freedom, some chance 
 of prosperity, England determined to make her 
 surrender even the forms of nationality. The 
 surrender which was now sought for was to be 
 extorted by force and bribery. The Volunteer 
 proceedings of 1782 were now to be avenged ; 
 
 * Following out a law of Cromwell's ; for the English Republic and 
 the English Dictator were as unjustly avaricious as the legitimate 
 monarch, but they were not so treacherous or ungrateful ; they did not 
 sacrifice their adherents for a truce. 
 
 p 2 
 
4 
 
 POLICY OF ENGLAND [ciIAP. I. 
 
 and the words of Lord Camden were about to be 
 realised, which, prophet-like, he had spoken 
 when passing the Volunteer brigades which were 
 reviewed in the north of Ireland in 1782: he fore- 
 told that " England would never forgive her ;" and 
 exclaimed, " England considers this an insult, 
 and will, when she can, make you feel that she does 
 so."* In addition to the feelings of wounded 
 pride were added those of interest. England was 
 a nation of manufacturers ; Arkwright,f Bolton,J 
 and Watt had raised her skill and industry to an 
 exalted and unexampled height, and had enabled 
 her to make rapid strides in manufactures, trade, 
 and commerce. She grew jealous of every rival ; 
 she thought that in Ireland she beheld one that 
 would hereafter prove a dangerous and successful 
 competitor.^ Accordingly, she craftily planned 
 a return to her old system, and not only deter- 
 mined to discourage, but to destroy. She saw in 
 Ireland the germ of future greatness. She feared 
 her power, — she disliked her people, — she hated 
 their religion. Situated as Ireland was, between 
 the new and the old world ; possessed of superior 
 advantages, fertile soil, genial climate, splendid 
 harbours, abundant water-power for manufac- 
 tures, and inhabited by a hardy, industrious, and 
 
 * See Dr. IJaliday's Letter, ante, vol. iv. p. 312. 
 
 f Richard Arkwright invented the machinery for spinning cotton ; he 
 was originally a barber, and travelled through England buying hair ; 
 becoming acquainted with a clockmaker, he mentioned to him some 
 mechanical project, which the clockmaker urged him to apply to the 
 spinning of cotton ; he did so, and by the aid of some friends obtained 
 money to take out a patent, which in 1769 he effected. He set up in 
 Derbyshire, where he erected extensive works and accumulated a very 
 large fortune, was created a knight, became high-sherifT of the county of 
 Derby, and died there in 1793. It was the spinning-jenny that made 
 Sir Robert Peel's fortune. 
 
 I Introduced the use of the steam engine in manufactories; see ante, 
 Mr. Grattan's letter to Mr. Broome, vol. iii. p. 338, where he speaks of 
 Mr. Bolton as a most useful philosophical man. 
 
 § See the Report of the Committee on Trade and Plantations with 
 the evidence of the English manufacturers in 1785. 
 
CHAP. I.] 
 
 TOWARDS I R P. LAND. 
 
 -5 
 
 abstemious race of men, without inclination to 
 vice, or temptation to luxury ; knowing little of 
 the amassment of wealth, the allurements of plea- 
 sure, or the seductive dangers that follow from a 
 more advanced state of civilization. Such a 
 country was destined by nature to become great. 
 England perceived it, and determined to crush it 
 in its infancy. 
 
 To the powerful influence, and hungry resolve 
 of England at the hour of the Union, Ireland had 
 little to oppose. A House of Lords nominated 
 by the Crown, and submissive to the Government ; 
 a House of Commons selected by the aristocracy, 
 and pensioned by the Court ; a gentry divided 
 among themselves, and distinct from the people, 
 opposed to their liberties, and hostile to their 
 religion ; the people purposely kept ignorant, and 
 divided by civil and religious disabilities; the 
 majority disqualified and excluded from the Par- 
 liament, and from honours and office in the state, 
 — What a fearful picture ! — what a discouraging- 
 prospect for the freedom of a nation ! What a 
 disgrace to the Protestant who sanctioned, to 
 the Catholic who endured; and above all, to 
 Great Britain who had imposed a tyranny so 
 horrid, and formed a plan so revolting, and used 
 the results for so wicked a consummation ! 
 
 The plan which preceded the meditated at- 
 tempt, and by which it was effected, was chiefly 
 the introduction of a system of bribery and cor- 
 ruption unprecedented, except in the British Par- 
 liament itself; but the corruptors of the English 
 senate were natives, — those of Ireland were 
 aliens. In the few preceding years the growth 
 of the influence of the Crown in Ireland had been 
 enormous ; fifteen new parliamentary places, and 
 three new judges, created in 1789; five treasury 
 places in '93 ; thirty-two militia colonels, and 
 
6 THE INFLUENCE OF THE CROWN IN [CHAP. I. 
 
 thirty-two county judges — all but the first and 
 last capable of sitting in Parliament: thus, the 
 House of Commons was fast growing into a House 
 of Lords, as the House of Lords had grown into 
 a court ; and nothing could save the country from 
 the parliament but a reform, and this was a mea- 
 sure that, when proposed, had met with uniform 
 opposition and defeat. It is a mistake to say the 
 democratic power was dangerous in Ireland. The 
 Irish are not a democratic people; their ten- 
 dencies are the other way ; but some infusion of 
 democracy was essential to preserve the consti- 
 tution and the nation, — for the House of Com- 
 mons, directly or indirectly, was become the 
 grand pensioner of the Court. The purchase of 
 seats, the sale of peerages,* the corruption of the 
 city of Dublin,^ the Convention Bill, Gunpowder 
 Bill, suspension of habeas corpus, transportation 
 without trial, without inquiry— indemnification for 
 measures of violence, and even for acts of torture — 
 acts unreproved by the minister in England, — car- 
 ried and defended by the minister in Ireland, — had 
 sunk the character of the House of Commons, and 
 reduced it below the court level. The inter- 
 meddling of the British minister ; the insidious 
 and mischievous attempts of his Viceroys to 
 divide Protestant from Catholic, followed by fur- 
 ther attempts to divide Catholic from Catholic, 
 and urging on the incoherency of Parliament ; 
 rejecting the Presbyterian and Catholic petitions 
 at one momentj— receiving them in the next;§ 
 passing then the system of corruption ; voting 
 that of coercion ; permitting that of torture, and 
 suffering the commander-in-chief || to imprison 
 and transport at pleasure all whom he pleased ; 
 the peculiar miserableness of the House of Lords, 
 
 * Vol. iii. p. 453. 
 § 1793. 
 
 f Vol. iv. App. No. 1. 
 || Lord Coarhampton. 
 
 J 1792. 
 
CHAP. I.J THE IRISH PARLIAMENT. 
 
 7 
 
 almost in subjection under the violent and ter- 
 magant thraldom of the Chancellor, — all these 
 causes had brought both Houses of Parliament 
 to the lowest level (the object that the British 
 minister always had in view). The House of 
 Commons was not a popular assembly : its vices 
 stimulated, its virtues crossed, and punished by 
 Great Britain, it had remained satisfied with 
 having acquired independency, and had generally 
 declined the exercise of it, as well as of most 
 other efficient popular functions ; it lost the merit 
 of the good laws which it had passed — the 
 Place Bill, the Pension Bill, the Responsibility 
 Bill, — having first rejected them, and at last 
 passed them, when the clamour of the people, 
 aud the progress of the French, had terrified the 
 ministry, who at last allowed the Parliament to 
 act. 
 
 Those inherent vices were great ; it only par- 
 tially represented a sect ; two-thirds were re- 
 turned by individuals. It excluded a sect which 
 comprehended three-fourths of the people ; and 
 yet it opposed the ambition of England. It was 
 a body half-bought by the Court — distinct from 
 the Irish, and opposed to the English; in fact, 
 the destruction of such a Parliament was a matter 
 of demonstration. No government or parliament 
 such as this, without credit or authority, can last, 
 except by power ; but the power that supported 
 the Irish Parliament in this case was the power 
 of England, and the power of England must, 
 sooner or later, prefer the Parliament of England: 
 it followed that union, or reform, had become 
 inevitable. 
 
 It is not then to be wondered that the Irish 
 Parliament acted ill ; on the contrary, it is a 
 matter of surprise that it acted so well, and that 
 with such materials it effected so much at 
 
8 
 
 IRISH PARLIAMENT SOLD. [dlAP. I. 
 
 first, and made such a resistance in the end. 
 The frequent appeals to the people and the 
 volunteers, led on by discreet and wise leaders, 
 effected the business in 1782 ; and had they 
 been armed, they would not afterwards have lost 
 their liberty in 1800. Lafayette's plan to arm the 
 French nation was a fine one : while the national 
 guards exist, the people can never be enslaved. 
 
 The secret that decided the fate of Irish power, 
 decided also the fate of the Irish Parliament. 
 Parliament owed its rescue in 1782 to the 
 strength of the people; and its abolition in 1800 
 to their overthrow. There were peculiar cir- 
 cumstances attending and impelling this catas- 
 trophe ; there are always in such cases* such 
 circumstances, but these do not vary the prin- 
 ciple. The Union, as regarded the Irish nation, 
 was an act of power and corruption ; the Irish 
 Parliament did not consent to its own abolition. No 
 such thing; it refused its consent, and then, by 
 force, was compelled to yield. True, it sold the 
 right ; but it was when it was driven to the alter- 
 native of leaguing with an insurrection defeated by 
 itself, and embarking in a war, or of yielding to 
 the minister whatever be demanded ; it was a sale, 
 and a forced sale. If the House had been left 
 free, it had preferred the Parliament to the bribe; 
 but knowing that Government would carry the 
 measure, it received money for doing what it 
 thought could not be prevented. The apology 
 for the Parliament is, that it did not represent 
 the people ; the excuse for the people is, they 
 were unarmed, and freshly defeated ; but for the 
 
 * And it is not necessary for the truth of this proposition to inquire 
 into the guilt or innocence of the people. Posterity may acquit them : 
 in my humble opinion they were fatally wrong, they afford a great 
 lesson to all nations never to trust such tyrannical, sanguinary, and un- 
 constitutional ministers as Lord Clare or Mr. Pitt; get rid of them 
 sooner or later, but at all events, and in any way, get rid of them. 
 
CHAP. I.] MR. GRATTAN's VIEWS CORRECT. 
 
 9 
 
 minister of Great Britain — and for that country 
 — there is none. 
 
 The Union was a complete admission of the 
 correctness of Mr. Grattan's conduct and views, 
 and of the course he undeviatingly pursued with 
 regard to Ireland. Those who argued and wrote 
 in support of the Union proved all the positions he 
 had laid down as to the mode necessary to be 
 adopted for governing the country ; they con- 
 tended that Parliament was just what he said it 
 was, and that it required reform ; they even stated 
 that it was much worse : such was the tenor of Mr. 
 Secretary Cooke's pamphlet, — such Lord Clare's 
 speech ; it was tantamount to saying that when 
 Mr. Grattan inveighed against the corruption of 
 Parliament he was right ; that Parliament was an 
 original evil — and an allied legislature a necessary 
 failure : they went further, and in other respects 
 they admitted that he was also right. For, as. to 
 tithe, they wrote and admitted that it was a 
 great practical evil : thus the Government gave 
 ii}) all that they had contended for in the years 
 1787, 9 bS, and'89; they admitted that in these 
 years Mr. Grattan was right ; still more, that he 
 was right as to the condition of the poor, and that 
 lie should have gone farther and have inveighed 
 against the tyranny of the landlords : such was 
 the purport of Mr. Douglas's (Lord Glenbervie's) 
 speech in the English Parliament. On the Ca- 
 tholic question, too, they admitted that Mr. 
 Grattan was right ; that the king's oath did not 
 stand in the way ; that the Catholics might safely 
 become part of the state and legislature ; that they 
 were not enemies to a Protestant king, — and that 
 their emancipation was not irreconcilable to the 
 preservation of the kingdom, and that without it 
 the United Empire could not be safe : in fine, 
 they admitted that he was right as to the reform 
 
10 
 
 SKETCH OF THE EVENTS [CHAP. I. 
 
 of Parliament. Such were the arguments re- 
 sorted to by the minister at the Union. The mi- 
 nisters allowed it then, though they had denied it 
 before : it is true that at the Union they aggra- 
 vated all this, but they acknowledged it all. 
 Herein only they differed from him that the 
 Government advanced these charges with ten- 
 fold aggravation, and inferred, not as Mr. Grattan 
 did, the necessity of the reform of the Consti- 
 tution, but the extermination of the Constitution 
 itself, and the introduction of a new one. 
 
 All these unworthy artifices — the political 
 manoeuvres, the violence, corruption, bigotry, 
 intolerance of the age — all these events did not 
 arise from the religion of the country, from the 
 character or constitution of the people, from the 
 Ministry, from the Opposition, from the Catholic 
 Convention, nor from the United Irish Confede- 
 racy, from Mr. Grattan or Mr. Ponsonby, or Mr. 
 Keogh or Mr. Tone. A strong island enslaves a 
 weak one; she afterwards involves herself in a 
 calamitous war;* she affords to the weak one 
 an opportunity of recovering its liberty, and she 
 stipulates with that island to yield part of her 
 own domination, and to keep the remainder ; she 
 gets back into peace, and then exercises the 
 power she keeps to recover the power which she 
 had lost. For this purpose she infuses corruption, 
 excites suspicion, discontent, and religious hatred; 
 she divides and disarms, but gets involved in another 
 calamitous war,| and gives an opportunity to the 
 oppressed and disappointed country to revolt. 
 She obtains from that country a great army to 
 repel the enemy, she uses that army to quell the 
 people, and then uses her success to revoke her 
 former concessions. This was precisely the case 
 of Ireland. England took away her liberties, 
 
 * American war, 1779. f French war, 1792. 
 
CHAP. I.] THAT LED TO THE UNION. 
 
 II 
 
 Ireland took advantage of the American war to 
 regain them ; England capitulated, she restored 
 the Legislature and retained the Government ; 
 and the power of that Government was employed 
 to corrupt and make dependent that Legislature ; 
 Ireland went back into discontent, and clamour on 
 the part of the people produced punishment and 
 acts of despotism on the part of the Government. 
 A calamitous war arises ; the Government in- 
 clines to capitulate; the alteration of measures 
 and men form, of necessity, the base of that 
 capitulation; a faithful slave is dismissed;* he 
 appeals to a corrupt court, where he finds that he 
 has more friends than the people ; he fills every 
 place with lamentation. In this court he finds an 
 old fellow-slave, and this fellow-slave finds a 
 Bishop, t and this Bishop is advised to resort to 
 the King, and the King is taught to believe that, 
 by his oath, he cannot assent to a plan of 
 conciliation ; accordingly, the plan is withdrawn, 
 the conciliator disgraced, J and the slave sent 
 back in triumph. Then the people become tur- 
 bulent, an officer is sent to them to punish their 
 turbulence, § and he transports them without trial. 
 The people appeal to France. The Government 
 has a great army ; lets that army loose on the 
 people ; they rebel, and are vanquished (the 
 time of revolt being chosen by the Govern- 
 ment) ; the country is enslaved, and all her late 
 acquisitions taken from her. All these events, as 
 already stated, flowed from natural, not from 
 artificial causes ; but these may have been aided, 
 or might have been retarded, by the character of 
 the Prime Minister of England, || his love of 
 power, the genius of his reign, the violence of the 
 
 * Beresford. f Bishops of Dublin and London. 
 
 J Lord Fitzwilliam, lord lieutenant. § Lord Coarhampton. 
 
 || Mr. Pitt. 
 
12 
 
 SKETCH OF THE EVENTS [CHAP. I. 
 
 Irish Cabinet, and, above all, the French Revo- 
 lution. They could only have been prevented by 
 reform or separation. 
 
 Some of these artificial causes grew out of the 
 natural ones. For instance, the men of the Irish 
 court were made by the events. A rich and a 
 powerful country desires dominion, and her ambi- 
 tion is the fortune of adventurers. The weak 
 country furnishes men who have an interest in 
 selling themselves and their talents, their vio- 
 lence, and their craft (the attributes of their ser- 
 vility and means of their fortune). This suffices 
 to answer those writers who sought for the causes 
 of Irish calamity in the nature of her people and 
 in their religion ; and when we find one or more 
 natural causes we have found a clue to the rest, 
 and here are two of them — the love of power and 
 the love of independency ; from the former no 
 society was ever entirely free, and from the latter 
 none whatsoever. These two passions induced 
 the English to struggle for a dominion over the 
 Irish Legislature, and agitated the people of Ire- 
 land to oppose her ; and these two passions set 
 in action, talents, venality, licentiousness, cruelty, 
 and rebellion ; the torture, free quarter, assassina- 
 tion, perfidy, and Union. 
 
 The result and the particulars of these proceed- 
 ings are the subject of the following pages. 
 
 In order to carry such a measure as the Union, 
 Government found it necessary to resort to all the 
 means that stratagem, violence, intimidation, and 
 corruption could supply. The military were in 
 every quarter — less sanguinary, but intemperate. 
 Threatening and overbearing proclamations for 
 " putting down the Rebellion " were again issued 
 and circulated, as if it still raged throughout the 
 country, the Government party declaring that it 
 was only lulled but not extinguished, and that it 
 
CHAP. I.] THAT LED TO THE UNION. 
 
 13 
 
 certainly would again burst forth in all its 
 horrors ; arrests and imprisonments still took 
 place, the system of terror was again revived, 
 and no one was allowed to leave the kingdom 
 without a licence or a passport from the Govern- 
 ment. 
 
 The wicked policy of the Government may be 
 judged of from the following circumstance : — In 
 the preceding volume it has been mentioned that 
 Hughes, the Government informer, had gone to 
 Tinnehinch to entrap Mr. Grattan, that his evi- 
 dence before the Secret Committee was totally 
 false, and that he was guilty of gross perjury. 
 By certain disclosures made within these few 
 years, it appears that this man, subsequent to the 
 discovery of his perjury, was still kept in the pay 
 of Government, still received secret-service money, 
 and was actually lodged and fed in Dublin Castle, 
 and lived beneath the same roof with the repre- 
 sentative of the Sovereign ! ! That such instru- 
 ments as informers should have been employed 
 by Ministers is credible, though disgraceful and 
 detestable, but that, after discovering their per- 
 fidy, their falsehood, and their glaring perjury, 
 especially in such a case as Mr. Grattan's, any 
 minister or any lord lieutenant should uphold 
 and protect them, and place them even in the 
 palace of the Viceroy, would almost exceed 
 belief; none would have thought that the foul 
 deeds of the Inquisition, and the dreadful doings 
 of the Roman Emperors, would find imitators and 
 rivals in the Christian governors of Ireland. 
 
 The documents establishing these facts will be 
 found in Dr. Madden's History of the United 
 Irishmen, lately published. The author of these 
 memoirs has ascertained, as far as lay in his 
 power, that the documents are genuine, and that 
 they came from the Castle of Dublin. In one of 
 
14 
 
 SIR JOHN 
 
 PARNELL DISMISSED. 
 
 [CHAP. I. 
 
 them the accounts and names, and the sums paid 
 to each person, are set forth ; all are corrected and 
 signed by the then under-secretary, Edicard Cooke, 
 and the payment for secret- service money is fully 
 detailed: 53,547/., appears charged in one account. 
 
 Judas got thirty pieces of silver for" betraying the 
 Redeemer, yet it belonged to the Jews ; but Ire- 
 land was forced to pay the wages of her be- 
 trayers, and the price was national life. 
 
 The plan of Union was propounded in the 
 latter end of 1798. The Government were deter- 
 mined that nothing should stop them in their 
 efforts to accomplish their object, and they dis- 
 missed in the most summary manner Sir John 
 Parnell from the office of Chancellor of the Ex- 
 chequer, and Mr. James Fitzgerald from the legal 
 situation of Prime Serjeant, in consequence of 
 these individuals having differed from them on 
 the subject of the Union. Their places were filled 
 up by Mr. Isaac Corry and Mr. St. George Daly, 
 both of whom sunk their reputation and ability in 
 the abyss where they precipitated their country ; 
 the former had an excuse, as he was an adven- 
 turer without means, though not without talents ; 
 but the latter had a name to uphold, and the 
 brother of Denis Daly ought not to have shamed 
 so illustrious a relation. The Bar, however, 
 determined to support the Prime Serjeant, and 
 adopted a resolution thanking him for his noble 
 conduct in preferring the good of his country to 
 rank and emolument, and allowing him, as when 
 in office, the same precedence in all cases in the 
 courts. This roused the anger of the Lord Chan- 
 cellor, he excited the Judges, and hence arose a 
 serious difference* between the Bench and the 
 
 * The following incident occurred in the Court of Chancery. It was 
 motion day, and according to usage the senior barrister present is called 
 on by the bench to make his motions, after which the next in precedence 
 is called, until the whole of the bar have been called on, down to the 
 
chap, i.] mr. fitzgerald s letter to the bar. 15 
 
 Bar, which continued until the following letter 
 was addressed to one of his brethren by Mr. 
 Fitzgerald, in order to reconcile the dispu- 
 tants : — 
 
 January, 1795. 
 
 My Dear Sir, — Finding that the kindness of the 
 Bar, conferring on me the most honourable distinction, 
 has unexpectedly occasioned a controversy which might 
 be injurious to the public business, I most earnestly 
 request that they will permit me to act in the rank which 
 I at present hold — as I shall otherwise feel myself called 
 upon to quit a profession to which the kindness of my 
 brethren has attached me more than ever. — I have the 
 honour to be, my dear Sir, your very sincere and faithful 
 servant, 
 
 James Fitzgerald. 
 
 Notwithstanding the strenuous efforts of Lord 
 Clare to intimidate and corrupt the Bar; the 
 creation of places and appointment of officers ; 
 his denunciation of Mr. Fletcher, his expulsion of 
 Mr. Curran, and the overbearing, browbeating 
 manner which he introduced into his court, yet 
 on this occasion the Bar upheld their indepen- 
 dence. In the month of December, 1798, in a 
 meeting at the Exhibition-room in William-street, 
 they had assembled and agreed to a resolution — 
 u That the measure of the Legislative Union 
 
 youngest barrister. The Attorney and Solicitor Generals having made 
 their motions, the Chancellor called on Mr. Smith, the father of the bar, 
 who bowed and said Mr. Saurin had precedence of him ; he then called 
 on Mr. Saurin, who bowed and said Mr. Ponsonby had precedence of 
 him ; Mr. Ponsonby in like manner said Mr. Curran had precedence; 
 and Mr. Curran said he could not think of moving anything before Mr. 
 Fitzgerald, who certainly had precedence of him ; the Chancellor then 
 called on Mr. Fitzgerald, who bowed and said he had no motion to 
 make; and this caused the Chancellor to speak out — "I see, gentlemen, 
 you have not then relinquished the business ; it would be better at once 
 for his Majesty's council, if they do not choose to conform to the regula- 
 tions of the court, to resign their silk-gowns, than sit thus in a sort of 
 rebellion against their sovereign. I dismiss the causes in which these 
 gentlemen are retained, with costs on both sides ; w and thus saying, Lord 
 Clare left the bench. The attorneys immediately determined they would 
 not charge any costs. 
 
16 BARRISTERS WHO OPPOSED THE UNION. [CHAP. I. 
 
 between this kingdom and Great Britain is an 
 innovation which it would be highly dangerous 
 and improper to propose at the present juncture 
 of the country." This resolution was proposed 
 by Mr. William Saurin, afterwards Attorney- 
 General, and was carried by 166 to 32. Those 
 who distinguished themselves by supporting the 
 interests of their country deserve to have their 
 names transmitted to posterity.* Instigated by 
 the hopes of gain and by their factious chiefs, the 
 minority of the Bar protested against the pro- 
 ceedings of their brethren, and signed five de- 
 clarations expressive of their opinion on the 
 question ; most of them were subsequently re- 
 compensed for their conduct, some were pro- 
 
 * Barristers who opposed the Union : — 
 Edward Mayne. Eyre Burton Powel. W. P. Ruxton. 
 
 Charles Bushe. Beresford Burston. M. J. O'Dwyer. 
 
 H. Joy. John Barrington. Samuel Rudleton. 
 
 Charles Hamilton. J. W. Bell. Joshua Spencer. 
 
 Redmond Barry. William Saurin. John Hamilton. 
 
 Richard Jebb. W. C. Plunket. George Barnes. 
 
 Peter Burrowes. A. C. McCartney. Thomas Goold. 
 
 John Lloyd. J. Jameson. Mr. Orr. 
 
 William Vavasour. P. Doyne. N. P. Leader. 
 
 William Sankey. R. Lyster. F. Dobbs. 
 
 T. O'Driscoll. Gerald O. Farrel. Mr. Lynch. 
 
 List of barristers favourable to the Union : — 
 St. Geo. Daly.* J. Homan.f Robert Torrens.* 
 
 W. Norcott. 
 Thomas Vickers.f 
 Thomas Grady.f 
 John Dwyer, jun.J 
 John Beresfbrd.J 
 R. J. Leslie.f 
 Thomas Scott. f 
 P. F. Henchv.i 
 T. Keller.|| 
 Henry Brook. f- 
 
 J. Jameson.) 
 Wm. Smith* 
 Thomas Monsell. 
 C. K. Garnett.f 
 John W 7 hite. 
 Wm, Johnson.* 
 Archibald Radford 
 J as. McClelland* 
 William Turner, f 
 John Schoales.f 
 
 * So marked were appointed judges of the supreme court, 
 t So marked were appointed county judges. 
 X Commissioner of bankrupts. 
 § Got an office in custom-house. 
 || Got an office in court of chancery. 
 
 ^| Commissioner to distribute the million and a half Union compensa- 
 tion. 
 
 James Geraghty.f 
 F. W. Fortescue. 
 Richard F. Sharkey .f 
 J. D. Clarke. 
 Thomas Morgell.j- 
 W. Longfield.^f 
 J. W.Stokes.f 
 John Ball,jun. 
 Henry Cole/j" 
 William Roper.f 
 
I.J DEBATE ON THE UNION. 
 
 17 
 
 moted to the Bench, others got places ; baseness 
 was the test of merit. 
 
 It happened most unfortunately for the country 
 that Mr. Grattan was not in Parliament when 
 the Union was proposed, having declined to stand 
 at the general election in 1797; he had retired 
 disgusted and dispirited ; the calamities of his 
 country preyed upon his mind, and had so 
 strongly affected him as almost to endanger his 
 life. After the trial at Maidstone, where he had 
 given evidence in the case of Arthur O'Connor, 
 he remained in England in a very precarious 
 state of health, and quite unable to attend to 
 public business, and in particular to any affairs 
 connected with the transactions in Ireland. Not- 
 withstanding his absence, the Opposition in the 
 House of Commons was well conducted ; the 
 leaders possessed talent and knowledge, but had 
 not that weight with the people that the exigency 
 of the case required, and were not generally 
 known beyond the precincts of the House, or the 
 immediate sphere of their Parliamentary action. 
 Under these circumstances Parliament opened on 
 the 22d of January, 1799, and the debate on the 
 Union commenced, in consequence of the reference 
 to it in the King's Speech. It continued for 
 twenty-one hours, having begun at four and lasted 
 till one o'clock on the ensuing day. It was con- 
 ducted with great ability, great spirit, and great 
 ardour. Mr. George Ponsonby made a famous 
 speech against the measure. That of Lord Castle- 
 reagh was bold and impudent. The address 
 containing the paragraph that recommended the 
 Union was as follows : — 
 
 The unremitting industry with which our enemies 
 persevere in their avowed design of endeavouring to effect 
 a separation of this kingdom from Great Britain must have 
 engaged your particular attention ; and his Majesty com- 
 
 vol. V. c 
 
18 
 
 mr. ponsonby's amendment, [chap. I. 
 
 mands me to express his anxious hope that this considera- 
 tion, joined to the sentiment of mutual affection and 
 common interest, may dispose the Parliaments in both 
 kingdoms to provide the most effectual means of maintain- 
 ing and improving a connexion essential to their common 
 security, and of consolidating, as far as possible, into one 
 firm and lasting fabric, the strength, the power, and the 
 resources of the British Empire." 
 
 Mr. George Ponsonby then moved to insert the 
 following words after the passage declaring the 
 readiness of the House to consider the measures 
 best tending to confirm the strength of the em- 
 pire : — 
 
 Maintaining, however, the undoubted birthright of 
 the people of Ireland to have a resident and independent 
 Legislature, such as it was recognised by the British 
 Legislature in 1782, and was finally settled at the adjust- 
 ment of all differences between the two countries. 
 
 This amendment was seconded by Sir Lau- 
 rence Parsons (afterwards Lord Rosse), and pro- 
 duced a most spirited debate. It was supported 
 by Mr. Fitzgerald (late Prime Serjeant), Mr. 
 Hardy, Mr. Plunket, D. Bowes Daly, Barrington 
 (Judge of Admiralty), Ogle, Ball, A. Browne 
 (Member for the University), F. Faulkner, Richard 
 Dawson, G. and W. Ponsonby. It was opposed 
 by Lord Castlereagh, Mr. Rd. Martin, H. D. 
 Grady, Mr. Smith, St. George Daly, Osborne, 
 Toler, and Mr. Fitzgerald (Knight of Kerry). 
 
 Mr. (afterwards Lord) Plunket said — 
 
 Sir, — I had been induced to think that we had at the 
 head of the executive Government in this country a plain 
 honest soldier, unaccustomed to and disdaining the in- 
 trigues of politics, and who, as an additional evidence of 
 the directness and purity of his views, had chosen for his 
 secretary a simple and modest youth (puer irigenui vultus 
 ingenuique pudoris) whose inexperience was the voucher 
 of his innocence ; and yet I will be bold to say, that 
 during the Viceroyalty of this unspotted veteran, and 
 during the Administration of this unassuming stripling — 
 
CHAP. I.] MR. PLUNKET'S SPEECH. 
 
 19 
 
 within these last six weeks — a system of black corruption 
 has been carried on within the walls of the Castle, which 
 would disgrace the annals of the worst period of the 
 history of either country. Do you choose to take down 
 my words? I need call no witnesses to your bar to prove 
 them. I see two Right Honourable Gentlemen sitting 
 within your walls, who had long and faithfully served the 
 Crown, and who have been dismissed because they dared 
 to express a sentiment in favour of the freedom of their 
 country. I see another Honourable Gentleman, who has 
 been forced to resign his place as Commissioner of the 
 Revenue, because he refused to co-operate in this dirty 
 job of a dirty Administration : do you dare to deny this ? 
 I say that at this moment the threat of dismissal from 
 office is suspended over the heads of the Members who 
 now sit around me, in order to influence their votes on the 
 question of this night, involving everything that can be 
 sacred or dear to man. Do you desire to take down my 
 words ? Utter the desire, and I will prove the truth of 
 them at your bar. Sir, I would warn you against the con- 
 sequences of carrying this measure by such means as this, 
 but that I see the necessary defeat of it in the honest and 
 universal indignation which the adoption of such means 
 excites : I see the protection against the wickedness of the 
 plan in the imbecility of its execution, and I congratulate 
 my country that, when a design was formed against their 
 liberties, the prosecution of it was entrusted into such 
 hands as it is now placed. The example of the Prime 
 Minister of England, imitable in its vices, may deceive 
 the noble lord. The Minister of England has his faults ; 
 he abandoned in his latter years the principle of reform, by 
 professing which he had attained the early confidence of 
 the people of England, and in the whole of his political 
 conduct he has shown himself haughty and intractable ; 
 but it must be admitted that he is endowed by nature with 
 a towering and transcendent intellect, and that the vast- 
 ness of his moral resources keeps pace with the magni- 
 ficence and unboundedness of his projects. I thank God 
 that it is much more easy for him to transfer his apostacy 
 and his insolence, than his comprehension and sagacity ; 
 and I feel the safety of my country in the wretched feeble- 
 ness of her enemy. I cannot fear that the constitution 
 which has been formed by the wisdom of ages, and 
 cemented by the blood of patriots and of heroes, is to be 
 
20 
 
 MR. PLUNKET'S SPEECH. [CHAP, I. 
 
 smitten to its centre by such a green and limber twig as 
 this. ##_#.## Si r> l f i n the most 
 express terms, deny the competency of Parliament to do 
 this act. I warn you, do not dare to lay your hands on 
 the constitution. I tell you, that if, circumstanced as you 
 are, you pass this act, it will be a mere nullity, and no man 
 in Ireland will be bound to obey it. I make the assertion 
 deliberately. I repeat it. I call on any man who hears 
 me to take down my words. You have not been elected 
 for this purpose. You are appointed to make laws, and 
 not legislatures. You are appointed to exercise the func- 
 tions of legislators, and not to transfer them. You are 
 appointed to act under the constitution, and not to alter 
 it; and, if you do so, your act is a dissolution of the 
 Government ; you resolve society into its usual elements, 
 and no man in the land is bound to obey you. Sir, I 
 state doctrines that are not merely founded on the immu- 
 table laws of truth and reason ; I state not merely the 
 opinions of the ablest and wisest men who have written on 
 the science of government; but I state the practice of our 
 constitution as settled at the era of the revolution ; and I 
 state the doctrine under which the House of Hanover 
 derives its title to the throne. Has the King a right to 
 transfer his crown ? Is he competent to annex it to the 
 crown of Spain, or any other country ? No ; but he may 
 abdicate it, and every man who knows the constitution 
 knows the consequence — the right reverts to the next in 
 succession. If they all abdicate, it reverts to the people. 
 The man who questions this doctrine, in the same breath 
 must arraign the sovereign on the throne as a usurper. 
 Are you competent to transfer your legislative rights to 
 the French Council of Five Hundred ? Are you compe- 
 tent to transfer them to the British Parliament ? 1 answer 
 no ! — If you transfer, you abdicate ; and the great original 
 trust reverts to the people, from whom it issued. Your- 
 selves you may extinguish, but Parliament you cannot 
 extinguish. It is enthroned in the hearts of the people — it 
 is enshrined in the sanctuary of the constitution — it is as 
 immortal as the island which protects it. As well might 
 the frantic suicide hope that the act which destroys his 
 miserable body should extinguish his eternal soul ! Again 
 I therefore warn you. Do not dare to lay your hands on 
 the constitution — it is above your powers. # # # 
 I will be bold to say that licentious and impious France, 
 
CHAP. I.] AMENDMENT LOST BY ONE. 
 
 21 
 
 in all the unrestrained excesses to which anarchy and 
 atheism have given birth to, has not committed a more 
 insidious act against her enemy than is now attempted by 
 the professed champion of the cause of civilised Europe 
 against a friend and ally in the hour of her calamity and 
 distress — at a moment when our country is filled with 
 British troops, when the loyal men of Ireland are fatigued 
 and exhausted by their efforts to subdue the rebellion, 
 efforts in which they had succeeded before those troops 
 arrived — whilst the Habeas Corpus Act was suspended — 
 whilst trials by court-martial are carrying on in many 
 parts of the kingdom — whilst the people are taught to 
 think they have no right to meet or deliberate — and whilst 
 the great body of them are so palsied by their fears, or 
 worn down by their exertions, that even the vital question 
 is scarcely able to rouse them from their lethargy — at a 
 moment when we are distracted by domestic dissensions 
 — dissensions artfully kept alive as the pretext of our 
 present subjugation, and the instrument of our future 
 thraldom. 
 
 The amendment was lost only by a majority of 
 one. The numbers being 105 to 106. This was 
 effected on the part of Government by base arti- 
 fice, and was accompanied on the part of the 
 individual concerned by gross dereliction both of 
 public and of private duty. This person was Mr. 
 Luke Fox, a rough, coarse, unprincipled lawyer ; 
 he came into Parliament professing to act with 
 the national party, but when his vote would have 
 been of essential service he betrayed them. On 
 the division he was counted among the Oppo- 
 sition, when he declared that he had accepted 
 the office of Escheatorship of Munster (a nominal 
 place to enable members to vacate their seats). 
 This excuse was allowed, although the writ was 
 not moved for till several days after. If his vote 
 had been counted the numbers would have been 
 equal, and the casting-voice of the Speaker 
 (Foster) would have decided the question against 
 the Union ; but the influence of Government 
 
22 
 
 UNION PARAGRAPH REJECTED. [CHAP. I. 
 
 prevailed, and turned the balance against the 
 country. 
 
 On the 24th the Report on the Address was 
 brought up and Sir L. Parsons moved to omit the 
 paragraph regarding the Union. This gave rise 
 to another debate, which ended by the rejection 
 of the paragraph, the numbers being — for ex- 
 punging it, 109; against it, 104. 
 
 Mr. Ponsonby then submitted a motion to the 
 House, which would have gone still further, and 
 in an express manner declared its opinion against 
 the Union : " Resolved, that this House will 
 ever maintain the undoubted birthright of Irish- 
 men by preserving an independent Parliament of 
 Lords and Commons, resident within this king- 
 dom, as settled and approved by his Majesty and 
 the British Parliament in 1782." 
 
 Unfortunately this was not pressed as it ought 
 to have been, nor supported as it deserved ; and 
 consequently Mr. Ponsonby withdrew it. Had 
 this resolution been carried it might have led to 
 the final overthrow of the measure, and several 
 members were censured for their conduct on the 
 occasion. It is, however, scarcely credible that 
 the Minister would have suffered this resolution 
 to pass, when his influence in the House was con- 
 sidered, and the desperate courses he adopted in 
 order to carry his object ; the greater the crime, 
 the greater his audacity and recklessness. 
 
 The rejection of the Union paragraph diffused 
 universal joy throughout the nation. Dublin 
 was illuminated, the names of the popular mem- 
 bers who had distinguished themselves on the 
 occasion were celebrated at all the public dinners, 
 and the health of the glorious majority * was 
 
 * Their names were printed in red, and circulated throughout the 
 country, entitled, " The list of our glorious and virtuous defenders, that 
 every man may engrave their names and their services on his heart, and 
 hand them down to his children's children." 
 
CHAP. I.] ADDRESS TO THE MEMBERS. 
 
 23 
 
 the toast on all occasions. Congratulatory ad- 
 dresses were presented to those who had op- 
 posed the Union ; the most remarkable and com- 
 plimentary were those to Lord Charlemont, Sir 
 John Parnell, Mr. Foster, Mr. Fitzgerald, Mr. 
 Saurin, and Mr. Barrington. 
 
 From among these the answer of Mr. Saurin is 
 here inserted. The opinion of this grave and 
 steady character, who filled for so many years the 
 office of Attorney-General in Ireland, and held 
 such a legal reputation, is worthy of attention ; 
 but it is to be hoped that its forebodings may not 
 be realised. Mr. Saurin's reply to the Guild of 
 Merchants of Dublin : — 
 
 Gentlemen, — I could not have expected that the con- 
 duct of an individual (however well intended) could have 
 attracted your attention, or deserved so flattering a mark 
 of approbation as that with which you have been pleased 
 to honour me ; for which I beg to return you my warmest 
 thanks. 
 
 If, gentlemen, the bar of Ireland, with which I acted 
 and co-operated (and no greater merit can I presume to 
 claim), has deserved applause for the zeal and patience 
 with which they assisted in defending the laws and consti- 
 tution of Ireland, when menaced by foreign and domestic 
 enemies, that zeal was excited by the reverence and admi- 
 ration with which they are accustomed to regard our laws 
 and constitution. 
 
 If on a recent occasion, awfully portentous (as you are 
 pleased to express it) to this kingdom, the great majority 
 of that learned and constitutional body with which I am 
 proud to have acted, and in whose sentiments I entirely 
 and heartily concur, did, as far as it was in their power to 
 do, resist the innovation, it was only, gentlemen, to pre- 
 serve consistency with themselves, to adhere steadily to the 
 principle on which they had so recently before taken up 
 arms and submitted to become soldiers — the defence of 
 the laws and Constitution of Ireland. 
 
 They saw that the measure so improperly termed a 1 
 I nion bcticeen this kingdom and Great Britain was per- 
 
24 
 
 MR. SAURIES REPLY. 
 
 [chap. I. 
 
 haps the only expedient that could he devised for separating 
 the two countries. 
 
 They saw distinctly that it neither was, nor possibly 
 could be, a remedy for any of the disorders which have of 
 late unhappily afflicted this country — disorders which can 
 only be remedied by wise government, salutary laws, or 
 perhaps (though to be lamented) by coercion and force ; 
 remedies with which, however, a transfer of the Legislature 
 from Ireland to Great Britain has no sort of connexion. 
 
 They saw it was a subversion and a sacrifice of the Con- 
 stitution of Ireland, and a surrender of the most invaluable 
 privilege of a nation, for doubtful, if not idle, speculations 
 and visionary objects, when no necessity whatsoever existed 
 for any constitutional changes. 
 
 And lastly, they saw that the present state of these 
 countries, and of all Europe, rendered the present time 
 peculiarly unfit for constitutional experiments and revo- 
 lutionary measures. 
 
 " These sentiments account naturally for the conduct of 
 that learned body ; sentiments which the discussion of the 
 question has fixed and confirmed. 
 
 I reflect, gentlemen, with great satisfaction, that we are 
 not singular in our opinion — that these are also your 
 sentiments, and I trust and believe those of the nation at 
 large ; that they have the sanction of those characters in 
 the kingdom confessedly the highest in political wisdom, 
 and most distinguished for knowledge of the interests of 
 Ireland, and for attachment to those interests. 
 
 I cannot doubt that they must prevail. Gentlemen, it 
 is almost superfluous to say, should the British Minister 
 think fit to bring forward the measure at any future day, 
 you need not entertain any doubt of the firmness and 
 integrity of the great majority of the Bar of Ireland. — 
 I have the honour to remain, your very obedient and faith- 
 fully attached, 
 
 William Saurin. 
 
 1799. 
 
 Though the question had been so far rejected 
 by the omission of the paragraph, yet no opinion 
 had been decisively given by the House of Com- 
 mons against the principle of the Union ; and the 
 
CHAP. I.] MR. DOBB'S RESOLUTIONS. 
 
 25 
 
 House of Lords, by retaining the passage, had 
 so far decided in its favour. The subject was 
 accordingly renewed, and on various occasions 
 brought before the House. 
 
 Mr. Dobbs, a patriotic but eccentric man, pro- 
 posed five resolutions, for the purpose, as he 
 expressed, of tranquillizing the country. They 
 embraced the subjects of Emancipation and Re- 
 form. The first resolution proposed that all sine- 
 cure places should be abolished, and compensation 
 made to the holders ; that no person should sit in 
 Parliament who held any office created since 
 1782 ; that Catholic Emancipation might be safely 
 granted; that tithes should be abolished; that a 
 provision should be made for the Catholic clergy 
 and the Dissenting congregations. Most of these 
 measures had been proposed by the Opposition in 
 the last Parliament ; they had been uniformly 
 opposed by the Ministers, and on the present 
 occasion were destined to meet no better fate. 
 The motion was opposed by the Government ; 
 and even the usual form observed on such cases 
 was dispensed with, and the question of adjourn- 
 ment was carried without even a discussion or one 
 single word on the subject. 
 
 The haughtiness of Lord Clare was transferred 
 to the Commons ; and Lord Castlereagh added to 
 the insolence of office all his cold and heartless 
 indifference. Nothing of a conciliatory nature 
 was suffered to escape the lips of the Govern- 
 ment; and though the chief leader in the measure 
 of Union (Lord Castlereagh) had pledged himself 
 to support Reform, and though the plan of emanci- 
 pating the Catholics was proposed to be part of the 
 measure of Union, yet the Minister observed a total 
 silence on both these subjects, and held out no 
 hopes to the people ; but the absolute, uncondi- 
 tional surrender of their liberties was exacted. 
 
26 
 
 THE REGENCY BILL. 
 
 [CHAP. I. 
 
 On the 15th February, Lord Corry brought 
 forward a motion for a Committee to inquire into 
 the state of the nation ; and proposed an address 
 to his Majesty, expressive of attachment to his 
 person and government, and of the unshaken de- 
 termination to preserve the full and final adjust- 
 ment of Independence of 1782, as necessary for 
 the safety of Ireland and security of the Empire. 
 The debate lasted nearly fourteen hours. The 
 motion was supported with great ability by Dr. 
 Brown, of the College, Messrs. Ponsonby, Knox, 
 Ogle, James Fitzgerald, Lord Cole, and Sir John 
 Parnell. It was opposed by Messrs. Smith, L. Fox, 
 M'Clelland, Osborne (all of whom were created 
 Judges), Sir J. Cotter, and Sir John Blaquiere. 
 It was lost by 103 to 123. The subject on which 
 the Government had founded their principal 
 arguments in favour of a Union was that of the 
 Regency. The danger of a collision between the 
 two countries on such an occasion was advanced 
 as a principal cause for proposing the measure. 
 Therefore, in order to remedy the difficulty (or 
 rather to take away any serious argument, for it 
 was nothing more), Mr. James Fitzgerald brought 
 in a Regency Bill. 
 
 On the 11th of April, the House went into a 
 Committee on the bill, which Lord Castlereagh 
 most violently opposed. Mr. Foster (Speaker) 
 being now out of the chair, availed himself of the 
 opportunity, and made a most able speech against 
 the Union, for the space of three hours. He 
 replied to the statements made by Mr. Pitt in the 
 British House of Commons, and to his attack on 
 the Constitution of Ireland. The part regarding 
 the trade and commerce of the country evinced 
 his knowledge and research, he showed the 
 rapid progress that Ireland had made since 1782, 
 and the injury that would be likely to result from 
 
CHAP. I.] 
 
 mr. Foster's speech. 
 
 27 
 
 the Union. He exposed the errors of Mr. Pitt, 
 whose speech he termed "a paltry production ;" 
 and was most successful in his answer to Lord 
 Castlereagh, who had denied that the Revolution 
 of 1782 was a final settlement. A few passages 
 are accordingly given : — 
 
 Mr. Foster. — " Sir, I feel it almost impossible for me 
 to refrain from expressing my deserved indignation, that 
 a constitution which it was the pride of this nation to 
 acquire — under which the country has so wonderfully 
 thriven, and in the operation of which no one imperial 
 difficulty has occurred, — that this constitution should be 
 sacrificed, and with it the peace and prosperity of the 
 country, to a theory which has every argument against 
 and none for it, but the subjugation of Ireland to the 
 uncontrolled views of a British Minister, which I trust 
 will never be relished by Irishmen. # # # 
 
 "I shall go largely, before I sit down, into the adjust- 
 ment of 1782 ; and I hope to show, to the satisfaction of 
 every man who hears me this night, that those evils of 
 which the noble Lord affects to complain have not sprung 
 out of that adjustment, but that it has been the cure of 
 every evil this country had to complain of, and which the 
 Ministerial specific of a Union would again heap upon 
 this kingdom; and in this opinion I am fortified by every 
 Minister and Ex-Minister of that day. * * 
 
 " In the address from both Parliaments preceding the 
 session of 1785, it was stated that there were necessary 
 regulations of commerce affecting the two countries which 
 had not been adjusted. Commercial arrangements were 
 alone spoken of, and had there any measures of constitu- 
 tion remained unsettled, would they not have been adverted 
 to? Would Mr. Pitt, who began his ministry soon after 
 the final adjustment, and who was Minister in 1785 — 
 would he have sat quietly when such an opportunity 
 offered of giving consideration to a constitutional question, 
 if any had remained unsettled ? But if anything could 
 more than another show that the constitutional connection 
 between the two countries was considered as finally settled, 
 it is the unanimous address of the British Parliament, on 
 that occasion moved by Mr. Pitt himself, and wherein are 
 to be seen all those expressions, nearly word for word, 
 which he now applies to the measure of a Union. 
 
28 
 
 mr. Foster's speech. 
 
 [chap. i. 
 
 Wealth, consolidation, strength, glory, &c. &c, all were 
 attached by him as necessary consequences of accepting 
 the propositions ; and now are shifted, but with very un- 
 happy appropriation, to the measure of a Union. # * 
 
 " 1 respect Mr. Pitt as an English Minister, and give him 
 willingly every credit for his financial talents ; but I must 
 say, as to the Irish nation he is the worst Minister that it 
 ever heard of, and nothing but the utmost rashness could 
 induce the man to disturb this country at such a period 
 by the introduction of a measure which he must have been 
 conscious could not have been received or treated of with- 
 out the most alarming war of feeling. The charges against 
 me contained in that speech must, if I could feel flattered 
 by such a circumstance, have flattered me ; for in a speech 
 which occupied upwards of three hours, more than one- 
 third of it makes me the subject, and is taken up with, I 
 will not say designed, misrepresentations of what has been 
 publicly said by me on different occasions, but particularly 
 in the debate on the commercial propositions in 1785. 
 (The Speaker stated that Mr. Exshaw, the king's printer, 
 had received Mr. Pitt's speech to be published with the 
 misrepresentations, but had corrected them subsequently on 
 his application to him (Mr. Foster) on the subject.) * # 
 
 " I state these particulars to show on what grounds I 
 presume that speech (10,000 of which have been distri- 
 buted through the country) to have been printed by the 
 authority of the Irish Government — a speech which I be- 
 lieve has disappointed very much the expectations of those 
 by whom it was sent abroad ; for I do not think its depth of 
 reasoning, or its convincing display of advantages, such as 
 to have produced a single proselyte to the doctrine of a 
 Legislative Union. * * * * 
 
 From the period of 1782 to the present, there 
 has not arisen with the Parliament of this country 
 any political shock or concussion, save this des- 
 perate one — this fatal project of Mr. Pitt, to 
 which various objects are assigned, but the real 
 one is that Mr. Pitt finds that 300 Irish gentle- 
 men, forming an Irish resident Parliament, hold 
 the purse of the nation too fast in their honest 
 grasp for him to dispose of it as he pleases. In 
 the commercial propositions, an appropriation of 
 
CHAP. I.] 
 
 THE REGENCY BILL. 
 
 29 
 
 revenue was provided for to go to imperial ex- 
 penses, but now no proportion of expense is 
 named: you are not asked for any money; so 
 you consent to resign your Constitution, — parting 
 with that, it is too obvious that the other must 
 follow. * •* ' * * 
 
 On this occasion Lord Castlereagh went into a 
 long statement of the affairs of the country : he 
 calculated the value of imports into Great Britain 
 from Ireland at 5,612,689/., on which she raised 
 a revenue of 47,562/., whereas Ireland imported 
 from England only 3,555,845/., on which she 
 raised a revenue of 643,148/. The yearly value of 
 Irish manufacture exported to England he repre- 
 sented to be 5,510,825/., and of English manu- 
 factures* exported to Ireland to be 2,087,672/. 
 He took an average of seven years as to the linen 
 trade, affirming that Ireland exported to Great 
 Britain 35,64S,706 yards of linen, and to the Bri- 
 tish colonies 1,259,868 yards— total 36,998,574 ; 
 and to foreign countries she exported 4,762,684 
 yards, making a total of 41,670,654 yards. He 
 then stated that the value of English woollens im- 
 ported into Ireland for three years, ending 1793, 
 was 599,974/., and the average for three years, 
 1797, was 647,900/.; and at the same time the 
 value of linen exported to Great Britain was 
 3,038,630/., taking the linen at lOd. a yard on an 
 average for seven years. 
 
 The bill went through a committee, and was 
 ordered to be reported : it left the appointment of 
 
 * Compare this account with that in the Irish Railway Report of 
 1840, where the statement as to the trade and commerce of the country 
 is set forth, and see there the decline of Irish manufactures, and the 
 cessation of the progress that Ireland made after 1782. — See Irish Rail- 
 way Report, compiled by the late lamented Secretary for Ireland, W. 
 Drummond, there the fallacy of the above statement is clearly demon- 
 trated, and from which it will appear that the export trade of Ireland 
 has not kept up its proportion, and in quality has not changed but de- 
 teriorated. 
 
30 
 
 DEBATE ON THE UNION. [CHAP. I. 
 
 the executive magistrate to the British Par- 
 liament, and so far removed one of the grounds of 
 difference that was supposed to exist between the 
 two countries. On the 18th the report was 
 brought up, when the subject of the Union was 
 again gone through, and a most animated debate 
 took place ; but on the motion of Lord Castle- 
 reagh the bill w r as put off to the 1st of August : 
 no division even took place, and thus ended the 
 measure. 
 
31 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Military force in Ireland at the period of the Union. — Martial law. — 
 Cruel sentence on Devereux. — Indemnity bill. — Cases of torture 
 known by the Government Trials. — Acquittal of Judkin Fitzgerald. — . 
 Lord Avonmore's charge. — Mr. Barrington's resignation as lieutenant 
 of yeomanry.— Escheatorship refused to Colonel Cole. — Arts prac- 
 tised by Government. — Speeches of Plunket, Moore, and Ponsonby. 
 — Ponsonby 's attack on Lord Castlereagh. — House of Lords. — Amend- 
 ment proposed by ] ord Powerscourt against the Union. — Last letter of 
 Lord Charleraont. — His death. — End of session of 1799. — Conduct 
 of Lord Cornwallis. — Addresses in favour of Union. — Lord Donough- 
 more's conduct. — Orange Lodges hostile to Union. — Divisions sown 
 among them and the Catholics. — Offers to the Roman Catholic clergy. 
 — Resolution of the prelates. — Veto. — Catholics grossly duped. — 
 Anecdote of Lord Cornwallis by Judge Johnson. — Catholics adverse 
 to the Union. — Meeting and speech of Mr. Daniel O'Connell, bar- 
 rister, against it. — Resolutions on the subject. 
 
 When Lord Castlereagh moved the supply, on the 
 18th of February, 1799, he stated that the expense 
 of the war establishment was 4,815,367/. for keep- 
 ing up in Ireland a military force of 137,590 men, 
 of which the regulars amounted to 32,281, — the 
 militia to 26,654, the yeomanry to 52,274,* — 
 
 * The following authentic document shows the force and the means 
 required to carry the Union : — 
 
 Regulars, 32,281 .. £1,218,955 
 
 Militia, 26,634 .. 769,012 
 
 Yeomanry, 57,274 . . 687,485 
 
 British, 23,201 . . 666,799 
 
 Artillery, 1,500 ^ Included in Ordnance 
 
 Drivers and Commissariat, 1,700 S and Commissariat Ex- 
 
 pense. 
 
 Total military force in Ireland .... 137,590 ! ! ! 
 Serving abroad . . „ 3,234 
 
 140,824 
 
32 
 
 MARTIAL LAW. 
 
 [CHAP. II. 
 
 the entire to 138,000 men. Notwithstanding this 
 overwhelming force, he said it was necessary to 
 arm Government with stronger powers. With 
 this view a bill had been introduced on the 20th 
 of February, by the Attorney-General (Toler), 
 entitled, "A Bill to suppress the Rebellion," 
 though in fact the rebellion had long since been 
 quelled, and the decaying embers alone remained, 
 which time and gentle measures would gradually 
 extinguish. The bill invested the Lord Lieu- 
 tenant with discretionary power to suspend the 
 # Habeas Corpus Act, and establish martial law ; it 
 empowered him to order all military officers, or 
 any persons appointed by him, to suppress the 
 Rebellion in the most summary manner they 
 thought proper, by courts-martial, or otherwise, 
 without any appeal to any legal tribunal ; this 
 was to be enforced against all concerned in, or in 
 any way assisting, the Rebellion, or maliciously 
 attacking or injuring the persons or property of 
 his Majesty's loyal subjects, and was greatly ex- 
 tended by the power given to arrest any person 
 upon mere suspicion. This severe, and most un- 
 constitutional measure was supported by Lord 
 Castlereagh, Dr. Duigenan, John Claudius 
 Beresford, and Maurice Fitzgerald, knight of 
 Kerry. 
 
 Accordingly, the entire county of Antrim was 
 declared to be in a state of disturbance, and pro- 
 claimed by orders of General Nugent, and placed 
 under martial law ; the county of Mayo was also 
 
 Ordnance, £442,659 
 
 Barracks, 350,000 
 
 Commissariat, 132,000 
 
 £4,266,910 
 
 Miscellaneous, including 98,327 for troops 
 
 serving abroad 549,457 
 
 £4,815,367 
 
CHAP. II.] 
 
 INDEMNITY BILL. 
 
 33 
 
 proclaimed by the Lord Lieutenant, and divisions 
 of troops stationed in various quarters throughout 
 the country. Trials by court-martial still con- 
 tinued. On the 21st of May the case of Walter 
 Devereux occurred : he was accused of having 
 been a leader in the insurrection the year before. 
 He was tried by a military tribunal, and con- 
 demned to death. The sentence was singular 
 and barbarous, — that the prisoner should be 
 hanged ; that he should have his head cut off, 
 his heart burned, and his body quartered. This 
 cruel and infamous sentence Lord Cornwallis, it 
 is said, after mature deliberation, approved and 
 confirmed! This was but one of the numerous 
 instances of Lord Clare and Lord Castlereagh's 
 system — their mode of governing Ireland, — their 
 " vigor beyond the law." It recalls to mind the 
 case of Scotland, which affords, however, but a 
 faint parallel : — after the rebellion in favour of 
 the Pretender, in 1745-G, when Lord President 
 Forbes remonstrated with the Duke of Cumber- 
 land against the outrages committed in the High- 
 lands by his troops, and told him that his soldiers 
 were breaking the laws, the Duke replied " The 
 laws, my lord ; by G — Til make a brigade give 
 laws." Such was the case of Ireland; so that 
 with perfect truth it has been said, that the object 
 of the Government was to carry the Union by 
 terror and intimidation. In furtherance of this 
 project, Mr. Toler brought in an indemnity bill, 
 on the 29th of April, — a measure well suited to 
 the character of the author, and to the conduct 
 pursued by the Government towards the people, 
 but fatal to the reputation of the House of Com- 
 mons. This bill indemnified all persons who had 
 resorted to illegal measures against the insur- 
 gents. One of its provisions enacted that the jury 
 should not convict if the magistrates could prove 
 vol. v. D 
 
34 
 
 CASES OF TORTURE. [CHAP. II. 
 
 that in what they had done they had acted for the 
 purpose of suppressing the Rebellion. This mea- 
 sure having become law, presented an effectual 
 bar to redress, and so it appeared to Lord Avon- 
 more, who tried a case under it, and who ex 
 pressed himself in a very remarkable manner on 
 the occasion ; thus, as far as regarded all those 
 individuals who had suffered from the violent and 
 illegal conduct of magistrates, it was a complete 
 denial of justice, but as regarded the Legislature 
 it set a seal on their conduct, and affixed upon its 
 character an everlasting stain, which neither con- 
 trition nor time could efface. It was by measures 
 such as these that the Government calculated on 
 effecting their designs : by thus degrading the 
 representatives in the eyes of the people, they 
 knew the nation would soon become indifferent to 
 their fate, and rather prefer their extinction to 
 their existence; realizing the very words of Lord 
 Clare, that " he would make the people of Ireland 
 sick of their Constitution." 
 
 The case of Matthew Scott, tried in ]799 before 
 Mr. Justice Kelly, at Clonmel, is also illustrative 
 of the character of the laws, and of the temper of 
 those who administered them. Scott was a 
 wealthy and respectable inhabitant of Clonmel — 
 a man of large property, and high repute; he was 
 imprisoned on a charge (totally false) of sending 
 pikes in his boats that went laden with corn. 
 Judkin Fitzgerald refused no less a sum than 
 100,000/. bail for him ! and when applied to, swore 
 " By G— 9 he shall not be brought to trial!" How- 
 ever, after much intercession in his favour, he 
 was let out of jail on giving bail in the amount of 
 20,000/. : an action was brought against Fitz- 
 gerald, who relied on the indemnity act, protect- 
 ing those who had acted since the 25th of October, 
 1798, for the suppression of the insurrection, and 
 
CHAP. II.] CASES OF TORTURE. 
 
 35 
 
 the preservation of the public peace. Captain 
 Jephson, who commanded a corps of yeomanry in 
 the county, was examined on the trial, and swore 
 that the conduct of Fitzgerald was the most in- 
 famous he ever witnessed, and such as if per- 
 severed in would assuredly ruin the country : 
 that he had persecuted in a most oppressive and 
 cruel manner, a man of the name of Wells, who 
 was perfectly innocent, and what Fitzgerald had 
 stated was utterly false ; the jury, however, found 
 a verdict for Fitzgerald * 
 
 Another case was that of Doyle, merchant and 
 cloth manufacturer, of Carrick ; it occurred in 
 1798, but the trial did not take place till 1801. 
 Doyle had been arrested by Fitzgerald, tied up, 
 and flogged ; he could not endure the torture, and 
 after 100 lashes he fainted. He was guilty of no 
 offence, and accordingly brought an action. Fitz- 
 gerald defended himself; and in his speech dis- 
 closed some of his enormities, in which he seemed 
 to glory: he stated, as a proof of his services, 
 that he had arrested a Mr. O'Brien (whom he 
 called colonel of the united party), to have him 
 flogged. O'Brien made an excuse to retire, as 
 he wanted to shave himself, and pretending to 
 do so, he cut his throat to avoid the horror and 
 ignominy of the torture. This act Fitzgerald 
 gravely advanced as a defence to the action ! He 
 then gave a catalogue of the tortures he had 
 inflicted : he had flogged many men on the 16th 
 of May, at Nenagh ; on the 23rd he had flogged 
 a Mr. Fox, whom he called a general ; a Mr. 
 Quinn, whom he called a colonel ; a man of the 
 
 * On this trial Captain Jephson stated that he had known some of 
 the rebels who had given him information, one of them said he had 
 tampered with the people of Carrick, and that he had found they 
 would go great lengths for Catholic Emancipation and Parliamentary 
 Reform, but when he sought to seduce them, and mentioned the subject 
 of rising in arms, they to a man refused him ! 
 
 D 2 
 
36 CAPTAIN JEPIISOn's EVIDENCE. [CHAP. II. 
 
 name of Kearey, and a man of the name of Wells, 
 a yeoman in Captain Jephson's corps ; that Capt. 
 Jephson had threatened he would get his men to 
 fire on him, but " I defied him, and flogged Wells 
 and two more men, though they were all inno- 
 cent ! !" — these were his words ; and it was for 
 this man that the Attorney-General Toler (after- 
 wards Lord Norbury) got the indemnity bill 
 passed. 
 
 The reader must bear in mind that Lord Clare, 
 Lord Camden, and Mr. Pitt denied such acts of 
 torture had been used. Lord Camden, in his 
 speech in the English House of Lords was express 
 on this point, saying, " nothing more than neces- 
 sary was resorted to but here appears the naked 
 fact, proved by their friend and protege, the man 
 for whom was passed this very indemnity bill ; 
 here he comes forth, avowing and glorying in the 
 fact, and adding this very remarkable note and 
 comment, " that he flogged them, though 
 they were all innocent !" But another cir- 
 cumstance appeared on this trial : a disclosure was 
 made which brings the guilt nearer to head-quar- 
 ters. In his defence, Fitzgerald produced a 
 letter, addressed to him, and signed by Wm. Bag- 
 well, " Brigade Major," dated 6th June, 1798, — 
 a military man, and then in the employment of 
 Government : in this letter, Bagwell informed 
 Fitzgerald, " that if he found any good to arise from 
 flogging he might go on with it, but let it not reach 
 my ears 1 1" Well might Lord Camden say 
 he knew nothing of flogging. The evidence 
 given on this trial also, by Captain Jephson, is 
 too important to be omitted, and serves to lift up 
 the veil from the entire scene of these sanguinary 
 government orgies : he swears, " I wrote to 
 Government for troops, for two reasons ; 1st, be- 
 cause I thought from Fitzgerald's conduct no loyal 
 
CHAP. II.] FITZGERALD ACQUITTED ! 
 
 37 
 
 yeoman would bear arms ; this I feared from 
 the despair manifested by the inhabitants of the coun- 
 try on hearing of the flogging ; 2ndly, I was afraid 
 that not only the yeomen would not bear arms, but 
 that the cruelty exercised in inflicting the torture 
 would infuse a spirit of disloyalty into the most loyal, 
 and consequently encourage the most disaffected. 
 I am of opinion that Sheriff FitzgeraUCs conduct ivas 
 calculated to promote rebellion ; for had it not been 
 for my being possessed with superior information, 
 the oath of allegiance I had taken, the property I 
 had in the country, and my being a captain of a 
 yeomanry corps, / would, on seeing such wanton 
 cruelty, have joined the rebels F 
 
 Lord Avonmore, in charging the jury said, 
 u Before the indemnity acts passed, no damages 
 you could give would be too great, but if under 
 these acts you believe the defendant was forced, 
 through imperious necessity, to commit this abo- 
 minable outrage against the plaintiff, (a man of 
 acknowledged loyalty) you are bound to find for 
 him : the information he acted on he has told you 
 was that of a vile, perjured, and infamous informer, 
 and this too not upon oath! To render a verdict 
 for the plaintiff of any avail, you must find that 
 the defendant acted maliciously, and not with the 
 intent of suppressing the Rebellion, or of serving 
 the state ; such are the words of the Act, which 
 places an insuperable bar between injury and redress , 
 and sets all equity and justice at dejiance F at the 
 same time he dashed the Act upon the cushion, 
 and threw himself back on the bench. The Jury 
 
 ACQUITTED F IT Z GERALD ! ! lipoil which lie took 
 
 legal proceedings against the man he had so 
 flogged, and recovered damages against him to 
 the amount of 424/., as by the law a verdict for 
 defendant saddled the plaintiff with double costs. 
 What excuse could Mr. Pitt offer for these 
 
38 
 
 mr. grattan's sentiments, [chap. II • 
 
 proceedings? — treason was no apology for them. 
 He did not treat the Irish as if they were Chris- 
 tians; they were not treated like rebel Christians, 
 but like rebel dogs ! It is not a matter of wonder 
 that the country was driven into rebellion, but it 
 is a wonder that any man remained loyal. What, 
 not like our government ! — flog him : not like our 
 religion! — 100 lashes: not like our uniform!- — 
 100 lashes more ! not like our toasts ! — another 
 100 ! Such were the principles of Government 
 at this period, and to protect the exercise of them 
 the Indemnity Bill was passed. 
 
 Government were aware that torture was in- 
 flicted, and Lord Clare had the boldness to jus- 
 tify it as the only means to extract information : 
 that is, not to punish the guilty, but to punish 
 men, perhaps innocent, in order to make them dis- 
 cover the guilty ! Mr. (afterwards Judge) Flet- 
 cher, an excellent and humane man, who was 
 counsel in Doyle's case, stated, that when the 
 martial law bill was passed in England, it was pro- 
 posed to introduce a clause against torture, but 
 the Attorney-General opposed it, saying, " It 
 cannot but be known to every one that neither 
 martial law, nor any other law, human or divine, 
 can justify the application of torture, or authorize 
 its infliction." 
 
 The accounts of these horrors used to throw 
 Mr. Grattan into a state of the greatest excite- 
 ment, and affected him with spasms that con- 
 vulsed his entire frame ; then he would exclaim 
 against the authors : " I cannot bear to think of 
 it — it puts me in a horrid state. Pitt fermented 
 the Rebellion to carry the Union. Yet I could 
 forgive him the Union, for he was an Englishman, 
 but I never can forgive the torture.* It is not 
 
 * In a conversation with the late Lord Holland on this subject, his 
 remark was, ''The Irish do not know how to plant the dagger." 
 
CHAP. II.] MR. BARRINGTON RESIGNS. 
 
 39 
 
 over yet, — the people will not forgive it: when* 
 the recital even at this distance of time (1818) 
 creates such sensation. — Men will not see the 
 necessity, and will feel the disgrace. " 
 
 In some men's minds there are limits to cor- 
 ruption and oppression, beyond which a love of 
 interest, or even cruelty, will not lead them to 
 pass. The conduct of the Government, and the 
 violent and corrupt practices to which they re- 
 sorted, induced Mr. Barrington to separate him- 
 self from that party, and to give up the com- 
 mission that he held in the yeomanry, and he 
 accordingly sent in his resignation. Unfortu- 
 nately, he had supported the Government in 
 several of their savage acts, and in many of their 
 corrupt measures; he therefore lost much of the 
 credit that would naturally have attended the 
 expression of such just and honourable sentiments, 
 as will be found in the letter that signified his 
 retirement ; it was a sign of the times, and is 
 therefore worth exhibiting here. 
 
 Mr. Jonah Barrington to Mb, William Saurin. 
 
 Dublin, January 1799. 
 
 Sir, — Permit me to resign, through you, the commis- 
 sion which I hold in the Lawyers' Cavalry. 1 lesion it 
 with the regret of a soldier who knows his duty to his 
 king, yet feels his duty to his country, and will depart 
 from neither but with his life. 
 
 That blind and fatal measure proposed by the Irish 
 Government to extinguish the political existence of Ire- 
 land — to surrender its legislature, its trade, its dearest 
 rights, and proudest* prerogatives into the hands of a Bri- 
 tish minister and a British council. 
 
 Consistent, therefore, with my loyalty and my oath, 2" 
 can no longer continue subject to the indefinite and nujore- 
 seen commands of a military government , which so madly 
 hazards the integrity of the Biiiish empire, and existence of 
 the British constitution, to crush a rising nation, and ag- 
 grandize a despotic minister. 
 
40 PROCEEDINGS OF GOVERNMENT [CHAP. II. 
 
 I never will abet a new developed plan, treacherous and 
 Ungrateful, — stimulating two sects against each other to 
 enfeeble both, and then making religious feuds a pretext 
 for political slavery. 
 
 Mechanical obedience is the duty of a soldier, but ac- 
 tive, uninfluenced integrity the indispensable attribute of a 
 legislator when the preservation of his country is in ques- 
 tion ; and as the same frantic authority which meditates 
 our civil annihilation , might, in the same frenzy, meditate 
 military projects from which my feelirigs, my principles, and 
 my honour might revolt, I feel it right to separate ray civil 
 and military functions;' and to secure the honest unin- 
 terrupted exercise of the one, I relinquish the indefinite 
 subjection of the other. 
 
 I return the arms I received from Government. I re- 
 ceived them pure, and restore them not dishonoured. 
 
 I shall now resume my civil duties with zeal and with 
 energy, — elevated by the hope that the Irish Parliament 
 will never assume a power extrinsic of its delegation, and 
 will convince the British nation that we are a people 
 equally impregnable to the attacks of intimidation as the 
 shameless practice of corruption. Yours, &c. 
 
 Jonah Barrington. 
 
 » Lieut. 1st Cavalry. 
 
 To William Saurin, Esq., Commandant 
 Lawyers' Corps, &c., &c. 
 
 Among the many artifices resorted to by the 
 Government to effect their object, the most unjust 
 and the most glaring was that which occurred in 
 the instance of Colonel Cole. It was an act of 
 the greatest partiality and injustice. Mr. Cole 
 was an anti-unionist ; his regiment was quartered 
 in Malta, and he was ordered to leave the country 
 immediately and join it. His constituents in the 
 county Louth were known to be inimical to the 
 union, and had determined to elect Mr. Balfour, 
 a person of similar principles with themselves. 
 In order to prevent this, the Government refused 
 to grant to Colonel Cole the office of Escheator- 
 ship of Munster, an office analogous to the stew- 
 ardship of the Chiltern Hundreds, and therefore 
 granted as a matter of course, and granted at 
 
CHAP. II.] DENOUNCED BY THE OPPOSITION. 41 
 
 the same time to Mr. Oliver, the member for 
 Kilmallock, that he might retire, and that a 
 unionist might be returned in his place. This 
 conduct drew down upon them the heavy censure 
 of the opposition ; the question was discussed on 
 the 15th May, when Mr. Plunket, Mr. Ponsonby, 
 Mr. Moore, and Mr. Barrington, denounced the 
 proceedings of Government in unsparing terms, 
 and poured forth a torrent of bold and well- 
 merited condemnation upon Lord Castlereagh. 
 Mr. George Ponsonby was particularly severe, 
 and drew forth a sharp and spirited reply. The 
 motion for the writ, however, was carried ; and 
 the question of adjournment to the 1st June, pro- 
 posed by Lord Castlereagh, passed by a majority 
 of 47 to 33. The speeches delivered on this 
 occasion are worthy of remark. 
 
 Mr. (afterwards Lord) Plunket : — 
 
 The noble lord at this moment exhibits a phenomenon 
 unexampled in the history of any free country. After 
 being baffled and disgraced in a vital measure, he con- 
 tinues to brave the Parliament and the public, and to tell 
 them that that measure shall be carried, no matter by w hat 
 means. I am told, Sir, that this question has no connec- 
 tion with the L'nion. I deny it. No two questions can 
 be more essentially involved, because the noble lord by his 
 silence on this night avows that he means by a barefaced 
 exertion of prerogative to enforce this reprobated measure 
 against the fair sense of Parliament and people, and there- 
 fore I will not tire the House by trying the merits of a 
 question which has been already so amply discussed, and 
 so explicitly reprobated. I will beg to call the attention 
 of the House to the conduct of the noble lord and of the 
 Government in the prosecution of it. This measure, Sir, 
 was brought forward with but little interval indeed being 
 allowed for the public to examine it before its introduction 
 to the House. In that little interval, however, public 
 scorn and indignation had attached upon it. But still 
 it was brought into this house accompanied by the execra- 
 tions of the people of Ireland, but at the same time tuith 
 the proud boast, and I do believe with the childish hope 
 
42 
 
 THE SPEECH OP [CHAP. II. 
 
 on the part of the noble lord that it would be carried by a 
 triumphant majority. Of its fate I need not remind you ; 
 it was flung out of Parliament with abhorrence. How, 
 Sir, was the majority formed by whom it was rejected? 
 Was any man bribed to resist the Union ? Was any man 
 promised to resist the Union ? Was any man dismissed 
 from office, or threatened with dismissal, to make him 
 resist the Union? Was any mean motive, or selfish 
 interest, or sordid principle of the human heart, pressed 
 into the service against the Union ? No, Sir ; it was dis- 
 missed and defeated by the instinct and the reason, and 
 the virtue and the talents, and the property of the country. 
 What was the consequence ? Have the honourable men 
 who were dismissed from office been restored ? and has 
 the absurd projector who failed in his rash experiment 
 been dismissed ? No, Sir ; but the men who were turned 
 out of office because they gave a wise and honest opinion, 
 which has been confirmed by Parliament and by the nation, 
 are kept out of office merely because they gave that 
 opinion, and the minister, who brought forward this weak 
 and wicked measure, after being disgraced and baffled, 
 retains his place. I therefore repeat it, the noble lord 
 exhibits a political phenomenon unparalleled in the his- 
 tory of any free country. In former times, when the 
 minister has found the sense of the Legislature and the 
 country against him, his measures have been abandoned, 
 and he himself has sought safety and retirement. But 
 here the minister retains his place, and braves the Legisla- 
 ture, and braves the country, and avows his perseverance in 
 the measure ivhich they have trampled on, and avows his 
 determination to carry that measure by means the most 
 unconstitutional and shameless, 
 
 Mr. Arthur Moore :— 
 
 Sir, there is no man who is an attentive observer of 
 public occurrences, and who keeps an eye on the measures 
 of the Administration, who must not have seen, and seen 
 with affliction, that the measures which have been taken, 
 and are now in daily and unremitting practice, to effec- 
 tuate the Union, are such as no honest man can justify, 
 which, while they stamp the authors of them with 
 indelible disgrace, must render the incorporation of the 
 Legislatures of the two countries, if carried, unpermanent, 
 and the discontents and calamities of this nation eternal. 
 
CHAP. II.] MR. ARTHUR MOORE. 
 
 43 
 
 Was it not, Sir, enough that the whole authority of the 
 Court, both ordinary and extraordinary, was exerted to 
 bring about the measure, and that upon a full and fair 
 discussion of its merits it was rejected by the unbought 
 and uninfluenced sense of the representatives of the people. 
 Was it not enough that since that period the efforts of 
 corruption have been redoubled, that promises are lavished, 
 and stipulations made for offices and honours ; that our 
 liberties are brought to market overt, where every dishonest 
 man may sell and buy. but where no honest man is permitted 
 to show his face ? Is it not enough that the public sense 
 is daily misrepresented by fables and false reports of 
 change of sentiment, of conversion from error, of majori- 
 ties in favour of the measure in this house ? Is it not 
 enough that the sister kingdom and the British cabinet 
 are evidently and designedly misled and misinformed as 
 to the real state of public opinion in this country ? Is it 
 not enough that the public money is perverted to the 
 purpose of extinguishing the free and fair communication 
 of opinion, and of corrupting the press to become the 
 vehicle of false statement, of personal calumniation, and of 
 libel of the Irish Parliament? Will not these means, 
 these efforts content them ? Are they not satisfied with 
 having the purse and the power of the country in their 
 hands, and actively employed in forwarding their views? 
 Are they not content with purchasing the mercenary aid 
 of every hireling scribbler, and circulating gratis the 
 wicked, seditious, — nay, I think in some instances little, 
 if at all, short of treasonable publications of interested or 
 ignorant men, through the medium of the public post- 
 office, to all parts of the kingdom, while the communica- 
 tion of every publication in favour of the legislative inde- 
 pendence of Ireland is not only withheld but forbidden ? 
 Are they not satisfied to sap and undermine our constitu- 
 tion by the slow and silent approaches of unremitting 
 corruption, but must it be boldly and opening assailed 
 by an undisguised aggression upon the privileges and 
 independence of Parliament. Sir, in my mind the state- 
 ment which has been made by my honourable friend 
 ought to raise the indignation of the House against those 
 who have been the wicked advisers of so unjust and 
 partial an exercise of a prerogative vested in the Crown for 
 the purpose of guarding the privileges and securing the 
 independence of the House of Commons? At any time, 
 
44 
 
 SPIRITED SPEECH OF [CHAP. II. 
 
 or under any circumstances, the transaction which has 
 been stated to have taken place between the executive 
 Government and the honourable and gallant colonel would 
 have been highly disgraceful to the Administration, and 
 an unpardonable invasion of the privileges of this House; 
 but that such conduct should be pursued at a time when 
 the greatest and most important subject that ever agitated 
 a free assembly is still suspended over our heads, and is 
 we understand again to be brought forward ; that the 
 practice of ministers here should be so different from the 
 professions of Mr. Pitt, who, in his speech on the Union, 
 assures Great Britain and Ireland, and Europe, that the 
 measure is not to be resumed unless called for by the free, 
 uninfluenced, unequivocal sense and opinion of the Par- 
 liament and people of Ireland ; that the people of both 
 nations should be told from authority that fair means 
 only are to be used when every foul means are practised ; 
 that this House should he mocked and insulted from day to 
 day with the insincere assurance that all that is sought for 
 on the subject is the unbiassed sense of Parliament, at the 
 same time that before a member is allowed to vacate his seat 
 he must condition that his successor shall support the 
 Union, is such a transcendant violation of Parliamentary 
 freedom as this House ought not only to resent but to 
 punish. Sir, if this office of Escheatorship is to be 
 disposed of by the Crown exclusively to those who will pre- 
 viously condition to support the measures of the ministry, 
 the Place Bill, instead of being a means of securing the in- 
 dependence of Parliament, becomes at once a formidable 
 instrument of ministerial influence and corruption, and in- 
 stead of being a barrier of defence against the undue exercise 
 of the prerogative, it legitimates its abuse, and forwards and 
 facilitates its encroachments. Surely a bill which was 
 sought for by the most popular character* in this country 
 for years, which for so many sessions in former Parliaments 
 was successively resisted by the Court, and perseveringly 
 demanded by the country, but which was at length con- 
 ceded as a sacrifice on the one side, and received as 
 an acquisition on the other, — surely this popular statute 
 will not now be said to authorize the evil it was enacted 
 to remedy, namely, the grievous and enormous influence of 
 the minister of the Crown over the representatives of the 
 people in Parliament. 
 
 * Mr. John Forbes. 
 
CHAP. II.] MR. GEORGE PONSONBY. 
 
 45 
 
 On the motion that the House should adjourn, 
 Mr. George Ponsonby delivered a most animated 
 and spirited speech, with more than ordinary 
 fervour, and concluded as follows : — 
 
 Then, Sir, I am to understand the noble lord this 
 House is to adjourn. Be it so; let the House adjourn ; 
 let the noble lord depart from this House at the head 
 of his miserable majority, but let his character go along 
 with him, let it stalk by his side, let it cling to him ; 
 let it be understood by this House and by the country that 
 all the noble lord's professions were hollow and hypocriti- 
 cal, the canting of a mountebank. Swift, in his enumera- 
 tions of the qualities requisite for a great statesman, says, 
 that the first and most necessary is that his words should 
 be applied to everything but the indication of his mind. 
 However deficient the noble lord may be in every other 
 qualification of a great statesman, he has certainly been 
 most largely gifted with this. Let the House adjourn ; 
 but let it be understood by this House and by the coun- 
 try, that notwithstanding the solemn declaration of the 
 noble lord in this house, that the measure of a Union 
 (though considered by him as necessary to the prosperity 
 of this country) should not be urged without their free 
 uninfluenced consent. The noble lord has had recourse to 
 the meanest and basest efforts, in direct contradiction 
 to those professions. Let the House adjourn ; but let il be 
 remembered that those poicers which have been entrusted to 
 the noble lord for the protection of the privileges and inde- 
 pendence of Parliament have been perverted by him to the 
 base and fraudulent purpose of packing that Parliament, 
 like a grand jury. Let the House adjourn ; but let it be 
 remembered that the noble lord is at the head of a great 
 army ; let it be understood that the object of the noble 
 lord is to pack the Parliament for the purpose of carrying 
 a vote in favour of this measure, and to enforce the vote of 
 that packed Parliament by that army. Let the House 
 adjourn ; but let the character of the noble lord be fully 
 understood, let it stick to him, let it be known that he is 
 fair in profession, but foul in practice ; let his character 
 go to the people, let it be understood that after saying no 
 further steps should be taken in this measure until this 
 House and the country should have changed their minds, 
 he has abused the power of the Crown to support him in 
 
46 
 
 OPENING OP THE SESSION. [CHAP. II. 
 
 that very conduct — against which he stands so solemnly 
 pledged. Let the House adjourn ; the character of the 
 noble lord and of bis Government will go forth in their pro- 
 per colours ; let them persist in their system of fraud and 
 corruption, it will avail them nothing when it is (as now 
 it must be) perfectly understood ; it will only confirm the 
 opposition of this House and of the country to a measure, 
 the iniquity of which is sufficiently characterised by the 
 infamous means resorted to for its accomplishment. 
 
 Lord Castlereagh replied with spirit, but Mr. 
 Ponsonby was prevented by the rules of the 
 House from making any rejoinder. Thus this 
 well-contested session terminated, and the House 
 was abruptly prorogued. The Government failed 
 in their object, and the question of Union was 
 rejected. But the Lord-Lieutenant, in his speech 
 from the throne, introduced the subject, and 
 alluded to the addresses voted to his Majesty 
 passed by both Houses of the British Parliament 
 in favour of the measure. 
 
 It is a matter not less of wonder than regret 
 that the proceedings of the House of Lords 
 demand so little attention. This was the region 
 of sober dulness and of sleepy silence — its in- 
 mates were the ghosts of politicians. The body 
 had been long under the arrogant dictatorship of 
 Lord Clare, whose imperious and angry sway 
 kept it in perfect thraldom, so that even few scin- 
 tillations of patriotism could appear. On some 
 occasions a noble spirit, however, burst forth. 
 Dixon, bishop of Down, Marley, bishop of Wa- 
 terford (Mr. Grattan's uncle), Lord Moira, Lord 
 Charlemont, Lord Mountmorris, resisted the iron 
 rule of the Chancellor, though with less vigour 
 than the exigences of the times required, and 
 without that just severity and indignation with 
 which the insolence of tyranny and the hatred of 
 popular liberty deserved to be reprimanded. 
 
 On the 22nd of January, 1799, at the opening of 
 
CHAP. II.] ADDRESSES TO LORD CHARLEMONT. 47 
 
 the session, Lord Ormond proposed the address, 
 containing a passage favourable to the Union. He 
 was seconded by Lord Glandore. This was 
 opposed with considerable spirit by Lord Powers- 
 court,* who, with that attachment to his country 
 which he uniformly manifested both in public and 
 private, denied at once all right in the Parliament 
 to entertain such a question as the Union, declar- 
 ing its utter incompetence to part with the trust 
 reposed in it ; and he accordingly moved an 
 amendment in those terms. This was rejected 
 by 46 to 19.t The address was supported by 
 Lords Clare, Glentworth, Carysfort, Bective, and 
 Yelveston, who in this instance abandoned that 
 dignified station that he had acquired in his early 
 days, and tarnished the unpurchased laurels of 
 1782. The address was carried by 52 to 17. 
 
 In this list appears the venerated name of 
 Charlemont. Faithful to his national feelings, 
 true to his early principles, he opposed the de- 
 struction of that constitution he had so nobly 
 contributed to obtain. His mind had expanded 
 towards his Catholic countrymen, and he did not 
 think that their admission to the Legislature re- 
 quired its transfer or its abolition. His conduct 
 on this occasion met with the approbation of his 
 country. Several addresses were presented to 
 him in consequence, and, among others, one from 
 the wealthy and populous city of Cork. As his 
 reply was almost his last act on behalf of Ireland, 
 
 * This noble house shows the withering effects of the Union — two 
 generations have departed since, the beautiful residence is deserted — a 
 natural consequence of English education and Irish absentees, 
 f These names were as follows : — 
 
 Bishops, Dixon (of Down), Marlay (Waterford and Lismore). 
 
 Duke of Leinster. 
 Lord Enniskillen, 
 
 Lord Bel more. 
 Lord Dunsany. 
 Lord Lismore. 
 
 Lord Mountmorris. Lord Charlemont. 
 Lord Granard. Lord Eellamont. 
 
 Lord Powerscourt. Lord Arran. 
 
 Lord Mount Cashel. Lord Cloncurry. 
 Lord Castle Stuart. 
 
48 lord charlemont's last letter, [chap, ii. 
 
 it is worthy of being placed in remembrance, and 
 added to the records of his imperishable fame. 
 
 My Lord, — You felt for your honour and your dignity, 
 you knew your duty to your country, and therefore on the 
 22nd of last month nobly vindicated the independence 
 of its Legislature. Your Lordship has proved yourself not 
 only the hereditary counsellor of the State, but the here- 
 ditary and incorruptible guardian of the constitution. 
 Such conduct will live in the hearts of your countrymen ; 
 they are grateful, and act with you. With that auspicious 
 era when our constitution was immutably established, your 
 name, my Lord, is inseparably connected. Your recent 
 conduct will add new celebrity to a name endeared to your 
 countrymen, and revered by the world. 
 Cork, Feb. 13th, 1799. 
 
 ANSWER. 
 
 Gentlemen, — Though utterly disabled by the mi- 
 serable state of my health from expressing my gratitude 
 in a manner any way satisfactory to myself, no malady 
 can possibly prevent me from feeling in its full extent the 
 obligation you have conferred by making me the medium 
 of thanks to those noble personages who on a late occa- 
 sion, however unsuccessfully, supported in the House of 
 Lords what with you we must ever think the cause of our 
 country. Your approbation gives additional weight to 
 our sentiments, and adds to our confidence respecting the 
 line of conduct we have hitherto pursued, and in which we 
 are determined to persevere. 
 
 With every sincere acknowledgment for this, and for all 
 your former favours, I join with my noble associates in 
 having the honour to be, gentlemen, your most obliged 
 and most faithful humble servant, 
 
 Charlemont. # 
 
 Feb. 25th, 1799. 
 
 The interval between the session of 1 799 and that 
 of 1800 was not thrown away by the Government. 
 Undeterred by the opposition they had met with, 
 undismayed by the defeat they experienced, and 
 unconcerned at the national indignation vented 
 upon them, they still prepared further devices, 
 
 * After a severe attack of illness he expired in the month of August, 
 1799. 
 
CHAP. II.] RIGHT OF PETITION INFRINGED. 49 
 
 and proposed bolder and more effectual plans of 
 operation. All that could be accomplished by 
 gold or by iron, by bribes or by threats, or by 
 promises, was set in motion ; every effort was 
 strained to brinsf round those who were disin- 
 clined, to seduce those who were hostile but 
 necessitous, to terrify the timid, and bear down 
 the fearless and those who had at heart the 
 interest and independence of their country. The 
 doors of the treasury were opened, and a deluge 
 of corruption covered the land. The bench of 
 bishops, the bench of judges, the bar, the re- 
 venue, the army, the navy, civil offices, military 
 and naval establishments, places, pensions, and 
 titles, were defiled and prostituted for the pur- 
 pose of carrying the great Government object — 
 this ill-omened Union. The Place Bill was scan- 
 dalously abused in order to model the House of 
 Commons ; men who were hostile were let out — 
 men who were friendly were brought in ; both 
 were bribed, the one for their silence, the other 
 for their activity. The right of petition was 
 grossly infringed ; threats, inducements, and 
 fabrications,* were resorted to ; meetings were 
 prevented by the military, and others overawed 
 
 * We, the undersigned freeholders and landholders of the county of 
 Meath, finding our names, without our concurrence, affixed to a pub- 
 lication as our approving of the abominable measure of a Legislative 
 Union, do hereby agree to prosecute, as far as the law will admit, the 
 ersons concerned in such an insolent imposition, and we do wish to 
 ave our names affixed and added to the petition given into the honour- 
 able House of Commons by our worthy member, Hamilton Gorges, Esq. 
 Dated this 14th Feb. 1800. 
 
 Here followed a number of signatures. 
 
 We, the undersigned freeholders and landholders of the county 
 Meath, having-been imposed on by the false representation of the effects 
 of a Legislative Union, which we were duped into a belief, by men 
 whose rank in life ought to obtain our confidence, but whose conduct in 
 that very transaction convinces us wc have been imposed on. We 
 do hereby retract our signatures to such an abominable measure, and 
 request to be permitted to add our names to the petition given into the 
 honourable House of Commons by our worthy member, Hamilton 
 VOL. V. E 
 
50 
 
 ADDRESSES IN FAVOUR [CHAP. II. 
 
 by the presence of an armed force — others again 
 by loaded artillery with matches lighted. Never 
 in the annals of history can be found a greater 
 combination of force, fraud, violence, bribery, and 
 illegality. Sheriffs were nominated who pre- 
 vented county meetings, and so little decorum 
 or restraint was observed by the Government, 
 that the Lord Chancellor and the Attorney- 
 General did not consider it unconstitutional, in- 
 decent, or inconsistent with the duty or the 
 dignity of their station, to affix their names to an 
 address calling on the High Sheriff of one of the 
 principal counties (Tipperary) not to convene a 
 meeting of the freeholders to petition against the 
 Union. 
 
 But to the honour of Ireland it must be re- 
 corded, that notwithstanding all this overwhelm- 
 ing influence, these unscrupulous, these uncon- 
 stitutional proceedings, a most honourable and 
 persevering resistance was offered, and the pro- 
 ject of Union was steadily and nobly combated 
 both within and without the doors of Parliament. 
 To the treaty of 1782 there were but two dissen- 
 tient voices in the House of Commons — to that 
 of the Union there were 120; in 1782, twenty- 
 six counties petitioned for the independence of 
 Ireland — twenty-eight counties now petitioned 
 against its extinction, of which twenty were 
 unanimous ; eight principal cities and towns ; 
 twelve municipal corporations ; Dublin, and all 
 the mercantile, the manufacturing, and trading 
 extent of the kingdom. The petition of the 
 county of Down contained 17,000 signatures 
 against the Union, and the counter-petition but 
 
 Gorges, Esq., declaring our utter abhorrence to the measure of a Union ; 
 that we conceive it to be calculated for the destruction of our free 
 country. 
 
 Dated this 15th Feb. 1800. 
 
 Here follow a number of signatures. 
 
CHAP. II.] 
 
 OF THE UNION. 
 
 51 
 
 415.* Only 7,000 individuals petitioned in favour 
 of the Union, and 1 10,000 freeholders and 707,000 
 persons signed petitions against the measure, and 
 within doors the minister could not carry his 
 measure by more than forty-two ; and if all the 
 votes had been given, his majority would have 
 been considerably less. In the autumn of 1799, 
 the Lord-Lieutenant made a tour through Ireland, 
 and his partisans availed themselves of this oppor- 
 tunity to procure addresses to him from various 
 towns and places through which he passed. The 
 Hutchinson family were peculiarly active. For- 
 getful of the early reputation obtained by their 
 father in supporting the rights and interests of his 
 country, they deviated into other ways, and 
 directed their attention to less extended and less 
 elevated objects. Their connection with the Ca- 
 tholics had got for one branch of the family an 
 influence which unfortunately was exerted on 
 this occasion against the Constitution, addresses 
 from some of that body were obtained through 
 Lord Donoughmore's impolitic interference, and 
 division was thereby sown among the Catholics.f 
 
 * The English landed proprietors and absentees petitioned in favour of 
 the Union. 
 
 f At a General Meeting of the Roman Catholics of the city of Waterford 
 and its vicinity, 28th June, 1799, Peter St. Leger, Esq., in the 
 chair, 
 
 The following were appointed a Committee to prepare a Declaration 
 on the measure of a Legislative Union : — Rev. Dr. Thomas Ilearn, 
 Thomas Sherlock, Esq., Edward Sheil, Esq., Jeremiah Ryan, Esq., 
 Thomas Hearn, Esq., M.D. 
 
 Resolved, that the following declaration be adopted : — 
 The measure of a Legislative Union between Great Britain and 
 Ireland having been recommended to the consideration of both his par- 
 liaments by our most gracious Sovereign, the common father of his 
 people, we, his Majesty's dutiful and loyal subjects, the Catholics of the 
 city of Waterford and its vicinity, have thought it incumbent upon us to 
 make this public avowal of our sentiments on this important and inte- 
 resting occasion. 
 
 We are firmly convinced that a complete and entire Union between 
 Great Britain and Ireland, founded on equal and liberal principles, and 
 on a sense of mutual interests and affections, is a measure of wisdom 
 E 2 
 
52 
 
 CONDUCT OF 
 
 [chap. n. 
 
 Thus did Lord Donoughmore seek to effect a 
 most difficult object, and unite two things nearly 
 incompatible — popularity and profit ; and he most 
 
 and expediency for this kingdom, and will effectually promote the 
 strength and prosperity of both, and we trust it will afford the surest 
 means of allaying those unhappy distractions, and removing those penal 
 exclusions on the score of religion, which have too long prevailed in 
 this country, and by consolidating the resources of both kingdoms, op- 
 pose the most effectual resistance to the destructive projects of both 
 foreign and domestic enemies. 
 
 Strongly impressed with these sentiments, we look forward with 
 earnest anxiety to the moment when the two sister nations may be inse- 
 parably united in the full enjoyment of the blessings of a free constitu- 
 tion, in the support of the honour and dignity of his Majesty's crown, 
 and in the preservation and advancement of the welfare and prosperity 
 of the whole British empire. 
 
 Resolved unanimously, That Lord Viscount Donoughmore, the sincere 
 and attached friend of the Catholics of Ireland, be requested to commu- 
 nicate these our sentiments most respectfully to his Excellency the Lord 
 Lieutenant. 
 
 Resolved unanimously, That the thanks of this meeting be given to 
 Thomas Sherlock, Esq., for his public and spirited exertions in promot- 
 ing this our declaration, and that he be requested to hand it to Lord 
 Viscount Donoughmore. 
 
 My Lord, — I am directed by .ny Lord Lieutenant to request your 
 Lordship will have the goodness to express to the Roman Catholics of 
 Waterford the satisfaction his Excellency feels from their declaration of 
 the 28th of June, which they desired your Lordship to lay before him, 
 and which is so respectably signed. 
 
 The measure of a Legislative Union, upon just and liberal principles, 
 between this kingdom and Great Britain, is near his Excellency's heart; 
 he is convinced that nothing will so effectually tend to bury the religious 
 animosities in oblivion which have unhappily prevailed in this kingdom 
 — to conciliate the affections of all his Majesty's subjects to the mild 
 government under which they live — to increase the happiness and pros- 
 perity of Ireland — and to augment the power and stability of the British 
 empire. 
 
 My Lord, — Having had this day the honour to receive from your 
 Lordship, and to lay before my Lord Lieutenant, the unanimous address 
 of the Roman Catholic inhabitants of the towns of Tipperary, Cahir, 
 and their vicinities, I am commanded by his Excellency to express to 
 them, through your Lordship, the pleasure he derives from the strong 
 expressions of loyalty to his Majesty therein mentioned. 
 
 (Signed by order) 
 
 Peter St. Leger, Chairman. 
 Dublin Castle, July 16, 1799. 
 
CHAP. II.] LORD BONOUGHMORE. 
 
 53 
 
 injudiciously attempted a proceeding that termi- 
 nated in a manner very different from that which 
 he expected, and which served but to entail dis- 
 grace upon the country and discredit upon the 
 family to which he belonged. It subjected him 
 personally to severe mortification, and exposed 
 for a series of years to discomfiture and to defeat 
 the party he had espoused, and thereby sought to 
 elevate. Perhaps lie secretly hoped to conduct 
 and manage the Catholic cause, but in this he 
 was mistaken, and was destined to meet with 
 bitter disappointment. Session after session he 
 experienced repeated discouragement ; even his 
 friend, the more intimate friend of his brother the 
 General (the Prince Regent), deceived and aban- 
 doned him. At length the noble lord, irritated 
 by resentment, was said to have assisted in pre- 
 paring the celebrated witchery resolutions, as they 
 were called, in which allusion was made to the 
 private friendships and morals of the Prince. 
 These were adopted by the Catholics, and in that 
 quarter ruined their cause. The advice was 
 injudicious, the mode of proceeding unfair, the 
 error unpardonable, and the step irretrievable. 
 The Prince never forgave the Hutchinsons or the 
 Catholics ; to the last he opposed their claims,* 
 and he accompanied the act of Emancipation, 
 
 His Excellency enjoins me to add, that the primary aim of his ad- 
 ministration is to consolidate the strength and resources of this kingdom 
 with those of Great Britain, and by an irrevocable bond of amity and 
 affection to fix the connection upon one solid and indissoluble basis. 
 Persuaded that these essential objects can only be effected by a Legisla- 
 tive Union in which the interests, the property, and happiness of the 
 whole empire are materially involved, your Lordship will have the 
 goodness to convey to the respectable Roman Catholic inhabitants of 
 the town of Tipperary, Cahir, and their vicinities, the gratification their 
 unanimous declaration in favour of this measure has afforded him. 
 
 I have the honour to be, &c, 
 
 E. B. LlTTLEII ALES. 
 
 Lord Viscount Donoughmore. 
 
 * Sir. Robert Peel's statement, in Parliament, of his interview with 
 King George IV. 
 
54 ORANGE LODGES [CHAP. II. 
 
 when it was extorted from him, by a declaration, 
 that as far as lay in his power he would not fulfil 
 its provisions.* Lord Donoughmore died before 
 1829, and was destined to behold only the ter- 
 giversation of his friend, but not the emancipation 
 of his countrymen. Both he and his brother 
 deeply regretted their conduct at the Union. f 
 
 Let the examples that history thus affords be 
 an everlasting lesson to all men, whether gifted 
 with great cunning or extreme ambition, never to 
 desert the cause of their country, or deviate from 
 the honest straightforward path of public duty. 
 In politics there is an hereafter upon earth as well 
 as in heaven, and it will shortly appear in the 
 case of Isaac Corry. 
 
 The policy of the Government and the efforts 
 of their supporters was to foment fresh divisions, 
 and increase those that already existed among 
 the various parties that composed the Irish com- 
 munity ; nor were those arts practised upon the 
 Catholics only, the Orangemen were also applied 
 to, and the Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland was 
 induced to issue a circular to their brethren 
 stating the determination not to discuss the ques- 
 tion of Union, and recommending the same course 
 to all other lodges. This was clone at the sug- 
 gestion, it was said, of Mr. Beresford and Mr. 
 Verner, the principal leaders of that body. The 
 result was, that many of the lodges and the 
 Orangemen throughout the country remained 
 silent, and though sworn and bound by their 
 oaths to uphold the constitution, they beheld in 
 silence its violation. They were ready, indeed, 
 to fight for a toast, but not for an object. The 
 Grand Lodge of the county of Antrim made a 
 
 * The Memoirs of Lord Eldon, — the king's expressions, 
 f Lord Hutchinson used to say, " Grattan, I ought to be d— d for 
 my conduct at the Union ! \" 
 
CHAP. II.] HOSTILE TO THE UNION. 
 
 55 
 
 similar declaration ; they declined to enter into 
 the question, and advised their brethren to adopt 
 the same course. Notwithstanding this, thirty- 
 two Orange Lodges, in Down and Antrim alone, 
 agreed to resolutions disapproving of these in- 
 structions, and declaring their right to discuss 
 the question of Union. Many of these bodies 
 assembled in various parts of Ireland in the 
 months of February and March, 1800, and 
 though late in the field they acted in a manner 
 highly creditable, and adopted numerous reso- 
 lutions full of spirit and nationality; among them 
 were the following : — 
 
 Lodge, No. 989. — We declare, in our opinion, the pro- 
 posed measure of an incorporate Union is destructive of 
 our rights, liberties, trade, and commerce. We will per- 
 severe, legally, in opposing so destructive a proposition. 
 
 Lodge, No. 596. — Replete with affection to the people 
 of England, we desire a union with their dispositions, 
 manners, and dangers; but fraught with patriotic feelings 
 similar to theirs, we do not choose to <>ive up, nor will we 
 relinquish, the kingdom which gave us birth, or the con- 
 stitution under which we have so eminently thriven. 
 That if, by force or sublety, we should be compelled to 
 their destruction, we can never forget the violence or 
 forgive the violators. 
 
 Lodge, No. 986. — We are of opinion that a Legislative 
 Union with Great Britain is a measure subversive of our 
 happy constitution as established in 1782, and destructive 
 to the trade and prosperity of Ireland. 
 
 Lodge, No. 641. — Impressed with unshaken loyalty to 
 our Sovereign, and attachment to our present constitution, 
 as established in 1782, we feel ourselves called on to 
 declare our sentiments on that destructive measure of a 
 Legislative Union, as tending to cause a separation of the 
 two kingdoms. 
 
 Lodge, No. 538. — As we have sworn to defend the 
 present constitution as by law established, we will to the 
 utmost of our power, by all constitutional means, as 
 Orangemen, as freeholders, and as Irishmen, resist a 
 Legislative Union, as being subversive of that constitution. 
 
56 
 
 CONDUCT OF THE 
 
 [CHAP. II. 
 
 Lodge, No. 497. — That we are of opinion that a Legis- 
 lative Union between Great Britain and Ireland is a mea- 
 sure fraught with evil, destructive of our dearest rights, 
 and subversive of the constitution which we hold ourselves 
 bound to maintain, and hereby reassert our firm deter- 
 mination so to do. 
 
 Lodge, No. 651. — That we see with unspeakable sorrow 
 an attempt made to deprive us of our constitution, our 
 trade, our rising prosperity, and our exertions as a nation, 
 and reducing us to the degrading situation of a colony to 
 England. 
 
 The spirit of these resolutions did not extend, 
 nor did these bodies manifest themselves in any- 
 other mode, or assume a bearing more bold and 
 decided ; the petty squabbles with their fellow- 
 countrymen seemed to have disabled them from 
 making a grand and national effort. The jea- 
 lousies that subsisted between them and the 
 Catholics could not be laid aside on the moment, 
 and the differences between the members of their 
 own body increased their difficulties and their 
 supineness. Discord thus was sown among them, 
 and the object of Government was accomplished, 
 dividing the Orangemen as they had divided the 
 Catholics. 
 
 Another step taken had reference to the 
 Catholic clergy, as the former and successful one 
 had reference to the laity. The Catholics were 
 tampered with, — a bribe was held out to them, — 
 a provision from the Government was offered to 
 their clergy. Though this proposition came from 
 the Ministers, it does not appear that they gave 
 any direct pledge, or made any positive promise 
 as to the Catholic question ; but Mr. Pitt cer- 
 tainly led the people of Ireland to believe that, 
 after the Union, the measure would be granted. 
 In the transactions of private life it would be so 
 considered ; and in after times, when Lord Cas- 
 
CHAP. II.] CATHOLIC CLERGY. 
 
 57 
 
 tlereagh, in the House of Commons, alluded to 
 that period, he added — 
 
 I do not mean to say that many of the Roman Catholics 
 did not form, and naturally form, sanguine hopes that 
 further political indulgences would follow the Union, 
 founding such expectation on several of the speeches 
 delivered in Parliament at the time, and on the general 
 language held. 
 
 He further said — 
 
 That he would be a base and ungrateful man if he were 
 not readily to acknowledge that the Catholics had mate- 
 rially assisted in accomplishing the measure. 
 
 The laity had only been called on to sell their 
 country, but the Catholic clergy were called 
 upon, not merely to sell their country, but sacrifice 
 their church, and a veto from the Crown on the 
 appointment of their bishops was to be the equi- 
 valent for pay and pension. In an evil hour they 
 consented, and gave up the Parliament and the 
 veto when a stipend was offered. In January, 
 1799, the Roman Catholic prelates* met to con- 
 
 * The resolutions of the Irish prelates were the following : — 
 "At a meeting of the Roman Catholic prelates, held in Dublin on the 
 17th, 18th, and 19th of January, 1790, to deliberate on a proposal from 
 Government for an independent provision for the Roman Catholic clergy 
 of Ireland, under certain regulations not incompatible with their doc- 
 trines, discipline, or just influence — it was admitted : 
 
 " That a provision through Government for the Roman Catholic clergy 
 of this kingdom, competent and secured, ought to be thankfully ac- 
 cepted. 
 
 "That in the appointment of the prelates of the Roman Catholic 
 religion to vacant sees within the kingdom, such interference of Govern- 
 ment as may enable it to be satisfied of the loyalty of the person ap- 
 pointed, is just, and ought to be agreed to. 
 
 "That to give this principle its full operation without infringing the 
 disciple of ihe Roman Catholic church, or diminishing the religious in- 
 fluence which prelates of that church, ought justly to possess over their 
 respective flocks, the following regulations seem necessary : — 
 
 " 1st. In the vacancy of a see the clergy of the diocese to recommend, 
 as usual, a candidate to the prelates of the ecclesiastical province, who 
 elect him or any other they may think more worthy, by a majority of 
 suffrages :— in the case of equality of suffrages, the presiding metropoli- 
 tan to have a casting vote. 
 
58 CATHOLICS AND PROTESTANTS [CHAP. II. 
 
 sider the subject ; they agreed to the proposition, 
 and ten Roman Catholic prelates, including the 
 four Metropolitan Bishops, signed the declaration 
 in its favour; but, fortunately for the country, 
 this unholy bargain was not completed, and the 
 Roman Catholic church remained free from the 
 intrigues of the Government and the intermed- 
 dling of the Court. 
 
 There can be no doubt that the Catholics were 
 intentionally and basely deceived, and that Lord 
 Cornwallis was the direct participator in the 
 fraud appears from the following facts, which are 
 
 " The candidates so elected to be presented by the president (the 
 chairman) of the election to government, which, within one month after 
 such presentation, will transmit the name of the said candidate, if no 
 objection be made against him, for appointment to the holy see, or return 
 the said name to the president of the election for such transmission as 
 may be agreed upon. 
 
 " If government have any proper objections against such candidates, the 
 president of the election will be informed thereof within one month after 
 presentation, who, in that case, will convene the electors to the election of 
 another candidate. 
 
 "Agreeably to the discipline of the Roman Catholic church, these 
 regulations can have no effect without the sanction of the Holy See, 
 which sanction the Roman Catholic prelates of this kingdom shall, as 
 soon as may be, use their endeavours to procure. 
 
 " The prelates are satisfied that the nomination of the parish priests, 
 with a certificate of their having taken the oath of allegiance, be certified 
 to government. 
 
 (Signed) 
 
 1. Richard O'Reilly, R.C.A.B., Armagh. 
 
 2. J. J. Troy, R.C.A.B., Dublin. 
 
 3. Edward Dillon, R.C.A.B., Tuam, 
 
 4. Thomas Bray, R.C.A.B., Cashel. 
 
 5. P. J. Plunkett, R.C.B., Meath. 
 
 6. F. Moylan, R.C.B., Cork. 
 
 7. Daniel Delany, R.C.B., Kildare. 
 
 8. Edmund French, R.C.B., Elphin. 
 
 9. James Caulfield, R.C.B., Ferns. 
 10. John Cruise, R.C.B., Ardagh. 
 
 " Dublin, 28th January, 1799. 
 
 "The prelates, assembled to deliberate on a proposal from Govern- 
 ment of a provision for the clergy, have agreed that M. R. (Most Rev.) 
 Dr. O'Reilly, M. R. Dr. Troy, R. R. (Right Rev.) Dr. Plunkett, and 
 such other of the prelates who may be in town, be commissioned to 
 transact all business with Government relative to the said proposal, 
 under the substance of the regulations agreed on and subscribed by 
 them." 
 
CHAP. II.] GROSSLY DECEIVED. 
 
 59 
 
 here given as they were narrated by one of the 
 parties concerned in the transaction, and who 
 was desirous that they should be known. Mr. 
 Robert Johnson voted for the Union and was 
 created judge; he favoured the Catholics, and 
 thought they had been deceived at the Union. 
 Under these impressions he stated to the Author, 
 in 1816, the following occurrence : — That he was 
 one of twenty-five members in the Lower House 
 who had agreed that they would oppose the 
 Union if they found that the Roman Catholics 
 were hostile to it, and that they would vote for 
 the measure if the Roman Catholics were friendly 
 to it ; that, as the Catholics constituted the 
 majority of the population, their wishes on a sub- 
 ject in which they were so deeply interested 
 would guide them, and that their numbers 
 (twenty-five) were certain to turn the scale on 
 a division. Lord Cornwallis sent for Johnson, 
 and he went to the Castle, accompanied by some 
 of the twenty-five, and Lord Cornwallis declared 
 that they were mistaken in their opinion as to 
 the Catholic resistance ; that " tkey were betrayed 
 by the Catholics," (such were the words) for that 
 the Catholics would not hold out in opposition 
 to the measure. The party took the assurance of 
 the Lord Lieutenant, they believed his statement, 
 and thus ( said Johnson) we were dissolved. 
 
 The effect of these artful proceedings was 
 quickly visible in the distrust and division that 
 arose among the people, who had ever looked up 
 to their priesthood with reverence and affection, 
 but who now were led to view them with sus- 
 picion. In after times the enemies of the Catho- 
 lics reviled and taunted both their clergy and 
 laity for having given the measure their support ; 
 but if the matter be calmly considered it could 
 not be expected that they would be very ardent 
 
GO 
 
 MR. DANIEL o'cONNELL. [CHAP. II. 
 
 in defence of a body from whom and by whom 
 they were excluded ; the spirit of the people had 
 been broken down by the Rebellion, and its 
 events were fresh in their memory, and they 
 could not so soon forget the conduct of the Par- 
 liament, therefore to abandon it was natural but 
 not noble. Thus were the Irish entrapped and 
 deceived, and the political juggle successfully 
 played off upon all parties, Protestants, Orange- 
 men, and Catholics, laymen and clergymen; the 
 Minister led to the deception, and if he did not in 
 express terms deceive them, he allowed them to 
 deceive themselves. Justice, however, demands 
 that their case should be fairly stated, and it 
 must be admitted to the credit of the Catholics 
 that the great mass was adverse to the measure, 
 and though not as active in their opposition as 
 they ought, yet, under all the circumstances of 
 their situation, they cannot be said to have de- 
 serted the cause of the country ; they were 
 placed in a most extraordinary and difficult posi- 
 tion, to stand up for a Parliament that refused 
 their emancipation, and oppose a Parliament that 
 seemed to promise it. The lash over their head, 
 the bayonet at their breast ; terror on the one 
 hand, temptation on the other; truth and virtue 
 scarce anywhere to be found. Great bodies have 
 not always prudence, still less philosophy, and 
 not always patriotism. 
 
 Their chiefs held a meeting in Dublin in January, 
 1800, which has become remarkable in conse- 
 quence of the first appearance of an individual 
 whose name has acquired such celebrity, and who 
 has since taken so fearless and uncompromising a 
 part on behalf of the liberties of Ireland — Daniel 
 O'Connell. This was the commencement of his 
 public life, and his first speech deserves to be no- 
 ticed ; in the journals of the day it is thus given : — 
 
CHAP. II.] MR. O'CONXELI/S FIRST SPEECH. 61 
 
 Counsellor O'Connell rose, and, in a short speech, pre- 
 faced the Resolutions. He said that the question of Union 
 was confessedly one of the first importance and magnitude. 
 Sunk indeed in more than criminal apathy must that Irish- 
 man be, who could feel indifference on the subject. It 
 was a measure to the consideration of which we were 
 called by every illumination of the understanding, and every 
 feeling of the heart. There was therefore no necessity to 
 apologise for the introducing the discussion of the question 
 amongst Irishmen. But before he brought forward any 
 Resolution, he craved permission to make a few observa- 
 tions on the causes which produced the necessity of meet- 
 ing as Catholics — as a separate and distinct body. In 
 doing so, he thought he could clearly show that they were 
 justifiable in at length deviating from a resolution which 
 they had heretofore formed. The enlightened mind of the 
 Catholics had taught them the impolicy, the illiberality, 
 and the injustice of separating themselves on any occasion 
 from the rest of the People of Ireland — the Catholics had 
 therefore resolved — and they had wiselv resolved — never 
 more to appear before the public as a distinct and separate 
 body — but they did not — they could not then foresee the 
 unfortunately existing circumstances of this moment. They 
 could not then foresee that they would be reduced to the 
 necessity either of submitting to the disgraceful imputation 
 of approving of a measure as detestable to them, as it was 
 ruinous -to their country — or once again — and he trusted 
 for the last time — of coming forward as a distinct body. 
 
 There was no man present but was acquainted with the 
 industry with which it was circulated that the Catholics 
 were favourable to the Union : — in vain did multitudes of 
 that body in different capacities express their disapproba- 
 tion of the measure; in vain did they concur with others 
 of their fellow-subjects in expressing their abhorrence of 
 it — as freemen or freeholders — electors of counties or in- 
 habitants of cities — still the calumny was repeated ; it was 
 printed in journal after journal ; it was published in pam- 
 phlet after pamphlet; it was circulated with activity in 
 private companies ; it was boldly and loudly proclaimed in 
 public assemblies. — How this clamour was raised, and how 
 it was supported, was manifest — the motives of it were ap- 
 parent. 
 
 In vain had the Catholics individually endeavoured to 
 resist the torrent. — Their future efforts as individuals would 
 
62 mr. o'connell's first speech, [chap. II. 
 
 be equally vain and fruitless— they must then oppose it 
 collectively. 
 
 There was another reason why they should come for- 
 ward as a distinct class, a reason which he confessed had 
 made the greatest impression upon his feelings; not con- 
 tent with falsely asserting that the Catholics favoured the 
 extinction of Ireland, this their supposed inclination was 
 attributed to the foulest motives — motives which were 
 most repugnant to their judgments, and most abhorrent to 
 their hearts ; it was said that the Catholics were ready to 
 sell their country for a price, or what was still more de- 
 praved, to abandon it on account of the unfortunate ani- 
 mosities which the wretched temper of the times had pro- 
 duced — can they remain silent under so horrible a 
 calumny ? This calumny was flung on the whole body — 
 it was incumbent on the whole body to come forward and 
 contradict it ; yes, they will show every friend of Ireland 
 that the Catholics are incapable of selling their country ; 
 they will loudly declare, that if their emancipation was 
 offered for their consent to the measure, even were eman- 
 cipation after the Union a benefit, they would reject it 
 with prompt indignation. (This sentiment met with appro- 
 bation.) Let us, (said he,) show to Ireland that we have 
 nothing in view but her good, nothing in our hearts but 
 the desire of mutual forgiveness, mutual toleration, and 
 mutual affection ; in fine, let every man who feels with 
 me proclaim, that if the alternative were offered him of 
 Union, or the re-enactment of the penal code in all its 
 pristine horrors, that he would prefer without hesitation 
 the latter as the lesser and more sufferable evil ; that he 
 would rather confide in the justice of his brethren the 
 Protestants of Ireland, who have already liberated him, 
 than lay his country at the feet of foreigners. (This senti- 
 ment met with much and marked approbation.) With regard 
 to the Union, so much had been said — so much had been 
 written on the subject, that it was impossible that any 
 man should not before now have formed an opinion on it. 
 He would not trespass on their attention in repeating argu- 
 ments which they had already heard, and topics which 
 they had already considered. But if there was any man 
 present who could be so far mentally degraded as to con- 
 sent to the extinction of the liberty, the constitution, and 
 even the name of Ireland, he would call on him not to 
 leave the direction and management of his commerce and 
 
CHAP. II.] RESOLUTIONS AGAINST THE UNION. 63 
 
 property to strangers over whom he could have no con- 
 trol. 
 
 He then concluded by moving the resolutions. 
 
 Even in these last moments of their national 
 existence, attempts were made to prevent the 
 meeting of the Catholics, and the military here 
 interfered with a view to intimidate them ; but 
 Lord Cornwallis was applied to, and it was per- 
 mitted to proceed. Such was the state of suf- 
 ferance to which the people were reduced, and 
 under which they were allowed, but only for a few 
 moments longer, to hold the lingering remnant of 
 their expiring liberties. The resolutions deserve 
 to be remembered : — 
 
 Resolved, That we are of opinion that the proposed 
 incorporate Union of the Legislature of Great Britain and 
 Ireland is in fact an extinction of the liberty of this coun- 
 try, which would be reduced to the abject condition of a 
 province surrendered to the mercy of the Minister and 
 Legislature of another country ; to be bound by their 
 absolute will, and taxed at their pleasure, by laws in the 
 making of which this country would have no efficient 
 participation whatsoever. 
 
 Resolved, That we are of opinion that the improve- 
 ment of Ireland for the last twenty years, so rapid beyond 
 example, is to be ascribed wholly to the independency of 
 our Legislature, so gloriously asserted in the year 1782, 
 by the virtue of our Parliament co-operating with the 
 generous recommendation of our most gracious and bene- 
 volent Sovereign, and backed by the spirit of our people, 
 and so solemnly ratified by both kingdoms as the only 
 true and permanent foundation of Irish prosperity and 
 British connection. 
 
 Resolved, That we are of opinion, that if the inde- 
 pendency should ever be surrendered, we must as rapidly 
 relapse into our former depression and misery ; and that 
 Ireland must inevitably lose with her liberty all that she 
 has acquired in wealth, industry, and civilization. 
 
 Resolved, That we are firmly convinced that the sup- 
 posed advantages of such a surrender are unreal and 
 delusive, and can never arise in fact ; and that, even if 
 
64 RESOLUTIONS AGAINST THE UNION. [CHAP. II. 
 
 they should arise, they would be only the bounty of the 
 master to the slave, held by his courtesy, and resumable 
 at his pleasure. 
 
 Resolved, That having heretofore determined not to 
 come forward any more in the distinct character of Catho- 
 lics, but as involved in the general fate of our country, 
 that we now think it right, notwithstanding such determi- 
 nations, to publish the present resolutions, in order to 
 undeceive our fellow-subjects who may have been led to 
 believe, by a false representation, that we are capable of 
 giving any concurrence whatsoever to so foul and fatal a 
 project ; to assure them that we are incapable of sacrificing 
 our common country to either pique or pretension; and 
 that we are of opinion that this deadly attack upon the 
 nation is the great call of nature, of country, and posterity, 
 of Irishmen of all descriptions and persuasions, to every 
 constitutional and legal means of resistance; and that we 
 sacredly pledge ourselves to persevere in obedience to that 
 call as long as we have life. 
 
 Signed by order, 
 
 James Ryan. 
 
 Dublin, January, 1300. 
 
05 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Mr. Grattan's difficulty of getting a seat in Parliament. — Conduct of 
 opposition. — Peter Burrowes's plan to appeal to yeomanry. — Sheri- 
 dan's words on the Union. — Arthur Wellesley's (Duke of Welling- 
 ton) opinion on Union. — Mr. Foster's difficulty as to the Catholics. 
 — Letter from Lord Downshire and Charlemont. — Three plans for 
 opposing the Union ; purchasing seats ; writing pamphlets ; personal 
 conduct. — Mr. Grattan elected for the town of Wicklow. — Going to 
 the House. — Parting with Mrs. Grattan. — Her spirited words. — Sir 
 Laurence Pardon's amendment. — Speeches of Plunket, Fitzgerald, 
 Moore, Ponsonby,and Bushe. — Mr. Grattan's entrance into the House. 
 — Sensation produced. — His appearance and conduct. — Speaks. — 
 Corry attacks him. — Arbitrary conduct of Government. — Post troops 
 at the Houses of Parliament. — Meetings of the people stopped by the 
 military. — Major Rogers threatens to blow the Court House about the 
 ears of the freeholders in the King's County, 5th Feb. — Mr. Grattan's 
 speech against Union. — Attacked a second time by Corry. — Govern- 
 ment press on the question. — No regard paid to the Committee on 
 Trade and Manufactures. — House in Committee. — Mr. Corry attacks 
 Mr. Grattan. — His reply.' — They leave the House. — Corry 's character 
 and conduct.— Corry 's friendship. — His verses on Mr. Grattan. — 
 Account of the duel by Mr. Grattan. — Sheriff held by General 
 Cradock till the parties fought. 
 
 At this time it was a matter of considerable 
 difficulty to procure a seat in Parliament. The 
 Government had refused to grant the formal and 
 usual facilities to such members as were desirous 
 of retiring, being constantly on the watch to pre- 
 vent the return of an anti-union member, as in 
 the case of Col. Cole, before spoken of. 
 
 The introduction, therefore, of Mr. Grattan into 
 Parliament was not easy to be effected, though 
 very eagerly sought for by some of his friends 
 who were most inveterate in their opposition to 
 the Union, and who perhaps thought he would be 
 
 vol. v. F 
 
66 
 
 CONDUCT OP OPPOSITION. [CHAP. III. 
 
 able to resist it with success, and give new spirit 
 to the opposition. But it was too late ; times had 
 greatly altered since Mr. Grattan had left Parlia- 
 ment (in 1797). Parties, too, had assumed a 
 different character; many favouring the Govern- 
 ment in general, though opposed to them on this 
 particular subject ; Orangemen and Anti-Catho- 
 lics seated by the side of Reformers and Emanci- 
 pators ; John Claudius Beresford and Mr. Foster 
 acting with Mr. Ponsonby and Mr. Plunket. 
 
 This ill-assorted mixture required a skilful and 
 plastic hand to mould together into a solid and 
 united body, so as to call forth an effectual 
 national resistance to the measure ; but there was 
 no one influential enough for the task. Lord 
 Charlemont was gone.* His successor was young, 
 and though well disposed and firm in his oppo- 
 sition, had not the benefit of experience. Mr. 
 Ponsonby retained the habit of the law courts — 
 not even those of the forum ; and lacked those 
 commanding qualities to form a centre round 
 which a nation could rally. And above all, Mr. 
 Foster, though sincere and zealous in his opposi- 
 tion, was not liked by the people, nor trusted by 
 the Catholics. He had been long their opponent ; 
 and the measure of Union being artfully repre- 
 sented as likely to prove favourable to their 
 claims, had made some doubt his sincerity, others 
 surprised at his opposition ; but that he was sin- 
 cere cannot be disputed. At the same time he 
 was informed by the Government, that if the 
 measure passed he was to be provided for by one 
 of the best situations in England. 
 
 Various were the plans proposed to counteract 
 and defeat the Minister. 
 
 Mr. Peter Burrowes suggested a measure that 
 
 * He died in August, 1799, regretted by all, and by no one more 
 than by Mr. Grattan. 
 
CHAP. III.] PROPOSAL TO APPEAL TO YEOMANRY. 67 
 
 might have proved successful, but he did not press 
 it as much as it should have been, nor as much as 
 he desired. At one of the meetings of the Anti- 
 Union party, he proposed that an appeal should 
 be made to the yeomanry ; that they should call 
 on them by virtue of their oath, in which they 
 had sworn that they would uphold the King, 
 Lords, and Commons of Ireland, and by which 
 consequently they were bound to oppose such a 
 measure as the Union. He urged the members 
 of the Opposition to avail themselves of this oath, 
 and circulate their appeal from the Lawyers' 
 Corps to every corps in the kingdom. This 
 would have given the proceeding a legal character 
 and sanction, and have tended to make it more 
 solemn and obligatory, coming with the recom- 
 mendation of a grave and legal body. However, 
 Mr. Saurin, Mr. Foster, and others, were opposed 
 to it, and induced Mr. Burrowes to abandon the 
 measure. He always considered this to have 
 been a fatal decision, and regretted that he had 
 not been allowed to press his resolution and carry 
 it, which he seemed fully convinced he could 
 have done. Government appeared to have appre- 
 hended that such a step might be taken, and 
 signified their disapprobation of some corps that 
 had expressed their opinion on the subject of the 
 Union. Several years after this Mr. Burrowes 
 was in company with Mr. Marsden, who had been 
 Under Secretary at the period of the Union, and 
 he mentioned these circumstances to him, and 
 asked his opinion as to the probable result, and 
 what the Government would have done if the Op- 
 position had taken any strong measure of that sort. 
 Marsden thought that they would have yielded, 
 and would not have pressed the Union ; that Lord 
 Cornwallis and the Government were afraid lest 
 the people would rise in arms ; that they had just 
 f 2 
 
G8 SHERIDAN AND ARTHUR WELLESLEY's [CHAP. III. 
 
 put down one insurrection which had been very 
 near succeeding, and they dreaded another ; and 
 he added, that this was Lord Cornwallis's feeling. 
 
 It is possible that Lord Cornwallis might have 
 yielded. He was friendly to the Catholics, and 
 was a liberal man ; but he was a soldier — a class 
 not over fond of public liberty, nor accustomed to 
 favour deliberative assemblies ; but the more likely 
 on that account to concede to a military summons 
 such as Burr owes proposed. 
 
 Such are the chances upon which the success 
 or failure of the greatest events depend. It is 
 possible, that if two or three courtiers had been 
 killed the Union might have been prevented. 
 Lord Ely and Lord Clare would have been intimi- 
 dated, and Mr. Pitt might have been frightened. 
 A very little thing would probably have stopped 
 the measure. However, these were not the olden 
 times, as in Rome, when a patriot drew his sword 
 and killed a magistrate ; then brandishing it, ap- 
 pealed to the people that he had slain a traitor ! 
 
 Unquestionably Lord Clare and Lord Castle- 
 reagh deserved to die. The popular execution of 
 such State criminals would have been a national 
 as well as a noble judicial sentence. 
 
 Some weak old women might have cried out 
 " murder !" but it would have been the deed of a 
 Brutus ; and in the eyes of posterity the people 
 would have been justified, for the Union was a 
 great and legitimate cause for resistance. Sheri- 
 dan, in a conversation he had with Mr. Grattan 
 on the subject, exclaimed, 66 For the Irish Parlia- 
 ment 1 would have fought England — aye, I would 
 have fought up to my knees in blood T 
 
 There can be no doubt, that when the Parlia- 
 ment voted the Act of Union, the people had a 
 right to march into the House and declare it had 
 forfeited its trust ;* but the reason they did not do 
 
 * See Vattel; Burlemachi, Grotius, Locke on Self-Government ; &c. 
 
CHAP. III.] OPINION ON THE UNION. 
 
 69* 
 
 so was, that the country was not accustomed to 
 consider itself free — it doubted whether it pos- 
 sessed the power. Judging, too, from their former 
 conduct, it is probable that the army would have 
 been let loose on the people ; for the Government 
 were desperate, and they had an old general at 
 its head. Even Arthur Wcllesley (Duke of Wel- 
 lington), at that time in India, had written to his 
 friends in Ireland, and said, " There must be no 
 more debating societies in Ireland ! * The feeling 
 was very strong against the Parliament. But the 
 great misfortune of the crisis was to be found in 
 the situation of the leaders of the Opposition. 
 Lord Charlemont had expired ; Mr. Grattan had 
 been long absent, was not in Parliament, and still 
 remained in very feeble health ; Mr. Foster was 
 neither liberal nor popular, and was considered 
 by the Catholics as hostile in the extreme. It 
 was not possible to oppose such a measure as the 
 Union without calling in aid all the people. Mr. 
 Burrowes had proposed that the chief Catholics 
 should meet the leaders of the Parliamentary 
 Opposition, and that both should act in concert. 
 He applied to the principal men, Messrs. Sweet- 
 man, Byrne, Teeling, and others. They were 
 willing to join, as they were all against the Union, 
 and would have acted with energy if the Opposi- 
 tion party had assented ; but Foster and others 
 refused to join them, and the negotiation broke 
 off. In fact, Foster was the clog that impeded 
 the movements of the Opposition. He subse- 
 quently saw his error, and in a conversation with 
 Mr. Plunket he said, " If the crisis demanded it, he 
 would even go the length of calling in the aid of the 
 Catholics!" But the die was cast; it was too 
 late ; his penitence was in vain. Thus do preju- 
 
 * Letter to the Rev. William Elliot, rector of Trim, to ^hom he was 
 greatly indebted for his election for that borough. 
 
70 
 
 THREE PLANS FOR [CHAP. Ill 
 
 dice and bigotry possess a certain suicidal quality, 
 which makes them finally become the victims of 
 their own egregious folly. Foster's intolerance 
 lost the warm heart and the bold active co-opera- 
 tion of the Catholic party ; and to a conceited and 
 interested religious theory he sacrificed the Con- 
 stitution of his country. 
 
 An appeal was, however, made to the people ; 
 and a letter was issued from the Opposition 
 leaders, and circulated through the country : — 
 
 Dublin, January 20th, 1800. 
 Sir,— A number of gentlemen of both Houses of Par- 
 liament, of whom thirty-eight represent counties, have 
 authorized us to acquaint you, that it is their opinion that 
 petitions to Parliament declaring the real sense of the free- 
 holders of the kingdom on the subject of a Legislative 
 Union, would at this time be highly expedient; and if 
 such a proceeding shall have your approbation, we are to 
 request you will use your influence to have such a petition 
 from your county without delay. — We have the honour 
 to be, Sir, your most obedient, humble servants, 
 
 DoWNSHIRE. 
 
 Charlemont. 
 w. b. ponsonby. 
 
 Simple as this proceeding was, it drew from 
 Lord Clare a torrent of invective, and he levelled 
 against the individuals who signed the letter, one 
 of his usual intemperate phillipics, couched in 
 terms of exceeding rancour and virulence, but 
 showing, however, a sense of danger, and the fear 
 that Government entertained from that quarter, 
 if the people (as they ought to have done) had 
 risen in arms to oppose the measure. 
 
 One of the plans adopted and acted on by the 
 opposition, was to bring into Parliament members 
 to vote against the Union ; it amounted in fact to 
 a project to outbuy the minister, which in itself 
 was unwise, injudicious, and almost impracti- 
 cable, and in which they were sure to be far 
 behind the Government ; a second plan was their 
 
CHAP. III.] OPPOSING THE UNION. 
 
 71 
 
 literary war ; this, as far as it went, was good, but 
 it came too late, and was too feeble a weapon at 
 such a crisis ; the third plan was to meet the 
 Castle club, and fight them with their own wea- 
 pons ; this would have proved the most effective 
 and deadly of the three plans, but it was hazard- 
 ous, — and in principle it could scarcely be sanc- 
 tioned, and was acted on but in one instance 
 (that of Mr. Grattan and Mr. Corry), and the 
 meeting at Charlemont House* rejected it. To 
 carry into effect the first of these measures, a 
 subscription was opened ; the names set down 
 were numerous, and the sums considerable : in a 
 short time 100,000/. was subscribed. Lord Down- 
 shire put down his name for 1000/., W. B. Pon- 
 sonby, 500/., George Ponsonby, 500/., and many 
 others for sums equally large ; but the application 
 of these sums was difficult, and the process was 
 troublesome and tedious. Mr. Thomas Whaley 
 had in 1799 voted for the Union ; he paid 4000/. 
 for his election for the town of Enniscorthy ; he 
 was not in affluent circumstances, but well in- 
 clined to oppose the Union, and Mr. Goold ac- 
 cordingly agreed that these expenses would be 
 paid if he would vote against the Government. 
 He did so, and when the division took place on 
 the question in 1800, Mr. Cooke, the acting man 
 for Lord Castlereagh in the traffic of members, 
 perceived him staying in the House, and said, 
 u You are mistaken — the ayes go out'' Mr. Whaley 
 replied, " Yes, but I vote against the Union" 
 Cooke was surprised, but suspected the cause ; 
 and the next day he went to him, and offered him 
 (to use his expression) " a carte blanehe ;" but Mr. 
 Whaley would not break the promise he had made 
 to the opposition : the funds, however, were soon 
 exhausted, and a member who would have opposed 
 the Union was lost in consequence, and voted for 
 
 * Sir Jonah Harrington's Memoirs of the Union, vol. ii. 
 
72 
 
 THREE PLANS FOR 
 
 [chap. nr. 
 
 it. The payment of the 4000/., that was the sum 
 stipulated in Mr. Whaley's case, was not easily 
 procured. Mr. Thomas Goold had, highly to his 
 honour, out of his own funds advanced the money, 
 and an execution was served on his house ; being 
 unable to answer this sudden demand, Mr. Goold 
 applied to the party, and George Ponsonby (who 
 in such cases was not only generous but noble) 
 immediately gave him an order on the bank (as 
 he stated) 6 6 for a splendid sum'' Lord Lismore 
 gave 500/., Denis Bowes Daly gave 500/., and in 
 this manner Goold was reimbursed. This single 
 instance shows the difficulty the ante-union party 
 had to encounter, and how unlikely it was they 
 could have succeeded by following such a plan. 
 
 Their next measure — the literary proceedings — 
 consisted in getting together a number of men to 
 write against the Union ; however, this could 
 avail but little; the time was too short; public 
 opinion was at too low an ebb, and literature 
 not widely enough circulated. The essays that 
 appeared were undoubtedly good, and may have 
 produced some effect : various were the styles 
 that were used ; among them satire proved the 
 best. The party patronized the " Constitution" 
 paper, and set up the "Anti-Union." It was in 
 the latter that they chiefly wrote, and in the 
 former that their speeches were chiefly pub- 
 lished. Mr. Peter Burrowes, Mr. Plunket, Mr. 
 Bushe, Mr. Wallace, Mr. Goold, and Mr. 
 Smiley, were the chief contributors to the " Anti- 
 Union." Mr. Thomas Wallace had been just 
 called to the bar — an active, talented, and rising 
 young man, fond of books, and likely to be of 
 use. To him Mr. Burrowes applied, and with- 
 out previous acquaintance, proposed that he 
 should join the Society : he did so, and wrote 
 extremely well. Mr. Plunket was said to be the 
 
CHAP. III.] OPPOSING THE UNION. 
 
 73 
 
 author of the article entitled " Shecla"* Mr. 
 Charles Bushe wrote the one entitled the 
 "Hacks." Several were from the pen of Mr. 
 Burrowes ; amongst them, that which considered 
 the probable effect that the Union would have 
 upon the representation of England, was written 
 by him ; it is headed " Quinctiam mortua jungebant 
 corpora vivis" — it is an able and powerful pro- 
 duction : all this, however, was a very feeble 
 instrument to wield against a Government that 
 was corrupt in the extreme, and against an army 
 that was all powerful. As to the pamphlets, they 
 teemed forth without number: among the best 
 were those written by Charles Bushe, )" Thomas 
 Goold,;]: William I)rennan,§ and Mr. TaafTe : || in 
 one month upwards of thirty pamphlets appeared 
 on this subject. Doctor Drennan was a Presby- 
 terian, full of talent and of spirit ; his mind was 
 patriotic and erudite. He wrote some beautiful 
 poems, and many prose and political works. " The 
 Letters of Orcllana" Addresses to the Volunteers, 
 and his Essays on Home Education, are remark- 
 able. He died in February 1820. 
 
 Had the third plan been acted on, the Govern- * 
 ment might have rued the consequences, but 
 could not have complained, as it would merely 
 have been following out the principle laid down 
 by the Castle. A meeting of the friends of the 
 Government had been convened, and the persons 
 who were to support the several articles of Union 
 were brought forward. Several members spoke 
 on the occasion, and amongst them was Mr. St. 
 George Daly : he was one of the boldest, par- 
 ticularly active, and quite decided. He declared 
 
 * Second vol. Dublin Magazine for 1799 and 1800. 
 -f- " Cease your funning, or the rebel detected," an excellent piece of 
 satire, was attributed to Mr. Bushe. 
 % Aristarchus to the people of Ireland. 
 § Letters to Pitt. 
 || Taafte was a Tianciscan friar. 
 
74 
 
 THE PISTOLLING CLUB. [CHAP. III. 
 
 (these were his words) "that his line had been taken* 
 and that each of them must select their man ; and that 
 he had chosen his antagonist already" It was said 
 they had singled out their men ; — that Lord Cas- 
 tlereagh should attack George Ponsonby ; Corry, 
 Mr. Grattan ; Daly, Mr. Plunket ; Toler, Mr. 
 Bushe ; and Martin, Mr. Goold. These indi- 
 viduals had been set on by the Castle, and en- 
 couraged to fight, and they did very well what 
 they were paid for. St. George Daly gave battle 
 at once ; he was brave, but corrupt. Toler, the 
 Attorney- General, was always ready ; he was a 
 blusterer and a villain, but always brave : Corry, 
 too, was stout, but was put up to what he did. 
 Henry Deane Grady was talkative, and some- 
 what bold. Martin showed courage, and seemed 
 ready for fighting, and would have been consi- 
 dered fond of it were it not that he talked too 
 much on the subject. Lord Castlereagh was 
 rather cold to be a warrior, and, according to the 
 language used by his friends, was said " to have a 
 soft hole in him" They were bold in the aggre- 
 gate, and were better bullies by far than the op- 
 ' position. 
 
 After the meeting of the Castle (the pistolling) 
 Club (such is the name it deserves), a meeting of 
 the opposition members was held at Lord Char- 
 lemont's to consider what should be done ; a 
 similar mode to the Castle plan was proposed, but 
 objected to, and after discussion, was rejected. 
 Sir Jonah Barrington, in his history, alludes to 
 it, and intimates that neither he nor Mr. Grattan 
 were very averse to the proposition. 
 
 The true course of the opposition (whose per- 
 sons were thus assailed by assassins, while their 
 Constitution and liberty was menaced by corrup- 
 tion, intrigue, and violence), was to have met the 
 
 * This was related to the author by one of the persons who heard the 
 expressions used. 
 
CHAP. III.] MR. GR ATTAN PROPOSED FOR WICKLOW. 75 
 
 attack by war. They should have kept their 
 ground in the senate, lest it might be used 
 against them ; but their councils should have been 
 military : their speeches should have yielded to 
 adjutant-generals' reports, — and leaving the pis- 
 tol to bullies, they should have stood in hand at 
 the head of the people, and have rescued their 
 country. But, unfortunately, when the Insur- 
 rection was put down, the country was put down, 
 and honest men, and men of spirit even, were 
 afraid to move. 
 
 To mingle in the fatal broils, and to make a 
 stand in this deadly contest, was now the fate of 
 Mr. Grattan ; and he was scarce equal to the 
 task : he had come over late from England, and 
 did not know the feelings of the people, or of 
 parties. A year's absence had made great 
 changes. He had escaped from the plots of his 
 enemies by singular good fortune, though he could 
 not escape from their calumnies ; these he dis- 
 regarded, for his conscience was clear, and his 
 conduct above reproach ; the only concern he 
 felt was for his country, and to serve her appeared 
 to him almost impossible. At the close of 1799 
 he returned from the Isle of Wight, and retired 
 to Tinnehinch, almost broken-hearted, — not only 
 hopeless, but helpless; enfeebled in body, and 
 depressed in spirits, but in mind still unsubdued. 
 Immediately on his arrival, a deputation from his 
 friends waited on him to request that he would 
 re-enter Parliament ; but he was obliged to de- 
 cline the offer in consequence of the state of his 
 health. Soon after they informed him that a seat 
 was vacant, Mr. Gahan, one of the members for 
 the town of Wicklow having died, and Mr. Wil- 
 liam Tighe, the patron of the borough, would not 
 be averse that he should be returned for it. Mr. 
 Arthur Moore, a most zealous and sincere friend 
 of Mr. Grattan, was very anxious on the occasion, 
 
76 MR. GRATTAN ELECTED FOR WICKLOW. [CHAP. III. 
 
 and pressed him strongly to comply : he knew 
 that it was difficult to procure a seat, and exerted 
 himself, in the most anxious and affectionate man- 
 ner, to secure it for him, the more so as some of 
 his own party were desirous of obtaining it for 
 another person. Mr. Moore at length succeeded, 
 and arranged that Mr. Grattan should be put in 
 nomination. Mrs. Grattan's account of the cir- 
 cumstance, as nearly as can be recollected, was as 
 follows : " Mr. Grattan's health did not permit 
 him, and his sentiments did not incline him, to 
 get into Parliament : he said that he would be no 
 party in any way to the act of Union ; that the 
 representatives had no right to part with the 
 legislative body, and that it was an act of suicide. 
 I urged him most earnestly to take the seat ; that 
 he should not refuse ; that it was his duty to go 
 into Parliament; that he had got a great deal from 
 the people ; that they had given him a large sum 
 of money in '82 for standing by them in time of 
 need, and that it was his duty to do so now ; and 
 that he ought to spend his money, and shed his 
 blood in their defence ! (noble words — splendid 
 sentiment). At length Mr. Moore and I pre- 
 vailed. Mr. Grattan yielded, and we brought 
 him to Dublin. Being unable to bear any noise, 
 we avoided hotels, and went to a friend's house 
 (Mr. Austen's) in Bagot Street. There he re- 
 mained till the election should be over, as the 
 party were very anxious that he should be present 
 at the meeting of Parliament, which was to open 
 on the 15th. Mr. Henry Tighe managed the 
 business very dexterously : he was a person of 
 spirit, hostile to the Union, — and proved himself 
 to be zealous and useful. When he found that 
 his brother had accepted 1,200/. for the seat, he 
 was indignant, and said that he should have been 
 too happy to have given Mr. Grattan the seat, in 
 order to oppose such a measure. The Sheriff 
 
CHAP. III.] MRS. GRATTAN's SPIRITED WORDS- 77 
 
 being friendly, he allowed the election to be held 
 after 12 o'clock on the night of the 15th. Mr. 
 Tighe got the officer to sign the return, and set 
 ofY immediately, on horseback, with it. He ar- 
 rived in Dublin about five in the morning, when 
 we heard a loud knocking at the door. Mr. Grat- 
 tan had been very ill, and was then in bed, and 
 turning round he exclaimed, ' Oh, here they come ; 
 why icill they not let me die in peace V The ques- 
 tion of Union had become dreadful to him ; he 
 could not bear the idea, or listen to the subject, 
 or speak on it with any degree of patience ; he 
 grew quite wild, and it almost drove him frantic. 
 I shall never forget the scene that followed. I 
 told him he must get up immediately, and go 
 down to the House : so we got him out of bed, and 
 dressed him. I helped him down stairs ; then he 
 went into the parlour and loaded his pistols, and I 
 saw him put them in his pocket, for he appre- 
 hended he might be attacked by the Union party, 
 and assassinated. We wrapped a blanket round 
 him, and put him in a sedan chair, and when he 
 left the door I stood there, uncertain whether I 
 should ever see him again. Afterwards, Mr. 
 M'Can came to me and said that I need not be 
 alarmed, as Mr. Grattan's friends had determined 
 to come forward in case he was attacked, and if 
 necessary take his place in the event of any per- 
 sonal quarrel. When I heard that, I thanked 
 him for his kindness, but told him 'My husband 
 cannot die better than in defence of his country.' " 
 
 Genuine offspring of patriotism and of virtue, 
 worthy of the race of the Gerald ines ! — honour to 
 the possessor of that lofty mind, those elevated 
 feelings, that sober consciousness of right, that 
 just ardour in an honourable cause; uniting the 
 love of country to the love of virtue, and the dig- 
 nity of one sex to the softness of the other. Such 
 are the divine qualities that adorn human kind — 
 
78 
 
 LAST SESSION. [CHAP. III. 
 
 ennoble our nature, and make life immortal. Tf 
 spirits like these had found imitators, or magic 
 words such as these met an echo through the 
 land, Ireland would still have been a nation, — 
 she would have preserved her Constitution, and 
 her children their character. 
 
 On the 15th of January, 1800, the Irish Par- 
 liament met for the last session. According to 
 Dr. Lucas, and the charter of Henry II., legis- 
 lative assemblies had been summoned in Ireland 
 since the eleventh century, but seldom had been 
 suffered to exist in an independent state : they 
 had attracted the jealousy of their more powerful 
 rival, and now became victims to her overweening 
 ambition, and their own unhappy divisions. In 
 order to procure the return of new members, not 
 less than twenty-five writs were moved for on the 
 first day of the session — such being the success 
 of ministers in their efforts to model the House of 
 Commons. In the speech from the throne, Lord 
 Cornwallis did not allude to the Union, but it was 
 well known that the subject would be renewed, 
 and pressed with all the energy that Government 
 possessed. Sir Laurence Parsons therefore, after 
 a strong speech against the measure, moved an 
 amendment to the address. 
 
 To assure his Majesty that his Majesty's kingdom of 
 Ireland is inseparably united with Great Britain, and that 
 the sentiments, wishes, and real interests of all his subjects 
 are, that it should continue so united in the enjoyment of a 
 free Constitution, in support of the honour and dignity of 
 his Majesty's crown, and in the advancement of the wel- 
 fare of the whole empire, — which blessings we owe to the 
 spirited exertions of an independent resident Parliament, 
 the paternal kindness of his Majesty, and the liberality of 
 the British Parliament in 1782, and which we feel our- 
 selves at all times, and particularly at the present moment, 
 bound in duty to maintain. 
 
 Lord Castiereagh opposed this amendment ; 
 
CHAP. III.] DEBATE ON THE ADDRESS. 
 
 79 
 
 said the question had been withdrawn last year 
 because the people did not understand it, but 
 now, he believed, a great majority did ; that it 
 should be submitted to the cool and dispassionate 
 consideration of Parliament ; that nineteen coun- 
 ties had come forward and petitioned in its favour. 
 This is one of the first strides in the oratory of 
 the noble lord, for which he made himself so 
 conspicuous afterwards in the Imperial Parlia- 
 ment. Unmeaning phrases, broad and startling as- 
 sertions (next morning discovered to be false), 
 and interminable sentences. The real meaning 
 of this speech was, that Government had la- 
 vished their bribes, and used their influence, 
 rather authority, with such success, that by craft, 
 force, and fraud, and even forgery,* they had got 
 a number of signatures to petitions from various 
 individuals, which they unjustly represented as 
 expressing the sense of the several counties, the 
 entire amount of which did not exceed 7000. 
 
 Mr. (afterwards Lord) Plunket reprobated the 
 conduct of Government in the strongest manner, 
 and delivered a most eloquent and argumentative 
 speech. He said that — 
 
 " During the whole interval between the sessions, the 
 most barefaced system of parliamentary corruption has 
 been pursued — dismissals, promotions, threats, promises : 
 in despite of all this, the minister feared he could not suc- 
 ceed in parliament, and he affected to appeal to what he 
 had before despised, — the sentiment of the people. When 
 he was confident of a majority, the people were to be heard 
 only through the constitutional medium of their representa- 
 tives : when he was driven out of parliament, the sense of 
 the people became everything. Bribes were promised to 
 the Catholic clergy ; bribes were promised to the Presby- 
 terian clergy : I trust they have been generally spurned 
 with the contempt they merited. The noble lord under- 
 
 * Numbers of forged signatures were affixed to the petitions in favour 
 of the Union ; persons of the lower class ; paupers, bankrupts, and 
 beggars. — See Dublin Evening Post Newspaper. 
 
80 
 
 ELOQUENT SPEECH OF [CHAP. III. 
 
 derstands but badly the genius of the religion in which he 
 was educated. You held out hopes to the Catholic body, 
 which were never intended to be gratified, regardless of the 
 disappointment, and indignation, and eventual rebellion 
 which you might kindle, — regardless of everything, pro- 
 vided the present paltry little object were obtained. In 
 the same breath you held out professions to the Protestant, 
 equally delusive ; and having thus prepared the way, the 
 representative of Majesty set out on his mission, to court 
 his Sovereign, the Majesty of the People. It is painful to 
 dwell on that disgraceful exhibition, — no place too obscure 
 to be visited- — no rank too low to be courted—no threat too 
 vile to be refrained from — the counties not sought to be 
 legally convened by their sheriffs — no attempt to collect 
 the unbiassed suffrage of the intelligent and independent 
 part of the community — public addresses sought for from 
 petty villages, and private signatures smuggled from public 
 counties ; and how procured ? By the influence of absentee 
 landlords; not over the affections, but over the terrors of 
 their tenantry, — by griping agents and revenue officers. 
 And after all this mummery had been exhausted — after the 
 lustre of royalty had been tarnished by this vulgar inter- 
 course with the lowest of the rabble — after every spot had 
 been selected where a paltry address could be procured, and 
 every place avoided where a manly sentiment could be en- 
 countered — after abusing the names of the dead, and 
 forging the signatures of the living — after polling the in- 
 habitant of the gaol, and calling out against the parliament 
 the suffrages of those who dare not come in to sign them 
 until they had got their protections in their pocket — after 
 employing the revenue officer to threaten the publican that 
 he should be marked as a victim, and the agent to terrify 
 the shivering tenant with the prospect of his turf-bog being 
 withheld if he did not sign your addresses—after employing 
 your military commanders, the uncontrolled arbiters of life 
 and death, to hunt the rabble against the constituted 
 authorities— after squeezing the lowest dregs of a popula- 
 tion of near five millions, you obtained about five thousand 
 signatures, three-fourths of whom affixed their names in 
 surprise, terror, or total ignorance of the subject; and after 
 all this canvass of the people, and after all this corruption 
 wasted on the parliament, and after all your boasting that 
 you must carry the measure by a triumphant majority, you 
 do not dare to announce the subject in the speech from the 
 
CHAP. III.] 
 
 MR. PLUNKET. 
 
 81 
 
 throne. You talk of respect for our gracious Sovereign! I 
 ask, what can be a more gross disrespect than this tamper- 
 ing with the royal name, pledged to the English parliament 
 to bring the measure before us at a proper opportunity — 
 holding it out to us at the close of the last session, and not 
 daring to hint it at the beginning of this? Is it not noto- 
 rious why you do not bring forward the measure now? 
 Because the fruits of your corruption have not yet blos- 
 somed — because you did not dare to hazard a debate last 
 session, in order to fill up the vacancies which the places 
 bestowed by you, avowedly for this question, had occasioned 
 — and because you have employed the interval in the same 
 sordid traffic — and because you have a band of disinterested 
 patriots waiting to come in and complete the enlightened 
 majority who are to vote away the liberties of Ireland. 
 Will you dare to act on a majority so obtained? Fatal 
 will be your councils and disastrous your fate, if you re- 
 solve to do so. You have adopted the extremes of the 
 despot and the revolutionist — you have invoked the loyal 
 people and parliament of Ireland, who were not calling on 
 you — you have assayed every means to corrupt that parlia- 
 ment, if you could, to sell their country — you have ex- 
 hausted the whole patronage of the Crown in execution of 
 that system — and to crown all, you openly avow, and it is 
 notoriously a part of your plan, that the constitution of 
 Ireland is to be purchased for a stipulated sum. I state a 
 fact, for which, if untrue, I deserve serious reprehension; 
 I state it as a fact, that you cannot dare to deny, that 
 15,000/. apiece is to be given to certain individuals as the 
 price for their surrendering — What ? Their property ? No ; 
 but the rights of representation of the people of Ireland ; 
 and you will then proceed in this, or in an imperial parlia- 
 ment, to lay taxes on the wretched natives of this land to 
 pay the purchase of their own slavery. It was in the last 
 stage of vice and decrepitude that the Roman purple was 
 set up for sale, and the sceptre of the world transferred for 
 a stipulated price ; but even then the horde of slaves who 
 were to be ruled would not have endured that their country 
 itself should have been enslaved to another nation. Do 
 not persuade yourselves that a young, gallant, hardy, en- 
 thusiastic people like the Irish, are to be enslaved by means 
 so vile, or will submit to injuries so palpable and galling. 
 From those acts of despotism you plunge into the phrenzy 
 of revolution, at a time when that political madness has 
 
 VOL. V. 
 
 CI 
 
82 mr. Fitzgerald's speech, [chap. hi. 
 
 desolated the face of the world, when all establishment is 
 staggering under the drunkenness of theory in this country, 
 which, it is said, has been peculiarly visited by this pesti- 
 lence — when even the projects which the noble lord may 
 recollect to have been entertained by the Northern Whig 
 Club have been necessarily suspended, if not abandoned — 
 when you have found it necessary to enact temporary laws, 
 taking away almost every one of the ordinary privileges of 
 the subjects of a free constitution — with the trial by jury 
 superseded, and the whole country subject to martial law— 
 a law by which the liberty and life of every man rests 
 merely on the security of military discretion — a law which 
 you have not yet ventured to repeal, and the necessity of 
 whose continuance is strongly hinted in the speech from 
 the Throne — with a bloody rebellion only extinguished, and 
 a formidable invasion only escaped — you call on this dis- 
 tracted country to uproot itself of its constitution ; and 
 having been refused by the wisdom and virtue of parlia- 
 ment, you desire the rabble of every description to array 
 themselves against the constituted authorities, and to put 
 down their parliament, because they would not put down 
 the constitution. 
 
 Mr. Fitzgerald (late Prime-Sergeant) — 
 
 The genius, the ambition, and the aspiring thoughts of 
 man are not to be controlled ; and little reason have we, 
 dressed in a little brief and questioned authority, to expect 
 that the increasing population of four millions of people 
 will respect this compact, if entered into, as sacred. It 
 will be handed down to them with the history of the pre- 
 sent day, and the means taken to effect this mighty 
 change ; they will be told that the country was called upon 
 to the compact when martial law was in full force — they 
 will hear of the years 1779 and 1782 — they will inquire 
 how they lost the great acquisitions of those days, a free 
 residing and superintending legislature — they will inquire 
 by what means they lost the power of granting supplies, 
 the true source of national independence and the great con- 
 stitutional control of the executive power, whether resident 
 or non-resident; and I much fear that, dazzled by the 
 splendour, without the loyalty and moderation, of 1782, 
 similar claims may be made, and Great Britain may not 
 be found in a similar disposition to concede. The parlia- 
 ment of Ireland is the best mediator between the Irish 
 
CHAP. III.] SPEECH OF MR. MOORE. 
 
 S3 
 
 nation and the parliament of Great Britain. They did not, 
 by a rash adoption of popular opinion, commit the two 
 countries; their prudence interposed delay, and produced 
 the constitution which I trust will last for ever. Preserve, 
 then, your parliament as the hostage of the constitution. 
 If the spirit of '82 should again arise, and Ireland should 
 have no parliament to control Iter impatience, I tremble for 
 the consequence, 
 
 Mr. Arthur Moore — 
 
 Sir, we may feel the respect that is shown to privileges 
 in the use that is made of the inrluerrce of the Crown, and 
 the unbounded patronage of Ministers to overthrow them, 
 in the promises that are made, in the places that are given, 
 in the honours and promotions that are lavished — if it can 
 be called honour and promotion which is acquired by such 
 means — in the removal from office of able and honourable 
 men, and in the substitution of men whose sole merit is 
 their zeal for this degrading measure : can these, and the 
 other innumerable practices made use of to obtain a majority 
 in favour of the Union, be called by any milder epithets 
 than those of bribery and corruption ? But, sir, the means 
 made use of to carry the Union are not confined to the 
 parliament; the whole nation has been practised upon. 
 How have the sheriffs been appointed ? How have grand 
 juries been in many places selected ? How have addresses 
 been procured ? By what means have some counties been 
 deceived and others refused the liberty of expressing their 
 opinions in a constitutional manner? What has been the 
 use which has been made of the martial law bill ? Or will 
 posterity, or even the contemporary people of Europe, be- 
 lieve that Ireland has been called upon to surrender her 
 constitution while such a law was in force and acted upon, — 
 a law, the principle of which is better calculated to stifle 
 opinions than to repress crimes, and to promote rather than 
 to correct the depravity of the times. But, sir, it was seen 
 that while the parliament and the nation continued of the 
 same opinion, there could be no hope of accomplishing the 
 measure. What was to be done, then? There was a 
 factitious sense of the people to be set up against the real 
 sense of their representatives ; and that parliament which, 
 while it was supposed to be corrupt, was asserted to be 
 omnipotent, as soon as it proved itself to be virtuous, was 
 appealed from with a strong implication of its incompetence. 
 
 G 2 
 
84 
 
 SPEECH OF MR. MOORE. [CHAP. III. 
 
 And to whom was the appeal made ? To every man who 
 could be bribed, seduced, intimidated, or punished. In 
 how many instances was there an open, fair appeal made 
 to the free, unbiassed sentiments of any body of people 
 recognised by the law and [constitution as having a right 
 to assemble and declare their opinions upon public events? 
 Well, the signatures, if not the sense of some thousands of 
 people out of some millions, are procured in favour of the 
 Union — with all the industry of Administration and its 
 emissaries, they have been able to do no more — and how 
 have the great majority of these been procured ? By 
 threats and menacef^— by terror and false pretences — by 
 forging of names — by spies, hirelings, and calumniators — - 
 by dividing the people, setting the landlord against his 
 tenant, the soldier against the citizen, the pastor against 
 his flock, the parent against his child, sect against sect, 
 and principle against principle — by the agency of the 
 placeman and expectant — by the influence of the purse and 
 the sword, of the civil magistrate and the military magis- 
 trate — by promises never intended to be performed — and 
 by promises which, if performed, would be the very perfec- 
 tion of political criminality. In this way has an attempt 
 been made to poll the people against the sense of their 
 representatives. Upon the foundation of these signatures, 
 I presume, it is that the noble lord says, that the nation is 
 for the Union ; and upon such evidence is it that our most 
 gracious Sovereign, and the English parliament and people, 
 are induced to believe that the accomplishment of the 
 measure is only retarded by a faction against the sense of 
 the country. Would to God the whole British nation 
 could have the testimony of their own eyes and ears, for 
 the actual condition and sentiments of this country; they 
 would see whether those who oppose, or those who support 
 the Union, are the best friends to the constitution, the 
 liberty, and the tranquillity even of their own country. 
 Sir, there is one class of men who, I do not hesitate to say, 
 have contributed even as much as Ministers to diffuse the 
 fallacious opinion in England, that this country will be 
 satisfied with a Union, — I mean the absentees; and acting 
 upon that impression, we find their agents making the 
 greatest efforts to obtain signatures in favour of it on their 
 estates, and what have been the means in many instances 
 practised on these estates ? To refuse leases to those who 
 have none ; to threaten to call for the rent to the hour; to 
 
CHAP. III.] MR. PONSONBY'S SPEECH. 
 
 85 
 
 hold the terrors of an ejectment over him who hesitates to 
 sign, or, if he cannot write, to lend his name to resolutions 
 calling for the surrender of that which is the security of his 
 property — of his liberty — of his life. Sir, I have no hesi- 
 tation to say, that if they carry the measure under all the 
 circumstances which I have stated and observed upon, it 
 will be a robbery, and not a treaty — an act of constraint 
 and violence, not of compact and volition — a conquest, not 
 a Union. Union upon such principles, and accomplished 
 by such means, policy never can require — justice never can 
 sanctify — wisdom never can approve — patriotism never can 
 reconcde — time never can cement — and force never can 
 establish. It might be a Union for a few days — a few 
 months; perhaps for a few years; but it would be followed 
 with ages of ill-blood, generations of hostility, centuries of 
 contest and desolation, and misery to this island to all 
 eternity ; it would be a Union founded on the violation of 
 public faith, erected on national degradation, equally sub- 
 versive of the moral, physical, and political fitness of 
 things, and equally odious and abominable in the sight of 
 God and man. 
 
 Mr. George Ponsonby delivered an eloquent 
 and able speech in support of the amendment, and 
 thus terminated : — 
 
 If ever this House should consent to its own immola- 
 tion — if ever the members of the Irish Commons should 
 assent to an act for turning themselves out of doors — if 
 this should ever happen, hope shall not quit me, until the 
 last man shall have passed the door which the minister 
 would close upon our liberties. When they shall approach 
 that door, if they but cast a look behind, if they but view 
 that chair where integrity now sits enthroned, if their 
 eyes but linger on that floor where the flow of patriot 
 eloquence has been poured forth for their country, if they 
 but recollect all the struggles of honourable legislation 
 which those walls have witnessed, they will stop before 
 thev have taken the last irretrievable step; they will cling 
 to this House, the temple of their honour, and they would 
 tell the minister, " Sir, you have taken an unjust advan- 
 tage of our confidence, to desire us to destroy our country ; 
 you have taken a most ungenerous and unjust advantage 
 of the state of that country to induce its Parliament to 
 
86 
 
 EXTRACT FROM [CHAP. III. 
 
 annihilate itself and the liberties of its constituents ; but 
 we will show you that you have been mistaken in the cal- 
 culation of our baseness ; we will show you that we repre- 
 sent an honest, brave, and generous people, and are 
 worthy to represent them ; we will not flatter, but we will 
 serve them, and establish an eternal claim to their grati- 
 tude, and to the gratitude of posterity." This, sir, 1 will 
 suppose to be the influence of feeling, and the triumph of 
 nature and of honour, should the negotiated sale of our 
 liberties proceed to the last extremity, and until I shall see 
 the last man out of these doors, and they shut upon him 
 for ever, I will not believe that those who have lived with 
 such honour, will die with such disgrace. 
 
 Mr. Charles Bushe, who for ten years after- 
 wards was Solicitor-General, and twenty years 
 Chief Justice, distinguished himself on this occa- 
 sion : — 
 
 I strip this formidable measure of all its pretensions 
 and all its aggravations ; I look on it nakedly and ab- 
 stractedly, and I see nothing in it but one question — will 
 you give up the country ? I forget for a moment the 
 unprincipled means by which it has been promoted — I 
 pass by for a moment the unseasonable time at which it 
 has been introduced, and the contempt of Parliament 
 upon which it is bottomed, and I look upon it, simply, as 
 England reclaiming in a moment of your weakness, that 
 dominion which you extorted from her in a moment of 
 your virtue — a dominion which she uniformly abused, 
 which invariably oppressed and impoverished you, and 
 from the cessation of which you date all your prosperity. 
 It is a measure which goes to degrade the country, by 
 saying it is unfit to govern itselfj and to stultify the 
 Parliament by saying it is incapable of governing the 
 country. It is the revival of that odious and absurd title 
 of conquest ; it is the renewal of the abominable distinction 
 between mother-country and colony which lost America ; 
 it is the denial of the rights of nature to a great nation 
 from an intolerance of its prosperity . # * * 
 
 You are called upon to give up your independence — and 
 to whom are you called upon to give it up? To a nation 
 which for six hundred years has treated you with uniform 
 oppression and injustice. The treasury bench startles at 
 the assertion — non me us hie sermo est. If the treasury 
 
CHAP. III.] MR. BUSHE'S SPEECH. 
 
 ST 
 
 bench scold me, Mr. Pitt will scold them — it is his asser- 
 tion in so many words in his speech. Ireland, says he, has 
 been always treated with injustice and illiberality. Ire- 
 land, says Junius, has been uniformly plundered and 
 oppressed. This is not the slander of Junius, nor the 
 candour of Mr. Pitt — it is history. For centuries has the 
 British Parliament and nation kept you down, shackled 
 your commerce and -paralysed your exertions, ucspised your 
 characters, and ridiculed your pretensions to any jjrivileges, 
 commercial or constitutional. She has never conceded a 
 point to you which she could avoid, nor granted a favour 
 which was not reluctantly distilled, They have been all 
 wrung from her like drops of blood ; and you are not in 
 possession of a single blessing (except those which you 
 derived from God) that has not been either purchased or 
 extorted by the virtue of your own Parliament from the 
 illiberality of England. 
 
 Is the interval from the year 1779 to the year 1782 
 forgotten? How did you obtain your Mutiny Bill, your 
 Octennial Bill, the repeal of Poyning's law, the inde- 
 pendence of the judges, the restoration of your appellant 
 jurisdiction, your free trade, and finally, your free consti- 
 tution ? * * * * * 
 
 Let me adjure the noble lord to weigh well and to con- 
 sider deeply the probable permanency of a measure so 
 conducted ; let me implore him to avail himself of the 
 passing experience of his own days, and of the instructions 
 which history may afford him ; and when he sees volcanic 
 revolutions desolating the face of the political world, the 
 first elementary principles of society loosening and dis- 
 solving, and empires not built upon the liberties of the 
 people crumbling into dust, let him contemplate the awful 
 change he is about to accomplish, and consider the dread- 
 ful responsibility he incurs to his Sovereign by exchanging 
 the affections of a loyal nation for the reluctant obedience 
 of a degraded and defrauded province ; let him look lor the 
 permanency of this transaction something farther than to 
 the vote of the night or the job of the morning, and let 
 him have some better document than his army list for the 
 affections of the people; let him consider whether pos- 
 terity will validate this act, if they believe that the con- 
 stitution of their ancestors was plundered by force or 
 filched by artifice ; let him, before it be too late, seriously 
 ponder whether posterity will validate this act, if they 
 
88 SCENE THAT TOOK PLACE ON [CHAP. III. 
 
 believe that the basest corruption and artifice were exerted 
 to promote it, and that all the worst passions of the 
 human heart were enlisted into the service, and all the 
 most depraved ingenuity of the human intellect tortured to 
 devise new contrivances of fraud. I do not say these 
 things have been, I state hypothetically, and ask if pos- 
 terity believe such things, will they validate the transac- 
 tion ? if they believe that there was foul play from the first 
 moment to the last both within doors and without, that 
 the rabble were appealed to from the Parliament, and 
 debauched or intimidated to petition against the constitu- 
 tion of their country ; if they believe that in Parliament 
 the disgust of the measure, notwithstanding a proscription 
 which made office incompatible with honour, stained the 
 treasury bench — that the disgust of the measure broke 
 asunder and dissolved some of the tenderest and most 
 delicate connections of human life — that the nominal office 
 of Escheator of Munster became an office of honourable 
 competition, and after the Parliament was thus reduced 
 that the Irish Commons were recruited from the English 
 staff; if they were to believe those things, and that human 
 frailty and human necessities were so practised upon that 
 the private sentiments and public conduct of several could 
 not be reconciled, and that where the minister could 
 influence twenty votes he could not command one hear 
 him. 
 
 I say not that these things are so; but I ask, if your 
 posterity believe them to be so, will posterity validate 
 this transaction, or will they feel themselves bound to do 
 so ? I answer ; where a transaction, though fortified by 
 sevenfold form, is radically fraudulent, that all the forms 
 and solemnities of law are but so many badges of the 
 fraud, and that posterity, like a great court of conscience, 
 will pronounce its judgment. 
 
 At seven o'clock in the morning Mr. Egan 
 had risen to speak, when Mr. Grattan entered 
 the House. He was so debilitated that he was 
 scarcely able to walk, and was supported by 
 W. B. Ponsonby and Mr. Arthur Moore. The 
 scene tbat took place was interesting in the 
 extreme, and highly characteristic of the indivi- 
 dual ; novel to the House, and quite unexpected by 
 
CHAP. 111.] ME. GRATTAN ENTERING THE HOUSE. 89 
 
 the Ministers, who were not aware that the election 
 had taken place, or that the writ could be returned 
 so soon. They were much surprised at his en- 
 trance, and more so at his appearance. The 
 House and the galleries were seized with breathless 
 emotion; and a thrilling sensation, a low mur- 
 mur, pervaded the whole assembly, when they 
 beheld a thin, weak, and emaciated figure, worn 
 down by sickness of mind and body, scarcely 
 able to sustain himself; the man who had been 
 the founder of Ireland's independence in 1782 
 was now coming forward, feeble, helpless, and 
 apparently almost in his last moments, to defend 
 or to fall with his country. 
 
 His friends crowded round him, anxious to 
 assist him, — Bowes Daly, in particular : seeing 
 that Mr. Giattan had on his hat, he told him it 
 was contrary to the rules of the House. Mr. 
 Grattan calmly replied, "Do not mind me, I know 
 what to do." He was dressed in the Volunteer 
 uniform — blue, with red cuffs and collar. He had 
 placed his cocked hat square to the front, and 
 kept it on till he advanced half-way up the floor ; 
 he then stopped and looked round the House with 
 a steady and fearless eye, as if he wished to let 
 them know that, though exhausted, he was yet 
 prepared to give battle, and to bid them defiance ; 
 as an old soldier, he was resolved to show front, 
 and let his opponents see that he was not to be 
 trifled with. He knew that he would be pressed, 
 and very soon attacked ; and he thought it best to 
 come forward at the outset. When he approached 
 near the table, he then took off his hat ; and the 
 oaths having been administered (for by the rules 
 of the Irish Parliament they could be taken at any 
 time), he took his seat on the second bench, be- 
 side Mr. Plunket. 
 
 After Mr. Egan had finished, he rose, but 
 
90 
 
 EXTRACTS PROM [CHAP. III. 
 
 obtained leave to speak sitting; and to the asto- 
 nishment of every one, he delivered an admirable 
 speech for upwards of two hours, in which he 
 went through the whole of the question. Mr. 
 Corry replied, and commenced the meditated 
 attack. He pressed Mr. Grattan severely, and 
 alluded to his address to the citizens of Dublin in 
 1797. Mr. Grattan strove to say a few words in 
 explanation, but his weakness, as well as the rules 
 of the House, prevented him going further. On 
 a division, the numbers were — for the amend- 
 ment, 96; against it, 138; being a majority of 
 42* against Sir Lawrence Parsons. 
 
 A few extracts from Mr. G rattan's speech may 
 here be given : — 
 
 The Minister sees-— I do not — British merchants and 
 British capital sailing to the provinces of Connaught and 
 Minister ; there they settle in great multitudes, themselves 
 and families. He mentions not what descriptions of 
 manufactures ; who from Birmingham, who from Man- 
 chester. No matter ; he cares not ; he goes on asserting 
 and asserting with great ease to himself, and without any 
 obligation to fact. Imagination is the region he delights 
 to disport ; where he is to take away your Parliament 
 — where he is to take away your final Judicature — where 
 he is to take away your money — where he is to increase 
 your taxes — where he is to get an Irish tribute. There he 
 is a plain direct matter-of-fact man ; but where he is to 
 pay you for all this, there he is poetic and prophetic — no 
 longer a financier, but an inspired accountant. Fancy 
 gives him her wand. Amalthsea takes him by the hand; 
 Ceres is in her train. # # # # 
 
 What he cannot reconcile to your interest he affects to 
 reconcile to your honour. He, the Minister, " his budget 
 with corruption crammed/' proposes to you to give up the 
 ancient inheritance of your country ; to proclaim an utter 
 and blank incapacity, and to register this proclamation of 
 incapacity in an act which inflicts on this ancient nation 
 
 * The members for Clogher were unseated on petition, and Mr. King 
 and Charles Ball, two anti-Unionists were returned, so that the real 
 majority was but thirty-nine. 
 
CHAP. III.] MR. GRATTAn's SPEECH. 
 
 91 
 
 an eternal disability ; and he accompanies these monstrous 
 proposals by undisguised terror and unqualified bribery; 
 and this he calls no attack on the honour and dignity of 
 the kingdom ! . * * * 
 
 The thing he proposes to buy is what cannot be sold — 
 liberty ! For it, he has nothing to give. Everything of 
 value which you possess you obtained under a free consti- 
 tution. Part with it, and you must be not only a slave 
 but an idiot. # * # # 
 
 His propositions not only go to your dishonour, but 
 they are built upon nothing else. He tells you it is his 
 main argument, that you are unfit to exercise a free con- 
 stitution ; and he affects to prove it by the experiment. 
 "Jacobinism grows," says he, "out of the very state and 
 condition of Ireland." 1 have heard of Parliament im- 
 peaching Ministers, but here is a Minister impeaching 
 Parliament. He does more : he impeaches the Parliamen- 
 tary constitution itself. The abuses in that constitution 
 he has protected ; it is only its being that he destroys. 
 On what ground ? Your exports since your emancipation, 
 and under that Parliamentary constitution, and in a great 
 measure by that Parliamentary constitution, have nearly 
 doubled. Commercially it has worked well. Your con- 
 cord with England since the Emancipation, as far as it 
 relates to Parliament, on the subject of war, has been 
 not only approved, but has been productive. Imperially, 
 therefore, it has worked well. What then does the 
 Minister in fact object to? That you have supported 
 him — that you have concurred in his system ; therefore he 
 proposes to the people to abolish the Parliament, and to 
 continue the Minister. He does more : he proposes to 
 you to substitute the British Parliament in your place; 
 to destroy the body that restored your liberties, and restore 
 that body which destroyed them. Against such a propo- 
 sition, were I expiring on the floor, 1 should beg to utter 
 my last breath and record my dying testimony. 
 
 The violent and arbitrary disposition of Go- 
 vernment soon found an opportunity to gratify 
 itself after the debate on the address. A trifling 
 riot occurred in the streets, and some of the Union 
 members were insulted on their return from the 
 House. This was immediately seized upon as a 
 
92 
 
 ARBITRARY PROCEEDINGS OF [CHAP. Ill 
 
 ground for interfering. Mr. St. George Daly, the 
 new Prime Sergeant, in order to qualify himself 
 for the office from which Mr. Fitzgerald had been 
 expelled, and to repay the Government for the 
 services rendered to him, came prominently for- 
 ward, inveighed against the people as guilty of 
 the grossest outrage, and demanded that wit- 
 nesses should be summoned to the bar to answer 
 for their breach of privilege. This was acceded to ; 
 and the House in a very summary manner sent to 
 gaol a very respectable citizen, an officer in the Cus- 
 toms, and a member of a Yeomanry Corps, under 
 the charge of having committed a riot, though it 
 was. deposed to in evidence that this individual 
 had been struck, and had only retaliated on 
 his assailant, and that the Town-major (Swan) 
 had fired his pistol at him, and arrested him ;• 
 thus the real sufferer was sent to Newgate, and 
 the individual who fired was not even censured. 
 The Government were not slow to act, and they 
 quickly availed themselves of this occurrence for 
 the purpose of introducing a military force ; and 
 under the pretence of protecting the freedom of 
 debate and the persons of the members, they took 
 possession of a large wooden building at Foster 
 Place, adjoining the House of Commons, which 
 was used as an exhibition room ; this was con- 
 verted into a temporary barrack, and a body of 
 troops (an English regiment) was stationed there 
 — in fact to overawe the Parliament — under pre- 
 tence of protecting the members. 
 
 Lord Castlereagh lost no time in following up 
 his successes on the first day, and proposed a 
 measure most efficient for his purpose, namely, 
 to remove from the kingdom the Irish who bore 
 arms; and accordingly he proposed, on the 21st 
 of January, that 10,000 Volunteers from the Irish 
 militia should be allowed to serve his Majesty 
 
Ctt.lP. III.] 
 
 THE GOVERNMENT. 
 
 93 
 
 ia the army in Europe, at a bounty of six and ten 
 guineas per man. This crafty plan was followed 
 by another, namely, the substitution of English 
 militia in their stead. Thus he removed the Irish, 
 who might on an emergency have evinced some 
 feeling for their country, and he introduced 
 English troops, who could not but feel very 
 differently, and at any critical moment would 
 be sure to take part with the Government against 
 the people. 
 
 Shortly after this another event occurred which 
 called forth a similar demonstration on the part of 
 the Government, and showed how little respect 
 they paid to the rights of the people, or to the 
 privileges of Parliament, though a few days before 
 they professed to be so eager to uphold them. 
 
 On the 12th of February a complaint was made 
 to the House of Commons, by Sir L. Parsons, 
 that the High Sheriff of the King's County (Mr. 
 Darby), and the officer in command of the British 
 Artillery at Birr (Major Rogers), had interfered 
 to intimidate and disperse a meeting of the free- 
 holders of the county, who had assembled to peti- 
 tion against the Union. Major Rogers was accord- 
 ingly summoned and examined at the bar. He 
 stated that he had his artillery and his troops ready, 
 and that he only waited for one word from the 
 Sheriff to blow the house where the freeholders 
 were about their ears. The Sheriff also admitted 
 that it was his intention to disperse the meeting. 
 Notwithstanding these declarations, the House, 
 under dictation from the Minister, resolved that 
 such conduct was not intended to interfere with 
 the right of petition ; and the parties were allowed 
 to retire in triumph from the presence of the 
 assembly, which they had thus derided and in- 
 sulted.* 
 
 * The above appears so singular that the account is here given;— 
 
94 
 
 SIR l. parsons' motion, [chap. III. 
 
 Major Rogers was afterwards appointed to a 
 military situation, no doubt as a reward for his 
 services ; in the same manner as the informer 
 Reynolds was appointed to an office in the Pen- 
 Sir L. Parsons called the attention of the house to a motion he had 
 made on a former night, touching the proceedings adopted by the high 
 sheriff of the King's County, and Major Rogers commanding the British 
 artillery there, to intimidate the magistrates and freeholders from meet- 
 ing at Birr, to petition Parliament against the adoption of the measure 
 of a Legislative Union. He said, that he had already so fully expressed 
 his sentiments on the fatal consequences that must result from such 
 arbitrary proceedings being suffered to take place, that he should not at 
 this time trespass on the attention of the house, but should merely move 
 that these gentlemen do forthwith attend at the bar. He trusted that 
 this business would meet with a cool and dispassionate investigation, it 
 was one which involved the privilege of Parliament and the liberty of 
 the subject. He said he had one or two witnesses to examine, and re- 
 quested that Thomas Bernard, Esq., be called. 
 
 Mr. Bernard, sen., a magistrate and freeholder of the King's County, 
 being called, deposed, that the meeting at Birr was convened by magis- 
 trates, the sheriff having refused to accede to the requisition of the free- 
 holders. On the Sunday prior to the meeting, Major Rogers, of the 
 Royal British Artillery, was at his (Mr. B.'s) house, and informed him 
 no such meeting should take place, and if attempted he would disperse it by 
 military force. Mr. B. told him he had better do nothing rashly — pro- 
 duced a number of papers relative to a Legislative Union, and among 
 them several copies of the requisition for calling the county, one of 
 which he gave Major Rogers for the purpose of forwarding it to govern- 
 ment — no other conversation took place between them previous to the 
 meeting. On the morning of Sunday, before the meeting took place, he 
 had a conversation with the sheriff, who told him that the meeting was 
 not a legal one, and should not take place ; that the Session-House was 
 his, and they had no right to meet there; Mr. B. answered, that the 
 Session-House was the property of the magistrates, and that they had 
 as good a right to meet there as he had. The innkeeper of the town 
 also told him, that the sheriff-forbid him at Ids peril, to suffer the meeting 
 at his house. The meeting took place at two o'clock ; the sheriff came 
 to the Session-House, said he considered it an illegal meeting, that the 
 house was his, and they had no right to remain there, and desired them 
 to disperse ; some of the magistrates made answer that the house was 
 theirs, the meeting was a legal one, and they would not be dispersed 
 but at the point of the bayonet ; the sheriff replied, there sha'n't be any 
 meeting, and so turned away ; as he returned, the crowd pressed a little 
 upon him, and he desired them to make way. Mr. Malone, a magis- 
 trate, told them to remain where they were, they had a right to do so. 
 Mr. Bernard called out to them to give way to the sheriff, when he 
 made answer, the sheriff can make way for himself, and so retired. 
 Mr. Lloyd, the chairman, now read the petition, put the question on it, 
 and it was unanimously adopted. A trifling difference of opinion after- 
 wards prevailed, whether they should stay there to sign and await the 
 soldiery, which they were assured were coming down to disperse them, 
 
CHAP. III.] MESSAGE FROM LORD LIEUTENANT. 95 
 
 insula, when the Duke of Wellington was in 
 command there. 
 
 On the 5th February, Lord Castlereagh delivered 
 to the House a message from the Lord-Lieutenant 
 recommending the Union. This was vigorously 
 opposed by the opposition, and chiefly by Mr. 
 Ponsonby, Mr. Grattan, Sir John Parnell, and 
 Mr. Ogle, who declared that he was adverse to it 
 because it confessedly led to Catholic Emancipa- 
 tion and Reform. 
 
 or adjourn to another place ; the latter opinion appeared most prevalent, 
 and they retired to a public inn about sixty yards from the Session- 
 House, where the petition lay on the table for signatures. 
 
 Deponent Mr. B. was the second who signed, and went out for the 
 purpose of making room for the other freeholders. lie walked towards 
 the Session-House with M. Malone, and when he got a small distance 
 from the public inn, he met Major Rogers riding at the head of four 
 pieces of artillery with matches, whether lighted or net he could not tell, 
 he was going towards the place where the meeting was. On one side 
 of the street a number of artillery men marched with small arms and Jived 
 bayonets, on the other a party of Scotch Fencibles in a similar manner. 
 When at a small distance from Major Rogers, Mr. B. asked him, 
 m Good God, what is all this V* " T is what you must always expect," 
 said Major H., " while things do not go on tquare." 
 
 At this time the troops had passed the Session-House, and were 
 advancing towards the inn where the petition lay for signatures ; they 
 proceeded to a small square in the town, where Major Rogers drew 
 them up. On Major R.'s return, Mr. B. met him, and he informed 
 Mr. B. that he only waited for the sheriff's order, to blow down the house 
 to the foundation. The Tuesday after the meeting, Mr. B. met Major 
 R., who said, "if he had received on Sunday, the letter which reached 
 him on Monday, there would have been a pretty business ;" and added, 
 "that it was very strange the gentlemen at the Castle or Park did not 
 know that a letter would be three days going from Dublin to Birr." 
 
 M. Bernard, on his cross-examination, declared, that he did not think 
 the crowd assembled at Birr consisted of any others than freeholders of 
 the county, to the best of his judgment; that his reasons for supposing 
 Major Rogers's intention to disperse the meeting was, that he never saw 
 him parade with cannon on a Sunday before, and his having told him 
 previous to the meeting that he would disperse it by military force ; he 
 could not suppose Major Rogers jested when he said he would blow 
 down the house about the ears of the freeholders, either from his coun- 
 tenance or tone of voice. The meeting was he said very numerous, but 
 no appearance whatever of riot or disorder. lie could not, he said, 
 suppose the soldiers were going to parade, as they did not usually 
 parade at that hour. 
 
 Mr. Lloyd, a magistrate of the King's County, chairman of the meet- 
 ing, and many years representative of the county, gave very nearly the 
 same testimony as Mr. B. 
 
96 
 
 MAJORITY IN FAVOUR OF [CHAP. HI. 
 
 Mr. Grattan thus ended his speech on this 
 day :— 
 
 It follows that the two nations are not identified, though 
 the Irish Legislature be absorbed, and by that act of 
 absorption the feelings of one of the nations is not iden- 
 tified but alienated. The petitions on our table bespeak 
 that alienation ; the Administration must by this time be 
 acquainted with it ; they must know that Union is Irish 
 alienation, and knowing that they must be convinced that 
 they had the authority of the minister's argument against 
 the minister's project, I am not surprised that this project 
 of Union should alienate the Irish ; they consider it as a 
 blow. Two honourable gentlemen, with an ardour which 
 does them honour* — ingenuous young men — they have 
 spoken with unsophisticated feeling, and the native honesty 
 of good sense. The question is not such as occupied you 
 of old, not old Poyning's, not peculation, not plunder, not 
 an embargo, not a Catholic Bill, not a Reform Bill ; it is 
 your being, it is more- — it is your life to come. Whether 
 you will go, w 7 ith the Castle at your head, to the tomb of 
 Charlemont and the Volunteers, and erase his epitaph, or 
 whether your children shall go to your graves saying a 
 venal military court attacked the liberties of the Irish, and 
 here lie the bones of the honourable dead men who saved 
 their country ! Such an epitaph is an epitaph which the 
 King cannot give his slaves ; it is a glory which the 
 crown cannot give the King. 
 
 The speeches of Mr. Saurin and Mr. Ponsonby 
 were said to have been excellent, particularly 
 that of the former. The motion was supported 
 by Mr. St. George Daly, who was supposed to 
 have made, during the entire of these debates, 
 the best speech of any in favour of the mea- 
 sure. 
 
 Mr. Corry replied to Mr. Grattan, and attacked 
 him again at a time when he had no opportunity 
 of replying. The debate was conducted with 
 great spirit, and lasted till twelve o'clock in the 
 ensuing day, when the numbers were — 160 for 
 
 * Mr, O'Donnell and Colonel Vereker, 
 
CHAP. III.] THE GOVERNMENT PROPOSITION. 97 
 
 the proposition, and 117 against it, giving Go- 
 vernment a majority of 43* in its favour, — thus 
 only one was added to the majority on the first 
 night of the session. On the 11th of February, a 
 complaint was made to the House by Mr. (Sir 
 Jonah) Barrington, that Sir Chas. Asgill, the 
 officer commanding at Clonmel, had prevented 
 the people from assembling to petition against 
 the Union. His conduct was defended by the 
 Attorney-General (Toler) by saying that the officer 
 had considered it dangerous to let the people assemble 
 in a proclaimed district, but the burgesses of the 
 town could meet if they thought fit. The House 
 declined to interfere, and permitted their privi- 
 leges to be invaded, and the rights of the subject to 
 be thus openly violated and superseded by military 
 power. 
 
 The course which the minister now took was to 
 press forward the question with the utmost speed, 
 and on the 14th he moved the order of the day to 
 go into a committee on the subject. The opposi- 
 tion in vain remonstrated, and proposed that on 
 the part of the country more time should be 
 allowed in order that the people might consider 
 the question more deliberately, and that the House 
 might examine the correctness of the statements 
 submitted to them, and ascertain the calculations 
 made by the Government respecting the trade 
 and commerce of the country, and how far they 
 would be affected by the proposed Union. This 
 was refused, and Mr. W. B. Ponsonby then pro- 
 posed an amendment, upon which the numbers 
 were only 89 to 126 against it. Colonel Barry 
 (Lord Farnham) moved that they should adjourn 
 for a few days, and for this the ayes were 110 
 and the noes 157. A committee was appointed 
 
 * The real majority was but thirty-nine, as two anti-Unionists were 
 seated on petition, and two Unionists were unseated. 
 VOL. V. H 
 
98 DECREASE OF IRISH MANUFACTURES. [CHAP. III. 
 
 to examine witnesses as to the trade and manu- 
 factures of the country, Mr. Pirn, Mr. Orr, and 
 several other merchants and manufacturers, gave 
 very important evidence, and their opinion was, 
 that the trade and manufactures of Ireland would 
 sink under the Union. Mr. Orr stated, that prior 
 to 1796 he had employed in his establishment 
 upwards of 3,000 persons in working muslins and 
 cottons, that he would not be able to employ so 
 many in future, hence the trade would be greatly 
 injured by the proposed measures, and that the 
 manufacturers could not hold out against the 
 competition with England.* Other evidence of a 
 similar nature was given, when Lord Castlereagh, 
 fearing that this would not be serviceable to his 
 cause, declared himself averse to further delay, 
 as conflicting evidence would be adduced, there- 
 fore he sought to hasten the business. Mr. Wolfe 
 (Lord Kilwarden) differed from him on this 
 subject, much to his credit, as he was connected 
 with the Government. However, it was useless ; 
 Lord Castlereagh prevailed. 
 
 On Friday the 17th of February, the articles of 
 Union were considered. The House was in Com- 
 mittee, and Mr. Foster (the Speaker) went at 
 considerable length into the subject, and made a 
 very able statement of the trade and revenue 
 of the country. He spoke for upwards of two 
 
 * This has been verified by the event ; Irish manufactures have been 
 Completely swamped — and the trades in Dublin as well as in other 
 parts of Ireland are reduced to nothing — where thousands and hundreds 
 of persons were formerly employed, few, if any, are now at work ; this 
 not only in Dublin, but in all the other towns where trade flourished ; 
 leather trade, glass trade, linen trade, cotton trade, all fell victims to 
 this measure. — See the Railway Report and Evidence. 
 
 It is to be observed that in 1785, when the British manufacturers 
 formed their committee in England, at the period of the Irish proposi- 
 tions, that the evidence then given stated that if the Irish continued 
 their exertions, they would rival the British, and meet them with success 
 in the foreign market, as a remedy to which they asked for a Union— 
 and the decay of Ireland followed. 
 
CHAP. III.] MR CORRY's ATTACK ON MR. GRATTAN. 99 
 
 hours on these points, and showed the advantages 
 Ireland had gained, and the great progress she had 
 made since 1782, and gave it as his opinion that a 
 Union would prove injurious to her. He made 
 an earnest appeal to the House, and concluded 
 by saying, " I declare from my soul, that if England 
 ice re to give us all her revenues, I could not barter 
 for them the free constitution of my country ." 
 
 Mr, Corry had been selected to defend the first 
 articles ; but he did not rest satisfied by merely 
 discharging this duty. Unfortunately he owed 
 another debt to the minister. His lot was to 
 renew the personal attack upon Mr. Grattan, and 
 for the third time he assailed him ; but on this 
 occasion his opponent had the privilege to reply. 
 Mr. Grattan came into the house as Mr. Corry 
 was reading the address of 1797 to the citizens of 
 Dublin, and commenting on it very severely. 
 He took his seat by Foster, and, turning to him, 
 exclaimed, " I see they wish to make an attack on 
 my life, and the sooner the better T When Mr. 
 Corry had ended, Mr. Grattan replied in a speech 
 that astonished and electrified the House. Since 
 his reply to Flood in '83, nothing of that charac- 
 ter had been heard in Parliament. He was here 
 on trial after an ordeal of two years, during 
 which Government had attacked him with all the 
 bitterness they possessed. Full of rancour and 
 malignity, they had forged something in the shape 
 of a report from the Secret Committee, which 
 was a calumnious and notorious falsehood. Every 
 species of abuse and calumny, vituperation, pro- 
 scription, and persecution, had been unsparingly 
 heaped upon him. He stood before his enemies, 
 he confronted and bade them defiance ; but he 
 confounded, and almost appalled them.* He stood 
 in the hall of his ancient glories, and those of his 
 country, amidst the dying embers of her freedom, 
 h 2 
 
100 
 
 MR. GRATTAN S MASTERLY [CHAP. III. 
 
 and strove to snatch from the sacred pile a brand 
 that could light her to resurrection. 
 
 iEstuat ingens 
 Imo in corde pudor mistoque insania luctu 
 Et furiis agitatus amor et conscia virtus. 
 
 His answer was not confined to Mr. Corry. He 
 arraigned the Government ; he told them they 
 were in a conspiracy against the country ; that 
 they were corrupt and seditious ; selling them- 
 selves and selling the constitution ; that two par- 
 ties had been in arms against her ; that he would 
 join neither ; that the rebel who rose against the 
 King deserved to die, but that he missed on the 
 scaffold the right honourable gentleman. 
 
 Mr. Bushe, who heard it, said he never wit- 
 nessed such a scene. The minister was electri- 
 fied. Never was such a castigation given to any 
 party. Sir Robert Walpole's attack on the Ja- 
 cobites comes nearer to it than any. When Mr. 
 Grattan had ended, he left the house, and, pass- 
 ing by where Mr. Plunket sat, took him by the 
 hand, and pressed him with a strength that satis- 
 fied him that all was right, and, as Mr. Plunket 
 used afterwards to say, when alluding to those 
 times, " That affair was more conducive to his 
 health than the medicine of all his doctor's.'" The 
 following was the substance of Mr. Grattan's 
 reply :— 
 
 Has the gentleman done ? Has he completely done ? 
 He was unparliamentary from the beginning to the end of 
 his speech. There was scarce a word he uttered that was 
 not a violation of the privileges of the House ; but I did 
 not call him to order — why ? because the limited talents 
 of some men render it impossible for them to be severe 
 without being unparliamentary. But before I sit down 
 I shall show, him how to be severe and parliamentary 
 at the same time. On any other occasion I should think 
 myself justifiable in treating with silent contempt anything 
 which might fall from that honourable member ; but there 
 
CHAP. III.] REPLY TO MR. CORRY. 
 
 101 
 
 are times when the insignificance of the accuser is lost in 
 the magnitude of the accusation. I know the difficulty 
 the honourable gentleman laboured under when he at- 
 tacked me, conscious that, on a comparative view of our 
 characters, public and private, there is nothing he could 
 say could injure me. The public would not believe the 
 charge. I despise the falsehood. If such a charge were 
 made by an honest man, I would answer it in the man- 
 ner I shall do before I sit down. But I shall first reply to 
 it, when not made by an honest man. 
 
 The right honourable gentleman has called me " an 
 unim peached traitor." I ask, why not traitor, unqualified 
 by any epithet ? I will tell him — it was because he dare 
 not. It was the act of a coward, who has raised his arm 
 to strike, but has not courage to give the blow. I will not 
 call him villain, because it would be unparliamentary, and 
 he is a privy councillor. I will not call him fool, because 
 he happens to be Chancellor of the Exchequer ; but I say 
 he is one who has abused the privilege of Parliament and 
 freedom of debate, to the uttering language which, if 
 spoken out of the House, 1 should answer only with a 
 blow. I care not how high his situation, how low his 
 character, how contemptible his speech, whether a privy 
 counsellor or a parasite, my answer would be — a blow. 
 He has charged me with being connected with the rebels. 
 The charge is utterly, totally, and meanly false. Does 
 the honourable gentleman rely on the report of the House 
 of Lords for the foundation of his assertion ? If he does, 
 I can prove to the Committee there was a physical impos- 
 sibility of that report being true ; but I scorn to answer 
 any man for my conduct, whether he be a political cox- 
 comb, or whether he brought himself into power by a 
 false glare of courage or not. I scorn to answer any 
 wizard of the Castle throwing himself into fantastic airs ; 
 but if an honourable and independent man were to make a 
 charge against me I would say, " You charge me with 
 having an intercourse with rebels, and you found your 
 charge upon what is said to have appeared before a Com- 
 mittee of the Lords. Sir, the report of that Committee is 
 totally and egregiously irregular."' I will read a letter 
 from Mr. Xeilson, who had been examined before that 
 Commitee. It states, that what that report represents 
 him as having spoken is not what he said. [Mr. Grattan 
 here read the letter from Mr. Neilson, denying that he 
 
102 MR. grattan's masterly [chap. III. 
 
 had any connection with Mr. Grattan, as charged in the 
 report, and concluding by saying, " Never was misrepre- 
 sentation more vile than that put into my mouth by the 
 report."] 
 
 From the situation I held, and from the connection 
 I had in the city of Dublin, it was necessary for me 
 to hold intercourse with various descriptions of persons 
 The right honourable member might as well have been 
 charged with a participation in the guilt of those traitors, 
 for he had communicated with some of those very per- 
 sons on the subject of Parliamentary Reform. The 
 Irish Government, too, were in communication with some 
 of them. 
 
 The right honourable member has told me I deserted a 
 profession where wealth and station were the reward of 
 industry and talent. If I mistake not, that gentleman 
 endeavoured to obtain those rewards by the same means, 
 but he soon deserted the occupation of a barrister for those 
 of a parasite and pander. He fled from the labour of 
 study to flatter at the table of the great. He found the 
 Lords' parlour a better sphere for his exertions than the 
 hall of the four Courts, the house of a great man a more 
 convenient way to power and to place, and that it was 
 easier for a statesman of middling talents to sell his 
 friends than a lawyer of no talents to sell his clients. 
 
 For myself, whatever corporate or other bodies have 
 said or done to me, I from the bottom of my heart forgive 
 them. I feel I have done too much for my country to be 
 vexed at them. I would rather that they should not feel 
 or acknowledge what I have done for them and call me 
 traitor, than have reason to say I sold them. I will always 
 defend myself against the assassin ; but with large bodies 
 it is different. To the people I will bow : they may be my 
 enemy ; I never shall be theirs. 
 
 At the emancipation of Ireland in 1782 I took a leading- 
 part in the formation of that constitution, which is now 
 endeavoured to be destroyed. Of that constitution I was 
 the author; in that constitution I glory; and for it the 
 honourable gentleman should bestow praise, not invent 
 calumny. Notwithstanding my weak state of body, I 
 come to give my last testimony against this Union, so fatal 
 to the liberties and interest of my country. I come to 
 make common cause with these honourable and virtuous 
 gentlemen around me ; to try and save the constitution ; 
 
CHAP. III.] REPLY TO MR. CORRY. 
 
 103 
 
 or, if not save the constitution, at least to save our charac- 
 ters, and remove from our graves the foul disgrace of 
 standing apart while a deadly blow is aimed at the inde- 
 pendence of our country. 
 
 The right honourable gentleman says I fled from the 
 country after exciting rebellion, and that I have returned 
 to raise another. No such thing. The charge is false. 
 The civil war had not commenced when I left the king- 
 dom, and I could not have returned without taking a part. 
 On the one side there was the camp of the rebel, on the 
 other the camp of the minister, a greater traitor than that 
 rebel. The stronghold of the constitution was nowhere to 
 be found. I agree that the rebel who rises against the 
 Government should have suffered ; but I missed on the 
 scaffold the right honourable gentleman. Two desperate 
 parties were in arms against the constitution. The right 
 honourable gentleman belonged to one of these parties and 
 deserved death. I could not join the rebel — I could not 
 join the Government — I could not join torture — I could 
 not join half-hanging — I could not join free quarter — I 
 could take part with neither. I was therefore absent from 
 a scene where I could not be active without self-reproach, 
 nor indifferent with safety. 
 
 Many honourable gentlemen thought differently from 
 me. I respect their opinions, but I keep my own ; and I 
 think now, as I thought then, that the treason of the 
 Minister against the liberties of the. people u-as infinitely 
 worse than the rebellion of the people against the Minister. 
 
 I have returned, not, as the right honourable member 
 has said, to raise another storm ; I have returned to dis- 
 charge an honourable debt of gratitude to my country that 
 conferred a great reward for past services, which, I am 
 proud to say, was not greater than my desert. I have 
 returned to protect that constitution of which I was the 
 parent and the founder from the assassination of such men 
 as the right honourable gentleman and his unworthy asso- 
 ciates. They are corrupt, they are seditious, and they, at 
 this very moment, are in a conspiracy against their eoun-» 
 try. I have returned to refute a libel, as false as it is 
 malicious, given to the public under the appellation of a 
 Report of the Committee of the Lords. Here I stand 
 ready for impeachment or trial. I dare accusation. I 
 defy the honourable gentleman. I defy the Government. 
 I defy their whole phalanx ; let them come forth. I tell 
 
104 REMARKS ON THE CONDUCT [CHAP. III. 
 
 the Ministers I will neither give them quarter nor take it. 
 I am here to lay the shattered remains of my constitution 
 on the floor of this House in defence of the liberties of my 
 country. 
 
 Many persons were surprised that the Chair- 
 man of the Committee did not interfere. It was 
 thought that Mr. (Lord) Hutchinson would have 
 called on him to do so, for after Mr. Grattan had 
 concluded he got up and begged to call the atten- 
 tion of the Chairman to the proceedings before 
 the Committee ; but, instead of alluding to the 
 altercation they had just witnessed, he at once 
 diverged, and gravely observed that the question 
 was divisible into three distinct heads, and that 
 he would proceed calmly to analyze them ; in the 
 mean time the parties left the House and thus 
 escaped from arrest. Sir John Parnell now moved 
 that the Chairman should leave the chair, and in 
 this he was supported by Mr. Dawson, Mr. Egan, 
 Mr. Peter Burrowes, George Ponsonby, and Mr. 
 Goold, and opposed by Mr. Smith, Mr. Johnson, 
 Mr. Francis Hutchinson, Dr. Browne, and Mr. 
 Martin, who attacked Mr. Goold very severely ; 
 on a division the numbers were — against the 
 Government, 140 ; for them, 161. 
 
 Some remarks may now be made upon the 
 principal actor in this drama. — Mr. Isaac Corry, 
 who had been so unworthily employed to take 
 such a part on the occasion, was member for the 
 borough of Newry ; he was unquestionably a man 
 of talent, and not without just pretensions. In 
 early life he began with the people, though he 
 ended against them ; and, like most renegades,'* 
 who never do things by halves, ran violently into 
 the other extreme. He was bribed by the court, 
 
 * Sir Francis Burdett is a deplorable instance. When he thought fit 
 to change to Toryism, he was particularly hostile to the people and to / 
 the Irish, whom he abused much more than he had ever praised them, j 
 
CHAP. III.] OF MR. ISAAC CORRY. 
 
 105 
 
 and his wants compelled him to sell the country. 
 In early life he had been in habits of close 
 acquaintance with Mr. Grattan, not merely as a 
 friend but an admirer. He was first a guest at 
 Tinnehinch, then a frequent visitor, at last an 
 enthusiast, and in the complimentary verses* 
 which he there wrote he has left a record of his 
 esteem and his admiration. The course which he 
 pursued affords a melancholy instance of the 
 danger that follows from the corruption of a 
 court. How fatally a generous spirit can be 
 perverted by the arts of politicians ; seduced 
 by the lures of office, and finally ruined by the 
 enticements of a cunning cold-blooded Minister, 
 who was not satisfied that his satellites should 
 betray their country unless they put to death her 
 defenders. 
 
 Mr. Corry may have thought he had an excuse 
 for selling Ireland because he possessed no stake 
 in her ; he was a person of no property, over- 
 placed and over-salaried. As a speaker he was 
 short, pointed, and neat, and what he said he 
 delivered with elegance and with address ; his 
 
 * The following are the lines written by Mr. Corry in the parlour 
 facing Sugar-Loaf Hill. 
 
 Tinnehinch, 28th April, 1794. 
 Behold that mountain tow'ring rugged high 
 That culminating, daring, braves the sky, 
 Planted on broad and solid rocky base, 
 Impregnable in strength assumes its place, 
 Look then upon the placid verdant green, 
 That here adorns the calm domestic scene, 
 Gay, soft, luxuriant, decked with every flower 
 That can amuse the careless saunt'ring hour 
 In these extremes, the genuine type you'll find, 
 Of Grattan's tow'ring, Grattan's playful mind ; 
 Behold that stream, now down the mountain side 
 Roll in impetuous course its foaming tide, 
 Soon as the placid vale it reaches here, 
 In gentlest lapse, delight the eye, the ear, 
 Thus sympathising Harriet, born to please, 
 Shows Grattan's greatness, or adorns his ease; 
 Live, happy pair, example bright to give, 
 How genius, talents, reason, virtue live. 
 
 Signed I. C. 
 
106 
 
 UNHAPPY END OF CORRY. [CHAP. III. 
 
 manner was graceful, and was better than his 
 matter; his person was pleasing, and his voice 
 clear and harmonious ; his invectives were good, 
 and he possessed much spirit ; in personality he 
 was better than in argument ; he was a brave 
 man, but a bad reasoner ; and always ready to 
 back what he said with his sword. 
 
 In the Imperial Parliament Mr. Pitt continued 
 him for some time in the office of Chancellor of 
 the Exchequer for Ireland ; but in that assembly 
 his style was altered, his tones lowered, and all his 
 lofty periods and airs of office vanished ; he began 
 cringing and creeping, with supple knee and 
 submissive voice, " begging pardon of the House for 
 taking up their time with Irish affairs" (these 
 were his -words). When he was removed, Mr. 
 Foster succeeded him ; and the conduct of the 
 latter, compared to that of the former, was ex- 
 cellent : Foster's was that of a country gentle- 
 man — Corry's that of an upstart. The life and 
 death of this individual is a great lesson to Irish- 
 men. The ministers made him their tool, and 
 left him their victim. They led him to take a 
 bold, but a very bad part, and urged him on to 
 deeds from which human nature should recoil. 
 At first they found him an adventurer, — young 
 and aspiring, then they exalted him ; afterwards 
 they neglected him, and at last left him, to die 
 unregarded, unnoticed, and almost unknown.* 
 
 It cannot be doubted that the attack on Mr. 
 
 * In 1810 lie was at Brighton, where Mr. Grattan resided ; he looked 
 broken in spirits, quite downcast in looks and manner, and seemed to 
 shun all observation ; he called on Mr. Grattan, and having been per- 
 ceived approaching the house, no one would admit him. The ladies of 
 the family, who were in spirit and principle purely Irish, were particu- 
 larly hostile. Mr. Grattan insisted on going down stairs, he opened the 
 door himself, and took Corry by the hand, the latter felt gratified and 
 seemed greatly affected ; it was their last interview — he did not live 
 long after it. Even this act of kindness crowned the cup of affliction to 
 overflow — the wound he felt had gone through, his heart ! — and like other 
 Unionists, Clare, Brown, Smith, Johnson, Hutchinson, Donoughmore, 
 &c, he died bitterly regretting the part he had taken against his country. 
 
chap, in.] mr. Berwick's opinion. 
 
 107 
 
 Grattan was premeditated and deliberate. Mr. 
 Berwick, who had known Corry long before, met 
 him at Harrowgate, in 1799, and found that he 
 was then collecting all the materials he could get 
 against him. Berwick, who was well acquainted 
 with the politics of that period, attended the 
 debates of the Union, heard Corry speak, and 
 said that it was he who began the attack, and 
 pressed Mr. Grattan from the outset ; the latter 
 declined the contest, as they had been old friends ; 
 but Corry renewed the attack on every occasion, 
 so much so that Mr. Grattan could not avoid to 
 reply, and in the committee he had the oppor- 
 tunity. Berwick's opinion was, that he had been 
 set on by the Government ; for they knew that if 
 Mr. Grattan had been disposed of, the others 
 would soon have given way : other persons, and 
 good authorities, concurred in this opinion of Mr. 
 Berwick. Dean Scott (nephew to Lord Clon- 
 mell, Chief Justice), Mr. Francis Hardy, Mr. Jas. 
 Jonas Corry, Clerk of Parliament, and personal 
 friend of the Speaker, Mr. Ross M'Can (Secretary 
 to the Whig Club), and Mr. H. Bushe, who held 
 office under that Government, and who knew the 
 actors in all the transactions of those times ; these, 
 and many others, have repeatedly stated, that the 
 plan of personal combat proceeded from the Go- 
 vernment party, and had been arranged at the 
 Castle. 
 
 The account that Mr. Grattan gave of the trans- 
 action was pretty nearly as follows : — 
 
 On the first night that I took my seat Corry spoke, and 
 alluded to me, though not in very severe terms, but still a 
 denunciation of hostility. I said something in reply, but 
 short, as by the rules of the House I was not allowed to 
 do so at any length, and I was too ill. He attacked me 
 afterwards in the Committee. I came into the House 
 when he had my address to the citizens of Dublin in his 
 
]08 
 
 MR. GRATTAN's ACCOUNT [CHAP. III. 
 
 hand, from which he read some passages, and commented 
 upon them. After he sat down I replied, and was some- 
 what severe. Corry then got up to answer me. His 
 speech was a challenge ; it was not small artillery, but a 
 twenty-four pounder. Then I got up, and had no mercy 
 on him. I was very severe, and said the hardest things ; 
 not coarse, nor departing from the language of a gentle- 
 man, for I knew his character too well to be at a loss. 
 After this I spoke in my defence, and told him that there 
 was, in my opinion, a greater crime than that of high 
 treason to the king — that was, treason to the country. 
 There were traitors in the rebel camp ; there were traitors 
 also in the Government, and both wanted to destroy the 
 country. I could not join the one, — I would not join the 
 other. There were men among the Government who sup- 
 ported it, perhaps, from good motives ; but if any man out 
 of this House said I was a traitor, I would answer him by a 
 blow ! I told him I had heard before of the plan to sup- 
 port the Union by personal combat. When I had finished 
 I left the House. Bowes Daly said to me, " Go out of the 
 House immediately, or something may occur toprevent you." 
 I remained in the speaker's chamber, and about the House 
 till daylight. James Blackwood (Lord Dufferin) offered to 
 be my second ; but I had told Hutchinson (Lord Hutchin- 
 son) to procure a second, and he got my friend Metge — a 
 very good one, who brought my pistols to me, as I feared 
 to go home: lest I should be arrested. General Craddock 
 came with a challenge, but hoped for an accommodation. 
 I replied, impossible. We went to Ball's bridge : on the 
 ground the people cheered me. I had my pistol in one 
 hand, and my hat in the other. The sheriffs approached.* 
 We ran from thence, and when ordered we both fired. I 
 hit Corry ; he missed me : we were then ordered to fire a 
 second time, but at the signal we reserved our shots : the 
 seconds then made us give our honour to fire ; we did so. 
 I do not know whether Corry fired at me the second time. 
 
 * General Craddock (Lord Howden), who was Mr. Corry's second, 
 told Admiral Blackwood (a relation of Mrs. Grattan's) that when the 
 sheriff came to the field he forced him into a ditch, where he was 
 kept until the parties had fired, so bent were the Castle party on going 
 through with the business. A few days after the duel, Mr. Grattan 
 called on Corry and insisted on seeing him ; he got into his room where 
 he was in bed, and a third person came in as Mr. Grattan was inquiring 
 after his health; Corry said, "here is my brother Edward; Edward, 
 here is Mr. Grattan, and he will shoot you whenever you deserve it." 
 
CHAP. III.] OF MR. CORRY'S ATTACK. 
 
 109 
 
 I fired above him. I did not take aim at him the first 
 shot. I could have killed him if I chose, but I fired along 
 the line. I had no enmity to him. I had gotten a victory, 
 and knew it could not be more complete it" he was killed, 
 and that it would if I did not fire at him. It was, how- 
 ever, dangerous not to do so, for he might have killed me, 
 but I thought it would be better to run the risk, and fire 
 in the air. I then went up to him ; he was bleeding. He 
 gave me his bloody hand : we had formerly been friends, 
 but Corry was set on to do what he did : a plan had been 
 formed to make personal attacks on the opposition, and 
 their men had been singled out. I did not publish the 
 attack I had made upon him, as it had been settled by a 
 duel, but I sent my defence. 
 
110 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Effect of the duel between Mr. Grattan and Mr. Corry on the suppor- 
 ters of the Union. — Case of bribery, 5,000 guineas paid. — Some 
 could not be bribed. — Mr. Hardy. — His character. — Rejects all 
 offers. — Charles Kendal Bushe. — His character. — Rejects all offers 
 from Lord Castlereaglv — Peter Burrowes incorruptible. — His cha- 
 racter and conduct. — Speech of Mr. Saurin against the Union — His 
 character and conduct. — Foster's speech. — His character and conduct. 
 — Lord Cornwallis's letter to Lord Mornington. — Remarks upon it. — 
 Mr. George Ponsonby's motion. — Impatience of Government. — In- 
 troduce two bills. — Insurrection and Rebellion bills. — Invest the 
 Army with great powers. — Government propose to buy the House of 
 Commons, and pay 15,000/. for each borough abolished. — Letter on 
 the subject to the Marquis of Donegal. — Expenses of the Union. — 
 Mr. Plunket's celebrated attack on Government for their corrupt 
 practices. — Character of Mr. Plunket. — Character of Mr. Ponsonby. 
 — His motion to dissolve Parliament. — Sir John Parnell's speech. — 
 Account of his family, the Poet and the Peer, — Remarkable words of 
 Mr. Saurin and Sir Lawrence Parsons as to the Union. — Exchange of 
 the militias of the two countries. — The Fitzgerald indemnity bill. — 
 Proceedings of the House of Lords. — Speech of Lord Clare. — Attacks 
 Mr. Grattan. — Publishes his Speech. — Mr. Grattan's celebrated an- 
 swer, and brilliant description of the men of 1782. 
 
 Such was pretty nearly the account of this trans- 
 action, which is thus particularized in order that 
 a just opinion may be formed of the conduct and 
 character of a Government that would induce 
 persons to act as Mr. Corry did. These were the 
 men employed by Mr. Pitt and his sub-agents to 
 do their state business, and carry their Union. 
 Apart from private considerations, and influenced 
 solely by national ones, is there any person who 
 can refrain from saying that a more unscrupulous 
 set of men scarcely ever disgraced the annals of 
 any country, and that their names and misdeeds 
 
CHAP. IV.] EFFECT OF THE DUEL. 
 
 Ill 
 
 must descend to after ages with the execration of 
 every honest and every virtuous mind. 
 
 The contest that had nigh proved fatal to Mr. 
 Corry, restrained in some degree the military 
 ardour of the Unionists, and lowered their fiery 
 tone ; the experiment appeared rather hazardous 
 to the castle partisans, who though possessed 
 of profligacy sufficient to undertake so desperate 
 a venture as a Union, were, like most hirelings, 
 desirous of enjoying in safety* the produce of their 
 sale, and began to think they were only paid for 
 the loss of character, but not of life ; enough for 
 treason, not enough for murder. Some of them 
 grew discontented and disheartened : among them 
 was one well known to the author, but whose 
 name, from motives of delicacy, he suppresses ; 
 he was a sharp off-hand practising barrister, with 
 great effrontery of mind and manner, a strength of 
 lungs inexhaustible, a face that never blushed, 
 some quickness, and considerable personal courage. 
 Originally he had been adverse to the Union ; he 
 was induced, however, to vote for it, and having 
 done so, he went to the law courts and abused it 
 among his brethren without measure, declaring 
 that it would be most pernicious to the country, 
 and that he would in future oppose it; this 
 reached the ears of the Government, and they 
 sent to him, and after an interview with Lord 
 Castlereagh, he was persuaded to go to the House 
 and support the measure.^ 
 
 It is probable that one of the results of the duel 
 between Mr. Grattan and Mr. Corry, was to raise 
 the price of the market, and Government felt the 
 
 * In a list of those who voted for the Union, which the author got 
 from Mr. Reilly, a Unionist and member of the House, and carefully 
 marked by him, appears this note opposite Mr. Martin's name, " Two 
 yeomanry corps on pay and not a man in either." 
 
 f He was rewarded by a legal and very lucrative office in the revenue 
 department. 
 
112 
 
 CASE OF BRIBERY. [CHAP. IV. 
 
 effect of having brought into Parliament a set of 
 adventurers — persons not connected with the 
 country — needy placemen — officers — pensioners 
 — Englishmen —strangers — men without charac- 
 ter or property; such persons were determined to 
 strike a hard bargain, and one of them (Mr. 
 M'Donald), being urged by the minister to support 
 the measure, very coolly laid his hat across the 
 Bar of the House, and declared that he would not 
 vote for the Union, or take away his hat, till five 
 thousand guineas were secured to him. His terms 
 were complied with, and an undertaking to that 
 effect was given. 
 
 Others were incorruptible. One individual, 
 though oppressed almost by actual want, without 
 fortune of his own or gain from his profession, 
 with a family afflicted by the most trying and ter- 
 rible illness, stood firm to his country — that man 
 was Francis Hardy. He was a man of sterling 
 public principle, but he wanted vigour and strength 
 of mind to be a distinguished speaker in the House 
 of Commons. He shone better in mixed com- 
 panies, where he was always ready and willing, 
 gentle and polite. His manners were courteous, 
 easy, and agreeable. He had much anecdote, 
 and told a story well and shortly. He had read 
 a good deal of French and Italian literature, and 
 formed himself on their models. In society he 
 always appeared with a certain polish, and never 
 said anything that any one could be ashamed of: 
 you always felt pleased with his private manners 
 and proud of his public principles.* His writings 
 
 * He had been in Paris with Mr. Grattan and Mr. Day in the time of 
 their youth, when Marie Antoinette shone like light over the ripples of 
 a whirlpool, but even in that gay capital, amidst the allurements of 
 fashion, splendour, and wealth, Hardy was not insensible to the advan- 
 
CHAP. IV.] INTEGRITY OF MR. HARDY. 
 
 113 
 
 were honest and moderate, perhaps too moderate, 
 but this resulted from a soft nature, and his History 
 of Lord Charlemont surprised most of his friends, 
 and among them Mr. Grattan, who did not imagine 
 that Hardy could have written so well ; he did 
 not profess to write on the subject of the Union, 
 for Lord Charlemont had died before that event, 
 and it was not necessary for Hardy to do so ; be- 
 sides, he did not wish to create enemies for his 
 children by giving the characters of the men at 
 the Union, and telling the truth that there Were 
 only seven men on the side of Government who were 
 not bribed* 
 
 Message after message was sent to Hardy that 
 whatever he asked would be granted, still he re- 
 fused. His own friends even advised him to 
 yield, and when the die was cast, and the battle 
 of the country lost, terms even at that late hour 
 would have been accepted. His patron (Lord 
 Granard) advised him to hesitate ere he refused ; 
 but Hardy remained true to his country and his 
 conscience, and avoided the ignominy that would 
 have followed him to the grave; s€ mark 'd with a 
 blot damnd in the book of Heaven." 
 
 Vendidit hie auro patriam dominumque potentem 
 Imposuit, fixit leges pretio atque refixit 
 Ausi omnes immane nefas 
 
 Another character equally noble, with a genius 
 such as few men possess and few countries can 
 boast of — with a ready humour, a playful and 
 ardent disposition — with more of the milk of hu- 
 
 tages his country possessed. On one occasion, when walking up the 
 grand staircase at the Tuilleries, after admiring the splendour of the 
 palace, he turned to Mr. Grattan and Mr. Day, and said, M It is all very 
 line, but still they have not trial by jury." 
 
 It was in allusion to this visit of Mr. Grattan's, that Mr. Flood sai l 
 when he concluded one of his poignant repli<^, " He is still so great 
 that I dare say the Queen of France will have a song made on the name 
 of Grattan." 
 
 * So Mr. Grattan used to say. 
 VOL. V. I 
 
114 
 
 CHARACTER OF MR. BUSHE. [CHAP. IV. 
 
 man nature than falls to the lot of most men — and 
 with fewer of their faults, though with some of their 
 errors and their weaknesses — was Charles Kendal 
 Bushe. He was passionately fond of literature, 
 his mind was cultivated and polished in the ex- 
 treme, his manner of reading was charming, — it 
 was a display of taste and elegance — his mode of 
 narrating was excellent, — he never fell into the 
 common error which shows the vulgar mind, 
 making the circumstance the point and the point 
 the circumstance. As an orator — graceful, fluent, 
 plausible, and zealous — he clothed his ideas in a 
 garb of rich and overflowing eloquence ; with a 
 voice that charmed, he modulated its tones so as 
 to fall upon the ear with softness and almost with 
 the sweetness of melody ;* when he spoke his eye 
 kindled, and a glow of fire animated his entire 
 frame, and almost communicated itself to his 
 auditors* He could depress or elevate his tones 
 with singular felicity, and assume the grave or the 
 gay character of speech with such happy success, 
 that the most polished actor could not surpass 
 him. Few were blessed by Providence with 
 talents like those of Bushe, and few could boast 
 of such noble and disinterested conduct as that 
 which he displayed at this trying and momentous 
 crisis. His public life almost began at the Union; 
 he began well and never spoke better. His case 
 was peculiar and interesting, and, for his character 
 and that of his country, deserves to be recorded. 
 His father had died owing considerable debts, 
 which his son was not, however, in law bound to 
 pay; but he considered that he was so in honour, 
 and though encumbered by a large family, without 
 fortune of his own, and with small professional 
 rank at the time, he discharged them all. 
 
 * Such it was in his early days, but it grew severe by the practice at 
 the bar and the wrangle of Nisi Prius. 
 
CHAP. IV.] REJECTS CASTLEREAGH's OFFER. 115 
 
 Aware of his situation, the political vampire who 
 then ruled — the spoliator of public honour and of 
 private fame — summoned one of the familiars 
 whom he kept in waiting to bribe the poor, to 
 seduce the virtuous, and to entrap the unwary ; 
 he despatched him to Charles Bushe. The offer 
 was made, — any sum, any terms that would be 
 asked were to be complied with : but he refused 
 every temptation. After this interview, when he 
 reflected on the state of his affairs in ruin, and be- 
 held his family so straitened in circumstances (he 
 stated this to me himself) — 
 
 I threw myself in my chair, and for a moment almost 
 doubted whether it was right in me to keep in such a state 
 so many human beings, when I thought on the splendid 
 offers I had refused, — offers that astonished, almost bewil- 
 dered me,* 
 
 Charles Bushe was incorruptible, — he saved 
 his honour ; he would have saved his country too ; 
 and the doubt of which he spoke was the mere 
 caprice of his fancy. Had his distress and his 
 temptation been multiplied a hundred fold, he 
 would have remained pure. 
 
 High on the list of able and sterling patriots 
 stood Peter Burrowes. He possessed an excellent 
 understanding, and a sound practical judgment. 
 His powers of discrimination were such that men 
 who had the most difficult matters to settle have 
 gone to consult him, and he was never wrong. 
 He had an honest, good-humoured openness that 
 prepossessed every one in his favour ; he was 
 full of strong national feelings, generous in his 
 disposition, humane, and benevolent ; he was a 
 sincere friend and kind relative, an incorruptible 
 senator, and an honest Irishman. The earnestness 
 of his manner was striking and peculiar ; and 
 
 * He said nearly the same to his relation, Henry Amyas Bushe, " I 
 did not think it possible such offers could be made — Ihey staggered me" 
 
 i 2 
 
116 MR. BURROWES's CHARACTER [CHAP. IV. 
 
 though he appeared over sanguine and eager in 
 the view he took, whether of persons or of things, 
 yet there was something so plainly ingenuous and 
 unsuspecting in his nature, that he secured the 
 esteem and won the confidence of all, whether 
 friends or strangers. In relating anecdotes, he 
 amused by the quaint and curious turn he gave 
 to his story ; though his voice and manner of de- 
 livery were somewhat against him, he threw the 
 whole force of his mind into the thought, and 
 seemed to labour with the idea that impressed 
 him, till his words burst forth with fervour, and he 
 carried persuasion to his hearers, because he 
 seemed convinced himself. He was gifted with a 
 very rare and a most amiable quality — a power 
 not merely to forgive, but to forget an injury, and 
 he never harboured in his mind a rancorous 
 recollection. He loved to speak well of his fel- 
 low-creature, and when he could not do so he 
 was silent. He scorned to stoop to the low and 
 vulgar ways towards promotion, and rose superior 
 to the petty arts that too often prevail in politics, 
 and are not seldom practised in his profession. 
 He despised money and disregarded office, if 
 neither could be obtained without the sacrifice of 
 principle, or his country's good, or of public vir- 
 tue. He knew there was such a thing as fame 
 which did not rest on the adventitious aid of vain 
 titles or false honours that may be received during 
 life, but on the retributive justice of posterity, that 
 awards praise where it is justly due, and tells the 
 virtuous man — " Thou shall not die but live;" and 
 he had within him a voice surer and more im- 
 partial than even Posterity's. 
 
 In early life* he displayed that independence of 
 
 * Mr. Burrowes was one of the first who proposed a resolution in 
 favour of the Catholics (Mr. Grattan had first done it at Dungannon). 
 A public meeting was held at the Exchange in Dublin in 1783, when 
 the Volunteer Convention sat at the Rotunda, Burrowes was a delegate 
 
CHAP. IV.] AND NOBLE CONDUCT. 
 
 117 
 
 mind which he preserved to the last, unaffected 
 by the glitter that surrounds the great, or the 
 temptations held out by the powerful and by the 
 wealthy. The Beresfords could not seduce, the 
 Chancellor could not bribe, nor the Minister buy 
 him ! From first to last he was an honest man. 
 Being private tutor to a son of Mr. John Beres- 
 ford (the first commissioner of revenue) when in 
 the University of Dublin, an offer was made to 
 him to travel with this young man, and, if he 
 wished it, that a seat in Parliament should be 
 provided for him; but one condition was required, 
 namely, that his politics should coincide with 
 those of his patron.* Mr. Burrowes had uniformly 
 entertained Liberal opinions and genuine Irish 
 feelings, so that any agreement on that point was 
 impossible; the proposed mode of advancing his 
 personal interests was declined, and the drudgery 
 of the bar was preferred. Thus bereft of fortune, 
 he pursued an independent course in preference 
 to a connexion with a powerful family by whom 
 he was held in esteem, and who would have 
 secured for him promotion in his profession, and 
 elevation to the counsels of the State. 
 
 His generous disposition may be judged of from 
 his conduct to his relations. In the time of the 
 unfortunate disturbances in '98, Mr. Burrowes's 
 
 from a corps of 400 men (of which John Kemble, the celebrated actor, 
 was likewise member), and he proposed " That it be referred to a Com- 
 mittee to consider whether the admission of Catholics into the Constitu- 
 tion was not a measure that should be adopted in the plan of Reform 
 then contemplated by the Volunteers." This proposal caused great 
 emotion ; the debate on the subject was adjourned, and in the interim 
 many persons of distinction and influence called on Mr. Burrowes to 
 dissuade him from the measure; but he remained firm, and would not 
 yield. The question, however, was not entertained by the Convention. 
 (See the letters of General Burgoyne and Lord Northington, and the 
 conduct of Sir Boyle Roche and the Government, vol. iii. pp. 116, 128, 
 131.) 
 
 * In justice to the Beresfords, who have many private virtues, it must 
 be said, that they held Mr. Peter Burrowes in the highest esteem to the 
 last moment. 
 
118 
 
 MR. BURROWES. [CHAP. IV. 
 
 brother lost his life. He was opposed to him in 
 politics ; and hostile to the people, his house was 
 attacked, burned, and everything consumed; his 
 daughter remained helpless, but Mr. Burrowes 
 protected her, and gave her an annuity for her 
 support. So kind and liberal was he, that at one 
 time he supported nearly all his relatives, and they 
 were not inconsiderable in number. 
 
 At the period of the Union he came into Par- 
 liament, and his pen, his voice, his vote, were all 
 used in behalf of Ireland. The panegyric he 
 delivered upon Mr. Grattan does honour to him 
 who gave and him who received it. At the bar 
 he proved an able counsel and strenuous advocate. 
 To a sound opinion he united the knowledge of 
 law and the love of the constitution, and improved 
 the former by his admiration for the latter. He 
 was often engaged in the defence of the United 
 Irishmen, and was more in their secrets than most 
 men ; he discharged his professional duty towards 
 them with courage and fidelity. He was an inti- 
 mate friend and great admirer of the Emmet 
 family, and this connexion probably brought him 
 into a patriotic though perilous contact with that 
 party. 
 
 He was Counsel for the Roman Catholic dele- 
 gates in 1811 and 1812 after the arrest of Lord 
 Fingal when, by the imprudence and misconduct 
 of the Government, the Constitution was daringly 
 violated, the Catholics insulted, and the country 
 convulsed from centre to circumference. 
 
 Mr. Burrowes had to contend for them against 
 hired Sheriffs and packed Juries,* and by sur- 
 prising good fortune and great ability he obtained 
 a verdict for his client. 
 
 The speech he made on that occasion was a 
 
 * On this trial of Kirwan it appeared that the list of the jury came from 
 the pocket of the Under Secretary at the Castle — Sir Charles Saxton ! ! 
 
CHAP. IV.] SPEECH OF MR. SAURIN. 
 
 119 
 
 masterpiece of forensic eloquence, profound argu- 
 ment, great legal reasoning, and sound constitu- 
 tional doctrine. It remains an immortal testi- 
 mony in favour of liberty. His friend the Solicitor- 
 General (Charles Bushe) was opposed to him ; 
 and though he had the last address to the Jury, 
 and made perhaps his effort at the bar, Mr. Bur- 
 rowes triumphed, and his speech remained as a 
 record not only of his success but of his supe- 
 riority. He defeated his foes and surpassed his 
 friend;* baffled the Castle, and acquitted the 
 Catholic. 
 
 The Opposition Members, notwithstanding their 
 repeated defeats, still sustained the contest with 
 a praiseworthy spirit and determined perseve- 
 rance. Accordingly, when the House was again 
 in Committee, on the 21st February, and Lord 
 Castlereagh moved the second resolution, it was 
 ably resisted by Mr. Saurin, Lord Corry, Mr. 
 O'Donnell, and Mr. Tighe, who moved an adjourn- 
 ment ; Mr. Saurin delivered a most able and justly 
 celebrated speech against the measure ; and thus 
 ended — 
 
 I, then, would ask the noble Lord, and he is bound to 
 answer it to this House and to the nation, what are the pos- 
 sible measures, what the acts, what the regulations, which the 
 wisdom, of his Majesty's Ministers may deem fit and salu- 
 tary for this country, and calculated to tranquillize it ? and 
 which he could venture to say would or could be passed 
 in the Parliament magnificently styled Imperial, that 
 would not and might not be passed in the Parliament of 
 Ireland ? If none — is Union then a measure to tranquillize 
 Ireland ? Can it tranquillize Ireland to see its Parlia- 
 ment extinguished, under which it has enjoyed liberty and 
 security? — a Parliament that has extended to the subjects 
 of this country the benefits of the Habeas Corpus Bill ; 
 
 * Charles Bushe (Solicitor-General) was mistaken in his construction 
 of the Convention Act ; the opinions of Lord Erskine, Sir Samuel 
 Romilly, and Sir Arthur Pigott were better, and were against him. If 
 they were bad constitutional lawyers in Ireland, it must have been that 
 there was no constitution there. Sir Arthur Pigott (Attorney-General) 
 told the author that Burrowes's speech was unanswerable. 
 
120 
 
 CHARACTER AND CONDUCT [CHAP. IV. 
 
 has declared a standing army in time of peace, without the 
 consent of Parliament, contrary to law ; has established 
 the independence of the Judges of the land; has cherished, 
 has secured, and promoted, the trade, the manufacture, and 
 the agriculture of Ireland, now flourishing in an unex- 
 ampled degree; that shelters and protects the people of 
 this country against the insolence of office and the en- 
 croachments of authority; ensures to this country the 
 residence of its nobility and gentry, by furnishing to men of 
 rank and education an honourable occupation, the objects of 
 honest ambition and honourable exertion ; ensures to the 
 country the enjoyment of that patronage with which the 
 King is entrusted ; renders this country the seat of arts ; 
 that improves and embellishes society ; that gives to this 
 country a metropolis vieing in extent and beauty with the 
 first cities in Europe ; that makes the distinction in a 
 country between a nation and a province. These are the 
 benefits and blessings of a resident independent Legis- 
 lature ! ! 
 
 The resolution was carried without a division, 
 and Mr. Tighe's motion rejected. 
 
 V/illiam Saurin was descended from a French 
 family that took refuge in Ireland after the revo- 
 cation of the edict of Nantes. He was called to 
 the bar in 1780, and raised himself by his ability 
 to the first rank in his profession. He kept aloof 
 from public life until danger threatened his coun- 
 try ;* then he came forward, and interposed in a 
 noble manner in her defence. His style of speak- 
 ing was grave and imposing; his delivery was 
 earnest and impressive ; so that he both interested 
 and persuaded. He was a good debater ; his 
 reasoning was sound and logical ; but he was 
 neither eloquent nor brilliant. His legal know- 
 ledge was extensive ; and served to strengthen 
 the constitutional doctrines he laid down, and 
 which he advanced in the boldest and most fear- 
 less manner in support of the liberties of his 
 
 * He was so respected by his brethren at the bar, that they at once 
 elected him as captain to command the Lawyers' Corps of Yeomanry 
 1798. 
 
CHAP. IV.] 
 
 OF MR. SAURIN. 
 
 121 
 
 country ; and in consequence, his conduct at the 
 Union procured for him universal admiration. 
 
 His private character was modest and moral, 
 and stood deservedly high ; and he enjoyed a 
 reputation without a blemish. In his domestic 
 circle he was amiable ; his manners were easy 
 and gentle, and his temper calm and unruffled. 
 This was the more surprising, as it was least 
 expected, for he had a sombre air, a dark and 
 overhanging brow, and a saturnine cast of countc- 
 nance. Even his smile was tinged with severity, 
 and his laugh (when he did laugh) was deep and 
 hollow. Altogether, he would have been an ex- 
 cellent model for the portrait of a puritan in the 
 days of Cromwell. Notwithstanding this cold 
 and unprepossessing exterior, he was much liked in 
 private ; and had a number of personal friends, 
 and among them those who were diametrically 
 opposed to him in politics. They not only sought 
 for but relished his society. 
 
 Narrowness of mind was Saurin's misfortune — 
 it seemed as if the edict of Nantes was evermore 
 floating before his eyes, and that its revocation 
 had filled his mind with supernatural horrors 
 — thus when the Catholic question came on, 
 he fell into a religious trance, and ended his 
 political life in a state of somnambulism, — he 
 could see, and he could walk, but in other re- 
 spects was wholly irrational and insensible; lie 
 deluded himself by imaginary fears, and remained 
 to the last in a state of political aberration. The 
 proceedings that he instituted against the Roman 
 Catholics in 1811 and 1812,* were unconstitu- 
 tional and indefensible, and his doctrine on the 
 Convention Bill was arbitrary in the extreme. 
 
 * Trials of Dr. Sheridan in 1811, and of Thomas Kirwan in 1812, on 
 indictments under the Convention Act. Account of the jury panel 
 arrayed by the Castle Sheriff on the second trial, as stated in Mr. Bur- 
 rowes's speech, published Dublin, 1812. Dr. Sheridan was acquitted; 
 Mr. Kirwan was found guilty. 
 
122 
 
 CHARACTER AND CONDUCT [CHAP. IV. 
 
 As a public prosecutor he was injudicious, severe, 
 and oppressive ; he allowed his religious preju- 
 dices to interfere and master him, and he suffered 
 himself to be dragged along with a furious fac- 
 tion and an intemperate court party that was at 
 war with the people. The contest was angry 
 and personal, and the mutual provocations bitter 
 and exasperating.* Yet amid this racking strife 
 he generally preserved a placid temper, and had 
 address to disguise if not to subdue his wrath, so 
 that he was seldom, if ever, thrown off his guard. 
 His influence during the Tory administration 
 which so long afflicted Ireland before the arrival 
 of Lord Wellesley, was paramount and omni- 
 potent—all those feelings of affection for his 
 native country, which had shone forth so vividly 
 and generously at the period of the Union, ap- 
 peared to have been lost in the fear, if not the 
 detestation, with which he regarded every effort 
 to ameliorate the condition of the Catholic 
 people; his whole life after 1800, was a conti- 
 nued struggle against every principle that sa- 
 voured of, and every man who supported reli- 
 gious liberty. He was incapable of doing what 
 he believed to be a mean action, and possessed a 
 lofty and commendable pride, but he was essen- 
 tially a religious bigot ; and there were few acts, 
 no matter how flagrant or oppressive, that his 
 religious antipathies might not have induced him 
 to perform.^ The system of packing juries with 
 heated religious partisans flourished, in the most 
 mischievous luxuriance, under his sway ; at no 
 other period had the insolence of the Orange 
 faction a more unrestrained and licentious do- 
 minion; at no other period did the Catholic 
 
 * Duel, death of Mr. d'Esterre; challenge, O'Connell and Mr. (Sir 
 Robert) Peel. 
 
 f His letter to Lord Norbury about jurors of "the right sort" will 
 not easily be forgotten. His prosecutions of the press increased more 
 than ever. 
 
CHAP. IV.] 
 
 OF MR. SAURIN. 
 
 123 
 
 Barrister, or the Liberal Protestant Barrister, 
 find the obstacles to his advancement more insu- 
 perable, than while the Bar was represented by- 
 Mr. Saurin as Attorney-General, and modelled 
 by Lord Manners as Chancellor. With the 
 accession of Lord Wellesley to power in Ireland, 
 his overgrown influence was at an end ; for up 
 to that moment he had been virtually the Go- 
 vernor of Ireland. He complained of ill treat- 
 ment from the new administration ; but it was 
 the change in the system of policy ; the advance 
 from bigotry to toleration ; from darkness to 
 light, that galled and grieved him.* After the 
 Union he fell into the fatal error that Foster had 
 committed before it ; — he had defended and stood 
 up for Ireland as a people — he now depreciated 
 and divided her and strove to sink her as a sect; 
 he had avoided these dangerous shoals at the 
 commencement of his voyage, but he was thrown 
 upon them afterwards, and there he shattered all 
 his fortunes; office was his ruin, he sunk by ac- 
 cepting it, and he would have stood high and re- 
 spected if he had kept free from its trammels and 
 had not been embarrassed by that unpopular ap- 
 pendage (the Attorney-Generalship) — it led him 
 towards a mimic court (the rabble rout of Comusf 
 without its elegance), and made him live among 
 a set whose opinions he could not value, and 
 whose conduct he could not respect. This des- 
 perate fidelity was ill rewarded by the party 
 whose fortunes he had embraced, J and in the 
 
 * An anecdote is related of Lord Wellesley which explains the feel- 
 ings that rankled in the ex-Attorney-General's heart: " I have been told," 
 said the Viceroy, "that I have ill-treated Mr. Saurin. I offered him the 
 chief justiceship of the King's Bench ; that was not ill-treating him : I 
 offered him an English Peerage; that was not ill-treating him : I did 
 not, it is true, continue him in the Viceroyalty of Ireland, for I," said 
 Lord Wellesley, with increasing animation, "I am the Viceroy of 
 Ireland !" 
 
 j The Duke of Richmond's administration. 
 
 | He was attorney-general from 1807, when the Whig party left 
 office, to 1822, when they returned. 
 
124 
 
 SPEECH OF MR. FOSTER [CHAP. IV, 
 
 end he was passed by and neglected by them. 
 On the whole, his case affords a striking instance 
 how hazardous and unwise it is for any Irish- 
 man, Whig or Tory, Protestant or Catholic, to 
 embark his fame and fortunes with any other 
 party except that of his country. Had this 
 man lived and died the Saurin of 1800, the entire 
 nation would have joined to inscribe on his 
 tomb an epitaph that would have rendered his 
 name immortal ! 
 
 On the 27th of February, the subject of the 
 Union was again debated in Committee, when 
 Mr. Foster made another admirable speech ; he 
 entered at considerable length into the entire 
 question, the disgrace the Peerage were to 
 undergo; the small number of representatives 
 from Ireland in comparison with the number 
 from England and Scotland ; he entered on the 
 religious part of the question, and did justice 
 to the Catholics. It was unfortunate that his 
 mind had not expanded itself at an earlier period. 
 
 Is the Irish Parliament to be so degraded, that it 
 cannot discuss every question of Irish concern, and that 
 a distant Parliament sitting in a distant land, is more 
 adequate to it, or will give more content by its decision? — 
 No, sir, we are not so lost to all duty, to all love of our 
 country, to all integrity, that we are not to be trusted with 
 the concerns of Ireland. 
 
 I will tell the Right Hon. Gentleman, why I do 
 not join that question with the Union. The Union seeks 
 to take away our Parliament, our freedom, and our pros- 
 perity ; the Catholic is equally a native of Ireland, equally 
 bound by duty, by inclination to his country; he sees 
 with us the danger of the attack, and joins with the 
 Protestant to prevent its approach, and save the consti- 
 tution ; he is wise in doing so — all differences are lost, they 
 are asleep in this common cause, he joins heart to heart with 
 his fellow-subjects, to oppose the common enemy, this 
 damnable, destructive, and I had almost said, deceitful 
 measure; if I were to ransack every dictionary in the 
 
CHAP. IV.] 
 
 AGAINST THE UNION. 
 
 125 
 
 English language, I could not find words strong enough 
 to express my abhorrence of the plan, or my dread of its 
 fatal consequences. 
 
 You talk of its restoring tranquillity — it is but talk — 
 will taking men of property out of the country do it? will 
 a plan full of the seeds of jealousy and discontent effect it? 
 Will depriving a nation of the liberty which it has ac- 
 quired, and to which it is devoted, ensure content ? — If 
 religious jealousies disturb its quiet, are they to be allayed 
 by a British Parliament? — No, sir, leave our own concerns 
 to our own Parliament, we are equal to their manage- 
 ment — and we will not yield in wisdom, liberality, pa- 
 triotism, or firmness, to any Parliament that can sit in 
 Britain, formed on new speculations, unknown to the 
 Constitution. 
 
 But I ask, if those jealousies have disturbed our quiet, 
 who roused them ? I answer, that bench ! — not the noble 
 lord, but those who then sat on that bench — British, not 
 Irish councils, roused them ! and British, not Irish coun- 
 cils, now propose this Union. 
 
 Let us look back to 1782 — Irish spirit and British 
 liberality removed all jealousies at that period : not one 
 has occurred since between the kingdoms, and British 
 councils now come forward to undo the measures of 1782 
 — to rouse, by this ill-timed project, public apprehension, 
 and to put us into the situation we were in before that 
 period, when continued jealousies retarded our prosperity, 
 and distracted our tranquillity. 
 
 Review the whole measure; it leaves to us every 
 appendage of a kingdom, except what constitutes the 
 essence of independence, a resident Parliament — separate 
 state, separate establishment, separate exchequer, separate 
 debt, separate courts, separate laws, the lord lieutenant, 
 and the castle, all remain; we shall become a colony on 
 the worst of terms, paying a settled system of contribu- 
 tion, to be levied by laws not of our own making — and 
 what are the benefits in return? None pretended, except 
 in trade and revenue, which I have shown you to be the 
 reverse of benefits — but if they were ever so great, I 
 would spurn the offer, to be purchased by our liberty; 
 neither revenue or trade will remain where the spirit of 
 liberty ceases to be their foundation, and nothing can 
 prosper in a state which gives up its freedom. — I declare 
 most solemnly, that if England could give us all her 
 
126 
 
 CHARACTER OF 
 
 [CHAP. IV. 
 
 revenue and all her trade, I would not barter for them 
 the free constitution of my country. Our wealth, our pro- 
 perties, our personal exertions are all devoted to her sup- 
 port — our freedom is our inheritance, and with it we can- 
 not barter. 
 
 Mr. Foster was the son of the Chief Baron of 
 the Exchequer — he was educated in Ireland, and 
 called to the Bar in 1766, but soon left it for 
 politics. He was appointed Chancellor of the 
 Exchequer in 1785, and on the resignation of 
 Mr. Pery in 1786, was chosen Speaker of the 
 House of Commons. Notwithstanding some 
 blemishes in his public character, he was en- 
 dowed with many excellent qualities — his mea- 
 sures in support of the Corn Trade of Ireland* 
 were good, he followed in this respect the track 
 of Lord Pery, and was of great utility to his 
 country ; his care and personal attention to the 
 Linen and Cotton manufactures were highly 
 serviceable to the people, and redounded greatly 
 to his credit. He had surprising knowledge of 
 the resources of Ireland, her trade, her com- 
 merce, and her capabilities. His design in pro- 
 posing the original commercial propositions in 
 1785 was excellent; he forbore to urge those 
 that were so faithlessly sent from England, 
 and acted a wise and judicious part. He was 
 an Irishman, though too much of a courtier, 
 and too little inclined to the people; his com- 
 mencement in Ireland was bad, but his conclusion 
 was good. At his outset he supported a per- 
 petual Mutiny Bill—opposed Free Trade in 1779, 
 and opposed Independence in 1781, these how- 
 ever were times when England was all dominant, 
 and few men dared to speak or even think for 
 their country ; but his fatal error was hostility to 
 
 * In 1770, Ireland could not supply her people with bread, but these 
 measures of Mr. Pery and Mr. Foster enabled her not only to feed 
 them, but to export in large quantities. 
 
CHAP. IV.] 
 
 MR. FOSTER. 
 
 127 
 
 the Catholics — on this question he discovered his 
 mistake too late, and in 1800 he found at last 
 how vain it was to contend for the freedom of a 
 country without the aid of all her people. When 
 Speaker of the Lower House he abridged the 
 privileges of the Commons, limiting the space 
 usually allotted to them in the gallery of the 
 House, and appropriating it to the attendants of 
 the Court, and here he acted in a partial and 
 arbitrary as well as an unconstitutional manner. 
 In 1795, at the time of Lord Fitzwilliam's short 
 administration, he was sent for by the advisers of 
 the Whig party, and was consulted by them in 
 preference to Mr. Beresford ; the reason was that 
 Foster was an Irishman attached to Ireland, 
 though usually supporting Government, but Mr. 
 Beresford was an English slave, though in private 
 he was an honourable man. Foster was at no 
 period ever popular, and his conduct in ? 9S 
 was abominably bad, but at the Union he re- 
 deemed himself; his arguments on that subject 
 were excellent and unanswerable, and it was a 
 fortunate circumstance for Ireland that he was 
 friendly to her at that crisis, as a speech from 
 him against her would have been highly preju- 
 dicial to her interests. He did not possess any 
 eloquence, but had a calm delivery — his manner 
 was neither impassioned nor vehement, but he 
 was accurate and firm; his argument was generally 
 able, his positions well arranged, close, and re- 
 gular ; his knowledge of the financial affairs of 
 Ireland was extensive, and his speeches on her 
 trade and commerce at the time of the Union 
 were unrivalled and never answered. 
 
 He received little attention from Mr. Pitt after 
 the Union, and was not regarded by him; the 
 latter remembered that Mr. Foster called his 
 speech on that subject a paltry production, and 
 
128 
 
 LETTER TO LORD MORNINGTON [CHAP. IV. 
 
 his knowledge of finance was designedly dis- 
 paraged in England ; he was, however, created 
 Chancellor of the Exchequer for Ireland, on the 
 retirement of Mr. Corry, and supported the Corn 
 Bill in 1815, with a view to promote the agricul- 
 ture of Ireland. On the whole he was a remark- 
 able Irishman, and so long as Ireland need refer 
 to the History of the Union for proof that it was 
 neither a gain nor a compact her advocates will 
 consult Mr. Foster's speeches. 
 
 Notwithstanding the majorities that had been 
 procured, Government appear to have entertained 
 some apprehensions as to their final success ; the 
 letter of the Lord Lieutenant to his friend and 
 successor in India, reveals his opinion as to the 
 " cold and languid" character of his party con- 
 trasted with the zeal and activity of the others — 
 when the letter has been read it shall be charac- 
 terized as it deserves. 
 
 The Marquis of Cornwallis to Lord Mornington. 
 
 Dublin Castle, 2nd March, 1800. 
 *#■*■# Your Correspondents in England 
 will probably tell you that every thing is going on well in 
 Ireland, and that the Union will be carried with ease, 
 but believe me the task will turn out more difficult than 
 they imagine, and although I trust that we shall ulti- 
 mately succeed ; it will be after a long and violent con- 
 test, the leaders of the Oppositioii are able, and their fol- 
 lowers are animated with that zeal which vanity, prejudice, 
 and self-interest naturally inspire. Mr. Grattan lias come 
 forward ; their cause is espoused in distant parts of the 
 kingdom by the lower class, who looked on with indifference 
 as long as faction was untainted by disloyalty. We have 
 a majority of between forty and fifty, scarcely any of 
 whom will I believe desert from us — but they are in general 
 cold and languid friends — and it is very difficult to procure 
 such an attendance as the importance of the case and the 
 activity and unfair dealing of the enemy render necessary 
 for our daily security. 
 
 Cornwalus, 
 
CHAP. IV.] FROM LORD CORNWALLIS. 
 
 129 
 
 Such is the letter of the representative of 
 royalty, the head and director of the band of con- 
 tractors who were per fas aut nefas to carry the 
 Union, the man who bought and sold, bribed and 
 bullied, left no class in the state from the highest 
 to the lowest unapproached, unpolluted, and who 
 alike contaminated the bench of justice and the 
 bench of bishops ; it well became this Viceroy, 
 who harboured in his Castle the wretch that went 
 to Tinnehinch to entrap Mr. Grattan,* who pa- 
 tronized the Assassination Club, who not only 
 countenanced but promotedt the man who set 
 on others to shoot their political opponents ; it 
 well became him to call the honourable efforts 
 of the Irish on behalf of their liberties — the effect 
 of " vanity, prejudice, and self -interest," and to 
 characterize Mr. Grattan and the highest men in 
 the country as a " faction tainted by disloyalty" 
 
 No circumstances should have induced Lord 
 Cornwallis to act as he did. In the ensuing year 
 he in part admitted his error, because he retired 
 from the administration on the ground that there 
 was a breach of the understanding upon which he 
 embarked in the Union, namely, the Emancipa- 
 tion of the Catholics. He states, that his private 
 opinion was long in their favour, and that this 
 concession was intended by the ministers, and 
 was essential to secure to the empire the full 
 benefit of the Union. He further admitted, as 
 appears by a letter of Lord Redesdale's (Chan- 
 cellor of Ireland) in 1802, that he and Lord 
 
 • In the account of Secret Service Money, vouched by the affidavit of 
 Edward Cooke, Esq., Under Secretary in 1798, 1800, and 1801, tMfl 
 item appears : — For rooms in the Castle for Hughes since June 1798, Ji/h/ 
 guineas. — Public Papers, No. XIV. See Appendix, Dr. Madden, vol. ii. 
 
 t Mr. St. George Daly (who, at the meeting of the Castle party, said 
 that "he had taken his man already, n recommending all to do the same) 
 was promoted, on the dismissal of Mr. James Fitzgerald, Prime Ser- 
 jeant. 
 
 VOL. V. K 
 
130 
 
 MOTION OF AN ADDRESS [CHAP. VI. 
 
 Castlereagh were both pledged to the Catholics, and 
 that such were their expressions ;* however, 
 although he did not assent to the violation of 
 the compact, he assisted in the sale, and this 
 stain will for ever be attached to his name. 
 History will record his ignominious conduct in 
 Ireland while it commemorates his disgraceful 
 capture in America, and notwithstanding his 
 vaunted services in the East, the tears of India 
 will rather augment than obliterate the disgrace. f 
 On the 4th of March, Mr. George Ponsonby 
 renewed his efforts against the Union, and 
 brought forward a motion of address to His 
 Majesty. He stated that twenty-six counties 
 and most of the principal cities and towns, had 
 petitioned against the measure ; that toward 
 the close of the last session of Parliament, and 
 since that period, no less than sixty three mem- 
 bers had vacated their seats by accepting the 
 Escheatorship of Munster, a nominal office similar 
 to the stewardship of the Chiltern Hundreds ; 
 that in the last Parliament the measure had been 
 rejected, but that, since and by means of the 
 Place Bill, the House had not only entered on 
 the subject, but voted the principle. He then 
 proposed three resolutions, first, that it was the 
 constitutional right of the subject to petition ; 
 that during the session petitions from twenty-six 
 counties, besides several cities and towns, had 
 been presented against the measure of Union ; 
 that these resolutions be laid before the Lord 
 
 * SeeLord Redesdale's letter to Lord Eldon, May, 1802, where he uses 
 these words, "Lord Cornwallis and Lord Castlereagh are both pledged, 
 as they say, to the Catholics." Yet Lord Castlereagh denied in 1810, 
 on Mr. Grattan's motion in favour of the Catholics, that any pledges 
 were given by him or Lord Cornwallis ! — See Lord Eldon s Life, vol. i. 
 
 f When Lord Clive returned from his eastern conquests, he built a 
 splendid mansion; it was inhabited too soon and the walls were drip- 
 ping wet, upon which a friend observed, " These are the tears of India/'' 
 
CHAP. IV.] TO HIS MAJESTY LOST. 
 
 131 
 
 Lieutenant, with an address praying that they be 
 laid before His Majesty. 
 
 Mr. Saurin said, " that the measure went 
 fundamentally to alter the constitution or rather 
 to subvert it and substitute another, he denied 
 that they could do this, they could not change 
 the constitution without the consent or will of the 
 people." Mr. Fox said, " that the people of 
 Ireland had for six hundred years lived over 
 a sleeping volcano, and that it must end." 
 Plunket said, " that if Government passed the 
 measure against the consent of the people of 
 Ireland, the act will want all the attributes of 
 the law, let the people of England beware lest 
 their plan of subjugating and enslaving Ireland 
 be not calculated to prepare the way for the 
 slavery of England herself; the progress of the 
 Minister towards simplicity of government makes 
 it more likely; it is the simplicity of despotism 
 to which all his measures tend." These resolu- 
 tions were supported by Lord Corry, Colonel 
 Barry, Stuart of Killymoon, Dawson, Lambert 
 and Burrowes. Lord Castlereagh proposed the 
 adjournment, which was carried by 155 to 107. 
 Decisive and effectual as were these majorities, 
 yet they appeared feeble and languid in the eyes 
 of the Military Chief Governor, he sought to cut 
 short these difficulties which he stated in his 
 letter to Lord Mornington, and as if he could brook 
 no delay, and could not even patiently wait the 
 approaching demise of the Constitution, he deter- 
 mined to expedite it by every means in his power, 
 and again applied but with accumulated force his 
 two favourite engines of destruction — terror and 
 bribery. On the Sth of March his Attorney- 
 General (Toler) brought in a bill more effectually 
 to suppress the insurrection, and on the 18th 
 his Solicitor-General brought in a bill to vest the 
 k 2 
 
132 
 
 REBELLION BILL CARRIED. [CHAP. IV. 
 
 military with the jurisdiction and powers which 
 the magistrates had under the Insurrection Act. 
 Thus, by appointing to the commission of the 
 peace, which already possessed rather an un- 
 limited jurisdiction, the officers of the army, who 
 had neither property nor connections in the coun- 
 try where they acted, or in any part of Ireland, 
 they in effect transformed a civil into a military 
 government. On the ensuing day the abominable 
 bill was committed and carried — the numbers 
 being 140 to 56 against it. 
 
 This measure was followed up by another of 
 the same character, and on the 11th of March, 
 the Attorney-General (Toler) brought in a Re- 
 bellion Bill, which enacted martial law, and gave 
 to the Lord Lieutenant the power to name upon 
 courts-martial any officers or persons he chose, 
 and made his certificate conclusive evidence on 
 behalf of those who formed this tribunal, so as 
 to protect them from the consequences of any 
 excesses they might be guilty of under colour of 
 the extraordinary powers vested in them ; if a 
 rebellion had existed, such an act would even 
 then have been considered an outrageous mea- 
 sure, but after a period of two years there could 
 not be any apology for its introduction. Mr. 
 Peter Burrowes opposed it most ably, supported 
 by Mr. Plunket, Parsons, Tighe, and Dawson ; 
 Lord Castlereagh, Mr. Toler, and Dr. Duigenan 
 contended for it vehemently; five repeated divi- 
 sions took place with a view to arrest its pro- 
 gress, but they were unsuccessful and it passed 
 the Committee. 
 
 Let it not be supposed that these bills were 
 suffered to lie dormant on the statute book ; 
 the military, being transformed into magistrates, 
 became active civil officers, and administered the 
 laws as if trained up in the halls of Westminster 
 
CHAP. IV.] PURCHASE OF THE BOROUGHS 
 
 133 
 
 and the Four Courts. A court-martial was held 
 in Limerick by Sir James Duff,* to 11 try any 
 persons for rebellion, sedition, or any crimes co?i- 
 nected therewith such was the notice, and ac- 
 cordingly they tried three countrymen for bur- 
 glary in attacking a dwelling-house. 
 
 The remaining measure of Government was of 
 so astounding a nature, such a daring violation 
 of every principle of justice and even decency, 
 one of such wholesale bribery and turpitude, 
 that it was carefully reserved for the last, and 
 after the principle of the Union had been agreed 
 to. The House having been prevailed on to go 
 so far; any hesitation to advance still further in 
 iniquity, and wade through every offensive mea- 
 sure, was soon overcome. The plan was to ex- 
 pend a million and a half in direct sums for the 
 purchase of the boroughs : in other words, to buy 
 the House of Commons. 
 
 Fifteen thousand pounds was the sum to be 
 awarded to each borough, and commissioners were 
 subsequently to be appointed to allocate the sums 
 to all who had an interest, or set up any claim; 
 and accordingly, as in the case of Maryborough, 
 individuals who had but a remote right, were 
 considered and recompensed ; this wholesale pur- 
 chase was carried on with most barefaced effron- 
 tery on the part of the purchaser as well as the 
 seller. The subjoined letter is one of the speci- 
 mens of the spirit of the times, and shows the 
 mischief a corrupt minister can occasion when 
 he thus contaminates the whole society. 
 
 * He was the officer in command of the troops ^ho put to death in 
 cold blood a number of insurgents in the Curragh of Kildare, in 1798, 
 after they had surrendered and yielded up their arms on the under- 
 standing that they were to be protected. An excuse has been offered for 
 this — An Excuse! for the massacre of unarmed powerless peasants to 
 whom faith had been pledged ! 
 
134 LETTER TO MARQUIS OF DONEGAL. [CHAP. IV. 
 
 Edward May to the Marquis of Donegal. 
 My dear Lord, 
 I have just seen a letter informing me that Mr. Con- 
 greve has written to you, and that lie is ready to resign 
 his seat. I have sent to Dublin desiring the necessary 
 papers for him to sign to be sent to you, which be so good 
 as to forward to him requesting him to sign them, and 
 send them either to me in Waterford, or to the proper 
 officer in Dublin — or enclose me a letter to him desiring 
 him to sign the papers. As I have ordered duplicates to 
 be sent to me, I can get it done by sending some one to 
 him. 
 
 I beg you will not delay answering this, as Lord Castle- 
 reagh is just arrived, and the 'parliamentary business will 
 be immediately concluded. When compensation is made for 
 the borough of Antrim, I think you should make a demand. 
 You have the returning officer. You are Lord of the 
 Manor, and could have commanded a great power there. 
 / think you may get seven thousand pounds for your share. 
 Your father always supported the Skeffington family as 
 near relations. I would not move in this until I heard 
 from you ; let me know, your opinion and I will act ac- 
 cordingly when I go to Dublin, but you should not delay. 
 Lord Masereene will claim the whole. Why should not 
 you do what every other man in the kingdom does! 
 
 Believe me, sincerely yours, 
 
 Edward May. 
 
 Clonmel, October 23, 1800. 
 
 How prophetic the admonition of Mr. Grattan 
 when, years before, he cautioned the country 
 against the Ministry, when in '96 he complained 
 of the conduct of Government, and repeated the 
 words Lord Clare had dared to use in the House 
 of Commons, that half a million had formerly 
 been expended in buying the House, and that 
 half a million would be required again. At that 
 time Mr. Grattan emphatically told the people 
 that they should extinguish the Minister, or he 
 would extinguish the country. The event now 
 proved the truth of those expressions ; that infa- 
 
CHAP. IV.] COMPENSATION TO BOROUGHMONGERS . 135 
 
 mous project was now on the point of being- 
 carried into effect ; and a regular sale and barter 
 of the people's rights and liberties was about being 
 accomplished. The sum had been tripled, and one 
 million and a half was to be the price of the pur- 
 chase. Thus the money was extracted from the 
 pockets of the Irish, in order to buy the persons 
 who sold them; so that, in fact, the nation paid for 
 its own extinction. Ireland has always been 
 compelled to feed the assassin who stabs her to 
 the heart. 
 
 The shameful and enormous amount of money 
 expended in this horrid traffic appears in the 
 public accounts. On the 25th March, 1798 (the 
 public accounts were always made up to that 
 day), the funded debt of Ireland amounted to 
 9,275,000/.; on the 25th March, 1799, after the 
 insurrection was over, the funded debt amounted 
 to 14,920,000/. ; and on the 1st January, 1801, it 
 had risen to 26,841,000/. It is not to be believed 
 that the expenses attendant on the insurrection 
 could have amounted to seventeen millions and a 
 half (the increase from '98 to 1801). The secret 
 service money (a most important item in the 
 rebellion budget of the Castle), let it be recol- 
 lected, was but 53,000/. ; so that the purchase of 
 the boroughs and of the members were the grand 
 items of expense. Such a profligate and daring- 
 appropriation of public money ; its audacity, its 
 infamy, roused the just indignation of the Oppo- 
 sition ; and Mr. George Ponsonby gave notice 
 that he should, on Thursday, 13th of March next, 
 bring forward a resolution on the subject of the 
 proposed measure for devoting the money of the 
 people to purchase the representatives of the coun- 
 try, under the colour of compensating borough- 
 mongers. 
 
 Mr. Plunket, rising, with indignation exclaimed. 
 
136 
 
 MR. PLUNKEX'S SPEECH. [CHAP. IV. 
 
 I ask the noble Lord to answer now. The Committee has 
 gone through the legislative part of the measure, in which, 
 I understood by the noble Lord's statement, that he meant 
 to have introduced a proposal for compensation to the 
 owners of boroughs, in consideration of an Union. Am I to 
 understand, by the noble Lord not having brought for- 
 ward that proposal now, that he has abandoned it ? 
 because, if the noble Lord has decency enough to abandon 
 so infamous, so base a part of his plan, as that of employ- 
 ing the money of the people to buy up their representa- 
 tives, he deserves credit; and I call upon him now to stand 
 up in his place and avow the abandonment, in order that 
 the public mind may be calmed upon a subject of such 
 abomination, so irritating to their feelings, so insulting to 
 the honour of their country ; and in order that no base 
 miscreant— however honourable or noble his rank, however 
 powerful his influence, who had the meanness and crimi- 
 nality to listen to the corrupt and degrading proposal of 
 purchasing from him the representative rights of his 
 country for fifteen, twenty, or forty thousand pounds, to 
 be wrung from the bowels of his miserable country, and 
 afterwards have the baseness to boast of his venality- 
 may continue to exult in his infamous and corrupt triumph 
 over every principle of national honour and national justice. 
 
 This bold and animated appeal, delivered in 
 Mr. Plunket's severe and caustic manner, and 
 conveyed in such scathing language, produced no 
 effect on the cold temperament of Lord Castle- 
 reagh. He quailed before his opponent, and was 
 silent. This is the meagre statement of all that 
 remains of the most animated, spirited speech, 
 which created so deep a sensation in the House. 
 
 The speaker was no ordinary character. 
 
 Of all those who came forward at this impor- 
 tant crisis, Y^illiam Conyngham Plunket stood 
 the first. He was returned in 1797, for the same 
 place that Mr. Grattan had represented on his 
 first entrance into Parliament — the Borough of 
 Charlemont ; for it was the good fortune of its 
 noble proprietor to have patronized two of the 
 
CHAP. IV.] 
 
 MR. PLUNKET. 
 
 137 
 
 ablest men who ever appeared in any age of any 
 country, and at the most eventful periods of Ire- 
 land's history (the most brilliant epoch at one 
 time, the most disastrous at the other) — Mr. Grat- 
 tan in 1782, Mr. Plunket in 1800. The latter 
 came forward to defend what the former had so 
 nobly earned ; and both did honour to the prin- 
 ciples and virtues of that illustrious personage, 
 who in early life had encouraged their patriotic 
 efforts, shared in all the national labour, and justly 
 participated in the glory of his country, and who 
 also had the good fortune to die before he could 
 behold the destruction of that constitution which 
 he had taken such pains and such pride in estab- 
 lishing. 
 
 Mr. Plunket was a deep reader, a profound 
 thinker, and a sagacious observer of mankind. 
 He could learn quicker than any man; at one 
 view he perceived the tendency of a measure, and 
 saw from afar its errors and its consequences. 
 His power of perception was great ; his power of 
 discrimination greater ; and the clearness of his 
 intellect was surprising. He was full of sense 
 and judgment ; he was a close and acute reasoner, 
 a powerful debater, and most argumentative even 
 when most eloquent. His speeches were iron- 
 bound on all sides ; solid and compact ; never 
 exposing a weak point to his adversary. His eye 
 discovered not merely reflection, but command ; 
 and his irony was the most effective and most to 
 be dreaded ; it was not simply dissecting the 
 human body, but flaying it alive. When he 
 arraigned Lord Castlereagh for his plan to buy 
 the members, by a million and a half to be ex- 
 pended for the purchase of the boroughs, it was 
 more than the denunciation of an injured and in- 
 dignant mortal — it was fire snatched from above ; 
 he soared beyond the low region where he was 
 
138 
 
 MR. PLUNKET. 
 
 [CHAP. IV. 
 
 placed, to draw from a superior armoury the fittest 
 weapons to defend his country, and poured down 
 on the devoted head of her implacable foe the 
 storm, and tempest, and lightning of his anger. 
 All his speeches were remarkable, but his finest 
 speeches were most finished performances ; they 
 were master-pieces of oratory;* they contained 
 profound views, and answered every thing. His 
 speech on the Catholic question, in the Imperial 
 Parliament, will long be remembered. He put 
 forward the strength of their case in a manner that 
 not only caught the auditory, but drew from onef 
 of the greatest opponents of their claims the re- 
 mark, that Plunket had done more to advance 
 their cause in the House than any of their advo- 
 cates; and from another, that his talents had 
 excited the highest admiration, and his convincing 
 speech would never be forgotten.^ His speech 
 on the French war in 1815 was powerful and 
 masterly ; no man in the House of Commons 
 could have put the several cases of right to go to 
 war, and of the right to interfere with the govern- 
 ment of other States, in so powerful a manner; 
 so clear, and each so distinct, like a stream that 
 pours from the rock, strong and pellucid. His 
 pleading in the case of the King against O' Grady 
 was a master-piece of forensic ability ; so much 
 so, that it was stated in private by one of the 
 Judges, § that he had never known what argument 
 was until he heard Plunket in that cause. A 
 common observer might consider him cold and 
 cautious in private, but that was not his cha- 
 
 * Mr. Whitbread, in the debate of May, 1808, said, his brilliant 
 talents and splendid eloquence at once convinced and delighted. 
 
 f Sir Robert Peel ; and see Lord Dudley's Letters to the Bishop of 
 Llandaff, p. 280. 
 
 I Lord Castlereagh, in debates on the Catholic question. 
 
 § St. George Daly (brother of Denis) in a conversation with his 
 nephew, the Bishop of Cashel. 
 
CHAP. IV.] 
 
 MR. PLUNKET. 
 
 139 
 
 racter ; he possessed a humour at once agreeable 
 and instructive, and in the minutest things he 
 showed that his understanding was of the first 
 order. 
 
 Take him altogether, he was an extraordinary 
 man. The son of a worthy Presbyterian clergy- 
 man in the north of Ireland, possessed of a small 
 fortune, who died leaving a large family with little 
 to support them, and this individual then a very 
 young child. Deprived of his father, he managed 
 to procure for himself the best education, and to 
 gain the highest name in the University of Dub- 
 lin ; so high that he would not even accept a 
 fellowship if it had been conferred upon him. He 
 thence raised himself at the bar, and became a 
 most distinguished advocate. He then got into 
 the Parliament of both kingdoms ; the Irish Par- 
 liament first, the Imperial Parliament afterwards. 
 He was advanced to the highest offices in the 
 State — Attorney General, Chief Justice, Lord 
 Chancellor of Ireland. He was offered the Rolls 
 in England, and finally received a British Peerage. 
 All this he did — not by dint of art or money— not 
 by stooping to the vulgar ways of low ambition, 
 or of crafty pride — not, as Lord Clare did, by 
 abusing and selling his country — nor, as Lord Eldon 
 did, by cringing and crouching to royalty; he 
 excelled every where, and succeeded in almost 
 every thing ; he upheld the rights of Ireland, 
 defended her cause, and advanced himself solely 
 by his gigantic abilities and fearless energy.* 
 
 In this catalogue George Ponsonby cannot be 
 omitted. His house had long ruled in Ireland; 
 
 * He showed great fidelity to principle — he refused the office of 
 attorney-general when Mr. Fox's party left power in 1807, and thereby 
 sacrificed upwards of 100,000/. Two of the leading members of the 
 new government wrote to say, he might resume office and vote as he 
 pleased, but he refused ths offer and disdained to sacrifice his prin- 
 ciples. 
 
140 
 
 MR. PONSONBY.. 
 
 [CHAP. IV. 
 
 and, though defective in some points, was not a 
 bad government for the country. He voted with 
 Mr. Grattan in 1782, on the question of indepen- 
 dence, and at the present crisis he exerted himself 
 nobly, and struggled to preserve her constitution. 
 He did so with zeal, ability, and spirit. Some of 
 his speeches were w r orthy of the cause ; those in 
 1799 were bold and masterly, particularly that in 
 which he addressed Lord Castlereagh with so 
 much sarcasm and severity. He acquired great 
 credit ; and when he went to the Parliament of 
 another country, he carried with him the just fame 
 he had acquired by defending his own. He had 
 been bred to the bar, and did his business well. 
 He spoke on the case of the fiats in 1790, and 
 opposed the arbitrary doctrine of the King's 
 Bench in a manner at once impressive and admi- 
 rable, and that evinced his knowledge of law and 
 his love of the constitution. 
 
 As a judge he was upright and efficient, and 
 gave general satisfaction ; but he sat too short a 
 time to establish his reputation. 
 
 When he entered on the duties of Chancellor in 
 1806, he found an arrear of six years, 600 motions, 
 and 427 causes. He cleared all the motions and 
 200 of the causes, besides the usual business of 
 the Court ; and if he had staid in office longer, 
 he would have cleared all. 
 
 He had too much the habits of a lawyer, and 
 spoke by paragraphs, which rather tires the ear ; 
 and is not a style, but a repetition of curt sentences. 
 In this respect his manner was deficient ; but his 
 great fault was, that he did not read sufficiently 
 to get to the bottom of his subject. He did not 
 go as deep as he could, and not always as deep 
 as he ought; he made up his mind without suffi- 
 cient information ; so that although in debate he 
 was a very prudent man, yet when he came to 
 
CHAP. IV.] 
 
 MR. PONSONBY. 
 
 141 
 
 act he was not so: slow in council, but precipitate 
 in action. 
 
 He possessed a love of liberty, and of a sort 
 that would not suffer it to overturn the Govern- 
 ment. His aristocracy was not a bad one ; he 
 was of use to Ireland, and deserved well of her ; 
 he had a public mind, and felt for his country ; 
 lie had a just reserved sense of her injuries, and 
 would not omit any occasion to redress them ; he 
 was a good patron and a good father, and had a 
 good understanding. His voice was soft and 
 pleasing; his manner calm and impressive; his 
 temper unruffled and happy ; vivacity charac- 
 terised his mind, and generosity his disposition.* 
 He was an able speaker, and possessed an argu- 
 mentative humour, a cunning shrewdness, and a 
 knowledge of the folly of mankind. Unfortu- 
 nately he yielded too much to narrow sentiments, 
 and had a love of engrossing all consultation, and 
 doing all business himself. He was too fond of 
 patronage and monopoly, and affected such a 
 mystery in every thing that it impaired his popu- 
 larity. He acted nobly at the Union, and after 
 it he went to England with a great reputation ; 
 and in his new situation he not only upheld but 
 increased it. He did what none of the first 
 Englishmen would undertake ; he headed their 
 party. His success surprised every one, and that 
 among a people who require great statement and 
 great knowledge of detail. The office of leader 
 of the Opposition in the Imperial Parliament was 
 forced upon him. Lord Grey wished to avoid it; 
 Lord Henry Petty! was not anxious to take it ; 
 and the party compelled Ponsonby to accept it. 
 This was creditable to his character, but fatal to 
 
 * His conduct to Mr. Goold at the Union respecting Mr. Whaley's 
 seat, was noble ; see ante. 
 
 t Now Marquis of Lansdowne. 
 
142 
 
 MR, PONSONBY. [CHAP. IV. 
 
 his fortune. He was more than generous — he 
 was lavish.* As a leader he conducted himself 
 with ability and discretion ; he led the party into 
 no difficulties, and kept them out of several 
 scrapes. f He displayed good management and 
 great discretion ; did not shrink from any ques- 
 tion ; spoke well on the leading ones, and on 
 that of Parliamentary privilege was distinguished. 
 But he showed some violence in his opposition, 
 and some weakness in his government. J 
 
 On the 13th of March, Mr. George Ponsonby 
 being unwell, was not able to make the motion he 
 had given notice of, and it was submitted to the 
 House by Sir John Parnell, but not without 
 considerable cavil and objection on the part of 
 Lord Castlereagh, who insisted that the motion 
 of which notice had been given by Mr. Ponsonby 
 could only be made by him. The Speaker, how- 
 ever, decided against Lord Castlereagh, and Sir 
 John Parnell after presenting several petitions 
 against the measure, proposed an address to his 
 Majesty praying that he may be graciously 
 pleased to dissolve the present Parliament and 
 call a new one before any final arrangement shall 
 be concluded in relation to the measure of a Le- 
 gislative Union, he accompanied this motion by 
 a very able speech, of which the following is an 
 extract : — 
 
 " What is the foundation of the application of the people, 
 and upon what grounds are they justified for soliciting 
 the protection of their Parliament; they wish to avert the 
 loss of their constitution, which they possess under the 
 
 * He paid 8001. a year to the Deputy of the Master of the Rolls, 
 whom Mr. Curran insisted he had a right to remove from the office. 
 
 f In the cases of the Princess of Wales and of Norway. — See Parlia- 
 mentary Debates. 
 
 I Mr. Curran, Mr. Hardy and others were not as promptly considered 
 in 1806 as they deserved ; but this was after the Union, and its natural 
 consequence. 
 
CHAP. IV.] SIR JOHN PARNELL's SPEECH. 143 
 
 sanction of law, and under which they have hitherto lived 
 free, and enjoyed increasing prosperity; they wish to 
 avert a measure, which, from the unanimous evidence 
 offered at your bar, threatens destruction to their com- 
 merce and manufactures. 
 
 " They wish to preserve tranquillity in Ireland and 
 British connexion, both of which they consider to be in 
 danger by this rash, unnecessary, and dangerous project 
 — what is the equivalent held out to compensate them for 
 the loss of their legal and established rights ? A treaty 
 which on the face of it admits that it is not to be perma- 
 nent, which avows that its commercial regulations, injurious 
 as they are in their present state, may become more so at 
 the future discretion of one of the contracting parties, 
 which places the proportion of the taxes to be paid by 
 this country, in a similar situation, and which binds this 
 country to pay a certain proportion of an unlimited and 
 incalculable expense, before the measure should be com- 
 pleted. Must not the public mind naturally be turned to 
 the manner in which it has been conducted, and to the 
 means which have been used for carrying it into effect? 
 It was introduced at a period of rebellion, when martial 
 law had superseded the civil power — it was uncalled for 
 on the part of Ireland, and rejected by its Parliament — 
 why then has it been re-assumed, not as it has been 
 alleged, from a change in the sense of the people, but 
 from a change in the persons who compose this assembly 
 — a much greater number than those who compose the 
 minister's majority, gave their first vote in Parliament to 
 alter its constitution ; however respectable in their private 
 character and fortunes, they could not be the best judges 
 of the Parliamentary constitution, in which they had no 
 experience — they in general represent boroughs where 
 seats have been vacated by the power given in the place bill, 
 though the minister refuses to take the sense of the coun- 
 ties by a dissolution of Parliament ; he has not hesitated 
 to appeal to the sense of the boroughs, by a partial change 
 in the representation of Parliament. Are these new mem- 
 bers in general more attached to Ireland from their birth 
 and possessions than those gentlemen were whom they 
 succeed ? are we to attribute to these causes that they 
 almost universally differ from them in their political 
 opinions? When this question was first suggested, it 
 appeared to me most dangerous in its future consequences. 
 
144 
 
 SIR JOHN PARNELL. [CHAP. IV. 
 
 I foresaw that by banishing the Irish gentry, it removed 
 from the country those who by their authority were able 
 to suppress popular tumult, and give efficacy to the laws; 
 those who from their known loyalty had proved themselves 
 to have afforded the best bond for British and Irish con- 
 nexion. I foresaw that property would be lessened, and 
 that the spirit of commerce would droop in a country 
 which had surrendered its constitution. I would not be 
 an accomplice in a measure pregnant with such mis- 
 chievous consequences. I determined to make every per- 
 sonal sacrifice rather than concur in doing an injury to 
 to my country. Under these impressions I propose the 
 present measure. I am willing to surrender to my con- 
 stituents the seat which they have conferred on me; a 
 sacrifice which I trust will be adopted by other members 
 of parliament, who are placed in a similar situation as 
 myself — they will by doing so prove their liberality and 
 their disinterestedness, preferring the interests of their 
 constituents to their own. I trust that this house will 
 hesitate before it adopts a measure unparalleled in the 
 annals of history. No country possessed of legal, acknow- 
 ledged, and undisputed rights, have ever voluntarily sur- 
 rendered them, unawed by force, and undisturbed in their 
 political and commercial possessions. I trust that the 
 house will recollect that spirit which has ever marked the 
 conduct of their ancestors, however the Irish character 
 may have been degraded for the purpose of fabricating an 
 argument to justify the present measure, it has ever been 
 acknowledged to have been distinguished for its high and 
 liberal spirit — 1 trust that the house will, by its conduct 
 this night, support the national character, and save the 
 country." 
 
 Sir John Parnell was an honest, straight-for- 
 ward, independent man, possessed of considerable 
 ability and much public spirit; as Chancellor of 
 the Exchequer, he was not deficient, and he served 
 his country by his plan to reduce the interest of 
 money. He was amiable in private, mild in dis- 
 position, but firm in mind and purpose. His con- 
 duct at the Union did him honour, and proved how 
 warmly he was attached to the interests of his 
 country, and, on this account he was dismissed 
 
CHAP. IV.] 
 
 SIR JOHN PARNELL. 
 
 145 
 
 from the situation in which he had succeeded Mr. 
 Foster when appointed Speaker in 1786. He was 
 a personal friend of Mr. Grattan's, as appears from 
 the occurrence regarding his office in 1795, and 
 which affords no slight proof that he was a man of 
 integrity. His son Henry was with him in Parlia- 
 ment, and both voted against the Union. Sir John 
 was grandson to one of the judges of the Kings 
 Bench in Ireland, and grandnephewof Dr. Thomas 
 Parnell the poet, the friend and cotemporary of 
 Swift and of Pope, whose works are eulogised by 
 Johnson and Goldsmith, and immortalized by 
 Pone in his Epistle and Dedication to the Earl of 
 Oxford* 
 
 * H Such were the notes, thy once-loved poet sung, 
 
 Till death untimely stopp'd his tuneful tongue. 
 
 Oh, just beheld, and lost ! admir'd and mourn'd! 
 
 With softest manners, gentlest arts, adorn'd! 
 
 Blest in each science, blest in ev'ry strain ! 
 
 Dear to the muse, to Harley dear in vain ! 
 
 For him, thou oft hast bid the world attend, 
 
 Fond to forget the statesman in the friend : 
 
 For Swift and him, despis'd the farce of state 
 
 The sober follies of the wise and great; 
 
 Dext'rous, the craving, fawning crowd to quit, 
 
 And pleas'd to 'scape from flattery to wit. 
 
 Absent or dead, still let a friend be dear 
 
 (A sigh the absent claims, the dead a tear) 
 
 Recall those nights that clos'd thy toilsome days, 
 
 Still hear thy Parnell in his living lays : 
 
 Who careless, now, of int'rest, fame, or fate, 
 
 Perhaps forgets that Oxford ere was great, 
 
 Or, deeming meanest what we greatest call, 
 
 Beholds thee glorious only in thy fall." 
 Thomas Parnell, father of the poet and the judge, had left Congleton, 
 the family residence in Cheshire, at the period of the Restoration, 
 had settled in Ireland, and purchased a landed property in the Queen's 
 county. There was a vein of talent that ran through the entire family 
 in their several generations — serviceable to their country in some — 
 agreeable in others — singular and eccentric in all. Henry was the 
 author of some able pamphlets on the subject of Ireland, his work on 
 Finance was good, and his History of the Penal Laws was deservedly 
 praised. He was a member of the Imperial Parliament for a long period 
 of time, and in 1841 was created a peer by the Whig party, under the 
 title of Lord Congleton. Another son of Sir John's, was William; he 
 was a man of taste and considerable ability, of whimsical talents, and 
 passionately fond of the country, which his residence at Avondale, near 
 VOL. V. L 
 
146 
 
 OPPOSITION PROPOSE TO [CHAP. IV. 
 
 This proposal to dissolve Parliament was a very- 
 try in g question to the ministry, for they had all 
 along contended that the people were favourable 
 to the Union. They resisted the motion with all 
 their might, and denied the validity of the in- 
 stance of Scotland, which was quoted, and also 
 that of the English [Revolution in 1688. This 
 drew forth an able retort from Mr. Saurin, vindi- 
 cating the conduct of those who had taken so 
 meritorious and noble a part at that glorious 
 period. He said — 
 
 Those great men who had assisted in the Revolution of 
 1688, had put down the slavish doctrine of passive obe- 
 dience—they had declared that the king held his crown by 
 compact with the people, and that when the crown violated 
 that compact, by subverting, or attempting to subvert, the 
 constitution, which was the guarantee of that people's 
 liberty, the crown was forfeited, and the nation had a right 
 to transfer the sovereign power to other hands. They had 
 no notion of the doctrines which he was sorry to see now 
 received — that the people were bound to submit to what- 
 ever that power thought proper to inflict upon them. At 
 that day such a monstrous proposition as this would not 
 have been tolerated, though now it began to raise its head 
 and threaten the constitution. But he for one would not 
 admit it. He would re-assert the doctrine of the glorious 
 Revolution, and boldly declare, in the face of that House 
 and of the nation, that when the sovereign power violated 
 that compact which at the Revolution was declared to 
 exist between the Government and the people, that moment 
 the right of resisting that power accrues. Whether it 
 would be prudent in the people to avail themselves of that 
 right would be another question — but surely, if there be 
 this right in the nation to resist an unconstitutional as- 
 
 the Vale of Avoca, contributed to increase, and the description of which 
 can never be forgotten by any one who has read Mrs. Henry Tighe's 
 poem, or Thomas Moore's melody. William sat for a short time in the 
 Imperial Parliament, as member for the county of Wicklow; he, too, 
 was attached to his country and to liberty; he was the author of several 
 works, and his essay entitled " An Historical Apology for the Roman 
 Catholics," got him just and great credit. On the whole, they were a 
 race that deserve notice in the history of Ireland. 
 
CHAP. IV.] DISSOLVE PARLIAMENT. 
 
 147 
 
 sumption of power which threatened the public liberty, 
 there could not occur a stronger case for the exercise of it 
 than this measure would afford if carried against the will of 
 the majority of the nation. If a Legislative Union should 
 be so forced upon this country against the will of its in- 
 habitants, it would be a nullity, and resistance to it icould 
 be a struggle against usurpation, and not a resistance against 
 law. You may make the Union binding as a law, but you 
 cannot make it obligatory on conscience — it ivill be obeyed 
 as long as England is strong, but resistance to it will be, in 
 the abstract, a duty, and the exhibition of that resistance 
 will be a mere question of prudence. 
 
 Sir Lawrence Parsons followed in the same 
 strain, and pressed the Government severely. He 
 boldly asserted that, 
 
 Posterity would never believe that the measure was 
 sanctioned by the public approbation, if the proposal of 
 the right honourable baronet was rejected, and if the noble 
 lord attempted to carry the measure against the sense of 
 the people, the consequence, sooner or later, must be a con- 
 vulsion in this country, and a separation from Great 
 Britain. Every country had its days of strength and days 
 of weakness, and he remembered when England could en- 
 force the obedience of this kingdom, but he had also seen 
 that day pass by. A conquest was more difficult to main- 
 tain than to effect, and he would look upon the present 
 measure, if carried against the sense of the people, but as 
 a measure of conquest, and if the people submit, it will 
 only be from prudence and not from choice. 
 
 On this debate Lord Castlereagh came forward 
 more prominently than he had on former occa- 
 sions, and, replying to Mr. Saurin, said, that while 
 he acknowledged that he was a most able lawyer, 
 he must say he appeared to be very young in poli- 
 tics ; therefore he found it necessary to separate 
 his legal from his political knowledge, and to say, 
 that however his professional opinions may accord 
 with the principles of the Constitution, his doc- 
 trines in the House were those of Tom Paine. 
 The motion was strongly supported by Mr. W. 
 l 2 
 
148 UNCONSTITUTIONAL MEASURES [CHAP. IV. 
 
 SPonsonby, Grattan, Egan, and Goold, but was re- 
 jected by 150 to 104. On the 19th, resolutions 
 were carried, and a motion of Mr. OHara, that the 
 chairman should leave the chair in order to put 
 an end to the question, was lost by 112 to 134, 
 majority 22. 
 
 On these occasions Mr. Grattan in vain exerted 
 himself; he moved that the report of the committee 
 sriould be read on Friday the 21st August, this 
 was rejected by 154 to 107, and on the 25th of 
 March the report of the committee in favour of 
 the Union was brought up and passed.* 
 
 As if it were to guard against the dangers of a 
 general election, and the expression of an opinion 
 adverse to Government, Mr. John Claudius 13 ere s- 
 ford, though he professed to be a sincere opponent 
 of the Union, introduced, on the 29th of March, a 
 bill to prevent persons who had aided or assisted 
 the late rebellion from voting for members of Par- 
 liament. This strange and unprecedented mea- 
 sure embraced both guilty and innocent, many 
 individuals having been driven to take that step, 
 and others having received protection and pardon. 
 It was supported by Dr. Duigenan and Mr. Ogle, 
 and was opposed by Sir Hercules Langrishe, who 
 moved it to be read that day six months, which 
 he carried by 33 to 13. The scope and object of 
 this was to create terror and panic throughout the 
 country, and to prevent any exertion on her be- 
 half. 
 
 Another measure which was also resorted to, to 
 lessen the power of the country, was proposed by 
 Lord Castlereagh. He brought in a bill to enable 
 the Government to accept of the services of the 
 Irish militia, and he sent 5,000 of them to Eng- 
 
 * On the 27th of March Lord Castlereagh brought in a bill to legalize 
 the vote of the Parliament of 1735, against the payment of the clergy of 
 the tithe of agistment. 
 
CHAP. IV.] OF THE GOVERNMENT. 
 
 149 
 
 land ; thus the English militia were sent into 
 Ireland, and the Irish militia were sent out of it. 
 
 Another measure was the act of Indemnity, 
 which was passed respecting Judkin Fitzgerald ; 
 this individual had made himself notorious for the 
 cruelties he had practised, even with his own 
 hands, during the times of the disturbances. On 
 the 6th April, Lord Mathew presented a petition 
 from him praying to be indemnified for acts done 
 during the time of the rebellion. This was in 
 consequence of a verdict which had been given 
 against him in the case of a person of the name of 
 Wright, a French teacher, in whose pocket he had 
 found a letter written in that language, and in 
 consequence of which Judkin Fitzgerald, who 
 could not read French, had flogged him most un- 
 mercifully. Toler, the Attorney-General, moved 
 that the petition be referred to a Secret Commit- 
 tee, which was opposed by Plunket, Brown, 
 Edgeworth, Hutchinson, Yelverton; the disgrace- 
 ful bill, after considerable debating, was passed 
 by 65 to 14 voices, and the House adjourned to 
 the 10th of April. 
 
 In the House of Lords the measure found little 
 opposition ; the message in favour of a Union was 
 delivered by Lord Clare on the 10th of February, 
 and was carried by 75 to 26. It was supported 
 by Lord Donoughmore on the ground that the 
 Roman Catholics would receive justice in an 
 United Parliament, where their claims would be 
 temperately discussed and finally conceded. Lord 
 Clare rested his main objection to an Irish Parlia- 
 ment on the question of Regency, and on the 
 religious animosities which existed, destroying all 
 social happiness and threatening the country with 
 endless contests. His speech was a sort of Irish 
 history, a collection of her calamities and civil 
 broils, distressing to hear, and delivered with a 
 
150 
 
 ME. GRATTAN's ABLE [CHAP. IV. 
 
 discreditable purpose, full of misstatement, mis- 
 representation, and calumny; abusing the Irish, 
 assailing- the Catholics, flattering the English, and 
 aspersing the brightest passages of Irish history ; 
 he attacked Lord Downshire and Lord Charle- 
 mont for the letter they had issued, and he in- 
 veighed against Mr. Grattan and the party with 
 whom he had acted ; this ill-judged and censu- 
 rable display was published in a pamphlet of up- 
 wards of 100 pages. 
 
 Mr. Grattan having been so pointedly alluded 
 to, thought proper to reply to it, and he did so in 
 one of his ablest and best productions ;* he de- 
 fended the character of his countrymen, exposed 
 the unjust charges brought against them, and 
 drew a most interesting and eloquent description 
 of his early friends, in a manner that does j ustice 
 to their memory, and deserves to be recorded to 
 their latest posterity. The subjoined is an ex- 
 tract : — 
 
 Mr. Mai one, Lord Pery, late Lord Shannon, Duke of 
 Leinster, the Mr. Ponsonbys, Mr. Brownlovv, Sir William 
 Osborne, Mr. Burgh, Mr. Daly, Mr. Yelverton, Mr. Ogle, 
 Mr. Flood, Mr. Forbes, Lord Charlemont, and myself; I 
 follow the author through the graves of these honourable 
 dead men, for most of them are so ; and I beg to raise up 
 their tombstones, as he throws them down ; I feel it more 
 instructive to converse with their ashes, than with his com- 
 positions. 
 
 Mr. Malone, one of the characters of '53, was a man of 
 the finest intellect that any country ever produced. et The 
 three ablest men I have ever heard, were Mr. Pitt (the 
 father), Mr. Murray, and Mr. Malone ; for a popular 
 assembly I would choose Mr. Pitt ; for a privy council, 
 Murray ; for twelve wise men, Malone." This was the 
 opinion which Lord Sackville, the secretary of ? 53, gave 
 of Mr. Malone to a gentleman from whom I heard it. 
 " He is a great sea in a calm," said Mr. Gerrard Hamil- 
 
 * It will be found in the volume of Mr. Grattan's Miscellaneous 
 Works, page 96, collected by the author ; also in D. Madden's select 
 speeches of Grattan in the appendix. 
 
CHAP. IV.] REPLY TO LORD CLARE . 
 
 151 
 
 ton, another great judge of men and talents; " Aye," it 
 was replied, " but had you seen him when he was young, 
 you would have said he was a great sea in a storm and 
 like the sea, whether in calm or storm, he was a great pro- 
 duction of nature. 
 
 Lord Pery, he is not yet canonized by death ; but he, 
 like the rest, has been canonized by slander. He was 
 more or less a party in all those measures which the 
 pamphlet condemns, and indeed in every great statute 
 and measure that took place in Ireland for the last fifty 
 years ; a man of the most legislative capacity I ever knew, 
 and the most comprehensive reach of understanding I ever 
 saw ; with a deep engraven impression of public care, 
 accompanied by a temper which was tranquillity itself, 
 and a personal firmness that was adamant ; in his train, is 
 every private virtue that can adorn human nature. 
 
 Mr. Brownlow, Sir William Osborne, I wish we had more 
 of these criminals; the former seconded the address of 
 '82 ; and in the latter and in both, there was a station 
 of mind that would have become the proudest senate in 
 Europe. 
 
 Mr. Flood, my rival, as the pamphlet calls him — and I 
 should be unworthy the character of his rival, if in his 
 grave I did not do him justice — he had his faults, but he 
 had great powers ; great public effect; he persuaded the 
 old, he inspired the young ; the Castle vanished before 
 him; on a small subject he was miserable; put into his 
 hand a distaff, and, like Hercules, he made sad work of 
 it; but give him the thunderbolt, and he had the arm of a 
 Jupiter; he misjudged when he transferred himself to the 
 English Parliament ; he forgot that he was a tree of the 
 forest, too old and too great to be transplanted at fifty ;* 
 and his seat in the British Parliament is a caution to the 
 friends of Union to stay at home, and make the country of 
 their birth the seat of their action. 
 
 Mr. Burgh, another great person in those scenes, which 
 it is not in the little quill of this author to depreciate. He 
 was a man singularly gifted — with great talent ; great 
 variety ; wit, oratory, and logic ; he too had his weakness ; 
 — but he had the pride of genius also ; and strove to raise 
 his country along with himself ; and never sought to build 
 his elevation on the degradation of Ireland. 
 
 • Mr. Grattan was an exception to his own rule, being fifty-nine 
 when he entered the Imperial Parliament. 
 
152 
 
 MR. GRATTAN's ABLE [CHAP. IV* 
 
 I moved an amendment for a free export ; he moved a 
 better amendment, and he lost his place; I moved a de- 
 claration of right ; " with my last breath will I support the 
 right of the Irish Parliament/' was his note to me when I 
 applied to him for his support ; he lost the chance of re- 
 covering his place, and his way to the seals, for which he 
 might have bartered. The gates of promotion were shut 
 on him, as those of glory opened. 
 
 Mr. Daly, my beloved friend — he, in a great measure, 
 drew the address of '79, in favour of our trade ; that " un- 
 gracious measure and he saw, read, and approved of the 
 address of '82, in favour of constitution ; that address of 
 (i separation he visited me in my illness, at that mo- 
 ment, and I had communication on those subjects with 
 that man, whose powers of oratory were next to perfec- 
 tion ; and whose powers of understanding, I might say, 
 from what has lately happened, bordered on the spirit of 
 prophecy.* 
 
 Mr. Forbes, a name I shall ever regard, and a death I 
 shall ever deplore— enlightened, sensible, laborious, and 
 useful — proud in poverty, and patriotic, he preferred exile 
 to apostacy, and met his death. I speak of the dead, I 
 say nothing of the living, but that I attribute to this con- 
 stellation of men, in a great measure, the privileges of your 
 country ; and I attribute such a generation of men to the 
 residence of your Parliament. 
 
 The ministers of the crown, who, in the times related 
 by the pamphlet, did the king's business, were respectable 
 and able men ; they supported sometimes acts of power, 
 but they never, by any shocking declaration, outraged the 
 constitution ; they adjusted themselves to the idea of liberty, 
 even when they might have offended against the principle, 
 and always kept on terms of decency with the people and 
 their privileges ; least of all did they indulge in a terma- 
 gant vulgarity, debasing, to a plebeian level, courts and 
 senates, and mortgaging Irish infamy on a speculation of 
 British promotion. 
 
 In the list of injured characters, I beg leave to say a few 
 words for the good and gracious Earl of Charlemont ; an 
 attack not only on his measures, but on his representative, 
 
 * This alludes to a dinner party in Mr. Hobart's time, when Lord 
 Clare grew gay, and declaimed violently against the Union. After he 
 left the company, Daly said, " That little fellow would vote for it to- 
 morrow" 
 
CHAP. IV.] REPLY TO LORD CLARE. 
 
 153 
 
 makes his vindication seasonable ; formed to unite aristo- 
 cracy and the people, with the manners of a court and the 
 principles of a patriot, with the flame of liberty and the 
 love of order, unassailable to the approaches of power, of 
 profit, or of titles, he annexed to the love of freedom a 
 veneration for order, and cast on the crowd that followed 
 him the gracious shade of his own accomplishments, so 
 that the very rabble grew civilised as it approached his 
 person ; for years did he preside over a great army with- 
 out pay or reward ; and he helped to accomplish a great 
 revolution, without a drop of blood. 
 
 Let slaves utter their slander, and bark at glory which 
 is conferred by the people ; his name will stand ; — and 
 when their clay shall be gathered to the dirt to which they 
 belong, his monument, whether in marble, or in the hearts 
 of his countrymen, shall be consulted as a subject of sor- 
 row, and a source of virtue. 
 
 Should the author of the pamphlet pray, he could not 
 ask for his son a greater blessing than to resemble the 
 good Earl of Charlemont; nor could that son repay that 
 blessing by any act of gratitude more filial, than by com- 
 mitting to the flames his father's publications.* 
 
 * The character of Mr. Yelverton was here omitted ; perhaps the 
 Union, that blot upon his fame, was the cause. Mr. G rattan how- 
 ever, did not forget him, and long after the passions of the day had 
 passed, he alluded to his countryman in the following remarkable man- 
 ner, in the debate on the Roman Catholic question, on the 25th of May, 
 1808, alluding to the penal code, Mr. Grattan said, " It was detailed by 
 the late Lord Avonmore — I heard him — his speecli was the whole of the 
 subject, and a concatenated and inspired argument not to be resisted ; 
 it was the march of an elephant, it was the wave of the Atlantic, a 
 column of water three thousand miles deep. lie began with the Catho- 
 lic at his birth, he followed him to his grave; he showed that in every 
 period he was harassed by the law — the law stood at his cradle, it 
 stood at his bridal bed, and it stood at his coffin." 
 
 The speech that Mr. Grattan here eulogizes was made by Mr. 
 Yelverton in favour of the Catholics in 1782, when the laws were re- 
 laxed ; no trace of it remains. 
 
154 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Proceedings in the British Parliament on the Union. — Sheridan's exer- 
 tions against it. — Lord Downshire on the offers to him from Govern- 
 ment. — Lord Camden on the torture in Ireland. — Description of the 
 Government supporters in the Irish Parliament in the Lower House. 
 — St. George Daly, William Smith, Luke Fox, Robert Johnson, all 
 created judges for their votes. — Society of the Monks of the Screw. — 
 Dr. Frederick Jebb. — Johnson promoted.— Curran's great eulogium 
 on Lord Avonmore. — Anecdote of him by Curran. — Dr. Arthur 
 Browne killed by the Union. — In the upper House, Lord Pery, Lord 
 Carleton, Lord Rilwarden, Lord Avonmore. — Anecdote of, by Curran. 
 — His last speech in the House alluding to Mr, Grattan. — Lord Cas- 
 tlereagh. — His character and conduct. — Motion of Mr. O'Donnell that 
 the placemen should go to the Lord Lieutenant with the address on 
 the Union. — List of them. — Union Bill read a second time. — Mr. 
 Gratlan's speech. — Encomium on him by Mr. Burrowes. — Motion 
 that the Union Bill be burned. — Bill passed the 7th of June. — Re- 
 ceives the Royal Assent on the 1st of August. — Speeches against the 
 Union bought by Lord Castlereagh and burned. 
 
 The proceedings in the British Parliament merit 
 attention. In the preceding year both Houses 
 had voted an address to his Majesty recommend- 
 ing a Union, and, in 1800, the subject was again 
 brought forward by Mr. Pitt, who carried his re- 
 solutions in favour of the Union. On the 11th 
 of April Lord Grenville moved an address to the 
 King, approving of these resolutions, and praying 
 that they should be transmitted to the Parliament 
 of Ireland. This was seconded by Lord Auck- 
 land (Mr. Eden) and passed; and on the 21st of 
 April, Mr. Pitt moved and carried the question 
 for a committee on the subject. It was opposed 
 by Mr. Sheridan,* Doctor Lawrence, and Mr. 
 
 * During this struggle Sheridan displayed great boldness, spirit, and 
 national feeling ; he brought forward motion after motion in behalf of his 
 
CHAP. V.] THE BRITISH PARLIAMENT. 
 
 155 
 
 (afterwards Lord) Grey, who proposed an address 
 to his Majesty, urging that all proceedings might 
 be suspended until the sentiments of the Irish 
 people upon the subject had been ascertained. 
 This was lost on division by 30 to 206. On the 
 21st of April Lord Grenville proposed a similar 
 committee in the Lords, in which he moved the 
 three first articles of Union. On a division there 
 were 82 for, and only three against his motion — 
 Lords Derby, Holland, and King. On the 22nd, 
 Mr. Pitt, after reading a letter of the Duke of 
 Portland's in 1782, by which he sought to prove 
 that the settlement of '82 was not final, moved 
 that the House should concur with the Lords' 
 address on the subject of the Union. Mr. Dou- 
 glas (afterwards Lord Glenbervie) made a long 
 speech in support of it. Sir Francis Burdett op- 
 posed it, — he said that one individual (Mr. Fox) 
 had been driven in despair from the councils of 
 the kingdom, to whom alone the Irish would have 
 listened. Colonel FitzPatrick asserted (from his 
 own knowledge, as he had been secretary in Ire- 
 land at the time) that the letter of the Duke of 
 Portland's, read by Mr. Pitt, was not a public 
 paper, but a private note of his own, written with- 
 out concert with any of his council, and had refe- 
 rence merely to commercial arrangements (this 
 was the fact}. The motion was agreed to. 
 
 Such were the proceedings of the British Par- 
 liament, whose right to interfere with the affairs 
 of Ireland Mr. Pitt had, on former occasions, 
 
 country, in opposition to Mr. Pitt, but he met with little support ; he was 
 arguing against the interests of the audience he addressed, and against the 
 feelings of the people among whom he lived. The love of gain and the 
 love of power were the principles he had to combat, and the result may be 
 easily imagined; all his propositions on behalf of Ireland were unsuc- 
 cessful ; but his conduct did him honour, and the event has justified his 
 foresight, for after the lapse of near half a century, the increasing hos- 
 tility to the Union audits complete failure have confirmed his predictions 
 and refuted those of Mr. Pitt. 
 
156 
 
 BRITISH INTERFERENCE. [CHAP. V. 
 
 strongly denied. In 1797 and 1798, he main- 
 tained that Ireland was a free and independent 
 nation, and that England could not, with pro- 
 priety, and ought not, to interpose in any way in 
 her concerns. At the period of the disturbances, 
 consequent on the cruelties practised in that 
 country, a motion had been made by Lord Moira, 
 on behalf it may be said of humanity, when he 
 and other humane individuals strove by English 
 help to stop the effusion of blood,* Mr. Pitt and 
 his party asserted that the British Parliament had 
 no right to interpose — then it was that the voice, 
 as well as the arm, of Britain was stayed, and 
 could not be raised in order to rescue the suffer- 
 ing Irish from the lash, the torture, and the tri- 
 angle : she was powerless then, and could not 
 protect the humble mansion of the Irish peasant 
 from the violations committed by the legal robber, j* 
 the furious Orangeman, the midnight assailant. 
 British mercy was then deaf to Irish sufferings, 
 Irish injury, and Irish insult. But when it be- 
 came an object to destroy a constitution which, 
 by treaty, England was bound to uphold, then the 
 right, the power, the necessity, for British inter- 
 ference arose, and where virtue had been deaf be- 
 fore and humanity dormant — interest and ambi- 
 tion now prevailed, and even vice lost all her de- 
 formity. But, in sooth, the non-interference in 
 1798 and 1799 was a delusion. The chief gover- 
 
 * When Lord Grenville, on the 19th of March, brought forward re- 
 solutions on the subject of the Union, he was opposed by Lords Fitz- 
 william and Moira, who stated that the whipping and torturing prac- 
 tised in Ireland had driven the people into rebellion. Lord Camden 
 defended his Government, and denied that unnecessary excesses were 
 committed, but used these remarkable expressions, " that the measures 
 of the Government had caused the rebellion to break out sooner than it 
 otherwise would." 
 
 f Read " Bryan Byrne of Glemnalure" a heart-rending little poem 
 by Mrs. Henry Tighe. The facts were related to John Blachford, her 
 brother. Pysche, p. 281, 3rd edition. 
 
CHAP. V.] GOVERNMENT SUPPORTERS. 
 
 157 
 
 nors of Ireland, and the military authorities, were 
 nominees and creatures of the English ministers : 
 the Peers and Commons, who passed the laws 
 which encouraged and indemnified the crimes of 
 which Lord Moira complained, were English servi- 
 tors or English pensioners — neither representing 
 Irish feelings, nor elected by the Irish people. The 
 legalised abominations of '98 were the fruits of 
 English interference, though using Irish tools ; for 
 every thing but humanity and justice England's 
 Minister had interfered in 1798.* 
 
 Few of the supporters of Government were men 
 of talent. The ablest was St. George Daly:| lie 
 was brother to the celebrated Denis Daly who had 
 acted a noble part in 17S2. In some degree he 
 resembled him, but was of a coarser clay : he made 
 the best speech in favour of the Union, and 
 showed that he was of the same blood. He was 
 distinguished when a member of the University of 
 Dublin, by his application and ability : his under- 
 standing was strong : he w r as conversant with 
 books, and not devoid of some powers of reasoning, 
 but was of a retired habit and unpopular manners. 
 Though he succeeded Mr. Fitzgerald as prime 
 sergeant, yet he had no excuse in voting for the 
 Union. He had a name — and he sold it : other 
 
 * In the debate on the 8th of May, Lord Downshire, who had a seat 
 in the Parliament of both countries, said, that many offers and induce- 
 ments were held out to him in order to gain his assent to the measure ; 
 but he scorned the offers as much as he laughed at the tyrannical 
 injustice which he had suffered for his perseverance. Since 1782 
 Ireland had increased in wealth, and made great improvements. Go- 
 vernment were bringing about, not a Union, but a Revolution ; it 
 would produce distraction, discontent, rebellion, and ultimately sepa- 
 ration. 
 
 Two very lucrative offices in the Law Courts, which were settled in 
 reversion on the Downshire family, were taken from them and given to 
 Yelverton for supporting the Union. His name was erased from the 
 Privy Council, he was removed from the Governorship of the county, 
 he was deprived of the command of the Downshire Militia, and he was 
 displaced from the office of Registrar in the Court of Chancery. 
 
 f He was appointed one of the judges of the King's Bench. 
 
158 
 
 SKETCH OP THE 
 
 [CHAP. V. 
 
 men had nothing — but he had everything to sup- 
 port — he had character : others had none, but he 
 came to market with the splendid inheritance of 
 good fortune and of great fame. 
 
 William Smith was son of the Master of the 
 Rolls, he could write but could not speak, he had 
 a sour mind that could produce nothing, but he 
 listened, and, unable to reply in the House, he 
 retired to his chamber to brood over the subject, 
 and, in a month after, produced a closely written 
 pamphlet in reply to Mr. * * *, and Mr. * * *, 
 and Mr. * * *'s speech on the Union, which he 
 got printed and published at the expense of the 
 Government. He did not exactly state what was 
 malicious, but put it in such a manner as to let it 
 state itself. He was full of caprice, his manner 
 was pert, his mind was weak, and active only by 
 corrosion. He was a mixture of honey and vine- 
 gar. He had a sort of wormishness about him, 
 and possessed much of the qualities of a serpent. 
 He was never found guilty of uttering a good prin- 
 ciple, but what he said, he affected to put in the 
 form of a syllogism and of logic — the only thing he 
 was liberal of, was his pen* — but his endless writ- 
 ings produced no impression : it was the glow- 
 worm's ineffectual fire — pale, cold, and weak.')" 
 
 Mr. Luke Fox's J conduct was indefensible, he 
 violated public and private duty, deserted his 
 patron, abandoned his country, and, at the critical 
 moment, suffered the scale to be turned against 
 her at the expense of his honour and his vote. 
 He was a coarse and clever lawyer, a strong mind 
 that grasped the point, and took a firm hold of 
 
 * At the end of his life he published a work called the Maze, a col- 
 lection of poems and trifles, that certainly deserved the name he gave it, 
 for it surprised all his friends by its childishness. 
 
 T He regretted that he had voted for the Union, and in private stated 
 so. He was appointed one of the Barons of the Exchequer. 
 
 X He was appointed one of the Judges of the Common Pleas, 
 
CHAP. V.] GOVERNMENT SUPPORTERS. 
 
 159 
 
 what he had in view, but free from public prin- 
 ciple, public honour, or public spirit of any kind 
 whatever. 
 
 Robert Johnson commenced his public life with 
 credit, almost with celebrity ; he wrote in defence 
 of the people and of the rights of Ireland, and he 
 did so with boldness and with truth. There ap- 
 peared, in 1779, under the signature of Guati- 
 mozin, several letters, written in support of the 
 armed volunteer associations, and the use of Irish 
 manufacture, published in the Freeman's Jouma I ; 
 these were reprinted in London, and went through 
 several editions. Another series then appeared, un- 
 der the title of Causidicus, in reply to judge Black- 
 stone's doctrine on the Law of Conquest over Ire- 
 land. They entered into the consideration of the 
 various laws enacted in England against Ireland, 
 and into the causes of Ireland's distress and po- 
 verty. These works were conceived with spirit, 
 written with ability, and met with complete suc- 
 cess/" They deserved their fame, for they were 
 clear, argumentative, and bold. The title of the 
 first work was taken from Robertson's History of 
 
 * In them occurs the often quoted passage : " Look to the word 
 1 penalty' or the word 1 Ireland,' 'tis equal which, for you may 
 track Ireland through the statute-book, as you do a wounded man 
 through a crowd — by blood." 
 
 He was one of the members of the society of St. Patrick or the Monks of 
 the Screw. He often related to the author the extreme pleasure he met 
 with in that meeting, when Lord Charlemont, Messrs. Daly, Yelverton, 
 Burgh, Hardy, Grattan, Curran, Dr. Frederick Jebb, and many more of 
 that party, were in the habit of assembling to arrange matters for debate 
 in Parliament, for public proceedings and political tracts. He said, that 
 he and Dr. Jebb had written Guatimozin and Causidicus. A short 
 time after, Dr. Jebb was detached from the society, and solicited by 
 Government to reply to a pamphlet of Mr. Grattan's against the Perpe- 
 tual Mutiny Bill. After he had written the reply, which was not bad, 
 some point and good personal attack, he got a pension of 300/. a year 
 for his services ; he then went to Mr. Grattan, related the circumstance, 
 and added that he had got the pension, but that the pamphlet could not 
 be answered. For the names of the members, and a fuller account of this 
 society, see the interesting and ably written Memoirs of Curran, by 
 his son, second edition, Edinburgh, vol. iii. p. 122. 
 
160 
 
 SKETCH OF THE 
 
 [CHAP. V. 
 
 America, where, in describing the contest between 
 the Spaniards and the Mexicans, he says — " Guati- 
 mozin continued to defend his capital with obsti- 
 nate resolution and disputed every inch of ground. 
 He rejected with scorn every overture from the 
 Cortes, and, disdaining the idea of submitting to 
 the oppressors of his country, determined not to 
 survive its ruin." This passage, Robert Johnson 
 used to repeat with great admiration, and seemed 
 to glory in it as if it was not only his selection but 
 composition. Yet these noble sentiments, so aptly 
 quoted by him, were, unfortunately for his fame, 
 totally obliterated from his memory in 1800. He 
 listened to the overtures from the British Cortes, 
 he did not defend his capital, but submitted to 
 those whom he had in early life called the oppres- 
 sors of his country. He seemed to complain of 
 Lord Cornwallis for misrepresenting to him the 
 sentiments of the Catholics, and thereby severing 
 the Gordian knot that bound together the party of 
 which he was a member, and who arrogated to 
 themselves the power of turning the balance for or 
 against the Union. Unfortunately, however, for 
 Mr. Johnson's fame, the means used to effect this 
 purpose was not with iron but with gold. John- 
 son, by voting for the Union, got a seat upon the 
 bench,* and sacrificed his reputation ; but even 
 with this, he was not satisfied — he sought farther 
 remuneration, and asked to get the salary of judge 
 from the time the promise was made (perhaps the 
 day he voted for the Union). This was refused 
 by Government, unless he agreed to sign a paper 
 in which he set forth his demand: considering this 
 too bad he declined to comply. Vexed, irritated, 
 and disgusted, he assailed the Government on the 
 subject of Emmett's Insurrection, and published 
 
 * He was appointed Judge of the Common Pleas, as was also, at a 
 later period, his relation, William, one of those who, at the meeting of 
 the bar in 1798, had supported the proposition of a Union. 
 
CHAP. V.] GOVERNMENT SUPPORTERS. 
 
 161 
 
 several letters under the signature of Juverna, in 
 Cobbetts Register of November, 1803 — he was 
 given up by Cobbett — prosecuted by Government 
 — found guilty, arrested in Ireland, and about to 
 be hurried off like a common felon to Great 
 Britain, under an Act of Parliament passed sub- 
 sequent to the publication, and it might be said 
 almost for the purpose of meeting this case. The 
 law proceedings of England were procrastinated 
 by legal steps taken in the Irish Courts, which, in 
 February 1805, gave Mr. Curran an opportunity 
 of making, on behalf of Johnson,* one of his most 
 eloquent and talented displays. 
 
 * The passage from Mr. Curran's speech which is here submitted to 
 the reader has been much admired and much criticised, some have cen- 
 sured it as inapplicable, and therefore injudiciously introduced ; but it 
 must be admitted that it is full of beauty and sentiment. Mr. Curran 
 often alluded to it, and used to say — 
 
 " Yelverton cried like a child at the judgment in Johnson's case. I 
 " thought to move him by the recollection of those private scenes. I 
 "thought he would have been melted down, and that by bringing to 
 u his mind a view of former times, when we were both honest, both 
 " good ; that he would have been led to give a spirited decision. I 
 " was much interested, for 1 really wished that poor Avonmore would 
 " have decided as I think he ought, and have done the country that 
 "justice that I am confident was due. lie met me afterwards in the 
 
 * chamber, and throwing his arms around me, exclaimed, 1 1 am glad 
 " 4 to see you — you affected me greatly, and I am sure you fell what 
 
 * ' you said — for my part the reconciliation is complete."' 
 
 " I am not ignorant, my lords, that this extraordinary construction 
 has received the sanction of another court, nor of the surprise and dis- 
 may with which it smote upon the general heart of the bar. I am 
 aware that I may have the mortification of being told in another country 
 of that unhappy decision, and I foresee in what confusion I shall hang 
 down my head when I am told it. But I cherish, too, the consolatory 
 hope, that I shall be able to tell them that I had an old and learned 
 friend, whom I would put above all the sweepings of their hall, who 
 was of a different opinion ; who had derived his ideas of civil liberty 
 from the purest fountains of Athens and Rome ; who had fed the 
 youthful vigour of his studious mind with the theoretic knowledge of 
 their wisest philosophers and statesmen; and who had refined the 
 theory into the quick and exquisite sensibility of moral instinct, by 
 contemplating the practice of their most illustrious examples ; by dwell- 
 ing on the sweet souled piety of Cimon, on the anticipated Christianity 
 of Socrates, on the gallant and pathetic patriotism of Epaminondas, on 
 that pure austerity of Fabricius, whom to move from his integrity would 
 have been more difficult than to have pushed the sun from his course, [ 
 VOL. V *I 
 
162 
 
 SKETCH OF THE 
 
 [CHAP. V. 
 
 The case was one of considerable hardship. 
 The grand jury of Middlesex found a true bill, 
 and Lord Ellenborough thereupon issued his war- 
 rant to arrest the judge and bring him to England 
 to give bail and stand his trial. This warrant was 
 endorsed by a justice of the peace in Ireland, and 
 Johnson was arrested. A writ of habeas corpus 
 was immediately sued out, and seven judges 
 assisted the chief justice in the case — three were 
 for discharging him, three for remanding him, two 
 did not give any opinion ; the case was referred 
 to the King's Bench — -two were for remanding 
 him, and Judge Day for discharging him. A new 
 writ issued, returnable to the Exchequer — the 
 case was argued for three days — Baron Smith 
 alone was for his discharge. He was in conse- 
 quence remanded, and the subject was brought 
 before the Imperial Parliament ; but the only 
 remedy afforded was the passing a bill to compel 
 witnesses to attend in England. He petitioned 
 the House of Lords, complaining of the ex post 
 facto law which was passed after the alleged 
 
 would add, that if he had seemed to hesitate, it was but for a moment; 
 that his hesitation was like the passing cloud that floats across the 
 morning sun, and hides it from the view, and does so for a moment 
 hide it by involving the spectator without even approaching the face of 
 the luminary : and this soothing hope I draw from the dearest and ten- 
 derest recollections of my life, from the remembrance of those attic 
 nights and those refections of the gods which we have spent with those 
 admired and respected and beloved companions who have gone before 
 us ; over whose ashes the most precious tears of Ireland have been 
 shed : yes, my good lord, I see you do not forget them, I see their 
 sacred forms passing in sad review before your memory; I see your 
 pained and softened fancy recalling those happy meetings, when the 
 innocent enjoyment of social mirth, expanded into the nobler warmth of 
 social virtue ; and the horizon of the board became enlarged into the 
 horizon of man ; when the swelling heart conceived and communicated 
 the pure and generous purpose, when my slender and younger taper 
 imbibed its borrowed light from the more matured and redundant foun- 
 tain of yours. Yes, my lord, we can remember those nights without 
 any other regret than that they can never more return, for 
 " We spent them not in toys, or lust or wine ; 
 
 But search of deep philosophy, 
 
 Wit, eloquence, and poesy, 
 Arts, which I lov'd, for they, my friend, were thine." 
 
CHAP. V.] GOVERNMENT SUPPORTERS. 
 
 163 
 
 libel was published, but Lord Eldon (the Chan- 
 cellor) would grant no other relief except his 
 assent to the bill. The action was tried in Eng- 
 land, in November, 1805, and turned on a ques- 
 tion of handwriting — four witnesses swore the 
 paper was in the handwriting of the judge, five 
 witnesses swore it was not, the English jury be- 
 lieved the four, disbelieved the five, and found 
 Johnson guilty. It afterwards appeared they 
 were wrong, as the writing was not that of the 
 Judge, but of his daughter, a talented and spirited 
 lady, who, in consequence, was known ever after 
 by the name of Juvema. On the whole it was an 
 oppressive and tyrannical proceeding, and did not 
 lead Johnson to fall more in love with the Union 
 he had voted, but rather led him to think that the 
 men he had sold his country to were most unre- 
 lenting taskmasters. However, in Trinity term 
 1806, a noli prosequi was entered on the record, 
 the Judge was permitted to retire from the Bench 
 on a pension for life, and in that retirement 
 he ended those days that were brighter at their 
 commencement than at their close. He seemed 
 to regret his conduct at the Union, but he was 
 too proud openly to confess it. 
 
 Doctor Arthur Browne was the most gentle- 
 manlike of all that party, he had spoken and voted 
 against the Union in 1799, but in 1800 he changed 
 sides and joined with those who supported it. If 
 he had any apology for selling the country, it was 
 that he did not belong to her — for he was was not 
 an Irishman. Yet he should have been attached 
 to liberty — for he was an American. He was 
 member for the University of Dublin: he was a 
 man of taste and acquirements, and a lover of 
 literature. As a speaker he was not deficient: he 
 possessed a degree of ease and elegance of manner 
 as well as mind, but he received his reward, for 
 M 2 
 
364 LORD PERRY, LORD CARLETON, [CHAP. V. 
 
 he fell a victim to his vote. He found that the 
 office he accepted was no compensation for his 
 loss of honour: he repented his conduct, but his 
 regret came too late, and he died of a broken 
 heart.* 
 
 The rest were mercenaries, soldiers, bravoes, or 
 bullies. 
 
 In the upper House, Ireland could number few 
 supporters. Lord Perry still lived, and to the last 
 upheld the character with which he began life, 
 and preserved, undiminished, his affection for his 
 country — but age and infirmity had incapacitated 
 his body, though not his mind. " I never will 
 give my assent to a measure which seals the ruin 
 of my country. I am at present in a bad state of 
 health, and, should I continue so, and the measure 
 be brought forward, I shall have myself carried in 
 a litter to the House, there to give it every opposi- 
 tion in my power." These were his words — noble 
 words ! — worthy of the Greek and Roman name. 
 
 But Lord Clare still remained — still ruled the 
 House — talkative, bold, and imperious. 
 
 Lord Carletonf was miserable, feeble, and timid, 
 though civil and gentlemanlike ; he had read some 
 books, and he strove to give his speech at the 
 Union the form of an argument, in order that 
 some persons might imagine that he could reason ; 
 but his production was like his mind — weakness 
 personified. He showed great sharpness at the 
 
 * He was well acquainted with Mr. Grattan, and used to visit Tinne- 
 hinch, but he forfeited the regard that Mr. Grattan entertained towards 
 him. Their acquaintance, however, continued. 
 
 f See the anecdote of Curran, ante, vol. iii. page 422. 
 
 He was superannuated and allowed to retire on a pension, he went to 
 England, and for a number of years lived in London in the greatest 
 gaiety and in excellent health ; thus it was not only the money levied 
 off the people and paid down at the time that was a charge on the state, 
 but these bribes were a heavier tax on the people and of longer dura- 
 tion; some pensions were for life, others in expectancy, in promise, or 
 in reversion. 
 
CHAP. V.] 
 
 AND LORD KIL WARDEN. 
 
 165 
 
 state trials : he was cool and collected, and not 
 influenced by the fury and passion of the times — 
 but he was by his fears. He was a poor character: 
 his argument was that the Commons had no power 
 over the representatives — that a supreme power 
 must exist somewhere. The third Estate he as- 
 sumed to be the House of Commons, and not the 
 Commons, and that the latter had no power, but 
 gave up all (by that election) over those whom 
 they elected. And this monstrous ignorance 
 Carleton put forward and recommended by an 
 appearance of knowledge. 
 
 Arthur Wolfe (Lord Kihvarden) was the son of 
 a distinguished conveyancer in Dublin, who was 
 patronised by the leading citizens and the corpo- 
 ration, got much business, and was brought forward 
 through their means. He used to say that the 
 House of Commons was too corrupt a place for 
 him to enter, and that every man there was a 
 rogue — so he sent in his son. 
 
 Arthur had never applied his mind to politics, 
 and could not even understand a political question. 
 He was not deficient as a lawyer : he spoke with 
 ability and was a sensible man, amiable in private 
 and of a kind disposition, a mild and inoffensive 
 character, grave and moral, but destitute of public 
 principle, or popular tendencies, and without any 
 pretension to eloquence. His defence of the 
 doctrine of fiats and the practice of holding per- 
 sons to excessive bail, as exercised by Lord Clon- 
 mell in 1790, injured his reputation as a constitu- 
 tional lawyer, and did not raise his character as 
 an advocate. He spoke, however, rather in miti- 
 gation than in defence, and seemed more to doubt 
 than to decide, and it was this weak exhibition 
 which drew from Mr. Ponsonby the galling re- 
 mark — " that he was a very worthy man, but a 
 miserable attorney-general." As Crown Prose- 
 
166 
 
 SKETCH OF 
 
 [chap. V. 
 
 cutor he was not considered harsh, and as a judge 
 he was considered mild, and was certainly honest 
 — but as a member of Parliament he was an in- 
 variable supporter of every measure of the Court. 
 His office gave him some importance in the lower 
 House, but in the upper he was nothing. He 
 thought he would tranquillize every thing by the 
 Union ; and that if Parliament was put down it 
 would facilitate the working of Government, and 
 because Parliament had opposed the jobs of the 
 Court, and because he professed to love the con- 
 stitution, he put down the Parliament. He is an- 
 Qther proof that the possession of power is fatal to 
 a weak man. 
 
 Wolfe was a man who did mischief to nothing 
 but his country. He succeeded Lord Carleton as 
 solicitor-general in 1787, Lord Clare as attorney- 
 general in 1789, and Lord Clonmell as chief jus- 
 tice in 1798. His death was melancholy, and his 
 humane disposition, evinced in his last and most 
 trying moment, endears his memory. Mortally 
 wounded by his assassins in 1803, he raised his 
 head and exclaimed — " Let no man suffer for my 
 death but on a fair trial, and by the laws of his 
 country" — a noble and humane expression, though 
 too lawyerly to be quite heroic. 
 
 Lord Avonmore had sold his fame, and tarnished 
 the lustre of his early life. For supporting the 
 Union he got, for his relations, the places that 
 were taken from the Downshire family for oppos- 
 ing it; he had spoken admirably for the catholics 
 in 1778, but no trace of his speech remains. He 
 acted well at the period of the volunteers — well 
 in '80 — well in '82 — well on Poynings law ; but 
 he did not tell the truth when he said, in 1800, 
 that he had the Union in his mind in 1782. It 
 was no such thing, he never mentioned the sub- 
 ject, he did not even dream of it, and if he had, 
 
CHAP. V.] 
 
 LORD AVON MORE. 
 
 167 
 
 he would not have dared to utter such mischievous 
 folly. Mr. G rattan knew the entire party, and 
 directed their proceedings, and no idea of the sort 
 was ever stated — it would not have been tolerated 
 for an instant. These idle visions were reserved 
 for the insincerity of the Duke of Portland, and 
 the " bonnic" servility of Mr. William Ogilvie.* 
 
 Lord Avonmore was driven by the minister, and 
 in fact was afraid of him. He had not bold- 
 ness to stand up against Lord Clare, in the case of 
 Pamela and Edward Fitzgerald — he was com- 
 pletely cowed. Mr. Curran, who was their 
 counsel against the bill then before the Lords, 
 applied to Lord Avonmore, and during the argu- 
 ment, went behind the throne to converse with 
 him on the subject, but he in vain sought to rouse 
 his feelings and his spirit ; and though Avonmore 
 knew that Lord Clare was wrong as to the law 
 in the case of the attainder,-)" yet he was afraid to 
 say so, or express, even on a point of law, a 
 different opinion. 
 
 The speech that he made in favour of the 
 Union has nothing in it. No trace of 1782 — the 
 lamp that burned so brightly then was now no 
 more ; and all that can be said is, that when it 
 became extinct, it did not become offensive; it 
 cast a pale and flickering gleam around — then 
 sunk for ever. But even his flattering compli- 
 ment to his early friend (Mr. Grattan)+ can, for 
 
 * See vol. ii. page 234, where Mr. Ogilvie's conduct is mentioned ; 
 he was a shrewd Scotchman, who strove to whisper about a Union in 
 '82; but the union he valued most, was that with the Duchess of 
 Leinster, in which, to the surprise of every one, he ultimately suc- 
 ceeded. 
 
 t The attainder was reversed many years afterwards by the Liverpool 
 (1819) Administration, and its illegality was a matter of astonishment 
 to the lawyers of the day. — See ante. 
 
 X The following was the allusion that he made to Mr. Grattan: "I 
 have lived to see an illustrious friend of mine at one time idolized as a 
 deity, and at another disfranchised as a traitor; the act of an intempe- 
 rate corporation whose censure could no more depreciate, than their 
 
168 
 
 SKETCH OF 
 
 [CHAP. V- 
 
 such a character, afford but a poor apology. This 
 speech, which was such a bitter reflection on his 
 splendid name, his former services, and all his 
 ancient glories, he was actually compelled by the 
 minister to print and publish. He submitted to 
 the ignominy, though not without reluctance, and, 
 as Curran somewhat coarsely but truly said, when 
 alluding to this circumstance — " Oh ! poor Yelver- 
 lon ! he was forced to go to market with his bastard 
 in his arms." 
 
 Throughout these pages enough has already 
 been said of Lord Castlereagh, — still it may be of 
 service to posterity, as well as a caution to those 
 who come after, if his character is summed up in 
 a few words more. It may be added that he was 
 a corrupt man and a most profligate minister, de- 
 void of any political principle whatever, fie was 
 cold-blooded, cruel, false, and hollow. He must 
 have heard the lash and seen the triangles, but he 
 shut his eyes, and closed his ears, and let the 
 bloody work go on, and the backs of his fellow- 
 countrymen quiver beneath the torture. He had 
 no heart — he had no humanity : and as he sat 
 within the Castle Walls, his mind could brood on 
 nothing but the mischief he meditated for his 
 country. He abandoned his early principles — 
 he deserted his early friends — he arrested and im- 
 
 applause could enhance, the value of a character which will always 
 sustain itself. I have lived, and am proud to say it, in habits of* inti- 
 macy with him ; and know him to be as incapable of engaging in any 
 plan for separating this country from Great Britain, as the most strenuous 
 advocate for the present measure. If there be any young man within 
 hearing, who feels himself enamoured of popularity, I shall beg leave to 
 give him a short lesson of instruction. Let him keep himself for ever 
 engaged in the pursuit of some unattainable object; let him make the 
 impracticability of his measures the foundation of his fame; but let 
 him beware how he follows any solid or possible good, for as sure as 
 
 he succeeds his fame is d d for ever. Success will only call up 
 
 some envious swaggerer who will undertake to go a bar's length beyond 
 him, and snatch away from him the worthless prize of popular estima- 
 tion." These were the last words of Lord Baron ^elverton in the 
 House of Lords in Ireland. 
 
CHAP. V.] 
 
 LORD CASTLEREAGH. 
 
 169 
 
 prisoned his ablest supporter : all his popular airs 
 •were assumed, he never felt them, nor did he ever, 
 either in public or private, express or betray a 
 single popular sentiment. He was brought up in 
 England, and bred a cold politician : he was a 
 man of business, and so far he was able, but he 
 never did, or was capable of doing, a great act. 
 He was just suited for the lower stage of politics, 
 and in that he excelled and gained credit, for the 
 inferior line is often of more apparent use than the 
 higher. He was afflicted with an itchy desire to 
 be impertinent, and he only spoke well when he 
 had his friends about him, a large army at his 
 back, and a broken-down insurrection in his front. 
 He had a clear head, and' could state the pro- 
 perties and balance of things well ; he possessed 
 also a power of attack, and had a personal and 
 gentlemanlike satire, but he had no luminous ideas 
 and never enlightened a subject: his sentences 
 were endless ; tropes without form or figure, or 
 imagination, or prosody, or grammar. But what 
 countervailed with Pitt all his defects, and ren- 
 dered him a strong implement of oppression, was 
 his indomitable, unsurpassed, inscrutable reso- 
 lution. 
 
 In 1790, he became acquainted with the po- 
 pular party in the north of Ireland ; amongst 
 them was Samuel Neilson, who possessed a good 
 deal of influence there, and who conducted the 
 Northern Star, a paper of republican principles. 
 On the 16th April in that year (the anniversary 
 of the independence of Ireland in 1782), he 
 attended the great Whig club dinner at Belfast, 
 with Dr. Halliday, Lord Londonderry, and others 
 of that party; he drank their popular toasts, 
 some of those of the United Irishmen, and 
 availed himself of all these circumstances, these 
 men, and their politics to get into Parliament. 
 
170 
 
 SKETCH OF 
 
 [chap. V. 
 
 Yet afterwards, in 1799, he went with Mr. Pol- 
 lock, Lord Downshire, and a large party, to arrest 
 this Neilson, his former acquaintance and his 
 chief supporter, and cast him into prison, where 
 he remained for upwards of fourteen months 
 without charge, without accusation, without trial, 
 ■ — injured his health, impaired his character, de- 
 stroyed his fortune,* and finally, was the means 
 of costing him not only his liberty but his life. 
 Having abandoned his friends, and played this 
 treacherous and infamous part, Castlereagh began 
 the trade of bribery. So early as 1796, he had 
 tried to gain over Mr. Hardy: he requested of 
 Mr. Berwick, with whom he was acquainted, to 
 communicate to Mr. Hardy, that if he would 
 agree not to speak or to vote for the Roman Ca- 
 tholic question, he would get a considerable 
 situation under Government. Berwick replied 
 that such a thing was impossible ; that Hardy 
 would never listen to such a proposal ; and be- 
 sides, he was a great friend of Lord Granard, 
 who was in opposition. Castlereagh then said — 
 " Let him vote with Lord Granard on all other 
 questions, but let him remain quiet on the Roman 
 Catholic!!!" Berwick being thus pressed, re- 
 lated the conversation to Hardy, who at once 
 revolted at it, and spurned the proposal. He 
 tried this corrupt office in the north, and was ac- 
 tually turned out of Sir John Blackwood's house for 
 offering to bribe him.-\ The same disgrace befel 
 him in the residence of another equally spirited 
 individual in the same county. % In the year 
 1799, he showed considerable stoutness, and re- 
 plied fiercely to George Ponsonby ; however, he 
 
 * See Dr. Madden's United Irishmen, vol. i. second series, 
 f See ante, vol. iv. page 432 ; the anecdote is related by the Black- 
 wood family. 
 X Supposed to be Mr. Savage or Mr. Ford. 
 
CHAP. V.] LORD CASTLEREAGH. 
 
 171 
 
 found iteasierto bribe than to bully, and in the next 
 year he was milder. In 1800, when Mr. Grattan 
 returned to Parliament, Lord Castlereagh alluded 
 to him, and Mr. Grattan replied rather sharply, 
 contrasting his conduct then with what it had 
 been in early times ; he read the toasts and sen- 
 timents that he had expressed in the county of 
 Down, and pressed him sorely for having deserted 
 his principles : the other replied, that "as to any 
 thing personal, he would not take notice of it in 
 the House yet he did not take notice of it 
 out of the House, nor did he ever come forth in 
 anyway, but remained passive under the rebuke ; 
 however, it must be admitted that he was not 
 devoid of personal courage. Before the Union, 
 he negotiated with the Catholics, thinking them 
 fit to be admitted into Parliament, and he after- 
 wards opposed them, —thus, he used Emancipa- 
 tion as a means to obtain the Union, and, having 
 passed the Union, he cheated the Catholics out 
 of it. 
 
 When he went to England,* he displayed cou- 
 rage in the personal affair with Mr. Canning. 
 When he went to the Congress at Vienna, he 
 found the business beyond his capacity, and was 
 quite unequal to the situation ; he could scarcely 
 speak the French language ; had he been an able 
 man, he could have obtained great commercial 
 advantages for England, and better terms for the 
 people of the Continent ; he would have procured 
 the abolition of the slave trade, instead of leaving 
 it unnoticed in the treaty with France, and to be 
 purchased by a sum of money from the Court of 
 Spain. Had Lord Chatham or Mr. Fox been there, 
 it would have been different. He got credit at 
 Court for servile obedience to the Crown, and 
 became Minister because he fell into the track of 
 
 * The English cannot forget that memorable phrase, "The ignorant 
 
 IMPATIENCE OI : TAXATION." 
 
172 MOTION ON THE UNION BILL. [CHAP. V. 
 
 Mr. Pitt's politics, that happened to be success- 
 ful. The greatest reflection on his political oppo- 
 nents was, that such a man could become popular, 
 and the greatest disgrace to the age was, that a 
 country like England should have been defended 
 by such a character. But Providence, inscrutable 
 in her ways, and wise in all her works, reserved 
 him for a lasting example to mankind. This man 
 commenced his career by taking away the lives of 
 his fellow countrymen — he concluded it by taking 
 away his own ; and with his own hand he termi- 
 nated his existence* and avenged his country. 
 
 The proceedings respecting the Union now 
 drew quickly to a close. On the 21st May the 
 resolutions were reported to the House, and Lord 
 Castlereagh moved to bring in the Union Bill. 
 This, after much debate, was carried by 160 to 
 100. Major Osborne, Charles Ball, and Mr. Pon- 
 sonby opposed it ; Sir Henry Cavendish and the 
 Right Han. David La Touche supported it. Mr. 
 Goold concluded a speech of much talent and 
 energy with the following prophetic words : — 
 
 I know the ministers must succeed — hut I will not go away 
 with an aching heart — because I know that the liberties of 
 the people must ultimately triumph. The people must at 
 present submit, because they cannot resist 120,000 aimed 
 men. JBut the period will occur, when, as in 1782, England 
 may he iceak, and Ireland sufficiently strong to recover her 
 lost liberties ! ! 
 
 On the 22nd a message came from the Lords, 
 stating they had agreed to the Articles of Union, 
 and requesting the concurrence of the Commons 
 on the subject, which was carried on debate by 
 67 to 37. On the next day Lord Castlereagh 
 moved that the House should depute certain of 
 the members to wait upon the Lord Lieutenant 
 with the address in its favour, upon which Mr. 
 
 * There were circumstances said to have been connected with this 
 act, that are too shocking to mention. 
 
CHAP. V.] MR. C/DONNELL'S AMENDMENT. 
 
 173 
 
 O'Donnell moved as an amendment that the 
 generals, staff-officers, placemen, and pensioners, 
 members of that House, should go up with it; 
 namely : — 
 
 John Staples, member for Antrim, Examinator of Customs, and who has 
 a pension. 
 
 William Arthur Crosbie, member for Trim, Steward of the Household, 
 Customer and Comptroller of Wexford, Commissioner of Stamp 
 Duties. 
 
 Sir Boyle Roche, member for Old Leighlin, Gentleman Usher. 
 
 George Miller, member for Castlebar, Gentleman of the Bedchamber. 
 
 Sir Chichester Fortescue, member for Trim, Ulster King-at-Arms. 
 
 Edward Cooke, member for Old Leighlin, Under Secretary to the 
 Civil Department, Keeper of the Phoenix Park, Customer of Kin- 
 sale, and, in reversion, of the place of Clerk to the House of Com- 
 mons. 
 
 William Elliott, member for St. Canicc, Under Secretary of Military 
 Department. 
 
 Thomas Lindsay, member for Castlebar, Gentleman Usher of the Black 
 
 Rod, Receiver General of Stamp Duties. 
 Right Hon. John M. Mason, member for St. Canice, Commissioner of 
 
 Treasury. 
 
 Right Hon. Lodge Morris, member for Dingle, Commissioner of Trea- 
 sury. 
 
 Sir G. Shee, member for Knocktoper, Secretary to Treasury. 
 
 Lord Loftus, member for Wexford, Teller of Exchequer. 
 
 St. George Daly, member for Gal way, Prime Sergeant. 
 
 John Stewart, member for Bangor, Solicitor-General. 
 
 Henry Westenra, member for Monaghan, Seneschal of Manors. 
 
 John Longfield, member for Mallow, Customer of Cork. 
 
 Francis McNamara, member for Killybegs, Customer of Dingle. 
 
 Stephen Moore, member for Kells, Accountant-General. 
 
 William Knott, member for Taghmon, Commissioner of Appeals. 
 
 William Wynne, member for Sligo, ditto, ditto. 
 
 Patrick Dnigenan, member for Armagh, King's Advocate-General. 
 
 Richard Herbert, member for Granard, Commissioner of Accounts. 
 
 Thomas Burgh, member for Fore, ditto, ditto. 
 
 Charles M. Ormsby, member for Duleek, Commissioner of Barracks. 
 William Gore, member for Carrick, ditto, ditto. 
 Denham Jephson, member for Mallow, Pensioner, 600/. per annum. 
 George Hatton, member for Lisburn, Commissioner of Stamps. 
 Maurice Fitzgerald, member for Kerry, Commissioner of Revenue. 
 John Longfield, member for Cork, ditto, ditto. 
 Richard Annesly, member for Middleton, ditto, ditto. 
 John Townsend, member for Castle Martyr, ditto, ditto. 
 Charles II. Coste, member for Queen's County, ditto, ditto. 
 J. O. Vandeleur, member for Ennis, ditto, ditto. 
 Hon. Walter Yelverton, member for Tuam, Cursitor of Chancery. 
 C. Osborne, member for Carysfort, Counsel to Commissioners of Re- 
 venue. 
 
 Hon. F. H. Hutchinson, member for Naas, Collector to Port of Dublin. 
 
174 UNION BILL READ A SECOND TIME. [CHAP. V. 
 
 Right Hon. Wm. Forward, member for John's Town, Treasurer to 
 
 Post Office. 
 
 Ponsonby Tottenham, member for Clonmines, Pension 300/. per annum. 
 Sir John Blaquiere, member for New Town, Pension 2,231/. 85. lltf., 
 
 per annum, Alnager of Ireland, Director of Paving Board, &c. 
 Peter Holmes, member for Doneraile, Commissioner of Stamps. 
 Hugh Howard, member for John's Town, ditto, ditto. 
 Robert Johnson, member for Philip's Town, Counsel to Commissioners 
 
 of Revenue. 
 
 George Harrison Reed, member for Fethard, Surveyor of Wexford. 
 Francis Leigh, member for Wexford, Collector of Dublin. 
 James CufTe, member for Tulsk, Treasurer to Barrack Board. 
 John Hobson, member for Clonakiity, Master of Stores. 
 Col. R. Uniacke, member for Youghal, Surveyor General of Ordnance. 
 H. Alexander, member for Londonderry, Chairman of Ways and 
 Means. 
 
 Theophilus Jones, member for Leitrim, Pension, Revenue Establish- 
 ment. 
 
 Lord Charles Fitzgerald, member for Ardfert, Muster-Master-General. 
 Thomas Pakenham, member for Longford, Lieut. -Gen. of Ordnance. 
 Richard Magennis, member for Carlingford, Clerk of Ordnance. 
 Sir Henry Cavendish, member for Lismore, Receiver General of Re- 
 venues. 
 
 Hon. John Jocelyn, member for Dundalk, Surveyor of Belfast. 
 Hon. Henry Skeffington, member for Antrim, Governor of Cork. 
 Hon. John Stratford, member for Baltinglass, Paymaster of Foreign 
 Forces. 
 
 Edmund Stanley, member for Lanesborough, Third Sergeant, and pen- 
 sion of 400/. a year to his wife. 
 
 Robert Tighe, member for Carrick, Comptroller Customs in Dublin. 
 
 Walter Jones, member for Coleraine, compensation for payment of 
 corn premiums coastways. 
 
 T. Nesbit, member for Cavan, pensioner. 
 
 Hon. A. Creighton, member for Lifford, Register of Forfeitures. 
 General Nugent, member for Charleville, Adjutant- General. 
 General Craddock, member for Thomas Town, Quarter-Master-Ge- 
 neral. 
 
 General Eustace, member for Felthard, Governor of Ross Castle. 
 
 General Gardiner, member for Knoctoper, Staff. 
 
 General Lake, member for Armagh, ditto. 
 
 General Hutchinson, member for City of Cork, ditto. 
 
 General Dunne, member for Moreborough, ditto. 
 
 General Henniker, member for Kildare, ditto. 
 
 Stewart Bruce, member for Lisburn, Aide-de-Camp to Lord Lieutenant. 
 Thomas Casey, member for Kilmallock, Commissioner of Bankrupts. 
 Thomas Prendergast, member for Clonakiity, ditto. 
 
 For this motion there were 18, against it, 50. 
 
 On the 26th the Union Bill was read a second 
 time, the numbers being 117 to 73. Mr. Grattan 
 then moved that the 1st August should be substi- 
 tuted for 31st May for the committee; for this 
 
CHAP. V.] MR. GRATTAN's SPEECH. 
 
 175 
 
 the ayes were 87, the noes 124. On this debate 
 Mr. Grattan, after a long speech, concluded by- 
 saying :— 
 
 From the bad terms which attend the Union, I am na- 
 turally led to the foul means* by which it has been ob- 
 tained — dismissals from office, perversion of the place bill, 
 sale of peerage, purchase of boroughs, appointment of 
 sheriffs with a view to prevent the meetings of freemen 
 and freeholders, for the purpose of expressing their opinion 
 on the subject of a Legislative Union — in short, the most 
 avowed corruption, threats, and stratagems, accompanied 
 by martial law, to deprive a nation of her liberty ; and so 
 very great and beneficial have been the efforts, that his 
 Majesty's Ministers have actually resorted to a partial dis- 
 solution of Parliament, at the very time they declined to 
 resort to a general election. The sense of Parliament and 
 people was against them; they change, therefore, the 
 Parliament without recurring to the people, but procure 
 a number of returns, exceeding their present majority, from 
 private boroughs vacated with a view to return a Court 
 member, who should succeed a gentleman that would not 
 vote for the Union. Here, then, is a Parliament made by 
 the Minister, not the people, and made for the question. 
 Under these circumstances, in opposition to the declared 
 sense of the country, has been passed a measure imposing 
 on the people a new constitution, and subverting the old 
 one. 
 
 The constitution may be for a time so lost ; the charac- 
 ter of the country may be so lost; the Ministers of the 
 Crown will, or may perhaps at length, find, that it is not 
 so easy to put down for ever an ancient and a respectable 
 nation, by abilities, however great, and by power and by 
 
 • The bribery of Sir William Gleadowe Newcoman is described by 
 Sir Jonah Barrington in his u Rise and Fall of the Irish Nation" Paris 
 edition. In consequence of the deficiency in the Stamp Duties that 
 appeared in the accounts of his father (who was one of the Receivers- 
 General of Stamps), a large sum was due to the country, which Sir 
 Jonah Barrington states at 20,000/., and which from the memorial pre- 
 sented to Lord Cornwallis appears, with interest, to have amounted, at 
 least, to 10,000/. Yet for this sum the Government chose to accept 
 2,000/. and exonerate Sir William. The document settling this is regis- 
 tered in the Rolls Office, Dublin, and bears the signature of the Attor- 
 ney-General, J. Toler. In addition to this proceeding, the wife of the 
 defaulter was created a peeress ! 
 
176 
 
 MR. GRATTAN's SPEECH. [CHAP. V. 
 
 corruption, however irresistible. Liberty may repair her 
 golden beams, and with redoubled heart animate the 
 country. The cry of loyalty will not long continue against 
 the principles of liberty. Loyalty is a noble, a judicious, 
 and a capacious principle ; but in these countries loyalty, 
 distinct from liberty, is corruption, not loyalty. 
 
 The cry of the connection will not in the end avail 
 against the principles of liberty. Connection is a wise 
 and profound policy ; but connection without an Irish 
 Parliament is connection without its own principle, without 
 analogy of condition, without the pride of honour that 
 should attend it, is innovation, is peril, is subjugation— 
 not connection. 
 
 The cry of disaffection will not in the end avail against 
 the principle of liberty. 
 
 Identification is a solid and imperial maxim, necessary 
 for the preservation of freedom — necessary for that of em- 
 pire; but without union of hearts — with a separate Go- 
 vernment and without a separate Parliament — identifica- 
 tion is extinction, is dishonour, is conquest — not identi- 
 fication. 
 
 Yet I do not give up the country ; I see her in a swoon, 
 but she is not dead. Though in her tomb she lies help- 
 less and motionless, still there is on her lips a spirit of life, 
 and on her cheek a glow of beauty. 
 
 "Thou art not conquered; beauty's ensign yet 
 Is crimson on thy lips and in thy cheeks, 
 And death's pale flag is not advanced there." 
 
 While a plank of the vessel sticks together, I will not 
 leave her. Let the courtier present his flimsy sail, and 
 carry the light bark of his faith with every new breath of 
 wind — I will remain anchored here, with fidelity to the 
 fortunes of my country, faithful to her freedom — faithful 
 to her fall ! ! ! 
 
 Can Ireland ever forget these words ? 
 
 On this occasion Mr. Peter Burrowes having 
 been alluded to by Lord Castlereagh, delivered a 
 spirited and most able reply, and, after answer- 
 ing the argument, he alluded to Mr. Grattan, on 
 whom he passed the following beautiful pane- 
 gyric :— 
 
CHAP. V.] MR. PETER BURROWES. 
 
 177 
 
 I feel but little any portion of the noble Lord's (Castlc- 
 reagh) obloquy which may attach to me or to my humble 
 efforts, but I own I cannot repress my indignation at the 
 audacious boldness of the calumny, which would asperse 
 one of the most exalted characters which any nation ever 
 produced, and that in a country which owes its liberties 
 and its greatness to the energy of his exertions, and in the 
 very house which has so often been the theatre of his 
 glorious labours and splendid achievements. I remember 
 that man the theme of universal panegyric, the wonder and 
 the boast of Ireland for his genius and virtue : his name 
 silenced the sceptic upon the reality of genuine patriotism: 
 to doubt the purity of his motives was a heresy which no 
 tongue dared to utter : envy was lost in admiration, and 
 even those whose crimes he scourged, blended exalted 
 praises with the murmurs of resentment. He covered our 
 unfledged Constitution with the wings of talents, as the 
 eagle covers her young, like her he soared, and like her 
 he could behold the rays, whether of royal favour or royal 
 anger, with undazzled, unintimidated eye. If, according: 
 to Demosthenes, to grow with the growth and to decay 
 with the decline of our country be the true criterion 
 of a good citizen, how infinitely did this man, even in 
 the moment of his lowest depression, surpass those up- 
 start patriots who only become visible when their country 
 vanishes. 
 
 Sir, there is something more singularly curious, and, ac- 
 cording to my estimation of things, enviable in the fate of 
 this great man — his character and his consequence are, as 
 it were, vitally interwoven with the greatness of his country. 
 The one cannot be high and the other low — the one cannot 
 stand and the other perish. 
 
 This was so well understood by those who have so long 
 meditated to put down the Constitution of Ireland, that, 
 feeling that they could not seduce, they have incessantly 
 laboured to calumniate her most vigilant sentinel and 
 ablest champion. They appealed to every unguarded 
 prejudice, to every assailable weakness of a generous but 
 credulous people, they watched every favourable moment 
 of irritation or of terror to pour in the detested poison of 
 calumny. 
 
 Sir, it will be found on a retrospect of Ireland since 
 1782, that her liberties never received a wound, that a cor- 
 VOL. V. N 
 
178 lord corry's address to the king, [chap, v. 
 
 respondent stab was not levelled at his character, and, 
 when it was vainly hoped that his imperishable fame was 
 laid in the dust, the times were deemed ripe for the ex- 
 tinction of our Constitution. 
 
 Sir, these impious labours cannot finally succeed, glory 
 and liberty are not easily effaced, — Grattan and the Con- 
 stitution will survive the storm. 
 
 On the 6th of June Lord Corry moved an 
 address to the King setting forth the entire of the 
 Union proceedings, and recording therein the 
 protest of the opposition and the people. It was 
 an elaborate document, recapitulating the various 
 points of the case and the injury likely to be 
 felt by the country from the measure. It is 
 printed at length in the Appendix. The numbers 
 were 77 for and 135 against it. 
 
 The report from the committee was then read 
 and carried by 153 to 88. Further resistance 
 was now in vain, the opposition being no longer 
 able to defeat this measure, at length desisted 
 from their labours, and, as Mr. Grattan expressed 
 it, " Finding all useless, we retired with safe con- 
 sciences but with breaking hearts." 
 
 When it was moved that the bill be engrossed, 
 Mr. O'Donnell, with a just and becoming indigna- 
 tion, proposed that it should be burned. He 
 was severely assailed for this, and at length was 
 persuaded to withdraw the amendment, and on 
 Saturday, the 7th June, the bill was read a third 
 time, on the motion of Lord Castlereagh, and 
 passed. It was brought to the House of Lords 
 on the 11th, committed* on the 12th, by a 
 majority of 76 to 17, and on the 1st August 
 received the royal assent, and Ireland ceased to 
 be a nation ! 
 
 * It was introduced into the British House of Commons by Mr. Pitt, 
 and sent to the Lords on the 24th of June, and received the Royal assent 
 on the 2nd of July. 
 
CHAP. V.] END OF IRISH PARLIAMENT. 
 
 179 
 
 What an hour of maddening agony was that to 
 every patriot, but most to him who had so long- 
 fostered and shielded the country which he then 
 beheld stricken down, robbed, dishonoured, and 
 mangled by a confederacy of aliens, traitors, and 
 bullies ! 
 
 Thus ended the Irish Parliament. Some sur- 
 rendered it through fear of Jacobinism ; others 
 through terror of the authorities ; others through 
 fear of the Catholics ; others through bribery ; 
 and others through delusive hopes. The English 
 Government became alarmists ; the Irish corrupt 
 and bigoted. The more that these circumstances 
 are considered, the more it will appear that the 
 efforts of these patriots were laudable in the 
 highest degree, and that their conduct merited all 
 the praise that belongs to virtuous actions. Let 
 their names, then, never be obliterated from the 
 remembrance of all who value freedom ! They 
 had to contend against the overwhelming influence 
 of a profligate court, against the corrupt satellites 
 of a daring minister, against an army licensed, un- 
 scrupulous, and at hand ; so that it is surprising 
 that with such difficulties opposed to them, and 
 with such bad materials, such a resistance could 
 have been effected. Even their natural ally, the 
 press, was intimidated or seduced. The news- 
 papers were afraid to publish the proceedings of 
 the times ; and the motion of Mr. O'Donnell, to 
 burn the Union Bill, is not to be found in most of 
 them. The reports of the debates were destroyed 
 through the influence and bribery of the Govern- 
 ment. The members of the Opposition had got 
 their speeches written out and corrected : they 
 were entrusted for publication to a person of the 
 name of Moore. Mr. Foster* doubted his honesty, 
 and cautioned the party against him, saying he 
 
 * This anecdote the writer had from Mr. Foster (the Speaker). 
 N 2 
 
180 SPEECHES, ETC , BURNED. [CHAP. V. 
 
 was sure Moore would betray them. His predic- 
 tions were verified, for they were sold to Govern- 
 ment ; and Lord Castlereagh, by means of Mr. 
 Cooke (Under Secretary), gave a large sum of 
 money for them, and the manuscripts, speeches, 
 pamphlets, &c. &c. were brought to the Castle and 
 there burned. Thus perished some of the finest 
 specimens of eloquence. 
 
CHAP. VI.] REMARKS ON THE UNION. 
 
 181 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 iUr. Pitt's opinion favourable to domestic legislation in Ireland. — His 
 letter to the Duke of Rutland. — Remarks on the Union. — Acquisi- 
 tions for Ireland gained by the Irish Parliament. — Results of the 
 Union. — Effect on the Trade, Commerce, and Revenues of the Coun- 
 try. — Ireland became bankrupt. — Military force necessary for Ireland 
 in 1782. — Forces kept up in 1840. — State of the people. — Parlia- 
 mentary reports. — Destitute condition of the agricultural classes. — 
 The speech and opinion of Mr. Fox on the Union. — Comparison be- 
 tween Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox. — Their characters and their style of 
 eloquence. 
 
 It was plain, from the proceedings of the Minister 
 and his Parliament, that the system as It stood 
 could not last. Parliament had been driven on to 
 liberty by the bayonets of the Volunteers, and had 
 acted by starts ; whereas the Government was 
 always at work; so that the power of the Crown 
 and its corruption were sure to increase to such a 
 height that a Reform in Parliament or its destruc- 
 tion must ensue. Of this state of things Mr. Pitt 
 dexterously availed himself, and strove to get back 
 for Great Britain the power she had surrendered ; 
 and he effected this by the worst of means, — the 
 most unlimited bribery and corruption. Vexed 
 and offended with Ireland on account of her con- 
 duct in 1785 on the Commercial Propositions, and 
 in 1789 on the Regency, he had not forgiven her. 
 He found her a great inconvenience, and felt it 
 would be easier and more handy for him to have 
 but one Parliament, instead of the trouble of two.* 
 
 * It is worthy of remark that under the superintendence of this 
 resident Parliament, the Debt of the Nation had diminished from 
 2,477,425/. as it stood in 1789, to 2,219,694/. in the year 1793. 
 
182 
 
 REMARKS ON 
 
 [CHAP. VI. 
 
 This was the real and secret motive of his con- 
 duct at the Union ; the strength of the empire 
 was not his object ; he did not seek for or wish to 
 secure it, for he left the Catholics excluded ; it 
 was altogether a trick, and the trick of a dis- 
 honest man. This the Irish should have seen, as 
 the Scotch probably would, but Ireland was too 
 much divided. Religious discord was the bane 
 and the ruin of her prosperity ; but the Union 
 was a question on which she should have made a 
 stand, and all parties have united. It formed a 
 good ground for separation from England. The 
 nation should have refused to act under it; for it 
 was not the piece of parchment that constituted 
 the solidity of the measure, but the subsequent 
 acquiescence of the people. They ought to have 
 resisted, and gone to the leading lords, and have 
 frightened them ; they could have done it easily ; 
 a little of the Roman spirit, and a very few men, 
 would have done it. Those heavy, dictatorial, 
 empty, nobles would have shrunk — Lord Shannon 
 would have shrunk — Lord Ely would have shrunk 
 — Lord Clare would have shrunk; it was his na- 
 ture; or if Lord Castlereagh (who would not 
 have receded) had fallen, the measure in all pro- 
 bability would not have been carried, or, if car- 
 ried, the country would have been thrown on her 
 metal and prepared for war. The corruption of the 
 House, and the badness of the Parliament, was not 
 the reason for its abolition. The institution was 
 good, the body was on the spot, ready and attentive; 
 neither was it the Place Bill of Mr. Forbes that 
 caused it, nor the gross abuse of the nominal office 
 of Escheatorship that caused it. It was Mr. Pitt,* 
 
 * It does not appear that Mr. Pitt's policy towards Ireland was 
 steady or consistent. The following extract from one of his letters, 
 shows that, at the time, he was friendly to a reform in the Irish Parlia- 
 ment, hostile in the extreme to the Roman Catholics, and adverse to 
 the Union ; preserving, at the same time, a selfish mercantile spirit; it 
 
CHAP. VI.] 
 
 THE UNION. 
 
 183 
 
 — his money, his martial law, his bribery,* his 
 rebellion, his troops ; he kept them at a distance, 
 but he kept them ready. One immediate result 
 of the insurrection was, that not only the United 
 Irishmen were put down, but all moderate men 
 also ; they were awed, and afraid to act even in a 
 constitutional way. However, it cannot be de- 
 nied, that the main cause arose from the situation 
 of the country. She was a nation without a 
 people ; the Representation was that of indivi- 
 duals, and was bought as a marketable commo- 
 dity ; the majority of the people were not admit- 
 ted into the Government of the country, and the 
 formation of the Constitution did not remedy the 
 defect. The people were not interested, and no 
 
 will throw some light upon his character, and surprise many of Ins ad- 
 mirers, though it will afford little satisfaction to the victims of his ill- 
 judged policy towards Ireland. He writes to the Lord-Lieutenant as 
 follows : — 
 
 " I own to you the line to which my mind at present inclines (open 
 to whatever new observations or arguments may be suggested to me), is 
 to give Ireland an almost unlimited communication of commercial ad- 
 vantages, if we can receive in return some security, that her strength and 
 riches unM be our benefit, and that she will contribute from time to time 
 in their increasing proportions to the common exigencies of the empire, 
 and having, by holding out this, removed, I trust, every temptation to 
 Ireland to consider her interest as separate from England ; to be ready 
 while we discountenance wild and unconstitutional attempts which 
 strike at the root of all authority, to give real efficacy and popularity to 
 Government by acceding (if such a line can be good) to a prudent and 
 temperate reform of' Parliament, which may guard against and gradually 
 cure real defects and mischiefs, may show a sufficient regard to the in- 
 terests and even prejudices of individuals who are concerned, and may 
 unite the Protestant interest in excluding the Catholics from any shore in 
 the Representation or the Government of the Country /" — Mr. Pitt's 
 Letter to the Duke of Rutland, 7th October, 1784. 
 
 In another letter he says that local prejudices and partial advantages 
 should be relinquished to consult without d istinction for the general benefit 
 of the empire.— " This cannot be done but by making England and Ire- 
 land one country in effect, though for local concerns under distinct legis- 
 latures, one in the communication of advantages ; if their unity is 
 broken or rendered absolutely precarious, the system is defective and 
 there is an end of the whole." — Unpublished Letter, 6th January, 
 1785. 
 
 * Sir Jonah Barrington says in his history, that he read the dispatch 
 from Mr. Pitt to Lord Cornwallis, desiring him not to press the Union 
 unless he was certain of a majority of 50. 
 
184 
 
 REMARKS ON 
 
 [CHAP. VI. 
 
 people will ever fight for an abstract proposition 
 of liberty. Hence it is almost a matter of sur- 
 prise that England did not attempt the Union 
 before. But another and a wiser course was 
 open to her ; if, instead of rewarding Lord Clare 
 with power and confidence in proportion to his 
 offences, Mr. Pitt had punished him or discarded 
 him, or even had not made him minister, as in 
 1789, when he declared that the majority of the 
 House of Commons had been bought formerly, 
 and must be bought again — as in 1793, when he 
 reprobated conciliation, and when he reviled the 
 Catholic petition, which in effect his Majesty re- 
 commended, and the bill which his Majesty ven- 
 tured to espouse ; or when he declared that the 
 Catholics must be determined enemies to his 
 throne ; or in 1795, when he declared that he 
 would make the Irish as tame as cats; or in 1797, 
 when, as head of the University, he proposed 
 illegal questions under an illegal oath, and com- 
 pelled those who refused to submit and accuse 
 themselves ; or in 1798, when he tolerated tor- 
 ture, and justified the principle — had this been 
 done; had Government discarded such a minister, 
 there would have been no rebellion,* and no 
 Union; but, instead of a rebellion, the British 
 Government would have had the solid weight of 
 the population of Ireland, and the warm heart of 
 the nation for ever. It is probable that French 
 intrigue, French party, democratic partisans 
 would have existed, — in every state in Europe 
 these were to be found, — but it required ministers 
 like Lord Clare and Mr. Pitt to make them 
 
 • One of the items of expense at that melancholy period which the 
 mind grieves to dwell on, was for losses sustained in the insurrection. 
 The sums claimed by suffering loyalists and which were decided on by 
 the Commissioners, amounted to 823,517/., of which there was disal- 
 lowed, 71,470/. What must not have been the losses of the opposite 
 party ? A good argument this against civil war ! 
 
CHAP. VI.] 
 
 THE UNION. 
 
 185 
 
 general, and to make them as lasting as the 
 Union, perhaps as the connexion; for it is rarely 
 that a deep popular passion can be allayed by 
 removing present causes of complaint — retribution 
 and security are equally claimed. 
 
 The seeds for the destruction of the Irish Par- 
 liament had been carefully sown so early as the 
 time of James the First, when he created forty 
 boroughs to enable his retainers to return the ma- 
 jority, thereby counteracting the measure of 
 Queen Elizabeth, who had divided Ireland into 
 shires,* and enabled the community to elect the 
 House of Commons. Mr. Grattan imagined that 
 he could have eradicated this national evil, and 
 he deeply regretted one circumstance in his life, 
 that he had not proposed the addition of two 
 members to the county constituency. He said 
 there was a moment when he thought that the 
 House of Commons would have adopted such a 
 proposition, that a single resolution would have 
 effected it, and he scarcely forgave himself the 
 omission. It is probable that the period he al- 
 luded to was that of 1784, when Lord Charle- 
 mont, Mr. Flood, and Mr. Pitt were favourable to 
 Reform. Such a measure might have prevented 
 the Union, but that it would have passed appears 
 rather doubtful. 
 
 Yet this Parliament, in despite of its defects, 
 did more for the country in the short space of 
 time it was allowed to live, than England had 
 effected in all her long and varied struggles for 
 liberty. Ireland removed the restraints that for 
 centuries before had been imposed on her com- 
 merce and her constitution; she repealed Poy- 
 ning's law — she insisted on the repeal of the 6th 
 
 * Historians erroneously represent James as entitled to the merit of 
 that measure, but it fairly belongs to Elizabeth ; hers was a constitu- 
 tional act, his was merely ministerial. 
 
186 
 
 REMARKS ON 
 
 [CHAP. VI. 
 
 of George the First* — she obtained free trade — she 
 obtained an independent Constitution — she re- 
 stored the final judicature to her Lords — she 
 established the independence of her Judges, she 
 secured to the country the benefits of the Habeas 
 Corpus Act- — she purified the elective franchise — 
 she repealed the Perpetual Mutiny Bill, and 
 placed on record the immortal resolve, that a 
 standing army in time of peace, without the con- 
 sent of Parliament, was contrary to law, (in it- 
 self a charter of liberty). — All these splendid ac- 
 quisitions she obtained in 1782, after a short reign 
 of a few days, by means of her Parliament, freed 
 from foreign control, and influenced by Irish feel- 
 ings and Irish counsels. 
 
 Subsequently, after a severe struggle against a 
 corrupt Court, she obtained a Navigation Act, a 
 Pension Bill, a Place Bill, a Responsibility Bill. 
 She diffused the spirit of religious liberty, and 
 emancipated, in a degree, the mind of her people. 
 She repealed numerous penal laws, and gave to 
 Roman Catholics property and power, and accom- 
 panied the possession of land with the right of the 
 elective franchise. She opened to them the Bar, 
 and the Assistant Barristers' Bench; and if she 
 had not been thwarted by British influence, she 
 would have given to them full and complete 
 Emancipation, and placed, in every respect, the 
 Roman Catholic on an equality with his Pro- 
 testant fellow-countryman. England had rights 
 and precedents of her own to follow. She could 
 boast of a proud constitutional ancestry, who 
 traced their names— their descent — their glories 
 — in hereditary succession to the Great Charters 
 of their country, that they had thirty times con- 
 firmed. But no such advantages were possessed 
 by Ireland, where it might be said — 
 
 * An English Act that Mr. Fox got repealed. 
 
CHAP. VI.] 
 
 THE UNION. 
 
 187 
 
 " Havoc and spoil and ruin are my gain." 
 
 " Hinc exaudiri gemitus et s<eva sonare 
 
 Verbera, turn stridor ferri, trac tuque catena. 
 Quae scelerum facies. O Virgo effare ! quibusve 
 Urgentur poenisf qui tantus plangor ad auras V 
 
 Ireland had to create almost every thing, and 
 to create it out of chaos. It was a godlike 
 work, and, like the Divine Creation, required 
 fiends to destroy it.* 
 
 * As events justified Mr. Grattan's predictions before the Union, so 
 they have verified his forebodings after; not only in respect to the com- 
 merce and the finances of the country, but of the connexion. 
 
 Soon after 1800, Ireland was found unable to bear the imperial con- 
 tributions, the additional taxation, and the increasing absentee drain ; 
 she added enormously to her debt (from 13 millions as it v%as in 1799, 
 or 24 millions in 1800, to 116 millions as it was in 1814) she altered 
 altogether the nature of her commerce — from manufactures to corn and 
 cattle. At length she became bankrupt, and the debts and exchequers 
 were consolidated in 1817. 
 
 As to her revenue, it was calculated in 1822 that 3,500,000/. of addi- 
 tional taxation had only produced 50,000/. In 1803, it was 4,337,269/. ; 
 in 1804, it was 3,717,9"42/. ; and in 1841, it was only 4,107,066/.; and 
 in 1842, it was 4,198,689/. As to the connexion ; in the time of Lord 
 Townsend, the military force to be kept in Ireland was fixed at 12,000 
 by Act of Parliament, and in the Duke of Portland's time (1732) there 
 were only 5,000 troops. Since the Union, the minister found it neces- 
 sary to establish a force of 10,000 armed police, and to keep up a 
 regular army of upwards of 20,000 men, and this in time of profound 
 peace. With regard to the condition of the people; the census of 1841 
 reports the number of persons engaged in trade and manufactures as 
 amounting only to 1,953,688 individuals ; and the number employed in 
 agriculture as amounting to 5,406,743 : the situation and circumstances 
 of this latter class is thus described by the Commissioners of Land 
 Inquiry in 1845, who report as follows : — 
 
 " The agricultural labourers of Ireland suffer the greatest privations 
 and hardships." "They depend upon precarious and casual employ- 
 ment for subsistence." " They are badly housed, badly fed, badly 
 clothed, and badly paid for their labour." a It would be impossible to 
 describe adequately the sufferings and privations which the cottiers and 
 labourers, and their families in most parts of the country endure." " In 
 many districts their only food is the potatoe, their only beverage water." 
 "Their cabins are seldom a protection against the weather." "Abed 
 or blanket is a rar e luxury." " Nearly in all, their pig and their manure: 
 heap constitute their only property" " A large proportion of the entire 
 population comes within the designation of agricultural labourers, and 
 endure sufferings greater than the people of any other country in Europe 
 have to sustain." 
 
 In conclusion it is to be observed that the Commissioners on the 
 Railway Report laid before Parliament prior to the above, stated that 
 the number of destitute persons found annually in Ireland amounted to 
 2,300,000 ! 
 
 Such are the results of forty years of Union ! in such manner have 
 the promises then held out been realized ! 
 
188 
 
 MEMBERS WHO VOTED [CHAP. VI. 
 
 ORIGINAL RED LIST* 
 
 Of the Members who Voted against the Union in 1799 and 1800. 
 
 Thus * marked were not in the Division among those who voted against 
 the Union, on the 24th of January, 1799, of 1 11 against, to 106 for. 
 
 1 Hon. A. Acheson, son to Lord Gosford. 
 
 2 William C. Alcock, County Wexford. 
 
 3 Mervyn Archdall, County Fermanagh. 
 
 *4 W. H. Armstrong, refused all terms from Government. 
 *5 Sir Richard Butler, changed sides. See Black List. 
 
 6 John Bagwell, changed sides twice. See Black List. 
 *7 Peter Burrowes, afterwards Judge of the Insolvent Court ; a steady 
 
 Anti-Unionist. 
 *8 John Bagwell, jun,, changed sides. See Black List. 
 9 John Ball, member for Drogheda; incorruptible. 
 *10 Charles Ball, brother to the preceding. 
 11 Sir Jonah Barrington, King's Counsel, Judge for the Admiralty, 
 refused all terms. 
 
 *12 Charles Bushe, afterwards Solicitor-General and Chief Justice of 
 Ireland ; incorruptible. 
 
 13 John C. Beresford, seceded from Mr. Ponsonby in 1799, on his 
 
 declaration of independence. 
 
 14 Arthur Brown, member of the University, changed sides in 1800; 
 
 was appointed Prime Sergeant by Lord Castlereagh, through 
 Mr. Cooke ; of all others the most open and palpable case. 
 See Black List. 
 
 *15 William Blakeney, a pensioner, but opposed to Government. 
 16 William Burton, sold his borough, Carlow, to a Unionist (Lord 
 Tullamore), but remained staunch himself. 
 *1 7 Henry V. Brooke. 
 *18 Blayney Balfour. 
 
 19 David Babbington, connected with Lord Belmore. 
 *20 Hon. James Butler (Marquis of Ormonde) voted in 1800 
 against the Union, but with Government on Lord Corry's 
 motion. 
 
 *21 Col. J. Maxwell Barry (Lord Farnham), nephew to the Speaker. 
 
 * By the Red and Black Lists it is evident, beyond all contradiction, 
 that those who had, in 1799, successfully opposed the Union, or had 
 declared against it, Lord Castlereagh, palpably purchased twenty-five 
 before the second discussion in 1800, which made a difference of fifty 
 votes in favour of Government; and it is therefore equally evident, 
 that, by the public and actual bribery of those twenty-five members, and 
 not by any change of opinion in the country, or any fair or honest ma- 
 jority, Mr. Pitt and his instruments carried the Union. 
 
 The observations annexed to the names in these Lists, were, at the 
 time, either in actual proof, or sufficiently notorious to have been printed 
 in various documents at that epoch. As to the House of Lords, the 
 servile — almost miraculous — submission with which they surrendered 
 their hereditary prerogatives, honours, rights, and dignities, into the hands 
 of the Lords Clare and Castlereagh, is a subject unprecedented. 
 
CHAP. VI.] AGAINST THE UNION. 
 
 189 
 
 22 William Bagwell, changed sides twice, concluded as a Unionist. 
 
 See Black List. 
 
 23 Viscount Corry (now Lord Belmore), dismissed from his regiment 
 
 by Lord Cornwallis; a zealous leader of the opposition. 
 
 24 Robert Crowe, a barrister, bribed by Lord Castlereagh. 
 
 25 Lord Clements, afterwards Lord Leitrim. 
 
 26 Lord Cole, afterwards Lord Enniskillen, unfortunately dissented 
 
 from Mr. Ponsonby's motion for a declaration of independence 
 in 1799, whereby the Union was revived and carried. 
 
 27 Hon. Lowry Cole, a general ; brother to Lord Cole. 
 •28 R. Shapland Carew. 
 
 29 Hon. A. Creighton, changed sides and became a Unionist. See 
 
 Black List. 
 
 30 Hon. J. Creighton, changed sides. See Black List. 
 
 31 Joseph Edward Cooper. 
 
 32 James Cane, changed sides. See Black List. 
 
 33 Lord Caufield (afterwards Earl Charlemont), son to Earl Charle- 
 
 mont, a principal leader of the opposition. 
 
 34 Henry Coddington. 
 
 35 George Crookshank, a son of the Judge of the Common Pleas. 
 
 36 Dennis B. Daly, brother-in-law to Mr. Ponsonby ; a most active 
 
 Anti-Unionist. 
 *37 Noah Dal way. 
 
 38 Richard Dawson. 
 
 39 Arthur Dawson, formerly a banker, father to the late Under- 
 
 Secretary. 
 
 40 Francis Dobbs, famous for his doctrine on the Millennium ; an 
 
 enthusiastic Anti-Unionist. 
 
 41 John Egan, King's Counsel, chairman of Kilmainham ; offered a 
 
 Judge's seat, but could not be purchased, though far from rich. 
 
 42 R. L. Edgeworth. 
 
 43 George Evans. 
 
 44 Sir John Freke, Bart, (afterwards Lord Carberry). 
 
 45 Frederick Falkiner, though a distressed person, could not be pur- 
 
 chased. 
 
 46 Rt. Hon. J. Fitzgerald, Prime Serjeant of Ireland ; could not be 
 
 bought, and was dismissed from his high office by Lord Corn- 
 wallis; father to Mr. Vesey Fitzgerald (afterwards Lord Fitz- 
 gerald). 
 
 47 William C. Fortescue, one of the three who inconsiderately op- 
 
 posed Mr. Ponsonby's motion. 
 *48 Rt. Hon. J. Foster, Speaker, the chief of the opposition throughout 
 the whole contest. 
 49 Hon. Thomas Foster. 
 *50 Sir T. Fetherston, Bart., changed sides. See Black List. 
 51 Arthur French, unfortunately coincided with Mr. Fortescue in 1799, 
 against Mr. Ponsonby's motion. 
 *52 Chichester Fortescue, King at Arms; bought over in 1800 by Lord 
 Castlereagh : voted both sides; ended a Unionist. 
 
 53 W'illiam Gore, bought by Lord Castlereagh in 1800. 
 
 54 Hamilton Gorges, a distressed man, but could not be purchased : 
 
 father-in-law to Secretary Cooke. 
 *55 II. Grattan. 
 
190 
 
 MEMBERS WHO VOTED [CHAP. VI. 
 
 *56 Thomas Goold (afterwards Serjeant and Master in Chancery), 
 brought into Parliament by the Anti-Unionists; incorruptible. 
 
 57 Hans Hamilton, member for Dublin County. 
 
 58 Edward Hardman, City of Drogheda; the Speaker's friend. 
 
 59 Francis Hardy, author of the Life of Charlemont; brother-in-law to 
 
 the Bishop of Down. 
 
 60 Sir Joseph Hoare. 
 
 *61 William Hoare Hume, Wicklow County. 
 
 *62 Edward Hoare, though very old and stone blind, attended all the 
 
 debates, and sat up all the nights of the debate. 
 *63 Bartholomew Hoare, King's Counsel, 
 
 64 Alexander Hamilton, King's Counsel; son to the Baron. 
 
 65 Hon. A. C. Hamilton. 
 
 66 Sir F. Hopkins, Bart., prevailed on to take money to vacate, in 
 
 1800, and let in a Unionist. 
 *67 H. Irwin. 
 
 68 Gilbert King. 
 
 69 Charles King. 
 
 70 Hon. Robert King. 
 
 71 Lord Kingsborough (Earl Kingston). 
 
 72 Hon. George Knox, brother to Lord Northland; lukewarm. 
 
 73 Francis Knox, vacated his seat for Lord Castlereagh. 
 
 74 Rt. Hon. Henry King. 
 
 75 Major King, he opened the Bishop of Clogher's Borough in 1800. 
 *76 Gustavus Lambert, brother to Countess Talbot. 
 
 77 David Latouche, jun., banker. 
 
 78 Robert Latouche, ditto. 
 
 79 John Latouche, sen., ditto. 
 
 80 John Latouche, jun., ditto. 
 
 81 Charles Powell Leslie. 
 
 82 Edward Lee, member for the County of Waterford; zealous. 
 
 83 Sir Thomas Leighton, Bart., a banker. 
 
 84 Lord Maxwell (died Lord Farnham). 
 
 85 Alexander Montgomery. 
 
 86 Sir J. Macartney, Bart., much distressed, but could not be bribed ; 
 
 nephew by affinity to the Speaker. 
 
 87 William Thomas Mansell, actually purchased by Lord Castlereagh. 
 *88 Stephen Moore, changed sides on Lord Corry's motion. See De- 
 bates. 
 
 *89 John Moore. 
 
 90 Arthur Moore (afterwards Judge of the Common Pleas), a staunch 
 
 Anti-Unionist. 
 
 91 Lord Mathew (Earl Llandaff), Tipperary County. 
 *92 Thomas Mahon. 
 
 93 John Metge, brother to the Baron of the Exchequer. 
 
 94 Richard Neville, had been a dismissed Treasury officer ; sold his 
 
 vote to be reinstated; changed sides. See Black List. 
 
 95 Thomas Newenham, the author of various works on Ireland ; one 
 
 of the steadiest Anti-Unionist. 
 
 96 Charles O'Hara, Sligo County. 
 
 97 Sir Edward O'Brien, Clare County. 
 
 98 Col. Hugh O'Donnel, a most ardent Anti-Unionist; dismissed 
 
 from his regiment of Mayo militia. 
 
CHAP. VI.] AGAINST THE UNION. 
 
 191 
 
 99 James Moore O'Donnel, killed by Mr. Bingham in a duel. 
 
 100 Hon. W. O'Callaghan, brother to Lord Lismore. 
 
 101 Henry Osborn, could not be bribed; his brother was. 
 
 102 Rt. Hon. George Ogle, Wexford County. 
 
 103 Joseph Preston, an eccentric character; could not be purchased. 
 
 104 John Preston, of Bellintor, was purchased by a title (Lord Tara), 
 
 and his brother, a Parson, got a living of 700/. a year. 
 
 105 Rt. Hon. Sir J. Parnell, Chancellor of the Exchequer, dismissed 
 
 by Lord Castlereagh; incorruptible. 
 *106 Henry Parnell. 
 
 107 W. C. Plunkett (now Lord Plunket). 
 
 108 Rt. Hon. W. B. Ponsonby (afterwards Lord Ponsonby). 
 *109 J. B. Ponsonby (afterwards Lord Ponsonby). 
 
 110 Major W. Ponsonby, a general, killed at Waterloo. 
 
 111 Rt. Hon. G. Ponsonby (afterwards Lord Chancellor), died of 
 
 apoplexy. 
 
 112 Sir Laurence Parsons, King's County (Earl of Rosse) ; made a re- 
 
 markably fine speech. 
 
 113 Richard Power, nephew to the Baron of the Exchequer. 
 
 114 Abal Ram, changed sides. 
 
 115 Gustavus Rochfort, County Westmeath ; seduced by Government, 
 
 and changed sides in 1800. See Black List. 
 
 116 John S. Rochfort, nephew to the Speaker. 
 
 117 Sir William Richardson. 
 
 *118 John Reilly, changed sides. See Black List. 
 *119 William E. Reilly. 
 ♦120 Charles Ruxton. 
 121 William P. Ruxton. 
 *122 Clotworthy Rowley, changed sides. See Black List. 
 *123 William Rowley, ditto. See ditto. 
 *124 J. Rowley, ditto! See ditto. 
 
 125 Francis Saunderson. 
 
 126 William Smyth, Westmeath. 
 
 127 James Stewart. 
 
 128 Hon. W. J. Skeffington. 
 
 129 Francis Savage. 
 *130 Francis Synge. 
 
 131 Henry Stewart. 
 
 132 Sir R. St. George, Bart. 
 
 133 Hon. Benjamin Stratford (Lord Aldborough), gained by Lord 
 
 Castlereagh; changed sides. See Black List. 
 
 134 Nathaniel Sneyd. 
 
 135 Thomas Stannus, changed sides; Lord Portarlington's member. 
 
 See Black List. 
 •136 Robert Shaw, a banker. 
 
 *137 Rt. Hon. William Saurin (afterwards Attorney-General), a steady 
 but calm Anti-Unionist. 
 
 138 William Tighe. 
 
 139 Henry Tighe. 
 
 140 John Taylor. 
 
 141 Thomas Townshend. 
 
 142 Hon. Richard Trench, voted against the Union in 1799; was 
 
 gained by Lord Castlereagh, whose relative he married, and 
 
192 
 
 MEMBERS WHO VOTED [cHAP. VI. 
 
 voted for it in 1800; was created an Earl, and made an am- 
 bassador to Holland. 
 
 143 Hon. R. Taylor. 
 
 144 Charles Vereker (now Lord Gort) City Limerick. 
 
 145 Owen Wynne. 
 
 146 John Waller. 
 
 147 E. D. Wilson, first voted against the Union; purchased by Lord 
 
 Castlereagh; he was Lord Clare's brother-in-law. See Black 
 List. 
 
 *148 Thomas Whaley. 
 *149 Nicholas Westby. 
 
 *150 John Wolfe, member for the County Wicklow; Colonel of the 
 Kildare militia, refused to vote for Government, and was 
 cashiered ; could not be purchased. 
 
 ORIGINAL BLACK LIST 
 
 Of those who Voted for the Union in 1799 and 1800. 
 
 Thus * marked were not in the Division among those who voted for the 
 Union on the 24th of January 1799, of 106 for, to 111 against. 
 
 *1 R. Aldridge, an English clerk in the Secretary's office; no con- 
 nexion with Ireland. 
 
 2 Henry Alexander, Chairman of Ways and Means ; cousin of Lord 
 
 Caledon; his brother made a bishop; himself Colonial Secre- 
 tary at the Cape of Good Hope. 
 
 3 Richard Archdall, Commissioner of the Board of Works. 
 
 4 William Bailey, ditto ditto. 
 
 5 Right Hon. J. Beresford, First Commissioner of Revenue; brother- 
 
 in-law to Lord Clare. 
 
 6 J. Beresford, jun., then purse-bearer to Lord Clare, afterwards a 
 
 parson and Lord Decies. 
 
 7 Marcus Beresford, a colonel in the army, son to the bishop, Lord 
 
 Clare's nephew. 
 
 8 J. Bingham, created a peer ; got 8,000/. for two seats, and 15,000/. 
 
 compensation for Tuam. This gentleman first offered himself 
 for sale to the Anti-Unionists : Lord Clanmorris. 
 
 9 Joseph H. Blake, created a peer — Lord Wallscourt, &c. 
 *10 Sir J. G. Blackwood, created a peer — Lord DufFerin. 
 
 11 Sir John Blaquiere, numerous offices and pensions, and created a 
 
 peer — Lord De Blaquiere. 
 
 12 Anthony Botet, appointed Commissioner of the Barrack Board, 
 
 500/. a-year. 
 
 *13 Colonel Burton, brother to Lord Conyngham ; a colonel in the " 
 army. 
 
 *14 Sir Richard Butler, purchased and changed sides; voted against 
 
 the Union in 1799, and for it in 1800. 
 [ 15 Lord Boyle, son to Lord Shannon ; they got an immense sum of 
 
 money for their seats and boroughs; at 15,000/. eacli borough. 
 
 16 Right Hon. D. Brown, brother to Lord Sligo. 
 
 17 Stewart Bruce, Gentleman Usher at Dublin Castle; a baronet. 
 
CHAP. VI.] 
 
 FOR THE UNION. 
 
 193 
 
 18 George Burdet, Commissioner of a Public Board, 500/. per annum. 
 * 19 George Bunbury, Ditto. 
 20 Arthur Browne, changed sides and principles, and was appointed 
 
 serjeant; in 1799 opposed the Union, and supported it in 
 
 1800; he was Senior Fellow of Dublin University; lost his 
 
 seat the ensuing election, and died. 
 *21 John Bagwell, sen., chunged twice ; got half the patronage of Tip- 
 
 perary; his son a dean, &c.&c. 
 *22 John Bagwell, jun., ditto; got the Tipperary Regiment, &c. 
 *23 William Bagwell, his brother; changed sides. 
 
 24 Lord Castlereagh, the Irish Minister. 
 
 25 George Cavendish, Secretary to the Treasury during pleasure ; son 
 
 to Sir Henry. 
 
 26 Sir H. Cavendish, Receiver-General during pleasure; deeply in- 
 
 debted to the Crown. 
 
 27 Sir R. Chinnery, placed in office after the Union. 
 *28 James Cane, renegaded and got a pension. 
 
 *29 Thomas Casey, a Commissioner of Bankrupts under Lord Clare 
 
 made a city magistrate. 
 *30 Colonel C. Cope, renegaded ; got a regiment and the patronage of 
 
 his county. 
 
 *31 General Cradock, returned by Government ; much military rank ; 
 Lord Ilowden. 
 
 *32 James Crosby, a regiment and the patronage of Kerry, jointly ; 
 seconded the Address. 
 
 33 Edward Cooke, Under Secretary at the Castle. 
 
 34 Charles H. Coote, obtained a regiment (which was taken from 
 
 Colonel Warburton), patronage of Queen's county, and a 
 peerage (Lord Castlecoote), and 7,500/. in cash for his interest 
 at the borough of Maryborough, in which, in fact, it was 
 proved before the Commissioners that Sir Jonah Barrington 
 had more interest than his lordship. 
 
 35 Right Hon. I. Cony, appointed Chancellor of the Exchequer, on 
 
 dismissal of Sir John Parnell. 
 
 36 Sir J. Cotter, privately bought over by cash. 
 
 37 Richard Cotter. 
 
 "38 Hon. H. Creighton > , , . . , , , 
 
 *39 Hon. J. Creighton \ ren *S aded ! privately purchased. 
 40 W. A. Crosbie, Comptroller to the Lord Lieutenant's Household. 
 
 *41 James Cuffe, natural son to 'Sir. Cuffe of the Board of Works ; his 
 father created Lord Tyrawiy. 
 
 *42 General Dunne, returned for Maryborough by the united influence 
 of Lord Castlecoote and Government, to keep out Mr. Bar- 
 rington ; gained the election by only one. 
 
 43 William Elliott, Secretary at the Castle. 
 
 44 General Eustace, a regiment. 
 
 45 Lord C. Fitzgerald, Duke of Leinster's brother ; a pension and a 
 
 peerage ; a sea officer of no repute. 
 
 46 Right Hon. W. Forward, the brother of Lord Wicklow. 
 
 47 Sir C. Fortescue, renegaded officer ; King at Arms. 
 
 48 A. Ferguson, got a place at the Barrack Board, 500/. a year, and 
 
 a baronetcy. 
 
 *49 Luke Fox, appointed Judge of Common Pleas; nephew by marriage 
 to Lord Ely. 
 VOL. V. O 
 
194 
 
 MEMBERS WHO VOTED [CHAP. VI. 
 
 *50 William Fortescue, got a secret pension out of a fund (3,000/. 
 
 a year) entrusted by Parliament to the Irish Government, 
 solely to reward Reynolds, Cope, &c, &c, and those who in- 
 formed against rebels. 
 
 51 J. Galbraith, Lord Abercorn's attorney ; got a baronetage. 
 
 52 Henry D. Grady, first counsel to the Commissioners. 
 
 53 llichard Hare, put two members into Parliament, and was created 
 
 Lord Ennismore for their votes. 
 
 54 William Hare, his son. 
 
 55 Colonel B. Heniker, a regiment, and paid 3,500/. for his seat by 
 
 the Commissioners of Compensation ; an Englishman; got a 
 peerage. 
 
 56 Peter Holmes, a Commissioner of Stamps. 
 
 57 George Hatton, appointed Commissioner of Stamps. 
 
 58 Hon. J. Hutchinson, a general, Lord Hutchinson. 
 
 59 Hugh Howard, Lord Wicklow's brother, made Postmaster General. 
 *60 William Handcock, Athlone, an extraordinary instance; he made 
 
 and sang songs against the Union in 1799, at a public dinner 
 of the Opposition, and made and sang songs for it in 1800; 
 he got a peerage. 
 *61 John Hobson, appointed Storekeeper at the Castle Ordnance. 
 (32 Col. G. Jackson, a regiment. 
 
 63 Denham Jephson, Master of Horse to the Lord Lieutenant. 
 
 64 Hon. G. Jocelyn, promotion in the Army, and his brother conse- 
 
 crated bishop of Lismore. 
 
 65 William Jones, Colonel of Militia. 
 
 66 Theophilus Jones, Collector of Dublin. 
 
 67 Maj.-Gen. Jackson, a regiment. 
 
 *68 William Johnson, returned to Parliament by Lord Castlereagh, as 
 he himself declared, "to put an end to it;" appointed judge. 
 
 69 Robert Johnson, seceded from his patron, Lord Downshire, and 
 
 was appointed a judge. 
 
 70 John Keane, a renegade; got a pension. 
 
 71 James Kearney, returned by Lord Clifton, being his attorney; got 
 an office. 
 
 72 Henry Kemmis, son to the Crown Solicitor. 
 
 73 William Knott, appointed a Commissioner of Appeals, 800/. a 
 
 year. 
 
 74 Andrew Knox, Lord Abercorn's influence. 
 *75 Colonel Keatinge. 
 
 76 Right Hon. Sir H. Langrishe, a Commissioner of the Revenue, re- 
 
 ceived 15,000/. for his patronage at Knoctopher. 
 
 77 T. Lindsay, Commissioner of Stamps, paid 1,500/. for his pa- 
 
 tronage. 
 
 78 T. Lindsay, jun., Usher at the Castle, paid 1.500/. for his pa- 
 
 tronage. 
 
 79 T. Longfield, created a peer ; Lord Longueville. 
 
 80 Capt. J. Longfield, appointed to the Office of Ship Entries of 
 
 Dublin, taken from Sir Jonah Barrington. 
 
 81 Lord Loftus, son to Lord Ely, Postmaster-General; got 30,000/. 
 
 for their boroughs, and created an English Marquis. 
 
 82 General Lake, an Englishman (no connexion with Ireland) ; re- 
 
 turned by Lord Castereagh solely to vote for the Union. 
 
 83 Right Hon. David Latouche. 
 
chap, vi.] 
 
 FOR THE UNION. 
 
 195 
 
 84 General Loftus, a general ; got a regiment ; cousin to Lord Ely. 
 
 85 Francis M'Namara, a private pension, paid by Lord Castlereagh. 
 
 86 Ross Mahon, several appointments and places by Government. 
 
 87 Richard Martin, Commissioner of Stamps. 
 
 88 Right Hon. Monk Mason, a Commissioner of Revenue. 
 
 89 H. D. Massy, received 4,000/. 
 *90 Thomas Mahon. 
 
 91 A. E. M'Naghten, appointed a Lord of the Treasury, &c. 
 
 92 Stephen Moore, a Postmaster at will. 
 *93 N. M. Moore. 
 
 94 Right Hon. Lodge .Morris, created a peer. 
 
 95 Sir R. Musgrave, appointed Receiver of the Customs, 1,200/. 
 
 a year. 
 
 96 James M'Cleland, a barrister; appointed Solicitor-General, and 
 
 then a Baron of the Exchequer. 
 *97 Colonel C. M'Donnel, Commissioner of Imprest Accounts, 500/. 
 
 per annum. 
 *98 Richard Magenniss, ditto. 
 
 99 Thomas Nesbit, a pensioner at will. 
 
 100 Sir W. G . Newcomen, Bart., bought, and a peerage for his wife. 
 "*101 Richard Neville, renegaded; reinstated as Teller of the Ex- 
 chequer. 
 
 102 William Odell, a regiment, and Lord of the Treasury. 
 
 103 Charles Osborne, a barrister, appointed a Judge of tho King's 
 
 Bench. 
 
 104 C. M. Ormsby, appointed First Council Commissioner. 
 
 105 Admiral Packenham, Master of the Ordnance. 
 
 *106 Colonel Packenham, a regiment, killed at New Orleans. 
 *107 H. S. Prittie, a peerage, Lord Dunally. 
 *108 R. Penefather. 
 
 *109 T. Prendergast, an office in the Court of Chancery, 500/. a year, 
 
 his brother Crown Solicitor. 
 *110 Sir Richard Quin, a peerage. 
 
 111 Sir Boyle Roche, Gentleman Usher at the Castle. 
 
 112 R. Rutledge. 
 
 *113 Hon. C. Rowley, renegaded, and appointed to office by Lord 
 Castlereagh. 
 
 114 Hon. H. Skeffington, Clerk of the Paper Office of the Castle, and 
 
 7,500/. for his patronage. 
 
 115 William Smith, a barrister, appointed a Baron of Exchequer. 
 
 116 H. M. Sandford, created a peer, Lord Mount Sandford. 
 
 117 Edmond Stanley, appointed Commissioner of Accounts. 
 
 118 John Staples. 
 
 119 John Stewart, appointed Attorney-General, and created a baronet. 
 
 120 John Stratton. 
 
 *121 Hon. B. Stratford, renegaded to get 7,500, his half of the com- 
 pensation for Baltinglass. 
 
 *122 Hon. J. Strutford, Paymaster of Foreign Forces, 1,300/. a year, 
 and 7,500/. for Baltinglass. 
 
 *1 23 Richard Sharkey, an obscure barrister, appointed a county judge. 
 
 *124 Thomas Stannus, renegaded. 
 
 *125 J. Savage. 
 
 *126 Right Hon. J. Toler, Attorney-General, his wife, an old lady, 
 created a peeress, himself made Chief Justice, and a peer. 
 
 o 2 
 
196 
 
 MR. FOX*S OPINIONS [CHAP. VI. 
 
 *127 Frederick Trench, appointed a Commissioner of the Board of 
 Works. 
 
 *128 Hon. R. Trench, a barrister, created a peer, and made an ambas- 
 sador. 
 
 *129 Charles Trench, his brother appointed Commissioner of Inland 
 Navigation, a new office created by Lord Cornwallis, for 
 rewards. 
 
 *130 Richard Talbot. 
 
 *131 P. Tottenham, compensation for patronage, cousin, and politically- 
 connected with Lord Ely. 
 
 132 Lord Tyrone, 104 offices in the gift of his family; proposed the 
 
 Union in Parliament, by a speech written in the crown of his 
 hat. 
 
 133 Charles Tottenham, in office. 
 
 134 John Townsend, a Commissioner. 
 
 *135 Robert Tighe, Commissioner of Barracks. 
 
 136 Robert Uniack, a commissioner; connected with Lord Clare. 
 
 137 James Verner, called the Prince of Orange. 
 
 138 J. O. Vandeleur, commissioner of the Revenue; his brother a 
 
 Judge. 
 
 139 Colonel Wemyss, Collector of Kilkenny. 
 
 140 Henry Westenra, father of the late Lord Rossmore, the reverse 
 
 of him in politics. 
 
 It may not be uninteresting to refer to the two 
 great leading men of the day, who, on the subject 
 of the Union, widely differed. Mr. Fox had as- 
 sisted in the establishment of the Independent 
 Constitution of Ireland in 1782, and was adverse 
 to a change. But with a view to forward the 
 measure, his opponents had represented his senti- 
 ments as favourable to it; and, in consequence, 
 at a meeting of the Whig Club in London, on the 
 6th May, 1800, he took the opportunity of ex- 
 plaining them. He said — 
 
 That he had persisted in his retirement from Parliament 
 from no motive, but a persuasion on his part that his at- 
 tendance w ould be of no avail — his opinions had been mis- 
 represented, particularly on the Union. It had been in- 
 vidiously given out, both in this country and in Ireland, 
 that he was rather friendly than adverse to that measure — 
 it was unnecessary to repeat his opinions to such men as 
 were well acquainted with him. He, who had opposed the 
 enslaving of America, must be hostile to the enslaving of 
 Ireland. (Loud applause.) He, who thought it was un- 
 pardonable presumption, in this country, to attempt to 
 
CHAP. VI.] 
 
 ON THE UNION. 
 
 197 
 
 legislate for America, would not change his opinions of 
 legislating for Ireland in Great Britain. It was the most 
 arrogant of all pretensions, to pretend that we can legislate 
 for Ireland — that we should understand all her local in- 
 terests better than herself, and feel a more lively anxiety 
 in promoting them — the sovereignty of the people — that 
 man shall be his own governor, is the fundamental prin- 
 ciple of all well constituted states. It is unnecessary to say 
 more than to compare this principle with the Union, in 
 order to discover the injustice of the measure. Does any 
 one think, when the Union takes place, that Ireland will 
 have an equal share in the Government? " Do as you will 
 be done by/' is one of the soundest maxims of policy. Put 
 the question the other way: suppose England were to sur- 
 render up her legislature to unite herself with Ireland, and 
 send one hundred members to the Irish Parliament, to sit 
 there and act as the guardians of the interests of this 
 country. If such a proposition was made, what would be 
 the first outcry here against such a surrender of our inde- 
 pendence : such a sacrifice of our interests, even if Ireland 
 were to have an equal share in the British legislature, an 
 outcry would be raised. What would the English say if 
 the members for Belfast and Limerick were to have the 
 ruling voice in legislating for them? To undertake to legis- 
 late for persons with whose local interests we must be un- 
 acquainted is despotism, not liberty. We could not have 
 the same feeling, the same views with Ireland, and the at- 
 tempt to govern for them was the most audacious which 
 the history of mankind recorded. To pretend that the 
 measure is taken with the consent of the Irish people is 
 adding mockery to injury. While martial law # is pro- 
 claimed in Ireland, and the people restrained from meeting 
 to express their sentiments, it is insulting them to say that 
 the Union is made with their free good-will. 
 
 These were Mr. Fox's opinions on the measure 
 of Union ; they were worthy of a great mind, 
 and a man of enlarged sentiments, and in both 
 these respects there appears a great difference 
 between him and his rival, and many think that 
 
 * When the disturbances in 1798 broke out in Ireland, he said to 
 Mr. Grattan, "your countrymen have got into a great scrape, and I do 
 not see how they can get out of it." 
 
198 
 
 COMPARISON BETWEEN [CHAP. VI. 
 
 in these respects he greatly surpassed him. A 
 comparison, therefore, of the respective merits of 
 these celebrated men, may not prove uninterest- 
 ing or unimportant. 
 
 Mr. Pitt — who may be said to be the author of 
 Ireland's degradation, and the cause of her 
 heaviest calamities — was the son of the great 
 Earl of Chatham. In his early days he was dis- 
 tinguished for his literary acquirements, and was 
 reputed to be one of the best classical scholars in 
 England. He came into public life with great 
 advantages ; the splendour of his father's name 
 shone around him, and he enjoyed the reputation 
 of hereditary talent and popular principles ; for his 
 conduct, at the commencement of his career, in- 
 duced men to believe that he would prove to be a 
 staunch supporter of the rights and liberties of 
 the people, as well as the power and prerogatives 
 of the Crown. 
 
 As a speaker, Mr. Pitt was excellent — he had 
 been trained in the art from his infancy by his 
 father—he spoke very often, and never ill ; Mr. 
 Fox spoke often, and not always well, yet when 
 lie spoke from his heart, he was superior to Pitt; 
 but in reply, Mr. Pitt was always good and 
 superior to Fox, though not equal to Sheridan, 
 whose invective was very bitter, and who was a 
 man of the greatest genius in the House of Com- 
 mons. Sheridan used to annoy Pitt more than 
 any one else, and it is probable that on a field "day 
 Sheridan would have surpassed him, for he could 
 make him appear very ridiculous ;* but in close 
 fight, Pitt always supported himself with pru- 
 dence and sufficient boldness. He had great 
 powers of satire ; his fort was scorn ; his invec- 
 
 * Mr. Grattan used to say that the difference between Lord Chatham 
 and his son was, that you remembered what the one said, but not what 
 the other. 
 
CHAP. VI.] MR. FOX AND MR. PITT. 
 
 199 
 
 tive was almost unrivalled, and did not seem to be 
 so much the result of a warm imagination as the 
 effect of his judgment ; but he had not the depth 
 or the grandeur of Fox. It is true that in his 
 speeches Fox used to go very far ; he went be- 
 yond what was prudent, and hazarded bold and 
 extreme opinions. lie did so in 1789 ; he did so 
 in 1796. The race of his eloquence hurried him 
 forward and precipitated him ; there was a bold, 
 constitutional vehemence of mind, which made 
 him sacrifice his cooler judgment. Its nobleness 
 captivated. When he conversed, he opened his 
 heart before you — when he spoke, his language 
 was select, his words well chosen ; he sometimes 
 made too much of a small subject; but when his 
 mind lightened, he was prodigiously fine — nothing 
 could be superior. He possessed more talent 
 and more general knowledge than Pitt, but he 
 had not his art. Pitt was an actor, but, unlike 
 his father, he was a trickster also. He had a 
 better understanding than Fox, but he wanted 
 what Fox had — a heart ! He was too cautious, 
 and would have been a greater man if he had had 
 less artifice. His speaking resembled a square 
 battalion, or a number of battalions, each sup- 
 porting the other ; his arguments were always 
 well arranged, and followed and strengthened 
 each other. It was not so with Fox. His fault 
 was that his arguments did not seem to flow from 
 each other ; it was a large army, but deficient in 
 order; but Pitt lacked the ornament that Fox 
 had, which, however, was in argument, and not 
 always used ; neither did he possess the same 
 reach of mind as Fox, nor the same magnanimity 
 of sentiment. When men heard Pitt* speak, they 
 heard what was very good and finely delivered, 
 
 * Sheridan used to say that Pitt was like a pendulum — he never 
 thought till his tongue was set in motion. 
 
200 
 
 COMPARISON BETWEEN [CHAP. VI. 
 
 but when they heard Fox they heard much that 
 was ordinary, and some things that were unri- 
 valled. Pitt's speeches are models of parlia- 
 mentary debating, and good speaking ; they flow 
 with great ease — there is no break, no sudden 
 conclusion, nothing abrupt; they contain much 
 grandeur of style ; they have propriety, sense, 
 and dignity, and an easy continued flow, but they 
 want brilliancy, vivacity, and impetus ; they will 
 not descend to posterity, and will scarcely be 
 read, for the subjects cease to interest, and there 
 is no rich sentiment or philosophical principle in 
 them. They are nothing compared to his father's 
 * — they are nothing compared to Bolingbroke, and 
 even Bolingbroke is not often read. Demosthenes 
 will ever be read on account of his fine style and 
 fine sentiments, though the subject does not in- 
 terest. Pitt's speeches on the Kegency question 
 excite no interest — (that, as was very improperly 
 said by Sheridan, was a question of party) — his 
 speeches on the Indian question are good, but in- 
 ferior to Burke's, where that subject will be 
 studied ; inferior also to Fox, who spoke on that 
 question better than Pitt. His speech on the 
 breaking out of the French war, alter the peace 
 of Amiens, was Pitt's best, but it was ill reported, 
 as the gallery was cleared. Fox replied next 
 day, and told Mr. Grattan it was the best speech 
 he ever made. 
 
 Of these two great statesmen, Mr. Fox was 
 decidedly the first — he possessed finer principles, 
 and appears a nobler but a looser* character. 
 Mr. Pitt will be thought to have more prudence, 
 but he was spoiled by Government, and had re- 
 ceived a bad education from his early connection 
 with the Court, where he had learned harsh prin- 
 ciples and tricky ways. On the other hand, Mr. 
 
 * Coming from the Italian he would have sung the Beggar's Opera. 
 
CHAP. VI.] MR. FOX AND MR. PITT. 
 
 201 
 
 Fox stood aloof from the Court, and was brought 
 up differently, though irregularly, but was spoiled 
 by being too long in opposition, as Mr. Pitt was 
 by being too long in Government; yet, consider- 
 ing how long Pitt remained in power, and the 
 means he had to increase it, it is surprising he 
 was not a much worse and a more arbitrary 
 minister. He had the art to keep clear of faults, 
 and exposed himself to few, while he took advan- 
 tage of all those of his adversary, so that he may 
 justly be called " tectissimus orator;' but this was 
 not a great art, and did not evince any great 
 quality, and there is no fine principle in it. Pitt 
 was cunning, always afraid of being overreached, 
 and sure to sow distrust in every bosom. He did 
 so with Mr. Grattan and the Volunteers in 1783 
 — he did so with Mr. Grattan and Lord Fitz- 
 william in the negotiation of 1795 — he did so with 
 respect to both Catholics and Protestants at the 
 Union in 1800. Fox was exactly the reverse ; he 
 had an engaging manner, a directitude and open- 
 ness of character that inspired confidence ; he 
 possessed the art of approximation, and in a 
 question of negotiation would come sooner to the 
 object, and had talent to manage it. Great fault 
 was found with Fox for his coalition with Lord 
 North in '83 ; but the coalition of Pitt with 
 George the Third afterwards was infinitely worse. 
 Fox's junction with Lord North may have been 
 unseemly, but nothing more. Fox and he had 
 been political opponents, but Fox was minister 
 and Lord North was not ; he took office under 
 Fox. But Pitt formed a coalition with the King, 
 and took office under him — the one was the Go- 
 vernment of a constitutional minister directing a 
 man already humbled by defeat, the other was 
 the league of an exasperated king against a con- 
 stitutional minister. The King had lost one Em- 
 
202 
 
 COMPARISON BETWEEN [CHAP. VI. 
 
 pire, and would have gone on in the mad attempt 
 to recover it, if he had been permitted to follow 
 his own inclination. Pitt joined with him, and 
 formed a most unprincipled junction, in which he 
 consulted his animosity against Fox more than his 
 love for the country. Pitt took office under the 
 old offenders,* and a very bad party; and the 
 King took up an aspiring young man against Fox, 
 and Pitt managed the King by threatening to let 
 loose Fox upon him. This terror kept Pitt in office 
 till he found he was making the King too strong; 
 the King then discovered he could do without 
 him, and turned him out.f It was singular that 
 the people should have seen the junction between 
 Fox and Lord North, and not have seen the junc- 
 tion between Pitt and the King. Though the 
 doctrine that the King should not name as minis- 
 ter a man whom Parliament disapproves, is not 
 very constitutional, yet it is useful. In 1784, 
 Pitt opposed this fatally ; his father had thought 
 differently, and said that the King should be re- 
 strained in the choice of his minister, and kept 
 him so. Pitt dissolved the charm, and took the 
 King out of leading strings. Pitt gave many bad 
 qualities to the King, who kept them, and in ex- 
 change he got bad ones from the King, and never 
 returned them. 
 
 On the subject of the Regency, perhaps Pitt 
 was right; the ground he took was more prudent 
 and more popular than that taken by Mr. Fox ; 
 and yet he would have found it difficult to reconcile 
 it to the spirit of the British constitution. There 
 was no analogy to it in his doctrine, which went 
 much farther from the principles of the constitution 
 than that of Mr. Fox. 
 
 Mr. Fox (who on the question of the Middle- 
 sex election had begun ill in supporting its prin- 
 
 * 1784. f 1801. 
 
CHAP. VI.] MR. FOX AND MR. PITT. 
 
 203 
 
 ciple, namely, the right of the House of Commons 
 to disqualify its members), on the question of the 
 Regency supported the right of the Prince of 
 Wales to become Regent on the illness of his 
 father, the King. Of this error Mr. Pitt availed 
 himself dexterously, and acquired great popu- 
 larity. He managed the question with consum- 
 mate skill, and gained the people by professing to 
 defend the Constitution against Fox, while he 
 gained the King by defending him against his 
 son. It was certainly more dangerous to let the 
 House of Commons assume the power than the 
 Prince, for then they might declare the King in- 
 capable, and form a Republic. The case was an 
 extreme one, and could only be provided for on 
 the occasion ; there was no great light thrown on 
 the subject. Mr. Pitt's phrase of " Treason to 
 the Constitution" sounded well, but had no 
 strength. He admitted that the Prince should be 
 Regent; Fox said the same; they differed only 
 about the mode ; that was matter of arrangement, 
 and in this Pitt showed a factious spirit. He de- 
 prived the Regent of the appointments to the 
 household, which he gave to the Queen, whom 
 he had on his side, and of whose friendship he 
 was sure : thus he created a party for himself, so 
 that he could not be turned out of office ; or, if 
 he was turned out, he possessed through this 
 party the greatest possible means of annoying 
 the Regent. On the whole of the business there 
 was a great deal of faction.* The Prince did not 
 act well ; he held private meetings, when he 
 should have left London, and shown no anxiety 
 or concern in the case further than that which 
 
 * On the debate on the same subject at a subsequent period, Sheridan 
 said the whole was a question of party ; his friends did not forgive him. 
 But this did not apply to Ireland where it was not a party question, and 
 in which the Irish Parliament acted in a much more constitutional 
 manner than the British. 
 
204 
 
 CHARACTER OF 
 
 [CHAP. VI. 
 
 he should have entertained concerning his father. 
 The Parliament of Ireland on this occasion dif- 
 fered from Mr. Pitt ; they made him their enemy 
 by taking part with the Prince of Wales against 
 him. Mr. Pitt never forgave them, but harboured 
 the recollection in his breast till an opportunity 
 occurred. The Union was an act of resentment, 
 and he then wreaked upon that devoted country 
 all his vengeance, with cool, unsparing malevo- 
 lence. 
 
 He took up the question of Reform in Parlia- 
 ment, and the reformation of abuses, and then he 
 abandoned them. Having availed himself of the 
 popularity they acquired for him to get into 
 power ; he then forgot the principle — the Reform 
 he found a legacy left by his father, and he used 
 it, not for the people, but as a weapon against 
 Mr. Fox, and then flung it away as soon as he 
 became minister. He acted the part of an apos- 
 tate, and his office was his apology ; but he went 
 a little farther, and strove to hang those who had 
 supported these measures. He made an attack 
 upon the Constitution, and put on their trial the 
 persons who had formerly been his friends. He 
 had lived with Dr. Price and Home Tooke in 
 habits of intimacy — he had adopted the principles 
 of the one, enjoyed the friendship of the other, 
 and then strove to hang both. It may be said 
 that he stopped the dissemination of Jacobin prin- 
 ciples in England, but he did so by desperate 
 measures, and most unconstitutional proceedings ; 
 and if the offences of Hardy and Tooke had been 
 declared treason, no man in England would have 
 been safe. 
 
 With regard to the abolition of the slave trade, 
 he professed to be its supporter, yet he remained 
 in office without carrying it — he did more, for he 
 allowed his own men to consider it as a private 
 
CHAP. VI.] MR. FOX AND MR. PITT. 
 
 205 
 
 question, and let them vote as they pleased : thus, 
 he held office to let his own party vote against 
 him, and outvote him on his own question. This 
 was a palpable trick, and the introduction of a 
 practice that was novel and bad. 
 
 With respect to the French war, Pitt supported 
 and Fox opposed it. Both were in the wrong — 
 both went too far ; the one was too ready to make 
 peace, the other too eager to continue the war. 
 Pitt was mistaken, in 1792, for he should have 
 made peace then. France had been foiled ; she 
 had lost Brabant and the Low Countries, and was 
 more limited in territory than at the peace of 
 1814. The object, therefore, which Mr. Pitt 
 professed to have in view was obtained, and he 
 should have terminated the war. He approved 
 afterwards of the peace of 1801, and this was a 
 confession that he was wrong in 1792 ; but his idea 
 was not merely to beat down France, but to beat 
 down all French principles everywhere. That 
 was absurd, and showed he was a bad statesman, 
 as well as a bad war-minister ; but he was a 
 sterling Englishman, and his merit was, that he 
 restrained the wild spirit that was extending from 
 France, and kept up the national spirit of Eng- 
 land. He did this with great boldness and great 
 perseverance, and not only kept up the high tone 
 of England, but made her the rallying-point for 
 Europe ; and it may be fairly said, that he upheld 
 the courage of the Continent, as well as that of 
 his own country. He was, however, greatly 
 assisted by Edmund Burke. This was his merit, 
 and he deserves praise for it ; but when that is 
 said, everything is said. His plans got credit 
 subsequently from the defeat of the French, and 
 obtained for his memory a praise that he did not 
 deserve ; for the success of the war was owing to 
 
206 
 
 CHARACTER OF [CHAP. VI. 
 
 the reverse of his system. He had nothing to say- 
 to it ; Buonaparte achieved it — not England. 
 
 Fox's fault was that he appeared too eager to 
 conclude peace on any terms, and he was cen- 
 sured for this much more than he deserved ; the 
 truth was that he saw farther than Pitt did, and 
 was right in the two prophecies that he made 
 that France would beat Europe and could only 
 be ruined by herself; he said justly, " if France 
 is thrown on her resources she will beat us, hut if 
 she throws the Continent on their resources she will 
 be beaten.'" This turned out to be the case. Pitt 
 proved the truth of the first proposition, for he 
 submitted to terms of peace harder than were 
 offered to England, and that left France mistress 
 of Europe. The event proved the truth of the 
 second proposition. France beat herself down ; 
 the expedition to Russia ruined her ; Pitt's wars 
 made her ; Buonaparte's wars destroyed her. Fox 
 may have committed many errors, but here he 
 foretold precisely what happened, and sufficient 
 justice has not been rendered to his memory. If 
 he had lived, he would have made peace in 1807 ; 
 he had obtained good terms, and would have 
 brought matters to a favourable termination ; but 
 he was dying. 
 
 Let us see for what Pitt deserves the name of 
 great : he could have derived little satisfaction 
 from anything that he did, except it was a satis- 
 faction to find the country everything and to 
 leave her nothing ; perhaps he may have been 
 elated by his measures of finance. Commerce 
 grew into a flourishing state, notwithstanding the 
 loss of the American market, and here he had 
 some merit. As to the French revolution, he 
 prevented its principles from spreading to Eng- 
 land, but he did this by desperate means, and 
 
CHAP. VI.] MR. FOX AND MR. PITT. 
 
 207 
 
 the Emperor of Austria did the same. His con- 
 ceptions may have been good, but his execution 
 was miserable. He failed in all his military 
 undertakings ; his expeditions were unfortunate 
 and unsuccessful. He placed at their head the 
 King's son, because he was his son, not because 
 he was a general. His coalitions were ill- 
 planned, accelerated, and ineffectual.* His con- 
 tinental projects failed ; he could not carry par- 
 liamentary reform ; he could not carry the 
 abolition of the slave trade ; he could not carry 
 Catholic emancipation ; he could not conclude 
 a peace with France ; he could only make war in 
 Ireland, and carry his Union by bayonets and 
 bribes. His bank restriction was condemned by 
 his friend Canning ; his sinking fund by his 
 friend Lord Grenville. 
 
 The panegyric of his followers was his dis- 
 paragement ; for if he had been a truly great man 
 he never would have associated with them. They 
 undervalued Lord Chatham, and for opposite 
 reasons praised the son. Had he been what he 
 ought they would not have extolled him ; but 
 Mr. Pitt liked that class of persons, and was fond 
 of "a diligent mediocrity,''' On the whole, he 
 failed in the two grand efforts of his life — the 
 French war and the Irish Union ; his professed 
 object was to consolidate the two countries, 
 whereas the people remained as divided as ever. 
 His rival would never have passed such a mea- 
 sure. Mr. Fox had a superior mind ; he had also an 
 excellent heart, and was perhaps the best natured 
 
 * The public paper transmitted to Mr. Pitt from abroad, stated the 
 number of troops the allies -were to bring into the field, and after parti- 
 cularizing the contingents of each state, ended with " et d'uutres, 
 30,000 !" and these paper men seemed to suffice for the British minis- 
 ter; England paid for them accordingly, and Buonaparte scattered 
 them to the winds. 
 
203 
 
 CHARACTER OF MR. PITT. [CHAP. VI. 
 
 man that ever lived. He wrote to General Bur- 
 goyne in 1783 about the Irish Volunteers, so also 
 did Mr. Pitt ; his letters were kind and feeling, 
 — those of Mr. Pitt were harsh and angry. Fox 
 was full of candour ; he had great weaknesses, 
 was often mistaken in politics, and had many 
 errors, but they did not impeach his political 
 principles, though they did his prudence. Pitt, on 
 the contrary, associated and went to table with 
 men of vile principles — Jenkinson, Eldon, West- 
 moreland. What could be more insincere than 
 his professions? What more unconstitutional than 
 his government? What more desperate, profli- 
 gate, and violent than his Irish administration ? 
 His fault — nay his crime — was that his govern- 
 ment left on the minds of the people a hostile 
 impression towards England. 
 
 When men call him great they should not 
 forget his conduct — flogging, strangling, and free- 
 quarters. If he had been a great man he would 
 not have allowed such measures. It may be 
 doubted whether he was a bad minister for Eng- 
 land, but no one can doubt that he was a bad 
 minister for Ireland ; he kept up there an abomi- 
 nable set of men, and it cannot any longer be 
 questioned whether he was justified in giving 
 that country up to a band of fiery fiends such as 
 Lord Clare, John Claudius Beresford, Archbishop 
 Agar, Hobart, Westmoreland, and Camden — the 
 pitch-cap, the triangle, the lash, and the torture. 
 There is a good plain way of judging of ministers, 
 that is, from the persons they employ, and if Pitt 
 had been truly great he never would have tole- 
 rated such men or pursued such measures. He 
 found Ireland in a very different state from that 
 to which he reduced her. His father did not 
 think it requisite to keep up such a military force 
 
CHAP. VI.] CHARACTER OF MR. PITT. 
 
 209 
 
 there as his son rendered necessary. It was not 
 required at the time of the American war. It 
 was not required at the period of 1782, there 
 were then only 5,000 troops in Ireland ; it was 
 scarcely required even at the period of 179G ; but 
 Mr. Pitt lost by his violent measures the affec- 
 tions of the Irish people, he shook the connection, 
 he perilled the empire, and his conduct towards 
 Ireland left a stain upon his character that never 
 will be effaced. 
 
 vol. v. 
 
 p 
 
210 
 
 MR. GRATTAN RETIRES [CHAP. VII. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 After the Union Mr. Grattan retires to Tinnehinch and gives up politics. 
 — His mode of life. — Letter to Mr. Berwick. — Remark on Lord 
 Clare's speech in the Imperial Parliament. — Lord Fitzwilliam urges 
 Mr. Grattan to enter Parliament. — Mr. Grattan's letter to Signor 
 Acerbi. — Remarks on Ireland. — Mr. Pitt and Lord Cornwallis retire 
 from office. — Their reasons. — Memorandum produced by Lord Castle- 
 reagh on the subject. — Mr. Addington's administration. — Peace with 
 the French Republic. — Emmett's insurrection in 1803. — His words and 
 death. — The Broken Heart, Moore's Melody. — Mr. M'Can's exami- 
 nation before the Privy Council. — Strange offers to him. — Mr. Grat- 
 tan's letter to Mr. Wickham. — The paper regarding the United Irish 
 Directory burned by Mr. Grattan. — Lord Fitzwilliam's letter to Mr. 
 Grattan and Mr. Plowden. — His History and Remarks on Mr. 
 Addington as to the Catholics. — Mr. Fox applies to Mr. Grattan on 
 the affairs of Ireland. — His answer. — His yeomanry corps. — Recon- 
 ciles Orangemen and Catholics. — Mr. Grattan's important letter to 
 Mr. Fox. — Mr. Fox to Mr. Grattan. — Hardy's Memoirs of Lord 
 Charlemont. 
 
 After the Union, Mr. Grattan retired to Tinne- 
 hinch, and gave himself up to study and to the 
 education of his children. His love of literature 
 and of music afforded him great and lasting- 
 resources ; he returned to the study of Greek 
 and Latin classics, and the English, Irish, and 
 Roman histories. Horace, Virgil, Homer, Livy, 
 Tacitus, Cicero, and Demosthenes, Shakspeare, 
 Milton, and Pope were his favourite authors; 
 he had them always on the table and much of 
 them by heart. About a mile from Tinnehinch 
 there was an ancient Roman Catholic church- 
 yard, situated on a rising ground above the 
 Waterfall river ; the remains of the ruined walls 
 
CHAP. Vn.] FROM POLITICS. 
 
 211 
 
 were overhung with ivy, and the old trees that 
 grew around them covered the place with a grave 
 and solemn shade, it was a lonely but an inte- 
 resting spot ; along its border lay a little dell 
 through which a brook murmured gently round 
 moss-grown stones, till a few yards farther on, it 
 fell over a steep cascade, and there joined the 
 river that flowed to Tinnehinch. This was the 
 favourite retreat of Mr. Grattan ; to this seques- 
 tered spot he loved to retire, and on the Sunday 
 mornings in spring, when the wild violets and the 
 primroses began to appear, and in summertide, he 
 used to sit or saunter beneath the blossoming 
 hawthorn, wrapt in thought and meditation ; 
 there, he would say, it is not within a church 
 alone that I can offer up my prayers to Heaven ; 
 God is visible in all his works around, wondrous 
 and infinite ; I behold, I admire, and I adore. 
 My brother* and myself, who often accompanied 
 him, used then to read or to repeat some favourite 
 author, till the hour for breakfast aroused him to 
 return. He could scarce speak tranquilly on the 
 subject of the Union ; at one time he would start 
 into fits as if seized with frenzy, at another he 
 would remain musing and melancholy, or if he 
 ventured to speak on the subject his eyes almost 
 filled with tears. 
 
 His habits were early, and as he was now freed 
 from the turmoil of politics, he could regulate 
 them with more precision. He rose at six, threw 
 over his shoulders his House of Commons cloak, 
 and went from the bedroom to the river and 
 therein he precipitated himself, summer or win- 
 ter, frost or snow ; his health was thus re- 
 stored, and his spirits in some degree recovered 
 their former tone and elasticity. He kept to his 
 early friends, Hardy, Berwick, Ponsonby, Arthur 
 
 * The Right Hon. James Grattan, member for the county of Wicklow. 
 
 p 2 
 
212 MR. GRATTAN TO MR. BERWICK. [CHAP. VII. 
 
 Moore, Preston (the poet), Burrowes, Fletcher, 
 Curran, the remnant of the Irish party, with 
 whom, as he was wont to say, he had retired from 
 the scenes of their last labours, " with safe con- 
 sciences but with breaking hearts." 
 
 But Mr. Grattan, though sensitive in the high- 
 est degree,* was a man too intellectual, too 
 favoured in friendship and love, and too good 
 to fall into misanthropy or stupor under any mis- 
 fortunes. The following letter to one of his closet 
 friends, though short and slight, shows that his 
 mind was strong, as the after one from Lord 
 Fitzwilliam is evidence of his bodily health, and 
 of the unabated esteem with which every honest 
 politician regarded him : — 
 
 Mr. Grattan to the Rev. Mr. Berwick. 
 
 30th March, 1801. 
 
 My dear Doctor, — I return you many thanks ; pre- 
 sent my acknowledgments to Mr. Davenportf in my name, 
 but I have got a tutor, Mr. M'Neil has agreed to come. 
 I long to see you and talk about the times. I have not 
 seen Hardy for some time^-he is with the Bishop ;J as soon 
 as my horse recovers I will ride to them. I am glad you 
 are likely to be on friendly terms with La Touche ; § he is 
 a man of great worth, though his politics fall short a little 
 
 * An anecdote may here be related, which to some families may 
 prove useful and instructive. When very young Mr. Grattan had been 
 frightened by stories of ghosts and hobgoblins that nurses are too often in 
 the habit of relating to children, so much so as to affect his nerves in 
 the greatest degree ; he could not bear being left alone, or remaining 
 long without any person in the dark. This feeling he determined to 
 overcome, and he adopted a bold plan. In the dead of night he used 
 to resort to a churchyard near his father's house, and there he used to sit 
 upon the gravestones, while the perspiration poured down his face; but 
 by these efforts he at length succeeded and overcame his nervous sensa- 
 tion ; this certainly was a strong proof of courage in a child. 
 
 f Rev. Mr. Davenport, a Fellow of Dublin College, a very worthy 
 man. 
 
 \ Dickson, Bishop of Down, a mild, upright, honest man, who with 
 Marley voted against the Union — the only two bishops who did so. 
 
 § Right Hon. David Latouche, he had voted for the Union; one of 
 the only seven men in the house who were not bribed. 
 
CHAP. VII.] LORD PITZ WILLI AM TO MR. G RAT TAN. 213 
 
 of ours. What do you think of Lord Clare's* last speech 
 — the mite Thaletis ingenium ? He seems to me to have 
 become a clumsy affectation of Dr. Duigenan. Remem- 
 ber me to the house of Castle Forbes. — Yours ever, 
 
 H. Grattan. 
 
 Lord Fitzwilliam to Mr. Grattan. 
 
 London, June 11th, 1801. 
 Dear Grattan, — Though no occasion has offered for 
 my expressing to you the interest I have taken in, and the 
 gratification I have received from, all the happy circum- 
 stances that have attended you since we last met, not one 
 of your numerous friends has seen them with more sincere 
 pleasure. In the midst of circumstances of a different 
 nature, health, I am happy to hear, has returned, and with 
 it, I hope, not only the powers, but the inclination for 
 activity. You must not be buried in the mountains of 
 Wicklow, nor deprive the country of talents in which it 
 has a property. Let me then ask you if you will accept a 
 seat in the present Parliament should a vacancy arise by a 
 death. My friend, Mr. Dainer, who sits for Peterborough, 
 is in a very precarious state ; I trust he will recover, but 
 there is much danger that he will not. If anything hap- 
 pens to him, I can venture to promise you an election, 
 without opposition. I should not make a proposal to you 
 to stop a gap at the fag end of a Parliament if I had it 
 
 * The speech that Mr. Grattan here alludes to was delivered in the 
 House of Lords on the 23rd of March, on the Irish Martial Law Bill ; 
 it was full of false statements, gross misrepresentations, and the most 
 virulent abuse upon the people of Ireland. 
 
 He appears to have stated that the Catholic question was first brought 
 forward in Ireland for the purpose of rebellion, and that ninety-nine out 
 of every hundred Catholics did not care one jot for Catholic Emanci- 
 pation ; what they wanted and understood by emancipation was a par- 
 tition of property ! He said that every night when he retired to his 
 chamber, he retired to an armoury ; and every day when he went out 
 of his house, his servant as regularly handed him his pistols as he did 
 his hat ! 
 
 The proof of this last falsehood was, that he resided in Ireland, which 
 he would not have done if what he stated were true ; for he possessed 
 much more of the feminine quality than the heroic. On one occasion, 
 as some troops were passing in the streets of Dublin to relieve a military 
 guard, the people, in making way for them, pressed upon Lord Clare 
 who was walking by; he conceived they were going to attack him and 
 grew frightened, he ran into a shop and drew out a pistol to defend 
 himself. Curran said that when he fought him he was as pale as 
 death. 
 
214 
 
 MR. GRATTAN TO [CHAP. VII. 
 
 not in my power to propose to you a seat in the next 
 without opposition ; and I wish it to be understood to be 
 under all circumstances, whether a vacancy shall now 
 take place or not. In either case allow me to propose it 
 to you, and to press your acceptance, as a gratification to 
 my pride in showing the existence of mutual confidence. — 
 Believe me, with the sincerest esteem, most truly yours, 
 
 We NT WORTH FlTZ WILLI AM. 
 
 The reply to this could not be procured, but 
 the offer was not accepted. 
 
 The individual to whom the following letter 
 was addressed was an Italian, who came on a visit 
 to Ireland and was introduced to Mr. Grattan. 
 He was the author of a tour in Lapland, and 
 came to write a tour in Ireland. He was a man 
 of sense, spirit, and observation, passionately fond 
 of music, a player and composer; this secured 
 him a warm reception among the inmates of Tin- 
 nehinch, in honour to whom he composed some 
 pretty pieces of music. The letter is interesting, 
 it shows the state of the people of Ireland with 
 rare compactness and Mr. Grattan's opinion : — 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Signor Acerbi. 
 
 Tinnehinch, December 17th, 1801. 
 My dear Signor, — I was glad to hear from you and of 
 you, in whatever quarter of the globe you are, whether the 
 Worth Pole or the Torrid Zone, I shall be delighted to 
 receive your letters. The north of Ireland contains the 
 active citizens of Ireland ; its principal wealth, industry, 
 and spirit; a bad climate and a fine people ; the south is 
 more beautiful but worse peopled ; the cause is moral and 
 not physical. The trade of the south was forbidden, the 
 trade of the north encouraged. The trade of the former 
 consisting of woollen cloth, was an object of jealousy to 
 England ; the trade of the other consisting of linen, which 
 was not. The emigration you mention is shocking ; it 
 seems we lose our people as we lose our constitution. 
 America may rejoice, France may rejoice. I am not sur- 
 prised that those of whom you speak should repent of 
 
CHAP. VII.] SIGNOR ACERBI. 
 
 215 
 
 their late conduct; there is no constitution to be resisted 
 now, no liberty to be run down now, and therefore no use 
 for them. It is a fact that in this country since the 
 wolves have been destroyed, the wolf-dog has perished. 
 I agree with you that the expense of attending the 
 English Parliament is more than the Irish fortunes can 
 bear; the members will in general settle in England, or 
 cease to attend, or get public plunder for their votes in 
 Parliament. I can well conceive what you write of the 
 peace to be the fact; a bad peace is better than a bad 
 war. I was glad of the peace principally for this reason, 
 it secured our country from invasion. I am glad the Cis- 
 alpine republic is secured ; mention to me what her 
 constitution is to be ; at present I apprehend it is a muni- 
 cipality, chosen by certain description of people, making 
 laws, and executing them. I should wish her consti- 
 tution more open than that of France or Holland ; that 
 she should have a representation chosen by the people 
 who have some property, for I don't like personal repre- 
 sentation, it is anarchy, and must become slavery. I would 
 have a Senate and a House of Representatives ; the latter 
 should be biennial, the former of a longer continuance. 
 As to the Pope, I suppose Buonaparte in his Concordat 
 (I have not seen it) consulted the wishes of France, and 
 his own power, of course. The church in France may be 
 restored, but the empire of the church never ; its roots are 
 gone, its tithes, its domination. Buonaparte seems to think 
 that the religion of the people should be that of the 
 Government; I fancy he is right; but with us there are 
 many who think that the religion of the Government 
 should be that of the people ; I think they are wrong, 
 because the people may have some religion, the Govern- 
 ment seldom has any. 1 lament that I cannot find your 
 book or journal. The letter of Hawkins was of no conse- 
 quence. Remember us to Signore Bellotti and to Tom if 
 you see him. I shall thank you much for the Statistical 
 Breviary. I am happy you have fixed with your printer, 
 I long to see your journal, and am, believe me, with the 
 greatest sincerity, yours most affectionately, 
 
 Henry Grattan. 
 
 In March 1801, Mr. Pitt retired from office, 
 and a change of administration took place. The 
 cause assigned was, that no further concessions to 
 the Catholics of Ireland would be granted by the 
 
216 
 
 REMARKS ON THE 
 
 [chap. VII. 
 
 King; the consequence was the formation of a 
 ministry on the principle of total and final exclu- 
 sion. This appears from the letter of Mr. Plow- 
 den, who was employed by the Government to 
 write on the subject of Ireland, and who states 
 the conversation and the expressions of Mr. Ad- 
 dington, which sufficiently showed the spirit of 
 the Administration. 
 
 Thus early did the Union bubble burst. Not 
 only had the King been too strong for his minis- 
 ters, and determined to govern against their ad- 
 vice, but he had resolved to govern against the 
 sense of his people. Mr. Pitt and Lord Corn- 
 wallis conceiving themselves bound to the Catho- 
 lics, thought proper to retire, and they put for- 
 ward two important documents, setting forth the 
 reasons for their resignation, advising the Catho- 
 lics, and delivering an opinion favourable to their 
 claims. These were drawn up by Lord Castle- 
 reagh, and given by Lord Corn wallis to Dr. Troy, 
 the titular K. C. Archbishop of Dublin, with a 
 view to satisfy the people of Ireland that some 
 exertion had been made on their behalf. The 
 production of these documents at this juncture 
 was a proof that ministers had made use of the 
 Catholic question as a means of accomplishing 
 the Union ; the refusal on the part of the King- 
 was pleaded as an excuse for leaving office, and 
 intended not only as an apology for their conduct 
 on the Union, but as a complete discharge from 
 all future obligations ; for (although the words of 
 the document state the minister pledged not to 
 embark in the service of Government unless on 
 the terms of the Catholic privileges being ob- 
 tained) both these individuals put upon them an 
 interpretation quite different from their plain 
 meaning, and took office afterwards without any 
 stipulation to carry the measure. Surely if there 
 had been an insurmountable bar to hold office, it 
 
CH.AP. VII.] 
 
 STATE OF IRELAND. 
 
 217 
 
 existed in 1804,* as well as in 1 801 , and there- 
 fore resignation at one period should have been a 
 bar to acceptance of office at the other ; but Mr. 
 Pitt went even farther than this ; for in the debate 
 of 1S05, he stated that the cause of his resigna- 
 tion had operated so strongly on his mind, that he 
 never would be a party to bringing forward the mea- 
 sure on any future occasion (evidently alluding 
 to the enmity of the King). It is manifest 
 that these papers were intended to cover his re- 
 treat, and that of Lord Cornwallis, from a very 
 inglorious and disgraceful proceeding. In the 
 debate in 1805, the words used by the minister 
 were, that he gave no direct pledge to the Catho- 
 lics, but he distinctly violated the written pledge 
 given in the following document, of what sort 
 soever it was really meant to be. On the 
 whole, it was a ministerial manoeuvre very 
 little creditable to any party — a species of jugglery 
 in which, if the minister contrived not to break 
 his word, he went as near to it as he could ; and 
 the only difference seemed to be between a per- 
 son not deceiving you, but suffering you to de- 
 ceive yourself. Mr. Cooke's letter, and the me- 
 morandum by Lord Cornwallis, as produced by 
 Lord Castlereagh in his speech on the Catholic 
 question on the 25th of May, 1810, are prefixed 
 to the documents, as they appertain to them, and 
 illustrate the transactions of 1801 . It is observable 
 that it was on the 13th of February of that year, 
 scarce sir months subsequent to the passing the act 
 of Union, that these proceedings occurred, Lord 
 Castlereagh having then applied to Lord Corn- 
 wallis for the documents. 
 
 Dublin Castle, March 3rd, 1801. 
 My dear Lord, — In answer to the queries stated in 
 * Mr. Pitt accepted office in May, 1804. 
 
218 
 
 MEMORANDUM OF [CHAP. VII. 
 
 your lordship's letter to the Lord Lieutenant of the 26th 
 instant, his Excellency has directed me to inclose to you 
 the statement which accompanies this letter, and which 
 has been prepared according to his Excellency's directions. 
 I am ever, my dear Lord, most truly, your Lordship's 
 servant, 
 
 E. Cooke. 
 
 Viscount Castlereagh, &c. Sec. 
 
 MEMORANDUM. 
 
 When it was notified to the Lord Lieutenant that Mr. 
 Pitt, Lord Grenville, Lord Spencer, Lord Camden, Mr. 
 Dundas, and Mr. Windham, had requested permission to 
 retire from his Majesty's councils, upon their not being 
 sanctioned in bringing forward such measures as they 
 thought essential to secure to the empire the full benefit of 
 the Union, the most important of which measures ivas a 
 concession of further privileges to his Majesty's Roman 
 Catholic subjects, his Excellency conceived that it was 
 expedient that the Catholic body should have an authentic 
 communication upon a subject so deeply affecting their 
 situation and interests, and so calculated to influence their 
 future conduct. 
 
 His Excellency had long held it as his private opinion, 
 that the measure intended by those of his Majesty's minis- 
 ters who were retiring from office was necessary for secur- 
 ing the connection of Ireland with Great Britain. He 
 had been, however, cautious in his language on the sub- 
 ject, and had studiously avoided any declaration to the 
 Catholics, on which they could raise an expectation that 
 their wishes were to be conceded. Through the whole 
 measure of the Union, which was in discussion for two 
 years, and during which period every effort was made to 
 procure a resistance to the measure on the part of the 
 whole body of the Catholics, no favourable assurance or 
 promise was made to them. 
 
 Their judicious conduct, during that trying period, con- 
 firmed his Excellency in the opinion, that every measure 
 tending to secure their attachment to the empire in future, 
 which they had in this instance so essentially served, ought 
 in true policy to be attempted. 
 
 His Excellency did, therefore, recommend it to his chief 
 secretary, who was engaged with his Majesty's ministers 
 in the course of the summer in England, to second every 
 
CHAP. VII.] LORD CORNWALLIS. 
 
 219 
 
 disposition for effecting the object of the Catholics, at the 
 same time he retained a prudential reserve to the Catholics 
 during the progress of the discussions of the cabinet. 
 
 His Majesty having approved of the solicitation of the 
 majority of his Majesty's ministers to retire from his Ma- 
 jesty's councils, his Excellency having requested that his 
 Majesty would extend to him the same indulgence, it be- 
 came a matter of public duty for his Excellency to explain 
 to the Catholic body the sentiments which had been held 
 with respect to them, and to inculcate the line of conduct 
 which, in this arduous crisis, it became them to pursue. 
 
 His Excellency, therefore, being apprised of the senti- 
 ment held by Mr. Pitt, did, on the 13th February, send 
 for Lord Fingal and Dr. Troy, and gave them two papers, 
 to be by them circulated among the principal Catholics in 
 different parts of Ireland. 
 
 The first, his Excellency felt assured, corresponded with 
 Mr. Pitt's sentiments. 
 
 And the other conveyed his own private sentiments, 
 formed on the speeches and conduct of many of the most 
 eminent characters of all parties and distinctions. 
 
 It being of great importance that any communication 
 made by his Excellency should not be misunderstood or 
 misinterpreted, and that it should make a due impression 
 and produce a general good effect, his Excellency preferred 
 a written to a mere verbal communication ; which might 
 have been ill reported, and might have been subject to 
 perversion, according to the inclination or capacity of those 
 who should circulate and receive it. 
 
 His Excellency has seen a happy result from this mode 
 of proceeding. Rumours having been transmitted from 
 England that the wishes of the Catholics were likely to be 
 acceded to, every ill consequence from their disappoint- 
 ment has been obviated : and there is now every reason to 
 believe that they will take that line of conduct which the 
 well-wishers to his Majesty's service and the cause of the 
 empire could desire. 
 
 The following were Mr. Pitt's Sentiments. 
 The leading part of his Majesty's ministers, finding in- 
 surmountable obstacles to the bringing forward measures of 
 concession to the Catholic body whilst in office, have felt 
 it impossible to continue in administration under the in- 
 ability to propose it with the circumstances necessary to 
 e carrying the measure with all its advantages : and they 
 
220 
 
 MARQUIS CORNWALLIS ON [CHAP, VII. 
 
 have retired from his Majesty's service, considering this 
 line of conduct as most likely to contribute to its ultimate 
 success. The Catholic body will therefore see how much 
 their future hopes must depend upon strengthening their 
 cause by good conduct : in the mean time, they will pru- 
 dently consider their prospects as arising from the persons 
 who may espouse their interests, and compare them with 
 those which they may look to from any other quarter. 
 They may, with confidence, rely on the support of all those 
 who retire, and of many who remain in office, when it can 
 be given with a prospect of success. They may be assured 
 that Mr. Pitt will do his utmost to establish their cause in 
 the public favour, and prepare the way for their finally 
 attaining their objects:* and the Catholics will feel that, as 
 Mr. Pitt could not concur in a hopeless attempt to force 
 it now, he must at all times repress, with the same decision 
 as if he held an adverse opinion, any unconstitutional con- 
 duct in the Catholic body. 
 
 Under these circumstances, it cannot be doubted that 
 the Catholics will take the most loyal, dutiful, and patient 
 line of conduct ; that they will not suffer themselves to be 
 led into measures which can, by any construction, give a 
 handle to the opposers of their wishes, — either to misinter- 
 pret their principles, or to raise an argument for resisting 
 their claims ; but that, by their prudent and exemplary 
 demeanour, they will afford additional grounds to the 
 growing number of their advocates to enforce their claims, 
 on proper occasions, until their objects can be finally and 
 advantageously attained. 
 
 The Sentiments of a Sincere Friend (the Marquis 
 cornwallis) to the catholic claims. 
 If the Catholics should now proceed to violence, or en- 
 tertain any idea of obtaining their objects by convulsive 
 measures, or forming associations with men of jacobinical 
 principles, they must of course lose the support and aid of 
 those who have sacrificed their own situations in their 
 
 * "The sentiments contained in this paper Lord Cornwallis knew to 
 be Mr. Pitt's, having been conveyed in a letter from Lord Castlereagh 
 to his lordship, which letter was previously seen and approved of by Mr. 
 Pitt, although not expressed precisely in the terms read in the paper." 
 — Words of Lord Castlereagh, 25th May, 1810, Parliamentary Debates. 
 
 Yet who would have believed that in a few years afterwards Mr. Pitt 
 should " without any pledge demanded from the King, have voluntarily 
 "engaged not to bring forward the question." — Lord Hawkesbury's Speech, 
 March, 1807. 
 
CHAP. VII.] THE CATHOLIC CLAIMS. 
 
 221 
 
 cause, but also would, at the same time, feel it their indis- 
 pensable duty to oppose everything- tending to confusion. 
 
 On the other hand, should the Catholics be sensible of 
 the benefits they possess, by having so many characters of 
 eminence pledged not to embark in the service of Govern- 
 ment, except on the terms of the Catholic privileges being 
 obtained, it is to be hoped that in balancing the advantages 
 and disadvantages of their situation, they would prefer a 
 quiet and peaceable demeanour to any line of conduct of 
 an opposite description. 
 
 The strange proceeding of a retiring minister 
 giving written explanations to popular parties, un- 
 connected with him, of his party's reason for se- 
 cession, produced, as Mr. Cook's letter shows, an 
 inquiry from London ; and this certainly somewhat 
 negatives the conclusion suggested by parts of the 
 documents, as well as from other circumstances, 
 that the resignation of 1801 was only specious, 
 that Mr. Pitt wanted to avoid the humiliating 
 peace,* and to trick the Catholics. Lord Corn- 
 wallis's two papers display a far greater anxiety 
 to keep the Catholics clients of his party, than to 
 secure their liberty; and his statement in the 
 memorandum, that " no favourable assurance or 
 promise " was made to the Catholics during the 
 L T nion discussions, is directly false, and is nega- 
 
 * The substance of the preliminaries of peace between the French 
 Republic and Great Britain and Ireland, signed the 1st of October, 
 1801, was as follows : 
 
 Great Britain retained the islands of Ceylon in the East, and Trinidad 
 in the West, Indies, restoring all the other French, Spanish, and Dutch 
 possessions. 
 
 The Cape of Good Hope was to remain a free port; Malta was to be 
 independent both of Great Britain and France, and to be restored to the 
 order of St. John of Jerusalem, under the protection of a third power, 
 to be agreed upon. 
 
 Egypt was to be restored to the Porte's dominions, which power, as 
 well as those of Naples and Portugal, with some inconsiderable excep- 
 tions, were guaranteed in their full integrity, as they stood before the 
 war; Naples and Rome were to be evacuated by the French, and Porto 
 Ferrajo by the English troops. 
 
222 
 
 NEW ADMINISTRATION. [CHAP. VII. 
 
 tived by the heads of the administration. The 
 most remarkable sentence in the series of docu- 
 ments is, that (in the " Memorandum ") in Lord 
 Cornwallis's private opinion, Catholic emancipation 
 ivas necessary for securing the connexion of Ireland 
 and Great Britain* 
 
 The new administration, formed in March, 
 1801, consisted of, 
 
 First Lord of the Treasury and Chancellor of the Exchequer, Right 
 
 Hon. Henry Addington. 
 President of the Council, Duke of Portland. 
 Lord Chancellor, Lord Eldon. 
 Lord Privy Seal, Earl of Westmoreland . 
 First Lord of the Admiralty, Earl St. Vincent. 
 Master General of the Ordnance, Earl of Chatham. 
 Secretary of State for the Home Department, Lord Pelham. 
 Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Lord Hawkesbury. 
 Secretary of State for the Department of War and the Colonies, Lord 
 
 Hobart. 
 
 President of the Board of Control for the Affairs of India, Lord Viscount 
 Lewisham. 
 
 Secretary at War, Right Hon. Charles Yorke. 
 Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, Earl of Liverpool. 
 Treasurer of the Navy, Right Hon. Dudley Ryder (afterwards Lord 
 Harrowby). 
 
 Joint Paymaster of His Majesty's Forces, Right Hon. Thomas Steele, 
 
 Lord Glenbervie. 
 Joint Postmasters-General, Lord Auckland, Lord Charles Spencer. 
 Secretaries of the Treasury, John Hiley Addington, Esq., Nicholas 
 
 Vansittart, Esq. 
 Master of the Rolls, Sir William Grant. 
 
 Attorney-General, Sir Edward Law (afterwards Lord Ellenborough). 
 
 Solicitor-General, Hon. Spencer Perceval. 
 
 Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, Earl of Hardwicke. 
 
 Lord Chancellor of Ireland, Earl of Clare. 
 
 Chief Secretary for Ireland, Lord Castlereagh. 
 
 Chancellor of Exchequer for Ireland, Right Hon. Isaac Corry. 
 
 Robert Emmett's insurrection, though it origi- 
 nated from deeper sources than was generally 
 alleged, was as perfect a surprise to Mr. Grattan 
 as to any one in Ireland. The postscript of this 
 letter to Mr. Berwick is his first expression of 
 surprise, anger, and anxiety — anxiety for his 
 
 * Irish Emancipation may yet be found as urgently necessary as 
 Catholic. 
 
chap, vii.] bmmett's insurrection. 
 
 223 
 
 country. The worst evil of an unsuccessful in- 
 surrection is not the loss of life in battle, but the 
 legal butchery and ferocious terrorism which fol- 
 low it. The time of Emmett's insurrection was 
 unfavourable to success. The first wrath against 
 the Union had burst, the sober animosity, fated ulti- 
 mately to destroy that Union, had scarcely begun. 
 England's troops were disposable, and the organi- 
 zation of '97 broken ; yet, with a leader of more 
 profound and stern character, the attack on Dub- 
 lin might have succeeded, and then the country 
 would have risen and a national war would have 
 followed. But the attempt threw back the country 
 for years, and, only it was so trivial that men were 
 enabled with some degree of success to laugh at 
 it, that one night's emeute might have been fatal to 
 every eminent patriot in Ireland. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to toe Rev. Mr. Berwick. 
 
 25th July, 1803. 
 
 Dear Doctor, — I agree with you about Thucydides, 
 though I never read him deeply. Demosthenes being of 
 your opinion is somewhat in its favour. I believe the 
 Greek to be the best mode of writing. The best passage 
 I ever read in Cicero is his praise of Demosthenes. 
 
 I hear nothing. There are rumours of Lord Moira com- 
 ing in — it is an anxious time. I am happy that Lady 
 Moira is so well. I shall drink her health to-day — I dine 
 with Curran, who always gives her. Stocks low, taxes 
 high — both parties talking like fools, French and English. 
 Mrs. G. is much better. I am happy to hear that you, 
 and your children, and Mrs. Berwick are well. — Yours, 8cc. 
 
 H. G. 
 
 A shocking business Sunday night. A party of — (I 
 know not what name to give the stupidity or barbarity) — 
 rose up in two of the streets of Dublin, murdered a judge, 
 killed his nephew, in the presence of his daughter, shot a 
 colonel, and wounded a passenger — fled and were taken. 
 This is getting up merely to be cut down — their hanging is 
 of little moment — but they ruin the country. I have not 
 
224 
 
 CHARACTER OF EMMETT. [CHAP. VII. 
 
 heard anything further, nor can I find out what instigators 
 these wretches could have had. 
 
 Rev. Dr. Berwick, Castle Forbes, Longford. 
 
 Abortive insurrections have ever been the bane 
 of Ireland, and have served only to confirm the 
 power whose overthrow they contemplated : they 
 gave vigour to the Anti-Catholic and Orange party, 
 and secured their continued triumph over the 
 people : the proceeding of 1803 was miserable in 
 its attempt, but fortunately limited in its extent, 
 and confined to very few, and those of the lowest 
 order. Robert Emmett was the third son of Dr. 
 Emmett : he had imbibed the political feelings of 
 his brother, but wanted many of the qualities he 
 possessed : devoid of caution, foresight, and pru- 
 dence; ardent, spirited, and impetuous. His mind 
 was cultivated, and his powers of eloquence were 
 surprising, but his oratory was figurative and lux- 
 uriant, — too ornamental to be argumentative, too 
 flowery to be persuasive, yet he pleased the ear and 
 fascinated the auditors by the fl uency and richness of 
 his language. He had no j udgment, no discretion. 
 He was an enthusiast — he was a visionary. With- 
 out a treasury, without officers, without troops, 
 he declared war against England and France and 
 prepared to oppose both. The one, if she sought 
 to retain possession of Ireland, and the other, if 
 she attempted to invade it. With a few followers 
 he rose to take the Castle of Dublin and defeat a 
 disciplined garrison. He put on a green coat and 
 cocked hat, and fancied himself already a con- 
 queror. If no lives had been lost he probably 
 would not have suffered, although Lord Norbury 
 was the judge who tried him : it was a school- 
 boy attempt, and did not merit the punishment 
 he was doomed to suffer. He was often inter- 
 rupted at the trial by Lord Norbury, but he pre- 
 
CHAP. VII.] HIS WORDS AND DEATH. 
 
 225 
 
 served his temper and self-possession. He re- 
 peatedly essayed to speak, but was stopt by the 
 Judge — he then exclaimed : 
 
 My Lords, since you control me, I submit, but it must 
 be remembered I have not spoken in my defence. Pos- 
 terity will recollect that my vindication has not been heard, 
 and as there is now no man bold enough to write my 
 epitaph, so there will be no man base enough to calumniate 
 my memory. 
 
 When asked the usual question why sentence 
 should not be passed on him : he exclaimed — 
 
 Sentence of deatli may be pronounced — I have nothing 
 to say; but sentence of infamy shall not be pronounced — 1 
 have everything to say. 
 
 He was as cool and collected before his deatli 
 as if nothing was to happen.* Peter Burrowes 
 saw him on his way, and related a circumstance 
 that occurred as he was going to execution. He 
 had a paper that he wished to be brought to Miss 
 Curran, to whom he was strongly attached ; he 
 watched his opportunity, and in passing one of 
 the streets he caught a friendly eye in the crowd, 
 and, making a sign to the person, got him near, 
 and then he dropped a paper ; this was observed 
 by others, and the person who took it up was 
 stopt ; the paper was taken from him and 
 brought to the Castle. Mr. Burrowes and Charles 
 Bushe saw it and said it was a very affecting and 
 interesting letter.')' 
 
 * See his last letter to Mr. Curran about his daughter just previous 
 to his execution. — Life of Curran by his Sun, vol. ii. p. 160. 
 
 t In " Geoffrey Crayon," (a series of stories by Washington Irvine), 
 ill be found one entitled the " Broken Heart," which tells in a very- 
 interesting and touching manner, the history of their mutual affection ; 
 the colouring is rather extreme, yet it would have been perfect if the sub- 
 sequent marriage of the lady had not destroyed the romance. The pret- 
 tiest composition is Mr. Moore's melody " Oh, breathe not his name, 
 ht it rest in the shads" that was written on Emmett ; but here too the 
 poetry of the Irish bard, like the prose of the American novelist, is rather 
 exaggerated. 
 
 VOL. V. Q 
 
226 
 
 MR. DOWDALL AND [CHAP. VII. 
 
 An event occurred at this time which occa- 
 sioned some annoyance to Mr. Grattan, whose 
 affection for his early friend Hussy Burgh, and 
 whose generous dispositions involved his friend 
 M'Can and himself in apparent difficulty with 
 Government. It has been already mentioned 
 that an annuity had been granted to Dowdall, 
 (Hussy Burgh's son,) who had lost his situation in 
 consequence of his having furnished Mr. Grattan 
 with some official papers relating to parlia- 
 mentary business. The dismissal of this indi- 
 vidual was unworthy of such a person as Mr. 
 Foster, and probably he would have been 
 restored if Mr. Grattan had applied to him, but 
 that course he would never adopt, and he di- 
 rected his agent, Mr. M'Can, to remit the money 
 to Dowdall, who had been arrested when the 
 Habeas Corpus Act was suspended ; no charge 
 or accusation was brought against him ; no crime 
 or offence was proved against him. When he was 
 sent to Fort St. George, Mr. Grattan considered 
 it would be ill done on his part if he discontinued 
 the stipend merely on that account, and it was 
 transmitted to him through his agent. The pri- 
 soners who were confined there had signed an 
 agreement to banish themselves abroad, and not 
 to return to Ireland. Dowdall, with becoming- 
 spirit, declined to affix his name to the paper, he 
 rejected the proposal, and asserted his innocence, 
 asked for trial, claiming a right of return to his 
 country ; at length he was liberated, and came 
 back to Ireland greatly impoverished and exas- 
 perated to the greatest degree at the treatment he 
 had received. His education had been good, his 
 person was handsome, and his manners were 
 insinuating ; but he fell into bad habits and bad 
 company, and Mr. Grattan being informed of this 
 desired M'Can to discontinue the allowance. 
 
CHAP. VII.] MR. M'CAN ARRESTED. 
 
 227 
 
 About this time some circumstances occurred 
 which induced a friend of M'Can to apprise him 
 that events Mere likely to happen that would 
 seriously affect the Government. He commu- 
 nicated this to two of his brother acquaintances 
 in the revenue, Mr. Annesley and Mr. Croker, 
 and stated his ignorance of what it was, but 
 recommended them to put Government on their 
 guard. They thought, or affected to think, little 
 of the matter, and neglected to do so. However, 
 when the events of the 23rd July took place, a 
 peace-officer and a party of military entered 
 M'Can's house and arrested him. They seized 
 his papers and letters, opened his escrutoire, took 
 500/., the greater part of which they never 
 restored, and conveyed M'Can to prison. Dow- 
 dall's receipts for the annuity were found, and 
 M'Can was brought before the Privy Council, 
 lie sought for his acquaintances Mr. Annesley 
 and Croker to befriend him, but conscious in all 
 probability of their error in disregarding his sug- 
 gestion, they absconded from the city and left 
 M'Can to his fate. Among those who sat at the 
 Privy Council were Lord lledesdale (chancellor), 
 O'Grady (attorney-general), Messrs. Wickham 
 and Marsden (secretaries). The proceedings were 
 singular, and often repeated by M'Can in pre- 
 sence of persons who would have corrected him 
 if his statements were exaggerated, but who, not- 
 withstanding, as I well recollect, confirmed his 
 narrative. Those who have known the late Chief 
 Baron O'Grady (Lord Guillamore), will easily 
 recognise his peculiar style and manner from the 
 following interrogatories: — "Come, Mr. M'Can, 
 tell us the fact, we know all about it " — (they only 
 knew of the receipts from Dowdall) ; " you may 
 as well speak out; you need not be afraid; we 
 shall take care of you; we shall get you a 'place 
 Q 2 
 
228 
 
 m'can's examination. [chap. VII. 
 
 out of the country, and send you there safely ; 
 and we will give you 10,000/. Come, now, tell 
 us the truth about Mr. Grattan 11 " " Sir," said 
 M'Can, "I tell you if the King had as good and 
 loyal subjects in Ireland as Mr. Grattan, things 
 would not be as they are ; there is not a more 
 honest or loyal man in his Majesty's dominions." 
 "Aye," said O'Grady, "take care, Mr. M ( Can, 
 take care what you say." " I hope so," said Lord 
 Redesdale, in a marked tone of voice. M'Can 
 could only state the transaction, and there was 
 nothing to be condemned in it. This Star Cham- 
 ber mode of proceeding was rather an improve- 
 ment since 1798, yet, in plain English, what did 
 it amount to? A person's agent is arrested and 
 his papers seized, and money is offered to him, 
 not as a bribe to speak false, but as an induce- 
 ment ; that is, an offer of protection if he speaks 
 true, and money if he speaks more, and this from 
 one judge in presence of another. It was nothing 
 else than a system of terror and of torture to 
 catch false confessions — by money in the one 
 case as by whips in the other!* 
 
 * The old leaven of malice still existed and manifested itself in the 
 following remarkable instance. 
 
 Parliament had been dissolved on the 29th of June, 1802, and in the 
 ■city of Dublin Mr. Grattan and Mr. George Ponsonby proposed and 
 seconded Sir Jonah Batrington as candidate to represent her, in consi- 
 deration of the part he had taken at the Union : this afforded a display 
 of that bitter and unmanly animosity that in this case only expired with 
 its possessor. 
 
 When Mr. Grattan presented himself to vote for Sir Jonah Barrington, 
 Mr. Giffard objected to his competency, as having been disfranchised 
 by the Corporation of Dublin in 1798. The rival candidates dis- 
 claimed any wish to avail themselves of such an illiberal advantage. 
 Mr. Grattan's competency was, however, established, inasmuch as the 
 act of disfranchisement was not recorded in the original hall, and his 
 name still stood on the records of the town clerk's office. Before Mr. 
 Grattan voted, he thus forcibly expressed his feelings on Mr. Giffard's 
 objection ; to which no reply was attempted by the objector, or any of 
 his Orange associates. " The objection comes from the hired traducer 
 of his country, the excommunicated of his fellow-citizens, the un- 
 punished ruffian, the bigoted agitator, the regal rebel. In the city a 
 
CHAP. VII. J MR. GRATTAN TO MR. WICKHAM. 229 
 
 Mr. Grattan had written to Mr. Wickham to 
 tell him that the money sent to Dowdall was by 
 his orders, that all had been done by his direc- 
 tions, and that he would justify it. His letter, 
 which was found among M'Can's papers, in 
 which he stated the annuity would be stopped 
 unless Dowdall returned to good and orderly 
 habits, satisfied in a great measure the members 
 of the judicial divan, but another document was 
 likewise discovered which finally decided the 
 matter, though it was by no means expected by 
 some of these inquisitors, that was, a paper in Mr. 
 Grattan's handwriting which contained the cha- 
 racters of the men who composed the United 
 Irish Directory. It was a short work, describing 
 the objects and conduct of that party. Among 
 them were the characters of Emmett, Tone, 
 Neilson, O'Connor, Jackson, and the Sheares. 
 It was written by Mr. Grattan in his nervous and 
 graphic style with great force and ability. It 
 deprecated their proceedings as strongly as those 
 of Government, and pointed out how fatal their 
 designs would prove to themselves as well as to 
 their country ; it was severe, and drawn with 
 that vivid mode of expression which is to be found 
 in his reply to Lord Clare's speech that he pub- 
 lished in 1S00. These were probably written at 
 that period, as they partook of the style and cha- 
 racter, and no doubt were drawn as the reverse of 
 the picture of 17S2, and the celebrated men 
 whose living portraits he then sketched off in 
 such brilliant and genuine colours.* 
 
 firebrand, in the courts a liar, in the streets a bully, and in the field a 
 coward." 
 
 Giffard published afterwards a pretended reply in a London news- 
 paper, which was never uttered ; but this practice of publishing false- 
 hoods in England respecting Ireland and the Irish, did not rest here, nor 
 is it confined to this single case. 
 
 • Mr. Grattan sincerely believed in the impolicy of the separation 
 
230 
 
 ME. M C CAN ACQUITTED. [CHAP. VII. 
 
 But his generous and feeling disposition induced 
 him to omit them, and they were left out of the 
 work and remained in M'Can's possession. He 
 was little aware that this neglected and for- 
 gotten treasure would prove far better than the 
 10,000/. which the Attorney-General offered him. 
 The document being examined, was read, and it 
 may well be supposed that the Privy Council 
 were astonished ; — they looked aghast. The 
 Chancellor was surprised, O'Grady looked amazed, 
 Wick ham appeared somewhat less grave, Marsden 
 muttered his astonishment, but M'Can beamed 
 radiant with joy,- — his words were verified, his 
 friend was exculpated, his own liberty secured. 
 The Council broke up ; the tables were turned. 
 Their satisfaction, though silent, was no doubt 
 complete. Poor M'Can was immediately libe- 
 rated.* 
 
 This interesting and valuable document, on 
 which mankind would have had a claim as well 
 as M'Can, met with an unexpected fate. Mr. 
 Grattan, as appears in his letter, desired it should 
 be destroyed. M'Can was not willing to do so, 
 and preserved it, notwithstanding this injunction. 
 He looked upon it as a sacred relic, on which his 
 liberty had depended, and to which perhaps he 
 may have owed his life. However, Mr. Grattan 
 shortly after this occurrence went to M'Can, and 
 insisted on the document being destroyed, and 
 stood by till every page was committed to the 
 flames and consumed, observing " it shall never 
 
 party, and had little personal acquaintance with them, and many of 
 their enemies were about him, which accounts for the opinions he en- 
 tertained of these individuals. 
 
 * He was, however, deprived of his fees and salary for three months, 
 when he was restored to his situation in the revenue, but his 500/. was 
 not restored to the escrutoire, however they very politely returned him 
 the paper that saved him. 
 
CHAP. VII.] EXPLANATORY LETTERS. 231 
 
 be said that 1 have spoken ill of the dead." 
 Pending these transactions Dowdall fled to France, 
 and was heard of no more; some persons asserted 
 that he had entered the service of that country, 
 and was killed in the expedition to Flushing in 
 1809. 
 
 The following letters explain the subject. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. Wickham. 
 
 Sir, — I was informed yesterday of some of the particu- 
 lars of* Mr. M'Can's examination. 
 
 I have the honour to inform you that he acted regarding 
 Mr. Dowdall by my particular orders, and that I am ready 
 to defend my conduct on that head whenever called on. 
 I have the honour to be, sir, your very obedient humble 
 servant, 
 
 Henry Grattan. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. Forbes. * 
 
 August 11th, 1803. 
 My dear Sir, — Write to me by to-night's post. I have 
 no apprehensions about our friend, as 1 know his perfect 
 innocence; but I am vexed that even a suspicion should 
 take place. Yours, 
 
 H. Grattan. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Ross M'Can. 
 
 Tinneliincli, August, 1803. 
 
 Dear M'Can, — I send for the trunk. Send me the 
 Hibernian. You and Mrs. Rishf ought to make affidavit 
 to the contents of the first letter, as set forth in the narra- 
 tive, unless the letter be found. Also she should make 
 affidavit that the last was given on the express condition 
 
 that D should leave the kingdom and never return. 
 
 Yours, 
 
 H. Grattan. 
 
 It were much to be wished that the letter were found; 
 it is a great loss. 
 
 * A relation of John Forbes, (Mr. G rattan's great friend,) and a con- 
 nexion of Mr. M'Can's. 
 
 | The person who had the receipts. 
 
332 
 
 EXPLANATORY LETTERS. [CHAP. VII. 
 
 Burn the manuscript which contains the characters; it is 
 severe. The persons are dead or miserable. Ii tcould ap- 
 pear flattery to the Government, and cruelty to the deceased. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. M'Can. 
 
 Tinnehinch, 18th August, 1803. 
 Dear M'Can, — On recollection, No. I will have no 
 affidavit ; it would show an anxiety about nothing. The 
 transaction is an honest one, and so it appears without 
 further proof. I should only wish you to look for the 
 letters. Yours, 
 
 H. Grattan. 
 The following were the letters alluded to. 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. M'Can. 
 
 March 6th, 1802. 
 
 Dear M'Can, — I wished to have seen Dowdall to-day, 
 to repeat my advice to him to keep himself out of all plots 
 or confederacy. If he does not, he may be certain he will 
 be discovered, and will be ruined. Also I wished to teli 
 him that I cannot think of recommending him as a clerk 
 to any merchant without the fullest assurance that he holds 
 no intercourse or communication with any plan or meeting 
 of the above description. Until I am satisfied that he 
 keeps clear of all such, I find it improper, and therefore 
 impossible, to afford any pecuniary assistance. Yours 
 truly, 
 
 H. Grattan. 
 
 We certify that the above is a true copy 
 of the original letter — 
 T. M'Can. 
 A. Forbes. 
 
 Mr. Dowdall to Mr. Grattan. 
 Sir, — I have seen a letter from you to Mr. M'Can, 
 wherein you are kind enough to express an apprehension 
 that I may again bring myself into difficulties by political 
 connexions, I beg leave in the most solemn manner to 
 assure you that I have not, nor is it my intention to form 
 any such connexion ; and that I have as much as possible 
 avoided, since my return to Ireland, conversation on that 
 subject with those who, from the character persecution 
 had given me, would have confided to me their sentiments. 
 
CHAP. VII.] MR. PLOWDEN'S CONDUCT. 
 
 233 
 
 I have the honour to be, Sir, your devoted and obliged 
 servant, 
 
 William Dowdall. 
 T ) Henry Grattan, Esq., 27th March, 1802. 
 We certify that the above is a true copy 
 of the original letter — 
 T. M'Can. 
 A. Forbes. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. M'Can. 
 
 April 1802. 
 
 Dear M'Can, — I gave Dowdali my answer already, 
 and did it with great concern: but he has himself rendered 
 his request impossible. Can I recommend to any mer- 
 chant's house a person who wishes to be a political agent? 
 I can only repeat the advice which I formerly gave to no 
 purpose, to keep out of all plots and politics. Yours 
 truly, 
 
 Henry Grattan. 
 
 We certify that the above is a true copy 
 of the original letter — 
 T. M'Can. 
 A. Forbes. 
 
 The British Minister had engaged Mr. Plowden 
 to write on the subject of the Union, and expected 
 to find in him an able defender of his measures ; 
 but when Mr. Plowden came to Ireland, and 
 ascertained the real state of affairs, justice in his 
 mind prevailed, and, to his honour be it said, he 
 wrote as he felt, not as Mr. Pitt and Mr. Adding- 
 ton wished. The latter was surprised and dis- 
 pleased, and Mr. Plowden was in consequence 
 discountenanced by the court, but commended by 
 the people. The letter of Mr. Plowden will dis- 
 close the bond that united the Addington ad- 
 ministration, it shows the conduct and feelings of 
 the King, and his determined opposition to the 
 Catholic question. The letters of Lord Fitzwilliam 
 speak the goodness of his heart, and the kind 
 feeling that on all occasions and under all circum- 
 stances he manifested towards Mr. Grattan ; that 
 
234 
 
 LORD FITZ WILLI AM TO [CHAP. VII. 
 
 to Mr. Plowden is true throughout, and is singu- 
 larly applicable to the present time, when among 
 the most elevated of the British senators a man 
 has been found to make the revolutionary assertion 
 that the Irish were " aliens in blood, aliens in 
 language, aliens in religion." Fortunate for them- 
 selves if they had been unanimously alien in 
 politics. Mr. Addington's sentiments were worthy 
 of his administration. Mr. Plowden's history 
 shows his labour and his independence of mind, 
 when he had spirit to write with freedom and 
 without fear, regardless of a Government that 
 would patronize him, and only mindful of the in- 
 juries of the people whom he described. 
 
 Lord Fitzwilliam to Mr. Grattan. 
 
 Wentworth, Sept. 23rd, 1803. 
 I was ignorant how little distant I was from a person I 
 so much esteem, when Mr. Caldwell put your letter into 
 my hands, but I felt the most sincere gratification, when I 
 found myself in possession of your engagement to make 
 me a visit. We shall remain in Yorkshire till November, 
 and shall be always at home, except next week, when we 
 go to Doncaster races. Lady Fitzwilliam depends upon 
 the pleasure of seeing Mrs. Grattan, and, indeed, I must 
 lay in a claim to that of seeing the whole family, the 
 young ladies and the young gentlemen, to make whose ac- 
 quaintance will be a great advantage and pleasure to Mil- 
 ton. God be praised, he is getting well again — he has had 
 a bad illness, but it is over — nothing remains but a little 
 langour and feebleness. — Believe me, with the utmost sin- 
 cerity, most truly, yours. 
 
 Wentworth Fitzwiliam. 
 
 Lord Fitzwilliam to Mr. Plowden. 
 
 Wentworth, Sept. 26th, 1803. 
 Sir, — The very same sentiments, which directed me to 
 decline the perusal of the manuscript, dictated me to de- 
 cline giving my opinion upon the publication. I mean as 
 far as it has relation to my administration in Ireland, upon 
 that subject I cannot make a single remark. 
 
CHAP. YII.] 
 
 MR. PLOWDEN. 
 
 235 
 
 But whilst I decline making any remark upon that part 
 of the work, I feel the greatest obligation to an author, 
 who has dared to meet universal prejudice, by tearing away 
 the veil of fictitious story, and exposing facts such as they 
 were. 
 
 This work has brought before the public this truth, little 
 know n and little thought of, that the Irish nation has con- 
 sisted of two distinct and separate people:* the English 
 and the Native Irish, the conqueror and the conquered : 
 and that this distinction and separation has been systema- 
 tically and industriously kept up, not by the animosity of 
 the conquered, but by the policy of the conqueror. An 
 exposition of such a system, let us hope, will render it too 
 odious to be persevered in: it will force even its abettors, 
 and those interested in its continuation to abandon it. I 
 know not whether those who first proposed to you, to give 
 to the public a small portion of Irish History, may be 
 pleased with what has been the consequence of that pro- 
 posal or not; but eveiy man who feels an interest in the 
 unity of the British and Irish people, will feel more obli- 
 gation to him whose literary labours produce in the public 
 mind, principles of harmony, conciliation, and good fellow- 
 ship, than to all the most skilful artists in coercive restric- 
 tions. — I have the honour to be, with much esteem, Sir, 
 your most obedient servant, 
 
 Wentworth Fitzwilliam. 
 
 Francis Plowden to Mr. Grattan. 
 
 London, Essex Street, 3th Oct. 1803. 
 Sir, — The veneration I have for your character and 
 judgment has hitherto deterred me from daring to present 
 you a copy of my Historical Review of the State of Ire- 
 land, lest some things in it should meet your censure. I am 
 now, however, emboldened to take that liberty, shielding 
 myself under the approbation of your friend Lord Fitz- 
 william (a copy of whose letter I enclose) against your 
 judgment upon the failings, deficiencies, and errors of an 
 author who is a stranger to your land, who has been 
 imperfectly furnished with materials, much straitened in 
 
 * A most forcible though happily an exaggerated picture of this 
 division of Ireland will be found in " Ireland and its Rulers," a recent 
 work, wherein one regrets to find so much bitterness and injustice 
 joined to manly principles, strong national feeling, honourable scorn of 
 whatever is base, and an eminently graphic style. 
 
236 
 
 MR. FOX RETURNS [CHAP. VII. 
 
 time, and commanding no requisite but good will, to render 
 historical justice to your country. 
 
 I beg leave to add to you in confidence, that having 
 received Lord Fitzwilliam's letter on the day I had an 
 appointment with Mr. Addington, to speak to him upon 
 the subject of my history, I learned, unequivocally, from 
 him, that it gave him both displeasure and offence ; that 
 as I wrote it under his sanction and countenance, / ought 
 to have rendered it pliant to what I must have known to be 
 his principle and inclination towards Ireland. I replied 
 that I had pledged my word to write a true, impartial, and 
 authentic History of Ireland, which, I conceived, would 
 tend to harmonise that country and secure its affections to 
 Great Britain, and that I humbly conceived that I had 
 faithfully acquitted myself of my undertaking, and I 
 showed him Lord Fitzwilliam's letter as a proof that in 
 the eyes of some I had accomplished the object I had in 
 view. He assured me that the commendation of that noble- 
 man (however respectable his private character might be) 
 was my strongest condemnation in his eyes — who had al- 
 ways been at issue with his Lordship on the affairs of 
 Ireland. That his determined opposition to the question of 
 Catholic Emancipation, was the tenure by which he had ac- 
 quired and retained his situation ! by that he stood in that 
 house! and that his mind was made up to it upon reason 
 and conscience. He had not read a line of my work, but 
 was informed that I had spoken too freely, and to the pre- 
 judice of those to whom they looked up (the Orangemen) 
 for the salvation of the country, and, particularly, of the 
 late Castle junto — Lord Clare, the Beresfords, and Mr. 
 Foster. He thought himself entitled to assume merit for 
 suppressing his feelings upon the occasion. I have sent 
 the books to Dublin by a private hand : I have a lively 
 and grateful recollection of having spent one of the 
 pleasantest days of my life at your house in 1793. 
 
 I have the honour to be, with the highest esteem and 
 respect, Sir, your devoted and obedient humble servant, 
 
 Francis Plowden. 
 
 In May, 1797, Mr. Fox had seceded from Par- 
 liament, and only returned in December for the 
 debate on the assessed taxes. From that period 
 he took no part in public affairs, with the excep- 
 
CHAP. VII.] 
 
 TO PARLIAMENT. 
 
 237 
 
 tion of the discussion on the 3d February, 1800, 
 when his Majesty sent a message to Parliament 
 respecting the overtures of peace from Buona- 
 parte's consular government. He returned, how- 
 ever, on Mr. Pitt's retiring from office, on the 
 14th of March, 1801, and warmly supported Mr. 
 Grey's motion on the state of the nation. It is to 
 be regretted, that on the two most important sub- 
 jects, and the greatest calamities that could befall 
 any country — the Irish Insurrection and the Irish 
 Union — such a man as Mr. Fox should have ab- 
 sented himself from Parliament. Mr. Sheridan 
 was an Irishman, and his exertions in the House 
 of Commons were always subject to that disad- 
 vantage ; his efforts were, however, noble and 
 laudable; and his repeated objections and divi- 
 sions on the question of the Union, in opposition 
 to the overwhelming majorities by which he was 
 defeated, reflect on his patriotism and his talent 
 the greatest praise. Mr. Fox's presence could 
 not have turned the balance in favour of Ireland; 
 but it was natural for her to expect that as he had 
 assisted her in her efforts for independence in 
 1782, he would have come forward to oppose the 
 violation of that treaty which, on the part of Great 
 Britain, he had negotiated. 
 
 He was now desirous of forwarding the cause 
 of the Catholics with more sincerity than Mr. 
 Pitt displayed, but not with much power to 
 assist them. The two great parties in the State 
 were naturally desirous to strengthen their forces, 
 and looked to the Irish recruits with which the 
 British Parliament had been augmented. Whose 
 they were to be, was now the point ; and Ireland 
 and all her questions became the battle ground 
 for a general canvass and conflict — religious as 
 well as political. Mr. Fox acted with great sin- 
 cerity, Mr. Pitt with very little ; the King with 
 
238 
 
 MR. FOX APPLIES [CHAP. VII. 
 
 determined hostility, the Prince (his son) with 
 the semblance of support, for all within was false 
 and hollow. 
 
 Mr. Fox conceiving it expedient to bring the 
 question before Parliament, wrote to Mr. Grat- 
 tan ; and from the reply it would seem that 
 he wished it to be brought forward under his aus- 
 pices, or those of Mr. Ponsonby. Mr. Grattan 
 declined, and his letter will be found interesting, 
 in consequence of his observations on the state 
 and Government of Ireland. It is worthy of re- 
 mark, that many passages apply even at this day. 
 So difficult it is to acquire political knowledge, 
 and practise wholesome rules of government — 
 ministers and nations seldom learn from expe- 
 rience ; they are only roused to a sense of duty 
 and of justice by some overwhelming national 
 calamity. 
 
 The allusion in one of these letters to <tf his 
 mm" refers to a corps of Yeomanry. It may be 
 recollected that Mr. Grattan had, in 1798, retired 
 from the corps of Cavalry in the county of Wick- 
 low commanded by Lords Moncks and Powers- 
 court : the violence and excesses committed in 
 those times under the sanction, if not with the 
 approbation of Government, was the cause. Lord 
 Hardwicke (Lord Lieutenant) was a milder cha- 
 racter, and adopted a different course ; and after 
 the disturbance in 1803, Mr. Grattan offered to 
 raise a corps on his estates in the Queen's county. 
 This was at first refused, but subsequently Go- 
 vernment thought proper to signify their assent, 
 and granted him a commission of Captain to raise 
 fifty men. This was speedily done ; and for the 
 first time in that part of the country the Catholics 
 were admitted into the Yeomanry. The neigh- 
 bouring corps was of an exclusive character, and 
 composed of Protestants, many of them Orange- 
 
CHAP. VII ] TO MR. GRATTAN. 
 
 239 
 
 men, who on festival days were accustomed to 
 march with orange lilies in their caps, their bands 
 playing party tunes. Mr. Grattan strove to alter 
 this; he admitted Roman Catholics, got sergeants 
 from the line to discipline the men, the expense 
 of which cost upwards of 500/. ; he discounte- 
 nanced everything like party spirit. The corps, 
 however, got the name of the Virgin Mary Corps, 
 but in the end mildness succeeded, the parties 
 were brought together ; the most violent Orange- 
 men associated with them, paraded and dined 
 together; and afterwards, when the Yicarstown, 
 which he commanded, was united with the Strad- 
 bally corps, the junction was effected in perfect 
 amity. The orange lilies and party tunes were 
 abandoned, the Protestants marched from pa- 
 rade to church, and the Catholics to chapel, and 
 the mighty problem to reconcile two factions, 
 which puzzled some statesmen, and could not be 
 solved by others,* was effected by a country - 
 gentleman with good sense, good temper, and 
 good manners, but in one respect differing from 
 the minister — that he had no interest in upholding 
 division. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. Fox. 
 
 My dear Sir, — I received your letter of the 27th. I 
 shall speak to some of my friends in the city of Dublin. 
 I entirely agree with you, that the Protestants ought to 
 make a declaration to the purpose you mention. I shall 
 recommend it to them strongly ; they made such a decla- 
 ration in '95. How far they will adopt my recommenda- 
 tion, I know not; they are cold and timid, and yet if they 
 considered how necessary for what remains of their liberty 
 it has become, to unite all the members of the empire 
 ngainst a foreign power, I think they should be active. 
 
 I wish you success, or if that at present is hopeless, that 
 
 * The author heard the present minister, Sir Robert Peel, declare i 
 the House of Commons, the impossibility of reconciling such parties. 
 
240 
 
 MR. GRATTAN TO MR. FOX. [CHAP. VU. 
 
 you may show to the Irish that they have able friends in 
 England, and that the Catholics will find no connexion so 
 beneficial. I think the debate so managed will do service. 
 I lament that I cannot take part in it ; it is one of the few 
 questions that makes me regret I am not in Parliament. 
 I thank you much for your anxiety about my health ; I 
 find myself recovering, and my friends dying about me.* 
 I am glad to find that you enjoy health; however, it is 
 on the same terms I mention, that we have the same losses 
 to lament. My best regards to Mrs. Fox, and my most 
 sincere affection to you. Believe me, my dear Sir, yours 
 truly, 
 
 H. Grattan. 
 
 Bray, Dec. 4th, 1803. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. Fox. 
 
 Stradbally, Dec. 9th, 1803. 
 
 My dear Sir, — This moment I received your letter of 
 the 28th, it was sent to me to Stradbally, where I had 
 been some time attending my men. I shall in a few days 
 write my opinion regarding the subject of your letter. 
 I wish to write at large, and so request a few days, and in 
 the interim a few words to say. 
 
 I thank you for your anxiety about my health, which 1 
 find wonderfully re-established, and I have, I think, quite 
 got the better of the complaint in my head. Ponsonby is 
 at a considerable distance, otherwise I should call on him 
 to discourse with regard to the questions your letter pro- 
 poses. At the same time with excellent understanding 
 and great powers (this as confidential) Ponsonby is lazy, 
 and might not like to recommend a measure f which 
 buckled care upon his back. He would have much to 
 prepare and much to encounter. He would have a fine 
 opportunity of asserting himself and his principles in the 
 great family of the empire ; I think he is equal to it, but 
 he loves his ease, his bed, and is tired of the parliamentary 
 battle. 
 
 You will please to remember me to Mrs. Fox in the 
 strongest terms of regard, and believe, with greatest 
 sincerity, yours ever, 
 
 Henry Grattan. 
 
 Mr. Latouche. 
 
 f The Roman Catholic question. 
 
CHAP. VII.] MR. GRATTAN TO MR. FOX. 241 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. Fox. 
 
 Stradbally, Dec. 12th, 1803. 
 
 My dear Sir, — Your idea is reducible to two ques- 
 tions — whether a better system be not necessary to Ire- 
 land's permanent allegiance? whether the rejection of that 
 system would not hazard our present repose ? I incline to 
 the affirmative of both propositions. The rejection of such 
 a system, together with the acquiescence of our Parlia- 
 ment in to7'ture, free quarter, and conflagration, produced 
 the union with England. A similar proceeding at this 
 instant in the British Parliament, accompanied with a 
 justification of such violence, might lead to a union with 
 France. The best way, perhaps, of showing immediate 
 spirit is to bring forward the bad qualities of the enemy, 
 but to keep in the background those of the Government. 
 The question might be so greatly supported and the 
 liberal sentiments so prevalent as to avoid my objection, 
 but in that case the question would be substantially 
 carried, and of such an event, so devoutly to be wished, I 
 am no judge, not knowing the disposition or tone of the 
 House ; but if the question be lost and debated as in the 
 Irish Parliament, or as the Martial Law Bill was in the 
 last English Parliament, the discussion would do mis- 
 chief ; on that debate (I think it was in that debate) you 
 and a few others had to stand against the representatives 
 of England and against the representatives of Ireland — the 
 latter giving false evidence against their country (they 
 had before given corrupt votes), and the former making 
 laws on that false evidence. 
 
 As to the other question, namely, the change of system, 
 I must entirely agree. The Union is not carried. The 
 Parliament is destroyed, and that bond of union removed, 
 but equality of conditions, civil or political, not even com- 
 menced. All the subjects you mention — Catholic Emanci- 
 pation (for such I must call it), payment of the Catholic 
 clergy, tithe, and perhaps some little improvement regard- 
 ing our church ; and, above all, a faithful and cordial 
 execution by the executive magistrate of the laws in 
 favour of the Catholics; their appointment to ^ share in 
 offices to which they are now qualified (I believe there are 
 scarcely any of them so advanced); the withdrawing from 
 any intrigue to exclude them from the corporations, to 
 which they are admissible, but excluded by a faction ; the 
 
 VOL. V. R 
 
242 MR. G RATTAN TO MR. FOX. [CHAP. VII. 
 
 imposing silence on any Government press who would 
 wish to sustain a religious war; the withdrawing the 
 countenance of Government from all such who are noto- 
 riously and inveterately foes to the Catholic body ; the 
 gracious reception of their persons (it was so in the time of 
 Lord Fitzwilliam). These things, the manners of the 
 court, as well as their measures, would be absolutely 
 necessary for that security and unity which you desire. 
 Legislative 'provisions are not enough ; it is necessary that 
 the Minister should love those provisions. Mr. Pitt lost the 
 benefit of the Catholic Bill, because, after he had given the 
 law to the Catholics, he gave the execution of the law and 
 the Catholics to their enemies. 
 
 That bill had hardly appeared when the leading Minis- 
 ter of Ireland pronounced it an act of insanity , and formed 
 an intrigue with the ascendancy party to exclude the 
 Catholic from getting corporate freedom, to which, by that 
 bill, he was qualified. The Irish Government press accom- 
 panied laws of reconciliation by volumes of abuse against 
 the parties to be reconciled. 
 
 Mr. Pitt had never been able to raise a rebellion by his 
 measure if he had not been assisted by the gross manners 
 of his partizans. Therefore what you say is extremely 
 just. Legislative provisions alone wont do. The general 
 spirit of the executive government must be looked to. It 
 was against the hostility of that general spirit that the 
 people, notwithstanding their legal acquisitions, revolted ; 
 a revolt very criminal, very senseless, but deriving its 
 cause from the Government, which was guilty not only of 
 its own crimes but the crimes of the people. 
 
 I am the more fully convinced that the system caused the 
 rebellion, and that allegiance — permanent, active allegiance 
 — is only to be secured by its removal, when I consider the 
 good effects that have attended its abatement. 
 
 Without any alteration in the legal condition of this 
 country, and merely by a temperate exercise of the exist- 
 ing laws, the present chief governor of Ireland has more 
 advanced the strength of Government and its credit, than 
 could have been well conceived. A rebellion broke 
 out in the capital : in a few days, without the torture, 
 he discovered, I believe, 2,000 pikes; and in a very 
 few weeks had more yeomen than Lord Camden in the 
 whole of his government; and without a single act of 
 violence put down, I think completely for the present, 
 
CHAP. VII.] MR. FOX TO MR. GRATTAtf. 
 
 243 
 
 the insurrection ; or rather, he set up the laws, and made 
 them put down rebellion ; withdrawing the credit of 
 Government at the same time from religious and political 
 controversy. From the manner in which this last re- 
 bellion was put down, I incline to think that if Lord 
 Hardwicke had been Viceroy, and Lord Redesdale Chan- 
 cellor, in '98, the former rebellion had never existed ; but 
 how far either have powers to effect that radical change, and 
 to plant loyalty — permanent, unfeigned loyalti/ — in this 
 country, I have great fears; rather, no hopes that I shall 
 live to see that executive or legislative philanthropy that 
 shall make the two countries act as one, not merely from the 
 dread of France or the apprehension cf plunder from their 
 own populace, but from the love of one another. Should 
 such an event take place, I shall feel much joy, and you 
 will feel much comfort in the consciousness of being the 
 principal cause. 
 
 I.request to be remembered to Mrs. Fox, and to my friend 
 General Fitzpatrick, and -am, yours most truly, 
 
 Henry Grattan. 
 
 Charles James Fox, Esq. 
 
 Mr. Fox to Mr. Grattan. 
 
 London, March 17th, 1804. 
 My dear Sir, — I have not for a long time had so much 
 pleasure from any political news as from Mr. Bowes Daly's 
 information that there is some probability of your coming 
 again into Parliament for Dublin. Believe me it is a time 
 when by so doing there is a chance of your being as useful 
 as at any former period of your life. Ireland is the most 
 in danger of any part of the empire ; and Ireland also is 
 the country to which the application of liberal principles, 
 and what I will call our system of policy, is most required, 
 and may be most useful. It is better that the attempt 
 should be made by us English, than that it should not 
 be made at all ; but it would be made with a far better 
 chance of success, both with respect to numbers and pub- 
 lic impression, by an Irishman ; and of all Irishmen, by 
 you. 
 
 In the present disgraceful state of our Government, too, 
 where it seems to be the system that no one man of any 
 party, who has displayed any ability or character, should 
 be employed. 
 
 So far on public grounds ; but let me add that I may be 
 R 2 
 
244 MEMOIRS OF LORD CHARLEMONT. [CHAP. VII. 
 
 somewhat biassed by my private wishes that your business 
 and duty should lead you to a country where we can 
 sometimes meet, and at least, if no good can be done for 
 the future, talk over past times. 
 
 Mrs. Fox desires to be kindly remembered. I am very 
 truly, my dear sir, yours ever, 
 
 C. J. Fox. 
 
 I go out of town in a few days. If you write, let it be 
 to St. Ann's Hill. 
 
 To Henry Grattan, Esq., Dublin. 
 
 The following letter regards the publication of 
 the memoirs of Lord Charlemont, by Mr. Hardy, 
 who, after the struggles on behalf of Ireland, had 
 retired to the county of Wicklow, and settled in 
 the neighbourhood of Tinnehinch, close by Mr. 
 Grattan. Attendance on Parliament had impaired 
 a fortune that never was considerable, and with 
 his wife an invalid, and a young family, he was 
 left without any assistance or consolation what- 
 ever, except that (which to an honest mind is the 
 greatest), the reflection that he had faithfully dis- 
 charged his duty to his country, and, in the midst of 
 his distress, had unhesitatingly refused from Go- 
 vernment great and tempting offers, such as would 
 have raised him at once to affluence — offers, too, 
 that some of his friends solicited him to accept. 
 He was by nature and habit inclined to indolence 
 — his mind was feeble, though polished, and he 
 wanted the vigour necessary for those who are 
 fated to contend with adverse fortune. His taste 
 and love of literature led him to become the 
 friend and admirer of Lord Charlemont, and, on 
 his death, the present lord assented to the publish- 
 ing the account of the tour in the Greek islands 
 which his father had written : but Hardy was 
 dilatory, suffered the opportunity to pass by, and 
 hence the work never appeared. He was now 
 urged to write the memoirs of the late lord, and 
 
CHAP. VII.] MR. GRATTAN TO MR. BERWICK. 245 
 
 Mr. Grattan and Mr. Berwick pressed him very 
 anxiously, knowing in what esteem he held the 
 name and virtues of Lord Charlemont. At length 
 their suggestions prevailed, and Mr. Hardy pub- 
 lished the memoirs in two volumes, in a manner 
 that did honour to the taste and feelings of the 
 writer, and to the distinguished character whose 
 national services and private virtues he there com- 
 memorates. 
 
 The first of the following letters is a remarkable 
 instance of the faults of style to which Mr. Grat- 
 tan was liable. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. Berwick. 
 
 October 24th, 1804. 
 
 Thursday next, my clear doctor. 
 
 I should have gone to the Duke of Leinster's funeral, 
 but did not know of it, till it was over. The poor duke — 
 we could not spare him — he is a public and a private loss 
 — there are not many now left — it is a subject too melan- 
 choly to dwell on — it is a most melancholy event — ac- 
 companied with other melancholy events, and all together 
 making life what it was intended to be — of little moment 
 — a strife in which every day a friend is knocked on the 
 head by your side, preparing us for what we must expect. 
 I wished the country had not been knocked on the head 
 also— for in the course of things she might have lived 
 longer. — Yours, 
 
 EL G. 
 
 Our regards to Mrs. Berwick and the children. 
 Same to Same. 
 
 Stradbally, Nov. 23rd, 1803. 
 
 It is too late, my dear doctor, to go back, he* has de- 
 clared that he will publish, by subscription, the life of 
 Lord Charlemont — he must go on with it. 
 
 By relinquishing that plan he forfeits the chance of suc- 
 ceeding with the other — for on what foundation does the 
 other plan stand, except on the dereliction of a public ser- 
 
 * Mr. Hardy. 
 
246 MR. G RATTAN TO MR. BERWICK. [CHAP. VII. 
 
 vice, which Hardy's declarations, situation, &c, have ren- 
 dered necessary to him — such a plan will produce nothing 
 except a silent censure and a miserable pittance. His 
 own debts even will not be paid by it — the debt of respect 
 which the public owe to him will — what you mention re- 
 garding bills, is a proof that he has delayed the work, and 
 has not a moment to lose, and it is a reason for collecting 
 subscriptions for the work. Now, my advice to you is to 
 apply immediately for subscriptions for the Life of Lord 
 Charlemont, to be published in one volume, by Francis 
 Hardy, Esq. — Yours ever, 
 
 H. Grattan. 
 
CHAP. VIII.] CONDUCT OF BUONAPARTE. 
 
 247 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 State of affairs on the continent of Europe in 1804 and 1805. — Conduct 
 of Buonaparte. — II is letter to the King. — Parties in Parliament. — 
 Mr. Addington. — Mr. Pitt. — Letters of Lord Kedesdale to Lord 
 FingalJ. — Mr. Grattan solicited to return to Parliament. — Mr. Fox's 
 letters. — Mr. Pitt's conduct to the Catholics. — His message to Lord 
 Ilardwicke. — Proceedings of the Catholics. — Apply to Pitt. — Entrust 
 their petition to Mr. Fox. — He moves on their petition. — Account of 
 Mr. Grattan's speech in the Imperial Parliament. — Its success. — 
 Pitt's remark. — Lord Byron's. — Letter to Mr. Grattan on the subject 
 from Dr. O'Leary. — Lord Tyrawly. — Mr. Grattan's letter to Hardy 
 and M'Can. — Breach between Pitt and Foster. — Mr. Grattan wishes 
 to retire from Parliament. — Fox's letter. — Mr. Grattan to James 
 Grattan on the study of history. — To Dr. Berwick. — Victory at Tra- 
 falgar. — To Mr. Plowden. — Irish history. — Death of Mr. Pitt. — 
 Change of administration. 
 
 At the period when Mr. Fox applied to Mr. 
 Grattan, in the following letter of March 1805, 
 the affairs on the continent of Europe presented a 
 very unfavourable appearance for the repose and 
 security of England. The peace of Amiens con- 
 cluded in October, 1801, had terminated in May, 
 1803. Buonaparte was First Consul, and had 
 dissipated a conspiracy that he accused England 
 of fomenting. In February, 1804, he had got rid 
 of Georges and Pichegru by death, and of 
 Moreau by banishment. In April he had seized 
 Sir George Rumbold, the British chargi d'affaires 
 in Lower Saxony, and put him into prison. In 
 March he had arrested the Duke D'Enghein, and 
 shot him at Vincennes. And finally, in May, he 
 got himself elected Emperor of the French. 
 
248 
 
 HIS LETTER TO GEORGE III. [CHAP. VIII. 
 
 The pretexts for breaking the treaty of peace 
 with Great Britain were various. The delay of 
 abandoning Malta was advanced as the chief 
 cause ; the negotiations had been protracted — 
 political excuses were pretended ; but the real 
 cause was the ambition of the French ruler, irri- 
 tated, as he appeared to be, by the intrigues he 
 imputed to England, and by the licentiousness of 
 her Press, whose attacks he felt and complained 
 of. At this time France had possession of a great 
 portion of Europe ; Buonaparte aimed at the en- 
 tire ; and as he found England his chief obstacle, 
 he prepared every effort to overcome her. He 
 got Spain at last to join in opposition to England ; 
 he got Genoa to undertake to supply him with 
 6,000 seamen ; he formed a flotilla at Boulogne, 
 and encamped 100,000 men on tfie heights in 
 view of England, and exercised them incessantly 
 in naval and military tactics. His influence ex- 
 tended, directly or indirectly, over Italy, Naples, 
 Switzerland, Piedmont, and Spain was now added 
 to the confederacy. 
 
 Still the most specious professions of peace 
 were held out, — offers were personally made by 
 the Emperor ; and he commenced the year 1805 
 with an autograph letter to the King of England, 
 professing deep anxiety for friendly terms and the 
 restoration of peace. His letter was coldly re- 
 ceived, answered not by the King, but by one of 
 the Ministers. Buonaparte feeling himself re- 
 pulsed, grew angry and meditated revenge ; and 
 this he fully but fatally enjoyed within the short 
 space of one year, in the death of Nelson,* the 
 victory at Austerlitz,| and the demise of Pitt.J 
 
 * 21st October, 1805. 
 
 f 2nd December, 1805, Austrians and Prussians defeated by Napo- 
 leon, whose account states 30,000 prisoners, and twenty generals, and 
 forty standards of the Russian Imperial Guard. 
 
 % 23rd January, 1806. 
 
CHAP. VIII.] STATE OF PARTIES IN ENGLAND. 249 
 
 The state of parties in England at the beginning 
 of 1805 was unsettled and singular. None of the 
 various bodies that directed political measures 
 were popular with the people of either country. 
 Mr. Addington * had been tried, and had failed 
 through incompetency. However he was re-ad- 
 mitted by Mr. Pitt soon after ; but this did not 
 add to the strength of that party ; and although 
 Mr. Pittf introduced Lord Castlereagh and Mr. 
 Canning, yet he lost Lord Grenville (in himself a 
 host). He had declared Mr. Addington incapable 
 — he found him intolerant ; yet he joined that in- 
 capacity and added to that intolerance, even after 
 the letter from Lord Grenville condemning it. 
 
 * In 1805 he was made President of the Council; his private inter- 
 yiews and his influence with the King forced him back to power. 
 
 f On the 10th of May, 1804, Mr. Addington resigned the office of 
 Chancellor of the Exchequer, and Mr. Pitt was appointed to succeed 
 him. The following was the list of the new administration : — 
 First Lord of the Treasury and Chancellor of the Exchequer, Right Hon. 
 
 W r illiam Pitt. 
 President of the Council, Duke of Portland. 
 Lord Chancellor, Lord Eldon. 
 Lord Privy Seal, Earl of Westmoreland. 
 First Lord of the Admiralty, Lord Viscount Melville. 
 Master General of the Ordnance, Earl of Chatham. 
 Secretary of State for the Home Department, Lord Ilawkesbury. 
 Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Lord Harrowby. 
 Secretary of State for the Department of War and the Colonies, Earl 
 Camden. 
 
 President of the Board of Control for the Affairs of India, Lord Cas- 
 tlereagh. 
 
 Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, Lord Mulgrave. 
 
 Secretary at War, Right Hon. William Dundas. 
 
 Treasurer of the Navy, Right Hon. George Canning. 
 
 Joint Paymasters of His Majesty's Forces, Right Hon. George Rose, 
 
 Right Hon. Charles Somerset. 
 Joint Postmasters General, Duke of Montrose, Lord Charles Spencer. 
 Secretaries of the Treasury, William Huskisson, Esq., William Sturges 
 
 Bourne, Esq. 
 Master of the Rolls, Sir William Grant. 
 Attorney-General, Hon. Spencer Perceval. 
 Solicitor-General, Sir Thomas Manners Sutton. 
 Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, Earl of Hardwicke. 
 Lord Chancellor of Ireland, Lord Redesdale. 
 Chief Secretary for Ireland, Sir Evan Nepean. 
 Chancellor of the Exchequer for Ireland, Right Hon. Isaac Corry. 
 
250 PARTIES IN PARLIAMENT. [CHAP. VIII. 
 
 He introduced into Government a new and formid- 
 able principle, — namely, an engagement not to 
 bring forward particular measures that might prove 
 disagreeable to the King. This practice, so preg- 
 nant with danger, was wholly unknown to the 
 Constitution, and was justly condemned by the 
 succeeding Ministry in 1807 ; but it gained for 
 him the King's party, which constituted his main 
 strength in the House of Commons. By this he 
 was bound to keep up the exclusive principle as 
 regarded Ireland, which had formed the bond of 
 Mr. Addington's Government, and to which Mr. 
 Pitt now gave an additional proof of his adhesion 
 by continuing Lord Redesdale as Chancellor in 
 Ireland, after he had given such public and de- 
 cisive proofs of his disqualification in the letters 
 he addressed to Lord Fin gall. 
 
 Mr. Fox's party was rather on the increase, and 
 among his friends were persons of known liberal 
 principles, and men of very considerable* talents 
 and of rising abilities; but they had not the King, 
 neither had they the people ; the Irish deprived 
 them of the former and Buonaparte of the latter. 
 The King would not listen to overtures from the 
 Catholics, and the English would listen to nothing 
 from France. Mr. Pitt's was the war party, — the 
 hatred of Buonaparte and the activity of the Press 
 upheld him ; for he had gained little character by 
 his conduct to the Irish, and little strength by 
 discarding Mr. Addington at one period and rein- 
 stating him at another. The reflecting portion of 
 the community were also beginning to think that 
 the most likely way to conquer Buonaparte was 
 to leave him to his ambition and his extravagant 
 aggressions, which they knew were often likely to 
 react on their author and bring him to destruction. 
 Some coldness, too, was perceivable as to conti- 
 nental coalitions, that had already proved so fruit- 
 
CHAP. VIII.] LORD REDESDALES LETTERS. 251 
 
 less and so expensive. But as the weakness of 
 Mr. Addington's administration had vexed the 
 people, so the preparations of the French now 
 roused them, Mr. Pitt called upon all classes — 
 the army of reserve — the militias — the volunteers ; 
 they were all brought forth into action. He 
 paraded with them — he reviewed them — in per- 
 son lie inspected them — he roused their spirit — he 
 marshalled their numbers ; and amidst the cheers 
 of England, pointing to the opposing camp at 
 Boulogne and to the flotilla of France, he viewed 
 them with scorn and set them at defiance. 
 
 As regarded Irish affairs, there was no Irish 
 standard, and as yet no Irish question. The 
 Union seemed to have kept the Irish mind in 
 abeyance, and men waited to behold the working 
 of the grand imperial measure which had promised 
 so much and was to effect everything. The dis- 
 turbances of 1803 had somewhat thrown back the 
 Catholics ; they were silent and apathetic — dis- 
 contented, though not disaffected. At length 
 they were roused* by the imprudence of Lord 
 Redesdale, the Irish Chancellor, who, on granting 
 in 1803 the commission of the peace to Lord Fin- 
 gall, had addressed to him a letter expressing sen- 
 timents with regard to the Catholics most intole- 
 rant and offensive, — injurious to their character 
 as loyal subjects, and insulting to their faith as 
 Christians. This produced a spirited and able 
 reply from Lord Fingall, and several letters were 
 written on both sides : as regarded argument the 
 contest was soon decided ; for the calm and 
 dignified tone used by Lord Fingall left little 
 doubt on the mind of any unprejudiced per- 
 
 * Sir John Wrottesley, in his motion on the subject of Ireland, 
 brought the affairs of that country, and the conduct of Government in 
 1803, under the consideration of the House. 
 
252 
 
 MR. GRATTAN SOLICITED TO [CHAP. VIII. 
 
 son on which side lay the victory, as well as 
 the right.* 
 
 In the English House the Irish had no party 
 and no power. Mr. Ponsonby had entered Par- 
 liament, and his connexion with English families, 
 in addition to his talents and his name, deservedly 
 gave him considerable weight ; but it was indi- 
 vidual importance, not national. The high Irish 
 Protestant party who were in the House were 
 neither numerous nor able ; and it did not seem 
 to be Mr. Pitt's f desire to encourage them. Their 
 ready and unhesitating support of the strong- 
 measures continued by the Imperial Parliament 
 against Ireland (martial law and suspension of the 
 Habeas Corpus Act), could not be very acceptable 
 to any man who (like Mr. Pitt) professed a regard 
 for free institutions, and who had promised very 
 different results to follow from the Union. These 
 men had little weight in Parliament, and had only 
 a chance of being elevated by some violent out- 
 burst of religious bigotry ; but neither Mr. Ad- 
 dington nor Lord Redesdale were daring enough 
 to call into active operation their mischievous 
 qualities, and therefore they remained inoperative 
 till the time of Mr. Perceval and Mr. Peel. 
 
 At this juncture Mr, Fox considered it an im- 
 portant object to bring over such a person as Mr. 
 Grattan, in whom, exclusive of the attachment he 
 always had entertained for him, he beheld a leader 
 around whom the Irish party were likely perhaps 
 to rally, and under whom they would be more 
 likely to act with unity and effect. Another step, 
 
 * They were commented on by Mr. Fox and Mr. Canning in Parlia- 
 ment with just seventy, and contributed to the fall of the Addington 
 administration ; Mr. Perceval maintained there would have been no evil 
 in writing the letters if they had not been published ! 
 
 f Note his remarks on Lord Clare when speaking in the Lords about 
 Ireland, ante, vol. iii. p. 403. 
 
CHAP. VIII.] RETURN TO PARLIAMENT. 
 
 253 
 
 as he thought, would be gained if Mr. Grattan 
 could be induced to assist in English affairs, 
 as he knew him to be a man of bold resolve, but 
 of prudence and caution, and firmly opposed to 
 everything like French politics. The aid of 
 the Irish auxiliaries had already been recognised 
 by Mr. Pitt with a seeming, though affected, gra- 
 titude, when he congratulated the country on one 
 of the benefits of the Union — namely, that the 
 Irish members had occasioned the majority that 
 carried the resolution in favour of the abolition of 
 the slave trade. 
 
 But Mr. Grattan did not enter so far into the 
 views of Mr. Fox ; he thought it better that his 
 exertions should be limited to services towards 
 Ireland, and he was not so fondly wedded to the 
 principle or name of a Union, as to embark heart 
 and hand in the tempestuous sea or corrupt 
 schemes of British politics. Besides this, the 
 Irish members were but strangers in a new coun- 
 try, and not bold enough to set up a standard of 
 their own. Many of them preferred to wait for 
 their chance of a few crumbs from the great man's 
 table ; others felt that they were degraded by the 
 act of Union — the iron had entered into their souls 
 and fast bound them — gold had touched their 
 palms and bribed them — they were lowered in 
 their own esteem, and as yet did not feel or take 
 courage to recover their proper level as the repre- 
 sentatives of a nation. 
 
 Such being the state of things, Mr. Grattan was 
 called upon by Lord Fitzwilliam and Mr. Fox, and 
 at length was induced to enter the Imperial Par- 
 liament. Some of his friends said he never should 
 have gone there ; others that his efforts would 
 prove unavailing, and that he would do the state 
 no service ; but he wished to benefit Ireland, to 
 forward the Catholic cause, and, if possible, to 
 
254 
 
 MR. FOX'S LETTERS [CHAP. VIII. 
 
 keep the two countries connected together ; for 
 he was always as strongly averse to separation as 
 he was to Union. He thought that Ireland could 
 not form a better connexion with any other nation, 
 and if left to herself, so far as was consistent with 
 the English connexion, and freed from corrupt in- 
 fluence, she could prosper much more speedily 
 and advance with greater certainty, than if at- 
 tached to any other country which would keep 
 her in a state of garrison, afraid lest she should be 
 retaken by England. Had the population been 
 larger and more united, or the distance between 
 the two islands greater, he might have seen 
 another possible condition, — namely, absolute in- 
 dependence and separation ; for he would not 
 have been startled by the boldness of the idea. 
 He always considered the power of France very 
 formidable, but not dangerous, unless increased by 
 the imprudence of the British Minister, and the 
 consequent discontent of the Irish people. Im- 
 pressed with sentiments such as these, he was 
 persuaded to accept a seat in Parliament under 
 the patronage of his former friend, Lord Fitz- 
 william. At the commencement of his political 
 life in both countries he was indebted to indivi- 
 duals for his return to Parliament, — -in Ireland 
 to the friendship of Lord Charlemont — in England 
 to that of Lord Fitzwilliam ; two of the best, the 
 most virtuous, and noble-minded men that could 
 be found in any kingdom. 
 
 Mr. Fox to Mr. Grattan. 
 
 Arlington Street, London, Wednesday, March 13th, 1805. 
 Dear Sir, — The business is now so far settled, that I 
 can undertake that* the writ will be moved either on Fri- 
 day or Monday next, and consequently that you will be 
 
 * Mr. Dundas vacated his seat to make way, at Lord Fitzwilliam'^ 
 request, for Mr. Grattan. 
 
CHAP. VIII.] TO MR. G RATTAN. 
 
 255 
 
 elected in ten or twelve clays from this date. You cannot 
 imagine how much pleasure your consent to this arrange- 
 ment has given me, and more especially since I learn this 
 day, that the petition* will be put into my hands. Pitt 
 has peremptorily refused having anything to do with it, and 
 the delegates have in consequence determined to apply to 
 Lord Grenville, Lord Fitzwilliam, and me. The advantage 
 of this plan appears to me to be, that the next best thing 
 to carrying the question, is to give reasonable hopes to the 
 Irish that it will be carried, and so to deter them from 
 desperate courses. Xow this cannot be effected so well as 
 by marking that all parties, except the King's and all 
 considerable men (whether for property, talents, or rank) 
 except Pitt, are pledged to mahe it part of their system, 
 while even Pitt only objects to the time. 
 
 The course I take it will be this ; the petition may be 
 presented next week, or the week after, and a general 
 notice given that a motion will be grounded on it soon 
 after the holidays. This delay is not amiss for the purpose 
 of giving solemnity to the business, and is partly necessary 
 on account of those Irish members, who must attend the 
 circuits in April. For many reasons the sooner you come 
 the better, and especially if you could be time enough to 
 be present at the presentation of the petition, and to say, 
 even on that occasion, a word or two on its importance. 
 If one knew of your coming, a short delay in the presenta- 
 tion could easily be contrived. Pray write by return of 
 post. — Yours ever, sincerely, 
 
 C. J. Fox. 
 
 Mr. Fox to Mr. Grattax. 
 
 London, March 10th, 1805. 
 My dear Sir, — I received yours yesterday, and lose no 
 time in telling you, that you need not think of hurrying 
 yourself. There is no chance of the Catholic business 
 coming on in any questionable shape before Easter; and, 
 
 * The Roman Catholic petition praying for the repeal of the penal 
 laws still in force against them. Previous to the Union, in 1799, Mr. 
 Pitt had stated that their demands should be considered in the Imperial 
 Parliament ; at the Union, in 1800, he was said to have given a pledge 
 to concede the claims ; and after the Union, in 1801, he had under his 
 own hand pledged himself not to take office unless they were granted, 
 but from the above it appeared he declared he would not have anything to 
 do with than. W hat opinion can posterity form of such conduct? 
 
256 
 
 MR. FOX TO MR. GRATTAN. [CHAP. Vfftl 
 
 indeed, there seems to be a doubt whether, from the way 
 in which the delegates understand their instructions, it may 
 not be necessary for them to resort to their constituents for 
 new instructions, or at least to their committee for explan- 
 ations. As soon as anything is settled I will let you know. 
 In the mean time the seat for you is, and will continue to 
 be ready, when wanted. But I think it as well that the 
 writ should not be moved till the Easter recess, at soonest, 
 or rather till we know certainly that the Catholic business 
 will come on in a short time. 
 
 From what you say, I conclude this plan will be most 
 agreeable to your notions. The seat can always be vacated 
 at a few hours' notice. The delegates are to come to Lord 
 Grenville and me, in a formal manner on Monday, when, 
 of course, the matter will be cleared up. — I am, my dear 
 Sir, yours very truly, 
 
 C. J. Fox. 
 
 H. Grattan, Esq., near Bray, Ireland. 
 
 Mr. Fox to Mr. Grattan. 
 Arlington Street, London, Saturday, March 23rd, 1805. 
 My dear Sir, — I received yours yesterday. You will 
 know from my letter of the beginning of the week, that 
 there will be full time for any preparation you may wish. 
 If I did not feel myself quite sure that your fame runs no 
 risk, I would not have suggested the plan on any account 
 whatever ; for, exclusive of my personal regard, I consider 
 the reputation of such men as you, as of infinite conse- 
 quence to the public, and to the general interests of liberty 
 and virtue, and consequently any circumstance that would 
 tend to tarnish the splendour of such characters, or even to 
 raise a doubt of their genius, would appear to me most 
 disastrous. 
 
 You may depend on the condition (of your going out, if 
 you choose it, when the business is over) being agreed to. 
 — Yours ever. 
 
 C. J. Fox. 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. Berwick. 
 
 Tinnehinch, 13th April, 1805. 
 
 My dear Doctor, — I should go to you certainly, but 
 it is impossible. I must go to England to-morrow. 
 
 Mrs. Latouche will see nobody, otherwise I should have 
 
CHAP. Till.] CATHOLICS DISAPPOINTED. 
 
 257 
 
 gone to her. I have no hopes — the best of her sex, and 
 most accomplished* — but she will not recover. I should 
 have been inconsolable if anything had happened to 
 Richard Marlay.f I do not believe I am yet returned to 
 Parliament, but will be soon. — Yours, most truly, 
 
 H. G. 
 
 Dr. Berwick, Esker, Leixlip. 
 
 Lord Fitzwilliam to Mr. Grattax. 
 
 Wentworth, April 27th, 1805. 
 1)ear Grattan, — Without receiving the sanction of 
 your consent, the worthy electors of Malton, duly elected 
 Henry Grattan, Esq., their representative, on Tuesday last. 
 I hope their proceeding will be acceptable. The writ will 
 of course be found returned to the proper office. — With 
 sincerest regard and esteem, most truly yours, 
 
 Wentworth Fitzwilliam. 
 
 The Catholics were now doomed to experience 
 deep humiliation and bitter disappointment, — a 
 just punishment for those among that body who 
 had been weak enough to hearken to the false 
 promises of the Minister, and to part with the 
 liberties of their country. Mr. Pitt, rinding him- 
 self embarrassed by the situation in which he stood 
 as to the Catholics, and by the pledges he had 
 given at the time of the Union, had directed Lord 
 Hawkesbury (in January, 1805) to write to Lord 
 Hardwicke that the discussion of the Catholic 
 question would very much embarrass the Minis- 
 ters, and would be determinately resisted by him. 
 This letter was communicated to Lord Fingall, 
 and laid before the Catholic committee. Several 
 attempts had been made by the Lord-Lieutenant 
 and his secretary (Sir Evan Nepean) to gain favour 
 with the Catholics, in order to accomplish the 
 
 * She died very shortly after; she was a charming person, celebrated 
 for her beauty, admired by all who knew her. 
 
 f Son of his uncle and early friend Colonel Thomas Marlay, who 
 aided him in 1782, see vol. ii. ante. 
 VOL. V. S 
 
258 
 
 CATHOLIC DEPUTATION [CHAP. VIII. 
 
 wishes of Mr. Pitt, and deter them from making 
 any application ; and accordingly many persons 
 appeared disposed not to urge their claims. 
 Counsellor Bellew was averse to any petition 
 being presented, and to this opinion Lord Fingall 
 seemed to incline, till Mr. O'Connell and Mr. 
 Scully declared they would forward their petition; 
 upon which the committee (on the 6th of February) 
 resolved that a deputation of five members — Lord 
 Fingall, Sir F. (afterwards Lord) French, Sir'E. 
 Bellew, Denys Scully, and James Ryan — -should 
 be sent to Mr. Pitt to request that he would pre- 
 sent the Catholic petition to Parliament, and they 
 were to add that if he was restrained by strong 
 reasons (meaning the King) from supporting it, that 
 they would not then press for the adoption of the 
 measure prayed for; that if he refused, they 
 would apply to another person. On the 12th of 
 March they had an interview with Mr. Pitt, who 
 declined to present it, stating that he had strong 
 and decisive objections against it. The interview 
 lasted a considerable time. The deputies tried 
 the Minister in various ways, reminding him of 
 the Union,— of the hopes then held out, the ad- 
 vantage he would have if he monopolized the 
 feelings of the Catholics and the presentation of 
 their request {for their right he took care to deny at 
 once). They almost supplicated him, and stooped 
 to bring him round ; but he was obdurate, and 
 answered them drily — saying, he would feel it his 
 duty to resist it. Their conduct was that of sup- 
 pliants — they were not free — and as such they 
 acted ; but their conduct was sublime in com- 
 parison with that of the man they addressed ; for 
 who would have believed that at that moment 
 Mr. Pitt had not only violated the pledge he had 
 given in the memorandum drawn by Lord Castle- 
 reagh on his behalf, and given by Lord Cornwallis 
 
CHAP. VIII.] SENT TO MR. PITT. 
 
 259 
 
 to Dr. Troy, declaring he would not accept office 
 except on the terms of Catholic privileges being 
 granted, and upon which he had gone out of office 
 in 1801,* but having returned in 1804, in direct 
 violation of that compact, he went immeasurably 
 further, for li he voluntarily engaged never again to 
 bring the subject under the consideration of his 
 Majesty!!" This extraordinary and unconstitu- 
 tional proceeding of Mr. Pitt, in direct violation 
 of his duty as Minister and oath as Privy Coun- 
 cillor, and of the positive engagement entered into 
 along with Lord Cornwallis, was not publicly 
 known, and only transpired through the impru- 
 dence of Lord Hawkesbury when he was (in 1807) 
 debating the grounds on which Lords Grey and 
 Grenville had retired from office. f He disclosed 
 most unexpectedly this state secret, and published 
 to the world tiie base and unconstitutional engage- 
 ment. The Catholic deputation knew as little of 
 Mr. Pitt in 1805 as the Catholic people did in 
 1800, or they might have been saved the trouble 
 and humiliation of applying in so abject a manner 
 to a man who had so grievously duped and de- 
 ceived them ; but it was not until after Mr. Pitt's 
 death that the disgraceful compact which he had 
 entered into with the King was discovered ; — a 
 compact so fatal to his fame as a statesman, dero- 
 gatory to the dignity and duty of a Prime Minister, 
 and so disreputable to him as a man of honour. 
 
 Disappointed as to Mr. Pitt, the Catholics ap- 
 plied to Lord Grenville and Mr. Fox, and to them 
 they entrusted the presentation of their petition to 
 the Imperial Parliament. It was presented by Mr. 
 
 * On the 8th of May, 1801, Lord Grenville wrote a very strong letter 
 to Mr. Pitt, severely condemning the exclusive principle on which the 
 new administration was formed. In 1804 Mr. Pitt made it more ex- 
 clusive still. 
 
 f See Parliamentary Debates of 1807, on the question regarding the 
 late administration. 
 
 s 2 
 
260 g DEBATE ON THE [CHAP. VIN. 
 
 Fox, and laid on the table on the 25th of March; 
 and on the 13th of May he moved that it should be 
 referred to the consideration of a committee of the 
 whole House* It was ably supported by Mr. 
 Fox ; and opposed by Mr. Pitt, on the ground 
 that the present was not the proper time. He did 
 not say what would be the proper time ; but from 
 his statements it was to be inferred that it must 
 be on a change in the King's sentiments or on his 
 demise. Thus was Ireland insanely sacrificed to 
 royal scruples or royal conscience. The debate 
 lasted two days, and on a division the numbers 
 were — for Mr. Fox's motion 124, and against it 
 336; majority against the Catholics, 212. In 
 the House of Lords the petition was presented by 
 Lord Grenville, and his motion for a committee 
 was rejected by 178 to 49. Such were the first 
 fruits of the Union, and such was the fulfilment 
 of the pledges, without which, as Lord Suffolk 
 said in the debate, Mr. Pitt would not have carried 
 the Union. 
 
 As this was the trial of Mr. Grattan in the Im- 
 perial Parliament, much curiosity was awakened, 
 and much anxiety was felt among his friends on 
 the occasion. They had not forgotten the words 
 that he had applied to Mr. Flood — "he was a 
 tree of the forest, too old to be transplanted at 50." 
 The fate that had attended Lord Clare, and the 
 want of success on the part of Mr. Flood, added 
 to the interest respecting this individual — the man 
 who had for so long opposed the imperious con- 
 duct of Great Britain, denied her authority, de- 
 fied her ministers and defeated their power, — he 
 was now to appear before an assembly chosen by 
 that nation whose pride in 1782 he had humbled, 
 but who by fraud had triumphed in 1800 over his 
 country. The question, too, which was the occa- 
 sion of his entrance into Parliament, and one of 
 
CHAP. VIII.] CATHOLIC PETITION. 
 
 261 
 
 the greatest importance to the empire, was by no 
 means popular in that assembly. The rights of 
 the people of Ireland had never been received with 
 cordiality or listened to with pleasure, though 
 they were appeals to freedom ; and the claims of 
 the Roman Catholics had still to surmount great 
 difficulties and great prejudices before they could 
 effectually pierce the foggy atmosphere of St. 
 Stephen's, and remove the cold insensible mass 
 that weighed down the destinies of the country. 
 
 The Irish Church had sent forward their chosen 
 champion, the representative of the Primate of all 
 Ireland, as the opponent of Catholic emancipa- 
 tion ; fortunately it was Dr. Duigenan. He came 
 forward on this occasion to oppose the demands 
 of the Catholics, yet notwithstanding the preju- 
 dices of the day, he made little impression. He 
 tried his ponderous theology, but to no purpose ; 
 for he had " neither wit, nor words, nor worth, 
 action or utterance, or the power of speech to 
 stir men's blood." His appearance was forbid- 
 ding, his manner was most ungracious, his tones 
 most unpleasing. Altogether the exhibition threw 
 an air of ridicule and burlesque upon the cause 
 he was sent to support ; his doctrines, though 
 high-church, were not even palatable. The mem- 
 bers, however, as happens too often in that 
 assembly, honoured him with their vote, though 
 they withheld their applause. The learned doctor 
 failed most completely, and the cause of the 
 Catholics triumphed by the discredit that fell 
 upon its most violent opponent. After he sat 
 down, Mr. Grattan rose to reply. His voice was 
 strong, and free from the accent that impaired 
 Burke's, though not sufficiently mellow. His 
 figure was small and his gesture was peculiar, 
 still it made an impression, because it followed 
 
262 
 
 MR. GRATTAN'S SUCCESS IN [CHAP. VIII. 
 
 the impulse of a mind strongly impassioned and 
 full of the subject. 
 
 The House paused for some time before they 
 signified any opinion as to the individual upon 
 trial ; both parties looked to their several par- 
 tizans, — the one to Mr. Fox, the other to Mr. 
 Pitt. Each seemed to wait for the signal from 
 their respective leader. Mr. Pitt sat all attention, 
 his face resting upon his hand, and gave no 
 symptom either of favour or of disapprobation. 
 No emotion was visible on his part until Mr. 
 Grattan, alluding to Dr. Duigenan, said — " his 
 speech consists of four parts. First, an invective 
 uttered against the religion of the Catholics ; 
 second, an invective uttered against the present 
 generation; third, an invective uttered against 
 the past; and fourth, an invective against the 
 future. Here the limits of creation interposed 
 and stopped the number. It is to defend these 
 different generations and their religion that I rise 
 — to rescue the Catholics from his attack and the 
 Protestant from his defence." Upon this Mr. 
 Pitt cried out ''Hear! hear! hear!" This was 
 the signal for his party — his followers caught the 
 cry ; those who paused before, no longer hesi- 
 tated, — they cheered vociferously and were fully 
 responded to by the opposition, and the entire 
 assembly joined in loud applause. Mr. Grattan's 
 success was established —the triumph was com- 
 plete. Pitt turned to one of the members who 
 sat by him, and said, " Burke told me that Grattan 
 was a great man for a 'popular assembly, and now I 
 believe it" In short, the speech he delivered was 
 attended with the most complete success,*. — it pro- 
 
 * Lord Byron thus describes the scene in one of his letters : — " When 
 the ministerial part of our senators had watched Pitt (their thermometer) 
 for the cue, and saw him nod repeatedly, his stately nod of approbation, 
 they took the hint from their huntsman and broke out into the most 
 
CHAP. VIII.] THE IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. 263 
 
 duced great effect. The style was new, the man- 
 ner was singular, the matter was so disposed as to 
 please all. There was philosophy, sound political 
 doctrine, polished satire, terse logic, brilliant ora- 
 tory, and a spirit of nationality that was congenial 
 to the heart of every freeman. Mr. Fox and the 
 Whig party were highly gratified, Lord Fitzwilliam 
 and his friends were in delight, and Mr. Grattan 
 was complimented, visited, praised, and flattered 
 by the leading men of both parties in England. 
 Of the numerous complimentary letters the two 
 following are selected. 
 
 Dr. O'Leary to Mr. Grattan. 
 
 May 25th, 1805. 
 T is not in mortals to command success, 
 But we'll do better — we'll deserve it. 
 
 My dear Grattan, — I congratulate you, myself, and 
 ray country, on the honour your speech on the Catholic 
 question has conferred on us. I have had many authentic 
 accounts of the splendour of the performance, and the 
 enthusiasm of its reception, and, indeed, I cannot express 
 the satisfaction I felt at finding that it was not only equal 
 to my expectation, but to my wishes. I have a little 
 grandson, of about ten years old, who, after reading the 
 debate, made the following silly observation. " Mr. Fox 
 and Mr. Grattan were insuperable, they formed as it were 
 a great mountain, — Mr. Fox, who was the foundation, had 
 solidity and comprehension, Mr. Grattan was the toji, 
 whose sublimity touched the heavens." A few words now 
 as to myself. I have long thought that age and refine- 
 ment had extinguished every spark of pride, and suppressed 
 every passion for praise, in my breast. But to find my 
 name* inserted in the rolls of fame by such a band as 
 
 rapturous cheers. Grattan's speech indeed deserved them — it was a 
 " c/ief'd , oeuvre. ,} I did not hear that speech of his (being then at Har- 
 row), but heard most of his others on the same question — also that of 
 the war of 1815. I differed from his opinion on the latter question, but 
 coincided in the general admiration of his eloquence. ***** 
 I was much struck with the simplicity of Grattan's manners in private 
 life — they were odd, but they were natural." 
 * He was alluded to in Mr. Grattan's speech. 
 
264 LORD TYRAWLY TO MR. GRATTAN. [CHAP. VIIl. 
 
 yours, has, I must confess, awakened my sensibility, and 
 reanimated my expiring pride. 'T is true offerings and 
 sacrifices are made to partiality, perhaps, as often as to 
 piety, and, though I know yours in the present instance 
 have proceeded from the former, I thank you for them. — 
 Believe me, with truth and affection, your sincere friend 
 and faithful confessor, 
 
 Father O'Leary. 
 Lord Tyrawly to Mr, Grattan. 
 
 Moore Abbey , Monastereven, Ireland, May 24th, 1805. 
 
 My dear Grattan, — Your debut in Parliament has 
 struck your enemies dumb, and made your friends trium- 
 phant and happy, you have exceeded even my expectations. 
 I hope the great Author of your being (to whom alone I 
 pray) may grant you for a long while, good health, and the 
 possession of those great talents with which he has en- 
 dowed you, to support and protect your family, and to do 
 honour to the land that boasts of having given you birth. 
 
 All the rational Roman Catholics think (and I agree 
 with them) that you have ensured the ultimate success of 
 their favourite measure, and seem indifferent as to the 
 moment when it may be accomplished. 
 
 I advised you never to go into Parliament, unless called 
 there by some great occasion, and you condescended to 
 listen to me. I conjure you for your honour, and the ad- 
 vantage of the empire, never to quit Parliament as long as 
 you can articulate. 
 
 Your situation in life is now much higher and greater 
 than it ever was, or, indeed, could be in this country. You 
 are received, admired by, and identified with a great, en- 
 lightened, and generous people — unlike the rabble of this 
 country — that one day would draw you in your triumphal 
 car to the Senate House, and the next, at the instance of 
 such a mountebank as Dr. Duigenan, drag you in a cart 
 to the place of execution. You and your family have the 
 warmest affections of all under my roof. — My dear Grattan, 
 yours, ever most truly, 
 
 Tyrawly. 
 
 II. Grattan, Esq., Madcjox Street, Hanover Square. 
 
CHAP. VIII.] MR. GRATTAN TO MR. BERWICK. 2G5 
 
 Mb. G rattan to Mr. Berwick. 
 
 9, Maddox Street, London, June 10th, 1805. 
 
 My dear Doctor, — I got your letter, and am glad to 
 hear so good an account of your health. You seem in 
 good spirits, but in gloomy neighbourhood. Your two 
 best neighbours, one is dead, the other distracted. The 
 loss of Mrs. Latouche is irreparable. Mrs. Vesey has 
 good sense to see it. The breaking up of Mrs. Latouche's 
 house was, to me, the loss of private society in Dublin. 
 
 Ihe Union, the loss of political life. The papers tell 
 you everything that I can tell you, except that they do 
 not give you anything of my speech, which, when it 
 comes out, shall be sent to you. 
 
 I wrote a long letter to Hardy, containing what was 
 more important than intelligence, namely, what I knew 
 related to himself — he has no chance, but Lord Charle- 
 mont's Life and the publication of the History of Italian 
 Poetry, that may support him till something happens, 
 which is not very proximate. Lord Charlemont wrote to 
 him, and told me I might write to him also, and assure 
 him, that he might now publish that history, which he 
 would get in his library. If he is afraid to go there, do 
 you, and get the book, and use your influence with him 
 not to delay. He has no excuse now, he has had for the 
 life, time, materials, advice, necessity, and duty — duty to 
 the cause and to himself, and yet, with all this, I believe 
 it will be found difficult to make him do anything. I do 
 not see any likelihood of a speedy change of ministry. I 
 shall go home and dine with you and talk to Matthew,* 
 if poor Matthew be forthcoming. I see Lord Perry very 
 often, he is surprisingly, I cannot say well, but surprisingly 
 free from the consequence of years — he enters into conver- 
 sation, hears, answers, observes, and reasons better than 
 any man of good sense twenty years younger. Our friend 
 Tegartf I have seen, and have conferred with him upon 
 medicinal topics — though I do not practice here — he asked 
 about you. I shall see him to-morrow, and shall mention 
 to him your present regimen. 
 
 London is become too expensive for a moderate fortune. 
 The public entertainments to women, who are modest, and 
 
 * A favourite gardener, as fond of flowers as Mr. Grattan. 
 t A celebrated medical character, a great friend of the opposition 
 party, and a fine Whig. 
 
266 MR. GRATTAN TO MR. HARDY [CHAP. VIII. 
 
 not of the very first fortunes, inaccessible — the pit is given 
 up to women of the town, I speak of the opera, and the 
 boxes purchased by women of great fortune: they go to 
 two or more parties of the same night, and are on the flags 
 great part of it, from the difficulty of getting their carriages, 
 to which they are handed frequently by a police officer. 
 I pay for horses exactly double what I paid ten years ago : 
 port has become claret in price, and continues brandy in 
 quality. Is the church in no danger? I will buy Fox's 
 speech for you, which I lost or mislaid (his speech of 1803), 
 he says it is his best. 
 
 Remember me to Mrs. Berwick .—Yours ever, 
 
 H. G. 
 
 Dr.. Duigenan brought a library to the House of 
 Commons, which he kept behind him, and turned back so 
 often to the House to consult his books, as to exhibit a 
 strange appearance. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. Hardy. 
 
 London, June 14th, 1805. 
 My dear Hardy, — They steal my pens, so that I write 
 worse even than usual. But I write this to repeat my 
 wishes that you should, as soon as possible with any con- 
 venience, publish : Lord Charlemontdid not get your letter 
 for a long time, it was directed to his brother, and his 
 brother was not in London : if you or Berwick (and do not 
 delay) can find his travels, written and digested, as to be 
 in a state for publication, I think he (the son) would agree 
 to their publication by you — his object is answered by 
 the credit, and he would be glad you should receive the 
 profit. I think you would get money from a printer for 
 the Life, and the History of Italian Poetry. The history 
 will prove two large volumes: would you have me talk to a 
 printer about it, I will try at all events : I think you may 
 make a considerable profit — but — but do not delay. The 
 minister on Wednesday was beaten, # but he will stand I 
 think. The papers will inform you everything with respect 
 to his Majesty: he is in good health, and in conversation 
 not only rational but acute. I got your letter and thank 
 you much. Parliament will be up probably soon after 
 
 * For the criminal prosecution of Lord Melville, for embezzling the 
 public money and improperly applying 60,000/., 233 to 229 — majority 
 against ministers, nine. 
 
CHAP. VIII.] AND MR. M'CAN. 
 
 267 
 
 next Thursday, which day the state of the nation is to be 
 debated. I do not believe there will be any parade days. 
 The most rising young men in the Commons are Mr. 
 Whitbread and Lord H. Petty: I think the former is now 
 a very able member of Parliament, and will be a complete 
 one. . Fox is in perfect health and ability. I have dined 
 much abroad and with pleasant parties — there is no excess 
 except what one chooses to commit. Your friend Castle- 
 reagh does not stand high. Canning has considerable 
 parts — but more parts than discretion — his conclusion on 
 the 12th was well. The Attorney-General is a very good 
 parliamentary speaker. Mr. Grant a most grave and 
 severe logician, certainly very able, but not brilliant. Of 
 Pitt I need not speak as you have heard him often. — 
 Yours, most trulv. 
 
 II. G. 
 
 The debate will come out they say to-morrow with the 
 speeches revised, — I will send you one. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. M'Can. 
 
 London, June 19th, 1805. 
 
 My dear M'Can, — I thank you for your letter. Poor 
 Browne,* I believe with you, died of the Union ; it proved 
 the death of another, but compared with Browne, a very 
 inferior man, Lord Clare ; and I think it has extinguished 
 Castlereagh, he is high in office, but in reputation lost. I 
 had just read the article of his death in the paper and was 
 lamenting him, he was to me an affectionate, faithful friend. 
 I have had two occasions to feel concern for him, his 
 political errors and his death. Bushet and Moore are 
 both very proper men. I will keep for you the debate on 
 the Catholic question; it will be, I suppose, perfect as far 
 as relates to some of the speeches. 
 
 I am happy at what you write about Kemmis,^ I know 
 he is a most particular friend of mine, to whom I have 
 
 • Dr. Arthur Browne, who first opposed, then supported, the Union, 
 and who died broken-hearted. He wrote a pamphlet on the treaty of 
 Limerick that was much noticed. 
 
 f Charles Bushe and Arthur Moore, both created judges. 
 
 I Crown Solicitor, a very clever individual, he managed the law 
 business on the purchase of the Queen's county estates, under the vote 
 of the House of Commons. 
 
268 
 
 MR. GRATTAN TO [CHAP. VIII. 
 
 many personal obligations. I have a great opinion of his 
 good understanding. I am happy at what you relate re- 
 garding the people of Ireland, it is of the last consequence 
 to their credit and fortunes, to keep clear of the senseless 
 practice of insurrection, they have had sufferings enough to 
 instruct them on that head. The minister was defeated last 
 Wednesday, but I think he will stand : at the same time 
 he is very weak, and the opposition very strong. I shall 
 go to Harrowgate in a week, and to Ireland in three. We 
 are all well. — Yours truly, 
 
 H. G. 
 
 Ross M'Can, Esq. 
 
 The following letter requires explanation. In 
 the debate on the Roman Catholic question Sir 
 George Hill,* a connexion of the Beresford family, 
 had spoken against Mr. Fox's motion, but had 
 used nothing unseemly or personal towards Mr. 
 Grattan or his friends. However, he chose to 
 publish a speech, and inserted what he had never 
 spoken, and made statements respecting him and 
 his friends that were quite unfounded, and that 
 conveyed gross imputation upon both. Mr. 
 Grattan found it his duty to notice these, and he 
 accordingly made an application to Sir George 
 Hill, expressing his surprise at what he read, and 
 which had not been spoken in the House. The 
 dilemma in which Sir George was placed was 
 somewhat awkward, as the gross impropriety of 
 the proceeding — so unusual and so unparlia- 
 mentary — was undeniable. Mr. Grattan was 
 therefore obliged to press him upon the subject, 
 and to insist on a total disclaimer, which was 
 given ; but some delay having occurred, he found 
 himself obliged to have recourse to the extreme 
 necessity which is always to be lamented, although 
 sanctioned by usage and a sense of honour and 
 
 * This is the same personage who figures in connexion with the 
 arrest of Wolfe Tone, when the French landed in the north-west of 
 Ireland. — See Memoirs of Tone, vol. ii. p. 524. 
 
CHAP. VIII.] MR. JAMES GRATTAN. 
 
 269 
 
 duty. In the event of any untoward accident be- 
 falling him, Mr. Grattan thought proper to write 
 to his son as follows : — 
 
 Mi?. Grattax to James Grattan. 
 My dear James, — In addition to the letter which I 
 have written, I am to add, that you know so well my 
 political principles as devoid on the one side of corrupt 
 support of Government, on the other side rebellion — and 
 above all others an Irish rebellion. You have read enough 
 of Irish history to know the folly and ruin of that proceed- 
 ing- 
 
 I would advise you to fix certain hours for application, 
 so that one day with another, you may read some hours, 
 or rather study a few hours. There are and must be times 
 in which you will not be able to study at all: but they 
 should not be long, and should be employed in learning 
 the world — rise early — it is of the greatest consequence. 
 
 The course of studies you already know : but above all 
 things attend to history, and ever make your own remarks 
 as you read it — the Irish history, particularly from the 
 accession of the House of Tudor — the English history, with 
 a general knowledge of the history of Europe, the Roman, 
 and the Greek — these are the histories you should know ; 
 the books in which those histories are contained I have 
 mentioned to you. I believe I am to add to the catalogue 
 Robertson's histories of Charles the Fifth and of America, 
 and Carte's Life of the Duke of Ormond. Keep up the 
 knowledge of the classics for ever. Demosthenes, Homer, 
 Tacitus, and Horace, Juvenal, &c. Read the speeches of 
 the great speakers in the parliamentary debates — learn the 
 public accounts, viz. the produce of the yearly taxes, the 
 expenditure of each year, together with the annual amount 
 of imports and exports — take care of your mother, and be 
 not only kind to her in dealings, but tender in your 
 manner. 
 
 Her life may be long, but it depends on care, more on 
 your care than on her own. Take care of your sisters and 
 Henry — you must be their father now. As to a profession 
 I would, if any, recommend the bar both to you and Henry. 
 Your fortune will ultimately be large, but your income for 
 a long time will be small. By all means continue in College 
 
270 
 
 BREACH WITH MR. FOSTER. [CHAP. VIII. 
 
 and take your Degree. I know you will always act like a 
 man of integrity and a man of spirit. — Yours ever, 
 
 H. Grattan. 
 
 London, June 22nd, 1805. 
 
 Mr. Foster, on his appointment to the office of 
 Chancellor of the Exchequer, conceived that he 
 had acquired greater financial powers than either 
 the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland (Lord Hardwicke) 
 or Mr. Pitt were willing to allow. It was sup- 
 posed that he had prepared some of his financial 
 measures so as to give him a great share of 
 patronage ; this Lord Hardwicke and the First 
 Commissioner of Revenue (Lord Donoughmore) 
 would not agree to. Accordingly, a breach took 
 place between Mr. Pitt and Mr. Foster, and it 
 reached to such a height that Mr. Foster almost 
 went into opposition, and on the 2nd of July took 
 his seat on the opposite side of the house from 
 that of the Government to which he belonged. 
 Mr. Pitt, though displeased, did not like to break 
 with Foster ; he was much embarrassed, was de- 
 clining in health, and was pressed by difficulties 
 and desertions from within and without; so he 
 compromised the matter. At first he contrived to 
 postpone Mr. Foster's measures, on which Mr. 
 Foster threatened to resign ; but Mr. Pitt would 
 not accept the resignation, so he compelled him to 
 keep his place but abandon his bills. His speech 
 in ] 804 (in which year he was Chancellor of the 
 Exchequer) was remarkable. He attributed the 
 distress of Ireland to the Union. He stated that the 
 debt in 1 793 was only 2,400,000/. ; in 1800 it had 
 risen to 25,400,000/. ; and in January, 1804, it 
 amounted to 43,000,000/. ; and in that year (1804) 
 they had added to it no less a sum than 9,500,000/. ; 
 a quota far exceeding that settled at the Union. 
 He calculated that, in 1800, the net produce of the 
 
CHAP. VIII.] MR. GRATTAN TO MR. m'CAN. 
 
 271 
 
 revenue was 2,800,000/., at the time that Ireland 
 owed 25,000,000/. ; and in the last year (1803) it 
 was only 2,789,000/., when she owed 53,000,000/. 
 Thus there appeared an enormous and growing- 
 increase of debt, a rapid falling off of the revenue, 
 and a decay of commerce and of manufacture. 
 So much for the boasted Union ! 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. M'Can. 
 
 Harrowgate, 15th July, 1805. 
 
 My dear M'Can, — The Revenue Board will go on under 
 its former master. Foster has ridden too hard, the same 
 violent spirit that made him torture the rebels, has over- 
 turned himself; coupled with the fury of Lord Clare, can 
 you be surprised that under such ministers there was a 
 rebellion? When that violence acted against the people 
 they kept their places, when it acted against men in power 
 they lost them. Lord Clare quarrelled with every person 
 in power, and turned himself out of the world ; the other 
 has quarrelled with many persons in power, and has turned 
 himself out of office. Don't mention it, but he acted very 
 imprudently, and his plans were jobs for himself, with some 
 public advantage and more public expence and influence; 
 he had nobody for him but Pitt, and Pitt gave him up 
 for his convenience, as he did and must have done with 
 regard to Lord Clare. I don't find any one appointed in 
 his place ; he may remain, but without his plans. I fancy 
 the Custom-house is not very sorry. 
 
 They are in daily expectation of a victory over the 
 French fleet, who have made a miserable figure. I think the 
 minister will stand for some time even without a victory, 
 the difficulty of a coalition is so great that I don't believe 
 there will be one. The Opposition are very strong, and 
 the Ministry verv weak; Lord Melville has hurt their 
 credit, and Lord Sid mouth their numbers. Parliament is 
 prorogued by commission, and the King gone to Wey- 
 mouth ; he has abandoned his tour on account of his eyes, 
 which are attacked by cataracts, for which it is said he is 
 to undergo an operation. 
 
 Whatever is doing on the Continent proceeds very 
 slowly, those powers are more inclined to negotiate than to 
 fight, and if they don't agree to the latter England will 
 
272 
 
 MR. FOX TO MR. GRATTAN. [CHAP. VIII. 
 
 soon make peace. How goes on poor Ireland ? Are the 
 Protestants and Catholics still at war ? Have they dis- 
 covered that the spirit of loyalty is confined to the wine 
 and not to be found in the wafer ? No cup — no allegiance. 
 That a good wine merchant should be of that opinion, I 
 am not surprised ; but that any other man should, amazes 
 me. Bigotry is going down here — the activity of party 
 could not excite a Protestant cry in this country. How is 
 Wallace ? # has he his place in the country ? I am sure he 
 is advancing in business. Ponsonby was greatly admired 
 in England, and has secured the ear of the House of 
 Commons — he is established there. The debate on the 
 Catholic question is published — but observe some of the 
 speeches never were spoken — particularly the attacksf on 
 me, there was no attack whatever. — Yours most truly, 
 
 H. Grattan. 
 
 Mr. Fox to Mr. Grattan. 
 
 St. Ann's Hill, 16th July, 1805. 
 
 My dear Sir, — I ought perhaps sooner to have ac- 
 quainted you, that the very day after you spoke to me, I 
 saw Fitzwilliam, who confirmed what I mentioned to you, 
 and said that, exclusive of the satisfaction it affords him 
 to be the means of your sitting among us, it would be the 
 greatest possible inconvenience to him, to have another 
 vacancy at Malton at present. The manner in which Pitt 
 has filled up the vacancies seems to me a decisive proof 
 that he can have no serious thoughts of sincerely attempt- 
 ing a union of parties, but I am told his friends give out 
 that no such inference is to be drawn, on the other hand it 
 must be confessed that, if he was too weak before, he has 
 not gained any accession, either of strength or reputation, 
 by his new arrangements. 
 
 It is understood that he has made it up with Foster, 
 who is to have his own way in every thing, whether Lord 
 Hardwicke consent or not. 
 
 Mrs. Fox desires to be remembered to you, and joins 
 with me in best regards to Mrs. G. and the whole family. 
 She and I much regret that we had not the opportunity of 
 seeing you and them here, and not the less so (for vanity 
 will have her rights and dues) because we think this 
 
 * The Irish lawyer. 
 
 | By Sir George Hill, published not spoken, as before mentioned. 
 
CHAP, VIII.] LETTERS ON HISTORY. 
 
 273 
 
 place looks, this year, in peculiar beauty. — I am, very 
 truly, my dear Sir, yours ever, 
 
 C.J. Fox. 
 
 IJenry Grattan, Esq., Harrcm-gate, Yorkshire. 
 
 The following letters contain some useful and 
 interesting remarks on the study of history. This 
 subject Mr. Grattan always recommended, not 
 only by precept, but by practice ; he was in the 
 habit of abstracting and comparing the histories 
 of divers nations — modern and ancient — with 
 great care and attention : this course he pursued 
 to the last. The Irish, English, Greek, and 
 Roman histories were read and studied by him 
 with the most persevering industry ; and he re- 
 gularly allotted a portion of each day for going 
 over the remarks and observations he had made 
 on this subject. Unfortunately, most of them 
 have been lost; but what remains is of value. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to James Grattan. 
 
 Harrowgate, July 14th, 1805. 
 My dear James, — Do not forget to read out loud every 
 day some portion of Homer, and Milton, and Demosthenes, 
 it would serve Henry to do the same. You will have time 
 to read English, you know the books, I told you before. 
 The great heads of the history of the present reign are the 
 Middlesex election, the American war, the Irish revolution 
 of '82, the French revolution and war. The great heads 
 in the reigns preceding are, the civil war between the 
 King and the Parliament, and the revolution. You should 
 consult often what you have read and written on those 
 subjects. Burke and Bolingbroke will give you style, and 
 Junius, — the style of the latter would answer better for a 
 public ear, because it is shorter, and was written for the 
 public, not for the closet. — Ever yours, 
 
 H. G. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to James Grattan. 
 
 Harrowgate, 28th July, 1805. 
 My dear James, — The reason why we began the 
 English history with the reign of Charles the First, is, 
 VOL. V. T 
 
274 MR. grattan's letters on [chap, VIII. 
 
 that the events which preceded that reign, govern very 
 little the events which followed ; for instance, the dis- 
 putes between the houses of York and Lancaster, and the 
 claims of Mary to the crown of Elizabeth had exhausted 
 their effects. But the religious, and still more the poli- 
 tical animosities, which burst forth in Charles the First's 
 reign, continue to effect the political world even to this 
 day. They produced the civil war; they produced the 
 cabal of Charles the Second ; they produced the violence 
 of the Whigs, near and before the close of his reign ; they 
 produced the still greater violence of James the Second, 
 and, of course, the revolution, under whose consequences 
 we live at this day. They did more, they caused a number 
 of British dissenters to settle in America, who fled from 
 the persecutions of Charles the First, to the free exercise 
 of their civil and religious rights in another hemisphere, 
 and there planted those principles, which afterwards re- 
 sisted the violence of England, and established their inde- 
 pendence in a century after. They did more, they caused 
 the French revolution, because they communicated to the 
 French, who came to assist the Americans, those impulses 
 which the French afterwards indulged in to such fatal 
 excess. From the beginning of that reign until the 
 famous remonstrance you may pronounce Parliament 
 in the right; for instance, in refusing a larger supply; 
 in proceeding against the Duke of Buckingham; in form- 
 ing the petition of right ; in condemning arbitrary loans ; 
 arbitrary imprisonments ; courts of high commission of 
 star chamber ; army without authority of Parliament ; 
 ship money; the judges who allowed it; and, finally, 
 in proceeding against Lord Strafford (notwithstanding 
 Hume on that subject). The principles on which they 
 proceeded have been recognised as the rights of the sub- 
 ject, and a part of the fundamental law of the land ; those 
 principles compose principally the Declaration of Right, 
 passed at the revolution, which is little more than the 
 petition of right, rendered somewhat more minute and 
 more comprehensive, and it is called a Declaration because 
 it does not introduce a new law, but only declares what 
 was before the law of the land, and the right of the sub- 
 ject. But there was another victory those principles 
 obtained, without which their victory at the revolution had 
 been in vain, namely, they proved afterwards an excellent 
 practical system of government : had the people of England; 
 
CHAP. VIII.] THE STUDY OF HISTORY. 
 
 275 
 
 after the revolution, like the French, ran wild, they would, 
 like the French, have put down the principles of their 
 revolution, and the friends of James the Second would 
 have said, that the doctrine of the Whigs, however fine in 
 theory, was not fit for mankind. The English, therefore, 
 owe their liberties to the moderation of their ancestors at 
 and after the revolution, who avoided the example of their 
 predecessors at the time of the famous remonstrance. — 
 Ever yours. 
 
 H. G. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to James Grattan. 
 
 Ilarrowgate, 29th July, 1805. 
 My dear James, — I omitted to mention the grounds on 
 which Hume defends the conduct of Charles I. First, he 
 justifies the acts of the king, on the precedent of his prede- 
 cessors, the house of Tudor, but he forgets that those pre- 
 cedents of the house of Tudor were violations of law, and 
 his argument then is this, that the violations in one reign 
 become in the succeeding reign laws ; his second funda- 
 mental error is, that he denies the claims of the people to 
 be free from taxes and arrests, except such as are war- 
 ranted by parliament or legal trial, because under the 
 reigns of the house of Tudor they were oppressed by 
 both, but they were oppressed by both contrary to law. 
 His argument then is, that infringement of right in one 
 reign becomes in the succeeding a repeal of it; he makes 
 innovations, laws ; and he makes laws, innovations. But 
 murder is not lawful more than oppression because it has 
 not always been punished, neither does a man lose his 
 right to his estate or his liberty because his ancestor has 
 been robbed of both ; rely on it, this principle will refute 
 the greater part of Mr. Hume's defence of Charles I. The 
 house of Tudor was arbitrary, and the reason was to be 
 found in the weakness of the country, not the law of the 
 land. The country had been exhausted by civil wars be- 
 tween the houses of York and Lancaster ; further, the 
 nobles had lost their strength by parting with their pro- 
 perty, and the people had not grown into strength by ac- 
 quisition, while the balance was trepidating, the king was 
 absolute, and the laws were not so ; but in Charles I.'s 
 time, the people had become rich as the nobles had 
 become poor. Lord Clarendon mentions that the property 
 of the House of Commons in Charles I.'s time, greatly ex- 
 t 2 
 
276 
 
 MR. GRATTAn's LETTERS ON [CHAP. VIII. 
 
 ceeded that of the House of Peers, (how much I do not 
 exactly recollect), then these were a people able from wealth 
 and influence to claim their rights, and then the king found 
 that the house of Tudor had exercised an arbitrary power, 
 not because the people had no laws to protect them, but 
 because the laws had not the people. You will further ob- 
 serve that the house of Tudor had been arbitrary, but it 
 did not attempt arbitrary power to a system like Charles 
 I., it committed violations, it provoked, it receded, and it 
 compromised. But the house of Stuart would be absolute 
 in theory as well as in fact ; it put, to use a law phrase, 
 absolute power in issue, and insisted, not merely on 
 taxing and arresting the subjects, but on their legal 
 right to do so. Hume says, Charles conceived him- 
 self like other kings of Europe, or like his predecessors, 
 and that he did not know the law. A man is indicted for 
 sheep-stealing, and he answers he is no scholar, he never 
 read the Parliament ; but Charles had not so strong a 
 case as the sheep-stealer, for Charles had given the royal 
 assent to the very laws he broke ; the petition of right, 
 for instance, he gave his assent to in 1628, and the rem- 
 nant of his life was a continued violation of it. Hume is 
 every way unfortunate. The violation of his own laws 
 was the principal cause for the famous but, I think, fatal 
 remonstrance. The Parliament could not depend on him ; 
 they had a proof of it in his attempt to arrest the five 
 members, the house sitting after they had obtained every 
 security the law could give, and ever security except that 
 which Charles could not give, good faith. That was the 
 cause why they thought it necessary to depose the king ; 
 and you are to consider that remonstrance as no other than 
 a preparatory act of doposition. There was another lead- 
 ing motive, religion ; the Parliament was presbyterian, the 
 king high church. In the bench of bishops the king saw 
 God Almighty, — in the house, the devil. You recollect 
 the treaty between the king and Parliament at Uxbridge : 
 it took place when Cromwell left London ; the Parliament 
 broke off on account of the mitre, their concord was their 
 existence, and their time a few days, they lost them in 
 their dispute about the mitre, and were all destroyed by 
 Cromwell, mitre, king, and parliament. This, which hap- 
 pened towards the close of the civil war, will help to show 
 the motive at the beginning of it. — Ever yours, 
 
 H. Grattan, 
 
CHAP. VIII.] THE STUDY OF HISTORY. 277 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. Berwick. 
 
 Stradbally, September 8th, 1805. 
 
 My dear Doctor, — I had rather be with you than 
 here — but being here I cannot be with you. 
 
 I was obliged to leave Tinnehinch on Saturday to come 
 on to this place, and desert your collection and all good 
 works for the Mammon of unrighteousness, namely, rent ; 
 which the tenants pay like beggars, with land at a low 
 rate, which does them no good. 
 
 I shall remain here some time, being to undergo an 
 inspection* next Tuesday. I shall see you, however, very 
 soon. Hardy is going to fair copy his work. I have not 
 seen him since your letter arrived, as I left Tinnehinch an 
 hour and three quarters after. When I see you I shall 
 have much to hear from you, and you from me. In the 
 mean time I can only say that I am, ever yours truly, 
 
 Henry Grattan. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to James Grattan. 
 
 Kilkenny, October 10th, 1805. 
 
 Your observations are just, I perceive you have derived 
 benefit from your translation of Horace and your extracts 
 of history. 'T is therefore worth your while to continue 
 the latter. I am sure the more you write the more you 
 will think, and the more you think the more you will ex- 
 ceed other men, who read more than they think (in gene- 
 ral), and talk more than they read. I saw two schools at 
 Kilkenny, their course is extensive ; there is one rule I 
 admire, they get by heart much of Virgil, much of Homer, 
 much of Horace. 
 
 How is Dr. Leland, he sleeps a little himself, he has 
 made me sleep very often, and yet he is the best Irish 
 historian. Read over your extracts : the material and 
 leading facts are not many, know them minutely. — Ever 
 yours, 
 
 H. G. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. Berwick. 
 
 Dublin, October 24th, 1805. 
 
 My dear Doctor, — I cannot immediately go to you. 
 We shall be happy to see you and Mrs. Berwick. 
 
 * Of yeomanry. 
 
278 MR. GRATTAN TO MR. BERWICK [CHAP. VIII. 
 
 As to Swift, his picture I am glad you have gotten.* 
 He was a Tory, and every thing that was said of him. 
 £21 is a good deal for the works of such a man, when 
 those of G. Howard, a much more loyal man, can be had 
 for a few shillings-— however, I will talk to you about 
 them. Our friend Hardy is doing what he has been doing 
 for these many years — nothing, and he is declining in 
 spirits from the force of no object and no occupation : I 
 despair of him. — Yours ever, 
 
 H. G. 
 
 Same to Same. 
 
 Dublin, 23rd November, 1805. 
 
 My dear Doctor, — Three clergymen with me: one a 
 dean and the other a bishop.f I cannot therefore think of 
 going to an undignified divine for the present. Hereafter 
 I will invade your parlour. 
 
 I shall call on Cox : I wish I had read his works. The 
 week after next I will go to Esker. I hope your health is 
 good. Pitt's victory J will secure us for the present, but I 
 tremble at the gloomy prospect on the continent, between 
 the delay of one power, and the precipitation of another, 
 Europe is brought into danger very imminent, but not 
 unforetold. — Farewell, yours ever, 
 
 H. Grattan. 
 
 Same to Same. 
 
 Dublin, December 19th, 1805. 
 
 My dear Doctor, — We shall expect you immediately 
 after Christmas. Take care of Vesey's§ soul, I am glad his 
 body is better, and that he is so much improved by the 
 approach of death. 
 
 I hope he will now learn to have more charity for his 
 brother Christians, and that he will not think to palliate 
 the hardness of heart by excess of devotion. — Preston will 
 meet you. — Yours, 
 
 H. G. 
 
 * Presented to him by Mr. (afterwards Lord) Plunket. 
 
 f Scott, Dean of Lismore ; Beresford, Bishop of Kilmore, and both 
 married to the Miss Bushes, his nieces. 
 
 I Naval action at Trafalgar, where the French were defeated, but 
 Nelson was killed. 
 
 § Colonel Vesey, a neighbour of Mr. Berwick's, very hostile to the 
 Roman Catholics. 
 
CHAP. VIII.] AND MR. PLOWDEN. 279 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. Plowden. 
 
 Tinnehinch, December 28th, 1805. 
 
 Dear Sir, — It was not very long ago since I was 
 favoured with your letter, together with your manly and 
 able production. I postponed my acknowledgment of the 
 former till I had made myself acquainted with the latter. 
 Yon are one of the very few Irish historians who have 
 ventured to deal in the commodity called truth. You 
 have done it like a man, with vigour and ability against the 
 tide of power and prejudice ; you must look for the reward 
 of merit in the censure of those whose censure is panegyric. 
 As to the Union you must naturally think that you and I 
 differ both as to the means used to obtain the Union, and 
 the consequences to be looked for. Since the Union has 
 taken place, we cannot differ. 
 
 We must own the former to have been execrable, and 
 hope the latter may be fortunate ; that is, that the Union 
 may be attended with the indiscriminating adoption of all 
 the king's subjects. 
 
 How much, therefore, did I feel in reading that part of 
 your letter of which 1 shall not mention one word — for 
 very far from owing his crown to these ministers, it was 
 they who brought it into peril — they acknowledged they 
 made the rebellion explode, that is, break out — they had 
 before excited the disaffection. The French and the 
 United Irish would never have made the people rebel, if 
 both had not been assisted by the administration. Such 
 an administration in England would have made a rebellion 
 there too. The greatest honour that can be done Lord 
 Camden, is to say the system was extorted from him ; his 
 successor, Lord Hardwicke has abated much of its fury, 
 and allegiance advances as the system retires. Some of 
 those who attempted to write the history of Ireland are 
 men who sold themselves and their country. Their his- 
 tory is their apology, not a recitation of facts. They are 
 bigots and they are slaves, bought and sold. Your history 
 carries on it the characteristic stamp that it was written by 
 a freeman. — I beg to conclude that I am with great respect 
 your very faithful humble servant, 
 
 Henry Grattan. 
 
 Francis Plowden, Esq. 
 
280 
 
 DEATH OF MR. PITT. [CHAP. VIII. 
 
 A great change took place at this period in pub- 
 lic affairs ;* and after a lapse of 24 years, Mr. Fox 
 returned to power in February, 1806. The battle 
 of Austerlitz killed his rival. Worn out by 
 the cares of state, the disappointments that at- 
 tended his plans, and the failure of his continental 
 coalitions, Mr. Pitt's -|~ strength gave way, and he 
 fell a victim to his office. Mr. Fox succeeded 
 him, and formed a new administration. 
 
 * Pitt Administration, as it stood in January, 1806. 
 
 Cabinet Ministers. 
 President of the Council, Earl Camden. 
 Lord High Chancellor, Lord Eldon. 
 Lord Privy Seal, Earl of Westmoreland. 
 
 First Lord of the Treasury and Chancellor of the Exchequer (Prime 
 
 Minister), Right Hon. William Pitt. 
 First Lord of the Admiralty, Lord Barham. 
 Master General of the Ordnance, Earl of Chatham. 
 Secretary of State for the Home Department, Lord Hawkesbury. 
 Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Lord Mulgrave. 
 Secretary of State for the Department of War and the Colonies, and 
 
 President of the Board of Control for the Affairs of India, Lord 
 
 Viscount Castlereagh. 
 Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, Lord Harrowby. 
 
 Not of the Cabinet. 
 Secretary at War, Right Hon. William Dundas. 
 Treasurer of the Navy, Right Hon. George Canning. 
 Joint Paymasters of his Majesty's Forces, Right Hon. George Rose, 
 
 Right Hon. Lord Charles Somerset. 
 Joint Paymasters-General, Duke of Montrose, Lord Charles Spencer. 
 Secretaries of the Treasury, William Huskisson, Esq., W. Sturges 
 
 Bourne, Esq. 
 Master of the Rolls, Sir William Grant. 
 Attorney-General, Hon. Spencer Perceval. 
 Solicitor-General, Sir Vicary Gibbs. 
 
 Persons in the Ministry in Ireland. 
 Lord Lieutenant, Earl of Hardwicke. 
 Lord High Chancellor, Lord Redesdale. 
 Chief Secretary, Right Hon. Charles Long. 
 Chancellor of the Exchequer, Right Hon. John Foster. 
 Attorney-General, Right Hon. William Conyngham Plunket. 
 Solicitor-General, Charles Kendal Bushe. 
 
 f He died on the 23rd of January, 1806, aged forty-seven, on the 
 day that, twenty-five years before, he had taken his seat in Parliament. 
 
CHAP. VIII.] MR. FOX'S ADMINISTRATION. 281 
 
 Fox Administration, as it stood in February, 1806. 
 President of the Council, Earl Fitzwilliain. 
 Lord High Chancellor, Lord Erskine. 
 Lord Privy Seal, Viscount Sidmouth. 
 
 First Lord of the Treasury (Prime Minister), Lord Grenville. 
 
 First Lord of the Admiralty, Lord Howick (late Mr. Grey). 
 
 Master General of the Ordnance, Earl of Moira. 
 
 Secretary of State for the Home Department, Earl Spencer. 
 
 Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Right Hon. Charles James Fox. 
 
 Secretary of State for the Department of War and the Colonies, Right 
 
 Hon. William Windham. 
 Lord Chief Justice of the Court of King's Bench, Lord Ellenborough. 
 Chancellor and Under Treasurer of the Exchequer, Lord Henry Petty. 
 
 The above formed the Cabinet. 
 President of the Board of Control for the Affairs of India, Lord Minto. 
 Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, Earl of Derby. 
 President of the Board of Trade, Lord Auckland. 
 Secretary at War, Right Hon. Richard Fitzpatrick. 
 Treasurer of the Navy, Right Hon. Richard Brinsley Sheridan. 
 Joint Paymasters-General, Earl Temple, Lord John Townshend. 
 Joint Postmasters-General, Earl of Buckinghamshire, Earl of Carysfort. 
 Secretaries of the Treasury, Right Hon. Nicholas Vansittart, John 
 
 King, Esq. 
 Master of the Rolls, Sir William Grant. 
 Attorney-General, Sir Arthur Pigott. 
 Solicitor-General, Sir Samuel Romilly. 
 
 Persons in the Ministry in Ireland. 
 Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, Duke of Bedford. 
 Lord High Chancellor of Ireland, Right Hon. George Ponsonby. 
 Chief Secretary of Ireland, Hon. William Elliot. 
 Chancellor of Exchequer of Ireland, Right Hon. Sir J. Newport. 
 Attorney-General of Ireland, William Conyngham Plunket. 
 Solicitor-General of Ireland, Charles Kendal Bushe. 
 
282 
 
 DUKE OF BEDFORD 
 
 [CHAP. IX. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 The Duke of Bedford sent to Ireland as Lord Lieutenant. — Conduct of 
 the Whig administration. — Great expectations of the Irish people. — 
 Disappointed. — Mr. Fox's remarks as to the repeal of the Union. — 
 Treatment of Hardy and Curran. — Mr. Tierney.— -His character.—- 
 Conduct of the Catholics. — Letter of Mr. Grattan. — Refuses office. — 
 Mr. Fox's letter as to the Catholics. — Letter of the Lord Lieutenant. 
 — Letter of Mr. Grattan on the study of history. — To Mr. Berwick 
 on Irish appointments. — To M'Can on ditto. — To Hamilton Rowan 
 as to Mr. Sampson. — To M'Can as to Curran. — Fletcher and Hardy. 
 — As to Mr. Fox's health. — Lord Lieutenant to Mi\ Grattan on the 
 death of Fox. — Mr. Grattan to the Secretary of the Board of Educa- 
 tion on that subject. — Sir John Newport on ditto. — General election. 
 — Mr. Grattan declining Lord Fitzwilliam's offer to be returned for 
 an English borough, sets up for Dublin. — Is elected. — His speech. — 
 Letter of Mr. Keogh.— Ditto of Duke of Bedford.— Mrs. Grattan to 
 Mr. Hartley, refusing the subscription to defray the expenses of elec- 
 tion. — Lord Fitzwilliam to Mr. Grattan. 
 
 Great expectations were entertained by the po- 
 pular party on the accession of Mr. Fox to power, 
 in 1806. He sent the Duke of Bedford to Ire- 
 land, as Lord-Lieutenant, — a man of noble de- 
 scent, of great family — a name consecrated in 
 history, imbued with an hereditary attachment to 
 liberty and to the just rights of the people — mild 
 in his manners, gentle and pleasing in his disposi- 
 tion, of good principles, and of high honour. 
 
 The Irish people, however, were not now to be 
 deceived by outward appearances or private pro- 
 fessions. They conceived, not only that constitu- 
 tional principles would be asserted, but national 
 feelings would be gratified, national services re- 
 warded, and the enemies of the country brought 
 forth and punished; that her injuries, so long 
 
CHAP. IX.] MADE LORD LIEUTENANT. 
 
 283 
 
 accumulating, would be redressed, and the in- 
 sults, so deeply inflicted, would at length be 
 avenged. But these hopes were vain ; the bright 
 visions the people had formed quickly vanished, 
 and the country was doomed to be again dis- 
 appointed. 
 
 Mr. Fox had spoken of the Union, not only as 
 if he thought it should be repealed, but as if he 
 meant to repeal it,* and as if he wished the people 
 to think so ; and he certainly had in private given 
 his friends cause for entertaining such an opinion. 
 At first he said that he would create a board of 
 Irishmen to consider what measures were best for 
 Ireland : he said it was necessary, but he did not 
 appoint one. He offered the place of Commander 
 of the Forces to an Irishman; — Lord Hutchinson 
 refused, but he persuaded him to accept it, and 
 then he permitted it to be given to another. 
 
 Unquestionably, if the Protestants were not to be 
 gratified by the restoration of their Parliament, 
 and the Catholics were not to be gratified by the 
 
 * On the 3rd of February, Lord Castlereagh proposed that a monu- 
 ment should be erected to the memory of Lord Cornwallis, who had 
 died in India in 1805, and he alluded in his speech to the services he 
 had rendered in effecting the Union between Great Britain and Ireland. 
 Mr. O'Hara, an Irish member, said that he could not vote personal 
 honours to the memory of a man who had taken so principal a part in 
 that transaction, which he looked on as mischievous and fatal to the 
 interests of Ireland. Mr. Fox said, he voted for it with some satisfac- 
 tion, as the words excellent statesman were not in the motion ; he voted 
 for it notwithstanding what had been said on the act of Union, for con- 
 sidering that act with all the circumstances attending it, he thought it to 
 be one of the most disgraceful that ever happened in that country. In 
 consequence of these remarks, Mr. Harry Alexander, a follower of Lord 
 Castlereagh, and a ready unscrupulous actor in that corrupt and flagi- 
 tious proceeding, asked Mr. Fox, some days after, to explain himself 
 more fully on the subject, as his words might have been misunderstood 
 and might be taken to mean an intention to repeal that act; on which 
 Mr. Fox observed, that he adhered to all he had said, but had not 
 spoken prospectively — that there were many measures which were origi- 
 nally bad, yet could not be remedied by the repeal of them, and that, 
 however bad the measures had been, an attempt to repeal it without the 
 most urgent solicitation from the parties interested should not be made, 
 and hitherto none such had come within his knowledge. 
 
284 WHIG ADMINISTRATION DISAPPOINT [CHAP. IX. 
 
 restoration of their privileges, they might at least 
 have expected that their disappointment would 
 have been lessened by beholding the marked dis- 
 grace of their enemies ; and they might have felt 
 some consolation in finding their future appre- 
 hensions removed by cleansing the bench of 
 magistrates, and dismissing from office and power 
 those who had persecuted the people. 
 
 But it seemed that the Union was not to be 
 repealed, that the Catholics were not to be eman- 
 cipated, and that the friends of the Irish people 
 were not to be rewarded. Worse than that, the 
 old enemies of the country were to be left in the 
 enjoyment of honour, office, and emolument. 
 This was a fatal precedent to set ; and any 
 Government that left such an example behind, 
 could never upbraid the country afterwards with 
 popular ingratitude. It was certain to be imi- 
 tated, and could not escape the keen observation 
 of the Prince Regent, who practised it in 1812, — 
 fatally for his friends— more fatally for his repu- 
 tation. 
 
 The charges brought against the Whig ad- 
 ministration were numerous ; and, unfortunately, 
 some of them were well founded. It was stated, 
 and with reason, that they should not have tolerated 
 such men as Duigenan, Musgrave, Sirr, Swan, 
 Fitzgerald ; * but have made a public example of 
 such bad characters, have openly punished them, 
 and avenged the excesses of the insurrection ; 
 that they should not have suffered such per- 
 sons as Mr. Mayne to be appointed judge, Mr. 
 Grierson to hold office ; and leave the secretary of 
 their Whig club unrewarded, and Hardy and 
 Curran remain so long unprovided for ; that Ber- 
 wick, a humane, independent, and exemplary 
 
 * Giffard had been removed by Lord Hardwicke, but on the return 
 of the Tories was restored with full salary from the time of his removal. 
 
CHAP. IX.] THE PEOPLE OF IRELAND. 
 
 285 
 
 clergyman (ill-treated by Lord Corhampton on 
 account of his kindness and attention to the 
 tortured Irish in 1798*), should want a bishopric, 
 while Warburton, a favourite and without claims, 
 should get one. 
 
 It was said that they had not rewarded the 
 friends of the Irish party — the men who had 
 sacrificed so much at the Union, so much on the 
 Catholic question — who remained unseduced by 
 the bribes of Castlereagh, and unawed by the 
 threats of Clare — in fact, who had resisted every 
 temptation, and whom they should have made it 
 a point of honour at every hazard to advance. 
 That such men as Mr. Dundas and Taylor were 
 made Commissioners, while Hardy, and Fletcher, )' 
 and Preston were delayed, postponed, or over- 
 looked. It was said that Hardy was not suf- 
 ficiently active ; but the appointment of the 
 others showed that the business did not require 
 any great attention, or any extraordinary talent. 
 It was said that objections were made to Curran ; 
 but Curran was promised the office of Attorney- 
 General, and it was afterwards alleged that his 
 character was the impediment ; yet it was good 
 enough to permit him to be a judge, the second 
 place offered to him. All this was done without 
 communicating with any one on the subject. Thus, 
 the party committed two faults,— breach of promise 
 to Curran, and misconduct to the public, in mak- 
 ing a judge a person whose reputation they alleged 
 to be too bad to allow him to be Attorney-General; 
 though, in truth, this talk about Curran (for it 
 deserves no other name) was a calumny of the 
 Tories, because of his patriotism and firmness in 
 
 * See ante, vol. iv. p. 332, for Lord Corhampton's conduct towards 
 him. 
 
 t Fletcher was one of the few judges who had an idea of liberty. 
 Mr. Grattan used to say of him, " I like his growl better than other 
 men's good humour," 
 
286 
 
 WHIGS MISTAKEN IN [CHAP. IX. 
 
 1798, and was used by the Whigs for political 
 convenience. 
 
 In addition to this the country was encumbered 
 with a debt, as the Master of the Rolls, who 
 made way for Curran, was allowed a retiring 
 salary. They also divided the Boards of Custom 
 and Excise; and instead of consolidating small 
 offices, they augmented them. So far from re- 
 garding their friends, when a place was vacant at 
 the Board of Customs, it was given away from 
 Hardy. Again, when another place fell vacant— 
 a place of 500/. a year, which was wealth to a 
 person circumstanced as poor Hardy was — they 
 wanted also to give this away, and it was with 
 difficulty procured for Hardy, through the exer- 
 tions of Lady Granard. They wanted to make 
 Mr. Tierney, an Englishman, Chancellor of the 
 Irish Exchequer : but this was stopped by Mr. 
 Grattan. They then made Lord Grenville, an 
 Englishman also (the proposer of the Union in the 
 House of Lords), First Lord of the Irish Treasury, 
 in place of an Irishman to whom that honour was 
 due. The Irish Parliament, in order to have 
 some power over the dispensation of the public 
 money, had created this treasury at the expense 
 of 6,000/. a year, and had placed at its head an 
 Irishman ; and now the Whig administration, in 
 order forsooth to render Ireland more independent, 
 put at its head an absentee and an Englishman ; thus 
 binding the Union even faster than Pitt had done. 
 
 It must be said that these were not very great 
 things, nor matters of much consequence ; yet 
 they sufficed to prove the disposition of the Go- 
 vernment and tried the affection of the British 
 party for their Irish friends and former supporters. 
 Following, too, so close upon the Union, they 
 were a proof of the indifference of one party and 
 the inferiority of the other, and served to show 
 
CHAP. IX.] THEIR LINE OF POLICY. 
 
 287 
 
 that Ireland had, as a nation, become a blank, 
 and had sunk, not only in name, but in reality. 
 
 The Whig Government were quite mistaken in 
 the line of policy they adopted. Their plan was 
 oblivion, and Mr. Fox wished to forgive. It was 
 a sentiment congenial to his nature, and in his 
 own case he would have acted on it and suc- 
 ceeded ; but in that of others, and of a country 
 that till late had been a nation, it was quite dif- 
 ferent : a nation rarely forgets. Besides, as a 
 leader he was wrong ; for if a party seeks to 
 govern popularly, they must enter into the feel- 
 ings of the people, — they must consult men's 
 passions, and give them a triumph. The cold 
 system never succeeds : there may be many good 
 arguments for it, but the people will not under- 
 stand them. They behold in power the men who 
 abused, the men who flogged, and the men who 
 tortured ; and certainly that person is a very 
 shallow politician, if not a very wicked one, who 
 on such occasions leaves both impunity and their 
 spoils to incorrigible offenders. In this respect 
 the Whigs were fatally in the wrong; they seemed 
 impressed with the romantic idea that they could 
 make vicious enemies virtuous friends ; and that 
 Major Sirr and Major Swan could walk about the 
 Castle, and feed on the wages of their crimes, 
 while their noblest supporters starved upon hun- 
 ger and their conscience. 
 
 It is true that Lord Grenville was Prime Mi- 
 nister, and Ireland was not in Mr. Fox's depart- 
 ment, he was Secretary for Foreign affairs, but yet 
 he did not attend to her as he might, and as she ex- 
 pected, and he took office as Pitt had done with- 
 out stipulating for the Catholic question. This, 
 however, Pitt had made a difficulty almost insu- 
 perable. Mr. Grattan found him on these sub- 
 jects quite insensible — he had no meeting about 
 
288 THE CABINET NEGLECT IRELAND. [CHAP. IX. 
 
 Ireland — he held no Cabinet Council about her — 
 he did not consult Lord Hutchinson, though he 
 respected him much — he never consulted Mr. 
 Grattan, though he personally liked him (yet on 
 one occasion he yielded when Mr. Grattan re- 
 monstrated with him on the subject of the Chan- 
 cellorship of the Exchequer* for Ireland). He 
 conferred with George Ponsonby merely on the 
 arrangement about places, which Ponsonby liked, 
 but he did not ask who were to be provided for, 
 Mr. Grattan spoke to him about Curran and 
 Hardy, and mentioned that he understood that the 
 latter was to be one of the Commissioners of the 
 Revenue. Fox merely replied, that he was glad 
 of it ; in fact, on the subject of Ireland, Fox was 
 cold and mistaken. Yet this did not arise from 
 want of regard for Ireland, or want of principle, or 
 want of heart — the good feeling was there — he 
 loved Mr. Grattan, he respected Lord Hutchinson 
 — but the difficulty was almost insuperable — it 
 was the Union — it was the weight of business 
 overwhelmed him, and the addition of Ireland, 
 that rendered the office too laborious and the 
 load too heavy for any minister to bear ; be- 
 sides this, a fatal destiny hung over a people 
 who had suffered themselves to be divided and to 
 be sold, and the workings of the Union began to 
 
 * Mr. Grattan conceived it to be his duty, however painful, to oppose 
 the appointment of Mr. Tierney to the office of Chancellor to the Irish 
 Exchequer. He was an able Englishman, and a strong and excellent 
 speaker ; his style was that of conversation, but there was not a single 
 sentence thrown away, — he was always sure of his aim, and certain to 
 hit severely, singularly, and unexpectedly. He was a man of spirit and 
 of dignity ; his reply to Sir Francis Burdett, who had charged him with 
 " having his pockets stuffed with public plunder," was inimitable, unan- 
 swered, and unanswerable. Tierney was a man who seemed not to 
 know what folly was, — nothing could get him to talk nonsense, except 
 time — that alone could beat him. In private he was most agreeable ; he 
 had a wit and archness in what he said, that pleased and never offended. 
 It might be supposed that he possessed great judgment; it was quite 
 the reverse, — he had no discretion ; and though a man of spirit, was not 
 ji man of bold counsel. 
 
CHAP. IX.] GOOD MEASURES OF THE WHIGS. 289 
 
 make themselves visible in the gradual debasement 
 of the country that nature had made too large to 
 be governed as a province. The position, also, of 
 Mr. Fox, and his declining health, depressed him ; 
 the hand of death was upon him, and another 
 more chilling and more deadly still, — a king 
 sworn against his people. 
 
 Unfortunately the Whigs disclosed one of the 
 great arcana imperii — that they did not object to 
 increase of expense, and did not dislike influence 
 more than the Tories. Still it must be admitted 
 that, although they deserved blame for their con- 
 duct as to Ireland, they did many excellent acts, — 
 the abolition of the slave trade, the training bill 
 (a great constitutional measure), the limited ser- 
 vice bill, the attempt (almost success) at making 
 peace with France, the friendly disposition towards 
 the Catholics, the immediate removal of Lord 
 Chancellor Redesdale,* the restoring Mr. Fox and 
 Mr. Grattan to the Privy Council, the allowing 
 the act for the suspension of the habeas corpus bill 
 to expire, by which a number of persons impri- 
 soned for years under the despotic and inquisitorial 
 system of their predecessors, were thereby libe- 
 rated, and restored to health and freedom. 
 
 Certainly they did not increase the affections 
 of the Catholics towards England, who now 
 began to view the party with distrust and sus- 
 picion ; and although the inclination of the Whigs 
 was known to be favourable, yet the Catholics 
 began to look on their friends almost as enemies, 
 strove to force their claims upon Parliament, and 
 
 * He was dismissed on the 4th of March — it affected him even to tears ; 
 he concluded his farewell address to the bar, by complaining of those 
 who had concurred in his dismissal; "This," said he, " was what I did 
 not expect, and what I was not prepared to bear;" he then added, ** to 
 this country I have the highest sense of obligation, I do not know that 
 in a single instance I have experienced anything but kindness !" In 
 what a noble and generous light does not the nation appear that from its 
 opponent receives such praise ! 
 
 VOL. V. U 
 
290 WHIGS HAD NOT A FAIR TRIAL. [CHAP. IX. 
 
 drive them to an extremity, and at their meetings 
 held out the language of threats and defiance. 
 But this was not peculiar to the Catholics ; it 
 arose from the restless and dissatisfied nature of 
 man ; and in justice to that much-abused and ill- 
 treated body, it must be said that ultimately they 
 listened to the advice of Mr. Fox, and did not 
 embarrass the Government by petitioning. 
 
 It is to be observed, also, that the Whigs were 
 too short a time in power to judge of them, and 
 they did not get a fair trial ; rather they had no 
 trial at all, and in truth they had very little 
 power, — the King was against them, the people of 
 England were not for them, the Catholics em- 
 barrassed them, Ireland was a drag, not an 
 assistance, and unfortunately the party subse- 
 quently decided the King still more against them, 
 for they pressed him on a minor point, — a little 
 question that would not have gratified the people, 
 and was great enough to displease the King. 
 
 But to return to the correspondence : when the 
 following letter was written my brother and I 
 were in the Queen's County. My father had ap- 
 pointed me first lieutenant in his corps of yeo- 
 manry, and my occupation was to drill the men 
 four times a week, with the assistance of a ser- 
 geant of the line. In a short time they grew very 
 expert, and could go through most of Dundas's 
 manoeuvres (the military book then in use), were 
 remarkably good shots, and proved a most efficient 
 body, — liked by the people and on terms of 
 friendship (as before stated) with the Orangemen. 
 
 The joy in Ireland on the accession of the 
 Whigs to power was very great, particularly 
 among the Catholics. The idea that Mr. Grattan 
 was to form one of the administration diffused 
 satisfaction and confidence : some rejoiced from 
 private reasons, many from public ; for the people, 
 who cannot see the interior of Government, form 
 
CHAP. IX.] MR. GRATTAN REFUSES OFFICE. 291 
 
 their opinions from outward appearances. About 
 four o'clock one morning we were awoke by an 
 express from Dublin, informing us that Mr. Grat- 
 tan had been appointed Chancellor of the Ex- 
 chequer. We thanked the individual who had 
 volunteered to bring the news, but we disbelieved 
 his story, and turned on our side to sleep. 
 
 We knew that Mr. G rattan would not accept 
 office, and that his feelings in 1806 were just as in 
 1782 and 1795; as he then expressed them, — 
 " to be consulted, not considered '." He was restored 
 to the Privy Council, and he could there advise ; 
 but his refusal of office was much canvassed, and 
 many deemed him to have acted wrong. Certainly 
 he would not have made a first-rate Chancellor of 
 the Exchequer; he was not the best man of busi- 
 ness, and disliked accounts and detail. At the 
 same time most of the business is done by the un- 
 derlings, — those long in office, trained to its ways, 
 and versed in its habits ; and of late years has 
 been so much simplified, that men of a very in- 
 ferior mental grade have held the situation. But 
 Mr. Grattan's great objection was to feel himself 
 indebted to any party, or to be placed under the 
 slightest obligation to any minister, which the 
 acceptance of office is too often considered to im- 
 ply ; besides, he saw that the Whigs had but a 
 slight tenure of office, that their lease of it would 
 be broken by their royal landlord on the first pre- 
 tence, or on any alleged breach of covenant ; in 
 short, he knew that the King could not be trusted. 
 The difficulty, too, of uniting Irish and English 
 politics was considerable. He would have had 
 to teach the British Cabinet every point, and in- 
 struct them on each particular subject of Irish 
 affairs, which they were seldom much disposed to 
 pay attention to, and never inclined to study and 
 to master. If the office of Chief Secretary had 
 u 2 
 
292 JUSTIFICATION OF MR. GRATTAN [CHAP. IX. 
 
 been pressed upon him, the case would have been 
 somewhat, but not very different ; he could strike 
 out a comprehensive plan and enforce a broad 
 national principle of imperial benefit, and carry it 
 into effect with high determination ; but that was 
 precisely what a British Government would not 
 have allowed, their object being ever to keep in 
 British hands the reins of Irish government. So 
 strongly was this sentiment prevailing, that on one 
 occasion even Charles Fox was said to have ob- 
 served to Lord Fitzwilliam, that "Grattan was too 
 Irish for the English Parliament. 1 ' The mere 
 circumstance of being in office would not, in all 
 probability, have added much weight to his prin- 
 ciples or his advice. We may see from these 
 letters how little they were listened to as far as 
 public appointments for Irish services were con- 
 cerned ; and the temporizing policy has of late 
 years been fully exemplified in the practice of 
 neutralizing every government that leaned towards 
 the people. If a friendly Lord-Lieutenant were 
 appointed, he was overruled or thwarted by a 
 Secretary of a different or hostile disposition, and 
 so vice versa. This system, so prevalent even 
 latterly, serves to prove what a difficulty must have 
 existed in 1806, when the anti-Irish and the High 
 Church party still held sway. On the whole, 
 Mr. Grattan acted with wisdom, and it cannot be 
 said that he deserted his party or the country, for 
 he was at all times ready and willing to assist and 
 to advise ; but the practice and policy of the 
 British minister has never been to take counsel 
 from an Irishman. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to James Grattan. 
 
 6, Bentinck Street, Manchester Square, Feb. 16, 1806. 
 
 Dear James, — Your mother wrote to you on the re- 
 ceipt of your letter to me, otherwise I should have written 
 myself. 
 
CHAP. IX.] IN REFUSING OFFICE. 
 
 293 
 
 You see every thing is settled regarding the new minis- 
 try — they are sworn and gazetted. The Irish Lord Lieu- 
 tenant, his Secretary, and Chancellor, and Keeper are all 
 fixed. I refused office, 1 do not know whether you think 
 I was right. We hear that there are disturbances in the 
 County of Mayo. What is the fact? — let me know. Give 
 me an account of your Queen's County expedition. Were 
 you at Tyrawly's? — How is he? It is now nine o'clock, 
 and as black as Erebus : I can hardly see the paper. No 
 foreign news of any consequence ; indeed, the news was so 
 bad it was impossible any thing further more extraordinary 
 or calamitous could happen. 
 
 I have resumed this letter, after many interruptions, so 
 that it wants the merit of continuity. Let me know what 
 you and Henry are now reading. I observe that the 
 English have most of the brilliant passages in English 
 and Latin poetry, Virgil and Juvenal, &c. &c, by heart — 
 they should add Homer, it gives a great spirit to conver- 
 sation. I wish you would keep in your memory what you 
 have already gotten by heart. It is a foolish thing to lose 
 what you have already spent so much time to acquire. 
 
 Mr. Fox is well — I hope he may be long so. He is a 
 fair, direct, honest man : he still loves to talk of poetry 
 and repeat verses, which he remembers well. Pitt's death 
 was, what you say, a great surprise : and his life, like his 
 death, very different from his father's. The affairs on the 
 continent were as ill planned as they were ill executed — 
 they had no chance of success from the first — this appears 
 from the papers now laid before Parliament. — Yours affec- 
 tionately, H. G. 
 
 The subjoined letter is the best document from 
 Mr. Fox that is to be met with in the transactions 
 of this period. It shows, as has been already- 
 stated, that the intentions of Mr. Fox were good ; 
 but they were to be carried into effect by others ; 
 and Lord Sidmouth and Lord Ellenborough * in 
 the British Cabinet, and the Orange party in 
 official situations in Ireland, were bad instruments 
 
 * Lord Sidmouth was Privy Seal, a violent opponent of the Catho- 
 lics, and quite in the good graces of the King ; Lord Grenville was Lord 
 of both Treasuries; Lord Ellenborough was Chief Justice, with a scat 
 in the Cabinet ; all of them strong in favour of the Union. 
 
294 
 
 MR. FOX'S LETTER OF [CHAP. IX. 
 
 wherewith to accomplish his just and charitable 
 wishes ; and, in fact, none of the measures he 
 writes about were carried into effect. The account 
 of these matters was as follows : — Mr. James 
 Ryan, a respectable Roman Catholic merchant, 
 but a young man of inconsiderable standing in 
 politics, yet not without public spirit, had assem- 
 bled several meetings at his private house on the 
 subject of Catholic affairs. He thought fit to 
 write to Mr. Fox on those matters, as well as on 
 some affairs relating to himself. Mr. Fox replied 
 in the kindest manner ; and when his letter was 
 produced at a public meeting of Roman Catholics, 
 a warm debate and much difference of opinion 
 arose ; private and unseemly altercations broke 
 forth, the policy of pressing the Catholic question 
 was discussed at great length and with much 
 vehemence, and in the end the committee decided 
 that Mr. Fox's suggestion should be acceded to, 
 and that it would be inexpedient to urge upon the 
 Government the consideration of the Catholic 
 claims. A general meeting was subsequently 
 held at the Repository in Stephen's Green, in 
 which a resolution condemning the practice of 
 holding meetings on the subject of Catholic affairs 
 in the houses of private individuals was carried, 
 after a long and stormy discussion. This being 
 effected, and the public cause being so far secured, 
 an adjournment took place, and the Whigs were 
 relieved from the embarrassment in which the 
 affairs of Ireland threatened to involve them. 
 
 Such was the condition to which she was re- 
 duced under trie British Government ; but if she 
 had preserved her own free institutions uninflu- 
 enced and uncorrupted, and had guarded herself 
 against foreign and domestic traitors, her Catholic 
 question would have been carried in an hour, and 
 her people would have enjoyed peace. 
 
CHAP. IX.] ADVICE TO THE CATHOLICS. 295 
 
 Mr. Fox to Mr. Ryan. 
 
 Downing Street, February 18tb, 180G. 
 Dear Sir, — I owe you many apologies for not having 
 sooner written, as I promised you to do, in a short letter 
 from St. Anne's Hill, or answered your last. With re- 
 gard to your last, I have given it to Lord Henry Petty, 
 who has promised to attend to it, and who will, no doubt, 
 (unless unforeseen difficulties should arise) be happy to 
 comply with your wishes.* With respect to the question 
 you put to me about the presentation of a Catholic peti- 
 tion this year, I have consulted with our friends, who all 
 agree in thinking that, for the interest of the cause, such a 
 measure ought to be deferred to another session. Measures 
 are actually taken, by the removal of Lord Redesdale, 
 Mr. Foster, and others, to show the good intentions of the 
 ministry towards your body. Steps still more important 
 will be taken to manifest our disposition, by doing for the 
 Catholics all that is consistent with bad laws, by giving 
 them in substance what they have only in words, a right 
 to be in the army, to be corporators, &c. Sec, by a change 
 of justices of ' the peace, whose conduct has been notoriously 
 oppressive, I hope too by some arrangement about tithes, 
 and, in fine, by giving you all the share in the Government 
 of your country that we can give. The effect of these 
 measures will be partly to make the Catholics of the lower 
 orders more satisfied, partly to enable them to come with 
 additional strength and weight when they again assert 
 their claims. I therefore strongly recommend suspending 
 the petition for a time. If, however, it should notwith- 
 standing our wishes be presented, I shall support it with 
 all my power, but the division of last year, and the opinions 
 which have been industriously propagated in this country, 
 make me despair of success, unless we could have active 
 assistance from a quarter in which to look for passive ac- 
 quiescence/}- is perhaps more than we can reasonably ex- 
 pect. If we are beat, which we certainly shall be, and if 
 the fall of our ministry should follow, which may be the 
 case, you run the risk of a ministry being formed on the 
 avowed principle of defeating your claims, and thus you 
 would put all hope further off than ever. — I am, with great 
 regard, dear Sir, yours ever, 
 
 Charles James Fox. 
 
 * He had applied for a place. 
 
 f The King. 
 
296 
 
 RESULT OF MR. GRATTAn's [CHAP. IX. 
 
 The two following* letters show the little influ- 
 ence Mr. Grattan had with Government. The 
 applications on behalf of Hardy and M'Can were 
 on public grounds ; he never at any time asked 
 of Government a personal favour. Strange to 
 say, he failed in both these cases ; one individual 
 was never provided for, and the other, as his 
 letters show, was .sadly disappointed, and at last, 
 at the end of a year, by chance succeeded, not 
 through the influence of Mr. Grattan, but of a lady 
 of the house of Granard. Such was the value set 
 upon Irish services, Irish virtue, Irish privations, 
 and Mr. Grattan's disinterested recommendations. 
 Coldness and indifference of this sort sunk the 
 Whig party in Ireland for ever. 
 
 The remarks of the Duke of Bedford as to the 
 Catholics refer to their various meetings and dis- 
 cordant debates; but subsequently their conduct 
 met with his approbation, and towards the close 
 of his government, a highly complimentary reso- 
 lution was passed by that body in favour of his 
 Grace. 
 
 Let these documents, and others of a similar 
 nature in the collection, be a lesson to all men in 
 after ages, and teach them to serve their country 
 with true Spartan spirit, — devoid of all selfish 
 considerations, seeking no object but her good, 
 and asking no reward but her approbation. Pos- 
 terity is sure to award the palm where it is justly 
 due ; for see, in every free country the memory of 
 Hardy and of Curran is admired and respected, 
 while that of Clare and Castlereagh is abhorred 
 and execrated. 
 
 The Lord Lieutenant to Mr. Grattan. 
 Private. Dublin Castle, February 19th, 1806. 
 
 My dear Sir, — Since I had the pleasure of seeing you, 
 I have anxiously occupied my mind on a provision for 
 
CHAP. IX.] APPLICATION FOR HARDY AND M'CAN. 297 
 
 Mr. M'Can, in some department where his talents may be 
 usefully employed in the service of Government, but 1 am 
 sorry to add, that my inquiries have hitherto proved un- 
 satisfactory ; every situation connected with the press is in 
 the hands of persons whom it would be difficult to remove. 
 And, indeed, these offices are, generally speaking, so in- 
 ferior in point of value, as to be inadequate to Mr. M'Can's 
 fair expectations, should he give up the office he now holds 
 in the revenue. If, however, you can point out to me any 
 mode in which the object you have in view may reasonably 
 be accomplished, I shall most cheerfully avail myself of 
 any suggestions you may offer. 
 
 I fear the determination of the Catholic body will lead 
 to great embarrassment, and produce in this country a 
 ferment and irritation, which it will be difficult to allay. 
 I think they are pursuing a line of conduct injurious to 
 their own interests, and I very deeply regret it. — Ever, my 
 dear Sir, with the truest regard, your very faithful and 
 obedient servant, 
 
 Bedford. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. Hardy. 
 
 London, February 20th, 1806. 
 Letters should begin at the bottom, with a postscript, in 
 which the subject is contained. — 
 
 I 
 
 My dear Hardy, — Your name was mentioned by me, 
 and I must tell you the truth. — 
 
 I 
 
 You are now in a great' perspiration — turn over. — 
 
 i 
 
 Your claim was acknowledged una voce by your Irish 
 friends — my wishes anticipated. Moira had mentioned 
 you to Mr. Fox. I think your quantum is very reasonable, 
 and I make no doubt it will be settled to your satisfaction. 
 — Yours ever, 
 
 H. Grattan. 
 
 I suppose many will be discontented, for it is impossible 
 to do what one would wish for all — it cannot be helped. 
 There is nothing new, at least nothing except what you 
 read in the paper. I cannot tell you much. I must not 
 
298 
 
 MR. GRATTAN 5 S VIEWS [CHAP. IX. 
 
 tell secrets, and must affect mystery, and, of course, must 
 be short and unsatisfactory. But with regard to yourself 
 I hope not so. 
 
 This letter was written in a droll way, on four 
 large sheets of paper, to tantalize Hardy ; but this 
 innocent suspense was of little moment and short 
 duration, compared to what he was doomed to 
 suffer ; and that public-spirited man who had 
 spurned in the midst of poverty all Lord Castle- 
 reagh's splendid offers, was left unaided for up- 
 wards of a year, and was, on the accidental death 
 of Mr. Preston, named one of the commissioners 
 of appeal — an onerous place for Hardy, of only 
 500/. a year — just before the Whigs left office. 
 
 By way of preface to Mr. Grattan's remarks on 
 the study of history, it may be observed that he 
 preferred domestic to public education, and was 
 averse to sending his children to public schools ; 
 their dissipation, their vice, and their extrava- 
 gance, deterred him ; perhaps, too, he thought 
 that an education in another country somewhat 
 tended to alienate young persons from Ireland, 
 and to estrange their habits, their tastes, and their 
 dispositions, from their native land. There were 
 only two schools of much repute at this period in 
 Ireland, — Dr. Pack's at Kilkenny, and Mr. Car- 
 penter's at Armagh ; ,but in general neither the 
 Irish nobility nor the Irish gentry sent their sons 
 there. A preposterous and provincial idea was 
 long prevalent in Ireland, namely, that young 
 persons could form acquaintances at English 
 schools and colleges who would assist them in 
 after life ; and as England was the seat of power, 
 parents looked for the promotion of their children 
 to British aid instead of Irish ability. 
 
 Hence proceeded that servile and grovelling 
 sentiment, and that anti-national feeling that unfor- 
 tunately has so much characterised the upper classes 
 
CHAP. IX.] OF DOMESTIC EDUCATION. 
 
 299 
 
 of the people of Ireland. Most of them in past 
 times were adventurers or the descendants of 
 adventurers, they lacked the vigorous quality that 
 would have enabled them to take a firm root and 
 spread and flourish in the new soil, and they suf- 
 fered themselves in action, and thought, and 
 word, and utterance, to be drawn back insensibly 
 perhaps, but ignobly, towards the mother country. 
 They possessed some of Swift's feelings without 
 his spirit ; like him they objected to rest u in the 
 haul of slaves,'' but unlike him they did not seek 
 1 to make their countrymen free ; they pretended 
 that more liberal principles and a more liberal 
 education was to be procured in England, forget- 
 ting that of this evil they were themselves the 
 authors ; that the error lay with them, and that 
 they should have eradicated from their minds as 
 well as their acts the causes that had occasioned 
 this reproach and calamity ; namely, their domes- 
 tic differences and divisions, their civil, religious, 
 and political debasement, their want of national 
 port, and spirit, and sentiment, and, above all, 
 that absence of dignity and self-respect, which 
 made them meanly fly for further and continual 
 instruction to the very people who had uniformly 
 propagated every anti-Irish feeling and encouraged 
 every anti-national tendency. 
 
 In his family Mr. Grattan took much pains to 
 procure the best preceptors, but he did not wholly 
 trust to their exertions ; he shared them in person, 
 and particularly in the branches of Latin, Greek, 
 and English classics ; and let it not be imagined 
 that the moral and religious part of a parent's 
 duty was not carefully attended to. Numerous 
 and invidious attacks were made upon him, with 
 regard to his religious principles and sentiments, 
 as they had been to his political ones, and this 
 too even in latter days : both were w T holly devoid 
 
300 
 
 MR. GRATTAN ON [CHAP. IX. 
 
 of truth, and, as by this time, the reader must be 
 satisfied that the latter have been refuted, here 
 we have the refutation of the former, for it may 
 with perfect truth be said, that under the roof of 
 Tinnehinch, morality and religion were inculcated 
 and exercised with undissembled sincerity, and 
 without affectation or fanaticism. On these 
 points, Mr. Grattan's instructions were profound 
 and remarkable : given with such steady serious- 
 ness, such agreeable composure, deep, solemn, 
 and, at the same time so natural, so devoid of 
 harshness and puritanism, that the impression they - 
 left could never be effaced. On one occasion his 
 discourse thus ended — " never scoff at or speak 
 lightly of religion, never associate with those who 
 do, and should such an occurrence happen in your 
 presence, and that you cannot answer, leave the 
 company immediately." Much more might be 
 said on this subject, but the charges that have 
 been revived, even since the appearance of the 
 first of these volumes, carry with them, in their 
 extravagance, their own refutation. The private 
 history and the cause of these attacks are well 
 known to the author, but it is not necessary for the 
 reader to be troubled with any further refutation.* 
 
 Mb. Grattan to Henry Grattan, Jun. 
 
 London, 20th February, 1806. 
 
 My dear Henry, — # # # The best rules for study are, 
 I think, the following — rise early, and give five or six 
 hours to study every day, days of sporting excepted ; make 
 yourself master of the Roman, Greek, English, and Irish 
 
 * The allusion here is to the Dublin Review for September, 1843, 
 where a very malignant and groundless attack is founded on an early 
 letter of Mr. Grattan's to Mr. Broome (an eccentric character) ; it was 
 written in order to draw from him an extravagant defence of a fictitious 
 argument, a line of disputation adopted for amusement and literary 
 pastime; but it is absurdly taken as representing his fixed opinion. 
 
 Hardy, who saw the interior of Tinnehinch, used to say, " How can 
 people imagine Mr. Grattan is not sufficiently religious ! If my poor 
 knees could speak, they would tell how long he has kept me on them !" 
 
CHAP. IX.] THE STUDY OF HISTORY. 301 
 
 history. The books are principally Hook, Vertot, Mitford, 
 Stanian, Hume, Parliamentary history, Leland, Carte, 
 Polybius, Plutarch, Herodotus, Livy, and Tacitus. The 
 histories are to be divided into heads, and are to be read, 
 not regularly, for that would be intolerable, but to points. 
 For instance, in the Roman history, the Constitution — 
 first Kingly, then Consular, then the progress of the popu- 
 lar power, from Consuls to Tribunes, to the right of trying 
 the nobility, to the right of sharing in the consular, &c. ; 
 then to the dissolution of the Constitution, under the 
 Gracchi and about their death, by its excesses under 
 Pompey and Caesar, by its special commissions, as well as 
 by the general consequences of too much power, and too 
 much wealth. You will also advert to the progress of 
 Empire, from the disputes with Alba to the second Punic 
 war, which ascertained Italy, and gave Africa : from that 
 conquest to the Macedonian war, which gave Greece : 
 from that domination to the Asiatic war, and that with 
 Antiochus, which gave Syria, and advanced the Empire to 
 Mount Taurus : then to the second Macedonian war, which 
 provincialized Macedon, and to the corollary of that war, 
 the Achsen war, which enslaved the Greeks : then to the 
 fate of the King of Pontus, and the farthest stretch of the 
 Roman Empire eastward. Then the progress of the Em- 
 pire in the west : the Gallic war, you need not trouble 
 yourself about the different battles, but you must know 
 the decisive actions in those wars, the causes, or rather 
 the pretences for these wars, and the extent of the Em- 
 pire resulting from each. You have the plan already, 
 similar to the contractions of the Irish civil wars, and 
 the English history under Charles the First, you have only 
 to fill it up with the productive facts in history, without 
 loading your memory with trifling transactions. Trifling 
 transactions I call all the battles and wars of the Romans 
 till the second Punic war, the sacking of Rome by the 
 Gauls, and the siege of Veii excepted, even the transac- 
 tions in the great wars, several of them are to read but not 
 dwelt on. Much of the progress of Quintius, in the first 
 Macedonian war, which is finely told by Livy, is uninte- 
 resting, so of the Mithridatic, so of the Asiatic wars ; but 
 the decisive battles, the extent of dominion in consequence, 
 the pretences, and any brilliant episode. I will conclude 
 this letter in a day or two on another sheet. 
 
 H. G. 
 
302 
 
 LETTER ON HISTORY. [CHAP. IX. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Henry Grattan, Jun. 
 
 22nd February, 1806. 
 My dear Henry, — With regard to the subject of the 
 other letter, did I omit to mention that for style, you 
 should study Bolingbroke's Political "Works, Junius, and 
 Burke, with the Parliamentary remonstrances in the Par- 
 liamentary history in Charles the First's time. The great 
 study is history, and the most essential study, the history 
 of your own times, and the most events are- — the French 
 war, its causes, errors, and consequences, in which you 
 must peruse Belsham, and the Parliamentary Debates, and 
 the Annual Register of '92, and so on. The next great 
 event is the American war, its causes, errors, and conse- 
 quences, for which you are to study the same Tracts, Par- 
 liamentary Debates, and the Registers of '75, '77, and so 
 on to '83. The next greatest question is the Irish Revo- 
 lution of 1782, and the Irish Union of 1800— the Tracts 
 are not to be found, you must collect them from oral testi- 
 mony. 
 
 Another great question, the Middlesex election, the 
 tracts are the Parliamentary Debates of '69 and 70. Most 
 of these events you know already, you have only to regis- 
 ter, digest, and write them in a clear full hand. 
 
 The material events of the two anteceding reigns, 
 George the First and George the Second, are the seven 
 years' war, the treaties of Seville, Hanover, and Vienna, 
 (James will tell you what they are), and the accession of 
 the Hanover Family. 
 
 You will find in the Parliamentary Debates, and in the 
 Annual Register, these subjects. Observe in the Parlia- 
 mentary Debates of that time, that there are but five great 
 questions, and four great speakers (debaters), for they are 
 no more, viz. — The continuation of a standing army, the 
 septennial bill, the excise, and the Spanish convention; 
 and the debaters are — Sir Robert Walpole, Sir William 
 Wyndham, Sir John Barnard, and Mr. Pulteney. James 
 will tell you how to read those debates, and you will go 
 through them with great expedition, most of the subjects 
 being now (and most of the arguments being) either con- 
 firmed or refuted by the experiment. — Ever yours, 
 
 Mr. Wallace, who forms the subject of the 
 
CHAP. IX.] APPLICATION FOB MR. WALLACE. 303 
 
 Secretary's letter, was considered by Mr. Grattan 
 as deserving of consideration upon public grounds. 
 He had taken a zealous, a ready, and a useful 
 part at the period of the Union, and as before 
 observed, had written, and with effect, against the 
 measure ; this too atthe time that he be held others 
 highly rewarded for supporting it. Independent 
 of this strong recommendation, Mr. Wallace was 
 then liberal in his politics, and friendly to the 
 Roman Catholics and to their claims. He was 
 not only an able and distinguished lawyer, but a 
 person of considerable taste in literature. At his 
 house many clever individuals used to meet, and 
 were received with great hospitality and friend- 
 ship. Mr. Grattan was often one of the number, 
 and always retained a grateful recollection of the 
 agreeable hours spent in that society. 
 
 The Lord Lieutenant to Mr. Grattan. 
 
 Dublin Castle, March 14th, 1306. 
 Dear Sir, — Mr. Elliot has informed me of your anxious 
 desire that Mr. Wallace should be included in the promo- 
 tion to the rank of King's Councillor, and, immediately 
 on being apprised of your wishes, I communicated with the 
 Chancellor on the subject, who informs me, that from Mr. 
 Wallace's standing at the bar, he cannot take upon him- 
 self to recommend him for promotion, without giving great 
 offence to others, who have, as he conceives, higher preten- 
 sions, and that he has written to you fully upon it. The 
 Chancellor being, from his situation, the opinion by which 
 it is my duty to be guided in all cases connected with the 
 profession of which he is the head, I have only to express 
 the great regret I feel at being placed in a situation, which 
 compels me to a decision contrary to your wishes and re- 
 quest. I am persuaded you will give full credit to the 
 sincerity of this feeling, and I beg you will believe me, 
 with truth and regard, my dear Sir, most faithfully yours, 
 
 Bedford. 
 
 Mr. Grattan's opinion as to the merits and claims 
 of Mr. Berwick — the inattention observed towards 
 
304 
 
 DISAGREEMENT BETWEEN [CHAP. IX. 
 
 the remnant of the Irish party — " the victims of 
 their votes," and his interference in consequence 
 with the British and Irish cabinets, may be inferred 
 from the statement made in his subsequent letter, 
 and from the disappointment that befell those to 
 whom he alludes. Mr. William Preston had been 
 an early friend of Lord Charlemont, his name ap- 
 pears mentioned with credit in a letter of Horace 
 Walpole's (he had written against Hutchinson's 
 appointment to the Provostship of Trinity College). 
 He was an ingenious, clever, and public-spirited 
 person : he had lent his pen, both in prose and 
 poetry, to the service of his country. The other 
 three that the party were (as Mr. Grattan says) 
 in " honour bound to," were Curran, Fletcher, and 
 Hardy. When these men had been proscribed by 
 Lord Clare, as mentioned in a foregoing volume,* 
 a document was signed by the opposition party 
 known by the term of " The Round Robin," by 
 which it was agreed that they would not take 
 office unless altogether. Although circumstances 
 had altered their relationship, and the Union had 
 changed the face of affairs, lessened their indi- 
 vidual interest, and destroyed their weight as a 
 party, still, in point of honor, the claims of those 
 who remained after their struggle for the constitu- 
 tion of their country, were as imperative upon the 
 leaders of the party as ever. So it appeared to 
 Mr. Grattan ; and it was this that affronted Mr. 
 Curran, and led to the subsequent disagreement 
 between him and Mr. Ponsonby, as he considered 
 that Mr. Ponsonby should not have taken office 
 till he had been provided for ; the English party 
 and the English connexion^ had made him Lord 
 
 * Ante, vol. iii. p. 383. Mr. Grattan, Mr. Curran, Mr. Hardy, Mr. 
 Ponsonby, Lord Ponsonby, and Lord Moira's names are subscribed to 
 the document. 
 
 f His niece, daughter of W. B. Ponsonby, who was created a British 
 peer in March, 1806, had intermarried, in 1794, with Mr. (afterwards 
 Lord) Grey. 
 
CHAP. IX.] CURRAN AND PONSONBY. 
 
 305 
 
 Chancellor, and the Irish party and the Irish 
 connexion — Hardy and Curran — were postponed. 
 The Irish people had too quick a discernment not 
 to perceive this circumstance, and Mr. Grattan 
 very properly thought himself bound to interpose; 
 he knew better than any one how absurd was the 
 convenient doctrine of "measures not men" so 
 often practised in Ireland, and how fatally Ireland 
 had been cheated out of her measures because 
 she wanted the men to enforce them. But unfor- 
 tunately Mr. Grattan was of all persons the worst 
 for managing* affairs of that nature ; his mind 
 could not stoop to the trickery and manoeuvre of 
 ministerial arrangements ; he disliked the eternal 
 character of an Irish petitioner, still more that of 
 a suppliant. He forbore to make any personal re- 
 quest, and neglected to urge sufficiently the public 
 claims of many faithful persons, under the appre- 
 hension that it might afTect his own independence. 
 But this was a mistaken notion on his part — fatal 
 as well as fastidious; for he should have recollected 
 that Ireland was his client ; that at the British ca- 
 binet she had no better advocate ; and that it was 
 unjust and injurious to her friends, as well as pre- 
 judicial to the character of the Government. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. Berwick. 
 
 Patrick's Day, 180C. 
 My dear Berwick, — Dean Warburton owes his bishop- 
 ric (he is to be bishop) to Lord Moira. Were I to appoint 
 the bishop, it vvould be another person. Preston ought to 
 be angry, very angry, with himself ; other men are unfor- 
 tunate ; he, like a man starving — five long letters and a 
 duplicate — asking and asking for what he was eminently 
 unfit. I know not whether Plunket stays, I believe he 
 does not ; but I know Bushe does. There has been a 
 little mystery in the management of the arrangements; I 
 have kept clear of it. There are three persons to whom in 
 honour we are bound ; two, I am certain, are taken care 
 
 VOL. V. X 
 
306 
 
 MR. G RAT TAN TO 
 
 [CHAP. IX. 
 
 of ; the third, Hardy, I understand, is postponed — if so, I 
 shall state his case to such of the Cabinet as I know, 
 strongly. It would be scandalous that Unionists should 
 be crammed, and anti-Unionists starve. The postpone- 
 ment may be only for a little time — however, it should not 
 exist. I am glad the Catholics determined against bring- 
 ing forward their measures. What do you think of the 
 bill compelling the residence of the clergy ? I think there 
 may be a great hardship in it. I find myself clear of the 
 scrambling committee, having given in no list, and made 
 no request. — Yours, ever. 
 
 H. G. 
 
 I hope Mrs. B. and the children are well ; remember me 
 to Lady Moira. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. M'Can. 
 
 London, 31st March, 1806. 
 My dear M'Can, — I shall write to Ponsonby about 
 Wallace. 
 
 I got from Mr. O'Conor an account of the Catholic 
 proceedings ; they hurt themselves by their divisions, and 
 by the confusion of their meetings; they should have met 
 once for all ; repeated meetings can have no good effect. I 
 got the pamphlets ; one of them is the old story — Parlia- 
 mentary Reform, after Parliament is abolished ; the cloven 
 foot is plain enough, the Catholics must keep clear of the 
 United Irishmen, and the doctrine of Universal Suffrage, 
 and Parliamentary Reform. The Catholics cannot reform 
 the British Parliament, and have no Parliament of their 
 own country. I am sorry M'Donnell* should be an ob- 
 ject of jealousy, he is a worthy man, so is Byrne. # What- 
 ever is done or said by the Catholics, great care should be 
 taken to give the Orangemen no advantage ; now faction is 
 down, nothing but imprudence on the other side can 
 raise it. 
 
 How is Forbes? Hardy, I believe, is secured; the ap- 
 plications in his favour have been decisive. Donoughmore 
 is to be one of the postmasters. The law promotions, I 
 suppose, are known. Is Curran in good spirits ? I got a 
 letter from Skeys,f he fears he is forgotten ; he is not for- 
 
 * Both highly respected Roman Catholic merchants, 
 f A public spirited citizen of Dublin, 
 
CHAP. IX.] MR. M'CAX AND J. GRATTAN. 
 
 307 
 
 gotten, nor yet provided for, nor is there anything that I 
 know to give him. 
 
 You saw the budget — Lord H. Petty was clear and well 
 on the subject; the Ministry could have any loan they 
 desired. — Yours ever, 
 
 H. Grattan. 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. M'Can. 
 
 London, April 1st, 1806. 
 
 My dear M'Can, — Send me a newspaper now and 
 then, and let me know how the Duke of Bedford was re- 
 ceived. The Catholics on the 12th should guard against 
 tumult or mobbishness. I read the pamphlet, from whence 
 I judge a paper war is commenced.*" I read the other; I 
 see the author has alluded to me; but he does not mean 
 me ill ; he wishes me well, I know it, therefore I do not 
 wish to say anything about this pamphlet/f- which might 
 be considered as censure, nor should I have communicated 
 a sentiment except to you confidentially ; but the truth is, 
 Drennan is not a rebel, but an enthusiast, and, on the 
 subject of Parliamentary reform, wild and chimerical, like 
 old Dr. Emmett. Ponsonby was drawn by the people — I 
 am glad of it; I think he will act well. Are the Catho- 
 lics registering ? I hear Shaw has begun his canvass — if 
 so, my friends will be active. 
 
 The death of the Duchess of Devonshire makes the 
 town melancholy, that is, so much of it as has any feeling. 
 — Yours ever, 
 
 II. Grattan. 
 Mr. Grattan to James Grattan. 
 
 April 7th, 1806. 
 
 My dear James, — Is Fanny i in a good state of health ? 
 Does Hanlon mean to go mad ? Anne, versus facet ? As 
 to your horse, sell him ; not a sound one — 201. was no price 
 for a sound horse. Remember me to M'Can. I begin to 
 wish myself at Tinnehinch. Tell me what is done for 
 Curran — I hear what I did not know before, that there are 
 difficulties. "What are the politics of Dublin ? The news 
 here is bad ; Prussia against us, Denmark not certain. 
 
 * Attacking the Whigs. 
 
 t On Reform, Sec., by Drennan, an able writer, and very sanguine. 
 I A favourite dog. 
 
 x 2 
 
308 
 
 MR. GBATTAN TO MR. M e CAN. [CHAP. IX. 
 
 Lord Castlereagh # called this a bed of roses, a very vulgar, 
 and, in the application, a most inapplicable metaphor. 
 His speech was not bad, it had some point and address, 
 but no solidity. Fox was well in his answer; Henryf 
 heard Fox, but was eating beefsteaks when he should have 
 heard Castlereagh ; I believe the debates tire him exceed- 
 ingly — he will get enough of them. Mother and sisters all 
 well. Remember me to Mr. Gannon.J — Yours ever, 
 
 H. Grattan. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. M'Can. 
 
 London, April 15th, 1806. 
 
 My dear M'Can, — I enclose two letters to you; I 
 thank you for yours. You may depend on it Curran is to 
 be taken care of ; his friends here are perfectly impressed 
 that he is to be next to Ponsonby. There never was an idea 
 to the contrary among them ; there may be delay which one 
 is sorry for, but no one of his ministerial friends have an 
 idea that he is to be postponed to any man except # # 
 
 Hardy is secure, his promotion has not yet taken place 
 because some arrangement, I suppose, must precede it; 
 it were better certainly if those things had been done at 
 the outset, but they will be done. The Duke of Bedford, 
 in going to Ireland, has no idea whatever, but that of doing 
 good and serving the two countries : — his manners are re- 
 served — his principles excellent. I think he showed good 
 sense in his distinction between the College and the Cor- 
 poration,^ than which no body can be more corrupt. 
 
 I think the Catholics are wise in their moderation ; it 
 would be a great object to their enemies to urge them to 
 violence, in order to bring back the Government into the 
 arms of the Old Court, which will not be the case except 
 in consequence of intemperance on the side of the people. 
 — Yours ever, 
 
 H. G. 
 
 * On Mr. Windham's motion regarding the military establishments, 
 3rd April. 
 
 f Anxious to hear Mr. Fox, I left Dublin College, — its severe studies, 
 its hard-earned honours, and, above all, its useful, excellent, and ever- 
 to-be-preserved institution (the Historical Society). Fox spoke on the 
 Hanover treaty; his appearance is to my mind as fresh as ever; I 
 never heard anything since comparable to him ; but it was visible that 
 his race was run — the hand of death had seized him. — (Note of Editor.) 
 
 % The private tutor, afterwards fellow of Dublin College. 
 
 § In his answer to the addresses from those bodies. 
 
CHAP. IX.] CASE OF MR. SAMPSON. 
 
 309 
 
 Hamilton Rowan, as already stated in the fourth 
 volume, had been sentenced in 1794 to a fine of 
 500/. and an imprisonment for two years for a 
 libel that he neither wrote nor published. It was 
 an address to the Volunteers, under the appella- 
 tion of Citizen Soldiers. To avoid this unjust 
 punishment he escaped from prison, and went to 
 America. Mean time he was proclaimed by the 
 Lord-Lieutenant (Westmoreland), and not appear- 
 ing, was outlawed. In 1805 the outlawry was 
 reversed, and he returned to Ireland. To him 
 Mr. Sampson applied, in order to procure an in- 
 terview with Mr. Grattan. Sampson's case was a 
 hard one : he was a native of Derry ; his pro- 
 fession, — the law ; his religion, — the Protestant ; 
 and his politics, — those of Reform. He did not 
 belong to the United Irishmen, nor had he ever 
 joined their societies, but as their counsel had 
 defended them, and being connected with the 
 north, he had supported Lord Castlereagh's po- 
 pular views and principles (then Mr. Robert 
 Stewart, and an ardent Reformer) ; but when the 
 latter changed, and when the Habeas Corpus Act 
 was suspended and military law prevailed, Samp- 
 son was no longer safe, — he became an object of 
 suspicion to the Government ; and though no 
 accusation was brought against him, he thought it 
 better to go to England ; but he was arrested 
 there, and brought back (in April, 1798) to Dub- 
 lin. The object, however (for that was the Go- 
 vernment tactique), was not to bring him to trial. 
 He demanded one ; it was refused : and under 
 terror of incarceration, without the Habeas Corpus 
 Act to protect him, he was compelled to submit, 
 and obliged to go into banishment. Owing to his 
 bad state of health, he was induced to go to Por- 
 tugal — was shiprecked in Wales — got to Lisbon, 
 where he experienced the severest treatment — 
 
310 
 
 CASE OF MR. SAMPSON. [CHAP. IX. 
 
 was arrested and imprisoned at Oporto. At length 
 he was sent, against his will, to France ; thence 
 he got to Hamburgh, where he remained till 1806. 
 He had applied to Mr. Pitt's Government for leave 
 to settle his affairs in Ireland prior to his departure 
 for ever to America, but that was not complied 
 with; and when the Whig party came into power, 
 he wrote to Mr. Ponsonby, Mr. Grattan, and Lord 
 Moira, whom he had known in 1797, and to whom 
 he had supplied some useful information relative 
 to his motion in the House of Lords respecting 
 Ireland. Having been included in the list of 
 those who were banished, he had no right to re- 
 turn ; but he got a passport from the British 
 minister at Hamburgh, and presented himself to 
 Lord Spencer. On this he was committed, and 
 obliged to depart for America. In his autobio- 
 graphy he complains that Mr. Grattan did not 
 reply to his application ; hence it would seem 
 that Mr. Hamilton Rowan did not communicate 
 to him what Mr. Grattan stated. But what 
 could Mr. Grattan do ? Plead, forsooth, the 
 cause of a banished (or self-expatriated) Irishman 
 before a British Privy Council ! before Lord Gren- 
 ville ! Lord Sidmouth ! Lord Ellenborough ! Sir 
 William Grant ! All he could have said to them, 
 he said in the letter to Mr. Rowan, and it is to be 
 regretted that this was not imparted to Mr. Samp- 
 son. As to the charges against that individual, 
 the writer of this has examined every document 
 within his reach that relates to the history of those 
 melancholy times, and he could not discover any- 
 thing against Mr. Sampson. The reign of terror, 
 and the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, and 
 the horrid tyranny of the day, can alone account 
 for the cruel treatment he received. On his arrival 
 in America he pursued his profession, and fully 
 succeeded ; he was distinguished, liked, and re- 
 
CHAP. IX.] SIR JOHN NEWPORT. 
 
 311 
 
 spected. He lived to the age of 73, and died at 
 New York in 1836. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Archibald Hamilton Rowan. 
 
 LondoD, April 22nd, 180(5. 
 
 My dear Sir, — I was favoured with your note of last 
 night, but I cannot have an interview on Mr. Sampson's* 
 object with any person whatever. 
 
 Should his Majesty's Ministers, at any time, think pro- 
 per to consult me regarding him, I shall tell them that it is 
 a material circumstance in his case, that he has kept clear 
 of France, and that farther, if Mr. Sampson went into re- 
 bellion, Lord Clare and his Ministry were the cause of it. 
 — Yours, very truly, 
 
 H. Grattan. 
 
 Sir John Newport had been appointed Chan- 
 cellor of the Exchequer for Ireland, — (the office 
 which Mr. Grattan had declined to accept) ; he 
 was well qualified to discharge its duties, and he 
 did so with zeal and honesty. He was one of the 
 most active men in or out of Parliament ; active 
 in mind, in body, in word, and in thought. He 
 was always on the alert; he was always at business; 
 his pockets were bursting with Parliamentary pa- 
 pers and accounts ; so that whether in or out of 
 office, he was sure to be ready, and in general came 
 well prepared on the subjects he dealt with. He 
 was a very spirited little man, and a very useful 
 member of Parliament ; perhaps somewhat too 
 eager and rather too much of a partizan; very fond 
 of his country 7 , a vigilant guardian of her interests, 
 well acquainted with her state and her finances, — 
 almost equal on this subject to Foster, and supe- 
 rior to any other man in the House of Commons. 
 
 He knew where every fact was to be found, and 
 was indefatigable in his researches; he had papers 
 by heart and dates at his fingers' ends, and used 
 
 * See his Autobiography. Also Mr. Maddeu's United Irishmen, vol. 
 ii. second series. 
 
312 
 
 SIR JOHN NEWPORT* [CHAP. IX. 
 
 to surprise and puzzle the ministers, who in general 
 were afraid of him, got out of his way as well as they 
 could, and nicknamed him " The Political Ferret." 
 
 His speeches were said to be rather factious* 
 and he was sometimes led into scrapes by erro- 
 neous information and want of judgment ; but on 
 the whole, he was one of the best and most useful 
 members of the House of Commons. His weak 
 point was enmity to Foster, and in the comparison 
 he was always liable to the remark that Foster had 
 opposed, and Newport supported, the Union. As 
 Chancellor of the Exchequer, Foster showed more 
 policy and foresight, for he delayed taxation, got 
 loans for Ireland, and by this delay he somewhat 
 strengthened her. Newport's financial committee 
 laid the ground for increased taxation, which might 
 have served the Whig administration, if they had 
 been recalled to power, as the odium of heavy im- 
 posts would then have fallen on the Tory party ; but 
 Newport never reaped the fruits of this policy, as 
 his friends were so long excluded. Thus his de- 
 sire to obtain a triumph made him rash, and his 
 policy proved infructuous, as Ireland could not 
 bear additional taxes. If Newport had waited, 
 England would have found herself less able to en- 
 force them, as the wars in Spain and Portugal had 
 weakened her, and Ireland would have been more 
 able to resist. Foster's plan of loans certainly 
 increased the debt, and accelerated the consolida- 
 tion of the Exchequers, as provided for by the 
 act of 1800. But the case of Ireland was one of 
 difficulty and of distress, which sprung from the 
 Union, and which in a few years settled itself, 
 without the aid of any Chancellor of the Ex- 
 chequer — Irish or English — Whig or Tory ; for 
 the weight of taxation and poverty so bore down 
 the country, that in 1816 Ireland became in- 
 solvent, and a national bankruptcy was declared. 
 
CHAP. IX.] IRISH BUDGET OF 1806. 
 
 313 
 
 The statements made on the subject of the Bud- 
 get will partly explain the situation of the country. 
 
 In May, 1806, the discussion on the Irish 
 Budget came on. It is a disagreeable and an 
 uninteresting subject, but necessary to be con- 
 sidered ; and therefore it is not out of place to 
 state the remarks of the Chancellor of the Irish 
 Exchequer and of Mr. Henry Parnell on the 
 revenues and finances of Ireland. Both agreed 
 as to the difficulties of the country, and the em- 
 barrassments accumulated on her since the Union. 
 The items are important, and evince a sad dete- 
 rioration in the management of her affairs, from 
 the period when, under the Irish Parliament, 
 there was a surplus in the revenues and in the 
 treasury. Sir John Newport stated the official 
 value of the exports from Ireland at 5,200,000/. ; 
 an amount, he said, greater than at any period 
 since 1792. The joint charge — namely, two- 
 seventeenths of the general expenditure of the 
 empire — was 3,788,908/. in Irish money ; the 
 separate charge for the interest of the debt was 
 2,922,346/.; and the entire supply 8,975,194/. 
 To meet which the revenue of Ireland was only 
 3,800,000/. ; and with loans of 2,160,000/., trea- 
 sury bills, and other articles of ways and means, 
 amounted .to 9,181,455/., leaving a surplus of 
 ways and means above the supply of 206,201/. 
 This certainly was not a state of prosperity, but a 
 progress of debt and an approach to ruin. 
 
 He proposed new taxes, — 3<s\ 6d. per cwt. aug- 
 mentation duty on sugar; 20 per cent, on tea 
 (under 2s. 6d. a pound) ; 2s. per cwt. on iron. 
 He proposed to repeal the existing stamp duties, 
 and modify them by a new bill. As to the distil- 
 leries, he proposed to take away duties on stills of 
 certain dimensions. The export of linen from 
 
314 
 
 REVENUE AND EXPENDITURE. [CHAP. IX. 
 
 Ireland he stated to be 5,500,000 yards. This 
 picture of the finances of Ireland was not flatter- 
 ing ; but when Mr. Parnell came to analyse them 
 he represented it in colours less pleasing by far. 
 He stated that in 1792 the expenditure of Ireland 
 was only 1,735,000/.; in 1805 it was 8,713,000/.: 
 in 1792 the debt of Ireland was 2,422,000/. ; in 
 1805 it was 58,344,000/.: that in 1792 the revenue 
 of Ireland was 1,103,000/. ; and in 1805 it was 
 3,364,000/. 
 
 The disparity between the revenue and the ex- 
 penditure of Ireland was alarming. Ireland was 
 expending at the rate of nine millions a year, with 
 a revenue of only three millions ; the whole of 
 which was mortgaged to pay the interest of the 
 debt. But what was still more alarming was, 
 that in 1803 new taxes had been imposed that 
 were calculated to produce 380,000/.; in 1804 
 more new taxes had been imposed, calculated 
 also to produce 1,253,000/. ; and more taxes in 
 1805, to produce 255,000/. Thus since 1802 
 taxes had been imposed to the amount of 
 
 I, 888,000/.; and yet the revenue had only in- 
 creased 50,000/. ! With regard to the exports of 
 Ireland, the official value of exports and imports 
 in 1783 was 5,000,000/., and in 1802 was 
 
 II, 000,000/.; the real value was 18,000,000/.; 
 of which the imports were 8,000,000/. ; leaving a 
 balance of trade in favour of Ireland amounting to 
 2,000,000/. 
 
 With regard to the debt — If Ireland went 
 on for the next fifteen years (when, by the 
 Act of Union, she would be liable to pay equal 
 taxes with England), her debt would be in the 
 next five years 90,000,000/., in ten years would 
 be 120,000,000/., and in fifteen years would be 
 150,000,000/.; the interest of which the people 
 
CHAP. IX.] MR. GRATTAN TO MR. M f CAX. 
 
 315 
 
 of Ireland would be unable to pay. This predic- 
 tion was more than verified, as in ten years Ire- 
 land became bankrupt, and could pay neither 
 taxes nor debt — principal or interest ! 
 
 Mr. Foster observed that the debt of Ireland in 
 1797 was but 7,000,000/. ; and if it went on in- 
 creasing as it had done, would in 1807 amount to 
 64,000^000/. 
 
 To such a state of embarrassment had the 
 Union and the measures preparatory thereto reduced 
 the people of Ireland ! How different from what 
 was promised by Mr. Pitt and Lord Castlereagh 
 when they proposed it ! 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. M'Can. 
 
 London, May 8th, 1806. 
 
 My dear M'Can,— I trouble you to send the enclosed 
 to Hartley — written according to your desire. I had a 
 letter from Curran — he will be satisfied, I hope ; I saw 
 Mr. Fox about his subject ; he may be sure that he has 
 not been deserted by me, nor, I think, by Mr. Fox. 
 
 The Irish Budget was opened last night. I thought it ne- 
 cessary to say a few words to correct an idea that the country 
 was extremely rich, and that more new taxes were eligible. 
 The speech is not taken in the English papers ; I will send 
 it to you by the evening post. I shall be soon in Ireland, 
 viz. about the end of the month ; consult James about it. 
 — Yours ever, 
 
 H. Grattan. 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. M'Can. 
 
 London, June 5th, 1806. 
 My dear M'Can, — I thank you for your letter and for 
 the papers. I hope to see you soon. The Irish business 
 has almost gone through the House ; there was no occa- 
 sion to speak on it, as there was no opposition to it. The 
 business of our friends is not yet settled. Is Fletcher to 
 be the judge ? Curran, I suppose, by this time is the 
 Rolls ? Is Hardy a Commissioner ? Write to me on 
 these subjects. Egan is here — I wish him well ; but 
 Fletcher is the old veteran who has a prior claim, and 
 ought to be the judge. Does Ponsonby satisfy ? Are his 
 
316 
 
 cuiiran's appointment [chap. IX. 
 
 old friends pleased with him ? His brother is ill — I fear 
 for his life. # 
 
 I shall stay here a fortnight longer. The Ministry are 
 strong ; on the late divisions the Opposition received a 
 signal overthrow ; we had two. long debates ;+ sat up all 
 night the first, and a great part of the second. I spoke 
 the second, but not the speech in the papers. I depend 
 on you for the news of Dublin. — Yours ever, 
 
 H. Grattan. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. M'Can. 
 
 London, June 17th, 1806. 
 
 My dear M'Can, — I got your letter of the 11th of 
 June. I thought to have seen you before this, but have 
 been detained in London by an operation, from which I am 
 now recovered, but am not at liberty to set out for home 
 for nine days to come ; it has confined me from Parlia- 
 ment, and will do so for a week. The Courier and Star 
 mis-stated me, I said the member had not given an exam- 
 ple of good Irish oratory ,J or good Irish understanding. 
 
 Ryan is quite in an error,§ 1 never interfered for him or 
 against him, nor ever recommended or disrecommended 
 Rawlings, nor took any part on similar subjects, and, 
 therefore, Rawlings and Ryan have no occasion to thank 
 me, or not to thank me ; mention this to Ryan when you 
 see him. 
 
 I am sorry to hear such an account from Ireland regard- 
 ing bankruptcies ; a bill will be brought into Parliament 
 on the subject. The Corn Bill|| is a good measure. We 
 understand Curran is to be the Rolls, Hardy a Commis- 
 sioner. — Yours, most truly, 
 
 H. Grattan. 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. M'Can. 
 
 London, June 30th, 1806. 
 
 My dear M'Can, — I shall see you in a very few days ; 
 
 * He died shortly after. 
 
 t On the Limited Service Bill. 
 
 % On Mr. Windham's Training Bill — General Stewart had alluded to 
 Mr. Grattan calling him the Irish orator. 
 § The person who had written to Mr. Fox. 
 
 || Sir John Newport's bill " to make the intercourse in grain between 
 Great Britain and Ireland free and unrestrained" — a most useful mea- 
 sure, which served England, increased the exports of Ireland, and 
 assisted her agriculture. 
 
CHAP. IX.] 
 
 TO THE ROLLS. 
 
 317 
 
 I am quite recovered ; I long to get to Ireland. The ac- 
 count you give me of our friend Hardy gives me much 
 satisfaction. Curran's business is long in settling — I hope 
 it will be properly and satisfactorily concluded ; it is not 
 for want of time ; I have not been at home when his son 
 called — I hope to see him to-day. If Fletcher be the 
 Judge he will be a good one — his manners are rough, but 
 his heart and judgment excellent. They talk of peace. 
 
 I am sorry that there should be bankruptcies in Ireland 
 and of such extensive mischief — but I am not surprised* 
 when dirty paper is made money — such money will at last 
 turn out to be dirty paper ; some measure will be taken, 
 but it is late, not I hope too late. I enclose a letter to 
 our friend, not recollecting his address — remember me to 
 him. — Yours ever, 
 
 H. G. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. M'Can. 
 
 Stradbally, July 24th, 1806. 
 
 My dear M'Can, — I got the evening paper. The con- 
 test about Curran is a foolish one ; the opponents disclaim 
 any personal objection, and by voting addresses f to dif- 
 ferent Chancellors, they have disclaimed any objections to 
 the principle. What then do they object to, if neither to 
 the man nor to the principle ? 
 
 I have not heard anything about Fox since the 14th of 
 this month. I received two letters of that date, from his 
 house, mentioning that he was much better, that his looks 
 had much improved, and that his friends justly hoped he 
 
 * Millers and shopkeepers became bankers and issued notes, and did 
 much injury to the country. 
 
 f A difference of opinion had at first arisen among the bar as to the 
 propriety of presenting an address to Mr. Curran on his appointment to 
 the Rolls. A meeting, however, was convened, and an address voted 
 to him ; his reply will be found in the second volume of his life, p. 164. 
 It was a matter of regret that the high tone and public spirit of that body 
 had been much impaired by the conduct of Lord Chancellor Clare and 
 by the numerous offices and places that his government had created and 
 carved out for its members. The principles too, which he instilled into 
 them were unfortunately continued for a long time by Lord Manners, 
 who gave not merely a high Tory tinge, but a character of prejudice 
 and religious bigotry to all his proceedings and connexions with that 
 body, and thus completed the original injury done to its reputation and 
 its independence. 
 
318 
 
 duke of Bedford's 
 
 [chap. IX. 
 
 would be restored to a state of tolerable health — those were 
 the words.-— Yours ever, 
 
 H. G. 
 
 I hope you have no hay, otherwise you will be an un- 
 happy man. I wish, instead of meadows, I had a good 
 sea farm at Tinnehinch, such as you have at Sandy- 
 mount.*' 
 
 The Duke of Bedford's letter will be read with 
 interest, and his remarks on Mr. Fox will be 
 justly appreciated. Tis true he was a loss to 
 Ireland ; the greatest she could then sustain, — 
 almost the only friend she had in England, and 
 one who would have been more efficient and more 
 serviceable if he had possessed more power and 
 enjoyed better health ; but he could not serve 
 her, — he had France to deal with, and the nego- 
 tiations then pending occupied his entire thoughts. 
 The question was not between Ireland and Eng- 
 land, but between England and France. Mr. 
 Fox came too late to the assistance of Ireland ; 
 the King had rendered her case almost hopeless, 
 and had made up his mind against applying the 
 proper, if not the only remedy. It was fortunate 
 that George III. governed an island: had she been 
 part of the continent, neither he, nor his system, 
 nor his kingdom would have lasted for an hour. 
 It was also fortunate that neither steam nor rail- 
 ways were then known ; those powerful engines 
 might have destroyed the bulwarks of a despotic 
 government ; they may yet prove the best securi- 
 ties for Irish freedom. 
 
 The Lord Lieutenant to Mr. Grattan. 
 
 Dublin Castle, September 30th, 1806. 
 My dear Sir, — I beg leave to acquaint you, that avail- 
 
 * A suburb of Dublin on the coast, where Mr. M'Can had a place 
 that was washed by the waves. 
 
CHAP. IX.] REMARKS ON MR. FOX. 
 
 319 
 
 ing myself of your obliging acquiescence in the request I 
 ventured to make, that you would lend your assistance to 
 the Commission to be appointed, under the authority of 
 the Act, of the last Session of Parliament, to inquire into 
 the state and conditions of the schools, &c. I have named 
 you one of the Commissioners under that Act, and I am 
 persuaded that you will cheerfully give your powerful aid 
 to an object of so much interest. It is, however, not only 
 in this, but in matters of far greater moment, that I look 
 with hope and confidence to your advice and assistance, in 
 the severe and irreparable loss we have sustained, by the 
 death* of that great, and good, and virtuous man, whom 
 it has pleased Providence to take from us, and in a crisis 
 of almost unexampled difficulty. Ireland has perhaps suf- 
 fered more than any part of the empire, or of Europe ; the 
 people of Ireland looked up to Mr. Fox with an unlimited 
 confidence ; they knew his incorruptible integrity, his warm 
 attachment to the dearest interests of Ireland, and they 
 felt sure, that whilst power was in the hands of Mr. Fox, 
 those interests would not be neglected or forsaken ; such, if 
 I am not mistaken, were the feelings of the people of this 
 country. The confidence they reposed in the Government 
 of the country must, I fear, be much diminished by the 
 death of him, whom they considered as their friend and 
 protector. They can know but little of me ; yet, as I came 
 here at his anxious and earnest solicitation, as the organ of 
 his voice and of his wishes ; I feel it to be a duty I have to 
 discharge to his memory, to seek the support and co-oper- 
 ation of those, who are animated by the same feelings, the 
 same principles, the same love of truth and freedom, the 
 same abhorrence of treachery and oppression, and the same 
 unequivocal regard for the interest and happiness of Ire- 
 land, which were inseparable from his character and con- 
 duct. Among them Mr. Grattan unquestionably stands 
 the foremost. I have therefore to entreat, that as long as 
 my administration in this country may last, that I may be 
 favoured with your confidential opinions and advice in all 
 matters connected with the welfare of this part of the 
 empire. On this foundation I shall rest my best hopes of 
 effecting any portion of that good, to this hitherto ill-used 
 and neglected country, which, unmixed with ambition of 
 any other nature, formed my sole inducement to accept the 
 
 * He died of a dropsical complaint on the 13th of September, at the 
 age of fifty-nine. 
 
320 COMMISSION ON IRISH SCHOOLS. [CHAP. IX. 
 
 situation I now hold. — I have the honour to be, with the 
 most perfect esteem and regard, your very faithful and 
 obedient servant, 
 
 Bedford. 
 
 Sir John Newport to Mr. Grattan. 
 
 New Park, 16th October, 1806. 
 My dear Sir, — Will you excuse me for trespassing 
 upon your time by requesting you will favour me with a 
 line, to say whether the Committee of Inquiry into the 
 State of Schools, in which you have kindly allowed your- 
 self to be numbered, has yet commenced its operations ? I 
 am anxious to learn, as it is in my mind a leading object, 
 and there are amongst those to whom the inquiry is en- 
 trusted, some to whom I look, from experience, with much 
 and sanguine confidence. I need not say to which of the 
 branches composing the commission I allude in this remark. 
 I have just returned home from a visit to Cork, where I 
 have been so feasted and so complimented, as to awaken 
 every spark of vanity in my bosom ; my countrymen are 
 indeed a generous and confiding people; perhaps over- 
 much — they do not deserve to be treated as they too often 
 are. 
 
 You are, my dear sir, fully aware of the very trying and 
 critical situation in which I am placed ; and indeed how 
 fearfully we are all committed with the people, to whom 
 we stand pledged against a continuance of those abuses 
 which have pulled down ruin on our country and merited 
 odium on our predecessors. The revenues collected with 
 such difficulty, and by so many burthensome means, can 
 no longer be diverted from the Exchequer into the pockets 
 of individuals,* or we could never stand excused who have 
 reprobated during many years such a system of peculation. 
 I expect to be in Dublin at farthest by the first week of 
 November, perhaps before it, when perhaps we may meet, 
 which will always afford much pleasure to, — My dear Sir, 
 yours most truly, 
 
 John Newport. 
 
 * This referred to some defaulter who wished intercession to be made 
 for him with the Chancellor of the Exchequer, encouraged no doubt by 
 the precedent set by the Government in the case of Sir William New- 
 comen, who was forgiven a large portion of his defalcation at the period 
 of the Union : the system of corruption then laid down it was hoped 
 might be prolonged, if not perpetuated. In fact, the Union destroyed 
 the morality as well as the liberty of the people. See ante, page 175. 
 
CHAP. IX.] EDUCATION OF THE PEOPLE. 
 
 321 
 
 As reference has been made to the very im- 
 portant subject of education, it appears better to 
 transpose to this place a letter of Mr. Grattan's, 
 though written some years later. He was always 
 a strong advocate for the education of the people. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to the Secretary op the Board of 
 Education. 
 
 Welbeck Street, 25th March, 1811. 
 
 Sir, — I had the honour to receive your letter, written 
 by the commands of the Board of Education, expressing 
 their desire that the absent members of that body should 
 communicate by letter their plans on the subject of the 
 education of the poorer orders of the people of Ireland. 
 In obedience to the wishes of the board, I venture to sub- 
 mit, what I do not presume to call a plan, but instead of 
 one, a few ideas founded on that plan which the Legislature 
 has already recommended. 
 
 I would pursue the suggestion of the act that established 
 parish-schools, with such alterations as must arise from 
 the change of time, circumstances, and condition. Ac- 
 cording to that act, I would recommend parish-schools as 
 bringing education to every man's door ; but parish-schools 
 better endowed than the present, and on a more extensive, 
 and by far a more comprehensive foundation. 
 
 And I would submit, as a proper subject-matter of edu- 
 cation in those schools, not only the study of the English 
 tongue, reading, writing, and arithmetic, but also the study 
 of certain books of horticulture and agriculture, together 
 with treatises on the care and knowledge of trees. 
 
 I would recommend that such studies should be pursued 
 in the English schools already established. 
 
 I should recommend that in those parish-schools the 
 christian religion should be taught; but that no particular 
 description of it should form a part of their education — in 
 the place thereof, it might perhaps not be improper to de- 
 vise some general instructions regarding the four great 
 duties of man, — duty to God, duty to one another, duty to 
 the country, and duty to the government. 
 
 I beg to add, that one great object of national education 
 should be to unite the inhabitants of the island, and that 
 such an event cannot be well accomplished, except they 
 are taught to speak one common language, I think the 
 
 vol, v. y 
 
322 
 
 MR. GRATTAN REQUESTED [CHAP. IX. 
 
 diversity of language, and not the diversity of religion, 
 constitutes a diversity of people. I should be very sorry 
 that the Irish language should be forgotten ; but glad that 
 the English language should be generally understood ; to 
 obtain that end in Ireland, it is necessary that the schools 
 formed on a plan of national education, which teach the 
 English language, should not attempt to teach the English 
 religion, because the Catholics who would resort to our 
 schools to learn, will keep aloof if we attempt to make 
 them proselytes to the other ; and we should, by that 
 attempt, reject one great means of uniting our people ; and 
 we shall continue to add to the imaginary political division, 
 supposed to exist in a difference of religion, a real political 
 division formed on the diversity of language. — I have the 
 honour to be, your most faithful servant, 
 
 Henry Grattan. 
 
 Lord Fitz William's kindness was never wanting. 
 There is undoubtedly in the English character 
 this most valuable and estimable quality, — once a 
 friend, always a friend! a noble and a national 
 sentiment, too much confined to Great Britain. 
 Politics, perhaps, are the only ingredients that are 
 there permitted to embitter social intercourse. In 
 some instances this has been too much the case ; 
 and it is to be regretted that they are allowed to 
 bear such sway in domestic life. Fortunately, 
 however, they are freed from the asperity and un- 
 courtliness with which religious differences in 
 Ireland have tainted the sweets of private and 
 domestic happiness. 
 
 Lord Fitzwilliam to Mr. Grattan. 
 
 Most secret and confidential. 
 
 London, 13th October, 1806. 
 My dear Grattan, — Dissolution of Parliament is 
 fixed ; and will take place in less than a fortnight. Let 
 me know if you will permit us to re-elect you at Malton. 
 Pray direct to me at Wentworth, near Rotherham. — Ever 
 yours, 
 
 Wentworth Fitzwilliam. 
 
 Right Hon. H. Grattan. 
 
CHAP. IX.] TO STAND FOR DUBLIN. 
 
 323 
 
 The offer from Lord FitzwiHtam was not 
 accepted. Mr. Grattan's friends had called on 
 him to stand for his native city, and he was 
 accordingly put in nomination. He met with 
 considerable opposition from the Orange and anti- 
 Catholic party that continued to influence several 
 of the Dublin corporations ; notwithstanding 
 which, he was elected, along with Mr. Robert 
 Shaw ; but Mr. La Touche, the other popular can- 
 didate, and who stood on the same interest as 
 Mr. Grattan, was defeated. 
 
 On the 7th of November, the Guild of Merchants 
 having assembled to consider the merits of the 
 respective candidates, Mr. Grattan attended their 
 hall. An interval of ten years had passed since 
 he had addressed his fellow-citizens, in a cele- 
 brated and remarkable letter, in which he bade 
 them farewell. His predictions had unfortunately 
 been verified, — an insurrection had been created, 
 and the Parliament had been destroyed ; and it 
 might have been thought that time sufficient had 
 elapsed to permit political animosities to expire 
 also. 
 
 Guild of Merchants. 
 
 Gentlemen, — In addressing this assembly, the repre- 
 sentative of the mercantile interest of this city, and as such 
 possessing, no doubt, much of that public and free spirit 
 which belongs to trade, I feel much confidence — a con- 
 fidence founded upon the consciousness that, in the course 
 of not a short political life, I have laboured, probably not 
 altogether without success, to promote both your trade 
 and your liberty. With the history of those public labours, 
 my fellow-citizens cannot be unacquainted. At a very 
 early period, so early as the year 1778, I proposed an ad- 
 dress to Parliament for the freedom of your trade. In 
 1779, I contributed, and successfully, to carry the principle 
 of that address into effect. In 1780, I moved a resolution 
 in Parliament to assert the independency of the Irish 
 legislature. In the year '81 I repeated that motion; in 
 y 2 
 
324 
 
 MR. GRATTAn's ADDRESS TO [CHAP. IX. 
 
 the year '82 I carried it, and the Parliament of Ireland 
 became Free. I afterwards continued these efforts, and 
 proposed and carried various other measures for the 
 better securing of that trade and that liberty, which the 
 spirit of my country has assisted me to obtain. In '85 
 your trade was attacked by the propositions; I opposed 
 them, and exerted myself to defeat that attempt, as I have 
 always opposed every attempt to take away, by influence, 
 what has been obtained by integrity. In the years which 
 followed, my labours were directed to the same objects. I 
 opposed every measure tending to promote the influence of 
 the crown at the expense of the constitution ; and most 
 particularly did I apply myself to resist every measure 
 which trenched upon the privileges and interests of the 
 City of Dublin. In doing this, I did not apply myself to 
 the passions or to the prejudices of my fellow-citizens; I 
 consulted their interest only ; I did not cultivate the nar- 
 row spirit of party. I did not apply myself to the little 
 motives which may have sometimes influenced some of my 
 countrymen ; I applied myself only to those great principles 
 by which alone liberty can be acquired or preserved ; by 
 which alone nations can be rendered prosperous, and great 
 communities kept together. Without regard to the pre- 
 judices of the people, or to the influence of the crown, I 
 combated the abuses which prevailed in the different 
 branches of the State and of the Constitution. The conse- 
 quence was, what I could not but have foreseen, I made 
 myself many enemies among those to whom such abuses 
 were beneficial. I was assailed at different times by the 
 persecution of the Minister, and by the violence of the 
 people. I remained unsubdued by either. When the 
 Constitution of Parliament was endangered, I forgot the 
 past, I remembered nothing of my countrymen, but that 
 they were fellow-citizens. I came back into public life to 
 defend the Constitution we had obtained ; I came back 
 oppressed by infirmity, and had to combat at once the 
 power of the court and the vehemence of the people. I 
 engaged in the defence of that Constitution, without any 
 feeling of resentment for the obloquy or for the persecution 
 I had suffered. I came without any feeling but for the 
 interest of my fellow-citizens, accompanied by a determina- 
 tion to defend it. After those services, if the situation 
 of our country did not call for further exertions, I might 
 have retired without dishonour ; and now, if my only 
 
CHAP. IX.] THE GUILD OF MERCHANTS 
 
 325 
 
 object were to be in Parliament, I may come into it for a 
 seat in another country, without trouble and without ex- 
 pense. I prefer to this, the trouble, the fatigue, the anxietv 
 of a popular election. Why do I prefer it? Because I 
 think it would be but little honourable to this city, to my 
 country, that the man who has faithfully and laboriously 
 served her for thirty years, should be obliged to sit in Par- 
 liament for a borough in another country, in order to serve 
 his own, because it would appear a circumstance of whim- 
 sical incongruity, if I, who had opposed and defeated the 
 claims of England to legislate for Ireland, should be re- 
 turned to Parliament by England, whose claims I had 
 opposed, after rejection by that country whose legislative 
 independence I had defended. But I am charged with 
 having the support of Government. As to any undue ex- 
 ertion of the influence of the Government in my favour, I 
 call on you to judge of the truth or falsehood of that 
 charge, by the character and conduct of those who support 
 me, and of myself. Who are they that support me ? Are 
 they not men who have ever opposed Government, when 
 Government aimed at the independence and privileges of 
 the people. Are they not men who have always sup- 
 ported the freedom and independence of election against 
 the power and influence of the crown? Men incapable of 
 being commanded by any Government to do what was not 
 consistent with the purest spirit of public virtue. To sup- 
 pose that such men would betray their fame, and abuse 
 the confidence of the public, to reduce this city to a 
 borough, is a supposition contrary to common sense ; nor 
 is it less so to suppose that this loyal city should capri- 
 ciously and senselessly oppose a candidate, if otherwise un- 
 exceptionable, merely because that candidate was not op- 
 posed by the Government. 
 
 As to myself, what has there been in my public life that 
 can give colour to such a charge ? Why should I resort 
 to unconstitutional influence to support me ? I offer myself 
 to your city with no view to title, with no view to wealth, 
 with no view to power. For what purpose, then, can I 
 offer myself, but that of rendering, and continuing to 
 render, service to the public. Shall I, who have, during 
 thirty years, contended against the Crown for the people, 
 now solicit the Crown to reduce this city to a borough, 
 that I may represent it? Gentlemen, I might on such an 
 occasion humble myself before you by professions, and by 
 
326 LORD LIEUTENANT TO MR. GRATTAN. [CHAP. IX. 
 
 promises, and by entering into a detailed refutation of such 
 charges, but I abstain, because I think I pay greater re- 
 spect to your understandings, by referring to it for the 
 answer of such senseless accusation, confident that you 
 will listen to truth as spoken to you by facts within your 
 knowledge. 
 
 With such pretensions, Gentlemen, I offer myself to you 
 to represent this city in Parliament. In my canvass I have 
 found a cordial reception, not merely such as belongs to 
 an honest mind, but such as characterises a free people. 
 Should this city return me to Parliament, I shall discharge 
 my duty to them on the same principles I have hitherto 
 done. Should this corporation concur with their fellow- 
 citizens, I shall consider it an additional circumstance of 
 gratification; should both reject me, should the city of 
 Dublin refuse to elect me, I shall lament the inconstancy 
 of the city, but I shall not desert their interests. 
 
 Mr. John Keogh to Mr. Grattan. 
 
 Mount Jerome, 8th November, 1806. 
 
 My dear Sir, — I thank you for your kind note. I never 
 regretted so much as at present my want of health, as it has 
 prevented me from personally canvassing on this occasion. 
 Whatever has occurred to my friends and to myself has 
 been and will be done. We must have been lost to public 
 and private virtue if we had deserted you. Your posterity 
 will have a claim on ours, and your sons will, I trust, ex- 
 perience their gratitude. As to yourself, your cause and 
 that of Ireland are one. I need not say how happy I shall 
 be to see you as you propose. Yet I cannot consent to the 
 wasting one moment here of your time, which is now pe- 
 culiarly precious. 
 
 But if you will do me that honour after your election, I 
 shall be more gratified than by seeing any other man in 
 the empire. — I remain, most respectfully and sincerely, 
 your faithful friend, 
 
 John Keogh.* 
 
 The Lord Lieutenant to Mr. Grattan. 
 
 Phoenix Park, November 9th, 1806. 
 My dear Sir, — I congratulate you on the termination 
 of your labours and fatigue, as well as that they have ter- 
 
 * One of the ablest of the Catholic body, see ante, vol. iv. page 82. 
 
CHAP. IX.] NOBLE SPIRIT OF MRS. GRATTAN. 327 
 
 minated as they ought, by placing you at the head of the 
 poll. A government, the leading object of whose solicitude 
 is the welfare of Ireland, cannot but feel a just pride in 
 being honoured by the support of Mr. Grattan ; and the 
 opinions of the citizens of Dublin, having thus shown them- 
 selves to be in unison with those of the Government, I 
 must look upon as a favourable era in my administration, 
 and I willingly flatter myself that it may be considered as 
 auspicious to the future prosperity of the empire. — 1 have 
 the honour to be, with the most perfect esteem and regard, 
 my dear Sir, your very faithful and obedient servant, 
 
 Bedford. 
 
 There has been always a noble spirit in the 
 character and composition of Irish women, as well 
 as a sterling principle of virtue, both of which it 
 would be well for their countrymen to imitate. 
 
 Limerick tells of their boldness, and even their 
 courage ; the old Countess of Desmond of their 
 high bearing and intrepid dignity ; and here we 
 have an instance of the independence of mind that 
 influenced the descendant of that venerable lady. 
 The feeling which prompted Mrs. Grattan at the 
 time of the insurrection and the Union seemed to 
 direct her on the present occasion ; and as at the 
 one period she would not tolerate the idea that 
 her country should be debased, so at the other 
 she would not permit that her husband should be 
 dependent. 
 
 The Catholics, in the most honourable manner, 
 subscribed 4,000/. to defray the expenses of the 
 election, but Mr. Grattan would not accept it. 
 
 Mrs. Grattan to James Hartley, Esq. 
 
 7th December, 1806. 
 My dear Sir, — Your letter was received, as I expressed 
 myself in a hurried note yesterday, with much thanks. Our 
 triumph being so complete, is an honour to his friends, 
 that most respectable body of citizens, and our obligation 
 to them is great, but though it does not lessen the obliga- 
 tion, we must not receive any pecuniary assistance. 
 
328 lord fitzwilliam's letter [chap. IX. 
 
 This letter is written to you in consequence of Mr. Grat- 
 tan's and my decided determination. Do not attempt to 
 make him alter it. You know he is not to be shaken when 
 he feels himself to be in the right. You also will join us 
 when it is to gratify me. I did not propose, at an earlier 
 period, that he should pay the expenses, because I wished 
 the world to see there were so many noble-minded men 
 who would assist him in every acceptation of the word. It 
 is to you I must apologise, as you will now have more 
 trouble in the business. You must borrow the money and 
 repay those who have subscribed — it may be difficult but 
 you can overcome it — and be assured it will add to the 
 obligations I am under to you. — Very truly yours, 
 
 Henrietta Grattan. 
 
 Lord Fitzwilliam to Mr. Grattan. 
 
 Milton, December 28th, 1806. 
 
 My dear Grattan, — A few days after the receipt of 
 your letter, I wrote to the Duke of Bedford upon the sub- 
 ject of M'Can,* but though your letter brought to my 
 memory some imperfect recollection, that friendly inten- 
 tions were entertained towards M'Can, during my adminis- 
 tration, still, none of the particulars of his merits or claims 
 occurring, I felt myself under the necessity of referring the 
 Duke to you and to the Chancellor, for the grounds of his 
 pretensions to favour. If you have not already been called 
 upon on that subject, you may expect it. I assure you I 
 took part in your triumph at Dublin, and felt relieved from 
 great anxiety when I saw it complete. 
 
 Though the exertions of the regular civil authority seem 
 to have produced excellent effect in Ireland, still it is a 
 subject of much lamentation, if not of serious f remorse, 
 
 * Directly or indirectly no one connected with Mr. Grattan ever 
 received any situation from any government; in this case, Mr. M'Can 
 had public claims, he had been secretary to the Whig Club, a spirited 
 and active supporter, he had been instrumental in getting the speeches 
 of the opposition members published — particularly those that were pre- 
 served at the period of the Union. lie never was promoted to any 
 place, and he used often to say to Mr. Grattan, " You are an excellent 
 patriot, but a very bad patron/' 
 
 f This has reference to the proceedings in the counties of Sligo, 
 Mayo, Leitrim, Longford, and Cavan, by bodies of men called Threshers, 
 who resisted the payments to the Established Church, and fees and dues 
 to the Catholic clergy, they attacked and injured individuals who refused 
 to obey their orders and regulations. A special commission was sent to 
 
CHAP. IX.] TO MR. GRATTAN. 
 
 329 
 
 that there should be occasion for any exertions whatever. 
 All that one has to observe is, that there is no good with- 
 out its evil. I hope we shall see you soon. The ample 
 display of all the minutes of negotiation, which Buona- 
 parte has himself thought proper to make, and to put us 
 under the necessity of making, will, I trust, prove not un- 
 serviceable, as it brings to light, distinct intentions, by 
 undisguised professions ;* intentions, indeed, that the 
 parties concerned ought to have discovered in the prin- 
 ciples of his conduct, but to which they have hitherto 
 thought proper to shut their eyes ; the light, however, now 
 bursts in upon them with a glare not to be avoided ; they 
 must see whether they will or no. 
 
 Make my best respects to Mrs. G. — Ever truly yours, 
 Wentworth Fitzwilliam. 
 
 Rt. Hon. H. Grattan. 
 
 these counties in the month of December, at which several convictions 
 look place, and by degrees the disturbances subsided. Disturbances 
 such as these have been for too long a time the disgrace of the country; 
 they sprung from the oppressive system of tithes, the evils of which the 
 Governments of Ireland neglected to remedy. 
 
 * The dispatches and correspondence of Mr. Fox, Talleyrand, and the 
 French Government, from which the ambitious designs of the Emperor 
 were but too clearly visible. 
 
330 MR. HARDY TO MR. G RATTAN. [CHAP. X. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 The Duke of Bedford's letter on a provision for the Catholic clergy. — 
 Mr. Grattan's opinion thereon. — Also Edmund Burke's. — Proceed- 
 ings of the Catholics as to their petition in 1807. — Mr. Ponsonby's 
 opinion and letter thereon. — Meeting of the new Parliament. — Lord 
 Grenville and Lord Howick continued in the ministry. — Remarks on 
 their character. — The Catholic Military Bill at first approved of, then 
 objected to, by the King. — The bill abandoned. — Unconstitutional 
 pledge demanded by the King. — Refused. — They are dismissed. — Mr. 
 Grattan's letter to the Duke of Bedford on the subject. — -His letter to 
 Lord Fingall on the Catholic petition. — Speech of Mr. Keogh. — Re- 
 solution in favour of the Duke of Bedford. — His reply. — Mr. Pres- 
 ton's death. — Mr. Hardy his successor. — Mr. Grattan's letter to Mr.. 
 Berwick.— No-Popery administration. — Their conduct. — Their cha- 
 racter. — Mr. Canning. — Mr. Perceval. — House of Commons desert 
 the Whigs, and support Mr. Perceval's party. — Parliament dissolved. 
 — Unconstitutional efforts of the Tories at the elections. — Great ma- 
 jority in their favour in the House of Commons. — Insurrection and 
 Arms bill. — Mr. Grattan's conduct. — Mr. Sheridan's motion on the 
 state of Ireland.— Speech of Mr. Grattan thereon. — His letters on the 
 subject. — -To Mr. Berwick and Mr. M'Can, and to H. Grattan, jun. 
 
 The following letter will be read with interest by 
 all who set a value on private friendship and 
 public virtue. Hardy trembled not only for his 
 fate, but for that of the country, and he knew full 
 well that Mr. Fox was the last hope that Ireland 
 had. The appeal to Mr. Grattan was a feeling- 
 one, and the opinion as to the Castle of Dublin 
 was perfectly just. That never was a place where 
 Irish patriotism was rewarded. 
 
 Mr. Hardy to Mr. Grattan. 
 
 January 5th, 1807. 
 As I shall not be so fortunate as to see you again till 
 next summer, when, please God, we may meet, I can 
 
CHAP. X.] LORD LIEUTENANT TO MR. GRATTAN. 331 
 
 only say, and do say it from my heart, that, next to the 
 inhabitants of Tinnehinch, there does not exist that person 
 on this earth, who is more truly and more disinterestedly 
 attached to you than myself. Let the tide of emolument 
 run in what current it may, never — never till my last hour 
 shall I forget the man at whose house, and in whose 
 family, I passed so many, so happy days. You will oblige 
 me beyond measure if you will let me know by one line 
 from Bath, or London, how dear Mrs. Grattan does, for, 
 indeed, I am, and ever must be, anxious about her. 
 
 Adieu — my heart is heavy at parting from you all. As 
 to situation, I can only say, that if you state my claims to 
 the Duke, as you, and only you can, I shall look on myself 
 as secure ; if you do not, God's will be done, for I am sure 
 nothing will be done at the Castle. — Ever, with the truest 
 affection, yours, 
 
 Francis Hardy. 
 The Lord Lieutenant to Mr. Grattan. 
 
 PhcEnix Park, January 9th, 1807. 
 
 Dear Sir, — When you were good enough to call upon 
 me at the Castle, on the day previous to your sailing for 
 England, it entirely escaped me, in the course of our con- 
 versation, to name to you one very material point of the 
 future policy to be pursued in regard to Ireland, upon 
 which 1 wish much to have the advantage of your opinion 
 and advice. It relates to the propriety, efficacy, and wis- 
 dom of the Government of the country, making a provision 
 for the Roman Catholic clergy. This is a measure that 
 has frequently been discussed, I believe, by former adminis- 
 trations, sometimes thought right, but neglected to be 
 carried into effect through a timid or temporizing policy, 
 which, unhappily for Ireland, has too often prevailed among 
 my predecessors, and palsied all those efforts which, under 
 a temper of combined prudence and vigour, firmness and 
 decision, might have made this country very different from 
 what she is. 
 
 I am aware that there are objections to this measure, 
 and that we should not fail to meet with much opposition 
 in the progress of it, but this alone should not deter us 
 from attempting it, if a great practical benefit is likely to 
 be the result of such a measure. Some who are friendly 
 to it, think that this is not a favourable moment to bring it 
 
332 MR. G RATTAN OPPOSED TO THE [CHAP. X. 
 
 forward, but I confess this objection does not strike me. 
 I know the time was, when the Catholic bishops and 
 priests would not have accepted the boon, if offered, from 
 an apprehension that it might weaken their influence with 
 their flocks, and that the laity might look upon them with 
 suspicion. ####### 
 
 The remainder of this letter was unfortunately- 
 lost, and the answer cannot be procured. It is a 
 circumstance the more to be regretted, as, at the 
 present moment, the subject alluded to is under 
 the consideration of both countries. After a lapse 
 of forty years, the expediency of buying up the 
 Catholics of Ireland, by bribing their clergy, is the 
 political process put in agitation — the last resource 
 of Government on the failure of the Union, and 
 the forlorn hope of the British minister. The 
 question is now pending in the national balance, 
 and the only countervailing weights to it, seem, at 
 present, to be the poverty of Ireland and the 
 bigotry of Great Britain. 
 
 The opinion of Mr. Grattan, therefore, maybe of 
 service, and it is important to know, that he was 
 decidedly averse to such a proposition — (his sen- 
 timents on the subject of the veto, which was 
 brought forward in the ensuing year, will appear 
 in the Eleventh Chapter). He always thought it 
 would be dangerous to give the Crown power over 
 the Catholic church ; that it would be used as in 
 the Protestant church, and liberty would be the 
 victim ; he said that he doubted if emancipation 
 had been granted on such conditions, whether the 
 benefit resulting from the admission of the Ca- 
 tholics, would be equal to the injury likely to arise 
 from granting so much power to the Crown, and 
 he was almost of opinion that the evil would be 
 greater than the benefit. He observed, that if the 
 Catholic clergy were paid by the Government, 
 their influence over the people would be preju- 
 
CHAP X.] PAYMENT OF THE CATHOLIC CLERGY. 333 
 
 dicial. At the period of the Union, the plan pro- 
 posed was, to give salaries not attached to the See, 
 but at the will of the Government, so that the 
 salary could be withdrawn if the clergy displeased, 
 or did not court the minister. It was by means 
 such as these that the Presbyterian clergy were 
 silenced — they were bribed by the Regium Donum 
 — Government divided them into classes, and the 
 salaries of the several classes were then raised, 
 lest they should become troublesome, and ever 
 since that event they have been quiet. This was 
 a measure of Lord Castlereagh ; the measure was 
 one of bribery, and Mr. Wickham, who was 
 secretary, told Mr. Grattan that the plan had 
 been adopted in order to prevent any danger to 
 the Protestant church establishment. 
 
 Such were Mr. Grattan's sentiments, and they 
 have been confirmed by great authority. Edmund 
 Burke, in his Correspondence, published in 1844, 
 by Lord Fitzwilliam and General Sir R. Bourke, 
 writes on the subject of Maynooth College to Dr. 
 Hussey, in 1795, and there expresses, in the 
 strongest terms, his objection to the interference 
 of Government with the Catholic clergy. His re- 
 marks are subjoined.* 
 
 * "All other interference (except that of laying the accounts before 
 Parliament) whatever, if I were in the place of these reverend persons, 
 I would resist; and would much rather trust to God's good providence, 
 and the contributions of your own people, for the education of your 
 clergy, than to put into the hands of your known, avowed, and implac- 
 able enemies — into the hands of those who make it their merit and their 
 boast, that they are your enemies — the very fountains of your morals 
 and your religion. I have considered this matter at large, and at 
 various times, and I have considered it in relation to the designs of your 
 enemies. The scheme of these colleges, as you well know, did not ori- 
 ginate from them. But they will endeavour to pervert the benevolence 
 and liberality of others into an instrument of their own evil purposes. 
 Be well assured, that they never did, and that they never will, consent 
 to give one shilling of money for any other purpose than to do you mis- 
 chief. If you consent to put your clerical education, or any other part 
 of your education, under their direction or control, then you will have 
 sold your religion for their money. There will be an end, not only of 
 
334 AGITATION OF THE CATHOLIC CLAIMS. [CHAP. X. 
 
 The Catholics had held several meetings on the 
 subject of their claims, and had appointed com- 
 mittees and sub-committees for the purpose of 
 forwarding them. Sensible of the loss they had 
 sustained by the death of Mr. Fox, but unac- 
 quainted with the other members of the Whig 
 interest in England, and ignorant of the state of 
 affairs and parties, they did not look with implicit 
 confidence to the British Government ; they did 
 not comprehend the policy of petitioning at one 
 moment and not petitioning at another, neither did 
 they understand the nice distinctions or the pru- 
 dent delicacy which would lead them to consult 
 the prejudices of their masters — those who were to 
 be the Donors of their Rights. They had not for- 
 
 the Catholic religion, but of all religion, all morality, all law, and all 
 order, in that unhappy kingdom." — Vol. iv. p. 298. 
 
 " I strongly suspect that an insidious court will be paid to your 
 clergy; what friends would bestow as gifts, enemies will give as bribes. 
 There has been for certain, amongst your Irish politicians, a scheme 
 (amongst other schemes for the distraction and ruin of the kingdom) for 
 dividing the clergy from the laity, and the lower classes of Catholic 
 laity from the higher. I know that they already value themselves on 
 their success in this wicked and senseless project, and they hope that 
 the Catholic clergy will be brought, by management, to act their part in 
 this design against the people, of consideration and property amongst 
 them. 1 have no doubt that the sagacity and vigilance of the Catholic 
 clergy will soon convince them of their mistake; and that they are never 
 to be seduced into a separation from the higher orders, or intimidated 
 into a dereliction of the lower orders, but that they will take one com- 
 mon fate, and sink or swim with their brethren of every description." — 
 Vol. iv. p. 302. 
 
 "I am sure that the constant meddling of the bishops and the 
 clergy with the Castle, and of the Castle with them, will infallibly set 
 them ill with their own body. All the weight which hitherto the clergy 
 have had in keeping the people quiet, will be wholly lost if once this 
 should happen; at best, you will soon have a marked schism, and more 
 than one kind; and I am very much mistaken if this very thing is not 
 intended, and diligently and systematically pursued. I am steadily of 
 my old opinion, that this affair had better be wholly dropped, and this 
 government boon, with civility and acknowledgment declined, than to 
 subject yourselves and your religion to your known and avowed ene- 
 mies, who connect their very interest with your humiliation, and found 
 their own reputation on the destruction of yours. I have said so much 
 on this point already, that I shall trouble you no more about it/' — Vol. 
 iv. p. 322. 
 
CHAP. X.] MR. GRATTAN FOR DELAY. 
 
 335 
 
 gotten the advice of Lord Grenville, to petition 
 session after session till their prayers should be 
 granted. 
 
 Accordingly, on the 24th of February, they re- 
 solved that Lord Fingall should request Mr. 
 Grattan to present their petition to Parliament. 
 Mr. Grattan had, however, anticipated this com- 
 munication, and, on the 21st, had given his opinion 
 to the Catholic party. He had no doubt calcu- 
 lated all the chances, and having made up his 
 mind, was not to be moved from his resolve. He 
 saw that the Parliament was new, and its senti- 
 ments unknown ; if, then, the petition had been 
 merely laid on the table, and no further motion 
 made, that would have been a sign of weakness ; 
 if it had been well received by the Commons, and 
 a bill brought in, the Lords were at hand, under 
 the guidance of the Duke of York, the Duke of 
 Cumberland, Lord Sidmouth and his friend — the 
 King — to discomfit and dismiss at once both the 
 measure and the ministry. Ireland would then 
 have been considered as the cause of their over- 
 throw; the charge of turning out the Whigs would 
 have been brought against her throughout England, 
 and she would thereby have lost many friends, 
 and made many enemies. To avoid this, and to 
 save Ireland from the catastrophe and the accusa- 
 tion, was Mr. Grattan's policy; it was a judicious 
 one, and, as events turned out, was a strong de- 
 monstration of his sagacity and foresight, and 
 showed that he knew how to conduct a policy, 
 and also how to protect a party. Scarcely had a 
 feeble and secondary attempt in favour of religious 
 toleration been pressed upon the King by the 
 successor of Mr. Fox, when his Majesty ran rebel 
 to his people, pleaded his oath in bar, raised his 
 standard against them, and, in the person of Mr. 
 Perceval, found a second Clare, with all his bigotry, 
 
336 MR. GRATTAN TO MR. M'CAN. [CHAP. X. 
 
 and with more than his religion ; prostrated the 
 recusant* "Whigs, and scattered them, their party 
 and their principles, to the winds. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. M'Can. 
 
 London, February 21st, 1807. 
 My dear M'Can, — I just received your letter. I will 
 not make the motion for the consideration of the Catholic 
 petition, because it is against my opinion, so they had 
 better apply to some other person, as my refusal, which I 
 must give to the application, would perhaps offend the 
 Catholics. I never will make a motion of which I disap- 
 prove. I respect and love the Catholics, and it is on their 
 account I shall not be instrumental to a business which 
 may do them an injury. If their question does come on, 
 I will support it, but I will not be an instrument to bring 
 it on. I wish you could prevent their application : talk to 
 Wallace. — Yours ever, 
 
 H. G. 
 
 Mr. Ponsonby's opinions as to the policy of de- 
 clining to urge the claims of the Catholics upon 
 Parliament, coincided with those of Mr. Grattan, 
 which had been conveyed to his friends in Ire- 
 land in the preceding letter. So far, their senti- 
 ments were in unison. Another subject, however, 
 was brought forward in this letter, namely, the 
 reference to those whom Mr. Ponsonby calls 
 " Separatists and allies of France" Here it is to 
 be supposed that the information of the Chancellor 
 must have been accurate, upon which to found so 
 grave a suspicion, and to venture so serious a 
 charge. The view he took thereon was not for 
 any party purposes, he stated his deliberate 
 opinion, formed, no doubt, upon the best infor- 
 mation, and conveyed it to one who had at heart, 
 not only the enfranchisement of the Catholics, but 
 the security of the Empire. Upon this Mr. Grat- 
 
 • Highly to their credit they refused to give a pledge not to urge the 
 King further on the Catholic question. 
 
CHAP. X.] LORD CHANCELLOR TO MR. G RATTAN. 337 
 
 tan acted, and he gave his support shortly after to 
 two bills, prepared by the Attorney and Solicitor- 
 General (the Arms and Insurrection Acts), which 
 had been passed by the Irish Parliament in 1796 
 and 97, and had now been reframed with Mr. Elliot's 
 and Mr.Ponsonby's knowledge, but which raised so 
 great a storm against him, that it required all his cool- 
 ness and independent spirit to encounter it. The 
 statement that Mr. PonsonbyandMr.Grattan made 
 was not new, for there always hasbeen an anti-Eng- 
 lish party in Ireland; and for this reason, because 
 the laws have always been anti-Irish, and so long as 
 such laws continue, whether in spirit or in prin- 
 ciple, so long, and long after (for effects continue 
 beyond their causes), there will always be such a 
 party ; certain to increase every day, and likely 
 to q;row more troublesome and more dangerous. 
 It may be called French, or American, but it will 
 become Irish and national : for nine millions of 
 people will at length begin to think they ought to 
 have a country and a name. 
 
 The Lord Chancellor to Mr. Grattan. 
 
 Ely Place, March 7th, 1807. 
 My dear Grattan, — The Catholics are much divided 
 in sentiment, though not at present in action, almost all, I 
 believe I might say all, the persons considerable for their 
 property or situation lament the precipitancy of their pro- 
 ceedings, and would be glad to withdraw their petition, 
 but the violent party in this town urge every thing on, and 
 the others are afraid to take an open and declared part 
 against them, even Keogh and Murphy are become objects 
 of suspicion to many of their own people, and at present, a 
 Mr. Malone, a merchant here, as I believe, is the great 
 leader and driver of the hot-headed party. They have sent 
 for Lord Fingall to town, and want to get him to carry the 
 petition to you earlier than had been intended. The mo- 
 derate party (I believe it to be the most numerous) would 
 be glad to get out of the scrape entirely, but, as they think 
 that cannot be done, they would be well pleased to have 
 the petition received, and laid upon the table, without hav- 
 
 VOL. V. Z 
 
338 LORD CHANCELLOR TO MR. GRATTAN. [CHAP. X, 
 
 ing any questions put upon it; the others desire a debate, 
 and some, you may rely upon it, wish for a rejection. They 
 are, 1 think, divided into three parties ; the people of pro- 
 perty and education, who are contented to postpone their 
 claims; the people of the middling orders, in this and in 
 the country towns, who wish to urge them in a vain hope 
 of carrying them ; and the people who wish to urge them 
 on purpose to have them rejected, and who are to be looked 
 on as real separatists, and the allies of France, This last 
 party would, I believe, be inconsiderable, if it had not 
 means of imposing on or deluding the others. 
 
 From the best information, however, which I can obtain, 
 I think your answer, strongly dissuading them from perse- 
 vering in their petition, will have a great effect, and if it 
 cannot procure the total abandonment of it, will induce 
 them to acquiesce in its lying silently on the table. They 
 all know my opinion perfectly well, and some of them re- 
 spect it. I have, however, avoided as much as possible 
 to show too great an anxiety upon the subject, as I have 
 been uniformly of opinion, that it would only tend to en- 
 courage and inflame the violent party. One of the objects 
 of the violent men (I speak from certain knowledge) is to 
 cause a breach in the administration, and to separate the 
 Fox from the Grenville part of it — they hope to force the 
 Fox men out — and then they think (to use their own 
 phrase) that ihey will soon have every thing their own way. 
 This would indeed be a great evil, but I trust there is no 
 danger of its befalling us. I am very sorry that I cannot 
 recommend Wallace for a silk gown at present — for it 
 really is not possible — it would offend the whole bar, as 
 there are a great many men his superiors in standing* and 
 business, who must be passed by; and what would make 
 the resentment of the bar stronger than any other man's 
 case, is, that unfortunately he is an unpopular man amongst 
 his own profession — this to yourself. I am doing every 
 thing I can for poor M'Can, and hope soon to get him 
 settled to his satisfaction some how or other. I will write 
 to you again soon. — Yours, always, 
 
 g. ponsonby. 
 
 The Lord Chancellor to Mr. Grattan. 
 
 Ely Place, Wednesday, 5 o'clock, 1807. 
 My dear Grattan, — Murphy has just left me. He 
 * Lord Erskine was one of the few instances in which a barrister 
 obtained a silk gown after five years' standing. 
 
chap, x.] mr. Wallace's case. 
 
 339 
 
 came to say that he thought the only chance of prevent- 
 ing the presentation of the petition was by pursuing the 
 following course. 
 
 To-morrow a letter is to be written (in fact by the com- 
 mittee), signed by Lord Fingall to you, to ask your 
 opinion as to the best time for presenting the petition, and 
 he proposes that you should express your opinion strongly 
 against the presenting it at all ; this he thinks will afford 
 the best chance of stopping it — but he is not sure that it 
 will stop it — and he desires that you will not mention his 
 name to any person. 
 
 I have now delivered his message, and cannot add any 
 opinion of my own, for I have not lately seen any person 
 upon whom I can rely, and have, indeed, rather avoided it, 
 as I do not choose to show too much anxiety on the sub- 
 ject. — Yours, always, 
 
 G. PONSONBY. 
 
 Mr. Wallace has been alluded to already, and 
 the following letters from the Secretary are here 
 introduced in order to show that Mr. Grattan did 
 not forget the services of any one who had exerted 
 himself in the cause of his country. Mr. Grattan 
 was accused of having neglected this individual, 
 and of forgetting the efforts that he made against 
 the Union, and a very severe but unjust letter was 
 produced to the author in support of the charge. 
 
 The very reverse was the truth ; and it will 
 appear that Mr. Grattan took considerable pains 
 on the occasion. But. Mr. Wallace, though a very 
 able man, and with a well-earned reputation for 
 his treatise on the trade and manufactures of the 
 country,* as well as for his spirited and ready 
 efforts to oppose a measure that was likely to 
 prove so detrimental to Ireland, was of young 
 
 * An Essay, published in 1798, on the Manufactures of Ireland, and 
 those for which her natural advantages are best suited, and the means 
 for improving her manufactures. The work was dedicated to Lord 
 Moira, and was next to the prize essay for which a premium was offered 
 by the Royal Irish Academy. It is replete with local information, and 
 possesses sound and usefvil observations. The fortunate candidate was 
 Mr. Preston. 
 
 z 2 
 
340 MR. ELLIOT TO MR. G RATTAN. [CHAP. X. 
 
 standing at the bar, having been called to it only 
 in 1798, and the jealousies, as well as the practice 
 of the profession, stood in his way. 
 
 Mr. Elliot to Mr. Grattan. 
 
 • Dublin Castle, March 10th, 1807. 
 
 My dear Sir,— The appointment to the office of king's 
 counsel is never made but with the recommendation of the 
 Chancellor. When you first suggested to me your wishes 
 for the promotion of Mr. Wallace I mentioned the subject 
 to the Chancellor, who stated that Mr. Wallace was junior 
 to several gentlemen at the bar, whose extent of practice 
 gave them a preferable claim to precedence. Since I re- 
 ceived your letter of the 5th January (which reached me 
 yesterday), I have, by the Lord Lieutenant's particular in- 
 structions, had another conversation with the Chancellor 
 upon this topic; but he perseveres in his opinion that the 
 arrangement could not be made without creating great 
 discontent in the profession, and he apprises me that he 
 has, within these last two or three days, written to you a 
 full explanation of the grounds of his objection. 
 
 You will, I am persuaded, do both the Duke and me 
 the justice to believe that we feel the most sincere regret 
 that there should be such insurmountable obstacles to the 
 accomplishment of an object about which you express so 
 much interest. — With the truest regard and esteem, I re- 
 main always, my dear Sir, most faithfully yours, 
 
 W. Elliot. 
 
 Mr. Elliot to Mr. Grattan. 
 
 Dublin Castle, March 14th, 1807. 
 
 My dear Sir,— As the Lord Lieutenant has seen the 
 Chancellor, and answered your letter to me of the 7th 
 instant, I have nothing to add on that subject except to 
 express my most sincere regret that there should be such 
 insuperable obstacles in the way of an arrangement about 
 which you take so deep an interest. 
 
 When I last wrote to you I omitted to mention that Mr. 
 John Latouche had intimated an earnest wish that Mr. 
 Riddall # might be one of the sheriffs for the city of Dub- 
 
 * A very worthy and public spirited citizen and a man of liberal 
 principles (a dangerous virtue under the dynasty that ruled). lie 
 
CHAP. X.] CHARACTER OF LORD GRENVILLE. 341 
 
 lin, and you will oblige me by apprising me of your views 
 and sentiments on this point. — Ever, with the truest regard 
 and esteem, my clear Sir, most faithfully yours, 
 
 Wm. Elliot. 
 
 The new Parliament met in December, 180G. 
 Lord Lauderdale returned from Paris on the 
 failure of the negotiations for peace with France, 
 after Mr. Fox's death. The papers relating to 
 this subject were laid before Parliament, from 
 which appeared the great attention and anxiety 
 that Mr. Fox had shown in the proceedings ; and 
 it is more than probable that, if he had lived, he 
 would have been able to conclude a peace satis- 
 factory and honourable to Great Britain.* The 
 King had sent for Lord Grenville after Mr. Fox's 
 death, and continued the party in power, Lord 
 Howick taking the place of Secretary for Foreign 
 Affairs. Both these individuals were too cold 
 and too haughty for the times and the people. 
 Lord Grenville was an able statesman, — a. grave 
 and weighty speaker, and a great debater, — his 
 voice was not pleasing, nor his manner engaging; 
 but he was a powerful rhetorician, and the master 
 of politics. He was not, however, a very practi- 
 cable man, and did not sufficiently bend to the 
 
 called a meeting, as sheriff, in 1810, on a requisition of the freemen and 
 freeholders of Dublin, to petition Parliament for a repeal of the Union. 
 The other sheriff (Stanley) had refused. A piece of plate was voted to 
 Mr. Uiddall (afterwards Sir James) as a mark of respect and gratitude 
 from his fellow-citizens ; "for his integrity, which would not yield to 
 influence or menace in the discharge of his public duty." From the 
 words of the resolution, it would seem that the Irish did not expect a 
 public officer to do his duty, if the Government did not like it, and this 
 even in the case of a sheriff', who, by the statute of Henry, was their 
 officer formerly — elected by them and not by the Government. They 
 judged right — for this worthy man was ever after an object disliked by the 
 authorities, because lie had acted for the people in discharging his duty 
 according to his oath. 
 
 * Talleyrand, in a despatch of the month of April, writes to Fox, 
 " Your communication has a character of openness and precision which 
 we have hitherto never seen in the communications between your court 
 and us." 
 
342 CHARACTER AND MEASURES OF [CHAP. X. 
 
 ways or the manners of others. He was too re- 
 served, and too much of a recluse, and he loved 
 to retire to a barren country spot, where he could 
 cultivate nothing but an ignorance of mankind. 
 
 Lord Howick (Grey) was a different character. 
 He was a man of high talent, very learned, of great 
 integrity, and first-rate ability ; he possessed a 
 lofty spirit and a princely port of mind. His 
 principles were excellent, and his eloquence great ; 
 his speaking, if not of the highest order, was pure 
 in style, and his language was superior. His 
 address was graceful ; his figure imposing and 
 dignified. A handsome person aided in exhibiting 
 him as a perfect gentleman.* But aristocracy 
 and nobility were engrafted in his essence. He 
 wanted manner and temper to carry a point, or 
 keep together a party, and never would have been 
 a great favourite, either with the King or the 
 people ; the one would have looked upon him a§ 
 a rival, and the other as a master, and neither 
 would have greatly liked him as a minister ; so 
 that he never could have enjoyed very long either 
 power or popularity. As a philosopher, he showed 
 want of judgment; as a statesman, he showed 
 want of prudence. On the question (in 1815) of 
 peace with Buonaparte, he went too far; and in 
 his Reform Bill (in 1832) he did not go far 
 enough ; and in both cases feared to use the 
 weapons that the country and the constitution 
 had furnished him. 
 
 He seemed to be the inheritor of Fox's errors 
 and imprudence. Instead of remaining quiet 
 when he came into power — knowing full well 
 that the King would turn him out on the first 
 opportunity — he brought forward a measure which 
 in its nature was partial, and which would have 
 
 * See Life of Lord Eldon, vol. ii. The King's remarks on this. 
 
CHAP. X.] LORD HOWICK (GREY.) 
 
 343 
 
 procured little thanks from the Catholics,* and was 
 certain to bring against them all the cunning and 
 enmity of the King. The bill merely granted to 
 English Catholics certain military privileges en- 
 joyed by the Irish. It was of little consequence 
 in itself; but its principle was exactly what the 
 King disliked. He accordingly objected, and the 
 measure was abandoned ; and on that the party 
 were turned out. Thus they lost office on 
 account of a measure which in itself was nothing, 
 and wiiich nothing they gave up. In this Lord 
 Grey followed the dictates of his own understand- 
 ing, which was very defective ; and the Whigs 
 showed they were men of talent and integrity, but 
 not of commanding ability. The proceeding was 
 a most unfortunate one for the country, and proved 
 a death-blow to the Whig interest. 
 
 On the 5th of March Lord Howick moved for 
 leave to bring in a bill to open offices in the army 
 and navy to all his Majesty's subjects. The Irish 
 act of 1793 allowed Catholics to hold commissions 
 in the army, and the object of the measure was to 
 communicate to the English the same privileges. 
 The bill was opposed by Mr. Perceval, and the 
 second reading fixed for that day week. Mean- 
 time the anti-Catholic party were excited, and 
 the King was applied to. He had known the na- 
 ture of the measure, and expressed no disapproba- 
 tion of it ; but the Dukes of York and Cum- 
 berland, Lord Eldon, Lord Hawkesbury, and 
 Lord Sidmouth having had interviews with him, 
 he sent for Lord Grenville and Lord Grey, and 
 asserted that there existed a misunderstanding on 
 the subject, and required of them to abandon the 
 bill. They complied. He then required a written 
 pledge that they would not recommend any further 
 concessions to the Catholics. Very properly they 
 
 * See Mr. Keogh's speech at the Catholic meeting, 18th April, 1807. 
 
344 
 
 MR. GRATTAN TO 
 
 [CHAP. X. 
 
 refused to comply, and were dismissed accordingly. 
 Lord Grey and Lord Grenville stated in their 
 places in Parliament the history of the transac- 
 tion, from which it appeared that the old system 
 of duplicity and intrigue, practised in the time of 
 Lord Fitzwilliam by Mr. Pitt, had been now 
 practised by the King and his friends on Lord 
 Grey and Lord Grenville, and a most daring and 
 unconstitutional attempt there made was frustrated 
 only by the stern virtue of the Ministers. 
 
 Mr. Grattan's opinion was expressed in his 
 letter to the Duke of Bedford ; but it is to be 
 observed, that he was not consulted on the expe- 
 diency of bringing in the bill. If he had been, he 
 most unquestionably would have been opposed to 
 such a step. He had just a week before assisted 
 in getting out of the way of the Ministry that which 
 would have proved a certain stumbling-block (the 
 Catholic petition). He knew the character of the 
 King; he had learned it in 1795. He put the 
 Catholics on their guard against him, and he saved 
 them ; but Lord Grey precipitated the Whig 
 party, and by his imprudent move he sunk them 
 for ever. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to the Duke of Bedford. 
 
 London, March 16th, 1807. 
 
 My Lord, — In consequence of a conversation with Lord 
 Howick regarding the Catholic Military Bill, I beg to 
 trouble your Grace with a few lines. The question was, 
 whether the Ministry should give up the substance of the 
 bill or their situations.* And when it was suggested to 
 me by his Lordship how far Ireland was concerned, I gave 
 it as my opinion, the breaking up of the present Ministry 
 would be to Ireland a mischief not to be repaired ; whether 
 we consider who the Ministry were who went out, or who 
 
 * Alluding to this, Lord Castlereagh, in the debate of the 25th May, 
 1808, on the Roman Catholic petition, said, in a language peculiar to 
 himself, that " the Whigs hud put the bantling in their pockets." 
 
CHAP. X.] THE DUKE OF BEDFORD. 
 
 345 
 
 those were who should succeed them. That the point was 
 too small, and the sacrifice too great. That a change in 
 the Irish administration would have such an effect upon 
 Ireland, at this moment, on the feelings as well as the 
 interest of the country, as to threaten ultimately with the 
 most painful consequences, the British empire. And though 
 it might be awkward to recede, yet in such a dilemma 
 the mischief on one side was more to be considered than 
 personal feelings on the other. It occurred that your 
 Grace's difficulties might be considerable, but that, how- 
 ever painful it must be to all the members of the Ministry, 
 particularly to Lord Ho wick, who stood more advanced in 
 the business, yet that it were more prudent and more con- 
 scientious to submit to a temporary mortification, than to 
 incur the solid and lasting evil that must ensue if your 
 Grace were at this time to quit the government of Ireland. 
 In this persuasion I answered Lord Howick, giving that 
 opinion which I beg to repeat now to your Grace, with an 
 account of the conversation. — I have the honour to be, your 
 Grace's very obedient humble servant, 
 
 He>hy Grattan. 
 
 On the 18th of April the Roman Catholics 
 assembled in Dublin to consider the steps that 
 should be taken in reference to their claims. 
 Lord Fingall acted as chairman. This individual, 
 the head of one of the oldest Catholic families, 
 was beloved and respected by all who knew him 
 or who marked his progress. He was firmly- 
 attached to his country, to her rights, and to his 
 religion, and was not to be shaken or seduced 
 from her service. In times of need he stood 
 fearlessly by her ; he was a safe adviser, — mild 
 but resolute, — and he proved an excellent medi- 
 ator between a justly offended people and a viru- 
 lent exasperating Government. He tempered the 
 feelings of both, without yielding to either, and 
 held with dignity the course which he thought 
 would prove most conducive to the interests of 
 his country. He had applied to Mr. Grattan, 
 
346 
 
 LETTER TO LORD FINGALL. [CHAP. X. 
 
 and received from him the letters which were read 
 to the meeting. 
 
 Me. Grattan to Lord Fingall. 
 
 London, March 21st, 1807. 
 
 My Lord, — I had the honour of receiving your Lord- 
 ship's letter of the 14th of this month, informing me that 
 the Catholics had determined to lay their case this session 
 before Parliament, and had selected me for that purpose. 
 
 Your Lordship's letter was accompanied by a copy of 
 the Catholic petition, and requested to have my advice 
 regarding the proper period for presenting the same, so 
 that it might be considered before the end of the session. 
 
 I beg to return my thanks to the Catholics for the 
 honour they have done me, and the confidence they have 
 placed in me; but I should be unworthy of both if I did 
 not add, that considering their subject in every point of 
 view, and with reference to their own particular interest, 
 I am of opinion that a motion in Parliament on the 
 Catholic petition would now be injurious to the Catholics. 
 
 The probable or actual change of Ministry does not 
 alter that opinion, but tends to confirm it; but as it will 
 be highly proper, if not absolutely necessary, that there 
 should be some communication with the friends of the 
 Catholics here, who supported them in Parliament, and 
 who have given testimonies of their sincerity, I will en- 
 deavour to obtain a meeting of such as soon as possible, in 
 order that, before their measures shall be brought forward, 
 the Catholics may know the sentiments of their friends; 
 which I will transmit with my best regards. — I have the 
 honour to be, with great esteem and regard, your Lord- 
 ship's most faithful humble servant, 
 
 Henry Grattan. 
 Same to Same. 
 
 London, March, 1807. 
 
 My Lord, — I beg your Lordship will return my sincere 
 thanks to the committee for the kindness they were so 
 good as to express in your Lordship's letter. 
 
 I endeavoured to collect as many persons as I could, of 
 those who wish well to the claims of the Catholics and are 
 
CHAP. X.] 
 
 CATHOLIC PETITION. 
 
 347 
 
 their decided friends. They met yesterday, and their 
 opinion they authorized me to communicate to your Lord- 
 ship, which is as follows : — " That they continue to be of 
 opinion that the prosecution of the Catholic petition at 
 this time would not be an advisable measure." 
 
 I gave your Lordship my own opinion in a former letter, 
 which was the same as the above; and I beo- to conclude 
 by expressing my unalterable regard for the Catholic body 
 and my high respect for your Lordship, and for those 
 qualities of prudence and moderation for which you are so 
 justly distinguished. — I have the honour to be, your Lord- 
 ship's very obedient humble servant, 
 
 Henry Grattan. 
 
 A long debate arose on the Catholic meeting 
 and the change of ministry ; and the measure that 
 led to it, formed, naturally, the subject of con- 
 sideration. Mr. Keo°h, the Nestor of the Catholic 
 cause, took the lead. He attached little value to 
 the military bill — to Ireland it would have been 
 of very little service — but the conduct of the min- 
 isters in refusing to sign a most unconstitutional 
 pledge, such as was required by the King, in 
 direct contradiction to the tenor of their oaths, 
 received from him a great and eloquent tribute of 
 admiration, to which the entire assembly re- 
 sponded with loud and continued applause. Mr. 
 Keogh concluded by moving that the petition 
 should be entrusted to the care of Lord Fin gal), 
 subject to its future disposal by the Catholic 
 body. Mr. O'Connell, on this occasion, made a 
 very judicious speech in support of this proposi- 
 tion, and deprecated any division among their 
 body. After much discussion, the question was 
 carried, and this special mark of confidence was 
 reposed in Lord Fingall, who considered it most 
 advisable to follow the opinions of their friends in 
 Parliament, and not to urge their claims during this 
 Session. A resolution, expressing the gratitude 
 of the Catholics to the Duke of Bedford, for his 
 
348 
 
 duke of Bedford's reply, [chap. x. 
 
 mild and dignified conduct, and the deep regret 
 they felt at his departure, was unanimously- 
 adopted, to which his Grace replied as follows. 
 
 Duke of Bedford's Answer to the Catholics. 
 
 21st April, 1807. 
 
 The Resolutions which your Lordship has been pleased 
 to convey to me, as the sense of that great and loyal body, 
 the Roman Catholics of Ireland, claims my warmest ac- 
 knowledgments. In the discharge of the arduous trust 
 committed to my hands by his Majesty, it has been my 
 constant and earnest endeavour to promote the interests 
 and prosperity of this part of the United Kingdom, and in 
 now relinquishing that trust, in obedience to his Majesty's 
 commands, I retire to the less anxious cares of private life, 
 cheered by a conscious feeling within me, that to the best 
 of my imperfect judgment and abilities, I have done my 
 duty to my sovereign and my country. In whatever station 
 I may hereafter be placed, be assured, my Lord, that I shall 
 never cease to entertain the most fervent wishes for the 
 happiness of every class and description of my fellow- 
 subjects in this part of the British empire. 
 
 Bedford. 
 
 At this period, Mr. Preston, who had been ap- 
 pointed one of the Commissioners of Appeals, 
 died,* and thus a vacancy was occasioned, which, 
 by good fortune, was got by Lady Granard for Mr. 
 Hardy; the salary was only 500/. a-year, and the 
 expenses attending it, which were of necessity in- 
 creased by Hardy's residence in the country, 
 amounted to near two, so his reward was but small. 
 
 * His death has been attributed to Mr. Henry Deane Grady. Pres- 
 ton had got wet in coming to court, and neglected to change his clothes. 
 Mr. Grady, in pleading before him, spoke for five hours, and was 
 obliged, as he said, to conclude because " his legs were tired. 11 It con- 
 cluded poor Preston's life, who got ill in consequence and never re- 
 covered. This Mr. Grady was the person who voted for the Union, and 
 who was rewarded by an office that produced, not like Hardy's a few 
 hundreds, but several thousand pounds a year. In this handsome man- 
 ner did the British undertakers in Ireland) aid the corruption of the 
 times, and carry their Union, 
 
CHAP. X.] MR. GRATTAN TO MR. BERWICK. 
 
 349 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. M'Can. 
 
 London, March 28th, 1807. 
 
 My dear M'Can, — Do not let Hardy want money to 
 pay his patent, if he has not gotten it already. James will 
 get it for him out of my rents. 
 
 You see all is over — I am sorry for it — but I think the 
 present ministry cannot continue. I am vexed about your 
 situation, but it cannot be helped — things may mend here- 
 after. The business about Wallace has also vexed me. I 
 am called to dinner, but will write on Monday. — Yours, 
 ever, 
 
 H. G. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. Berwick. 
 
 London, April 18th, 1807. 
 
 My dear Doctor, — The mortality of human affairs you 
 preach — and your friends experience. I am sorry on many 
 accounts, the country and my friends. 
 
 However, I am comforted that Hardy has gotten into 
 post, though not heavy laden. Poor Preston, whom he 
 succeeded, gave me affliction in his death, as he has given 
 me many pleasant days in his life. H^ was well read, and 
 had considerable political talents; he loved liberty, though 
 an Acadmie, and in the predicament of poverty, retained 
 the spirit of independence. He did, however, latterly be- 
 tray an ardour for office, and a spleen at disappointment, 
 which was unworthy of him. The Curate, whom you 
 mention, I am certain would discharge the business of 
 agency well, but the brother of the late agent, I believe we 
 must not appoint. Remember me to Mrs. Berwick. I 
 should be glad if I were to dine with you to-morrow at 
 Esker, to walk in your garden, and talk with Mathew, # if 
 he is there. I hope you will get something under the 
 present ministry, more than you did under the last, even 
 with the assistance of Warburton. The Archbishop seems 
 to have acted at the Sheriff's feast a decorous and a liberal 
 part.f 
 
 * The old gardener at Esker. 
 
 "j" These city feasts were long a disgrace to civilization, though pa- 
 tronized by British lord lieutenants and secretaries, who celebrated 
 its orgies. Party tunes were played, insulting toasts were given, 
 and bigotted sentiments had utterance and approbation from the re- 
 tainers of an alien Government, who not only were permitted to rob and 
 to revile the people, but who were rewarded for their sedition. It took 
 years to abolish these public nuisances, but not till their corporate 
 revenues were squandered and lost, and the glorious body became bank- 
 
350 
 
 MEMBERS OP THE 
 
 [CHAP. X. 
 
 What do you think of the Duke of Cumberland's letter* 
 to the University? What can you think of it? Do not 
 say if you look to advancement. Remember me to all 
 friends, and believe me, — Yours, 
 
 H. Grattan. 
 
 The Whigs having been thus unceremoniously 
 and unconstitutionally ejected by his Majesty, 
 the No-Popery party got the ascendant,f and Mr. 
 Perceval, who took the lead on the occasion, ar- 
 ranged the administration as follows. Though 
 some of the principal members were appointed on 
 the 25th of March, the arrangements were not 
 completed till the 14th of April. * 
 
 New Administration, 25th March, 1807, commonly called the NTo- 
 Popery Administration. 
 
 President of the Council, Earl Camden. 
 Lord High Chancellor, Lord Eldon. 
 
 rupt. Mr. Grattan's remark is ironical, for when the Archbishop of 
 Dublin (Agar's) health was drunk, his Grace said, " I return my cordial 
 thanks to Sheriff Manders and the company for the honour they have 
 done me. I take this opportunity of congratulating my fellow-citizens 
 on the recent triumph of the constitution in Church and State." This was 
 followed by a rapturous burst of applause from the whole company, 
 which continued at least fifteen minutes. — (Extract from the Journal of 
 the day.) 
 
 * He had attempted to rouse the anti-Catholic feeling, and to get up 
 petitions in favour of the No-Popery cry. Mr. Plunker, in the ensuing 
 session, commented most severely on his conduct ; in fact, where morals 
 or propriety were respected, no such character as the Duke of Cumber- 
 land should have been tolerated. 
 
 f Lord Hardwicke had a private audience of the King ; having been 
 five years in Ireland as Lord Lieutenant, he was well able to judge 
 what was likely to be the effects of such a change ; he ventured to re- 
 monstrate with the King, and submitted to him the expediency, after the 
 military bill had been abandoned, of continuing the Whig ministers, and 
 frankly told him that the proposed change wculd certainly alienate the 
 Irish from England, and that the cry of the church being in danger, would 
 create most injurious divisions among the people. His Majesty listened 
 with great politeness, but observed that the intentions of the persons 
 who had advised him were good — fatal advice ; in a few years afterwards 
 the discord and agitation occasioned by this subject, drove the King dis- 
 tracted, and deprived him of his reason for ever. An allusion of Mr. 
 Pitt in one of his speeches, makes it more than probable that he foresaw 
 this very clanger, but he guarded against it in a very different way from 
 that which Mr. Perceval had the imprudence to resort to. 
 
CHAP. X.] NO-POPERY ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 351 
 
 Lord Privy Seal, Earl of Westmoreland. 
 
 First Lord" of the Treasury, Duke of Portland. 
 
 First Lord of the Admiralty, Lord Mulgrave. 
 
 Master General of the Ordnance, Earl of Chatham. 
 
 Secretary of State for the Home Department, Lord Hawkesbury (since 
 
 Earl of Liverpool). 
 Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Mr. George Canning. 
 Secretary of State for the Department of War and the Colonies, Lord 
 
 Viscount Castlereagh. 
 Lord Chief Justice of the Court of King's Bench, Lord Ellenborough. 
 Chancellor and Under Treasurer of the Exchequer, Spencer Perceval. 
 President of the Board of Control for the Affairs of India, Right Hon. 
 
 Robert Saunders Dundas. 
 Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, Right Hon. Spencer Perceval. 
 President of the Board of Trade, Earl Bathurst. 
 Secretary at War, Sir James Pulteney. 
 Treasurer of the Navy, Mr. George Rose. 
 
 Joint Paymasters-General, Lord Charles Somerset, Right Hon. Charles 
 Long. 
 
 Joint Postmasters-General, Earl of Chichester, Earl of Sandwich. 
 Secretaries of the Treasury, W. Huskisson, Esq., Hon. Henry Wel- 
 lesley. 
 
 Master of the Rolls, Sir William Grant. 
 Attorney-General, Sir Vicary Gibbs. 
 Solicitor-General, Sir Thomas Plomer. 
 
 Ireland. 
 
 Lord Lieutenant, Duke of Richmond. 
 Lord High Chancellor, Lord Manners. 
 
 Chief Secretary, Sir Arthur Wellesley (afterwards Duke of Wellington). 
 Chancellor of the Exchequer, Right Hon. John Foster. 
 Attorney-General, Mr. William Saurin. 
 Solicitor-General, Mr. Charles Kendal Bushe. 
 
 This administration collected in itself all the 
 servility and bigotry of the age, and his Majesty 
 knew them so well, that he did not find it neces- 
 sary to administer to them the pledge which their 
 predecessors had refused, or tell them that upon 
 that test depended their tenure of office; in fact, 
 in every sense of the word, they were his servants,' 
 and there is not to be found, in the catalogue of 
 British Governments, a body of men so slavish 
 and so tyrannical. They were the relics of the 
 Irish and English parties who had so signally 
 failed both abroad and at home, and had brought 
 the Empire to the brink of ruin. They had talent 
 without principle —theology without charity — am- 
 bition without strength or honesty, and the lust of 
 power without grandeur or generosity. They were 
 
352 
 
 SKETCH OF THE MEMBERS OF [CHAP. X. 
 
 possessed of a rhetoric just sufficient to keep them 
 clear of common sense, and with minds too heavy 
 to be perfect orators, or too frivolous to be able 
 politicians — pliant to the king, oppressive to the 
 people — at the feet of the one, and treading' upon 
 the other. Among them appeared some of the 
 old Irish Court, who had nurtured religious dis- 
 cord and civic strife, till they grew with rapid 
 and fatal training — destructive to Ireland and de- 
 trimental to the connection — Lord Westmoreland, 
 who had fostered the Orangemen ; Lord Camden, 
 who had recruited the United Irishmen ; Lord 
 Castlereagh, who had hanged some, tortured 
 others, transported numbers, and sold all. There 
 was the Duke of Portland too, metamorphosed 
 from 1782 into the deceiver of Lord Fitzwilliam 
 in 1795, and the supporter of No-Popery in 1807; 
 and last, not least, Lord Eldon, the " Buttress of 
 the Church," because he seldom entered one, the 
 Capital of the State, because he weighed upon it, 
 the Judge of quarter of a century in arrear, except 
 when deciding against Ireland. Among them was 
 to be found a different character — a man of great 
 ambition and surprising talent — a strong, able, 
 and brilliant speaker; he adorned his eloquence 
 with a fine taste and beautiful imagery ; possessed 
 great powers of sarcasm, and could be at once 
 very humorous and very severe, and turn his ad- 
 versary into ridicule* with a success unequalled. 
 'But, unfortunately, George Canning wanted sim- 
 plicity of mind, elevation of principle, and recti- 
 tude of character,^ and there was a propensity to 
 compromise in what he said, that deprived his fine 
 qualities of half their merit; yet he injured him- 
 self, not by his ambition, but by the impatience 
 of his ambition — he was wrong to trifle with the 
 
 * His reply to Sir John Cox Hippesly could never be forgotten, 
 f Speech in 1812, and negotiations with Lords Moira and Welles- 
 ley, &c. 
 
CHAP. X.] THE NO-POPERY ADMINISTRATION. 353 
 
 sufferings of the people.* Other men could wait 
 and calculate, but Canning would not stop for that, 
 he acted so precipitously, and scattered his shot 
 around on all sides, so that his party were never cer- 
 tain that they would not be disbanded at a moment's 
 warning. Want of candour led him into an unseemly 
 conflict with his colleague, Lord Castlereagh,t of 
 which the latter quickly availed himself to raise a 
 character sunk below the ordinary level. Having 
 thus given an advantage to a rival, to whom he 
 stood as superior in talent as in feeling, he took 
 office under his administration, and sunk his fame, 
 as a statesman, in the quality of ambassador 
 to the Court of Lisbon, and thus revoked the 
 sentence he had passed upon him of declared in- 
 capacity. He made a motion, at one period, in 
 favour of the Catholics,;]: though he was not very 
 friendly to Ireland, for in his mind she was 
 rather an object of apprehension than affection. 
 On the whole, he would have been a greater 
 character, if he had not been trained up by Mr. 
 Pitt, if he had not associated with Mr. Perceval, 
 and if he had kept clear of Lord Castlereagh. 
 
 The leader of the No-Popery administration 
 was Mr. Spencer Perceval; he formed and, in him- 
 self, composed the administration. He was a 
 smart barrister and a gentleman; an active indivi- 
 dual, and skilful in his profession. He had been 
 Attorney-General in 1802, Chancellor of the Ex- 
 chequer in 1807, to which he united the office of 
 First Lord of the Treasury in 1809. He was a 
 sharp, clever, bitter, little personage ; fluent and 
 argumentative ; a fair stater of his adversary's ar- 
 gument, and very satirical. He was abroad in all 
 
 * 1818, "The ruptured Ogderi,'' "ignorant impatience of taxation;" 
 "a transition from war to peace;" were among the phrases of Mr. Can- 
 ning and Lord Castlereagh, that the people of England never forgot. 
 
 t 1800, on the unsuccessful expedition to Walcheren. 
 
 \ June 12th, 1812. 
 VOL. V. A A 
 
354 CHARACTER OF MR. PERCEVAL. [CHAP. X. 
 
 weathers, generally spoke pretty well, never very 
 ill ; made little points, and turned them cleverly. 
 He was a good man in private, but of a narrow 
 and contracted mind ; it was that of a nisi prius 
 lawyer, not a statesman. He viewed everything 
 with the eye of an attorney, and seemed to think 
 all matters should be a source of strife, and that 
 the world was a court for litigation, not a haven 
 for repose, or even a school of probation. He was 
 active on his little perch, and squirrel-like played 
 his tricks well and dexterously ; but when he 
 assumed the reins of power he lost himself, and 
 showed that he was not only not a statesman, but 
 that he was quite unfit to govern ; he forgot that 
 it was necessary to divest himself of his narrow 
 ideas and his pitiful projects, and that he could 
 not govern an empire as a clerk would a parish. 
 His principles were prerogative in the State, and 
 intolerance in the Church. He stooped before 
 royal authority, and yielded to the Prince Regent ; 
 encouraged him in his fancies and extravagance; 
 gratified him in laying out parks and building- 
 barracks ; flattered him in his vices ; indulged him 
 in his expenses, winked at his connection with 
 Hertford House ; and adhered to two rules : first, 
 to sacrifice the country to the Sovereign ; and, 
 secondly, to sacrifice it to the Church. He 
 was a bigot, and no bigot should be minister of a 
 mixed empire like Great Britain. He occasioned 
 a war with America, and, if he had lived, he would 
 have occasioned an insurrection in Ireland, for he 
 carefully observed one principle — that of intoler- 
 ance. He was a mischievous public man, con- 
 tracted and puritanical — good as to morals, but 
 as to the State ruinous ; almost the very worst 
 minister that any king could possibly select ; he 
 united the prejudices of the lawyer to those of the 
 churchman, and possessed the narrowness of both 
 
CHAP. X.] PARLIAMENT DESERTS THE WHIGS. 355 
 
 professions ; in fact, his religion was a nuisance to 
 his country. His opposition to Reform did not 
 occasion his death ; his assassination was horrible, 
 but accidental;* for he was good enough to have 
 many private friends, and not great enough to have 
 violent public enemies. f 
 
 A few days only were suffered to elapse before 
 the Parliament, chosen under the auspices of the 
 Whigs, was put upon its trial. There were three 
 different points before them : the Catholics, Ire- 
 land, and the Constitution, and in all three they 
 decided for the Crown, against the Whigs, and in 
 favour of No Popery. On the 9ti\ of April, Mr. 
 Brand moved, that it was contrary to the first 
 duties of the confidential servants of the Crown, 
 to restrain themselves by any pledge expressed or 
 implied, from offering to the King any advice 
 which the course of circumstances might render 
 necessary, for the welfare and security of any part 
 of his Majesty's extensive empire. On a division, 
 the numbers for the order of the day were 258, 
 against it 226 — thus the new ministers got a ma- 
 jority of 32. On this occasion, Mr. (afterwards 
 Lord) Plunket made a most able speech, severely 
 commenting on the conduct of the Duke of Cum- 
 berland, chancellor of Dublin University, in dis- 
 turbing the peace of that body by repeated appli- 
 cations to procure from them a petition against the 
 Catholics. In reply to Mr. Perceval, a very im- 
 pressive speech w r as made by Mr. Grattan, and 
 a mcst effective one by Sir Samuel Romilly. The 
 
 * He was shot in the lobby of the House of Commons on the 1 1th of 
 May, 1812, by John Bellingham, a lunatic. 
 
 f He refused to permit Peruvian bark to be imported into France or 
 her possessions, and brought in the bill for that purpose, but his coun- 
 trymen paid dearly for this uncharitable restriction, for when the ill- 
 fated expedition to Walcheren took place, thousands of the troops fell 
 victims to fever and ague, for which bark was the only effectual remedy. 
 The foreign physicians reproached the British with the cruelty of their 
 ministers. 
 
 A A 2 
 
356 MAJORITY FOR MR. PERCEVAL. [CHAP. X. 
 
 minister, however, denied that the King had any 
 adviser as to the pledge required. 
 
 The Commons were again tried but as ineffec- 
 tually, on the 1 3th April, when Mr. Lyttleton moved 
 " That the House, considering a firm and vigilant 
 administration indispensable in the present posture 
 of public affairs, has seen, with the greatest re- 
 gret, the late change in his Majesty's councils."* 
 
 After a long and animated debate, at seven 
 o'clock in the morning, the numbers proved to be, 
 for the previous question 244, against it 198, ma- 
 jority for Mr. Perceval's administration 46. In 
 the debate, the allusions made to Ireland were 
 frequent. Mr. Tighe observed, that the people of 
 Ireland had been accustomed to view with cold de- 
 termined apathy all changes in the administration 
 here, as none of those changes were attended with 
 benefit to them. Since the Union, Ireland had 
 felt no community of rights— -no community of 
 commerce — the only community it felt was that of 
 having one hundred assessors in the British Par- 
 liament, who were to give ineffectual votes for the 
 interest of their country as he might do that night. 
 
 Sir John Newport, in alluding to the conduct of 
 the Whigs, said, they had appointed a commission 
 to inquire into the application of the funds vested in 
 Ireland for the purposes of public education. 
 These funds, Lord Castlereagh, then at the head 
 of the Irish Government, but now a member of 
 
 * In the Lords, a motion nearly similar was made by the Marquis fof 
 Stafford, on which Lord Boringdon moved an adjournment which was 
 carried by 171 to 90, giving the minister a majority of 81. The late 
 ministers having been reproached with abandoning the military bill, 
 Lord Grenville alluded to Lord Castlereagh, who had imported that 
 question from Ireland, to carry which he stood pledged to that country, 
 and therefore he referred his opponents to him, as more conversant in 
 solving difficulties that arise from tergiversation. The conduct of Mr. 
 Perceval was greatly reprobated, particularly his address to his con- 
 stituents of Northampton, where he stated, that he was making a stand 
 for his Sovereign, and a stand for the Protestant religion, and calling 
 upon the people to second him with their exertions. 
 
CHAP. X.] PARLIAMENT DISSOLVED. 
 
 357 
 
 the Cabinet, had suffered to remain shamefully 
 appropriated to individual interest and corrupt pur- 
 poses, though the report of a committee had im- 
 periously called on him to reform them. To his 
 knowledge they had been misapplied for a length 
 of time, and for mere private benefit. 
 
 On the 27th of April the Parliament was pro- 
 rogued, and immediately dissolved. In the speech 
 of the Commissioners, the King was made to state, 
 that he resorted to this measure while the events 
 that had recently taken place were fresh in the recol- 
 lection of the people ; and that the Roman Catholics 
 must feel assured of his attachment to the principles 
 of a just and enlightened toleration. How this could 
 be reconciled to the cry of " No-Popery," which 
 his Ministers set up, is not easy to be understood; 
 it seemed to be a species of mockery, and rather 
 to add insult to injury ; but it was quite in unison 
 with the conduct of the Tory party throughout 
 their long dominion, in the course of which they 
 fully exemplified the truth of the maxim " odisse 
 quern Icesisse" The object which the Ministers 
 had in view proved successful. By means of their 
 inflammatory appeal, they increased their majority 
 In the House of Commons far beyond their calcu- 
 lation. The " No-Popery " cry resounded through- 
 out England; and though, as Mr. Grattan ob- 
 served, the Irish did not write on their walls " No- 
 England" in reply to " No-Popery," yet Ireland 
 felt deeply the insult, though she bore with mag- 
 nanimity the infliction. The most unconstitutional 
 proceedings took place at the elections, and acts 
 of a most violent and illegal nature ; the King's 
 name was prostituted on all sides, and to vote 
 against the "No-Popery" candidate was tanta- 
 mount to voting against the King. By such 
 flagitious acts as these they swelled their numbers 
 so much, that when Parliament met, on the 22nd 
 of June, an amendment proposed by Lord Howick 
 
358 GREAT MAJORITY FOR THE TORIES. [CHAP. X. 
 
 to condemn the dissolution of the Parliament, was 
 defeated by a majority of 195, — 350 voting for 
 the address, and 155 against it. The career of 
 the party shortly after commenced. They re- 
 stored Mr. GifFard (a violent Orange corporator* 
 of Dublin) to his office, with full salary from the 
 period of his dismissal by Lord Hardwicke ; they 
 diminished the vote to the Catholic College of 
 Maynooth from 13,000/. a year, which had been 
 granted by the Whigs, to 9,000/. ; and they ap- 
 pointed Dr. Duigenan to the office of Privy Coun- 
 cillor. They sent the Duke of Richmond to Ire- 
 land as Lord-Lieutenant, who quickly fell into the 
 track, and mixed in the revels of the Corporation 
 politics. They sent Lord Manners as Chancel- 
 lor, who was equally prejudiced as a statesman, 
 and deficient as a judge, and was, at the same 
 time, weak and violent. Together, they formed a 
 heedless and a blind administration ; they did 
 things they should not have done, and tolerated 
 things they should not have permitted, and 
 brought the country to the verge of insurrection. 
 
 The measures that caused some division among 
 the opposition were the Insurrection and the Arms 
 Acts. They had been prepared by the late, and 
 were found in the office by the new Ministers, 
 and, on the 9th of July, Sir Arthur Wellesley 
 (Duke of Wellington), the Secretary for Ireland, 
 moved for leave to bring them in. The former of 
 these measures had been passed by the Irish 
 Parliament in 1796, for one year, afterwards for 
 two, and at the Union for seven. It came now 
 to be renewed ; and a clause directing that per- 
 sons arrested under it should be tried at quarter 
 
 * Murders and outrages of the most violent description took place in 
 several parts of Ireland where religious feuds had been excited, and the 
 impunity which followed them reflected the greatest disgrace on the 
 administrators of the law and the government of the country ; in many 
 cases they led to frightful, though distant, retaliation — one of the melan- 
 choly results of civil and religious discord. 
 
CHAP. X.] INSURRECTION AND ARMS BILL. 359 
 
 sessions, before the assistant barrister and the 
 bench of magistrates, with the assistance of a 
 sergeant-at-law specially sent for the occasion, 
 had been introduced by the Whig Ministers, they 
 had also given the sergeant a negative voice, 
 which the Tories took away ; and with this 
 alteration the measure was proposed. 
 
 Mr. Grattan probably thought that the mere 
 circumstance of a strong act being enforced by a 
 Tory instead of a Whig Government, was not of 
 itself a sufficient reason to make him refuse his 
 assent to a measure of his own party. He had 
 been informed by Mr. Ponsonby (as already 
 stated) that French sentiments were prevalent in 
 some men's minds in Ireland, and by Mr. Elliot 
 (the late Secretary) that nightly and dangerous 
 meetings also were held in various parts of the 
 country ; accordingly he supported the principle 
 of the bill, but objected to some of its details, and 
 in particular to the term of its duration. He 
 might also have conceived that the Catholic 
 question (of which, in all his political movements, 
 he never lost sight) would derive benefit by his 
 showing that he could not be induced, through 
 party motives or popular outcry, to abandon a 
 measure that he considered necessary for the 
 country, however much that measure may have 
 trenched upon the constitution. He certainly 
 raised his character among the English for stoical 
 firmness and independence of mind and principle. 
 
 All this, however, was not sufficient to prevent 
 the outcry which was raised against him in Ire- 
 land, and with which he was assailed in a variety of 
 publications ; but his opinion remained unshaken, 
 as appears from the remarks in the letters that 
 follow. 
 
 The subject was again brought before Parlia- 
 ment at the close of the session, when Mr. Sheri- 
 
360 mr 4 sheridan's motion on [chap, x. 
 
 dan, in a very able and eloquent speech, made a 
 motion on the state of Ireland, pledging the House 
 to take it into consideration in the ensuing year, 
 with a view to render unnecessary the continuance 
 of the two bills they had passed. Mr. Grattan 
 here defended the course he had taken in reference 
 to them, — that he did not speak against Ireland, 
 but that he advocated the cause of Ireland against 
 France. He submitted the case of Ireland in 
 three points of view, — education, agriculture, and 
 religion. 
 
 On the first he observed, that a commission 
 had been issued. It appeared that, by royal 
 donation, 8,000 acres of land had been granted for 
 grammar-schools ; they produced 5,000/. a year, 
 and, if fairly let, should bring a great deal 
 more. The number of scholars were but 300, of 
 which 58 only were free scholars. One school, 
 whose fund was but 100/. per annum, educated 
 40 ; while others, whose funds were 5,000/., edu- 
 cated only 18 ! 
 
 This statement proved that the plan had failed. 
 Two or more large schools should therefore be 
 established, and there should be a principal school 
 in every parish. By the 12th of Elizabeth, every 
 diocese should maintain a school ; so there should 
 be 34 free grammar-schools, besides those of royal 
 foundation, and there were considerable funds also 
 from individuals to support the grammar-schools. 
 
 By the 28th of Henry VIII., the clergy were 
 obliged to provide each parish with an English 
 school. In 1788, it appeared that in less than 
 400 of these schools, ] 1,000 children were edu- 
 cated ; he contended that they should educate the 
 poor as well as the rich, and that, if the present 
 laws were properly enforced, education would be 
 provided for the people of Ireland. 
 
 The second point was agriculture, — this would 
 
CHAP. X.] THE STATE OF IRELAND. 
 
 361 
 
 be improved by the removal of tithes ; the late 
 disturbances in Ireland arose from them — the 
 Right Boy, the White Boy, the Hearts of Steel- 
 insurrection arose from tithes. The three plans 
 suggested, were substitution by land, by modus, 
 and by salary ; the first was slow and difficult, the 
 second was less embarrassing and was a recog- 
 nised idea, the third appeared to be the best ; a 
 commission should be appointed to ascertain the 
 receipts of each living, and the clergy should be 
 secured against the depreciation of money by a 
 periodical valuation of the produce of land, and 
 the sum ascertained should be paid like county 
 appointments. 
 
 The third point was religion, and here he said 
 the success of the Catholic claims would be se- 
 cured by themselves ; the course of the Catholics, 
 or a great proportion of her inhabitants, was such 
 as might decide the fate of the empire, and the 
 part they took on this occasion might decide their 
 own ; and she would find credit and security in 
 the suppression of every kind of insurrection, in 
 the determination to resist a foreign yoke, and in 
 the oblivion, most absolute and unfeigned, of all 
 animosities on account of religion. If she looks 
 for examples she may find them in other nations, 
 she may rind them in her own. As she felt in 
 1779, when she recovered her trade — as she felt 
 in 1782, when she recovered her constitution — she 
 may find at once credit and security. But the 
 door of the temple was shut, and the Catholic was 
 excluded — Government had no right to enter into 
 the sanctuary of the human mind and decide be- 
 tween man and his Redeemer ; and England 
 should not allow any narrow policy to prevent her 
 making the Irish Protestants a people, by making 
 the Irish Catholics freemen. 
 
 The minister did not take Mr. Grattan's advice 
 on any one of these points ; and as to Mr. Sheri- 
 
362 MR. grattan's letters on the [chap. X. 
 
 dan's motion for an inquiry into the state of Ire- 
 land, Government rejected it by 76 to 33. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. M'Can. 
 
 July 26th, 1807. 
 
 My dear M'Can, — I never received the petition of the 
 merchants, nor any letter on the subject. I have left 
 London and gotten to a place within three miles of it, 
 where Mrs. Grattan will have better air. 
 
 Our business in Parliament is nearly at an end. Par- 
 liament itself will be up in a few weeks : regarding the In- 
 surrection Bill, I can only say that the bill ought to pass, 
 and therefore I voted and spoke for it ; I am very sorry 
 the people of Dublin should be of a different opinion, as I 
 always wish to have their concurrence. I shall send you 
 the last speech I made on the subject, but I fear it will 
 give but little satisfaction, being stronger than the first. — 
 Yours, ever, 
 
 H. Grattan. 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. Berwick. 
 
 Hammersmith, 10th August, 1807. 
 
 My dear Doctor, — I am happy in your approbation, I 
 had rather have it than the shout of popular applause. It 
 would be impossible to please the people of Ireland, if, on a 
 question like the last, they should turn upon me. I know 
 not whether they will change their sentiments, but 1 know 
 I shall not change mine. Some of the Opposition took up 
 the question as a good party measure, on which to squib 
 the Ministry — their arguments made no impression. I 
 happened not to be in the House the last night of debating 
 the Arms Bill, as no debate was expected, nor notice given 
 that the debate which had taken place on the last night 
 would be resumed on another. I should have voted as 
 before. 
 
 I am sorry the priest has been killed ; # this is the second 
 priest in your neighbourhood that has met with that fate. 
 Was Vesey at the funeral — you were right in going to it. 
 If every clergyman acted on the same principle, religion 
 would have more credit and more peace. I shall see you 
 soon, as I mean to go to Ireland in less than a month, and 
 
 1 
 
 * Rev. Mr.M'Carten, who was waylaid and killed on the highway I 
 near Lucan by robbers. 
 
CHAP. X.] INSURRECTION AND ARMS BILL. 
 
 363 
 
 shall spend some days with you. Where is Hardy ? how 
 is Hardy? I fancy Lord Charlemont's Life is forgotten, 
 and yet he will not be able to pay his debts out of his in- 
 come. I think he has lost an opportunity of profit and 
 credit; remember me to him. Mrs. Grattan is really bet- 
 ter, but she has not the use of her limbs, and is liable to 
 short relapses every change of weather. She will not be 
 able to come with me to Ireland — so that her illness has 
 overset us very much ; we have gotten, for two months, a 
 small house and garden near Hammersmith ; it is very con- 
 venient, but too near the road ; however, we enjoy in it 
 retirement, and in some degree, the country. 
 
 Parliament will be prorogued immediately. Yon see 
 what a situation we are in, and what our grand coalitions 
 have ended in. Remember us to Mrs. Berwick and the 
 children, and believe me, yours ever, 
 
 H. Grattan. 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. M'Can. 
 
 Hammersmith, August 18th, 1807. 
 
 My dear M'Can, — The expense of the last election you 
 mention, has been paid, and is 3,000/.; it cannot be 
 helped* — but I icill pay it in y self I could not understand 
 by the letter by whom it has been paid — if by subscription, 
 I'll pay it to the subscribers ; let me know. 
 
 I shall have sent an extract of my last speech to you in 
 a few days; the speech will not please those who make 
 the present outcry, nor do I intend it should. 
 
 I am glad to find, from the letters 1 receive, that my 
 conduct on the two bills has been much approved of. 
 
 I shall write to Mrs. L f soon. Tell her not to 
 
 regard the outcry — you can best explain to her how little 
 it deserves attention. — Yours ever, 
 
 H. Grattan. 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. M'Can. 
 
 Hammersmith, 26th August, 1807. 
 
 My dear M'Can, — I have sent a draft of the substance 
 
 • These various elections, and the expenses consequent thereon, cost 
 his family upwards of 50,000/. The Reform Bill has in this respect been 
 of great service to the public and to individuals, preserving the morals 
 of the one and the independence of the other. 
 
 t^His sister. 
 
364 
 
 THE PAVING BILL. [CHAP. X. 
 
 of the speech — send it to Webb, but not as coming from me. 
 It was taken by another hand j and it may be published as 
 a pamphlet, if necessary. I wish that part of it which is 
 written in another hand should be copied out, the copy 
 sent to him, and the original destroyed. I will not have 
 the bills published with it ; it were to enter into a defence 
 of my conduct against a senseless outcry. 
 
 One reason why I send the draft is to show that I do 
 not respect that outcry. — Yours ever, 
 
 H. G. 
 
 The writer of the letter which the subjoined 
 is a reply was one of Mr. Grattan's agents in the 
 city election ; he well knew all the various meet- 
 ings and factions in the county, and the feelings 
 and dispositions of the people — no man was better 
 aware of the existence of a discontented party in 
 Ireland than he was, but that discontent was the 
 natural and necessary consequence of the long 
 misgovernment of the country ; the error was the 
 leaning towards France, the remedy was the union 
 of all Irishmen — if they had become national, 
 their country would have been free, prosperous, 
 and happy. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. Wm. Sterne Hart. 
 
 London, August 28th, 1807. 
 My dear Hart, — I thank you for your letter, it was 
 the letter of a friend, which character I have always found 
 in you. 
 
 I got the newspaper with the resolutions of the parishes 
 against the Paving Bill. As to what you mention regard- 
 ing the Insurrection Act, I am sure it made me enemies ; 
 but at the same time my conviction was, that the bill was 
 by no means what its enemies represented it to be, and 
 that these very enemies had made it necessary. I am sure 
 there were worthy men who disapproved of the bill. But 
 those who abused me most for that measure, and continue 
 to do so, would, if the French came, join them ; there is a 
 great difference between opposing the measures of Govern- 
 ment, as you say very truly, and supporting the French ; 
 
CHAP. X.J LETTER TO MR. H. GRATTAN, JUN. 365 
 
 you and I only mean to do the former, but there are many 
 who abuse us because we would not do the latter. 
 
 I perceive by the newspaper and by the letter which 
 you sent me, and by different letters and resolutions which 
 I have received, that Dublin is very angry about the new 
 Paving Bill, and I am not surprised at it. I thank you 
 for your advice about it, it was the advice of a friend, and 
 as such I esteem it. — I am, my dear Hart, yours most 
 truly, Henry Grattan. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. Henry Grattan, Jun. 
 
 August 29th, 1807. 
 
 My dear Henry, — The English Parliamentary Debates 
 are in the study near the escrutoire — they, with many 
 years' interruption, come down to the year 1804 — the 
 speeches of the great speakers only are worth reading, and 
 those not always. Johnston is supposed to have written 
 the speeches in the time of Sir Robert Walpole. Those 
 since are very indifferently taken, but worth reading on the 
 leading questions — viz., French war, slave trade, negotia- 
 tion for peace, treaty of Amiens, and some few other sub- 
 jects. I will bring the debates from 1804 to this year, to 
 Ireland — I have bought them. 
 
 You never read Montesquieu — you will find two sets in 
 the library — the worst is the best for reading, as it is dirty 
 already. Abbe Raynal is in the study or in Mrs. Grat- 
 tan's room, in French ; it is worth reading, if you have 
 time to spare from college studies. How is Mr. Gannon ? # 
 remember me to him most particularly. No news in Eng- 
 land — every one in expectation of news from Copenhagen,f 
 probably this day an account will arrive. M'Can is a 
 little distracted, and he seems to think of nothing but two 
 billsj which he has not seen, and the noise of some people 
 in Dublin. 
 
 I was happy to hear of your success, § you are right to 
 
 * The private tutor ; fellow of college afterwards. 
 
 f The English bombarded Copenhagen without notice, and took away 
 the Danish fleet ; they were often called upon to pay for the injuries they 
 committed, and the question of Danish claims was brought before Par- 
 liament so late even as the year 1844. 
 
 \ The Insurrection and Arms Bills. 
 | § In the Historical Society of Dublin College, an excellent institu- 
 tion, where silver medals were awarded for prizes in History, Com- 
 position, and Oratory. 
 
366 LETTER TO MR. H. GRATTAN, JUN. [CHAP. X. 
 
 apply yourself to composition, such an application will 
 make you read with observation. 
 
 Do not forget to rise early, and have fixed hours for 
 study, and do not forget the Latin and Greek which you 
 have gotten by heart— it is a great advantage to have the 
 beautiful passages of Homer, Horace, and Virgil by heart. 
 Read out loud, without straining your voice, passages in 
 the three languages, Greek, Latin, and English. 
 
 I wish you would keep up your knowledge of the French 
 language, it is of the last consequence to speak it with 
 fluency and apprehend it with ease — no man is a gentle- 
 man without it. I do not call myself a gentleman for that 
 reason. I thought Catalani # would astonish and charm — 
 she amazed and delighted me. — Yours ever, 
 
 H. G. 
 
 Henry Grattan, Jun., Esq., Tinnehinch, Bray, Ireland. 
 
 * The celebrated vocal performer, whose charms of voice and beauty 
 of person were fully equalled by the goodness of her heart and the ex- 
 cellence of her understanding ; she still lives at Florence, where the 
 author saw her last year, respected and beloved by all who know her. 
 She came to Ireland in 1807; and the impression she made, and the 
 applause she drew forth, was surprising. She was visited by the first 
 people of the country, who eagerly invited her to their houses, and at 
 Tinnehinch she was received with the greatest regard and affection. 
 Mr. Grattan, who was passionately fond of Italian music, was delighted 
 with her talent and her manner of execution, which were superior to 
 any thing ever heard. She said that the Irish people were not only fond 
 of music, but understood it — they were the best audiences and judges 
 she ever sung to — their applause better timed and more judicious than 
 that of other nations. She affords a fine example to unite purity of 
 mind with beauty of person, and superiority of talent ; but unfortunately 
 it has been lost on her successors. 
 
CHAP. XI.] PROCEEDINGS OF THE CATHOLICS. 367 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 The Roman Catholic Proceedings in 1808. — Letters of Mr. Grattan 
 thereon. — The Grant to the Catholic College of Maynooth reduced by 
 the No-Popery administration. — Remarks thereon by Mr. Foster, Mr. 
 Grattan, and Sir A. Wellesley (Secretary, afterwards Duke of Wel- 
 lington). — The History of the Veto. — Efforts of Government to gain 
 influence over the Catholic Church in 1782, 1795, 1799, 1806, and 
 1808. — The Object of Government. — Edmund Burke's opinions on 
 this question. — Catholic Question brought forward by Mr. Grattan. — 
 Dr. Milner's Commutation with Mr. Ponsonby. — Veto as stated by 
 him. — Milner retracts. — People of Ireland oppose Veto. — Mr. 
 Grattan's opinion thereon. — His Letter to Mr. M'Can. — Bank 
 Question in 1809. — Sale of Writership and Seat in Parliament by 
 Lord Castlereagh. — Mr. Grattan's conduct thereon. — History of that 
 shameful transaction. — Public immorality and corruption. — Conduct 
 of the Duke of York. — Investigation by the House of Commons. — 
 Mrs. Clarke. — Mr. Grattan votes against the Duke, who is removed 
 from the command of the Army. — Expedition to Walcheren. — Great 
 loss experienced by the Army. — Subject of the Irish Union. — Mr. 
 Grattan's Letters thereon. — Trade and Exports of Ireland. — Mr. 
 Grattan's Letters to Messrs. M'Can and Berwick. 
 
 The Roman Catholics assembled on the 19th of 
 January in Dublin. Lord Fiugall took the chair, 
 and Count Dalton proposed that they should 
 petition Parliament. Some individuals moved an 
 adjournment, but the unanimity of the meeting- 
 was preserved by the exertions of Mr. O'Connell. 
 The resolution was adopted, and the care of the 
 petition entrusted to Lord Fingall ; he offered it 
 to the Duke of Portland, who declined to present 
 it, and it was then entrusted to Lord Grenville. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. M'Can. 
 
 Brighton, January 25th, 1808. 
 
 My dear M'Can, — Don't forget to send me the Evening 
 Post. Also tell me more particulars about the Catholic 
 
368 MR. GRATTAN ON CATHOLIC CLAIMS. [CHAP. XI. 
 
 meeting, and whether they think they have any chance, 
 and whether they are encouraged in their hopes by any 
 party in England. Send me, by some means or other, the 
 book on Tithes. — Yours ever, 
 
 H. Grattan. 
 Mr. Grattan to Matthew O'Connor, Esq.* 
 
 London, February 1st, 1808. 
 My dear Sir, — In my two last letters I gave you my 
 opinion regarding the Catholic petition. It now remains 
 to assure you that this opinion is formed on mature con- 
 sideration, and in conformity to that of others. I have no 
 view in giving that opinion to throw anything off myself; 
 on the contrary, if, when his Lordship comes over here 
 and consults on the subject, if then my opinion shall be 
 thought wrong, and it shall then be conceived advisable 
 that I should present and move on the petition, I shall not 
 decline the offer. I have always considered the Catholic 
 question abstracted from any party or administration. 
 Lord Hutchinson and I, and our old friend Mr. Forbes, 
 were from the first agreed on the subject. When I con- 
 ceived that it was unadvisable to petition in the late 
 administration and in the present, it was because no 
 change of administration could influence me in the ques- 
 tion. However, the petition is voted, and it now remains 
 to give it every support. Tell M'Can he never writes to 
 me. What is he doing? Mention me to Mr. Forbes, 
 with this observation, that a young lawyer who rises early 
 is like the early bird who picks the corn. Remember me 
 to Mrs. O'Connor, and believe me yours very truly, 
 
 H. Grattan. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. M'Can. 
 
 London, February 11th, 1808. 
 
 My dear M'Can, — I got your letter of the 6th, and 
 am to return you my thanks for your kindness. 
 
 I shall be very glad to hear from Lord Fingall, and 
 shall, when he comes to England, wait on him immediately 
 when I know where he is, to pay my respects to him. 
 You will give his Lordship my compliments. I am glad 
 my last letter, which was only a continuation of my first, 
 
 * This individual, in 1844, wrote the History of the Irish Brigade. 
 It has been published since his death, and is an interesting memoir, and 
 shows the ability and bravery of the Irish. 
 
CHAP. XI.] COLLEGE OF MAYNOOTH. 
 
 369 
 
 was agreeable to his Lordship. You may depend on it I 
 shall never avoid any part serviceable to the Catholics. 
 
 How is Henry? There have been good debates, but not 
 very many. Our friend Ponsonby acquitted himself ex- 
 cellently.* In the House of Lords, Lord Grey and Lord 
 Moira spoke remarkably well. Lord Wellesley,f on the 
 other side, was justly praised. We shall have a debate 
 to-night in the Lords.! — Yours ever, 
 
 H. G RATTAN. 
 
 In the former session Mr. Foster stated it was 
 the intention of Government only to grant the 
 additional sum of 5,000/. for one year to the Col- 
 lege of Maynooth; it had been originally intended 
 for the education of 200 priests, for which purpose 
 8,000/. was voted by the Irish Parliament, and 
 the additional sum had been granted by the late 
 administration, for 200 students more and for new 
 buildings that were in contemplation. To finish 
 them the entire amount had been granted last 
 year, and he now wished to add to the original sum, 
 and make it 9,250/. Irish, to educate the 50 new 
 students. Sir John Newport proposed 13,000/. 
 Sir Arthur Wellesley (Duke of Wellington) ob- 
 jected to this : he stated that 2,000 priests was 
 the number required in Ireland; that 111 were 
 educated in different parts of Ireland, which, with 
 250 educated at Maynooth, made 3G1 ; a number 
 sufficient for the supply. Sir John Newport ob- 
 served, that prior to the French Revolution 478 
 students were educated on the continent, of which 
 420 received gratuitous education. A greater 
 number would be required now, as the Catholic 
 clergy amounted to near 3,000. Mr. Grattan 
 
 * Mr. Ponsonby's motion for papers respecting the Expedition to 
 Copenhagen, on which occasion lie delivered an admirable speech. 
 
 f He supported ministers on the question as to the right to seize the 
 Danish fleet ; he was an early friend of Mr. Grattan, and so continued 
 to the last. 
 
 t On the dispute with America, and the mediation of Russia and 
 Austria. 
 
 VOL. V. B B 
 
370 DIVISION ON MAYNOOTH GRANT. [CHAP. XI. 
 
 said that if provision was not made for the clergy 
 at home, they would seek it abroad, and would 
 bring back foreign connexions and foreign obliga- 
 tions ; and while the spirit of Buonaparte pervaded 
 the whole of the continent, that was not a time 
 for keeping up the connexion. They would 
 acquire political antipathies and Deistical princi- 
 ples ; they would return religious Deists and 
 political Catholics, to the great danger of over- 
 throwing the Government. If the priests had any 
 influence over the Catholics, they should be edu- 
 cated with sentiments of domestic attachment, 
 not with those of our political enemies. He 
 doubted whether the priests had as much absolute 
 influence over the people as was supposed. If 
 they wished the Catholics of Ireland to be well 
 conducted, they should make their priests objects 
 not of contempt, but of veneration. The Pro- 
 testant religion would not be extended by de- 
 moralizing the Catholic clergy. On a division, 
 the numbers for the larger grant were 33 ; for the 
 lesser sum, 93. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. M'Can. 
 
 London, May 6th, 1808. 
 
 My dear M'Can, — I am tired of London, where I shall 
 be kept for a month. The debates of the House of Com- 
 mons fatigue me. I take, however, little part in them, and 
 when I do speak, the speeches don't appear; so that it 
 makes little difference. 
 
 The Catholic question will come on in the course of this 
 month : it will be well supported. Last night we had a 
 second debate on the Maynooth business, in which Dr. 
 Duigenan took an indiscreet part, and hurt the Catholics 
 not at all. — Yours, 
 
 H. Grattan. 
 
 It had been for a long time an object of the 
 British Government to obtain an influence over 
 the Roman Catholic Church. Having failed to 
 
CHAP. XI.] MR. BURKE'S OPINIONS. 
 
 371 
 
 put down that Church by persecution and penalty, 
 they now strove, though in a lesser degree, to 
 effect the object by art and intrigue. In 1782, 
 they sought to interfere in the nomination of the 
 Catholic bishops. From a letter of Mr. Burke, 
 dated in February of that year, it appears that 
 this plan was then in contemplation. In address- 
 ing a noble lord* on the subject of the penal laws 
 against the Catholics, he says — " I heard of a 
 scheme of giving to the Castle the patronage of 
 the presiding members of the Catholic clergy. 
 At first I could scarcely credit it. • • * 
 Never were the members of one religious sect fit to 
 appoint the pastors of another. Those who have no 
 regard for their welfare, reputation, or internal 
 quiet, will not appoint such as are proper. * * 
 It is a great deal to suppose that even the present 
 Castle f could nominate bishops for the Roman 
 Church of Ireland with a religious regard for its 
 welfare. Perhaps they cannot — perhaps they 
 dare not do it. * * I do not say this as 
 thinking the leading men in Ireland would exer- 
 cise this trust worse than others ; not at all. No 
 men — no set of men — living are fit to administer 
 the affairs, or to regulate the interior economy, of 
 a Church to which they are enemies." 
 
 Such were the opinions of Mr. Burke. The 
 plan to which he alludes was not proceeded with 
 at that period ; the times were not such as to 
 allow even the public appearance of such a pro- 
 position. The vigilant champions of Ireland were 
 then wide awake, and those who strove to rescue 
 their country from the baleful interference of the 
 British minister would not have suffered him to 
 assume any such power. The people, too, who 
 
 * Burke's Works, edition of 1815, vol. vi. p. 290. 
 f Lord Carlile was then Lord Lieutenant, and Mr. Eden (afterwards 
 Lord Auckland) was Secretary —a weak and powerless government. 
 B B 2 
 
372 mr. grattan's and mr. burke's [chap. XI. 
 
 were not ill prepared to deal with a corrupt 
 minister — having at that time arms in their hands 
 — would not have entered into any bargain such 
 as was contemplated ; for, though the Volunteers 
 might not have understood the religious part of 
 the question, it was not likely they would have 
 assisted the minister, or that Mr. Grattan, who 
 had introduced the resolutions at the Dungannon 
 meeting in favour of religious toleration, would 
 have agreed to add strength to the power he 
 sought to shake, and give to the Crown more in- 
 fluence in the State, by assenting to a direct inter- 
 ference and influence over the Catholic prelacy 
 and priesthood. 
 
 At such a. moment, and with such men, the 
 British minister was not likely to succeed even 
 with the Catholic ; and as to the Protestants, in a 
 few months afterwards, when the Duke of Port- 
 land and Mr. Fox's party — that was friendly to 
 Ireland — were in power, and prayed for time to 
 enter into a negotiation with Lord Charlemont and 
 Mr. Grattan on the subject of Ireland, these men, 
 who led the popular movement, declined all parley 
 with them, and rejected the offers proposed. 
 There was no barter then as about the veto on 
 the question of the Union, in 1799 ; there was no 
 trafficking then as about the forty-shilling free- 
 holders on the question of emancipation, in 1829. 
 The leaders of the people then would not listen to 
 any stipulations, or suffer any abatement of the 
 rights of Ireland ; they simply presented the 
 claims of their country upon the bayonets of the 
 Volunteers. 
 
 In some years afterwards, another opportunity 
 presented itself for interfering with the Catholic 
 Church, when another arrangement was about to 
 be made with the Irish people. The project 
 seems again to have been under consideration, 
 
CHAP. XI.] OPINIONS ON THE CATHOLIC CLERGY. 373 
 
 and it appeared to be upon the same principle as 
 in 1782, — the mercantile spirit of barter and of 
 sale. The Roman Catholics were in expectation 
 of getting something, and it was expected that 
 they would give up something. This was in the 
 years 1794 — 95, in the matter of the colleges 
 that were to be established for the education of 
 the Catholic clergy. The letter of Dr. Hussey 
 (Roman Catholic bishop) to Mr. Burke, in 
 January 1795, and the reply of the latter, allude 
 to the measure then in contemplation. Mr. 
 Burke's words are remarkable: — " I wish very 
 much to see before my death an image of a 
 primitive Christian Church. With little improve- 
 ments, I think the Roman Catholic Church of 
 Ireland very capable of exhibiting that state of 
 things. * * Re-baptism you won't allow ; 
 but truly it would not be amiss for the Christian 
 Church to be re-christened. This is a great 
 crisis for good or evil. Above all, do not listen to 
 any other mode of appointing your bishops than the 
 present, ichatever it is — no other elections than those 
 you have — no Castle choices ! " 
 
 Those were Mr. Burke's sentiments, in which 
 Mr. Grattan coincided. At that period he was 
 in communication with Mr. Burke, and in habits 
 of intimacy with Dr. Hussey, who showed him 
 Mr. Burke's correspondence ; and at the same 
 time Mr. Burke was conferring with the Duke of 
 Portland on the affairs of Ireland, on the subject 
 of the Catholic colleges, and on the recall of Lord 
 Fitzwilliam, and was well aware what were the 
 intentions of the Ministers. On the 17th of 
 March, in the same year, he wrote to Dr. Hussey, 
 and gave the Catholics what he calls " his humble 
 and respectful advice — that they should not inno- 
 vate, or permit others to innovate, upon any part of 
 their ecclesiastical polity. That polity has been 
 
374 
 
 EFFORTS TO DESTROY THE [CHAP. XI. 
 
 preserved, and it has preserved them through the 
 most dreadful storms that have perhaps shaken 
 any Church for 250 years or upwards. Let no 
 
 consideration of a little money prevail on them to 
 relinquish any 'part of it ; for in the whole is their 
 safety. I have heard of the election of priests to 
 parishes, and bishops to dioceses, with an election by 
 their enemies out of three candidates to be presented to 
 their choice. My opinion is, that the old course — 
 because it is the old course — should not in any in- 
 stance be departed from by them. 
 
 "If any aid be given to keep them in that 
 course, — so advantageous to them and to public 
 order, — good ; but no extraneous interference of 
 another religious system, to which they are to be 
 subservient. Permit no elections from within or 
 from without." 
 
 Such, after an interval of thirteen years, was 
 again the confirmed opinion of Mr. Burke, — most 
 remarkable when coming from so decided a sup- 
 porter of royalty and all its prerogatives, and who 
 at that period was strenuous in his efforts to pre- 
 serve, if not to increase its power. 
 
 The affairs of Ireland having become embar- 
 rassed,— the Catholics having grown more discon- 
 tented, in consequence of the disappointment as to 
 the concession of their claims, and the recall of 
 Lord Fitzwilliam, in consequence of the intrigues 
 of Mr. Pitt and the King, having convulsed the 
 country, the plan so censured by Mr. Burke was 
 not proceeded on ; the project terminated simply 
 in the erection of the College of Maynooth, and 
 no interference with the nomination of the Catho- 
 lic bishops was obtained for the Crown ; the ob- 
 ject, however, was still kept in view* and more 
 effectual steps were taken, and a nearer approach 
 
 * See Lord Grenville's speech on moving the Catholic question in 
 1808. 
 
CHAP. XI.] INDEPENDENCE OF THE CLERGY. 375 
 
 to the purpose was effected in the year 1799; in 
 that year, when every art and deceit, every pro- 
 mise and every fraud, every menace and every 
 bribe was resorted to, it is not singular that some 
 men should have been deceived, and have become 
 the dupes of a dexterous and cunning minister. 
 
 In the hopes of obtaining from a British Parlia- 
 ment that which the Irish Parliament had so fool- 
 ishly and so much to its cost refused (namely, 
 their emancipation), four metropolitan and six 
 diocesan Catholic bishops were induced, through 
 the intrigues of Lord Castlereagh, to sign resolu- 
 tions in favour of a royal veto in the appointment 
 of their prelates.* This arrangement necessarily 
 remained incomplete, as it depended on the pass- 
 ing of the Catholic measure, which it was not the 
 intention of the Government to concede ; Lord 
 Castlereagh's object being then to cajole the 
 clergy into a sanction of the principle in favour of 
 the Crown, but not in any way to carry the mea- 
 sure in favour of the Catholics — his cunning was 
 discreditable, but successful. The question of 
 Union, and the loss of the Irish Legislature, ab- 
 sorbed every other consideration and filled every 
 man's mind, so that the matter passed over, though 
 not without severe animadversions on the Catholic 
 prelates who had acted such an ignoble part in the 
 hour of national danger and distress. 
 
 The question was again revived in some degree 
 in 1807, as appears from the Duke of Bedford's 
 letter to Mr. Grattan, at page 331 ; this, too, ex- 
 pired with the Whig ministry of that day, but it 
 was destined to be revived under the auspices of 
 an English ecclesiastic (Dr. Milner). 
 
 Accordingly, the Catholic question was brought 
 
 * See Lord Grenville's Letter to Lord Fingall in 1810 ; see Sir John 
 Hippesley's Letters on the Catholic Claims, to Lord Fingall ; see also 
 Maurice Fitzgerald's (Knight of Kerry) pamphlet alluding to these 
 transactions, published 1845. 
 
376 dr. milker's communication [chap. XI. 
 
 forward in May 1808, under the following circum- 
 stances. Lord Fingall had been entrusted with 
 the care of the petition, and had made private ap- 
 plication to Mr. Ponsonby ; he stated to him that 
 the Catholic Bishops had made a proposal to the 
 Irish Government in 1799 ; that they entertained 
 the same opinions now as they did then ; that they 
 had an agent in London (Dr. Milner) who would 
 call on Mr. Ponsonby on the subject. Accord- 
 ingly, this person had communication, by letter, 
 with him,* and detailed the sentiments of the 
 
 * In the debate on this question in 1810, Mr, Ponsonby stated the 
 proceedings regarding Dr. Milner, and produced the letter and ticket he 
 then left at his house ; as follows : — 
 
 On one side of the ticket was written "Dr. Milner, Bloomsbury," 
 and on the other these remarks : — 
 
 1. Protestant Succession. Clause in Oath of Defence Bill, 
 
 2. Attending Established Service. 
 Service by Articles of War. 
 
 3. Catholic Catechism — Thomas Paine's Works, 
 
 4. Nomination to Catholic Prelacies. 
 
 The letter was in the following words : — 
 
 " Dr. Milner presents his respectful compliments to the Right Hon. 
 Mr. Ponsonby, and takes the liberty of stating, distinctly in writing, the 
 substance of what he did say, or meant to say, in the conversation, 
 which he had the honour of holding with Mr. Ponsonby. First, the 
 Catholic Prelates of Ireland are willing to give a direct negative power 
 to his Majesty's Government, with respect to the nomination of their 
 titular bishoprics, in such manner that, when they have among them- 
 selves resolved who is the fittest person for the vacant see, they will 
 transmit his name to his Majesty's Ministers, and, if the latter should 
 object to that name, they will transmit another and another, until a name 
 is presented to which no objection is made; and (which is never likely 
 to be the case) should the Pope refuse to give those essentially necessary 
 spiritual powers, of which he is the depositary, to the person so pre- 
 sented by the Catholic Bishops, and so approved of by Government, 
 they will continue to present the names until one occurs which is 
 agreeable to both parties, namely, the Crown and the Apostolic See. It 
 is to be observed, however, — 1. That the Crown does not interfere with 
 the concerns of any other religious sect or church which it does not sup- 
 port. 2. That the nominators in this business, namely, the Catholic 
 Bishops j have universally sworn allegiance to his Majesty. 3. That they 
 will, moreover, engage to nominate no person who had not taken the 
 oath in question. 
 
 " 2ndly. It appears that the clause concerning the Protestant Succes- 
 sion does not occur in the oath of the Defence Bill; but it would be 
 highly gratifying to the consciences of the Catholic bishops and clergy. 
 
CHAP. XI.] ON THE APPOINTMENT OF BISHOPS. 377 
 
 Catholics as to the appointment of their Bishops. 
 This was, in general terms, imparted to Mr. Grat- 
 tan, who, on the 25th of May, moved that their 
 petition should be referred to a Committee of the 
 whole House. He stated, " that he had a pro- 
 position which the Catholics had authorized him 
 to make, and it is this, that in the future nomi- 
 nation of Bishops, his "Majesty might interfere 
 and exercise his royal privilege, and that no Ca- 
 tholic Bishop shall be appointed without the en- 
 tire approbation of his Majesty." Mr. Grattan 
 entered no further into the subject, and in these 
 general terms only communicated what he had 
 been authorized to say ; but Ponsonby went fur- 
 ther, and said that he made the statement on 
 the authority of Dr. Milner, who was a Catholic 
 Bishop in this country, and who was authorized 
 by the Catholic Bishops of Ireland to make this 
 proposition in case of their emancipation being 
 conceded. This proposition was, that when the 
 
 and a great proportion of the laity (should an opportunity occur), if any 
 friend of theirs would distinctly state, in what sense they understood that 
 clause in the oath appointed for them to take, particularly in that of 
 1791, viz. us a penalty which must for ever remain upon them, and to 
 which they submit with all humility, met as an engagement which they 
 take upon themselves in such sort that they would be obliged to take no 
 arms against his Majesty if he were to go to mast* They conceive them- 
 selves justified in understanding the clause in this sense, by the most 
 positive assurances that such was the meaning of the legislature, which 
 were given them in 1791 by Bishop Horsley, and other distinguished 
 senators, who managed the bill in Parliament. 
 
 u 3rdly. The practice of forcing Catholic soldiers and sailors to attend 
 the established service of the Church of England, and everywhere else, 
 except in Ireland, is a religious grievance and oppression, which is 
 deeply felt by all Catholics, particularly by the subjects of this into- 
 lerance. 
 
 " 4thly. Mr. Ponsonby was so good as to say, that he would disclaim, 
 in the name of the Catholics of Ireland, the civil and religious code of 
 Thomas Paine, which they have been accused, in the newspapers at 
 least, of teaching and holding. 
 
 " Dr. Milner has not, of course, had an opportunity yet of consulting 
 with the Catholic prelates of Ireland on the important subject of the 
 Catholic presentations ; but he has every reason to believe, that they will 
 cheerfully subscribe to the plan traced out in the first page of this note. 
 11, Queen Street, Bhomsbury Square. 
 
378 
 
 THE KING'S VETO ON THE [CHAP. XI. 
 
 Prelates had resolved on the person to be nomi- 
 nated to a vacant bishopric, his name should be 
 submitted for the King's approbation. If that was 
 refused, another person should be proposed, and 
 so on in succession, until his Majesty's approba- 
 tion should be obtained, so that the appointment 
 should finally rest with the King. This excited 
 considerable sensation amongst the English mem- 
 bers, but Mr. Perceval, who was averse to all 
 concession, opposed it, as he did not think it would 
 content or conciliate the Irish, and added, rather 
 whimsically, " that he did not conceive himself 
 precluded from supporting the Catholic claims 
 under different circumstances ; for instance, if a 
 change took place in the Catholic religion itself!" 
 On a division, the numbers were, 128 for Mr. 
 Grattan's motion, 281 against it — a majority of 
 153.* In the House of Lords, Lord Grenville 
 made a similar motion to that of Mr. Grattan — 
 spoke more decidedly on the question of the veto, 
 and stated that his ideas and those of Mr. Pitt 
 had been similar in the year 1799. 
 
 Dr. Milner, the day after the debate, published 
 a protest against the use his name had been made 
 of, the preceding evening, on the subject of the 
 veto. This aggravated the case, opened the door 
 to controversy and recrimination, which lasted for 
 a number of years, and greatly injured the Catholic 
 cause. With what feelings of propriety or justice 
 Dr. Milner could adopt the course he did, it is 
 difficult to imagine, when the letter and instruc- 
 tions given by him to Mr. Ponsonby are con- 
 sidered ; he seems to have made an unaccountable 
 
 * Nine counties had forwarded petitions from the Protestant inhabi- 
 tants in favour of the Catholic claims ; and a letter from Mr. Plunket 
 (the late Attorney-General) was read by Mr. Ponsonby, which stated, 
 "There is nothing new in this country, excepting, 1 believe I speak 
 within bounds when I say that nine in ten Protestants, even including 
 the clergy, would poll for Catholic emancipation." 
 
CHAP. XI.] APPOINTMENT OF CATHOLIC BISHOPS. 379 
 
 mistake, and certainly did the Catholics great in- 
 jury- 
 
 In the month of September, the Catholic Pre- 
 lates met in Dublin, and resolved, "that it was 
 their decided opinion that it was inexpedient to 
 introduce any alteration in the canonical mode 
 hitherto observed in the nomination of the Roman 
 Catholic Bishops, which mode long experience 
 has proved to be unexceptionable, wise, and salu- 
 tary." They followed this by another resolution, 
 pledging themselves only to recommend such per- 
 sons as were of unimpeachable loyalty and peace- 
 able conduct. This was signed by twenty- three 
 Bishops ; there were only three dissentients, namely 
 those prelates who signed the resolutions of 1799. 
 For this proceeding they received the thanks of 
 the Catholics at several meetings in various parts 
 of Ireland, — for the laity now took a very decided 
 part against the veto, — but the result was, that the 
 question remained in abeyance during 1809, and 
 suffered considerably in the opinion of the people 
 of both countries. 
 
 On this intricate subject Mr. Grattan had been 
 very cautious, and acted a judicious part. He 
 only stated what he had been commissioned to 
 say on their behalf, but his opinion was, that the 
 veto was a bad measure ; and, in his mind, it was 
 a great question whether it would not be injurious 
 to liberty to admit the Catholics, and give such 
 power to the Crown, — he thought it would add to 
 the physical strength of the Empire, but, that like 
 other churches, theirs would be venal. " I own I 
 tremble" were his words. The fact was, Mr. 
 Grattan was afraid of Buonaparte. He considered 
 that Ireland was in danger of being lost, and that, 
 between the power of France and the exasperating 
 bigotry of the British minister, it would be next 
 to impossible to induce the great body of the 
 
380 
 
 PROCEEDINGS ON THE [CHAP. XI. 
 
 people of Ireland to adhere to the connection ; 
 this caused him to submit the proposition to Par- 
 liament, otherwise he would have refused to com- 
 municate to that body the proposition from Dr. 
 Milner and the Catholic Prelates, just as stead- 
 fastly as he had refused to present their petition 
 and urge their claims in Parliament the year be- 
 fore, when he conceived it injurious and im- 
 prudent. He said that whatever would be done, 
 nothing would take place without an addition of 
 power to the Crown, and he even foresaw and 
 foretold the attack that was afterwards made on 
 the forty-shilling freeholders on passing the Eman- 
 cipation Act. 
 
 In 1799 the Catholic Prelates had not only 
 made a tender of the measure, but had gone fur- 
 ther ; for an inquiry was then instituted into the 
 value of every living held by the priests, and a 
 return was made to the Government, and it was 
 not then considered incompatible with their re- 
 ligion, to grant a veto to the Crown. However, 
 he did not urge the point much in his speech, and 
 was brief and reserved on the subject. Mr. Pon- 
 sonby was less so, and Lord Grenville went at 
 great length into the subject, and stated that the 
 veto was part of the system in contemplation at 
 the Union, and that on this subject Mr. Pitt's 
 ideas and opinions were the same. From hence 
 arose a controversy that lasted several years,- — the 
 English party were dissatisfied at Dr. Milner's 
 conduct, — some of the Irish party took his part, 
 — their clergy and laity protested against the veto, 
 and the question got more embroiled than ever. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. M'Can. 
 
 London, 13th May, 1808. 
 Mv dear M'Can. — I have learned of poor Lady Ty- 
 rawly's # death, and was much shocked. I had a regard 
 * She was cousin to Mr. Grattan, daughter of his aunt (Mrs. 
 Levinge) who was the daughter of Chief Justice Marlay. 
 
CHAP. XI.] CATHOLIC QUESTION. 
 
 331 
 
 for her, and had obligations to her. I shall see you soon. 
 We have had some carious debates of late : one on the 
 subject of Doctor Duigenan, who spoke against the Ca- 
 tholics on the Maynooth question, with his usual vehe- 
 mence; that, and his other conduct regarding them, gave 
 cause for a motion against his advancement to the 
 Council. 
 
 I did not speak against him — nor vote — as he had been 
 my enemy I would not be his judge. There is nothing 
 new here. — Yours most truly, 
 
 H. G. 
 
 Same to Same. 
 
 London, May 27th, 1808. 
 
 My dear M'Cax, — I was half awake when I wrote 
 yesterday. Our Catholic question went off favourably, I 
 think for the Catholics. There was no violent sentiment 
 against them, and a very strong sentiment for them ; all 
 the opposition almost spoke for them, and ably. Ponsonby 
 was remarkably well ; he answered Mr. Wilberforce, and 
 attacked Mr. Perceval, who spoke with less violence than 
 was apprehended, and argued with temper. 
 
 I received more praise for what I said than I deserved ; 
 one half had the languor of old age, and wanted fire and 
 rapidity. However, the Catholic cause is rather served on 
 the whole. — Yours, 
 
 H. GliATTAN. 
 
 Same to Same. 
 
 London, June 4th, 1808. 
 My dear M'Can, — I got your letters. I am glad the 
 Catholic proceedings have given satisfaction. I was anxious 
 about the event, as I always shall be, till the Catholics 
 obtain their object. Their case is not unpopular in the 
 House of Commons, as you will see by the debates, and 
 their great enemies said nothing on the question. On the 
 Bank Charter* we were within thirteen of the ministry in 
 
 * On Lord Henry Petty 's (Lansdowne) motion on the Bank of 
 Ireland Bill, to enable Catholics to be chosen Governors or Directors. 
 The charter had been granted in 1782, but even at that bright period, 
 the dawn of religious liberty only appeared, and the spirit of the age 
 was not sufficiently liberal to remove the penal code ; but in 1793, when 
 the relaxing statute passed, it was intended to have admitted Catholics ; 
 unfortunately, by the omission of a single word in the act, they were 
 
382 MR. GRATTAN TO MR. BERWICK. [CHAP. XI. 
 
 favour of the Catholics. The debate is to be published 
 here — I must revise my part of it — it will then go to Ire- 
 land; this will be better than a separate publication. The 
 case of the late officers of the Paving Board is a hard one 
 — but to get them compensation from the public would be 
 too strong a measure — it is for that reason the ministry 
 does not move it. — Believe me, yours ever, and most truly, 
 
 H. Grattan. 
 
 Ponsonby spoke remarkably well on the Catholic ques- 
 tion. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. Berwick. 
 
 June 20th, 1808. 
 
 My dear Berwick, — I am sorry you are leaving Ire- 
 land, because I am going to it, and I lose some pleasant 
 days which I should have spent with you. 
 
 1 go to Worthing on Wednesday, return in a few days, 
 and then proceed with the boys to Ireland, where we shall 
 stay for about two months ; a vagabond life, but it is so 
 ordered by a concurrence of accidents. 
 
 I find the Bishop of LlandafT* has, in the republication 
 of his charge, prefixed an advertisement, in which he 
 signifies his sense of the propriety of acceding to the Ca- 
 tholic measure. This, added to the speech of the Bishop 
 of Norwich,t will do service. I was shocked at Lady 
 Tyrawly's death. I am harassed by preparing to go into 
 the country, paying bills, &c. &c, disagreeable, ungrateful, 
 unprofitable. 
 
 The Catholic debate will be published immediately — it 
 
 held to be excluded ; and on this occasion the Imperial Parliament was 
 in vain appealed to, in order to carry into effect the intention of the 
 Irish; on a division, the number for admitting the Catholics was 83, 
 against them 96. 
 
 * Watson, Bishop of Llandaff, delivered his pastoral charge to his 
 clergy in June, 1805, after the discussion of the Catholic question; it 
 was friendly to toleration, but was not then published. But in 1808, as 
 the situation of the country grew more critical, it appeared with a pre- 
 face, stating his approbation of the measure (of emancipation), M as 
 calculated to support the independence of the country, to secure the 
 stability of the throne, to promote peace among fellow-subjects and 
 charity among fellow-christian, and in no probable degree dangerous to 
 the constitution either in church or state." See his letters to the minis- 
 ter on this subject, published among " His Anecdotes," by his Son. 
 Ed. 1814. 
 
 f Bathurst — another liberal and enlightened individual who voted 
 and spoke for the Catholics. The first speech he ever made in Parlia- 
 ment. 
 
CHAP. XI.] ORDERS IN COUNCIL. 
 
 383 
 
 gives me great pleasure what you told me in your letter on 
 that subject. I was very anxious about the question, and 
 think it advanced. I long to talk to you on that, and, in- 
 deed, other subjects, but shall not have an opportunity for 
 many years, I suppose, for you coming to England when I 
 go to Ireland, and I returning from Ireland when you leave 
 England, per consequence we cannot meet except like 
 highwaymen — on the road. 
 
 Dr. Baillie has just left me, he says Mrs. Grattan is in 
 no danger, that she will recover so far to be at her ease, 
 and, perhaps, to walk on flat ground # — even this is con- 
 solation, 
 
 Remember me to Mrs. B. and the children, particularly 
 my grandchild. — Yours ever, 
 
 H. Grattan. 
 
 The public affairs in 1809, in which Mr. Grat- 
 tan took part, were the questions as to the British 
 Orders in Council, which had been passed in con- 
 sequence of the Berlin and Milan Decrees of 
 Buonaparte, declaring certain ports to be in a 
 state of blockade, and by which the trade between 
 Great Britain and America had been considerably 
 injured. On this subject Mr. Whitbread moved 
 an address to his Majesty for conciliatory nego- 
 tiations with America ; in this he was warmly sup- 
 ported by Mr. Grattan, who stated that England 
 had, by her impolicy, lost the affections of Ame- 
 rica, and that, if she persevered in such conduct, 
 she would drive America into the arms of France. 
 
 Another question in which Mr. Grattan took 
 part, was one that regarded Lord Castlereagh. 
 It appeared from the evidence given before a 
 Committee on East Indian abuses, that he had 
 given a writership to his friend Lord Clancarty to 
 dispose of, in order to purchase a seat in the 
 House of Commons. Whether he had introduced 
 these corrupt practices from Ireland, where he 
 
 * She never recovered the use of her limbs, and for twenty years was 
 unable to move from her chair. 
 
384 MOTION CONDEMNATORY OF [CHAP. XI. 
 
 had employed them before so successfully for his 
 object, or whether he found them indigenous in 
 the soil to which he had transplanted the remains 
 of the Irish Parliament, it is not necessary to in- 
 quire — (the latter was the most likely) — but upon 
 the discovery, a motion was made by Lord Archi- 
 bald Hamilton, condemning the transaction, and 
 resolving, "that Lord Castlereagh, as President 
 of the Board of Control, as Privy Councillor and 
 Secretary of State, had been guilty of a violation 
 of duty, and of an attack on the purity and Con- 
 stitution of Parliament." Mr. Canning moved a 
 singular amendment, by no means complimentary 
 to his colleague, namely, "that, considering the 
 intention referred to in the evidence was not car- 
 ried into effect, the House did not think it neces- 
 sary to come to a criminatory resolution." 
 
 On this occasion Mr. Grattan spoke, and it was 
 thought that he would, on such a subject as the 
 sale of seats in Parliament, have duly remembered 
 the conduct of Lord Castlereagh in Ireland, and 
 have exhibited, in their proper colours, the cor- 
 rupt practices that had there been pursued. The 
 occasion would not have been passed over by a 
 less noble-minded or a younger man, and justice 
 almost demanded that it should be made a day of 
 public trial and retribution. 
 
 To the surprise of many, and the disappoint- 
 ment of some (for the House of Commons is not 
 averse to a smart political wrangle), Mr. Grattan 
 adopted a milder course, and though he con- 
 demned the offence, he was lenient towards the 
 offender. He observed that, as the noble Lord 
 was on his trial, and the House was bound to go 
 through the trial with "judicial temper, rather 
 than with any spirit of prosecutionary violence, 
 and it was upon this principle that he could not 
 approve of going back to the political proceedings 
 
CHAP. XI. J LORD CASTLE R E AG K. 
 
 385 
 
 in which the noble Lord hud such a share in effect- 
 ing the measure of Union with Ireland. He could 
 hardly think it fair to charge him upon one issue, 
 and to try him on another; but as the noble Lord 
 had confessed his crime, he did not think the 
 House could refuse to affix to such a transac- 
 tion the deserved reprobation." For the resolu- 
 tion there were 1G7, and against it 21G ; Mr. Can- 
 ning's amendment passed afterwards by 47 ma- 
 jority. 
 
 On this occasion it must be admitted that Mr. 
 Grattan displayed great generosity, the crime of 
 this individual being precisely that by which he 
 had done such mischief to his country, and de- 
 stroyed the constitution that Mr. Grattan had so 
 great a share in obtaining ; such conduct was 
 certainly little deserved by Lord Castlereagh, 
 however noble on the part of Mr. Grattan — it was 
 well received by the House, and by Lord Castle- 
 reagh with strong sentiments of gratitude and 
 obligation, which he took occasion subsequently 
 to express; but the insidious friendship of his 
 colleague, Canning, was never forgotten. 
 
 The mode of managing these frauds is at once 
 singular and sagacious, and seems to have been so 
 well arranged that the practice must have been 
 reduced to system at least if we are to judge from 
 the expertness of the parties. It appeared that 
 Lord Clancarty (Trench) wanted to get into the 
 House of Commons, and finding that he could get 
 money for the sale of an office, he applied to Lord 
 Castlereagh to get a writership to sell to a person 
 of the name of Ogg, who was to give 3,500/. for 
 it, which was to be given to Lord Sligo for a seat 
 in Parliament for Lord Clancarty ; out of this 
 3,500/., 5/. per cent, was to be paid as commission 
 to two agents in the business, and a loan of money 
 was promised to a Mrs. Groves, 
 
 vol, v. c c 
 
386 
 
 CENSURED BY CANNING. [CHAP. XI. 
 
 In this matter the parties stood thus : — 
 
 Lord Castlereagh did not know Ogg, Lord 
 Clancarty did not know Ogg, Lord Sligo did not 
 know Ogg ; but Ogg was to get the writership, 
 Sligo was to get the money, and Clancarty was to 
 get the seat. 
 
 As President of the Board of Control, Lord 
 Castlereagh had sworn " not to bargain or be privy 
 to any bargain for civil situations in India f yet one 
 lord was to sell a seat for money, and another 
 lord a writership for a seat ; thus a seat was to be 
 sold which should not be sold, and an office was 
 to be bought which should not be bought, and an 
 oath was to be broken which should have been in- 
 violate. It was perjury — complicated iniquity 
 — violation of law and constitution ; yet it occa- 
 sioned little noise — little surprise-— no indignation. 
 The traffic in eastern corruption, and its gains, 
 had so habituated and hardened the mind of both 
 Parliament and people, that no shame was mani- 
 fested — no remorse felt* — no punishment in- 
 flicted. Such was the sickly state of the moral 
 age, and so deteriorated its principle, — the melan- 
 choly consequence of too much power and too 
 much wealth, and the approaching symptoms of a 
 declining state. 
 
 The proceeding, however, injured Lord Castle- 
 reagh ; but strange to say, he suffered more from 
 his so-called friend Mr. Canning, than from his 
 former opponent Mr. Grattan. He never forgot 
 the forbearance of the latter, nor the enmity of the 
 
 * Demosthenes in his celebrated third Phillippic, compares the pris- 
 tine viitue of the Athenians with their subsequent baseness; in the 
 former lie particularises their abhorrence of bribes — 
 
 ■)(pi)Hara Xa[x[3avovrag cnravreg tjjLivav, /cat x a ^ 7 l 7riorarov V v 70 
 vojpodoKsvra ekeXsyxOrivai, icai Ti[AOjpla fjeyicrr?] tstov skoXchtov, /cat 
 7rapaiTt)Gt.g sdsfxia rjv, sde avyyvoj/irj. 
 
 In their state of degradation he says of those who took money. 
 
 &]Xog £i rig siXt]<p£ ti, ytXojg av ofxoXoyT], avyyvojfxt] Toig tXtyxOj.itvoig, 
 fxiaog ai tutoiq Ttg £7rirr/|iia, raXXa iravTa oaa £/c ra iwpodoicsiv rjprrjTctt, 
 
CHAP. XI.] MOTION TO RELIEVE IRELAND. 387 
 
 former. Canning declared he would no longer 
 remain in office with him, but was persuaded by 
 the Duke of Portland to continue in for a short 
 time ; and (shame to say) during this period Lord 
 Castlereagh was allowed to direct the expedition 
 to Walcheren. Such are the angry and dangerous 
 tides in politics that waft empires and armies to 
 their disgrace and ruin. After the melancholy 
 failure of this immense armament, his colleague 
 declared him to be incompetent, as well as un- 
 worthy, and a breach and a duel were the result. 
 
 The other questions in which Mr* Grattan took 
 part in the Session of 1809, were the motion of 
 Sir Henry Parnell to relieve the people of Ireland 
 from the oppressive mode of paying tithe, and 
 the bill of Mr. Curwen to improve the represen- 
 tation of the people in Parliament : both of which 
 he supported, and neither of which was carried. 
 But the subject that ri vetted the attention of the 
 people of England, was the proceeding by the 
 House of Commons regarding the Duke of York. 
 Mr. Wardle had brought forward charges against 
 him as Commander-in-chief, for suffering commis- 
 sions to be disposed of through the influence of a 
 favourite, Mrs. Mary Anne Clarke, the wife of a 
 tradesman, with whom he had been connected 
 for a few years. Prior to any step, the minister 
 had privately asked him if such statements could pos- 
 sibly be well founded. The Duke replied they u erc 
 not true, and the minister unfortunately believed 
 him. This folly of Mr. Perceval cost him dear. 
 He agreed to an inquiry. A committee of the 
 whole House was appointed, the lady was ex- 
 amined at the bar, and a most disgraceful scene 
 took place. Disclosures the most unbecoming 
 were made — proceedings the most undignified 
 were revealed — alike destructive of the Duke's 
 character as a man of honour, of sense and of 
 c c 2 
 
388 
 
 THE DUKE OF YORK [CHAP. XI. 
 
 morality. The case was not made out as fully as 
 Mr. Wardle expected, but enough was proved to 
 show great weakness on the part of the Duke ; 
 and two of his letters* to this lady discovered the 
 influence she possessed over him, which, if ex- 
 erted, might very probably have greatly biassed 
 his conduct. Promotions were paid for— she had 
 interfered, and had received the money. The 
 personal appearance of this individual was pleas- 
 ing. f Her features were fair and pretty — her 
 figure graceful, but small, her manner easy and 
 genteel, and her voice soft and persuasive : truth, 
 candour, and artlessness were cleverly assumed, 
 and, with every semblance of nature — in short, 
 she acted her part to admiration ; and the 
 House was prepossessed in her favour, particu- 
 larly when, on one occasion, she was some- 
 what rudely cross-examined. J The attendance of 
 the members was numerous — the old looked gay 
 and smirking — the young were joyous and joking 
 — the witness was calm and collected : she smiled 
 at Mr. Wilberforce, was facetious with the 
 Speaker, severe on Mr. Croker,§ and civil and 
 formal to the Serjeant-at-arms. In fine, this grave 
 assembly seemed somewhat amused, though cer- 
 tainly lowered, by the undignified and ribald ex- 
 hibition. Never was a play better acted on any 
 stage. The Duke was acquitted by the House, 
 and pronounced guilty by the people. 
 
 The particulars were as follows : — ■ 
 
 In the month of January Mr. Wardle brought 
 
 * Vol. xii. Parliamentary Debates, Appendix^ 
 
 f The author sat beneath the gallery during the inquiry, it being the 
 privilege of a member to bring in his son. 
 
 + Mr. Croker desired that " the woman" should answer the question. 
 The House recoiled at his ungentlemanlike manner and expression. 
 
 § She ridiculed his provincial dialect, particularly his pronunciation 
 of the word person, that he called parson ; and alluded to his spying her 
 proceedings from a garret window in an opposite house. It led, how- 
 ever, to his elevation to the Secretaryship of the Admiralty. 
 
CHAP. XI.] 
 
 AXD MRS. CLARKE. 
 
 389 
 
 forward his motion, and stated a number of cases 
 to prove the corrupt practices in the disposal of 
 offices and commissions in the army. These he 
 supported by several witnesses, the principal of 
 whom was Mrs. Clarke, and the officers imme- 
 diately concerned. The committee consumed six 
 weeks in examining evidence, and one week in 
 debating it. Pending these proceedings, the Duke 
 of York, on the 23rd of February, addressed a letter 
 to the Speaker, stating that he had waited with 
 anxiety till the committee had closed this in- 
 quiry; he observed his name coupled with tran- 
 sactions the most criminal and disgraceful ; that 
 he regretted and lamented a connection should 
 have existed, that exposed his character and 
 honour to public animadversion. As to the 
 offences alleged, he, in the most solemn manner 
 — upon his honour as a Prince — asserted his inno- 
 cence, not only by denying any corrupt partici- 
 pation in the infamous transactions, or connivance 
 at their existence, but also the slightest knowledge 
 or suspicion* that they existed at all. 
 
 He hoped that the House would not, on such 
 evidence, adopt any proceeding prejudicial to his 
 honour and character; but if they thought his 
 innocence questionable, he claimed not to be con- 
 demned without trial, or to be deprived of the 
 benefit and protection afforded to every British sub- 
 ject, by those sanctions on which alone evidence 
 is received in the administration of the law. 
 
 This letter was manifestly intended to cover his 
 retreat, and was thus prepared by the minister. 
 But it was unwise — untrue — unconstitutional; 
 and was so considered by Mr. Whitbread, Lord 
 Henry Petty, and other members, who declared it 
 to be a gross attack on the privileges of the House. 
 It was, however, passed over — probably through 
 
 * She spent five thousand a year, the Duke only allowed her one. 
 
390 
 
 DEBATE ON THE CONDUCT [CHAP. XI. 
 
 commiseration. On the 6th March, Mr. Wardle 
 proposed an address to the King, stating that the 
 existence of corrupt practices and abuses were 
 true, and could not have continued without the 
 knowledge of the Commander-in-chief, and that 
 lie ought, therefore, to be deprived of the command 
 of the army. By way of amendment, the Chan- 
 cellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Perceval, then 
 moved two resolutions, declaring that there was 
 no ground for the charges against his Royal High- 
 ness, nor any connection with the corrupt practices 
 disclosed. These resolutions were to be followed 
 up by an address to the King, expressing the re- 
 gret of the House that such a connection should 
 have existed, whereby criminal and disgraceful 
 transactions were carried on, and the integrity of his 
 Royal Highness's conduct brought into question, 
 but that it was a consolation to observe the regret 
 he had expressed on the subject of that connection, 
 and the House trusted that he would keep in view 
 the bright example of virtuous conduct which his 
 Majesty has afforded to his subjects. 
 
 On the 10th March, Mr. Bankes moved as an 
 amendment, an address to his Majesty, stating 
 that such corrupt practices and abuses did exist; 
 that there was no ground to charge his Royal 
 Highness with personal corruption or participation 
 in any of the profits derived by such undue means, 
 but that such abuses could scarcely have existed 
 without exciting the suspicion of the Commander- 
 in-chief, and that the House submitted to his Ma- 
 jesty, whether the command of the army ought 
 any longer to remain in his hands ; that the abuses 
 unveiled a course of conduct of the worst example 
 to public morals, and highly injurious to the cause 
 of religion, which, if not discountenanced by his 
 Majesty and the House, cannot fail to have a per- 
 nicious effect on the main-springs of social order 
 
CHAP. XI.] OF THE DUKE OF YORK. 
 
 391 
 
 and well-regulated society, which it was his Ma- 
 jesty's care to strengthen by his counsels, and 
 illustrate by his example. 
 
 On the 13th March, Sir Thomas Turton moved 
 his amendment, that there was ground for charg- 
 ing his Royal Highness of having a knowledge 
 that there were corrupt practices. These various 
 propositions were debated at great length, until the 
 17th March, when the division took place, the 
 numbers being, for the Chancellor of the Exche- 
 quer's address 278, and against it 196, being a 
 majority of 82 in favour of the Duke. On this 
 question Mr. Grattan voted against his Royal 
 Highness. The next day the Duke sent in his 
 resignation to his Majesty. The other divisions 
 are worth noticing, as they show the spirit of the 
 times and the disposition of the representatives. 
 The division on the 8th March, which was to sub- 
 stitute the amendment of the Chancellor of the 
 Exchequer instead of Mr. Wardle's motion for an 
 address, was, for Mr. Wardle's motion 123; for 
 Mr. Perceval's amendment 3G4 ; for Mr. Bankcs' 
 amendment 199, and against it 294; for Sir 
 Thomas Turton's amendment 135, against it 334, 
 — so careful were they in avoiding to charge the 
 Duke with connivance or participation. At length, 
 on the 20th March, Lord Althorpe moved, that as 
 the Duke had resigned, the House did not now 
 think it necessary to proceed with the evidence. 
 The Chancellor of the Exchequer, who had stated 
 that, as the House had proved his innocence, the 
 Duke could now fairly tender his resignation to 
 his Majesty, proposed the omission of the word 
 " now" which was carried by 235 to 112. 
 
 Thus ended these disgraceful proceedings. The 
 nation was scandalized and indignant — society was 
 outraged and insulted — private morals were deeply 
 wounded — and the royal family was lowered in 
 
392 
 
 EXPEDITION TO WALCHEREN I [CHAP. XI. 
 
 the esteem of the people, who looked upon them 
 as the 'patrons of profligacy. The extravagance — • 
 the excesses — the wantonness of the Prince in his 
 youth, and the criminal conduct of the Duke in 
 his age, became the subject of general condemna- 
 tion. Every rude hand unsparingly assisted to 
 tear aside the veil that covered their private de- 
 formities, and to expose them beneath the public 
 gaze with a joyful malignity. One alone was 
 spared, — the King was the only individual who 
 escaped. The people felt for his grey hairs and 
 his infirmities — they condoled with him in his 
 calamity, and in the anguish he sustained for the 
 disgrace of the son whom he most loved, and they 
 forgot for a moment the political errors of his reign 
 in the private misfortunes of his family. 
 
 During these events — which a wise minister 
 should have risked every hazard to avoid — there 
 impended over the country another calamity, of a 
 different nature, which fell upon her with unwonted 
 severity. England had failed in most of her ex- 
 peditions, and her ministers now prepared one 
 that was to add the climax to all their former 
 mismanagement, and to eclipse every one of her 
 past misfortunes. The King had objected to the 
 appointment of Sir Arthur Wellesley to the com- 
 mand of the expedition to Portugal, on the ground 
 that he was too young and inexperienced ; the 
 minister, however, overruled him. But when 
 another expedition was planned he insisted on 
 having, as he termed it, "his own commander;'' 
 and the recollection and love he bore to Mr. Pitt 
 led him, unfortunately, to select from that family 
 the Earl of Chatham.* Austria — who would not 
 march a single soldier without a subsidy from 
 
 * The narrative that he handed to his Majesty, unknown to his 
 brother officers and the members of the cabinet, showed how he con- 
 ceived himself privileged to exert that influence which had so long 
 
CHAP. XI.] ITS LAMENTABLE FAILURE. 
 
 393 
 
 England — had urged the British Cabinet to make 
 a diversion in Holland in her favour ; and some 
 riots among the artisans and workmen in the 
 Dutch towns having occurred, they were repre- 
 sented as indicating a spirit of hostility to Buona- 
 parte's government, which should be quickly made 
 use of. These were, however, quelled before the 
 expedition proceeded. It was the most formidable 
 that had ever quitted the shores of Great Britain. 
 The object, as stated by Lord Castlereagh, was to 
 make a diversion in favour of Austria; and the in- 
 structions to Lord Chatham were to destroy the 
 naval establishments of Flushing and Antwerp, 
 and render the Scheldt no longer navigable for 
 ships of war. 
 
 The armament consisted of thirty-seven sail of 
 the line, twenty-four frigates, two vessels of fifty 
 guns, three of forty-four ; thirty-one sloops, five 
 bomb-vessels, twenty-three gun-brigs, thirty-nine 
 thousand troops, and seven lieutenant-generals. 
 They departed on the 28th of July ; and on the 
 23rd of December the remains of the army re- 
 turned, after evacuating the island ofWalcheren. 
 It appeared by the return that sixty officers and 
 three thousand nine hundred men, exclusive of 
 those killed by the enemy, had died before the 1st 
 of February, 1810 ; and on that day two hundred 
 and seventeen officers and eleven thousand two 
 hundred and ninety-six men were reported sick.* 
 The delay before Flushing was such that the 
 
 possessed a charm in the mind of the King. Ilis conduct was severely 
 censured by Mr. Whitbread and other members of the House of Com- 
 mons. — Pur. Debutes, vol. xvi. pp. 0, 9, 10, 11, 17. 
 
 * The author got the following account from the physician (Dr. 
 Nolson) who attended his brother when attacked by fever. He was on 
 the walls when the British first appeared before Flushing. Some in- 
 fantry approached the gate where he stood, and fired at the French. 
 The sentries tried in vain to draw up the bridge and let fall the gates — 
 the chains were broken or out of order. The inhabitants fled from the 
 walls, crying out that the town was taken, and Nolson fled with them. 
 
394 
 
 loud Chatham's private [chap. xi. 
 
 French had time to arm every post ; and all 
 attempts on the fleet and arsenals were declared, 
 by the unanimous opinion of all the lieutenant- 
 generals on the 27th of August, to be impracti- 
 cable, and were of necessity abandoned ; notwith- 
 standing which the Ministers, as if to give a pre- 
 tence for the expedition, retained possession of 
 this unwholesome island for a period nearly of 
 four months. In these insular parts of Holland 
 there exists a periodical fever and ague,* that, be- 
 gins in August and ends in November, most dan- 
 gerous in its nature, and generally fatal in its 
 consequence, leaving behind seeds of a most pain- 
 ful disorder, which often affects the sufferer for 
 the remainder of his days. 
 
 At this unprecedented calamity, and the dis- 
 grace and loss consequent thereon, the people 
 were justly dissatisfied, and called for inquiry ; 
 but the King, who had privately received a nar- 
 rative of the events from Lord Chatham, was 
 averse to any, and in his answer to the city of 
 London, stated that he did not think it necessary 
 to institute one ; but on the 26th of January, 
 1810, the House of Commons agreed to a motion 
 of Lord Porchester's, for the appointment of a 
 committee of the whole House to inquire into the 
 policy and conduct of the expedition to the 
 Scheldt. It was carried only by a majority of 
 nine ; the numbers being 195 to 186. The com- 
 mittee and examination of witnesses lasted till the 
 
 In a grove, at some distance, there was a party of cavalry, and if they 
 had advanced, all could have entered and held the gate till reinforce- 
 ments had arrived. But, to the surprise of the French, the signal to re- 
 tire was sounded, and the British retreated. The French then got a 
 piece of artillery on the walls, and killed several of our men. Baron 
 de llottenburgh was the officer who ordered them to retreat; thus the 
 town was lost and thousands of lives were sacrificed. Such are the 
 chances in military operations. 
 
 * When Colonel Pack's regiment (the 71st.) ordered arms after 
 marching into Middleburg, the author saw a number of the men fall from 
 the ranks struck with the fever and ague. 
 
CHAP. XI.] COMMUNICATION WITH THE KING. 395 
 
 30th of March. " Resolutions were then pro- 
 posed, which condemned the advisers of so ill- 
 judged an enterprise ; but they were lost by a 
 majority of 48 ; 275 voting to acquit the Ministers 
 and 227 against them. Mr. Grattan, who had 
 supported the inquiry, spoke and voted for these 
 resolutions, and concluded by saying that the 
 House had lately censured Lord Chatham for an 
 attempt to set aside the responsibility of ministers, 
 let it then take care that its conduct, on this oc- 
 casion, does not tend to establish their impunity/' 
 This was exactly what occurred. 
 
 On Lord Castlereagh the blame had chiefly 
 fallen, he had been the actor and adviser of this 
 national calamity ; fostered, transplanted, and 
 promoted by England, he had now repaid the ob- 
 ligation, and employed as the author of ruin in 
 one country, he proved the instrument of defeat 
 and disgrace in the other. Mr. Perceval stoutly 
 defended him, and partook in the labours of the 
 defence as he had in the undertaking. Mr. Can- 
 ning professed to share the blame, and justified 
 the measure and conduct of Lord Castlereagh, 
 although he was the person, who, in April preced- 
 ing, had gone to the Duke of Portland to com- 
 plain of his colleague, and declared that the noble 
 lord was not fit for his office, and was incompetent 
 to the situation, notwithstanding which, he allow- 
 ed him to direct the expedition — and when it 
 failed he justified him — and, when he came to 
 speak on it, he offered, for such conduct, no apo- 
 logy.* Ministers, however, were not satisfied 
 with this vote of acquittal — they required more — 
 they asked for approbation, and, accordingly, 
 
 * He was severely reproved for this by Mr. Whitbread. The truth 
 was, that the quarrel was a mere contest for place. Both of the parties 
 lost office, but Lord Castlereagh showed more dexterity ; for he had the 
 address, not only to get back into power, but to get into Mr. Canning's 
 situation, — the Secretaryship for Foreign Affairs. 
 
396 
 
 DISGRACEFUL PROCEEDINGS OF [CHAP. XI. 
 
 General Crauford proposed a resolution declaring 
 that the House approved of the retention of the 
 Island of Walcberen, and this horrid and criminal 
 vote was carried by 255 to 232. Thus, the people 
 were made the victims of their virtuous feelings, 
 and were taught that the wiser course would have 
 been, to have remained silent and indifferent, and 
 to have allowed the calamities of the nation to pass 
 by unheeded and unlamented, for, when they 
 asked for a vote of censure, Parliament answered 
 them by a vote of approbation. That vote, how- 
 ever, decided the fate of the House of Commons, 
 it sealed its doom and sunk its character, and the 
 assembly never after rose in the esteem of the 
 people. By this vote, as well as the one on the 
 Duke of York's affair, it had proclaimed itself a 
 miserable body — insensible to the wrongs of the 
 country — excusing its disasters — rejoicing at its 
 degradation — incapable of feeling what every- 
 body else felt, and making the last sad grievance 
 of the country — the Parliament. At this period 
 they were on the eve of a war with America, at 
 war witli Russia, and at w r ar with every nation in 
 Europe, except Sweden, and with a public debt 
 of eight hundred millions. One thing, however, 
 was wanting to proclaim to mankind their folly, 
 their ignorance, and their baseness, greater than 
 either; to complete their losses, and put the sum 
 to their disgrace, nothing but a jubilee was want- 
 ing, and public rejoicing at the fiftieth anniversary 
 of a reign of debt, defeat, and disgrace — a reign 
 of temerity, cupidity, and incapacity — this strange 
 phenomenon occurred, and mankind heard with 
 astonishment, the day of England's thanksgiving. 
 
 The secret was, that the King had become 
 everything; the power of the Crown had so in- 
 creased, that its influence pervaded every part of 
 the constitution, — the mere disbursement of fifty 
 
CHAP. XI. j THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 397 
 
 millions of annual expenditure was of itself suffi- 
 cient to taint and corrupt the nation. In the former 
 war, the Crown had been weakened, and at the end 
 of the American contest the King must have com- 
 promised, for he was defeated, and would have 
 yielded if the opposition had stood firm ; but he 
 saved himself by the coalition he made with Mr. 
 Pitt. The result of the present war was different, 
 it made the Crown everything, and gave to the 
 King the two Houses of Parliament. Thus he 
 gained a victory over the constitution, and realized 
 the saying of Lord Thurlow, " that if the King- 
 stood at the back of any minister, that minister 
 would have the House of Commons ;" fortunately 
 George III. was not a military man, otherwise he 
 might have become absolute, for the public would 
 not have stood by the House of Commons — that 
 was no longer the standard round which they 
 would have rallied — it had degenerated and 
 become a court aristocracy, and was merely an 
 instrument in the hands of the King, and the 
 public would not have risen against the King, who 
 had made the Parliament his instrument, but 
 against the instrument itself. In fine, this was 
 not a natural or a gradual decline, but a radical 
 and staminal depravity in the principle of govern- 
 ment, and which could only be cured or corrected 
 by reform, and such was the opinion of Mr. Grat- 
 tan, as will appear from his letter on the subject of 
 reform. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. M'Can. 
 
 April 3rd, 1800. 
 
 My dear M'Can, — I got your letter, and thank you. 
 What you mention regarding Hartley frightens me. I 
 hope, however, he is quite recovered. I have brought in 
 the Debtors' Bill ; it has been once read, and an order has 
 been made to print it. I hope it may pass ; it is nearly 
 the same as that which passed some years ago. 
 
398 
 
 MR. GRATTAN TO MR. M'CAN. [CHAP, XI. 
 
 We have a vacation for twelve days ; of which I am glad, 
 as the House tires me much. I don't think we shall 
 have a great deal to do after the recess. I find the new 
 Paving Bill excites discontent, at least in some individuals; 
 I presented two petitions against it. The removal of the 
 Duke of York was a necessary measure. 
 
 The minority was so large, and the people so offended, 
 that he could not have continued at the head of the army. 
 I intended to have spoken, but missed the opportunity ; 
 and when the close came on, there were so many who 
 wished to speak, that I did not like to force myself on the 
 House, already inattentive. I voted against him. — Yours 
 truly, 
 
 H. G. 
 
 Same to Same. 
 
 London, 11th April, 1809. 
 
 My dear M'Can, — I thank you for your letter. I hope 
 you find your time now your own, and that you will accom- 
 plish your great designs with respect to^your sea-farm. # 
 As your house is moored in the strand, you ought to have 
 a boat in your parlour, for the accommodation of your 
 friends if you should be surprised by the tide. 
 
 I got your second letter this moment regarding M'Der- 
 mot ; but there will be no individual specified in the 
 insolvents. Such a list would not be admitted : however, 
 if admitted, he shall (as far as can be with propriety) be 
 attended to. The bill is to be read a second time to-day. 
 How are all our friends? How is Hartley ? as he was not 
 very well when you wrote to me some time ago. Henry 
 says you don't write to him. How is Forbes ? has he 
 gotten a bag ? does he attend the Courts constantly ? does 
 he rise betimes, or is he in bed at ten as usual ? I don't 
 hear any news, except that which you must know already, 
 and which is not good. The citizens have no right to be 
 offended with me ; if they are I cannot help it. — Ever 
 
 Same to Same. 
 
 Eastbourne, October 5th, 1809. 
 My dear M'Can,— I mentioned in my letter that the 
 * His place at Sandymount was invaded by the sea at high tides. 
 
CHAP. XI. J MR. GItATTAN ON THE UNION. 
 
 399 
 
 boys were returned :* one of them ill; but now i veil. I 
 was uneasy about them, and with reason. 
 
 You see in the paper the offer to the Opposition,^ and 
 the changes in the Ministry. How far, or how long, the 
 Ministry as now constituted will be able to go on, 'tis not 
 easy to say ; but I should think it will be difficult for them 
 to go through the session. I rather like this place, — 'tis 
 on the sea, a fine country, though not beautiful. Mrs. 
 Grattan 's better : the rest well. — Yours ever, 
 
 II. G. 
 
 Mr. Grattan's remarks on the subject of the 
 Union are worth recording. His opinions never 
 varied, and will be alluded to in a subsequent 
 part. Some discrepancy having appeared to the 
 author in the various calculations made respecting 
 the trade of Ireland before and after the Union, he 
 applied to Mr. Grattan to explain it, and hence 
 the following letters were written. The numerous 
 statements on this subject are fallacious in the ex- 
 treme, particularly among those who of late have 
 been employed and paid to write in support of the 
 Union. Time and facts will expose these errors ; 
 but unfortunately they are proved by the poverty 
 and decay of the wholesome trade and manufac- 
 tures of Ireland, and the backward state of that 
 
 * My brother and I had gone on the Walchcren expedition; he was 
 attacked with fever and ague, and was saved by not going- to an English 
 doctor. A number of persons died in consequence of their unwilling- 
 ness to call in foreign physicians. 
 
 f The death of the Duke of Portland did not make any material 
 change in the administration. Lord Wellesley accepted office as Secre- 
 tary for Foreign Affairs ; his brother, Wellesley Pole, as Secretary for 
 Ireland, in place of Mr. Dundas; and Mr. Wilson Croker, as Secretary 
 to the Admiralty in place of Mr. W. Pole — thus were his services in the 
 Duke of York's affair rewarded. Mr. Perceval wrote, in the month of 
 September, to Lord Grenville and Lord Grey, with a view to form an 
 extended and combined administration. lie staled that no idea existed 
 in his, or Lord Liverpool's mind, of the necessity of any dereliction of 
 public principle on eillter side. An offer to form such a coalition was 
 naturally declined by persons who retained a regard for public opinion 
 and consistent conduct. Lord Grenville came to town on the subject, 
 but Lord Grey, very properly, would not leave Northumberland on such 
 an invitation, 
 
400 
 
 MR. GRATTAN ON THE UNION. [CHAP. XI. 
 
 country in comparison with every other on the 
 face of the globe. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Henry Grattan. 
 
 Brighton, December 3, 1809. 
 My dear Henry, — In James's letter he said as fol- 
 lows : — That the Union promised, but did not give, any 
 new settlers in Ireland, with their capitals ; nor any new 
 branches of commerce ; nor any new markets : on the con- 
 trary, that England got a greater possession of our markets, 
 and we, in proportion, a lesser, than formerly. The first 
 part of the sentence is true ; the latter (which I have inter- 
 lined), though true, is not the whole truth ; for though she 
 has gotten a greater proportion of our markets, we have 
 gotten a greater proportion of hers ; but the main assertion 
 is perfectly true, — the Union has not given us new capital 
 or new trade; that export trade (that is to say, the bene- 
 ficial trade of the country) is the old trade of Ireland, in- 
 creasing from its nature, not from the Union. I have 
 looked over the particulars, and I don't see any article of 
 it that can be attributed to the Union, except a few 
 thousand pounds of wine, and perhaps drapery; something 
 amounting to a few thousand pounds imported into Eng- 
 land since the Union, which could not be imported before. 
 The export trade that Ireland has is a legacy of the Irish 
 Parliament ; it is the export of linen and of provisions. 
 You will observe there are two valuations of exports and 
 imports ; one called official, the other called real or current 
 price. The first is the valuation made at the Custom- 
 House many years ago; but you should know that the 
 valuation called current price, or real value, made in Ire- 
 land, differs from the valuation made in England. The 
 Irish valuation is an increase of above double; the English 
 not half so much. The Irish Custom-House values the 
 exportation of Ireland in 1809 according to real value, 
 12,000,000/.; the official value is 5,900,000/.— Yours, 
 
 H. G. 
 
 Same to Same. 
 
 Brighton, December 6th, 1809. 
 My dear Henry, — With regard to Cobbett, it is not 
 the Parliamentary debates, but the Parliamentary history. 
 Don't get the book till I write again, James's paper is an 
 
CHAP. XI.] EXPORT TRADE. 
 
 401 
 
 extract from the public accounts, and can't be averred 
 against. Take care of it, and send it back when you have 
 done with it. The growth of the export trade of Ireland 
 is what it there appears to be : Newenham is no authority 
 against a public account. 
 
 Official Value. 
 
 In 1785 our exports were £3,779,570 
 
 In 1792 our exports were 5,387,760 
 
 Increase in 7 years as above £1,608,190 
 
 Or near one half. 
 
 In 1803 the exports were £5,090,393 
 
 In 1809 the exports were 5,922,591 
 
 Increase in 7 years since the Union . . . £832,198 
 Less than one-sixth. 
 
 The old export trade, I think you call it so, appears as 
 above to have been — 
 
 In 1792 £5,387,760 
 
 Our export in 1809 5,922,591 
 
 Increase in 17 years £534,831 
 
 Or about one-ninth. 
 
 Take the trade at the real value, and the proportion will 
 be the same. Observe, if the real value of our exports was 
 in 1809 equal to 12,597,517/., the real value of our exports 
 in 1792, at the market rateage, was 11,000,000/., and 
 above it. From this it follows that the export trade, since 
 the Union, has not kept up its proportional increase. The 
 cause of your mistake with regard to the export and import 
 is this, — you suppose the official to be the real value. Now 
 the real value of the export is more than double that of the 
 official value ; and the real value of the import is only a 
 fifth more, or thereabouts. 
 
 For example, the exportation of the year 1809 appears 
 to be — 
 
 vol. v. 
 
 D D 
 
402 MR. GRATTAN TO MESSRS. HARDY, [CHAP. XI. 
 
 In real value £12,597,517 
 
 The import trade, according to the rateage of 
 
 20 per cent., about 9,500,000 
 
 Balance in favour of our export ..... £3,000,000 
 
 'Tis very probable, as I mentioned in my last letter, that 
 the officer at the Custom-House overvalues the exports, and 
 that the imports are considerably undervalued ; but you 
 can't rectify either; still less can you argue against both. 
 It would not be creditable to make any erroneous con- 
 cession in favour of the Union, or any erroneous charge to 
 its prejudice. The great fact regarding the trade of Ire- 
 land on the subject of the Union is, she has gotten no new 
 branch of trade. Her export trade has not increased in a 
 greater proportion since the Union than before. The 
 same articles it may be said were not of the same value 
 seventeen years ago — negatur— -they were of the same 
 value, but the money has changed its value, and is re- 
 duced. — Yours ever, 
 
 H. G. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. Hardy. 
 
 5, Bolton Row, London, February 15, 1810. 
 My dear Hardy, — I got your letter, and shall certainly 
 consider the subject of it. I hope your health is tolerably 
 good ; a gouty man is never very well or very ill. The 
 Ministry continue : how long they will do so 'tis difficult 
 to say ; but there is an inquiry , # which you will perceive to 
 be very long, and likely to be longer. What has appeared 
 is certainly not in favour of the administration ; but whether 
 it will turn them out is doubtful. They want speakers, 
 and they want what is more material to them, — numbers ; 
 and yet I don't hear of any stir to dismiss them. The 
 power of the Crown is such as can support almost whom- 
 ever the King pleases. How goes on your book ? when 
 shall it appear? You never write one word of news; 
 therefore you should have none. Is there any truth about 
 the removing of regiments or reducing our troops? What 
 
 * The inquiry into the policy and conduct of the expedition to the 
 Scheldt : it began the 2nd of February, and lasted to the 30th of 
 March. 
 
CHAP. XI.] M'CAN, AND BERWICK. 
 
 403 
 
 measures do you understand are intended? What do the 
 Catholics intend ? 
 
 Remember to our friends, the few that are alive.* — 
 Yours most truly, 
 
 H. Grattan. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. M'Can. 
 
 Feb. 19th, 1810. 
 
 My dear M'Can, — I have, in consequence of your letter 
 and of Mrs. Byrne's relationship, attended much to Hay.f 
 I heard him at large, and often. I got the newspaper with 
 the Catholic resolutions : their resolutions I read. I am 
 glad they did not reflect on Lord Grenville.J 
 
 I will read the Hibernian on the Veto, and thank you 
 much for the papers. 
 
 The business of the inquiry suspends other Parliamentary 
 subjects. Pending the inquiry the Ministers must remain, 
 I should think ; but after, it is thought by many, they will 
 go out. 
 
 Ponsonby has spoken this session extremely well. 
 
 I am glad Day§ is well : I was uneasy about him. Let 
 me know what was the cause of his fall; whether it was 
 anything of a paralytic nature. What are the feelings of 
 the Catholics regarding Lord Grenville's letter ? — Yours 
 truly, 
 
 H. Grattan. 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. Berwick. 
 
 London, April 9th, 1810. 
 My dear Dr. Berwick, — I beg you will mention to 
 Matthew |! the state of politics here, — that there has been 
 
 * lie alludes to the death of his friend and neighbour, Lord Powers • 
 court. On the 20th of July preceding, he wrote — "Lord Powerscourt 
 died yesterday, of a fortnight's illness, which appeared to be dangerous 
 the last week, and proved gout on the kidneys. He is a great loss, pub- 
 lic and private ; an honest, independent man, who spent a large fortune 
 in his own country." It was Lord Powerscourt who moved the amend- 
 ment at the Union, denying the right of the Legislature to part with 
 the constitution of the country. The above is a just tribute to his 
 memory. 
 
 f Secretary to the Catholics, a well-meaning person ; very busy, 
 always in a bustle, and extremely loquacious. 
 
 X He had addressed a strong letter to Lord Fingall, on the subject of 
 the veto. He looked to the Chancellorship of Oxford, and was soon 
 after elected. 
 
 § Judge Day, his earliest and most attached friend. — See ante, vol. i. 
 || The old gardener at Esker. 
 
 D D 2 
 
404 
 
 THE CASE OF 
 
 [CHAP. XI. 
 
 a riot about sending Sir Francis Burdett to the Tower, 
 but that this morning he has been sent there. Tell him, if 
 he were Minister, he would never have gotten himself into 
 such an embarrassment; ask him what he thinks with re- 
 spect to the Catholics ; and let me have his sentiments on 
 these subjects. A bad- time. Who is the Dean of St. 
 Patrick's ? # Your friend Tegartf is well : I see him often. 
 Is your health good ? Write me something regarding Ire- 
 land, besides Matthew's sentiments. 
 
 I don't think the Ministry will stir immediately ; they 
 will probably first try to get recruits. How are your 
 neighbours ? Remember me to Mrs. Vesey. Best regards 
 to Mrs. B. and children. — Yours truly, 
 
 H. G. 
 
 Sir Francis Burdett occupied for a long time the 
 attention of the English people, and enjoyed their 
 approbation. His political life was chequered and 
 singular, — the reverse at the close of what it was 
 in the beginning. He commenced more than a 
 Whig ; he ended more than a Tory. At the out- 
 set he was violent in favour of the English people 
 and of their liberties — of the Irish " Helots " and 
 their rights ; but at the close of his life he became 
 hostile to both, and particularly inveterate against 
 the latter. On the occasion above alluded to, he 
 had published in " Cobbett's Register" a letter 
 to his constituents of Westminster, and a long 
 argument on the subject of Mr. Gale Jones's im- 
 prisonment by the House of Commons, the power 
 and authority of which body he there denied. This 
 was voted a breach of privilege; and on the mo- 
 tion of Sir Thomas Lethbridge, his commitment 
 to the Tower was carried by 190 to 152. Mr. 
 Grattan strongly opposed it, and voted against the 
 motion. He said — " He lamented the subject had 
 
 * Mr. Ponsonby, afterwards Bishop of Deny, (an excellent man) ex- 
 pected to be appointed. 
 
 f The well known Tegart of Pall Mall, a friend of Lord Moira and 
 the Prince. 
 
CHAP. XI.] SIR FRANCIS BURDETT. 
 
 405 
 
 oeen brought before Parliament. It was a contest 
 in which victory would be without glory, and in 
 which defeat must be followed by disgrace ; and 
 when the House went to hunt out for questions of 
 privilege, they diminished their own dignity. 
 They might depend on it, the result of the contest 
 would not tend to their satisfaction. Had they 
 forgotten Wilkes's case ? Did they not know that 
 it ended in his being elected for Middlesex, and 
 nominated Chamberlain of the City of London, 
 and that Parliament was obliged to shrink from 
 the contest ? In this battle between the giant and 
 the dwarf, the giant diminished in size and the 
 dwarf magnified. The people of England, with 
 their characteristic generosity, would range them- 
 selves on the weaker side, and oppose the shield 
 of their compassion against the arm of power." 
 Sir Francis then addressed a letter to the Speaker, 
 denying the validity of his warrant: he bade him 
 defiance, and turned his officer out of his house. 
 There he entrenched himself from the 5th to the 
 0th of April. The people took his part, and con- 
 siderable rioting ensued. The houses of the 
 Ministers were attacked ; the military were called 
 out ; several persons were wounded, and some 
 lives were lost. His house in Piccadilly presented 
 a singular appearance.* The military having in- 
 terfered, Sir Francis applied to the civil power, 
 and a party of peace officers were sent to protect 
 him. A party of military! were sent to watch 
 him; and the mob compelled all who passed by to 
 salute him. The Serjeant-at-Arms thought it 
 necessary to get the Attorney-General's (Gibbs) 
 
 * The author was residing next street to Sir Francis. 
 
 f The Duke of Cumberland's Regiment (the loth Hussars) was said 
 to be particularly active and inimical to the people : they were, in con- 
 sequence, sent from town, in order to prevent further collision. The 
 author was returning from the Opera, when one man was shot, and 
 another cut down, and he fortunately escaped with his life. 
 
406 CHARACTER AND PRINCIPLES OF [CHAP. XI. 
 
 opinion as to his right to break open the door, and 
 he demanded a force of 300 infantry and 500 
 cavalry as an escort. At length an entrance was 
 effected, and Sir Francis was lodged in the Tower, 
 where he remained until Parliament was pro- 
 rogued. Meantime, he served the Speaker with 
 notice of an action for trespass and false imprison- 
 ment. 
 
 As a public character, Sir Francis excited con- 
 siderable interest, — more at the commencement 
 of his career than at the close. His appearance 
 was that of a gentleman, and not in the least that 
 of a tribune ; he had a good figure, a graceful air, 
 and a pleasing tone of voice ; he was not an elo- 
 quent, but he was an agreeable speaker ; he had 
 a fine Parliamentary pathos, an austere gravity, 
 and a monitorial manner which was not to be 
 found in the qualities of a demagogue. No man 
 appeared less spoiled than he was by the frequent 
 practice of addressing public meetings. He had, 
 however, contracted the bad habit of attacking in- 
 dividuals in their absence ; and this, perhaps, was 
 the only vulgar error he had suffered himself to 
 fall into. He assailed Mr. Canning and Mr. 
 Tierney, but was worsted in both encounters, par- 
 ticularly in the latter. His style of address was 
 fine, and was above his matter ; for he did not 
 argue well, though he remembered well and re- 
 plied well to what was said ; and though not in a 
 regular fire, yet in good strong separate sentences. 
 He never said anything that proved him to be a 
 man of a strong mind ; and though a prominent 
 advocate for liberty, and a professed friend of the 
 people, yet he showed that he was incapable of 
 taking the lead ; and if he had been put at their 
 head, he would have been displaced within half 
 an hour. 
 
 His doctrines as a politician were strangely in- 
 
CHAP. XI.] SIR FRANCIS BURDETT. 
 
 407 
 
 consistent and deficient. The principles he ad- 
 vanced were not calculated for any sort of govern- 
 ment ; they were the very worst possible. He 
 united the wildest spirit of democracy with a tame 
 submission to royalty, and showed that he was 
 exactly the man who would support a despotism. 
 His principles that were not prerogative, were 
 anarchic ; he not only would have had vote by 
 ballot, but annual parliaments and universal 
 suffrage, — i. e., chaos: servants — soldiers — all 
 were to vote. 
 
 Thus, his proposition for reform would have 
 done great mischief ; the plan would have in- 
 creased the power of the Crown, instead of di- 
 minishing it ; for he would have restored to the 
 King his old prerogative, under the idea that the 
 King would give up his influence ; but the King 
 would not have done any such thing; he would 
 have kept his modern influence, and would have 
 added to it his old prerogative. 
 
 The letter he wrote on the privilege of Parlia- 
 ment showed an ignorance of the constitution ; it 
 was not written by a man who was a lawyer, but 
 by one who wished to be thought a lawyer. 
 When he abandoned his early friends, and deserted 
 his early principles, he inflicted a deep wound on 
 the character of public men. He taught the peo- 
 ple to believe that no confidence could be placed 
 in them, that no consistency was required from 
 them, that there was no distinction of party in the 
 State ; and that, notwithstanding their declared 
 opinions, unequivocal assurances, and solemn pro- 
 testations, politicians were at best only speculators 
 or impostors, and that they could play the part 
 of the renegade without the loss of reputation. 
 His doctrines and his practice would have unseated 
 the House of Hanover, and have subverted the 
 British constitution. 
 
408 HIS LIBERATION FROM THE TOWER. [CHAP. XI. 
 
 In the Tower of London his career terminated ; 
 the people had prepared for him an ovation ; 
 they were to lead away their injured captive in 
 pride and triumph, and never doubted that he 
 would have headed their procession ; but their 
 favourite disappointed them, and stole away from 
 his party by water. At length some men began 
 to doubt his courage, others his principles, and 
 many his judgment : the two last were right; for 
 when such a character becomes prudent, he is 
 undone. 
 
CHAP. XII.] 
 
 IRISH TITHES. 
 
 409 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Irish tithes. — Mr. Grattan brings on the Catholic question in 1810. — 
 Domestic nomination of Catholic bishops disregarded by ministers.— 
 Mr. Grattan complains of his absence from Ireland. — Injury from 
 absenteeism. — His life in London. — Visits to llichmond to Mr. 
 Sharp. — Samuel Rogers. — Cumberland. — Interesting conversation. — 
 Anecdote of Kean and Miss O'Neill. — Leadership of the opposition 
 offered to Tierney, accepted by Ponsonby. — Distress of Ireland. — 
 Resolutions against the Union. — Public meeting and petitions against. 
 — Mr. Grattan's answer and opinion thereon. — Banks's charge that 
 Ireland was a burthen to England. — Foster's spirited reply. — Illness 
 of George III. — Conduct of Mr. Perceval. — Mr. Grattan's letter. — 
 Opposes the restrictions on the Regency. — Mr. Ponsonby 's able 
 speech. — Defeat of ministers on the household. — Mr. Grattan's 
 speech. — Prince accepts the office. — Lord Grenville, auditor of the 
 exchequer, refuses to issue the public money. — Unconstitutional 
 power assumed by the Commons. — Conduct of Sheridan. — Court 
 intrigues. — Arrangement of the new ministry. — Lord Grenville and 
 Lord Grey dissatisfied. — The No-Popery administration continued. — 
 Mr. Grattan disclaims a spurious reply to Flood. — Letters to M'Can. 
 — Letter on the Irish finances. — Sir John Newport's motion. — Mr. 
 Grattan's letter on reform. — On the interchange of militia. — Letters to 
 James Grattan, in Sicily, on public affairs. 
 
 In the month of April, 1810, Mr. Henry Panic! 1 
 proposed that a committee of the House of Com- 
 mons should be appointed to inquire into the 
 mode of paying tithes in Ireland. Mr. Grattan 
 spoke in favour of this motion, and strongly sup- 
 ported it, but it was rejected by G9 to 48. On the 
 18th of May he renewed the motion respecting 
 the Catholics, whose petition he had presented on 
 the 27th of February ; on which occasion he 
 alluded to the Veto, declaring "that he would 
 not enter into the subject ; whether he had mis- 
 informed the House, or the Catholics had been 
 guilty of retractation, was a question he would 
 never agitate, it being his fixed principle never to 
 defend himself at the expense of his country ; 
 but he would submit to the House the danger of a 
 foreign influence, and the necessity of securing 
 the country against a French nomination of the 
 
410 MR. grattan's motion [chap. XII. 
 
 Irish Catholic bishops." Mr. Plowden, in his 
 history, represents Mr. Grattan as saying that his 
 opinion was in favour of a Veto, but this was a 
 mistake: no such statement appears in the par- 
 liamentary debates, nor in the speeches on the 
 subject published by authority. 
 
 It happened that at this moment the Catholics 
 were growing discontented ; they had been dis- 
 appointed. From the Whigs they expected a great 
 deal, and got little. General distrust was the 
 result, and gave rise to a dissatisfied spirit. Mr. 
 Grattan's sentiments and expressions were mis- 
 represented ; and the angry feeling which had 
 arisen in 1807 on the subject of the insurrection 
 bills, was now fast spreading, and threatened to 
 break out, as it did a few years afterwards, when 
 it led to the withdrawing the Catholic petition 
 from him, and entrusting it to another, Such 
 changes must ever attend upon politics ; it is 
 the fate of public men to experience them ; but it 
 is not always their good fortune to bear them 
 (as he did) with serenity. 
 
 The question came forward under a new shape, 
 and domestic nomination was the proposal sub- 
 stituted in place of the Veto. Mr. Grattan ob- 
 served that domestic nomination obtained by 
 consent of the Pope, whether placed in the 
 chapter or the Catholic bishops, would not affect 
 the Pope's authority of investiture of institution, 
 or of any spiritual functions. This proposition 
 was not, however, received by the House much 
 better than the Veto had been ; the question was 
 adjourned, the debate renewed on the 25th, and 
 again adjourned to the 1st June, when Mr. 
 Grattan, in reply, stated the resolutions of the 
 Catholic bishops, in which they say they are ready 
 to yield for the security of the state everything 
 which does not affect the rights or integrity of 
 their church. But though this offer was fair, and 
 
CHAP. XII.] ON THE CATHOLIC QUESTION. 
 
 411 
 
 was all that could be required, the Government 
 did not think fit to close with them on the subject, 
 and thereby put an end to this lengthened and 
 dangerous contest. 
 
 Mr. Ponsonby entered into a statement of his 
 conduct on the question of the Veto, and the 
 letters and communications with Dr. Milner, of 
 last session, and showed that he had not gone be- 
 yond the instructions he received, or the offers that 
 had then been made. Mr. Grattan seems to have 
 made a very able reply* on this occasion ; but on 
 a division the number for going into a committee 
 was only 109, and against it, 213, — majority 
 against the Catholics, 104. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mb. M'Can. 
 
 London, June 11th, 1810. 
 
 My dear M'Can, — I shall send you the speeches*)* as 
 published ; they are taken in substance ; the reply is only 
 the substance of what I said. The introductory speech is 
 near the original speech. 
 
 I shall see you in July, and you must spend some time 
 at Tinnehinch. We go to Tunbridge on Tuesday, and 
 I shall leave it in a month, and the ladies will go to the 
 sea. 
 
 Write me the news of Dublin. Direct to me at Tun- 
 bridge Wells, England. 1 long very much to see my 
 friends in Ireland, and next year I shall spend most of my 
 time there. I am tired of the expense of England, and 
 the vagabond life which I am obliged to lead. The re- 
 mainder of my life shall be spent, a few months excepted, 
 in Ireland. 
 
 I have got an insolvent bill for the Irish debtors ; but it 
 could not go as far as they wished, nor has it passed as 
 soon as I could desire. 
 
 I carried it up to the Lords one fortnight ago: it 
 received the royal assent on Saturday. Mrs. G. is much 
 
 * Sir James Mackintosh said that the best view of the argument on the 
 Catholic subject was presented by a perusal of Lord Grenville's speech 
 in 1808, in conjunction with that of Mr. Grattan in 1810. — Year 1819 
 in the 2nd vol. Mackintosh's Memoirs. 
 
 f The speeches in the Lords and Commons on the debate, were pub- 
 lished, by authority, in one vol. 8vo. 
 
412 
 
 INJURY TO IRELAND [CHAP. XI 
 
 better. The rest well, — all beg to be remembered to you. 
 —Yours, H. G. 
 
 The " vagabond" or erratic life that Mr. Grat- 
 tan complains of, was one of the consequences of 
 the Union. The Irish, who were migratory 
 through habit, were now rendered more so by 
 necessity. The great landed proprietors of the 
 country being English, were absentees, and the 
 next class of society, in a great degree followed 
 their example. The country, degraded from the 
 dignity of a nation, and sunk in its own esteem, 
 was subject to the evils that follow from ser- 
 vility, or fashion, or taste, or necessity. Thus 
 absenteeism increased more and more every day, 
 and, like a cancer, corroded the state, and con- 
 sumed its substance, The English liked the 
 system, as it brought them money and business, 
 promoted their manufactures, and threw back 
 those of their former rival ; they considered their 
 estates sufficiently secure, notwithstanding the 
 absence of those who had so long acted the part 
 of sentinels, and stood guard to protect British 
 possessions from the evils that necessarily ensue 
 where hordes of tenants are left unaided and un- 
 instructed, and estates* unvisited and unimproved. 
 The injury thereby done to the country arose to 
 such a height that she seemed fast recurring to 
 the state Swift had represented her in his time, 
 and to be in the possession, as well as the occu- 
 pation, of a frieze-coated population, when, for an 
 entire day, the traveller might pass through 
 various parts of Ireland without f beholding the 
 
 * The Bath estates, situate in the county of Monaghan, are reputed 
 to comprise 60,000 Irish acres, the Marquis, who holds half, has no 
 residence, and was never known to come there ; the other half has lat- 
 terly rather improved ; on it are supposed to be 4,000 tenants and 
 20,000 inhabitants — it presents a beggarly miserable appearance to the 
 traveller. 
 
 t The Irish aristocracy were forced to submit to severe and bitter 
 reproofs even from the drollest of the English members. In the debate 
 February 22nd, 1810, Mr. Fuller said, "Let the great men of the 
 
CHAP. XII.] 
 
 FROM ABSENTEEISM. 
 
 413 
 
 abode of a single resident gentleman. This 
 national calamity gave rise to a matter of serious 
 apprehension, and many began to fear that the 
 words of an ancient statesman would be realized, 
 and the o-oods of the absent and indifferent would 
 at length become the property of the enterprising 
 and the present. 
 
 No person was more alive to a sense of the 
 evils of absenteeism than Mr. Grattan, and no- 
 body deprecated them more strongly : he felt the 
 injury, and beheld the poverty it produced ; he 
 was aware how difficult it was for one country to 
 hold another whose people she had robbed of their 
 property, and then proscribed on account of their 
 religion. Residence, care, attention, — a fostering 
 hand, a benevolent heart, and a gentle tongue, he 
 conceived to be the indispensable requisites for 
 the peace and prosperity of Ireland, and the con- 
 tinuance of her alliance with Great Britain. 
 
 But Mr. Grattan was scarcely entitled to com- 
 plain of the annual absence of six months from 
 Ireland, and had less reason to be dissatisfied 
 than any of the hundred Irish members ; for if 
 personal considerations were considered, the 
 result of the Union had been to him most grati- 
 fying, as he had the satisfaction of beholding his 
 fame, his principles, and the whole tenor of his 
 life, not only vindicated, but triumphant. He 
 rose, while those who had opposed him, and 
 aspersed him, and had been set on to libel him 
 and his country, sunk into oblivion, and were 
 abandoned by the very party who had instigated 
 them. Even Mr. Canning, who, in 1799, had been 
 the encomiast of Dr. Duigenan, now enjoined 
 silence, and seemed pleased at the facetious ap- 
 pellation of " the muzzled doctor,' 1 — a title which 
 
 country go home, and in place cf spending their money here, let them 
 regulate their own tenantry and their estates and not hear of them only 
 Xhrough those secondary persons whom they employ." 
 
414 
 
 MR. GRATTAN'S LIFE CHAP. XII.] 
 
 was conferred upon him in consequence of the 
 unwilling taciturnity he was obliged to observe 
 in Parliament. Neither had the habits of public 
 business rendered Mr. Grattan averse to the en- 
 joyments of the society he met with in London. 
 After his successful speech in 1805, he was 
 courted and invited by the leading men of both 
 parties. Holland House, Spencer* House, De- 
 vonshire House, and Buckingham^ House, fur- 
 nished a number of talented individuals, whose 
 company he relished, and who, in return, seemed 
 pleased and gladdened by his society ; yet the 
 love of home was dear to him, and absence from 
 his country grew painful ; he ever bore in mind 
 the words of his native poet — 
 
 " Where'er I roam, whatever realms I see 
 My heart untravell'd fondly turns to thee." 
 
 His taste for the country was with him a passion, 
 and governed all his movements. He loved the 
 banks of the Thames, Richmond Hill, Twicken- 
 ham, and the Duke of Buccleugh's meadows ; 
 and Pope's Villa afforded him sauntering walks 
 and delightful recreation ; and like a boy from 
 school, he used, after a tedious, heavy debate, 
 to boat up the Thames and walk beneath the lofty 
 elms that adorn its banks, enjoying the melody 
 of the birds and the sweetness of the fields and 
 flowers. In the pursuit of these enjoyments he was 
 not without companions, and even rivals. Samuel 
 
 * The habit at Spencer-house was to break up at twelve o'clock ; 
 Lady Spencer complained that Mr. Grattan's conversation inveigled her 
 guests past the hour, and, tapping him on the shoulder, told him she 
 would send for her night-cap. 
 
 f The Marchioness of Buckingham was an Irishwoman and a Catho- 
 lic ; when her husband was Lord-Lieutenant in Ireland, Mr. Grattan had 
 violent political differences with him, but those disputes were now at an 
 end, and she wished for reconciliation ; a large dinner party was therefore 
 made, and Mr. Grattan was invited ; she was very anxious he should 
 come, and waited at the landing-place on the stairs until she heard the 
 servant announce his name; when she found he was inside her doors, 
 she withdrew, saying that she was satisfied with her success. This cir- 
 cumstance she related with great pleasure. 
 
CHAP. XII.] AND SOCIETY IN LONDON. 
 
 415 
 
 Rogers, Horner,* Sharpe, and other friends, 
 joined in his country excursions ; and to the place 
 of the latter, near Boxhill, they used to repair, to 
 hear the nightingales in that neighbourhood of 
 talent and of beauty ; in the vicinity of the Beau- 
 clerksf and the Locks, amidst the charming scenery 
 of Norbury Park; — all these had their attrac- 
 tions, yet they could not banish the affection for 
 his valley of Tinnehinch, and its tranquil and 
 sweet simplicity. 
 
 In 1809, Mr. Grattan met Sir Arthur Pigott 
 and Mr. Wilberforce at Eastbourn, and derived 
 much pleasure from their society ; the sober, 
 sound sense, and constitutional mind of the for- 
 mer, and the calm, yet lively and varied conver- 
 sation of the latter. In both there was much to 
 instruct, to interest, and to please. 
 
 Mr. Wilberforce lived surrounded with books 
 and letters, and devoured every new production 
 with the avidity of a boy. He knew nothing of 
 Ireland ; but he was of use on the Catholic ques- 
 
 * " Francis Horner to his Sister Ann (afterwards Mrs. Power.) 
 My dear Nancy, — I have been passing Saturday and Sunday at Mr. 
 
 Sharpe's, at Mickleham, with Mr. Grattan ; and it was a very agreeable 
 excursion. I wen* and returned with Mr. Grattan, ^hese conversation 
 about Ireland, and especially the past history of Ireland, as well as upon 
 literature, is full of interest and genius. lie has been giving me to-day, 
 as we came to town, the history of what was done at the famous period 
 of 1782 ; and he made me acquainted with some parts of that great 
 transaction, and particularly his own share in it, which I did not know 
 before. This little excursion was on purpose to hear the nightingales, 
 for he loves music like an Italian, and the country like a true-born Eng- 
 lishman. Both beauties are in full perfection at Uedley, where there are 
 more nightingales in chorus than are to be heard any where else. lie 
 is full of English and Latin poetry, too, and deals very much in passages 
 from both, when he is at his ease; which, with his ardour for Ireland, 
 and his characteristic sketches of persons with whom he has acted in 
 puDlic life, and a great deal of fun, and benevolence, and sense, above 
 all things, make him a very entertaining companion. At the age of 
 seventy, too, for I fear he is nearly as much, and with the veneration that 
 belongs to his name from the figure he has made in our politics, it is 
 impossible not to take a deep interest in one who renders himself so 
 accessible and so instructive. — Yours, F. H." — Homer s Correspondence, 
 vol. ii. 
 
 * Three great beauties resided there, Mrs. Charles Lock, Mrs. Wil- 
 liam Lock, and Mrs. Beauclerk. 
 
416 SAMUEL ROGERS, AND CUMBERLAND. [CHAP. XII. 
 
 tion, and his support latterly gave it a character 
 that was of service to the cause in England. 
 
 Samuel Rogers* was at Tunbridge Wells in 
 the autumn of 1810, and introduced Mr. Grattan 
 to Cumberland, who then resided there. Books, 
 plays, dramatic writers, the performers in the 
 leading characters and popular parts, and their 
 different style of acting, formed the chief sub- 
 ject of conversation, which was thus rendered 
 extremely interesting. Rogers seemed natural, 
 simple, and just. Cumberland appeared rather 
 fastidious. f Mr. Grattan had great relish for 
 this society. He had been fond of the drama ; 
 knew by heart most of the fine passages of the 
 best dramatists, and had studied their plays, par- 
 ticularly those of Shakspeare, with great atten- 
 tion. He used to relate with singular precision 
 the merits and defects of the different performers, 
 from the times of GarrickJ, Mossop, and Barry, 
 Mrs. Fitzhenry, and Miss Farren, down to those 
 of Kemble, Kean§, Mrs. Siddons, and Miss 
 O'Neill. || He would bring before his company this 
 
 * The poet, a great admirer and friend of Mr. Grattan ; a charm- 
 ing agreeable companion, replete with taste, anecdote, and information. 
 
 f He said that Shakspeare had never written a perfect tragedy or 
 comedy. 
 
 J He admired Garrick in Richard the Third, said his acting was 
 excellent. Kemble pleased him in it also. 
 
 § Kean had not acted Macbeth before he came to Ireland. When 
 he was on a visit at Tinnehinch he studied the part, and got Mr. Grat- 
 tan's opinion on several passages. Having made a party with Mrs. 
 Kean and others to visit the waterfall, he galloped away and disap- 
 peared ; at length he was found in one of the glades, the horse grazing 
 beneath an oak, and Kean vociferating aloud, acting Macbeth with all 
 his might. The week after he appeared in the character and was 
 warmly received by the Dublin audience ; towards the close of the 
 play his voice did not sustain itself, but Mr. Grattan liked him and 
 thought he acted it well ; he said it was the most difficult part in all 
 Shakspeare. 
 
 On another occasion I induced Mr. Berwick and him to see Miss 
 O'Neill in Ophelia. We dined early, and as professed amateurs we took 
 our places in the pit. She acted admirably, and at one of the most in- 
 teresting scenes, I looked to my ttvo veterans to see how they liked 
 her— I beheld them both in tears; it was unnecessary to ask their 
 -opinion further. 
 
 || In Juliet he liked her extremely, he said the scene at the balcony sh 
 
CHAP. XII.] OPPOSITION LEADERSHIP. 
 
 417 
 
 galaxy of constellations, and pourtray their varied 
 arts with great felicity. 
 
 In the winter of this year he met, at Brighton, 
 Lord John Townsend, Lord Aberdeen, Sir William 
 Gell, Mr. Creevey, Mr. Tierney, Mr. Trevor, and 
 Mr. Rogers ; they formed a very pleasant society, 
 and all seemed charmed with Mr. Grattan. They 
 liked his ways and the simplicity of his manner; 
 and as they made it a rule to avoid politics, they 
 were, in consequence, more agreeable and more 
 accordant. 
 
 The leadership of the Opposition is an arduous 
 and difficult post. England requires not merely 
 a man of great ability, but of extensive personal 
 weight ; he must belong to the aristocracy as 
 well as the people, and unite popular principles 
 with aristocratic connections. 
 
 The nobles of England do not always like a 
 courtier, but they are sure to dislike a tribune, 
 and are as desirous that the country should be pro- 
 tected against the dangers of the democracy as 
 against the influence of the Crown. The 
 individual must know not only how to lead, but 
 how to please his troops. He must be affable in 
 manner, generous in disposition, have a ready hand, 
 an open house, and a full purse. He must be 
 grave and gay, lively and severe. He must have 
 a good cook for the English members, fine words 
 and fair promises for the Irish, and sober calcu- 
 lations for the Scotch. He must sacrifice time, 
 and temper, and fortune; his private affairs, his 
 health, and his constitution. 
 
 Such a person could lead the Opposition, and 
 such a person was now sought for. The party 
 
 acts admirably — the words, " It is the larky and not the nightingale," 
 she speaks incomparably, nothing can be better, she is so natural and 
 so unaffected, her tones are fine, her voice good, and a soft articulation, 
 the reverse of Mrs. Siddons. I saw Mrs. Barry act Juliet, it was a 
 famous part of hers, and she did not act it better than Miss O'Neill. 
 VOL. V. E E 
 
418 MR. PONSONBY TAKES LEADERSHIP. [CHAP. XII. 
 
 looked to Mr. Tierney. He was a friend of the 
 Prince,* and might have been of service ; he was 
 a man of very considerable ability ; but neither 
 his health nor his fortune enabled him to accept 
 the situation. The request made to him by his 
 friends was signed by Mr. Grattan, who gladly 
 availed himself of the opportunity to manifest the 
 sense he entertained of his merits and talent. Mr. 
 Ponsonby, however, was selected. He had Eng- 
 lish connection, high and powerful ; the amenity 
 of his manners, and the gentleness of his dispo- 
 sition, procured him numerous friends ; they per- 
 suaded him to fill the office ; and he amply repaid 
 the trust that was reposed in him; but in dis- 
 charging this duty he sacrificed a great part of 
 his fortune, and it may be said he also sacrificed 
 his life. 
 
 Lord Duncannon to Mr. Grattan. 
 
 September 8th, 1810. 
 Dear Sir, — In consequence of a letter from you, sent 
 to me by Lord Holland, I beg to inform you that the 
 letter, with the signatures, was sent to Mr. Tierney, and 
 that I have received his answer. He feels himself much 
 flattered by the proposition that has been made to him of 
 taking a leading part in the House of Commons in the 
 next session, in the necessary Parliamentary arrangements ; 
 and agreeing entirely with those who signed it, and the 
 sentiments expressed in it, he readily accedes to their 
 wishes as far as the state of his health will allow him to 
 do so. — Believe me, dear Sir, your very faithful and 
 humble servant, 
 
 Duncannon. 
 
 The distress of Ireland, her inability to bear 
 taxation, and her difficulty to keep pace with the 
 
 * The Prince, in 1806, wanted Tierney to be Chancellor of the Irish 
 Exchequer; Mr. Grattan and Lord Hutchinson went to Carllon House 
 to oppose the appointment. For thus thwarting his job. the Prince for- 
 gave Mr. Grattan, but not Lord Hutchinson. 
 
CHAP. XII.] DISTRESS OF IRELAND. 
 
 419 
 
 growing exigencies of the empire was increasing 
 every year — and occasioned much discontent 
 among her people ; at length, in the month of 
 September, 1810, the Grand Jury of the city of 
 Dublin began to assume a degree of courage, and 
 to display some national feeling ; they passed 
 several resolutions on the subject, in one of which 
 they complained that " The Act of Union, after 
 ten years' operation, instead of augmenting the 
 comforts, prosperity, and happiness of the people, 
 agreeably to the hopes held out by the advocates 
 of that measure, had produced an accumulation of 
 distress, and, instead of cementing, they feared 
 that, if not repealed, it might endanger the con- 
 nexion between the sister islands." 
 
 The resolutions were presented to Mr. G rattan, 
 and in his reply he stated, " That he was an 
 enemy to the extinguishment of the Irish parlia- 
 ment, and was a friend to its restoration/' 
 
 In the same month a public meeting of the 
 freemen and freeholders of Dublin was held at 
 the Royal Exchange, at which resolutions of the 
 same tendency were adopted, and petitions to the 
 King and to Parliament were agreed on ; these 
 were entrusted to Mr. Grattan, and were accom- 
 panied with an address embodying their sub- 
 stance, and calling upon him to support their 
 prayer, to which he gave the following answer 
 
 Gentlemen, — I have the honour to receive an address 
 presented by your committee, and expressive of their 
 wishes that I should present certain petitions, and support 
 the repeal of an act entitled the Act of Union. And your 
 committee adds, that it speaks with the authority of my 
 constituents, the freemen and freeholders of the city of 
 Dublin. 
 
 I beg to assure your committee, and through diem my 
 much-beloved and much-respected constituents, that I shall 
 accede to their proposition, I shall present their petitions, 
 
 E E 2 
 
420 
 
 mr. grattan's opinion [chap. XII. 
 
 and support the repeal of the Act of Union, with a decided 
 attachment to our connexion with Great Britain, and to 
 that harmony between the two countries without which the 
 connexion cannot last. I do not impair either, as I appre- 
 hend, when I assure you that I shall support the repeal of 
 the Act of Union. You will please to observe that a pro- 
 position of that sort in Parliament, to be either prudent or 
 possible, must wait until it shall be called for and backed 
 by the nation. When proposed, I shall then, as at all 
 times I hope I shall, prove myself an Irishman, and that 
 Irishman whose first and last passion was his native 
 country. 
 
 As to the personal approbation with which you have 
 honoured me, it is, I must say, your kindness that over- 
 rates my pretensions ; but I have one pretension which 
 neither age, nor time, nor distance, can efface, — an attach- 
 ment to Ireland unaltered and unalterable. 
 
 I have the honour to be, with the greatest esteem, your 
 very humble servant, 
 
 Henry Grattan. 
 
 Dublin, October 4th, 1810. 
 
 On this important subject, which occupies the 
 public mind so much at present, and has engrossed 
 that of the masses of the people of Ireland,* Mr. 
 Grattan's opinion, from first to last, did not un- 
 dergo any change whatever; he always considered 
 it a bad measure, very injurious to Ireland, and 
 likely to prove dangerous to the connexion and 
 fatal to the stability of the empire. He thought 
 that the two countries would have gone on toge- 
 ther much better if the .Act of Union had not 
 taken place, and he feared that, if Buonaparte 
 succeeded, the measure would greatly increase 
 the danger of separation. 
 
 He observed that the Union had not diminished 
 
 * Meetings of large bodies (in some cases hundreds of thousands) 
 have been held in various parts of Ireland in 1843-4, 5, and have all 
 pronounced against the Union : it is calculated that upwards of four 
 millions of the people of Ireland have declared in favour of a repeal of 
 the Union — the aristocracy, however, hang back, as they always have. — 
 Note by Editor. 
 
CHAP. XII.] 
 
 ON THE UNION. 
 
 421 
 
 jobbing; that it had ruined the citizens of Dublin, 
 impaired their fortunes, and destroyed their con- 
 sequence ; that it had deprived all men (with the 
 exception of a few)* of all political ardour, it had 
 destroyed their ambition, and deprived the coun- 
 try of a great portion of its talent, as few men 
 could now get into Parliament. It served Pon- 
 sonby and me, for we have risen and triumphed 
 over our old enemies, the men who did all the mis- 
 chief in Ireland ! As to her finances, the contri- 
 bution is too great, the country cannot pay it. 
 The absentee debt is two millions, and Ireland has 
 not half a million for the current expenses. Add 
 the absentee list, upwards of three millions; the im- 
 perial contribution, six millions; and the absentee 
 interest of the debt ; and compare them with the 
 profits arising from the export trade, and these 
 sink absolutely to nothing. 
 
 Lord Castlereagh said at the Union that her 
 expenses would be two millions in war and one 
 million and a half in peace. See how his predic- 
 tions have been verified ! If Government levy 
 taxes at the rate and increase of the present")' 
 year, they will create a rebellion ; the country 
 cannot pay her proportion. I do not see how she 
 can stand it. If the Union benefits the country, 
 it will take a very long time. 
 
 With respect to the Catholics, they now find 
 the Ministers obstinate in their refusal, and they 
 will not thank England for their rights. Lord 
 Liverpool now says that he takes his stand, and 
 thinks that enough has been granted to them, that 
 he will abide by the settlement of the Union and 
 will concede no more. Thus the Catholics find 
 that, instead of the promises held out by Mr. Pitt 
 
 * This applies most truly to the aristocracy of Ireland ; always a 
 poor set except when forced on by the people as in '79 and '82. 
 t Taxes to the amount of 320,000/. had been imposed. 
 
422 MR. BANKES' INVECTIVE. [CHAP. XII. 
 
 being fulfilled, the Union has proved not an 
 advantage, but a bar to their claims. 
 
 Such were the sentiments Mr. Grattan enter- 
 tained on these subjects. A short while after, it 
 happened that an additional duty upon tobacco in 
 Ireland was passed in the House of Commons ; 
 and on this occasion Mr. Bankes said that Ireland 
 was becoming a burthen to England. This expres- 
 sion greatly offended Mr. Grattan, and after the 
 digression he observed that Mr. Bankes was 
 wrong in saying that Ireland was a burthen to 
 England, that he was not at all justified in saying 
 so. Ireland is not to be considered a burthen 
 because she contributes so much less this year 
 than the last, but a benefit so far as she contri- 
 butes the imperial quota ; in fact, it is too large, 
 and she cannot pay it, but that is no proof 
 that she is a burthen. Mr. Foster was greatly 
 roused at this unlucky phrase ; he displayed 
 much national ardour and strong Irish feeling ; 
 and in his reply to Mr. Bankes he said that the 
 Union was forced upon Ireland, that she had not 
 asked for it, and with great indignation he ex- 
 claimed, " Take back your Union! take back your 
 Union I r The House were struck by his spirit 
 on the occasion ;* but, like the forebodings of 
 Cassandra, his words passed unheeded by. 
 
 On this point Mr. Grattan observed, ci The 
 Union could very easily be dissolved ; there can 
 be no obstacle to the repeal of an Act of Parlia- 
 ment. The influence of the Crown would be 
 thereby lessened ; for the boroughs are so dimi- 
 nished that the aristocratic power would be 
 greatly decreased ; but objections of that nature 
 are no reasons against the repeal. The aristo- 
 cracy might be afraid of the Catholics, from their 
 
 * The author was witness to the scene ; Mr. Foster spoke with such 
 ardour and spirit, that the English members said he was tipsy. 
 
CHAP. XII.] ILLNESS OF GEORGE III. 423 
 
 weight ill the representation and from their num- 
 bers in the House of Commons, and that they would 
 exclaim against paying the Established Church ; 
 but that would be no objection, for it cannot be 
 said that the payment of the Protestant clergy 
 should be a bar to the restoration of Irish liberty." 
 
 On the 11th of November, Parliament was 
 assembled, but, in consequence of the bad state 
 of his Majesty's health, was adjourned to the 
 14th, and from that day to the 24th and 29th, and 
 finally to the 13th of December, when a com- 
 mittee was appointed to examine the physicians 
 respecting the King's health. They had pre- 
 viously been examined by the Privy Council, and, 
 in the debate on the 29th, Mr. Perceval had made 
 their testimony a ground for the adjournment of 
 the House. This unconstitutional proceeding was 
 strongly objected to, and by Mr. Ponsonby in par- 
 ticular, but the Minister prevailed. Mr. Grattan 
 thus gave his opinion on the subject. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Henry Grattan. 
 
 Brighton, December 4th, 1810. 
 . My dear Henry, — The report of the Privy Council is 
 no evidence to ground the vote of adjournment. The vote 
 of ad journment amounted to a declaration that the state of 
 the King's health was such as to warrant a further suspen- 
 sion of the executive government ; but of the state of the 
 King's health the two Houses knew nothing but by com- 
 mon report, an examination of physicians before another 
 body, which body had no right to send their report to 
 either House of Parliament to interfere on the subject. 
 The only bodies capable of pronouncing on the health of 
 the King are the Lords and Commons. As it has hap- 
 pened, the body, namely, the Privy Council, who had no 
 right to come to a conclusion on the subject, have held the 
 examination, and the bodies whose duty and right it was 
 to decide have held none. Could the Houses of Parliament, 
 on an examination before the Council, transfer to a regent 
 the executive power ? Certainly not. It follows that they 
 
424 CONDUCT OF MR. PERCEVAL [CHAP. XII. 
 
 could, on such an examination, agree to a suspension 
 of the executive power. The vote of adjournment was 
 that. 
 
 Write to me. I like the debate, that is, some of the 
 speeches. The Chancellor,* they say, spoke well, that is, 
 I suppose, with craft. I dare say he and Westmoreland 
 were exactly what you say. Yours, 
 
 Henry Grattan. 
 
 On the 19th of December, Mr. Perceval wrote 
 to the Prince, and communicated to him his plan 
 of a restricted regency, similar to that in 1789, 
 but allowing him to confer peerages for naval and 
 military services. It was to continue for a year 
 and six weeks after the commencement of the 
 next session of Parliament. The Prince objected, 
 saying that this was not like the case of Mr. Pitt's 
 regency, after both Houses of Parliament had 
 agreed to certain resolutions, and which he would 
 not animadvert on ; but before such resolutions 
 were passed, which he could not anticipate Par- 
 liament would agree to finally, he said that he 
 would refer to his letter of 1789. He then sum- 
 moned his brothers and the Duke of Gloucester, 
 and they drew up a letter to Mr. Perceval, which 
 they all signed, protesting against a restricted 
 regency. 
 
 Mr. Sheridan and Mr. Ponsonby objected to 
 the mode of proceeding adopted by Mr. Perceval ; 
 and a call of the House was ordered for the 20th, 
 when Mr. Perceval proposed three resolutions, 
 declaring, that by reason of the indisposition of 
 his Majesty, the " royal authority was thereby 
 for the present interrupted ; " the 2nd, declaring it 
 to be the duty of the Lords and Commons to 
 supply the defect in such manner as the case may 
 require ; and the 3rd, that the Lords and Com- 
 mons should proceed by bill. This was opposed 
 
 * Lord Eldon. 
 
CHAP. XII.] OX THE REGENCY QUESTION. 
 
 425 
 
 by Mr. Ponsonby, who moved, as an amendment, 
 an address to the Prince of Wales, calling on 
 him to assume the sovereign authority during the 
 illness of his Majesty. 
 
 On this subject he made a most able, masterly 
 speech, displayed great knowledge of the consti- 
 tution, and acquired great credit. This was the 
 more remarkable, as it was a subject that had 
 been long and ably debated by the two great 
 political champions and rivals, Mr. Fox and Mr. 
 Pitt. "Mr. Ponsonby managed the case with less 
 party spirit and less acrimony, and thereby ob- 
 tained deserved approbation. 
 
 Mr. Grattan supported Mr. Ponsonby, and 
 took the same view of the case. He maintained 
 that the precedent of 1788 was incomplete ; that 
 the House could not give the royal assent to any 
 act ; and could not assume to two branches the 
 authority of three. He would not consent, either, 
 to take from the Regent any of the powers be- 
 longing to the kingly office. He would vote for 
 proceeding by address. But the resolution to 
 proceed by bill was carried by 269 to 157. 
 
 On the 31st the Minister proposed his resolu- 
 tions (they were five in number) as the ground of 
 his bill. Mr. Lamb (afterwards Lord Melbourne) 
 proposed the omission of the words "restrictions 
 and limitations." In this he was supported by 
 Mr. Leach (master of the rolls), in a most able 
 and argumentative speech. It was, however, lost 
 by 200 to 224 ; but on the question as to the 
 household the rising star of the Prince appeared 
 in the ascendant, and the Minister was defeated, 
 on the amendment of Lord Gower to omit the 
 words that vested in the Queen the unlimited 
 control over the household, and to substitute the 
 committing to her the direction of such portion as 
 should be deemed requisite for the attendance on 
 
426 
 
 mr. grattan's remarks [chap. XII. 
 
 his Majesty's person. This was carried by 226 
 to 214 ; 13 majority against the Minister. 
 
 Mr. Grattan strenuously opposed the limita- 
 tions. Though strongly attached to the rights 
 and liberties of the people, he was always a 
 staunch supporter of the just rights and preroga- 
 tives of the Crown, and was always averse to 
 abridge them in any particular. These sentiments 
 he showed in his Irish policy ; and these he mani- 
 fested on the present occasion. He contended 
 that the nation had a right to call on Parliament, 
 to give the public the benefit of the prerogative 
 vested in the Crown for their use. The executive 
 magistrate ought to possess all the prerogatives 
 of the Crown ; and in the present case, in time of 
 war, this was still more necessary. He thought 
 that the influence of the Crown should rather be 
 diminished than increased ; but he was an enemy 
 to the curtailment of its just and necessary autho- 
 rity. 
 
 On the 2nd of January, 18 LI, when the report 
 from the Committee was brought up and the 
 resolutions read, Lord Porchester moved to omit 
 the words " limitations and restrictions," which 
 gave rise to another animated debate ; but the 
 motion was unsuccessful. Mr. Grattan gave it a 
 warm support, and concluded his speech with 
 these remarks : — 
 
 " I am as well disposed as any honourable member to 
 pay every deference to the feelings of his Majesty ; but 
 what are the feelings which the provisions of this bill, and 
 the arguments of the right honourable gentlemen opposite, 
 ascribe to him ? Are they not feelings derogatory from his 
 known character, and disgraceful to one in his exalted 
 station? Thus the sacred name of the king has been 
 treated with disrespect, and insulted by imputing to him 
 anxieties, not for the public welfare, but for his individual 
 gratification ; — by representing him as awaking from what 
 
CHAP. XII.] 
 
 ON THE REGENCY. 
 
 427 
 
 has been called "The Trance of Reason as inquisitive, 
 not as to the situation of Europe, but as to the state of his 
 household ; not as to the fate of England, but as to the 
 condition of his establishment ; alive rather to the nomina- 
 tion of his servants than to the calamities of his country ; 
 and demanding-, not an account of his minister's measures, 
 but a list of his household domestics. 
 
 Thus, not content with calumniating the sovereign's 
 mind, by supposing it filled with such unroyal notions, the 
 right honourable gentlemen wish to make the very con- 
 temptible feelings they impute to his Majesty the ground 
 of our legislation. They first brand their king as unroyal, 
 and then prove themselves unconstitutional. The best 
 consolation of a sick king is the prosperity of his people. 
 Parliament will abandon its duty if it attend rather to the 
 identity of the king's household than to the competency of 
 his government; and if such a mistaken view of what we 
 owed to our sovereign and to our country shall influence 
 the decision of this night, the monarch will certainly, on 
 his recovery, find himself surrounded by his old domestics, 
 but he will also be surrounded by the misfortunes of his 
 country. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. M'Can. 
 
 Brighton, 5th January, 1810. 
 
 My Dear M'Can, — I know nothing more of the king's 
 health than you see in the papers. The Minister has 
 been beaten; and the Regency will take place in about 
 three weeks, unless the King recovers in the mean time. 
 You see plainly by the papers that the Ministers have no 
 connection with the Prince of Wales. Some of their 
 friends have left them. 
 
 The latter end of the debate on Wednesday the 2nd was 
 interesting. It was an argument about the memory of 
 Mr. Pitt, between Sir Samuel Romilly and Mr. Canning, 
 in which Mr. Canning made an eloquent eulogium on 
 Mr. Pitt; and Sir Samuel Romilly maintained himself with 
 great firmness and dignity.* Did you send the money to 
 
 * Sir Samuel Romilly had observed that the precedent did not acquire 
 additional authority from being established by Mr. Pitt. He was not 
 among the worshippers of Mr. Pitt's memory, he was undoubtedly a 
 man of most extraordinary and splendid talents; but much more was 
 necessary to entitle a minister to the character of a great man, and that 
 with all the talents Mr. Pitt possessed, and the great influence he so 
 
428 
 
 MINISTERIAL DILEMMA. [CHAP. XII. 
 
 Mr. Yelverton for Egan's family.* Hardy's book is 
 greatly admired ; it is considered as a most interesting 
 excellent tract ; our family have read it with greediness. 
 Remember me to Forbes. — Yours ever, 
 
 H. Grattan. 
 
 During these proceedings a difficulty occurred 
 which produced a more unconstitutional measure 
 on the part of the Minister. An issue of a million 
 of money was required for the service of the army 
 and navy. Lord Grenville, the auditor of the 
 exchequer, who was answerable for all sums of 
 money, was pressed by the Lords of the Trea- 
 sury to sign the amount, which, to be valid, should 
 have the Privy Seal affixed, or a warrant by writ- 
 ing or word of mouth from the King. Lord Gren- 
 ville declined to sign it ; he was urged by the 
 Minister, but refused ; and on applying for the 
 opinion of the law officers of the . Crown, Sir 
 Vicary Gibbs, and Sir Thomas Plumer, they de- 
 cided he was right. The Minister was still 
 urgent, and proposed to the House a resolution 
 that it was expedient that the Commissioners of 
 the Treasury should issue their warrant to the 
 auditor for the payment of such sums as the 
 exigency of the present conjunction might render 
 necessary, and that the auditor and officers of the 
 
 long enjoyed, he looked in vain for any acts of his administration by 
 which he had increased the happiness or improved the condition of his 
 fellow-subjects. After this Mr. Canning spoke and did not take the 
 least notice of what Sir Samuel Romilly had said of Mr. Pitt ; but the 
 next day at the end of a long debate he produced a laboured panegyric 
 on Mr. Pitt, richly adorned with all the eloquence of twenty-four, hours' 
 research. To this Sir Samuel calmly replied, that if the night before he 
 had in simple language shown in what class he could find an increase 
 of comfort and happiness, the effect of Mr. Pitt's talents, or to what 
 part of the empire he was to look to read " his history in a nation's 
 eyes," he would have better served the memory of his friend than by all 
 his laboured rhetoric. — Rom illy' s Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 351. 
 
 * Mr. Egan had opposed the Union, but this service to his country 
 met with no reward ; in 1806, he too was forgotten — his circumstances 
 were far from affluent, and Mr. Grattan was happy to have it in his 
 power to assist them. 
 
CHAP. XII.] THE PRINCE ACCEPTS THE REGENCY. 429 
 
 Exchequer were authorized and commanded to pay 
 obedience to the warrant. This passed, and was 
 obeyed ; and the House of Commons thereby 
 completely assumed the prerogative of the Crown, 
 and so far followed the steps of the Long Parlia- 
 ment by thus superseding the authority of the 
 sovereign. The resolutions as to the Regency 
 were presented to the Prince by deputations from 
 both Houses ; to whom he replied, that he would 
 undertake the trust, but stated "his regret, that, 
 in consequence of the limitations and restrictions, 
 he had not been allowed to show all the reveren- 
 tial delicacy towards his beloved father inculcated in 
 the resolutions. Anxious to tranquillize the public 
 mind, he was determined to submit to any personal 
 sacnjice, and would rely on the constitutional 
 advice of an enlightened Parliament." This answer 
 was the joint production of the Prince and of 
 Sheridan ; the latter, however, disowning most of 
 it, probably the passages regarding reverential 
 delicacy and filial affection. It led to many in- 
 jurious consequences, it was made the pretence 
 by one party, and assigned as the cause by the 
 other, of a most unexpected and untoward rup- 
 ture, and was the ostensible means of testing the 
 Prince's regard for his party and his principles. 
 
 On the 8th of January he had sent for Lord 
 Grenville and Lord Grey, who came to him imme- 
 diately, knowing that the Prince intended to apply 
 to them to form a new administration as soon as 
 he became Regent. In fact, the arrangement for 
 the new ministry were already made.* They 
 
 • The new ministry was as follows : — Lord Grenville was to be 
 First Lord of the Treasury; Lord Holland, of the Admiralty; Lord 
 Grey, Messrs. Ponsonby and Whitbread, Secretaries of State; Lord 
 Erskine, Speaker of the House of Lords ; Pigott and lxomilly, Attorney 
 and Solicitor Generals ; the Great Seal in Commission. It was in- 
 tended that the Chief Baron should resign, and Pigott have taken his 
 place, and Romilly have been Attorney-General, but Pigott refused. 
 
430 GRENVILLE AND GREY DISSATISFIED. [CHAP.XII. 
 
 were then requested by the Prince, at the sug- 
 gestion of Sheridan,* to prepare the answer to 
 the address that had been voted by both Houses. 
 They did so, but it was a difficult task, and ill 
 accomplished. Lord Grenville had supported, 
 and Lord Grey opposed the restrictions. Their 
 composition, accordingly, did not meet with the 
 approbation of the Prince ; and he addressed an 
 answer that Sheridan had prepared, and which he 
 altered and interpolated ; and this he gave, as 
 already stated, to the deputation from the two 
 Houses. Here commenced the schism that led 
 to the continuance of Mr. Perceval's party. Lord 
 Grenville and Lord Grey being dissatisfied that 
 at the very outset of their enterprise they were 
 unceremoniously superseded — that their draft was 
 rejected, and that of Sheridan's adopted, as they 
 thought — wrote a joint representation to the 
 Prince upon the subject. It was formal, and 
 rather dictatorial, and as if the authors were 
 already in power ; and to make it worse, it re- 
 flected upon Sheridan (to reflect on a court 
 favourite is ruin, and so they found it). The 
 Prince informed him of this letter; and he exerted 
 his talent and satire against them in consequence, 
 and unfortunately with too much success. He 
 ridiculed their stately style, and represented to 
 the Prince the degree of vassalage he would be 
 kept in by such councillors ; and finally, he wrote 
 against them the following lines, some of which 
 might, with more truth and much more justice, 
 have been applied to Mr. Perceval and his 
 party. 
 
 The Prince had a high opinion of Romilly, said that he was the first of 
 his profession, and would be a future chancellor; he had offered him a 
 seat in Parliament in 1805, but Romilly declined it. — See Romilly's 
 Memoirs, vol. i. 
 
 * See the character of Sheridan, drawn by Sir James Mackintosh in 
 his Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 263. 
 
CHAP. XII.] CONDUCT OF SHERIDAN. 
 
 431 
 
 'An Address to the Prince, 1811." 
 
 4< In all humility we crave 
 Our Regent may become our slave ; 
 And being so, we trust that He, 
 Will thank us for our loyalty. 
 Then, if he'll help us to pull down, 
 His Father's dignity and Crown, 
 We'll make him, in some time to come, 
 The greatest Prince in Christendom." 
 
 Sheridan then wrote a long letter* to Lord Hol- 
 land, explaining this strange and culpable con- 
 duct. It was an artful but poor defence. He had 
 first submitted it to the Prince, who approved of 
 it, and it was so initialed by Sheridan. Thus 
 coldness and enmity were engendered in the 
 Prince's mind, and he became alienated and 
 hostile. The Regency Bill having passed, the 
 Great Seal was affixed to a commission for opening 
 Parliament, the royal assent was pronounced in 
 form ; and the Prince and the country were delivered 
 up to the tender mercies of their old political oppo- 
 nents. In these proceedings he had Sheridan's 
 head and his own heart to advise him ; and these 
 conductors precipitated him to the bottom, bereft 
 of friends of principle, and of reputation. Sheri- 
 dan completely overshot the mark; he thought 
 he had only jockied the Whig leaders ; but what 
 he sought as a victory for himself proved to be a 
 triumph for his enemies ; and a few weeks after,* 
 he was rewarded by his royal and faithful master 
 in being actually employed to write the memo- 
 rable letter to INI r . Perceval which finally decided 
 the fate of the Whig party, that excluded them 
 from office, and seated in power the No- Popery 
 Administration. There were other causes, too, 
 that led to this. The Prince hated his wife, and 
 he thought Perceval the best instrument for his 
 
 * Dated 15th January, 1811. 
 t 5th February, 1811. 
 
432 
 
 COURT INTRIGUES. 
 
 [CHAP. XII. 
 
 purpose ; and that he would sacrifice the princess 
 rather than sacrifice his place. A low court 
 intrigue, also, had been carried on by means of 
 one of the King's physicians, who represented to 
 the Prince the probability of his father's recovery, 
 and that a change of Ministers would inevitably 
 produce such an effect on his mind as to occasion 
 his death. This manoeuvre was seconded by the 
 Queen, who wrote to her son, under the direction 
 of Mr. Perceval, who guided her, informing him 
 that his father had been apprised of all he had 
 done, and had highly approved of his conduct. 
 The weakness of the Prince caused him to give 
 attention to their deceitful statements, and to fall 
 more easily into the snare that was artfully pre- 
 pared for him. 
 
 This event occasioned great uneasiness to Mr. 
 Grattan, and he began to tremble for the fate 
 of the country. He had calculated on the 
 Prince's friendship towards Ireland, and did not 
 think he would abandon the party that he had 
 been so long connected with, in order to continue 
 a ministry whose principles were in direct op- 
 position to those he had always professed — an 
 inferior set of men, who had abused and insulted 
 him, treated him in the most contumelious manner, 
 attacked him personally, injured him politically, 
 and, as they thought, completely ruined his cha- 
 racter. Yet what could be expected from a per- 
 son so weak — he who in the morning could ap- 
 point one set of ministers, and in the evening 
 change them for another diametrically opposite. 
 
 It must, however, be recollected, that princes 
 and kings have no affection — they have no equals, 
 and that is the foundation of friendship — they 
 are generally surrounded by persons who are 
 courtiers by profession, and who practice and 
 inculcate slavery — they like these men because 
 
CHAP. XII.] THE PRINCE AND THE WHIGS. 
 
 433 
 
 they are submissive and impose no control over 
 their desires. 
 
 The Prince did not join that party before, 
 because they stood in his way; he disliked them, 
 too, because they were his father's friends, and 
 the feelings of nature were lost in those of interest. 
 His father then stood in his way, but when the 
 son came into his place, the feelings and persons 
 that he opposed appeared in a different point of 
 view, and instead of being an impediment to his 
 designs, they assisted them. The Prince knew 
 that the Whig party would control him, that they 
 would oppose him in the proceedings with regard 
 to his wile ; in his love of expense ; in his anti- 
 American sentiments, and in his attachment* 
 to Hertford House. He viewed in them a severe 
 didactic set, and feared them as a boy would 
 a schoolmaster coming to instruct, to admonish, 
 and to command. Lords Grey and Grenville were 
 cold and haughty with him ; they did not con- 
 sult Mr. Ponsonby, they did not advise with Mr. 
 Grattan, they never thought of Moira or Hut- 
 chinson, they passed over the Irishmen with whom 
 he had lived, and Sheridan whom he liked. 
 
 Here, again, the cause of Ireland was lost, her 
 hopes disappointed, her feelings outraged, and 
 her interests disregarded. Mr. Grattan, how- 
 ever, thought that when the restrictions would 
 expire, a favourable crisis would occur which 
 might be managed more judiciously. The Prince 
 always entertained a high regard for him, for he 
 considered him an honest man, he was invariably 
 civil to him, invited him and his family to the 
 dinners and parties at the Pavillion, and to his 
 daughter (Lady Carnwath) he used to say, 
 " G rattan is my friend, I can truly call him my 
 
 * Lady Hertford was the favourite then, but she was soon afterwards 
 abandon A for another. 
 
 VOL. V, F F 
 
434 
 
 MR. GRATTAN DISCLAIMS A [CHAP. XII. 
 
 friend," thus there lingered some hope in Mr. 
 Grattan's mind ; he considered the Prince not 
 wholly lost, and he did not despair of the great 
 cause that reigned paramount in his mind. That 
 he was not wholly mistaken will appear from 
 the subsequent events of 1812. 
 
 It is to be regretted that the able speakers at 
 the most important part of Ireland's history, 
 should have left scarce any traces of the eloquent 
 efforts they made on behalf of their country. 
 In past times an able argument of Patrick Darcy 
 was preserved; it was delivered, in June, 1641, 
 by order of the Commons House of the Parlia- 
 ment of Ireland, before a Committee of the Lords 
 in the Castle of Dublin — it is an able defence 
 of the rights of the people. The Parliamentary 
 Debates of 1763 and 64, taken by Sir J. Caldwell,, 
 who entitles himself a Military Officer, afford very 
 inferior specimens of eloquence, though Flood 
 and Hutchinson's names appear there — even in 
 later times in '80, '81, nothing of Daly, Yel- 
 verton, Burgh (called silvered tongued Burgh) 
 has been found. The celebrated speeches of 
 Mr. Grattan in '80 and '82, were not taken at the 
 time — and the spirit and patriotism then dis- 
 played would have been lost to after ages, if every 
 effort had not been made at a late period of his 
 life to collect and revise the materials, and al- 
 most to compel him to assist in their restoration. 
 The ancients were wiser, Demosthenes and 
 Cicero took great pains to preserve the records 
 of their abilities and their fame — hence they 
 spoke better, not so polished perhaps, but more 
 powerful, and in particular the former, who 
 condensed so ably all his arguments, and avoided 
 the sad prolixity which is the reproach of mo- 
 dern speakers* — the celebrated third philip- 
 
 * Mr. Rice spoke for six "hours on the repeal of the Union, and Mr. 
 Brougham for seven upon Law Rejbrm, both bad speeches. 
 
CHAP. XII.] SPURIOUS REPLY TO FLOOD. 
 
 435 
 
 pic was delivered in three-quarters of an hour. 
 Mr. Grattan's early speeches in the Irish Parlia- 
 ment were his best, he considered that he spoke 
 better in the Irish House than he did afterwards, 
 he had a power of command and a tone of voice 
 that he lost in later days ; his speeches in the 
 Irish Parliament upon the subject of tithes, are 
 fine specimens of philosophy and Christianity; 
 his Catholic speeches in the English House are 
 condensed arguments, and do not abound so 
 much in the flow and ease of youth; certainly 
 they met with great success; his speech on the 
 war in 1815 was a singular performance, de- 
 livered nearly in his seventieth year with great 
 fire and spirit, it caught the temper of the times, 
 and produced an unusual effect. 
 
 Mr. Lawless, an active-minded and public- 
 spirited-person, generally known by the name of 
 honest John Lawless, had made a collection of 
 sume of Mr. Grattan's speeches, and had intro- 
 duced a reply to Mr. Flood, which had never 
 been made by him ; this occasioned some dis- 
 pleasure to Mr. Grattan, and his letters show his 
 anxiety to disclaim it. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. M'Can. 
 
 London, March 5th, 1811. 
 My dear M'Can, — * I got the publication of my 
 speeches, but was thunderstruck when 1 saw a villainous, 
 and ridiculous fabrication by the newspaper of that day 
 given to me as my reply to Mr. Floodf — there was no 
 
 t Alluding to modern speakers, Mr. Grattan observed: — "I wonder 
 what speeches will survive. Burke's will, so long as the language lasts, 
 longer indeed, for they have been translated; Fox's will — that on the 
 Peace of Amiens certainly ; I doubt whether Pitt's will — I rather think 
 not ; his father's will ; Lord Chatham's will long be read, yet they are 
 not speeches so much as extracts from them ; Bolingbroke will be read 
 and Junius — that is Burke, a better Burke: the fault of Burke was he 
 left the region of argument for that of imagination — this will please, but 
 not convince— men will listen, but will doubt. Of himself he said 
 nothing, but he thought well of two on Ireland's independence, two on 
 tithes, and two on the Catholics. 
 
 F F 2 
 
436 
 
 mr. grattan's letters [chap. XII. 
 
 such thing set forth in the list of speeches which was sent 
 to me. 
 
 The speeches on the prefatory part are imperfect ex- 
 tracts, they were never taken with any care by any one — 
 but the reply to Mr. Flood is inadmissible — I have ac- 
 cordingly given orders to disavow it. The collection of 
 those speeches which are not in the preface appear, from 
 what I have read, to be very well done — but the reply to 
 Mr. Flood disgraces me — it vexes me much, because they 
 who publish the work are my friends. — Yours ever, 
 
 H. Grattan. 
 
 Same to Same. 
 
 March 7th, 1311. 
 
 When you read the reply, put in my mouth as made to 
 Mr. Flood, you will see the impossibility of my ever having 
 spoken such a one. 
 
 I like the book in general extremely well, as far as I 
 have been able to go through it. 
 
 The speeches in the prefatory part (for I distinguish 
 that from the collection) were never well taken, however 
 they were made up for me at the time, by I know not 
 whom, but that is no matter; but the reply I am anxious 
 to stand acquitted of, being too scurrilous, and too low to 
 go down to posterity as mine ; the newspapers made 
 another reply for me to Mr. Corry. The truth is, with re- 
 gard to him, with regard to Egan, and with regard to 
 Flood, I was anxious not to permit any extract of my 
 replies, because, in the circumstances in which we stood, 
 I thought it dishonourable. 
 
 The newspapers, however, did what I did not, and 
 published for me without bad intentions, such answers as 
 did me more injury, than the real reply did my anta- 
 gonists. 
 
 I therefore wish you would get that reply I write about 
 contradicted, and in such a manner that the contradiction 
 may go down along with the book. I wish the contra- 
 diction was published in the paper also; the note I enclose 
 I think would do ; it would not hurt the sale, and it would 
 serve me. I send you my speech on the letter of Mr. 
 Pole. # — Yours ever, 
 
 IT. G rattan. 
 * On the Convention Act then enforced against the Catholics. 
 
CHAP. XII.] TO MR. M'CAN. 
 
 437 
 
 All beg to be remembered to you ; Mrs. Grattan is better, 
 and in good spirits. Hardy's book is much admired here; 
 I wish it were recommended highly in the Irish papers ; 
 he deserves it, and it might serve him materially. 
 
 Same to Same. 
 
 March 19th, 1811. 
 My dear M'Can, — The politics here are dark; there 
 is an uncertainty as to the real state of the king's health. 
 .Foster, I believe, has resigned. I am glad what I said on 
 the letter of Pole gives satisfaction. I know not what 
 new taxes are intended for Ireland, but I suppose they 
 must have some, her situation is this 
 
 • Her debt is near 90,000,000/., the interest of the debt 
 with the sinking fund above 4,000,000/., her revenue 
 3,600,000/., her expense about 11,000,000/. Newport 
 means to make some statement* on the subject — it is 
 more easy to make the statement than to find the remedy. 
 I did what I could for the distillers, who petitioned, but 
 it was impossible to relieve them. — Yours ever, 
 
 H. Grattan. 
 
 On the 19th of March, 1811, Sir John New- 
 port had moved three resolutions : — 
 
 1st, That the funded debt of Ireland had 
 trebled within ten years, and was on the 5th 
 of January, 1811, 89,728,992/. occasioning an 
 annual permanent charge for interest, sinking 
 fund, and management, of 4,273,000/., and that 
 the ordinary revenue of Ireland had been last 
 year only 3,G14,000/. 
 
 2d, That taxation had totally failed, as the net 
 revenue of 1810, being 800,000/. below that of 
 1807, although taxes estimated to produce 
 900,000/. had been imposed. 
 
 3d, That no adequate cause for this can be 
 discovered in the commercial difficulties of the 
 
 • See Sir John Newport's motion as to the income and expenditure 
 of Ireland. — Par. Debutes, vol. xix. p. 423. 
 
438 sir j. Newport's motion, [chap. xii. 
 
 empire, as the intercourse between Great Britain 
 and Ireland, the great channel of commerce for 
 the latter has not been impeded except in one 
 instance. 
 
 Mr. Parnell said, that Lord Castlereagh had 
 at the Union contributed to all the evils and em- 
 barrassments which oppressed the country, his 
 calculations at the Union were erroneous, when he 
 had fixed the ratio of contribution and expenditure 
 between the two countries, he made the propor- 
 tion of Ireland to England as 1 to 9 in time of 
 war, and 1 to 5 (afterwards changed to 7J) in 
 time of peace, Ireland was paying a greater pro- 
 portion than she ought, and hence the increased 
 burthen upon her — she was called on to provide 
 11,000,000/. for the national expenditure; yet, 
 after all the efforts made by Mr. Foster, he could 
 only get 4,500,000/. in the former year; 3,600,000/. 
 in the latter. 
 
 The resolutions were not adopted by the House, 
 but they could not be controverted — all the papers 
 were referred to a select committee, and a very 
 elaborate report was produced which remains 
 upon record an important national document, 
 and a proof of the poverty and mismanagement 
 of the nation — the result of this motion was fur- 
 ther efforts at taxation, then followed increased 
 defalcations, then insolvency, and, in a few years 
 after, national bankruptcy. Thus it may be said 
 that Sir John Newport's melancholy triumph was 
 in beholding the miseries of his country. Mr. 
 Foster retired from office disgusted and wearied, 
 and unable to effect any good. In his conversa- 
 tion on the subject with Mr. Grattan, he laughed 
 at the idea that the trade of Ireland had been 
 increased by the Union, and said the assertion 
 was ridiculous. 
 
CHAP. XII.] 
 
 DISTILLERY BILL. 
 
 439 
 
 Same to Same. 
 
 3rd April, 1811. 
 
 My dear M'Can, — If the compilers publish those 
 speeches I forbid, they will disgrace their publication, 
 and expose their taste, and bring out an advertisement 
 declaring them to be spurious — however, it may have one 
 good effect, it may force me to publish my real speeches, 
 particularly that on the Declaration of Right. Last 
 night the Distillery Bill was debated, there was con- 
 tained in it a clause prohibiting the intercourse of spi- 
 rits between Great Britain and Ireland; during the con- 
 tinuation of the Bill, I went to some of the ministers 
 to know w hether they meant to support the clause ; 
 being assured they meant to abandon it, except so far as 
 it was necessary to give the distillers notice — I did not 
 think it necessary to speak on the subject, farther than to 
 say I was glad that the annual prohibition was to be 
 taken out of the Lhll before the House, and if it were 
 brought forward in any other, that would be the time in 
 which I should speak to it. I mention this, because the 
 papers have omitted what fell from me, and it seems as if 
 I was not present. 
 
 Love to all, Forbes, Sec. All beg to be remembered to 
 you. — Yours, 
 
 H. Grattan. 
 
 In the course of the session of 1811, several 
 petitions were presented on the subject of Par- 
 liamentary reform. The state of the represen- 
 tation was so defective, and the conduct of the 
 House of Commons on the questions regarding 
 the expedition to Walcheren, and the proceeding 
 relative to the Duke of York had so deeply im- 
 pressed Mr. Grattan's mind as to the necessity of 
 reform, that it was his intention to have spoken 
 on the subject, but he lost the opportunity. He 
 wrote as follows : 
 
 Mr, Grattan to Henry Grattan. 
 
 Brighton, 181 1. 
 
 My dear Henry, — In the appellation of Parliamentary 
 
440 
 
 MR. GRATTANS LETTER ON [CHAP. XII. 
 
 reform, three subjects are, by common usage, compre- 
 hended ; the shortening the duration of Parliament, the 
 alteration of the constituency, and the amendment of the 
 representation of the people : the latter is the real ques- 
 tion, because the defects of the latter is the great grievance. 
 I . should consider the latter, therefore, by itself, and 
 esteem it a question of right, i think it might be reduced 
 to certain self-evident propositions. By the law of these 
 countries, the constituency, that is, the electors, are the 
 Commons; the Commons are the third estate of the realm, 
 and, acting by representation, are an essential, integral part 
 of the Parliament, The House of Commons is not the 
 Commons ; they are the Commons acting by represen- 
 tation in Parliament; if they be not that they are nothing; 
 whatever right they have is derivative,— it emanates from the 
 electors of the realm, — that is to say, the Commons. If the 
 House of Commons be not the representatives of the Com- 
 mons, if that house be the representatives, or if (which is the 
 same thing) the majority of that house be the representatives 
 of peers, or of great proprietors, they (that house) are no- 
 thing, — they are the representatives of strangers who have 
 no right to elect, and no authority to sit by representation. 
 So true is this, that you could not state in Parliament, 
 without being forthwith called to order, that the lords, or 
 certain great individuals, returned the House of Commons, 
 or any part, and that the Commons did not, — so that 
 such a representation is not only illegal, but the public 
 announcement of it is criminal and disorderly. It follows 
 from this, that when the Commons, that is to say, the 
 constituents, desire that the Parliament should abolish 
 private boroughs, they desire nothing more than a matter 
 of right; they desire that the Parliament should restore 
 the right of representation to the Commons, and the Com- 
 mons to the constitution. As it is clear the Commons 
 have the right, it clearly follows that the borough patron 
 has none ; it follows so the more clearly when he advances 
 his pretensions ; his pretensions are founded on long usage, 
 that is, he prescribes for a right to exclude the third 
 estate, and to come in its place. He prescribes for that, 
 the very nature of which is . incompatible with private 
 property. That prescription is bad which is fatal to the 
 things for which the prescription is advanced. There can 
 be no prescription in a monopoly of trade, — no prescrip- 
 tion for a monopoly of representation, no more than for 
 
CHAP. XII.] PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. 
 
 441 
 
 a monopoly of the air, or a monopoly of liberty, — these 
 things, being in their essence public property, cannt>t be 
 rendered private property by any usage or custom. 
 Could individuals prescribe for a right to make a king, or 
 to make a House of Peers? — no, nor to make a House of 
 Commons. The executive, the judicial and the legisla- 
 tive power cannot be elected by individuals; the attempt 
 would be treasonable, and the doctrine abominable. 
 When I speak of prescription, I attribute to borough pro- 
 perty an antiquity which it wants. In England this pro- 
 perty proceeded from gradual local depopulation within 
 the memory of man, certainly not beyond it. In Ireland 
 t lie greater number of private boroughs were created since 
 the time of James I. to gratify private persons, or to 
 counterbalance county representation. The advocates 
 against reform cannot stand on such a plea ; and there is 
 but one piece of ground on which they seem to be able to 
 plant their foot ; namely, the impossibility of the remedy, 
 that is to say, the impossibility of having a representation 
 of the people, which I deny. The thing was done — it was 
 done lately; it was done by themselves ; it was done in a 
 few days, without noise or difficulty, in 1800; they them- 
 selves in Ireland nearly annihilated the private represen- 
 tation, and left the public: they found the private repre- 
 sentation as two to one, and they made it as one to two. 
 Mucfa may be said on this subject, but I must conclude. 
 We shall be in town on Wednesday or Thursday. — Yours 
 ever, H. G. 
 
 Henry Grattan, Esq., 11, Tavistock-street, 
 Bedford-square, London. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Edward Hay.* 
 
 London, June 5th, 1811. 
 
 Dear Sir, — I was favoured with your request to pre- 
 sent to the House of Commons a petition of a numerous 
 body of subscribing Catholics on the subject of the Militia 
 Intercourse Bill. Whatever conies from any desciiption 
 of that body I receive with great attention. 
 
 I beg to observe, that since the above-mentioned petition 
 was voted, the Interchange Militia Bill has been ordered 
 to be read a third time, and has, in every previous stage, 
 received the approbation of the House of Commons. 
 
 * He was secretary to the Catholic body, their board and commit- 
 tees ; an active, honest, and ardent servant in their cause. 
 
442 LETTERS TO JAMES GRATTAN [CHAP. XII. 
 
 The clause in the petition which therefore suggests that 
 " this is a step to root out the Catholic religion, proselyte 
 the country, and revive the penal code" contains against 
 the House of Commons, who had approved of this bill, 
 charges too strong to be presented to that body; and the 
 petition with such a clause is not presentable. 
 
 I have thought right to have the opinion of several of 
 the principal persons of both countries who take a lead in 
 favour of the Catholics, and their opinion is, that the 
 petition with such a clause is not presentable to the House 
 of Commons. Mr. Ponsonby and Sir John Newport have 
 authorized me to tell you so. 
 
 I beg to observe, that there is in the bill a clause intro- 
 duced, by force of which the Catholic militia shall have 
 the same civil, military, and religious privileges in Great 
 Britain which it has in Ireland. — I am, dear sir, your very 
 sincere and humble servant, 
 
 Henry Grattan. 
 
 The following letters addressed to his son, who 
 had entered the army, are not devoid of interest, 
 as they allude to the events and characters of the 
 time. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to James Grattan. 
 
 June, 1811. 
 
 My dear James, — The home politics are confined to 
 the king's health, the bankruptcies of the merchants, and 
 the Catholics of Ireland. Of the first they talk variously : 
 to-day they rumour that he is not so well, but that he will 
 soon recover, and resume. The prince, supposing his 
 father would soon recover, did not change the ministry : 
 he left them their places, but withheld his confidence. 
 Second, bankruptcies have increased this year to a great 
 amount ; the principal cause appears to be the want of a 
 market : merchants and manufacturers had abundance of 
 goods, but no part of the world would take them, or pay 
 for them. South America overstocked — the markets of 
 Europe, except Spain and Portugal, shut ; thus it appears 
 that the orders in council have not had their desired 
 effect, and that Bonaparte's interdict begins to affect us. 
 Third, the Catholics. That question arose from a letter 
 of Mr. Pole to the magistrates of Ireland, declaring county 
 
CHAP. XII.] ON PUBLIC AFFAIRS. 
 
 443 
 
 meetings illegal assemblies, and enjoining the civil power 
 to arrest any person who should proceed to elect delegates 
 in the different counties according to the summons for 
 their committee. The question was debated in the House 
 of Commons : the Catholic committee was unmolested, 
 and the counties have not in general proceeded to send 
 delegates to the Catholic committee. An address* was 
 resolved on to remove the Duke of Richmond and Mr. 
 Pole. The foreign questions on those of Spain and Por- 
 tugal must be left to the chance of war. England has 
 made every exertion, and has sent the greatest native army 
 that ever left England. As to America, that question 
 remains open, and I fear the passions of both England and 
 America embitter in consequence of delay. It is a question 
 that never should have arisen ; when arisen, it should have 
 been settled in a month : subsisting till now, it will never, I 
 fear, be amicably settled at all. Mr. Foster, second 
 cousin to the Irish Chancellor of the Exchequer, is going- 
 out in quality of ambassador. I hope he will — I fear he 
 won't — bring back the olive. 
 
 Don't forget to make the book I mentioned to you,— a 
 register of events, and of the physical and moral circum- 
 stances of the countries you visit. — Yours, &c. 
 
 H. Grattan. 
 
 James Grattan, Esq., 20th Dragoons, Sicily. 
 
 Same to Same. 
 
 July, 1811. 
 
 Dear James, — I hope you will like your promotion ;+ 
 you will ever have it in view to get to the head of your 
 profession. 
 
 There are two questions in the House of Commons, — 
 the Catholics and Currency. Mr. Canning displayed 
 much talent — Mr. Huskisson much knowledge. The 
 minister was, as usual, hostile, and more than usually 
 pointed : he was able, but he was narrow, impolitic, and 
 uncharitable. He generally speaks well — sometimes very 
 well, and seldom, or never, ill ; but he is too great 
 a churchman to be a great politician: he has this session 
 acquitted himself expertly, and will leave power if he does 
 
 * No such address was adopted by Parliament, but the Irish Catho- 
 lics desired it. 
 
 f He had got a Lieutenancy in the Regiment. 
 
444 LETTER TO JAMES GRATTAN. [CHAP. XII. 
 
 go out with more authority than he obtained it. Foster 
 has dosed his political career; it was a various day, 
 clouded not a little ; brighter in his own country than in 
 England : splendid at the time of the Union, — obscure at 
 the close. 
 
 I have dined much with the bar ; they are the best 
 society in Ireland, and are some of them an able and 
 talented set of men ; but the Union has had its effects 
 upon them ; their conversation is confined to the incidents 
 of their profession, insulated as their situation. — Yours, 
 
 H. Grattan. 
 
 James Grattan, Esq , Sicily. 
 
CHAP. XIII.] 
 
 regent's 
 
 GOVERNMENT. 
 
 445 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Commencement of the Prince Regent's Government in 1811. — Proceed- 
 ings of the Catholics. — Mr. Pole's circular letter. — Mr. Grattan's re- 
 marks. — Presents the Catholic petition. — Motion thereon, and reply to 
 Mr. Perceval. — Conduct of the No-Popery Government. — Prosecution 
 of the Catholics. — Arrest of Lord Fingall. — Unconstitutional conduct 
 of the Chief Justice. — Convention Act. — Trial of the delegates. — 
 Acqr.ittal of Dr. Sheridan. — Trial of Mr. Kirwan. — Conduct of Sir 
 Charles Saxton, Under Secretary. — Tampers with the jury lists. — 
 Speech of Mr. Peter Burrowes. — Mr. Kirwan found guilty. — Conduct 
 of the prince. — His letter to the Duke of Richmond as to Lord 
 Leitrim. — Lord Hutchinson's spirited conduct. — Lord Grenville's and 
 Mr. Horner's Letters. — Lord Morpeth's motion as to Ireland. — Mr. 
 Grattan's speech. — America, orders in Council. — Mr. Grattan on 
 Mr. Perceval's policy. — Petition from the Protestants of Ireland in 
 favour of the Catholics. — Mr. Grattan moves Catholic petition, 23rd 
 April, 1812. — Speech. — Mr. Perceval assassinated. — Mr. Grattan's 
 letters. — Incapacity of Ministers to conduct the Government. — Record 
 thereof. — Attempts to form an administration. — Mr. Wortley's motion. 
 — Hostility of the Prince. — Old ministry retained. — Remarks on ne- 
 gotiations. — On Lords Grey, Grenville, and Moira. 
 
 Tin: year 1811 was passed in great disquietude. 
 Much was expected from the Prince ; much was 
 apprehended from Buonaparte. Master nearly of 
 Europe, he threatened Russia, and sought to acid 
 that empire to his dominions ; but fortunately Pro- 
 vidence was destined to interfere and check his am- 
 bition. With respect to the Prince Regent, the 
 people of England were in doubt, the people of Ire- 
 land in astonishment, and the Catholics in despair. 
 
 At first, the Prince treated his father's ministers 
 coldly, and received the visits of his Opposition 
 friends, Lord Hutchinson and Lord Moira. The 
 former resided at Carlton House, and had an 
 opportunity of witnessing the weakness of the 
 
446 
 
 PROCEEDINGS OF THE [CHAP. XIII. 
 
 Prince ; how quickly the Ministers gained upon 
 him ; and how he weaned himself by degrees 
 from his old party. He lived with his brothers, 
 the Duke of York and the Duke of Cumberland ; 
 the latter of whom, since the attempt on his life 
 in 1810, resided at Carlton House. He showed 
 few symptoms of affection for his early friends ; 
 no disinclination to a No-Popery Administration ; 
 and little regard for the proceedings of the House 
 of Commons. One of the first measures of his 
 rule was to restore his brother, the Duke of York, 
 to the office of commander-in-chief, from which 
 he had been forced to retire, in consequence of the 
 proceedings in Parliament in 1809. Lord Milton 
 made a fruitless motion on the subject in the 
 House of Commons. It was precipitate and inju- 
 dicious on his part, done without consultation, 
 and not politic for his party. It put the Prince 
 on his guard, and hazarded his good disposition, 
 if he entertained any such towards them ; but the 
 Whigs knew his character, and saw that he was 
 lost to them for ever. The subservience of the 
 House was the shield that protected him, and he 
 knew it; accordingly the Duke remained in pos- 
 session of his office. The next proceeding of the 
 Prince's Government .was the prosecution of the 
 Roman Catholics. They had held a general com- 
 mittee, from whence petitions were presented to 
 Parliament, which were civilly received and uni- 
 formly disregarded. With a view, therefore, of 
 extending their body, and giving greater influence 
 to its measures, their secretary (Mr. Hay), in 
 January, 1811, was directed to write to the 
 Catholics, calling upon them to appoint managers 
 in each county to forward their petitions. This 
 brought forth the vigour of Government, and Mr. 
 W ellesley Pole,* the secretary, issued a circular 
 
 * Afterwards created Lord Maryborough. 
 
CHAP. XIII.] ROMAN CATHOLICS. 
 
 447 
 
 letter to the sheriffs and magistrates throughout 
 Ireland, calling upon them to arrest all persons 
 who posted notices of appointing such managers, 
 or who voted for them, or acted in such capacity. 
 This letter threw the country into a state of the 
 greatest agitation. The subject was brought be- 
 fore Parliament, and on the 22nd of February, 
 Mr. Ward* moved an address to the Prince for 
 the production of Mr. Pole's letter. Mr. Grattan 
 severely censured the conduct of the Government 
 for denouncing as disloyal and unlawful a body 
 that Parliament had already recognised, and had 
 been in communication with. The words <f un- 
 lawful assembly," as applied to that body, he 
 considered most improper. The Convention Act 
 did not apply, as it did not pretend to interfere 
 with the right of petition ; and it was necessary 
 that tli£ people should have power to appoint 
 persons to manage their petition and collect the 
 sentiments of those in their vicinity; He observed 
 as follows : — 
 
 In my judgment these popular meeti-ngs, thus conducted, 
 aie not the cause of just aWrm. It is we]J that opportunities 
 should rxist for the mind of the people to evaporate. The 
 aspirations of active genius, and the high mettle of young 
 ambition, shoi*ld not be subject to eternal control. I sec 
 much o/ public spirit in the Catholics of Ireland ; much 
 indeed of vehemence ; but of a vehemence that threatens 
 no evil consequences. The fire should be kept iji its 
 proper orb, and it will emit a salutary light ajid heat, 
 without bursting into conflagration. Nothing has been 
 stated to justify the retrospective operation of the Con- 
 vention x\ct; and if Ministers are determined to persevere 
 in their impolitic system, I hold it to be the duty of the 
 House to interpose in favour of the people, and to assert 
 the right of the Irish subject to complain of grievances. 
 It remains for Ministers to show, that to destroy the 
 Catholic Com.mittee was necessary, in order to prevent a 
 
 * Afterwards Lord Dudley. 
 
448 
 
 CATHOLIC QUESTION AGAIN [CHAP. XIII. 
 
 national convention in that country. It was the un- 
 doubted privilege of the subject to be sometimes clamo- 
 rous and violent in the maintenance of his rights. I will 
 not say it is his right to be foolish also; but l am sure 
 that, with a view to suppress any mischief that may be 
 apprehended, the worst plan is a harsh exercise of the 
 power and authority of government, Occasional ebullitions 
 of warm feelings do not call for its chastising arm ; they 
 are the symptoms of a free spirit, the calentures of a lofty 
 mind, harmless when gently treated. 
 
 The Ministers opposed the motion, and it was 
 consequently lost; there being only 43 for and 
 80 against it. 
 
 Unwearied and indefatigable in his exertions, 
 Mr. Grattan again brought forward the Catholic 
 question in May 1811 ; and on the 3 1st he moved 
 that the petition should be referred to a Com- 
 mittee of the whole House. He prefaced his 
 speech by getting the clerk to read the resolu- 
 tions of the 28th March, thanking General Graham 
 and his army for their brilliant victory at Barossa ; 
 also those of the 20th April, thanking Lord Wel- 
 lington and the army in Portugal. The following 
 extracts of this speech are worthy of being noticed, 
 as showing the sufferings of the people, the inju- 
 ries done to them, and their patient and surprising- 
 submission. After observing on the arguments 
 brought against the Catholics, he said, — 
 
 What, in fact, does this evidence amount to? It be- 
 gins by testifying that an immense body of Christians, 
 subjects of this empire, are worse than any class of idola- 
 tors; that they are not trustworthy in civil life. But if 
 this charge be true, then it can be no less true, that the 
 Messiah has failed — that the Christian religion is not of 
 Divine origin — since its effect and operation has been to 
 deprave and immoralize mankind. The charge is com- 
 pounded of the dogmas of the Church and the politics of 
 the Court; the spirit of the former being uniformly the 
 spirit of bigotry, that of the latter as uniformly power. 
 
CHAP. XIII.] INTRODUCED BY MB. GRATTAN. 449 
 
 Against this evidence we have long had the indisputable 
 declarations, and the explicit testimony, of six most 
 eminent universities of Europe, disclaiming any doctrine 
 incompatible with the strongest attachment to the civil 
 government of every country. In addition to this, there 
 is our experience of the fact, as proved and established in 
 the long intercourse that has subsisted between Protestant 
 and Catholic, and the long obedience and submission 
 shown by the Catholic to your Government. But let us 
 look at the charge in another point of view, and examine 
 upon what ground it rests. It represents that you, haying 
 had possession of Ireland for six hundred years, have so 
 abased the exercise of your authority — have so oppressed 
 and misgoverned the people of that country, that they are 
 unalterably hostile to your interests, and inflexibly rebel- 
 lious to your control. It represents that you stand as if 
 convicted of a perversion .of your -power, and practically 
 disqualifies you to be governors, under ichose sovereignty 
 Ire/and has passed so many centuries of her existence. 
 But, sir, I believe no such tiling. I believe the assump- 
 tion to be groundless; that it is unjust to accuse England ; 
 but such is the nature of the accusation against the 
 Catholics; it points less against them than against Eng- 
 land, and British connection. Depend upon it, that the 
 original source of a people's vices is the vice of its Govern- 
 ment ; and that in every instance since the creation of the 
 world the people have been what their rulers made them. 
 A good government makes a good people. Moralize your 
 laws, and you cannot fail to moralize your subjects. 
 ###### 
 
 The good advice and the sage counsel that is 
 contained in the following passage was wholly 
 thrown away on the British ministry ; the error 
 will be discovered, probably, when too late. 
 
 Do you not know that the preservation of your own 
 religion, your liberty, and all your privileges depends on 
 the success of your efforts against the French ? Do you 
 not know that your success depends on your union among 
 yourselves, and that, if instead of being united, you split 
 and separate, you are a ruined nation ? The Government 
 may tell you, you can wait. Yes ; God Almighty may 
 
 VOL. V. G G 
 
450 
 
 MR. GRATTAN'S REPLY [CHAP. XIII. 
 
 wait, but will the enemy wait? I now tell you, unless you 
 tolerate each other, you must tolerate a conqueror. You 
 will be enslaved and plundered, for confiscation will 
 surely follow in the train of conquest. Thus your pro- 
 perty will go to other hands, and you will be a ruined 
 nation. You may be a very grave nation, and a very wise 
 nation; but if in one part of your policy, which is the 
 most essential, you fail, — if you split among yourselves, 
 you are a ruined nation. That one error will be your 
 death, — it will render you incapable, with all your valour, 
 to contend successfully against your foe ; but even to 
 preserve your existence as a nation. I have often wished 
 that some guardian angel would descend, and raise those 
 sectaries from the plain of this world, above the little 
 Babel of their own dissensions, and show them the cala- 
 mities which were approaching ; show them, in the con- 
 tinuance of their jarring, ruin visible; show them France, 
 or rather, hostile Europe, arranged against them ; and 
 then say, "If you join you may live; but divide, the 
 destruction must be universal." 
 
 Mr. Perceval replied to Mr. Grattan rather 
 sharply; he denied the Catholic claim of right; 
 said that those who spoke so often in defence of 
 the Irish were not infallible : at one time they had 
 supported, at another time they had opposed 
 Doctor Milner, and it appeared that they were 
 not only mistaken with respect to him, but also 
 with respect to the veto, for the Irish agreed to 
 grant it at one moment, and refused to grant it at 
 another ; this showed that their declarations were 
 not to be trusted. On this occasion he displayed 
 a good deal of asperity, and clearly showed that 
 he was the leader of a no-popery administration. 
 Mr. Grattan spoke in answer. 
 
 The Catholic, he says, will destroy the church ; and he 
 goes on and states, that if they destroy the church they 
 will destroy the state ; and he goes on to state, that if 
 they destroy the state they will destroy the church ; for 
 this was the whole of his argument ; it was echo upon 
 echo, — repetition upon repetition. He urged no argu- 
 
CHAP. XIII.] TO MR. PERCEVAL. 
 
 451 
 
 ment : he relied on the force of his vociferation in place of 
 argument : he had never attempted to prove anything that 
 he said : he said, I think, 1 think, — and he thought 
 wrong. He had said, he had no objection to the character 
 of the Catholics ; and yet, before the Catholics could 
 destroy the church they must be perjured. This is having 
 no objection to the character to suppose them perjured. 
 He had called me the declaimer for the Catholics ; I say 
 that the right honourable gentleman is the declaimer for 
 bigots ; and if ever there was one declamation without any 
 share of truth or eloquence, it was that speech which he 
 had made against one-fifth of his Majesty's subjects. 
 
 The right honourable gentleman had showed in this a 
 higher spirit of bigotry than he could have expected from 
 a politician ; but his country would show him that it was 
 not in the power of a declamatory minister to prevent them 
 from attaining their object. He had maintained that the 
 Roman Catholic, having a religion, was in itself no dis- 
 qualification, and that if he was free from treasonable 
 practices he stood precisely as any other dissenter who 
 was a protestant. If the first was right, they were right, 
 because their political opinions were unimpeachable. 
 Would they, without inquiry, refuse to admit that portion 
 of their fellow-subjects to a participation of privileges, 
 whose loyalty could not be impeached. The right ho- 
 nourable gentleman had shown no reason why they should 
 be either excluded from the state or the army ; but he has 
 shown reasons sufficient to disqualify himself from con- 
 tinuing to be any longer minister of the country. 
 
 This just reproof, this prudent counsel, and 
 these noble sentiments were lost when submitted 
 to the minister, — whose rule was prejudice, 
 bigotry, and intolerance. The question was, a 
 sixth time rejected, there being only 83 for, and 
 146 against it. 
 
 The years 1811 and 1812 formed an important 
 era in the history of the Irish Catholics. In 1806 
 they had been greatly disappointed : some thought 
 that they expected too much, even more than it 
 g g 2 
 
452 
 
 CONDUCT OF THE 
 
 [CHAP. XIII. 
 
 was possible to give; but they had not yet made up 
 their minds to their provincial state, and they 
 still retained the feelings of nationality. They 
 felt they had a country, and wished they belonged 
 to a nation. At length they found that neither 
 Whigs nor Tories could relieve them from the 
 penal laws that degraded them, or from the effects 
 of the Union, that prostrated their efforts, blighted 
 their hopes, and disappointed their just expec- 
 tations. In this palsy that afflicted the state, 
 they only saw a plan to make things easier for the 
 minister, to get rid of the trouble of two par- 
 liaments, but not to gain for the empire the 
 strength of the country ; they therefore looked, 
 as their last resource, to the prince ; to him they 
 turned for protection— for support — for affection ; 
 and from his former professions, and uniform pro- 
 mises, they expected more than a cold display of 
 friendship, and they looked for some active prin- 
 ciple of good. 
 
 With a view therefore to encourage and 
 strengthen a feeling which some of them fancied 
 still existed in his breast, they formed a plan, 
 founded on the constitutional precedents of the 
 realm. They recollected that a convention had 
 restored Charles the Second ; that a convention 
 had seated William the Third on the throne, and 
 changed the dynasty of England ; that a conven- 
 tion had been the means of obtaining freedom and 
 independence for the protestants of Ireland in 
 1782, and that a convention had been the means 
 of obtaining rights and liberties for the Catholics 
 in 1793. Fortified by these examples, they 
 resolved to form a body to give them additional 
 strength, and bring into more active operation the 
 great mass of the people of Ireland. They had 
 been reprimanded by their opponents in England 
 
CHAP. XIII.] NO-POPERY MINISTRY. 
 
 453 
 
 as being indifferent to the success of the mea- 
 sure of relief that was demanded for them;* they 
 sought, therefore, to remove this impression, and, 
 accordingly, in the month of July, 1811, they 
 held an aggregate meeting, and appointed a com- 
 mittee for the management of their various peti- 
 tions throughout Ireland ; but, aware that the 
 Convention Act, which had been passed in 1793, 
 prevented all species of representation, they con- 
 fined the duties of the body to the matter of 
 petition, (that right having been secured by a 
 proviso in the act) and they prohibited individuals 
 from assuming any representative capacity. The 
 body was to consist of the Catholic peers, their 
 eldest sons, the Catholic baronets, the prelates of 
 the church, the survivors of the delegates of 1793, 
 ten persons to be appointed by each county, and 
 five from each parish in Dublin. In appearance 
 this was certainly a formidable body, but the 
 Catholics were not always in accord, they were 
 scattered and divided ; they had a dispirited 
 aristocracy, — timid and servile, — like the pro- 
 testant, generally standing aloof from the people; 
 till fear, or threats, forced them into their ranks. 
 
 The no-popery government now thought it a 
 good time to interfere, and on the 3rd of July, in- 
 formed Lord Fingal, that a council would be held 
 and a proclamation issued against such meeting. 
 Lord Fingal manfully adhered to his party, and 
 refused to yield. The proclamation was issued, 
 and the next day the Catholic body met, Lord 
 Fingal in the chair, and determined to pro- 
 ceed. The government calculated on being sup- 
 ported in their measures, and that the people 
 would be overawed, but the Catholics persevered, 
 and even a Protestant magistrate wrote to the 
 
 * See the debates in Parliament and speeches of Dr. Duigenan and 
 the Tory members on the Catholic question, where this charge is made. 
 
454 ARREST OF LORD FINGALL. [CHAP. XIII. 
 
 Chancellor, refusing to act under the proclama- 
 tion. The chief justice who was to try the case then 
 issued his warrant to arrest two persons chosen as 
 delegates, and three who had acted as electors ; 
 undismayed however by this daring and uncon- 
 stitutional act of the judge, most of the people in 
 the various counties proceeded to appoint the 
 respective individuals. Members of Parliament 
 and magistrates attended the meetings, in many 
 of which thanks were returned to Mr. Grattan 
 for his exertions in their cause. In the month of 
 December 18] 1, the body met, and Lord Fingal 
 who acted as chairman, was arrested. The trial 
 of one of the delegates, Dr. Sheridan, took place 
 in Michaelmas term ; the grand jury was care- 
 fully selected, police officers and magistrates were 
 placed upon it, and some of the most respectable 
 citizens were set aside by challenges on the part 
 of the crown. The well-known police officer 
 Major Sirr, standing in the Court, and as the 
 names were called, giving his signal to the Crown 
 Solicitor. Yet notwithstanding all this manage- 
 ment, Dr. Sheridan was acquitted on the ground 
 that there was no proof of representation, and 
 that a meeting for the purpose of petitioning did 
 not mean a meeting under pretence of it. 
 
 The Catholics bore the victory with modera- 
 tion, but the lawyers urged* on the next trial 
 that of Mr. Kirwan, this, however, was put off till 
 the month of January (1812), when a disclosure 
 was made most disgraceful to the cause of justice 
 and to the character of the government, but still 
 quite in accordance with the system by which 
 
 * Sir Arthur Pigott said, in conversing on the subject, that it would 
 be much better if the lawyers had not pressed for Kirwan's trial, 
 they should have been satisfied with the victory, as perhaps they might 
 not get a second verdict ; he read the speeches of the counsel at the 
 trial, he admired in particular Mr. Burrowes, and told the author that 
 his speech had not been answered. 
 
CHAP. XXII.] UNCONSTITUTIONAL PROCEEDINGS. 455 
 
 the no-popery party administered the affairs 
 of Ireland; it was discovered that the Under 
 Secretary (Sir Charles Saxton), had at the Castle 
 given to the Sheriff a list of jurors who were to 
 try the case, and that there were only fourteen 
 names on the Castle list that were not in the 
 Sheriff's panel, there were 115 names in the 
 Castle list, of which 101 were on the Sheriff's 
 panel ; they were marked by numbers and by 
 crosses, and by strokes, which t as sworn to by the 
 Solicitor for the Crown, was for the purpose of seeing 
 " that they were proper loyal men!" Such was the 
 mode of administering justice in Ireland, — such 
 was the manner in which Catholics were treate J, — 
 such the commencement of the Prince Regent's 
 government. It was objected on behalf of the 
 delegates, that men thus selected had no right 
 to sit in judgment upon them, and those jurors 
 were accordingly challenged, and the question 
 was tried. Mr. Burrowes, their able and distin- 
 guished counsel, argued the point with great skill 
 and ability — his remarks are so appropriate and 
 so illustrative of the judicial system which un- 
 fortunately existed in cases where Catholics or 
 politics were concerned, that it is worthy of being 
 noticed. 
 
 Gentlemen — although you are not to decide upon the 
 guilt or innocence of the Roman Catholics, it is a ques- 
 tion of much importance to them whether they shall have 
 a fair and impartial jury, or be tried by a jury procured 
 by such tampering as had appeared. 
 
 Gentlemen, upon this awful subject you stand in the 
 situation of a jury, discharging similar functions, and I 
 am appealing to you in that character. I consider that 
 you cannot but believe that the Secretary was put in 
 possession of the panel by some management or other. 
 Now I will show you that the panel was most probably 
 altered and influenced according to the list which was 
 obtained by the Secretary. The sheriff himself wonders 
 
456 
 
 TAMPERING WITH THE JURY. [CHAP. XIII. 
 
 at the coincidence of the names. You, gentlemen, have 
 seen various instances in which the* order and position 
 of the names have been varied in the panel, from the 
 order in which they stood on the list. 
 
 Gentlemen, scrutinize this subject. The panel adopts 
 101 names in Sir Charles Saxton's list. Why ? The 
 Castle approves of them. It adds fourteen new names. 
 Why? Because they are suggested by the Castle. It 
 alters the numerical order of array. Why? Because 
 this alteration is recommended by the Castle. Is this 
 fancy or is it fact? Mr. Kremmis, or rather Sir Charles 
 Saxton's list, has in eight or ten different instances pen- 
 cilled numbers annexed to particular names. These num- 
 bers differ and widely differ from the numerical order in 
 which these names are placed in that list, and in every 
 instance this suggested change of order is adopted in the 
 panel. Gentlemen, these coincidences are not miracu- 
 lous, though I will admit them to be providential. 
 They seem to have allured the providence of God to 
 bring scandalous fraud to solemn detection, by furnish- 
 ing evidence which human testimony could not corrobo- 
 rate, or human artifice could not elude. 
 
 Notwithstanding this fervent appeal, the triers 
 who were officers of the Court, found against the 
 challenge; and the petty jury, on the very same 
 evidence that acquitted Dr. Sheridan, found 
 Mr. Kirwan guilty — he was fined a mark and 
 discharged — after this the Government proceeded 
 no farther. The Catholics meet, dissolve their 
 body, and form out of it a board, which meets, 
 petitions, and adjourns. 
 
 These proceedings of the Government convulsed 
 Ireland, and produced a considerable sensa- 
 tion in England, no one could have foretold that 
 such would have been the commencement of the 
 Prince Regent's administration; yet he followed 
 it by a step more singular still, for he wrote to 
 the Duke of Richmond, to say that he approved 
 of all he had done in reference to the Catholics 
 and the Convention Act — and this letter the 
 
CHAP. XIII.] CONDUCT OF THE PRINCE. 457 
 
 Lord Lieutenant boasted of among his friends at 
 the Castle of Dublin. In another case he showed 
 the feelings he entertained towards the people of 
 Ireland. When Lord Leitrim and Lord Gosford 
 were candidates for the Representative Peerage — ■ 
 he desired Lord Hutchinson to make use of his 
 name in favour of the former, which in conse- 
 quence was done — but on being applied to from 
 the Duke of Richmond (who favoured Lord Gos- 
 ford) to learn his sentiments, the Prince wrote 
 in reply that he was wholly indifferent as to the 
 success of either ; the Government influence was 
 therefore exercised in favour of Lord Gosford, 
 who was accordingly elected. When Lord 
 Hutchinson discovered this, he acted with a spirit 
 becoming the occasion ; indignant at such con- 
 duct, he declined all intercourse with the Prince, 
 and never saw him for weeks before the restric- 
 tions expired ; this vote in the Lords was of some 
 service to the Prince's party, for on the 1st of 
 July, it was given against the Catholics on Lord 
 Wellesley's motion, and turned the balance of 
 126 to 125. 
 
 Mr. Grattan deeply regretted the course pur- 
 sued by the Prince, not only on public but on 
 private grounds, he foresaw the consequence that 
 the Prince would enlist every generous feel- 
 ing against him, that he would lose the warm 
 affections of the people of Ireland, that all par- 
 ties would exclaim against such conduct, and 
 that it could not fail to excite indignation 
 amongst some, discontent among others, and sur- 
 prise among all. The conduct of the judges* 
 at the trial of the Catholics was generally and 
 
 * The Union has here been of disservice, the appointments are poli- 
 tical ; each party as they come into office appoint them for parlia- 
 mentary services ; their conduct on Mr. O'Connell's trial in 1844 was 
 shameful. 
 
458 
 
 LORD GRENVILLE'S AND [CHAP. XIII. 
 
 severely censured; the ablest exposers of Bri- 
 tish law condemned the mode of administering 
 justice in Ireland, and Horner (one of the first 
 men of the day) spoke of it as it deserved. 
 The subject was taken up by the opposition party, 
 as the following letters testify. 
 
 Lord Grenville to Mr. Grattan. 
 
 Lord Grenville requests that Mr. Grattan will do him 
 the favour to call on him to-morrow at one o'clock, to 
 consider what steps ought to be taken in consequence of 
 Mr. W. Pole's letter to the Sheriffs, desiring them to en- 
 force the Convention Act against the Catholics of Ireland. 
 
 Camelford-house, Sunday evening. 
 
 Mr. Horner to Mr. Allen. 
 
 Torquay, September 14tb, 1811. 
 
 Dear Allen, — It is very hard to believe that the 
 transactions of Government in Ireland are not in the 
 same character of a crooked intriguing policy, for the 
 purpose of managing the Prince. Have you any hesita- 
 tion in thinking that the opposition ought to take up this 
 matter in Parliament in the most decided manner, with- 
 out any more of that forbearance and reserve which they 
 practised last session, 
 
 If the Irish judges support their government in the con- 
 struction of the Convention Act, we ought to move for the 
 repeal of so abominable a statute, and in discussing it 
 have no mercy on the judges. If by any unlooked-for 
 turn of patriotism or fear in the judges, they should con- 
 strue the act, as it seems to me it ought to be, then we 
 will have a much freer game to play by an attack upon 
 the administration alone ; but, in either event, I feel very 
 anxious that opposition should go resolutely to the at- 
 tack without any compromise towards the Regent. It is 
 not unlikely that Parliament will meet before the legal 
 question can be decided at Dublin ; in that case ought we 
 not to act without any delay, assuming our own construc- 
 tion of the act to be clear and indubitable. I have not the 
 least faith in any stories of secret intelligence possessed 
 by Government as to designs on the part of the Catholics ; 
 if Government is sincere, they may have been frightened 
 
chap, xiii.] mr. horner's letters. 
 
 459 
 
 by the assurance of a little more eagerness among the 
 Catholics, when they believed the day of emancipation 
 was at last coming on, and the show of a little more de- 
 termination and system, when they found that day bring 
 them a fresh disappointment. I am much more inclined 
 to believe that Perceval and the Archbishop of Canter- 
 bury have worked upon Lord Manners, who is a timid 
 man and very bigoted. The conduct of the Wellesleys in 
 all this business is very pitiful, for they have no bigotry 
 on the subject * * *. — Sincerely yours, 
 
 Francis Horner. # 
 
 Lord Morpeth, on the 3rd of February, 1812, 
 brought forward a motion in the House of Com- 
 mons for a Committee " to take into consideration 
 the state of Ireland." It was debated with much 
 zeal and ardour. The conduct of the Govern- 
 ment — the legal proceedings they had instituted, 
 and the tampering with the jury, were severely 
 censured. Alluding to the Catholic body, Mr. 
 Grattan remarked : — 
 
 Such a Committee, with regard to Ireland, is more 
 necessary, because Ireland is a distant nation, of whom 
 you have said much and inquired little : her people, their 
 dispositions, their condition, and their grievances, have 
 not sufficiently occupied your attention, nor have they 
 been sufficiently made a subject of your inquiry. Witness 
 the various speeches in the House with regard to them, 
 
 * The death of this individual in 1817, at the early age of thirty-nine, 
 was a national loss ; he possessed great ability and singular talents; he 
 raised himself by his worth and his integrity alone. In the House of 
 Commons great respect was paid to his memory on moving a new writ 
 for the place he represented. Sir James Mackintosh said — The House 
 honoured the memory of a man of thirty-eight, the son of a merchant 
 who never rilled an office or had the power of obliging a living creature, 
 and whose grand title to distinction was the belief of his virtue — a fine 
 lesson this and encouragement to mankind. — See Mackintosh's Memoirs, 
 and Horner's Correspondence, vol. ii. — A monument covers his grave 
 at Leghorn where he died, and a beautiful statue (executed by Sir F. 
 Chantrey), was placed in Westminster Abbey. It redounds highly to 
 his memory that he was mainly instrumental in effecting that salutary 
 change in the Irish grand jury system of doing away with depositions 
 and getting viva voce evidence taken. — See his statement as to this, and 
 his difficulty in reconciling the Irish judges to it. 
 
460 
 
 lord morpeth's motion, [chap. xrn. 
 
 and the monstrous errors by which those speeches are 
 distinguished ! 
 
 The following is an interesting historic descrip- 
 tion, and shows the folly of one nation committing 
 to another the custody of her rights and liberties. 
 Self-legislation is life : — 
 
 Those privileges are the security of your Church, and 
 those disabilities its danger. 
 
 I am the more convinced of the truth of this, and of the 
 necessity of the removing the disabilities that affect the 
 people of Ireland, when I behold the progress of their 
 disquietude. Ever since the policy of Europe, with regard 
 to religion, had changed, and the Emperor of Germany 
 repealed the laws that were penal on the Protestants, the 
 Irish penal code became a subject of discussion, and ever 
 since 1792 a subject of disquietude. For instance, in the 
 year 1792, when the Catholic petition was rejected; in 
 1793, when the petition was received; and the hostility of 
 the Irish Government rendered acquiescence unsatisfac- 
 tory. In 1795, when leave to bring in a bill of repeal was 
 refused ; in 1805, when their petition was presented, and 
 a committee was refused ; in 1808, when their petition 
 was presented, and a committee was refused ; in 1810, 
 when their petition was presented, and a committee re- 
 fused; in 1811, when a petition was presented, and a 
 committee refused ; and now is added a disqualification, 
 a litigation, with three-fourths of his Majesty's subjects 
 about their dearest privileges. You go to war with 
 America ; you have gone to law with Ireland ; the Catho- 
 lics resort to a new mode of petitioning; the Government 
 consider that mode to be unlawful ; the Government issue 
 ten informations against the delegates ; the delegates per- 
 sist, are arrested, and bring three notices of actions against 
 the magistrates, and five against the Chief Justice ; the 
 printers publish the proceedings of the Court and the 
 Catholics ; the Court issue six attachments against the 
 printers ; these twenty-three suits are supported by an 
 eloquent bar of great legal ability and splendid powers of 
 elocution ; those eloquent men must, as in duty bound, 
 mark the errors and point out the misconduct of the one 
 side as well as the other; the rudimental principles of 
 
CHAP. XIII.] MR. GRATTAN'S SPEECH. 
 
 461 
 
 government are put in a course of discussion, and the 
 whole machine examined from centre to circumference ; 
 whatever has been committed in history on either side, 
 the conduct of Parliament, and the rights of the people 
 must of necessity form the subject of their eloquence, 
 animated by two auxiliary spirit-stirring subjects — the 
 freedom of person and the liberty of the press. Wait, 
 say gentlemen, for the discussion of three-and-twenty suits, 
 and the return of public repose. Unfortunately for that 
 repose, it happens that the law in question seems formed 
 and calculated for renovated litigation ; the best lawyers 
 differ ; eagle against eagle, long robe against long robe, 
 verdict against verdict; now a defeat of the Government, 
 now a defeat of the people ! 
 
 Good sense and good feeling, as a man and a 
 Christian, and sage advice as a politician, appears 
 in the following passages : — 
 
 I venture to affirm, that as long as those restrictions 
 remain, no administration, Whig or Tory, can govern 
 Ireland, with repose to itself, or satisfaction to the com- 
 munity. It will be an alternate victory of a Protestant 
 Government or a Catholic people.. I am against such 
 victories. I would not enfeeble the Government, or break 
 the spirit of the people. I do not desire the triumph of 
 one sect or the other, but the triumph of both over their 
 common prejudices; and in the triumph of both you 
 will find the consolidation of the people and the strength 
 
 of your empire — a tranquil people and a combined empire. 
 * # # # * 
 
 You will have this session to pronounce the doom of 
 the Roman Catholics, whether their lot in the British 
 empire is to be eternal disqualification. Sir, you cannot 
 impose it; the very sound is horrible. What ! take away 
 the Irish Parliament, and then exclude the Irish from your 
 own ! What ! use the prospect of admission into this 
 Parliament as an inducement to procure the abolition of 
 their national Parliament, and then make their exclusion 
 from the English Parliament eternal ! You take away 
 the Government of their country ; you take away the 
 Parliament of their country ; you take away their Church, 
 you establish your own ; you make them pay that estab- 
 lishment, and then disqualify them ! This people, with 
 
462 
 
 AMERICA, ORDERS [CHAP. XIII. 
 
 their fellow-subjects, pay you in rental two millions ; they 
 pay you in commerce, at the current price, near ten 
 millions ; they pay you in revenue, six millions ; they bleed 
 for you in every quarter of the globe ; and you propose 
 to disqualify them for ever ! You cannot do it ; your 
 good sense and your good feelings forbid it; the feelings 
 of your countrymen forbid it. It is an interdict ; hor- 
 rible, unnatural, impossible ! 
 
 That you may, in your present difficulties triumph, is 
 the sincere wish of my heart; but as Ireland must be one 
 great instrument of your success, so must she be a par- 
 taker of your advantages : she shares your danger, she 
 must share your privileges. 
 
 After two nights of warm debate on the sub- 
 ject, the House divided at half-past five in the 
 morning, when there appeared for Lord Morpeth's 
 motion, 135 ; against, 229. The Prince's friends 
 voted against the Irish. It was said that he got 
 them to do so. 
 
 The minister (Perceval) having nearly created 
 an insurrection in Ireland, proceeded to involve 
 his country in a war with America. A recapitu- 
 lation of the facts may not prove uninteresting,, 
 The Berlin and Milan decrees of Buonaparte, in 
 1806, prohibited the trade of neutrals with Eng- 
 land, and were made; the pretext for passing the 
 British orders in council of November, 1807, pro- 
 hibiting the trade of neutrals with France unless 
 the vessels touched at an English port. In con- 
 sequence, the Americans lay an embargo on their 
 trade with France and Great Britain, and then 
 pass a non-importation act. They increase 
 their naval and military establishments, and call 
 out their militia. Fearing to drive her into the 
 arms of France, Mr. Canning, in 1809, repeals 
 the orders, as far as relates to Holland, and 
 directs the British minister (Erskine)* to treat 
 
 * Son of Lord Erskine. 
 
CHAP. XIII.] IN COUNCIL OF 1807. 
 
 463 
 
 for a reconciliation. Erskine persuades the Ame- 
 ricans to take off their embargo and non-impor- 
 tation act, as far as regards the United Kingdom. 
 Canning says, Erskine had violated his instruc- 
 tions, — recalls him, and sends Mr. Jackson, — a 
 rough character, in his place. The Americans 
 re-enact the embargo and non-importation acts, 
 complain that Jackson insults them, and break off 
 all intercourse. Jackson is recalled. Mr. Foster, 
 a young man, of little talent, and no experience, 
 is sent in his place, and Mr. Pinkney, the Ame- 
 rican envoy, leaves England. The two countries 
 get further embroiled in conquence of their naval 
 disputes, the affairs of the vessels, Chesapeake, Pre- 
 sident, and the Little Belt. In 181 1, the American 
 secretary asserts that Buonaparte had revoked the 
 Berlin and Milan decrees, and that, according to 
 promise, the orders in council should be repealed 
 by Great Britain. Foster (the charge d'affaires) 
 denies that they are effectually repealed : at 
 length Great Britain, in 1812, issues a declaration, 
 setting forth the nature, necessity, and object of 
 the orders, and offers to repeal them when France 
 shall effectually repeal hers. These protracted 
 negotiations become aggravated by an accusation 
 that England had strove to dissolve the American 
 union, and fomented, through the agency of Sir 
 James Craig and Captain Henry, the division of 
 the northern and southern states. The British 
 minister (Castlereagh) denies it ; but the circum- 
 stances appeared suspicious, and warranted a 
 message from President Madison to Congress on 
 the subject. In conclusion, the orders in council 
 are repealed after Mr. Perceval's death, but it 
 was too late ; the Americans had already (July, 
 1812) declared war against England. 
 
 The war is attended with various success. 
 Several divisions of American troops that had 
 
464 
 
 WAR WITH AMERICA. [CHAP. XIII. 
 
 entered the Canadas are defeated and captured. 
 Washington is burned, and the territory of Pe- 
 nobscot taken by the English : but they fail before 
 Fort Erie, and at Baltimore several British fri- 
 gates are captured : the Americans fight despe- 
 rately ; and in the action with the Java, one hun- 
 dred and sixty men are killed, and every British 
 officer. Finally, the British lose their fleet on 
 Lake Champlain, and are defeated by General 
 Jackson, at New Orleans, with the loss of their 
 commander (Pakenham). Fourteen thousand men 
 were employed on this fruitless and unjust war, 
 and the remains of the army returned to Europe 
 just in time to be too late for the battle of 
 Waterloo. Such has always been the fatality 
 attending British councils where America has 
 been concerned. 
 
 In causing this war, it must be admitted that 
 Mr. Perceval was not alone to blame, though in 
 his folly there was more perseverance. The 
 angry despatches of Mr. Canning, and the arro- 
 gant manner of his envoy (Jackson) irritated the 
 proud democracy. The English ministers lost 
 their temper, and showed, by the style of lan- 
 guage which they adopted, that they were unfit 
 to manage her. They began by the quarrels 
 between the naval commanders of each nation ; 
 and the conduct of their officers formed a con- 
 venient excuse for an unwise ministry : where 
 courage was alone required, such men were in- 
 valuable, but where temper and address was 
 wanted, they wholly failed. 
 
 As to the Americans, they deserved credit for 
 having kept clear of the disputes in Europe, and 
 for having not only effected a revolution, but for 
 having formed a government that was durable ; 
 whereas the English introduced into the contest 
 the vices of their constitution — the feelings of a 
 
CHAP. XIII.] REMARKS ON THE AMERICAN WAR. 465 
 
 little republic, which are jealousy, and of a court, 
 which are tyranny. 
 
 It was not the war of one nation against 
 another, but of an old nation against a young 
 empire, whose destiny was not to decline, but to 
 invigorate, while England retained all the vices of 
 her old age and her establishments. In truth, it 
 was not so much a war against America as against 
 Providence, — opposing the growth and progress 
 of an immense portion of the world ; forgetting 
 that empire is never stationary, but moves onward 
 in its revolving orbit, and pursues its destined 
 course from east to west. 
 
 The English were quite wrong in their feel- 
 ings regarding America. Not satisfied with their 
 West India possessions, they sought for more ; 
 they carried on an unnatural war, burning the 
 towns, and destroying the houses, and ravaging 
 the American coast, — in fact, making war against 
 human nature, — attempting to force Providence, 
 and giving her precocious existence, at the same 
 time forgetting that America was of the greatest 
 service to them in bringing their goods direct to 
 France and to the continent of Europe, and 
 thus enabling them to sell their manufactures ; 
 but even of this coasting trade England grew 
 jealous. Her ministers indulged in the old lofty 
 strain, and talked of coercing and punishing 
 America, never recollecting that England had 
 failed when she was stronger, and America weaker; 
 and now to think that by sending a few troops 
 she could conquer her, was the height of folly : 
 America was sure of success ; she could retire, 
 and march back, latitude after latitude, and pro- 
 long the war ad infinitum, and was certain to beat 
 England by distance, by time, and by situation. 
 It is true, England burned the city of Washington, 
 and destroyed houses, and buildings, and monu- 
 
 vol. v. H H 
 
466 PETITION FROM IRISH PROTESTANTS [CHAP. XIII. 
 
 ments of art and of virtue ; but this was a shame- 
 ful, a disgraceful, and a piratical business : every 
 blow she gave America reflected upon British 
 honour, and every defeat she sustained injured 
 her reputation. She was fighting against the 
 principles of her own constitution, — engaging in 
 a war of passion and of pelf, and entailing on her 
 children nothing but a European war in reversion. 
 
 In these proceedings, Mr. Grattan took a most 
 decided part against Mr. Perceval. He supported 
 Mr. Whitbread in the motions on the subject, 
 and Mr. Brougham, in his able and persevering 
 efforts to repeal the orders in council ; and on the 
 2nd of March, 1812, he was on that question in 
 the division of 144 to 216. He opposed Mr. Per- 
 ceval's policy throughout ; he foretold the con- 
 sequence of his measures, and cautioned the 
 Government against the danger of a war with 
 that hemisphere. 
 
 In the year 1812, the Duke of Devonshire visited 
 his estates in Ireland. Lord Besborough, Mr. 
 Lamb, (afterwards Lord Melbourne), Mr. Grattan, 
 Mr. George Ponsonby, and several other influential 
 men of the popular party assembled in the south of 
 Ireland, and a great dinner was given in the 
 Black Abbey at Kilkenny ;* and there originated 
 the Protestant demonstration in favour of the 
 Catholics. A petition emanating from thence, 
 was extensively circulated, and received the sig- 
 natures of upwards of four thousand Protestants, 
 of all classes and conditions, expressive of their 
 good-will towards their fellow-countrymen. This 
 measure greatly exasperated the Government. 
 The Duke of Richmond's party was highly in- 
 
 * Mr. Goold attended the dinner, and ever after during that adminis- 
 tration, was a marked man ; in fact he was proscribed in his profession 
 and was never promoted ; his opposition to the Union might have been 
 forgiven, but his friendship to the Catholics never was — his unjust 
 treatment was no secret. 
 
CHAP. XIII.] IN FAVOUR OF THE CATHOLICS. 467 
 
 censed. The Chancellor (Lord Manners), and the 
 Attorney -General (Saurin) found in the pro- 
 ceeding a pretence to gratify their political pre- 
 judices, and satiate their passions and their re- 
 sentment.* However, on the whole it aided the 
 Catholics, and their question was again brought 
 forward by Mr. Grattan. 
 
 On the 20th of April, 1812, Mr. Maurice Fitz- 
 gerald, the Knight of Kerry, presented a petition 
 to the House of Commons, signed by upwards of 
 four thousand Protestants of Ireland, of large pro- 
 perty, and great respectability ; and on the 23d 
 Mr. Grattan presented the general petition of the 
 Catholics, and moved for a committee to consider 
 the state of the law imposing on them civil disa- 
 bilities. He had hitherto avoided making any 
 allusion to the Prince ; . he knew the weakness 
 of his character, and hoped he was not irrevo- 
 cably lost to the people of Ireland, and that, 
 on the expiration of the restrictions, he would 
 restore the Whig party ; but having now beheld 
 his indifference to his former principles, and his 
 disinclination to liberal measures, Mr. Grattan 
 thought that when the Catholic question came for- 
 ward it was necessary to allude to his conduct, he 
 did so in a manner least calculated to offend him; and 
 in the expostulations with the Government on their 
 determined hostility towards his countrymen, he 
 made the following apposite and beautiful allusion, 
 not only to the disappointment of Ireland with re- 
 gard to the Prince, but also with regard to the Union. 
 
 Should you, however, finally resolve upon such a mea- 
 sure, such a penal sentence, recollect how much you will 
 be embarrassed by engagements, recollect the barrier is 
 removed that formerly stood against the measure I pro- 
 
 * On the 21st April, on Lord Donoughmore's motion of the Catholics, 
 Lord Byron spoke in their favour, his speech was pointed and severe 
 upon the minister, showing talent and reading but with much singu- 
 larity of phrase and manner. — Pari. Debates, vol. xii. p. 650. 
 
 H H 2 
 
468 
 
 MR. GRATTAN ON [CHAP. XIII. 
 
 pose. However we may lament the cause, we must ac- 
 knowledge the fact, and perceive that the time is now 
 come in which the Catholics were to expect a gracious* 
 predilection. They were taught to expect that their 
 wounds would be healed, and their disabilities were to 
 cease ; that a great deliverer was on his way that would 
 wipe the tears of the Irish, and cast upon the Royal Family 
 a new ray of glory everlasting. They gave themselves up 
 to a passion that was more than allegiance, and following 
 the leading light that cheered their pairful steps through 
 the wilderness, until they came to the borders of the land of 
 promise, when, behold! the vision of royal faith vanishes, 
 and the curse which blasted their forefathers, is to be 
 entailed upon their children. In addition to this immea- 
 surable disappointment, you must consider another — you 
 may remember the Union. 
 
 Without inquiring whether the repeal of Catholic dis- 
 ability was actually promised, it was the expectation of 
 that measure which carried the Union. It is the price for 
 the Union; and an essential part thereof; you will now 
 pay the purchase of that measure. National honour is 
 power ; in trade, it is capital ; in the state, it is force. 
 The name of England has carried you through a host of 
 difficulties; we conjure you by that name to accede to 
 those petitions; should you finally refuse, you repeal the 
 Union ; you declare the Irish and the English to be a dis- 
 tinct people; you not only declare it, but you do it ; you 
 dissolve the incorporation ; they were kept together by 
 hope, and you divide them by despair; you make them 
 two distinct nations, with opposite and with hostile in- 
 terests ; the one with civil privileges, the other without; 
 the one in the act of disqualifying the other; the oppressor 
 and the oppressed. The idea of the Union is twofold; 
 a union of Parliament, and a union of people. I see the 
 union of Parliament ; and in that I see the measure which 
 makes the legislature more handy to the minister; but 
 where are the people ? where is the consolidation ? where 
 is the common interest? where is the heart that should 
 animate the whole, and that combined giant that should 
 put forth his hundred hands for the state? There is no 
 such thing ; the petitioners tell you so ; they tell you that 
 
 * The Prince, in his letter to the Duke of York, said, " I have no pre- 
 dilections to indulge he fully exemplified the proverb, " Put not your 
 trust in princes/' — See Appendix to his letters. 
 
CHAP. XIII.] THE PRINCE AND THE UNION. 469 
 
 it is impossible such a policy should last; a policy that 
 takes away the Parliament of Ireland, and excludes the 
 Catholic from the Parliament of England ; a policy that 
 obtained the Union by the hope of admission, and now 
 makes the exclusion everlasting. 
 
 Dr. Duigenan was now put forward to oppose 
 the measure, which he did in his usual manner; 
 the subject was adjourned to the 24th, when it 
 was strongly opposed by Mr. Perceval, who 
 was doomed to speak against it for the last 
 time — he denied that the question was one of 
 right on the part of the Catholics, he asserted 
 that the whole system in Church and State was 
 Protestant, he strongly animadverted on the con- 
 duct of Dr. Milner, who had offered the veto and 
 then retracted it, and denied he meant it, yet 
 for this he had been publicly thanked by the 
 Irish Catholics. Mr. Perceval also complained 
 that the instruction taught at Maynooth, was 
 that councils were infallible, that the Catholics 
 in several counties of Ireland had determined not 
 to vote for members of Parliament who would 
 support a government hostile to their claims, that 
 if they had the power they would not return 
 Protestants to Parliament in preference to Catho- 
 lics ;* he said he looked forward to the time when 
 a great change would take place in the Catholics, 
 occasioned by the learning, knowledge, and power 
 of mind exhibited by them, and from the increased 
 liberality of feeling and of spirit. His speech was 
 clever and judicious, but mistaken in point of 
 
 * So mistaken was he in this opinion, that after the question was 
 carried in 1829, the Catholics in several places returned Protestants to 
 Parliament in preference to Catholics, and after the Municipal Bill, 
 Prokstants also were elected to municipal offices in preference to Catho- 
 lics in some places, and alternately in others, viz. in Dublin and in 
 Cork ; thus the Irish found out by sad experience the true character of 
 their opponents, and that their objections to the Irish were mere pre- 
 tences — the religious part of the question was hypocrisy, and the poli- 
 tical part was power ; this destroyed the English party in Ireland. 
 
470 
 
 REMARKS ON THE [CHAP. XIII. 
 
 argument, and diminished in point of acerbity, 
 but it betokened this idea that he knew the Prince, 
 and that there was no hope for the Catholics. 
 The ablest speech was that of Mr. Vernon, son 
 of the Archbishop of York, he was greatly com- 
 plimented by Mr. Whitbread, and Mr. Grattan 
 alludes to him in one of his letters. In this debate 
 there occurred a circumstance deserving of notice. 
 Lord Castlereagh alluded to the blame attempted 
 to be cast on the Prince, by his change of opinion 
 in having held out hopes to the Catholics, which 
 now he did not seek to realize, and added that 
 if such hopes had been raised in Ireland, it was 
 owing to the rash indiscretion and improper con- 
 duct of those to whom such communications 
 were made. Mr. Ponsonby upon this replied in 
 the most pointed manner, and stated that the asser- 
 tion was false* that the communication had been 
 made by the Duke of Bedford, and by him in 
 obedience to commands from the Prince. " I say 
 this" (said Mr. Ponsonby), " in the face of England 
 I say, we did receive commands — not merely per- 
 mission, but actual commands from the illustrious 
 personage to make the communication that such were 
 the intentions with respect to the Roman Catholics of 
 Ireland, and that he never would forsake their 
 interests." 
 
 In confirmation of this, Mr. Whitbread said, — 
 
 Who does not know the hopes and expectations that were 
 held out to the Catholics by the Prince of Wales ? To him 
 they looked as the polar star of their wishes — the day of his 
 accession to the sovereign authority they contemplated as 
 the auspicious moment of their entire liberation from the 
 remaining links of those galling chains under which they 
 
 * This word false, thus used by Mr. Ponsonby, was explained to be 
 meant in a Parliamentary sense, and accordingly Lord Castlereagh said 
 he was satisfied. The Prince never forgave this exposure of his conduct ; 
 it was a public conviction from which even the chivalry of his friend 
 Lord Moira could not extricate him. 
 
CHAP. XIII.] CONDUCT OF THE PRINCE. 
 
 471 
 
 had groaned through so many years of sorrow and degra- 
 dation. No one can doubt when this era arrived the ex- 
 pectations of the Catholic was raised to the highest pitch, 
 unhappily nothing but the most bitter disappointment has 
 followed, — adisappointment without ground orjustification. 
 The Catholics had a right to cherish the hopes which they 
 entertained. The opinions of the Prince of Wales to- 
 wards them had been, not only not concealed or disguised, 
 but they had ever been most ostentatiously displayed — 
 it would have been an affront to his Royal Highness, not 
 to have known that he was the protector of the Irish Catho- 
 lics, and the favourer of their claims. From the Crown, 
 and from the Crown alone, proceeds the obstacle, the Regent 
 has but to will and the thing is done ; he has but to will 
 and he will again be the idol of Ireland, he has but to 
 wait and the time will be gone for ever. 
 
 The same thing was said by Lord Grey in de- 
 bate in the House of Lords. And at the time of the 
 negotiations in the month of May (1812), Lord 
 Moira (no doubt at the request of the Prince, and 
 with a view to extricate him) wrote to Lord Grey 
 to know whether he had said, " that pledges had 
 been given, a departure from which rendered the 
 present situation (of the Catholics) more galling, 
 and that he said this in the hearing of persons 
 who could contradict him if he was inaccurate. 
 To this Lord Grey firmly replied, — 
 
 I then said that the most distinct and authentic pledges 
 had been given to them of the Prince's wishes to relieve 
 them from the disabilities of which they complained, that 
 I spoke in the hearing of persons who would contradict 
 me if what 1 said was unfounded, and who would, I am 
 sure, support its truth if questioned, that now, when the 
 fulfilment of these pledges was confidently expected, to 
 see an administration continued in power which stood on 
 the express principle of resisting their claims, was perhaps 
 the bitterest disappointment they had yet experienced ; 
 and that it was not surprising if, under such circumstances, 
 they felt and acted in a way that all well wishers to the 
 peace of the empire must regret.* 
 
 1 Pari, Debates, vol. xxiii. Appendix xliii. 
 
472 LETTERS OF MR. GRATTAN [CHAP.XIII. 
 
 This fact, as to the pledges given by the Prince 
 to the Catholics, has not been generally known, 
 nor much dwelt upon. The statement of Lord 
 Grey was not inserted in some of the publica- 
 tions at the time, and does not appear in the de- 
 bate. It affords a melancholy instance of dupli- 
 city and dereliction of public honour, and adds 
 another case of mockery and treachery towards 
 Ireland; when such was the conduct of George 
 III., such also of George IV., who can wonder 
 that the Irish people should loath such a system 
 of deception and falsehood, though patronised or 
 palliated by ministers, princes, and kings ? it was 
 practised in 1795 — again in 1800 — and again, 
 yet not for the last time, in 1812.* This circum- 
 stance perhaps weighed on the minds of some 
 men of honour, and the effect produced was fa- 
 vourable to the Catholics, for they had the largest 
 division that had yet taken place — the numbers 
 being 215 to 300 on Mr. Grattan's motion. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. M'Can. 
 
 London, March 3rd, 1812. 
 My dear M'Can, — What you mention about the satis- 
 faction my speech-f has given, affords me much pleasure. 
 
 I need not tell you what effect the determination of the 
 PrinceJ produced. I was not surprised ; I had appre- 
 hended it before. I will write to you to-morrow more 
 information about the stocks, as I will see some in the 
 House of Commons who can tell me. — Yours truly, 
 
 H. G. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. Berwick. 
 
 April 21st, 1812. 
 
 My dear Doctor Berwick, — I wish I had anything 
 
 * The Orangemen may now complain of " their' Peel, just as the 
 Catholics formerly complained of " their" Prince. 
 
 + On Mr. Pole's circular letter against the Catholics. 
 
 % To keep in the No-Popery Administration. — See his celebrated 
 letter to the Duke of York, and Lords Grenville and Grey, in reply, in 
 Appendix. 
 
CHAP. XIII.] 
 
 TO MR. BERWICK. 
 
 473 
 
 pood to say to you. Can things be worse ? — Yes they 
 can. I pity Hardy. Lord Moira's conduct* is not good; 
 but such as to maintain the royalty of his lineage. Plan- 
 tagenet is superior to modern princes. How is all at 
 home ? Providence is more attentive to your interests than 
 yourself, and therefore removes the mitre from your view. 
 We expect three bishops, — King, Bathurst, and Kil- 
 dare.f 
 
 I present the Catholic petition to-day. I long to see 
 you. I will spend some days with you when I go to Ire- 
 land, which will be soon, except the India question delays 
 me. — Yours, H. G. 
 
 Same to Same. 
 
 London, 28th April, 1812. 
 My dear Berwick, — The Catholic question has been 
 debated in both Houses, and the Catholic claim has been 
 supported in both Houses by minorities J that promise 
 success. The speeches will be published here. I will 
 send you them. The speakers on our side who distin- 
 guished themselves were, Mr. Vernon, son of the Arch- 
 bishop of York, Mr. Canning, Sir S. Romilly, and Mr. 
 Brougham. 
 
 The debate lasted till six the second day. I was ill 
 after it, but am now recovered. 
 
 Many more of our friends would have spoken, but the 
 House and the question were exhausted. — Yours ever, 
 
 H. Grattan. 
 
 At this period (1812) a melancholy catastrophe 
 occurred, which occasioned some change in the 
 ministry, and afforded another opportunity for the 
 Prince to show his disposition towards the Irish. 
 A third time he was tried, and a third time he 
 was found wanting ; and when the bitter oppo- 
 
 • This relates to a correspondence between Lord Moira and the Rev. 
 Mr. Orde. Lord Moira had been the voluntary manager of the Prince's 
 affairs during the restrictions, and it appeared that a place had been 
 given to a person of the name of Bengefield for suppressing some writ- 
 ings and letters relative to the Prince. 
 
 f The Bishop of Rochester's (King) vote could not be recorded, as 
 his proxy came too late to be inserted before prayers. 
 
 I The division in the House of Lords was 174 to 102, that in the 
 Commons 300 to 215. 
 
474 ASSASSINATION OF MR. PERCEVAL. [CHAP. XIII. 
 
 nents of the rights of the Irish Catholics was 
 removed by the hand of death, instead of re- 
 placing him by a friend, he put there the man who 
 had sold their country, and had basely deceived 
 them ! Lord Castlereagh, who had been declared 
 by Mr. Canning to be incapable as a war minister, 
 was selected to act at the head of foreign affairs, 
 and to take the lead in the House of Commons. 
 
 On the 11th of May, as Mr. Perceval was en- 
 tering the lobby of the House of Commons, he 
 was shot by a man of the name of Bellingham (a 
 lunatic), and immediately expired. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Dr. M'Can. 
 
 London, 15th May, 1812. 
 
 My dear M'Can, — The death of Mr. Perceval, accom- 
 panied with the horrid cause, affects all men. Parliament 
 will provide for his family ; # how much further they will 
 go I know not. I don't understand that there will be any 
 change of ministers : no overtures have been made to any 
 party, as far as I can hear. The speeches on the Catholic 
 question will be published by Hay.f Lord Donough- 
 more's is published already. 
 
 The place of the Commissioner of Appeal will be 
 raised to 800/. a year. So our friend Hardy will now have 
 a reasonable provision. J 
 
 We are all well. I shall soon see you. — Yours, most 
 truly, Henky Grattan. 
 
 The Prince now found it necessary to make 
 some change in the ministry, and being anxious 
 to retain the same party, desired the Chancellor to 
 ascertain if, without further aid, they could carry 
 on the Government. In reply, they declared that 
 the endeavour to do so would be very doubtful ; 
 
 * They granted 50,000/, to his family, and 2,000/. a year to his 
 widow, to descend to his eldest son, and a fine statue (by Chantrey) was 
 erected to him at Northampton. 
 
 t The secretary to the Roman Catholic board and committees. 
 
 X He did not live to enjoy this tardy increase, but expired a short 
 time after. 
 
CHAP. XIII.] INCAPACITY OF MINISTERS. 
 
 475 
 
 and on the question having been put to each of 
 them as to the capability of doing so without the 
 aid of Lord Grey, Lord Grenville, Lord Wellesley, 
 and Mr. Canning, they individually declared their 
 total inability ; to this there was the exception of 
 Lord Westmoreland, who had governed Ireland, 
 and of Lord Eldon, whose system had ruled her, 
 and both of whom knew how much a people were 
 capable of bearing. This extraordinary decla- 
 ration of incapacity was made in a formal manner, 
 and remains on record an evidence of the cha- 
 racter of the Prince who continued them, of the 
 servitude of the people who tolerated them, and of 
 the compliance of the House of Commons who 
 submitted to them, and bore for so long the 
 sway of a set of ministers whom they had pro- 
 nounced to be incapable, and who had actually 
 declared their own incompetency. The answers 
 to the question were as follows : Lord Mulgrave, 
 — no ; Lord Sidmouth, — doubtful ; Lord Har- 
 rowby, — not ; Lord Bathurst, — dangerous to the 
 Prince and the country; Lord Buckingham, — 
 doubtful ; Lord Westmoreland, — yes ; Lord Cam- 
 den, — very doubtful — not desperate ; Lord Mel- 
 ville, — very improbable ; Lord Liverpool, — doubt- 
 ful — not desperate ; Lord Castlereagh, — doubtful ; 
 Mr. Ryder, — extremely difficult ; Lord Eldon* 
 it might. 
 
 Such was the opinion the ministers entertained 
 of themselves. Accordingly, by directions from 
 the Prince, a negotiation was opened by Lord 
 Liverpool with Lord Wellesley and Mr. Canning, 
 on the 18th of May, but they refused to join a 
 Government, that acted on the principle of keep- 
 ing the Catholics excluded. No step in favour of 
 his old friends was taken by the Prince until Mr. 
 Stewart Wortley, on the 21st of May, moved an 
 
 * Life of Lord Eldon, vol. ii. p. 210. 
 
476 
 
 ATTEMPTS TO FORM A [CHAP. XIII. 
 
 address, praying him to form a strong and effi- 
 cient administration ; this was carried only by 
 four majority, 174 to 170. He, therefore, em- 
 ployed Lord Wellesley to attempt it. Lord Wel- 
 lesley had placed no confidence in Mr. Perceval's 
 administration, and had tendered his resignation 
 before the restrictions on the Regency had ex- 
 pired. The Prince, however, had persuaded him 
 to remain in, but on their expiration, finding that 
 no measures were taken to change the ministry, 
 or to remove the no-popery administration, he 
 resigned. He was now commissioned by the 
 Prince to form an administration. Accordingly, 
 on the 23d, another negotiation took place be- 
 tween Lord Wellesley, Mr. Canning, and Lord 
 Liverpool, to induce the latter and his colleagues 
 to join them, but " they declined to become mem- 
 bers of an administration formed by Lord Wel- 
 lesley." After this failure, another negotiation 
 commenced between Lord Wellesley and Lords 
 Grey and Grenville, to induce the two latter to 
 join the former. They agreed about the mea- 
 sures, but differed as to the cabinet ; the Prince 
 allowing them to appoint only four members of the 
 cabinet if it consisted of twelve, and five, if it con- 
 sisted of thirteen. Lord Wellesley to be First 
 Lord of the Treasury, and Lord Moira, Lord 
 Erskine, and Mr. Canning, to be members of the 
 cabinet. On this they broke off ; — -Lords Grey 
 and Grenville maintaining that such a plan would 
 not form an efficient administration, but merely a 
 balance of contending interests. On the 3rd of 
 June Lord Wellesley resigned the commission, 
 and on the 6th of June a fourth negotiation com- 
 menced between Lord Moira and Lords Grey and 
 Grenville. The point as to balancing the mem- 
 bers in the cabiuet had been given up, and the 
 parties agreed upon the measures, but they dis- 
 
CHAP. XIII.] NEW ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 477 
 
 agreed as to the household, Lord Moira declaring 
 that the removal of those officers was objectionable 
 on public grounds ; Lords Grey and Grenville in- 
 sisting upon the point as a preliminary ; and on 
 this the negotiation broke off. When this failure 
 was announced to Parliament, Lord Yarmouth, 
 one of the officers of the household, declared that 
 they had intended to resign ; that they had told 
 Sheridan of it, in order that he might inform Lord 
 Grey and Lord Grenville; but Sheridan, who was 
 angry with them before, was still more angry now, 
 because he knew he would not have been let into 
 the cabinet ; and he revenged himself in conse- 
 quence by keeping this secret.. Being pressed, he 
 was forced to admit it, and made a long, rambling, 
 and weak apology : thus the Whigs were foiled by 
 their own friend, and completly^W/ivW/ by Sheri- 
 dan as well as by the Prince, who was then left 
 free to keep in the wreck of the no-popery party, 
 notwithstanding the declaration of their inca- 
 pacity individually and collectively pronounced 
 by themselves, — an incapacity recorded by the 
 Chancellor, and declared by Mr. Canning to have 
 been the cause of his resignation at one time, and 
 by Lord Wellesley at another.* 
 
 Another effort was now made in Parliament, 
 but the appeal was fruitless; on the 11th of 
 June the House of Commons negatived a motion 
 of Mr. Wortley's, for an address to the Prince, 
 expressing their regret that their expectations had 
 not been realised, and earnestly entreating that 
 he would, without delay, form such an adminis- 
 tration as might be entitled to the support of Parlia- 
 ment and the confidence of the nation ; an amend- 
 ment also by Lord Milton, praying that the Prince 
 
 * When the restrictions expired in 1812, Lord Wellesley resigned his 
 office owing to the incapacity of Mr. Perceval to carry on the war, as 
 Mr. Canning had done in 1809 owing to that of Lord Castlereagh. 
 
478 OLD MINISTRY RETAINED. [CHAP. XIII. 
 
 would lose no time in forming such a strong and 
 efficient administration as might be calculated to 
 meet the exigencies of the times, was rejected by 
 289 to 164. Thus, in an assembly of 658 repre- 
 sentatives, that small minority only was found to 
 oppose such a Ministry. 
 
 The old Government continued in power, with 
 little alteration. Lord Castlereagh was Secre- 
 tary for Foreign Affairs, and manager of the House 
 of Commons ; Lord Liverpool, First Lord of the 
 Treasury ; and Mr. Vansittart, Chancellor of the 
 Exchequer. Such was the termination of four 
 negotiations, that commenced on the 16th of 
 May, and lasted till the 7th of June, comprising, 
 as published, no less than thirty-one documents, 
 and forty-four closely printed pages. Here ended 
 the Prince's efforts ; he thus got rid of his former 
 friends and his early principles. He lost the con- 
 fidence and respect of the people ; the warm 
 affections of the Irish ; and, what should have 
 been equally dear to him, his reputation. 
 
 In the debate on Mr. Wortley's motion, Mr. 
 Grattan stated, — 
 
 That he approved of the conduct of Lord Grey and 
 Lord Grenville, and sincerely lamented the result of the 
 negotiations. As Lord Sidmouth was to fill an important 
 office, he could not but recollect that he had professed 
 himself a decided enemy to the claims of the Roman 
 Catholics ; and he thought, therefore, that he was not a 
 character likely to conciliate the people. He was glad, 
 however, to learn that he was not to oppose their claims* 
 in the capacity of Minister. If the noble lords he had 
 
 * Here commenced a novel system in the Cabinet, which was termed 
 open questions, the Prince's proposition to divide the Council into parts 
 (as already mentioned) led to it; it was a dangerous practice, and 
 afforded a convenient excuse for a dexterous or dishonest minister — the 
 Irish found it to be so, and the Catholic question remained in abeyance 
 from 1812 to 1829 — supported by some of the Cabinet and opposed by 
 others. * * * " Wandering each his several way — 
 
 As inclination or sad choice 
 
 Leads him perplexed." 
 
CHAP. XIII.] REMARKS ON THE NEGOTIATIONS. 479 
 
 before alluded to had accepted the offers made to them, 
 they would have deserted their former principles, and 
 deserved the reprehension of that House and of the whole 
 country. 
 
 This was a severe reflection from Mr. Grattan 
 on the proceedings of the Prince, and a strong 
 testimony from him in favour of Lords Grey and 
 Grenville. Sir Arthur Pigott and Sir Samuel 
 Romilly also approved of their conduct. But Mr. 
 Whitbread thought they had acted wrong in not 
 accepting the offer. 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. M'Can. 
 
 London, 18th June, 1812. 
 
 My dear M'Can, — The politics of the present moment 
 are brief ; our friends out — the old Ministry in ; the revo- 
 cation of the Orders in Council carried ; the Catholic 
 question likely to be so. The Ministers have made with 
 the Opposition a division. 
 
 The Opposition get the measures; the Ministry get the 
 places. What do you think of that ? We are all well, 
 and I hope to see you soon. — Yours, H. Grattan. 
 
 Now that these events have long since passed, 
 and the passions and interested feelings of the 
 moment are over, it must be admitted that the 
 negotiation was very ill managed. Lord Grey and 
 Lord Grenville should have been more respectful 
 in their letter to the Prince ; but they were not 
 anxious for office, and Lord Grenville's pride 
 would not stoop to act under Lord Wellesley. 
 Neither of them conducted the affair with any 
 political dexterity ; they were men of talent, 
 capable of giving a proud and haughty answer, 
 but were not beloved or regarded by the people ; 
 and they did not know how to manage the Prince. 
 They wanted address, temper, and manner. 
 
 The offer that was made was hard to accept, 
 for a cabinet divided into three parties, four, and 
 four, and four, seemed a preparation for combat — 
 and a body rather to counteract each other than 
 
480 
 
 REMARKS ON LORDS [CHAP. XIII. 
 
 to agree. They wanted an able negotiator, and they 
 had lost Sheridan, who possessed a good deal of 
 judgment, and who could have arranged the matter 
 if he had chosen, and if it were not the habits of 
 Carlton house, for his intoxication and his insin- 
 cerity.* From what afterwards happened, it would 
 have been better if they had accepted the proposi- 
 tion without two additional seats in the Cabinet, 
 for, even if they had been turned out of office a few 
 months after, they could have granted the Catholic 
 claims, and repealed the Orders in Council — but 
 America was disliked and Ireland neglected. 
 Though the Prince behaved ill, they should not 
 have regarded it, they should have remembered 
 that they were bound to Ireland, and if he forgot 
 her they should not. Had they acted thus, they 
 would have got credit from the people, and served 
 the country, but they distrusted every proposition 
 of the Prince as if he intended to deceive ; 
 and, to add to the complexity of the case, Lord 
 Moira behaved even worse than the Prince, he 
 wept and embraced him, and vowed he would 
 protect him against the very men with whom the 
 early habits of his life had been formed, and 
 who were certainly fair and honourable cha- 
 racters. His error was in breaking off from Lord 
 Grey and Lord Grenville as abruptly as he did ; 
 he ought to have advised them, that if they were 
 determined to make a stand as to the household, 
 they should delay their decision, and not make 
 that a preliminary point, for if they got into 
 power those officers might resign. He assumed 
 the character of negotiator, but forgot its first re- 
 quisite, moderation, and instead of endeavouring 
 to bring the parties round, he displayed a dis- 
 position that seemed rather military than diplo- 
 
 * In 1816, when Sheridan was dying in distress and debt, the Prince 
 sent 200/. !! to be doled out, to him in four driblets ; his wife spiritedly 
 refused it.— See Moore's Life of Sheridan. 
 
CHAP. XIII.] GREY, GRENVILLE, AND MOIRA. 
 
 481 
 
 matic — he kept secret the very point which he 
 knew was the difficulty, (the Household) and 
 strove to restore himself in the Prince's favour — - 
 preferring the accommodation of the Regent to 
 the good of the country.* His conclusion was 
 unfortunate, he had refused the Garter at first, he 
 accepted it at last, and afterwards took a situa- 
 tion which lowered him still more, and finally 
 went into exile to a country where he could 
 only make the condition of his fortune more ap- 
 parent.! 
 
 The propositions from the Prince were said to 
 have been insincere, — yet it must be observed 
 that the Household had not been a question in 
 the formation of former ministries — the situations, 
 however, had become political, and were no 
 longer domestic — and the principle of the re- 
 fusal was perhaps a good one, but the people did 
 not understand those distinctions, and Ireland did 
 not care about the Household, or about Lord 
 Hertford, or Lord Yarmouth, or Lady Hertford ; 
 she understood her popular measures, and if these 
 were not carried, the opposition party were likely 
 to be accused as the authors of their failure, and 
 on them would rest the odium. But there was 
 one circumstance that outweighed all others — the 
 power of the Crown had been accumulating for 
 the last fifty years, and had grown so strong that 
 the king would keep in ministers, mistresses, and 
 
 * Lord Moira asked the Prince whether he was prepared to give up 
 the household if required, the Prince said he was; on which Lord Moira 
 replied, you shall not give up one of them : thus he sacrificed the 
 Catholics to Lord Yarmouth and Lady Hertford. Lady Spencer ob- 
 served to Mr. Grattan, " You have no reason to be proud of your 
 countrymen, Moira and Sheridan." The hot-bed of royalty is fatal to 
 the growth of patriotism — it thrives best in its native soil. 
 
 f Some noble traits of character were discernible, spoiled by the 
 court they flourished in the camp. His prize-money for some captures 
 in India amounted to upwards of 100,000/., he refused to take it, and 
 directed it to be given to the soldiers. 
 VOL. V. I I 
 
482 REMARKS ON THE PRINCE. [CHAP. XIII. 
 
 Household just as he pleased, and would not 
 suffer that he should be dictated to in the choice 
 of his servants or the arrangements of his pri- 
 vate concerns ; besides, he knew it would be a 
 popular argument to use, that he could not permit 
 the interior of his Court to be modified by any 
 minister. The transaction proved one thing, that 
 the Prince could keep in office whom he liked — 
 any set of men, not Whigs, not Tories — but Bruns- 
 wickers; bad ministers, though good private char- 
 acters, and could support the worst and most im- 
 moral influence against the aristocracy and against 
 the people ; it showed how omnipotent the Prince 
 was, and how servile the House of Commons; and 
 revealed the afflicting secret, — the infinitude of 
 the Royal power, and the insignificance of the 
 English aristocracy. 
 
CHAP. XIV.] CONDUCT OF THE CATHOLICS. 
 
 483 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Conduct of the Catholics in 1812. — Witchery Resolutions. — Mr. Hay 
 (Secretary).— Letter thereon. — Motion in Parliament by Mr. Can- 
 ning and Lord Wellesley. — Mr. Grattan's friends meet at Tinnehinch, 
 and prepare the bill for Catholic Relief. — His letters. — Introduces 
 the bill in the new Parliament. — His resolutions. — Meeting of the 
 English members at Mr. Ponsonby's. — Proceedings on the bill. — 
 Rejected by Four! — Conduct of the Speaker (Abbot). — Conduct of 
 the Prince. — Mr. Grattan's opinion and letter. — Lord Castlereagh. 
 — Election for Down. — Lady Downshire's letter. — Conduct of the 
 Catholics. — Application to Lord Donoughmore by Mr. Grattan. — 
 Mr. Wilberforce's letter. — Mr. Grattan declines to move on the 
 Catholic petition in 1814. — Catholic Board suppressed by procla- 
 mation. — Conduct of Mr. Saurin. — Letter of Peter Burrowes as to 
 Mr. Hay. — Disagreement in opinion between the Catholics and Mr. 
 Grattan. — Their petition entrusted to Sir Henry Parnell. — Ros- 
 common address to Mr. Grattan. — His reply. — Mrs. Grattan goes to 
 France.- — Defeat of Bonaparte. — Princess of Wales. — Corn Laws. 
 
 In the course of the year 1812, the Catholics 
 met in their respective counties and expressed 
 their regret that the Prince Regent should have 
 continued the former ministers in office, and they 
 resolved that no Catholic ought to vote at any 
 election for a member of Parliament who would 
 support them. Waterford, Cork, and Clare 
 take the lead in this proceeding — the Board 
 address* Lord Donoughmore and Mr. Grattan, 
 and congratulate them on the progress which 
 the question had made in Parliament. 
 
 A circumstance now occurred which did much 
 injury to their cause — disappointed, irritated, and 
 
 * For this address and Mr. Grattan's reply, see Appendix. 
 
 i i 2 
 
484 
 
 WITCHERY RESOLUTIONS. [CHAP. XIV. 
 
 naturally indignant at the conduct of the Prince, 
 they suffered themselves to be led astray by bad 
 advisers, and in an angry moment allowed passion 
 to prevail over prudence. Having met in aggre- 
 gate meeting in the month of June, they passed 
 resolutions reflecting on the Prince and on his 
 favourites, and alluded to " the fatal witchery' 
 which had been the means of intercepting the 
 promised boon of Catholic freedom ; these reso- 
 lutions had been prepared by some of the Hutchin- 
 son family, it was said by Lord Donoughmore* 
 in London, and were sent to the Catholics before 
 their meeting, and after a different set had been 
 agreed upon, they were suddenly substituted 
 in place of the former, and were carried on the 
 spur of the moment. Lord Fingall who was in 
 the chair, was taken by surprise, and the interests 
 of the body were compromised by this hasty pro- 
 ceeding ;f factious in the proposer, fatal to those 
 
 * Wyse's Historical Sketch of the Catholic Association, 2 vols, 
 p. 152. 
 
 f Witchery Resolutions: — • 
 
 4. That from authentic documents now before us, we learn with deep 
 disappointment and anguish how cruelly the promised boon of Catholic 
 freedom has been intercepted, by the fatal witchery of an unworthy 
 secret influence, hostile to our fairest hopes, spurning alike the sanctions 
 of public and private virtue, the demands of personal gratitude, and 
 the sacred obligations of plighted honour. 
 
 5. That to this impure source we trace, but too distinctly, our baffled 
 hopes and protracted servitude — the arrogant invasion of the undoubted 
 right of petitioning; the acrimony of illegal state prosecutions; the 
 surrender of Ireland to prolonged oppression and insult; and the many 
 experiments, equally pitiful and perilous, recently practised upon the 
 habitual passiveness of an ill-treated, but high-spirited people. 
 
 6. That cheerless, indeed, would be our prospects, and faint our 
 hopes of success, were they to rest upon the constancy of courtiers, or 
 the pompous patronage of men, who can coldly sacrifice the feelings 
 and interests of millions at the shrine of perishable power, or, deluded 
 by the blandishments of a too luxurious court, can hazard the safety of 
 a people for ill- timed courtly compliment. The pageants of a court 
 command not our respect; our great cause rests upon the immutable 
 foundations of truth, and justice, and reason. Equal constiiutional 
 rights, unconditional, unstipulated, unpurchased by dishonour, are 
 objects dear to our hearts. They consist with wisdom, virtue, humanity, 
 
CHAP. XIV.] MR. HAT| SECRETARY. 
 
 485 
 
 who followed him. A moment's consideration 
 would have shown the danger of attacking cha- 
 racters of that description — flatterers, favourites, 
 and meretricious persons are generally vindictive, 
 and seldom if ever forgive. The word " witchery'' 
 galled the Prince's pride, and inflicted a wound 
 that he neither forgot nor forgave — it festered in 
 his bosom till time lessened, and inconstancy 
 cured it — but the feeling of resentment he care- 
 fully hoarded up till it vented itself on the Irish 
 people without scruple and without remorse. 
 The Prince threw out the Catholic Bill in the 
 ensuing year, and put down the Catholic Board 
 by proclamation in the year after. 
 
 The subjoined letter from the Secretary of the 
 Catholics, who among others, informed the author 
 of the circumstances, will further explain the 
 subject ; it in a great degree exculpates the Ca- 
 tholic body from the unjust charges too often 
 brought against them, and shows how hard it is 
 in public affairs to steer clear of difficulties 
 thrown in the way even by those who are most 
 trusted and most esteemed. 
 
 true religion, and unaffected honour ; and can never be abandoned 
 by men who deserve to be free. 
 
 7. That for the complete attainment of this our constitutional object, 
 we firmly confide in our own persevering exertions, in the enlightened 
 wisdom and growing liberality of our fellow-citizens, recently and 
 gloriously exhibited in their petitions to Parliament in our behalf; and 
 above all, of that overruling Providence which presides over the 
 destinies of nations, and permits not the oppression of man by his 
 fellow-creature with impunity. 
 
 8. That, returning with disgust from the gloomy wreck of public 
 character, presented in recent events, we recognise with esteem and 
 admiration the truly noble elevation of sentiment which has dis- 
 tinguished Lords Grey and Grenville, and the other personages who, 
 with them, have stood aloof from the allurements of intrigue, and 
 maintained the high station of rigid independence. We respect their 
 recent conduct, as dictated by sound wisdom, well-founded caution, 
 and by an honest auxiety, as well for the secure attainment of great 
 public benefits, as for the conservation of their personal honour. 
 
486 
 
 MR. HAY'S LETTER. [CHAP. XIV. 
 
 Edward Hay to H. Grattan, jun. 
 
 Dublin, 52, Henry Street, 27th April, 1819. 
 
 My dear Sir, — I received your kind letter of the 
 23rd, on my return to Dublin yesterday from the country 
 where I had been from Saturday, not, however, before 
 I had despatched a petition and a letter to your inesti- 
 mable father in answer to his kind favour to me of the 
 20th, from Twickenham. I was too late yesterday to 
 avail myself of the opportunity of returning an answer to 
 you sooner. 
 
 It would be well that the Prince Regent's anger could 
 be mitigated respecting the witchery resolutions in 1812, 
 in which your father had no concern whatever, though 
 most of our parliamentary friends had, in framing them 
 and transmitting them to Ireland, where they were carried 
 by a legerdemain trick, in which only three or four mem- 
 bers of the Board were concerned — by substituting the 
 witchery resolutions in the place of others that the Board 
 had adopted on mature deliberation from clay to day, a 
 week previous to the general meeting where they were 
 most shamefully set aside, and then carried in a manner 
 that neither the Catholic Board, nor the Catholics of 
 Ireland can be fairly implicated in as consenting parties ; 
 for they knew not what resolutions were passed. Lord 
 Fingal and his son Lord Killeen were most shamefully 
 cajoled. I regret I cannot be in London at the discussion 
 of the Catholic question — as this is a point I am so well 
 informed on that I should hope with the testimony I am 
 to produce even in the Cabinet, the Prince might be 
 undeceived, and his friendly dispositions return. The 
 greatest obstacle we have to remove in the fatal im- 
 pression made on his mind by those resolutions in which 
 your father had no concern whatever — though I cannot 
 historically exhibit the imposition practised on the Ca- 
 tholics of Ireland as well as on the Catholic Board, as 
 but five or six at most of their body was concerned in the 
 plot. Yet the exhibition of the whole truth which at 
 some time or other must be done, I am cautious to 
 undertake at the present moment. — I remain your very 
 faithful servant, 
 
 Edward Hay. 
 
CHAP. XIV.] MR. CANNING'S MOTION. 
 
 487 
 
 It has often happened that the intrigues of 
 party have effected that which the most upright 
 advocates of an honest cause had long contended 
 for in vain. Thus it was in the case of Mr. 
 Grattan and the Irish question at the conclusion 
 of the session of 1812. Mr. Canning proposed 
 that the House of Commons should take into 
 consideration early in the next session, the 
 state of the laws affecting the Catholics. His 
 motion was supported by the Government and 
 carried, Mr. Grattan congratulated him on re- 
 ceiving the support of the Ministers, and advised 
 them if they had any communication with the 
 Catholics, not to demand any securities, but 
 those that were necessary and just, and rather 
 to go half way than stand upon high points with 
 an unaccommodating and unconciliating de- 
 meanour. Mr. Whitbread said, Mr. Grattan 
 paid ministers too high a compliment for their 
 conduct. The motion passed by 235 to 106, 
 a similar one by Lord Wellesley in the Upper 
 House, was lost only by a single voice — 125 to 
 126. 
 
 In the month of December 1812, Mr. Grattan 
 assembled his friends at Tinnehinch, for the pur- 
 pose of preparing the Catholic Bill, which he 
 intended to bring in next session. Mr. (afterward 
 Lord) Plunket, Mr. Burrowes, Mr. Burton, and 
 Mr. Wallace, were among the members, the 
 judgment of Mr. Plunket, the honesty of Bur- 
 rowes, the calm understanding and legal know- 
 ledge of Burton, and the active mind of Wallace, 
 came well in aid of Mr. Grattan on this important 
 occasion. When the party came to the discus- 
 sion of the subject, he said, "that he wished it 
 to be a grand constitutional work," and he read 
 the address of the Irish House of Commons to 
 
488 
 
 MEETING OF MR. GRATTAN's [CHAP. XIV. 
 
 his Majesty of the 16th of April, 1782 * The 
 spirit of which he thought should be the ground- 
 work of the present bill, a very different way 
 said he of speaking to the Irish people than 
 English Lord Lieutenants had been accustomed 
 to before. " That speech," said Burrowes, 
 " ought to have been read at the Union." ' ' It 
 was made good use of," said Plunket. Mr. 
 Grattan then observed he wished the preamble 
 to be constitutional and conciliatory. A proof 
 that our desire is to strengthen and unite the 
 countries — for which I have a right to take credit 
 to myself, for the minister appears as dividing, I 
 as strengthening the empire. It was then agreed 
 to introduce a clause excepting the College of 
 Dublin, and also to insert nothing as to provision- 
 ing the Catholic clergy. Mr. Grattan remarking 
 that it did not follow that they should settle the 
 religious part of the question because they were 
 giving them civil rights — -and one reason against 
 such a measure was that the people did not ap- 
 prove of it. A question was then started whether 
 the Catholics would not be left exposed by the 
 Bill, to the Statute of Provisors, and some of 
 the party alluded to a case in Davis's Law Re- 
 ports ; this book was sent for, and Burton read it ; 
 it was a case of Premunire, and was considered 
 not to apply. The frame of the Bill was thus 
 agreed upon. "I am glad," observed one of the 
 party to Mr. Grattan, "that you think this ques- 
 tion is carried, for my part I almost fear it never 
 will until there is a French army landed on this 
 island, and then England will be glad to give 
 much more than this Bill to retain the Catholics." 
 " When I say the question is carried," said Mr. 
 
 * See the address of 22nd February and 16th April, vol. i. "Grattan's 
 Speeches." 
 
CHAP. XIV.] FRIENDS AT TINNEHINCH. 
 
 489 
 
 Grattan, " I mean the principle is carried, and 
 affairs will soon force Government to concede, 
 but I fear it is too late, the Catholics will never 
 forgive the exertions that are now making against 
 them, getting up Protestant petitions, exciting 
 the people, rewarding the enemies of the Ca- 
 tholics, in fact setting the two sects to fight — 
 both parties are at war — things cannot go on, the 
 Lord Lieutenant is very blameable — it is thus a 
 weak set of men discover their sentiments — really 
 the Irish have never been well governed, never ; 
 England can command their divisions, not their 
 allegiance." 
 
 The meeting separated, the next day the par- 
 ties returned to Dublin, and shortly afterwards 
 the Bill was drawn up — it was simple, short, and 
 without clauses, but the oath prescribed was too 
 long. The Bill was good and sufficient for all 
 purposes. If the empire had the hearts of the 
 people, the Bill would have done, and if it had 
 them not, no bill, would give them. It was des- 
 tined, however, to undergo considerable alterations 
 and additions before it could be considered fit to 
 please the Minister, the Parliament, or the people 
 of England, but to please the Prince (from what 
 appeared afterwards) was not possible — so diffi- 
 cult it is for one country to legislate fitly for 
 another, and so justly punished is that nation that 
 surrenders her* own independence. 
 
 Want of information has long characterized the 
 opponents of the Catholics, and has been not 
 less remarkable than their prejudices, hence Eng- 
 
 * Great exertions were made by the Government party to oppose 
 popular and liberal candidates at the elections. Meetings were got up 
 against the Catholics. Orange societies were patronised and encou- 
 raged ; they were introduced among the military ; and to such a height 
 this abuse was suffered to proceed, that it called forth at last the 
 attention of the Parliament, and public censure from its most respected 
 members. 
 
490 
 
 mr. grattan's letters, [chap. XIV. 
 
 land has been exposed to the scoff and ridicule 
 of continental nations, as the answers that Mr. 
 Pitt received to the queries he sent to the foreign 
 universities in 1794, fully testify, and which must 
 have been a severe rebuke to a man who professed 
 to possess a liberal mind and enlightened princi- 
 ples. Some of these difficulties Mr. Grattan had 
 to encounter, and among them was a grave state- 
 ment that the Catholics had struck from the Deca- 
 logue* the Second Commandment. Another state- 
 ment was, that the Catechism and books taught at 
 Maynooth College were of an immoral tendency, 
 and most objectionable. To refute these calum- 
 nies, Mr. Grattan applied to the Catholic Clergy, 
 and wrote as follows : — 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. M'Can. 
 
 London, 12th February, 1813. 
 
 My dear M'Can, — Get for me the Catechism taught at 
 the College of Maynooth, and send it by some one who 
 will come before the 25th, at all events send it. I will 
 write to you in a day or two, the news of this place. I 
 wish to have a Catholic Prayer Book. — Yours ever, 
 
 H. Grattan. 
 
 Same to Same. 
 
 London, 15th February, 1813. 
 
 My dear M'Can, — I enclose a note for Doctor Troy 
 to answer — get the answer so as to arrive before the 
 25th ; we are beaten on the Catholic question, and on all 
 questions I believe. I know of no question that can 
 affect the Ministry, likely to come on. I think this will 
 be a tranquil session. 
 
 * Sir Robert Peel made this assertion in the House of Commons. 
 He was well replied to by the amiable Roman Catholic Bishop of 
 Dublin, the Rev. Dr. Murray, in his excellent letter of the 16th March, 
 1827. The Protestants divide into two commandments what the 
 Catholics retain as the first; the Catholics divide into two command- 
 ments what the Protestants call the tenth. In both cases the number 
 is the same. 
 
CHAP. XIV.] THE CATHOLIC BILL. 
 
 491 
 
 The Prince has some family embarrassments, how they 
 will end one can't say, but they torment him much. 
 
 There is a cry against the Catholics, feeble I think it, 
 and much less than imagined — let me hear from you — 
 send me now and then, an Irish paper — remember me to 
 Forbes. — Yours, truly, 
 
 H. Grattan. 
 
 At the general election which had taken place 
 in the preceding October, Mr. Grattan had been 
 a fourth time chosen one of the representatives of 
 the city of Dublin, and he hastened to try the 
 sense of the new parliament on the Irish ques- 
 tion — accordingly, on the 25th of February, he 
 moved that the House should resolve itself into a 
 committee to take into its most serious consi- 
 deration, the state of the laws affecting his Ma- 
 jesty's Roman Catholic subjects in Great Britain 
 and Ireland, with a view to such a final and 
 conciliatory adjustment as may be conducive to 
 the peace and strength of the United Kingdom, 
 to the stability of the Protestant establishment, 
 and to the general satisfaction and concord of all 
 classes of his Majesty's subjects.* 
 
 After two nights hard debating, this motion 
 was carried by 264 to 224, and on the 9th of 
 March, the House resolved itself into a com- 
 mittee, t when Mr. Grattan moved another 
 
 * Mr. Plunket distinguished himself by his ability in this debate. 
 Sir James Mackintosh, in one of his letters, says, m Plunket's admirable 
 speech has made more impression than any speech since Sheridan's 
 in 1817, on the charge against Hastings. It is, I believe, the only 
 speech which is certainly well known to have determined the votes of 
 several individuals ; was a direct and sole cause of the votes of two 
 Scotchmen, Mr. A. and II. The last is enthusiastic in his admiration 
 for Mr. Plunket, and in his zeal for the Catholics." — Mackintosh's 
 Memoirs. 
 
 ■f " That with a view to such an adjustment as may be conducive 
 to the peace and strength of the United Kingdom, to the security of 
 ihe Established Church, and to the ultimate concord of all classes of 
 his Majesty's subjects, it is highly advisable to provide for the removal 
 of the civil and military disqualifications under which his Majesty's 
 Roman Catholic subjects now labour, with such exceptions and under 
 
492 MR. grattan's resolutions, [chap. XIV. 
 
 resolution declaratory of the character of the 
 measure, with a view to allay the apprehensions 
 entertained against it by scrupulous but well 
 meaning individuals. This, too, was carried by 
 186 to 119. Leave was given to bring in the bill, 
 and Mr. Grattan and Mr. Ponsonby were ap- 
 pointed for the purpose; on the 12th of April, 
 it was brought up and read a first time, printed 
 and ordered to be read a second time on the 
 11th May. As much controversy arose about this 
 measure, and many complaints were made with 
 respect to the Bill, it is necessary to observe 
 that Mr. Grattan brought it in simple and un- 
 restricted, and with only two exceptions, the 
 offices of Lord Lieutenant and Lord Chancellor, 
 the former was by law necessarily Protestant, 
 the latter, in which there was much Church 
 patronage, could not be filled by a Catholic. 
 Mr. Grattan did not introduce any clauses ; they 
 were proposed by Mr. Canning and Lord Castle- 
 reagh, in order to satisfy the British community. 
 The following is a correct history of the pro- 
 ceeding : Sir John Newport had written a letter 
 to the Rev. Mr. Power, Catholic Bishop of 
 Waterford, submitting some clauses to him for 
 his opinion. Mr. Grattan told him that they 
 would not be liked in Ireland, and that the 
 Catholic clergy would exclaim against them; 
 however, Bishop Power in his reply very nearly 
 approved of the clauses with only a slight varia- 
 tion. The bishop communicated the circum- 
 
 such regulations as may be found necessary for preserving unalterably 
 the Protestant succession to the crown, according to the act for the 
 further limitation of the crown and better securing the rights and 
 liberties of the subject, and for maintaining inviolable the Protestant 
 Episcopal Church of England and Ireland, and the doctrine, discipline, 
 and government thereof ; and the Church of Scotland, and the doctrine, 
 worship, and discipline, and government thereof, as the same are 
 respectively by law established." 
 
CHAP. XIV.] MEETING AT MR. PONSONBY's. 493 
 
 stance to Dr. Milner, who wrote a letter against 
 the clauses, and this was circulated by the Anti- 
 Catholic party prior to the discussion, and was 
 used as an argument against the measure by its 
 opponents. Mr. Canning took up Sir John 
 Newport's idea, and enlarged upon it, and 
 showed his clauses to Mr. Wilberforce, as it was 
 necessary to have his party in order to carry the 
 measure. A meeting was then fixed to be held 
 at Mr. Ponsonby's on the 20th April, for the 
 purpose of discussing them. Wilberforce went 
 there with Mr. Canning, and met Lord Donough- 
 more, Mr. Ponsonby, Mr. Grattan, Mr. Elliot, 
 Sir John Newport, Sir Arthur Pigott, and Sir 
 Samuel Romilly. Lord Donoughmore, Mr. 
 Ponsonby, and Mr. Grattan, disapproved of the 
 clauses, but as it was stated, they were requi- 
 site to carry the measure, they were of necessity 
 adopted. Lord Castlereagh then said he would 
 propose new clauses which were to give the 
 Crown greater power in the appointment of the 
 bishops, as Mr. Canning's gave to the laity. 
 Mr. Grattan knew these would not be liked, 
 and he with others expressed his opinion against 
 them ; but he supported them because he wished 
 to carry the bill, and he could not carry it with- 
 out the Government, and the government would 
 not assist him without the clauses. He went 
 every practicable length, adhering to the princi- 
 ple, knowing that when the great measure was 
 carried the rest would follow. He attached no 
 importance to the clauses or to the securities, 
 but he said he would rather pass the bill with 
 them than not pass it at all. 
 
 On the day appointed for the second reading, 
 Mr. Canning presented his clauses which were 
 ordered to be printed ; a motion for delay was 
 then proposed by Sir John Cox Hippisley, a very 
 
494 PROCEEDINGS ON THE BILL. [CHAP. XIV. 
 
 worthy man, but whose head was full of religious 
 lumber — the decrees of the Councils — the writings 
 of the fathers — the bulls of the Popes, formed 
 in his mind an inextricable labyrinth, into the 
 mazes of which he sought to introduce the House, 
 and prayed for an inquiry, not only into the na- 
 ture of the securities offered by the Catholics, 
 but into their intercourse with the See of Rome, 
 this was opposed by Mr. Grattan, and Mr. 
 Canning, (the latter in a very humorous speech,) 
 and was rejected by 235 to 287. The bill was 
 read a second time on the 13th May, after a 
 division of 245 to 203. And on the 19th, the 
 committee sat and additional clauses were pre- 
 sented, and an adjournment took place to the 24th. 
 Meantime the storm was collecting, the Prince 
 and his friends were active. A letter of Dr. 
 Milner against the bill was circulated among 
 the members, and when the House went into 
 the committee, the Speaker (Abbot)* proposed to 
 omit the clause which allowed Catholics to sit 
 and vote in Parliament — in fact to nullify the 
 measure and throw out the bill. This amendment 
 was opposed by Lord Castlereagh and Mr. 
 Canning, and (as Mr. Grattan thought) with great 
 sincerity, the opponents of the measure ad- 
 vanced as an argument against the bill, that the 
 Catholics were not pleased with it, and would 
 not accept it. This Mr. Grattan denied and 
 spoke with much energy and spirit on the 
 occasion. 
 
 If you vote against this clause, you vote against the 
 Bill, you nullify your object, you falsify your pledge. 
 
 * This was a narrow-minded, cunning, active, intriguing little gentle- 
 man. He signalised himself, at the outset of his career, by speaking 
 against Mr. Fox, who was the butt that all young men were desired 
 to shoot their arrows at. He spoke wretchedly, and made no impres- 
 sion ; but he effected his object ; and his exertions got him the chair, 
 though not the ear of the House. 
 
CHAP. XIV ] REJECTED BY FOUR. 
 
 495 
 
 The noble lord opposite (Castlereagh) has acted a manly 
 part, let the noble lord share then the merit of the bill. 
 Upon my head be the odium of the clauses. To insure the 
 principle of omission I shall submit to the minor infringe- 
 ments. The alleged unpopularity of the bill can only be 
 temporary. Should the Catholic mind be indisposed to 
 accept it, should their leaders inculcate hostility to its 
 clauses, clauses so necessary to carry through its principle, 
 why then I shall lament such an occurrence ; I shall feel 
 it bitterly ; I shall then indeed admit that the Catholics 
 are the bitterest enemies of tfiemselves, and that upon 
 their own heads only can the consequences of their own 
 folly rest. 
 
 You stand between two important opinions. The one 
 leads to unanimity in the nation, the other to discord in 
 the community. The one incorporates the Catholic with 
 the Protestant, and limits, nay, extinguishes, the power of 
 the Pope. The other exasperates the feelings of the 
 people, and saps the best securities of the empire. The 
 one lays at your disposal a brave and generous people, to 
 testify on the embattled plain the allegiance and the 
 gratitude they owe you, and place your country on an 
 iron pedestal, never, never, to be shaken. The other arms 
 you with what I The Pope and his visions at your back, 
 and with these banners to advance against and appal the 
 almost overwhelming enemy of Europe. 
 
 The House divided on the Speaker's amend- 
 ment ; for it, 251 ; against it, 247; — majority 
 against the Catholics, 4. Mr. Ponsonby then 
 stated, that, as the leading clause was negatived, 
 the measure was lost,* and the bill was accord- 
 ingly withdrawn. 
 
 * The way the bill was thrown out was this : Lord Ormond, one 
 of the lords of the bedchamber, was dissatisfied at not being allowed 
 to nominate to the shrievalty of Kilkenny, a right his family had long 
 exercised, and which ^as now given to Lord Desart. He accordingly 
 resigned his situation. The Prince gained four members over, and 
 got Lord Graves to turn the question ; and said, that if the bill came 
 to the Lords, he would create six peers to throw it out. In fact, he 
 was more hostile to them than his father. See his expressions on 
 the passing of the bill in 1829, as stated in Lord Eldon's " Memoirs," 
 vol. iii., that he would not create any Catholic peers; though the 
 law should allow it, that he would be no party to the act ; on the 
 head of the ministers the responsibility would rest. 
 
 An anecdote is related of Wilkes, that showed he was a good judge 
 
496 MR. GRATTAN TO MR. M'CAN. [CHAP. XIV. 
 
 For his exertions on this occasion, Mr. Grattan 
 received the thanks* of the British and the Irish 
 Roman Catholic Boards, and from meetings in 
 various parts of the country ; but, notwithstanding, 
 he was greatly affected at the loss of the measure, 
 and much concerned, also, at the resolutions that 
 had been passed, reflecting upon the Prince. He 
 said he considered the question to be now hitched; 
 that it had gone on too long. " I fear that all is 
 now over ; emancipation will come too late. The 
 Prince will not forgive the Catholics the resolu- 
 tions they passed. The 40s. freeholders will be 
 struck off. It is a thing that I have long fore- 
 seen ; something calamitous will occur. The 
 worst of the delay is, that the people will fix on 
 some other question. I cannot, however, blame 
 the Catholics for their violence, when I recollect 
 what the Protestants did in 1783. Their leaders 
 are not as violent as the Bishop of Bristol was 
 then. These men have got nothing, whereas the 
 others had obtained their constitution. The one 
 party acted ill under success, the others impru- 
 dently under disappointment." 
 
 He communicated the intelligence to Ireland in 
 the following letter : — 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. M'Can. 
 
 London, 25th May, 1813. 
 
 The question was lost last night. My speech was very- 
 short and very ill taken. They have made me say that if 
 the Catholic clergy opposed the clauses, they would be 
 enemies to the community. 
 
 I could say no such thing ; but said that if the bishops 
 
 of character. Dining one day, in company with the Prince, he was 
 asked to sing a song. He declined. The Prince insisted ; upon which 
 he said he knew but one song; and sung "God save the King." The 
 Prince asked, " Why, how long, Wilkes, have you been in the habit 
 of singing that?" "Oh, sir," replied Wilkes, "ever since I had the 
 honour of knowing your Royal Highness ! ! v 
 
 * See Vol. v. Grattan's Miscellaneous Works, p. 326. 
 
CHAP. XIV.] COUNTY DOWN ELECTION. 
 
 497 
 
 opposed those clauses, they would be the cause of the loss 
 of the bill, and do an injury to their community. 
 
 I shall send you to-morrow what I said. — Yours truly, 
 
 H. Grattan. 
 
 An event occurred in 1812, which, for the sake 
 of the character of Ireland, requires explanation. 
 Lord Castlereagh was elected for the county of 
 Down. It must appear strange that an indivi- 
 dual who had acted the part he did towards his 
 country, should have been selected as one of her 
 representatives, and for a county inhabited by 
 sturdy Presbyterians and Church of England 
 men, who had been driven among the first into a 
 state of insurrection in '97 and '98, in conse- 
 quence of his violent measures, and those of the 
 Government with which he acted. His return 
 was obtained by manoeuvre, and by an artifice 
 practised on the simplicity of a young nobleman 
 (Lord Downshire), the representative of a family 
 that had for years opposed him, and had expended 
 upwards of 60,000/. in turning him out of the 
 county. Mr. Savage had been the popular mem- 
 ber, and he was ousted by the dexterity of Lord 
 Castlereagh; the opinion of the electors was not 
 taken, Mr. Savage declined a contest, and Lord 
 Castlereagh was returned by thirty-seven votes. 
 Lady Downshire Sandys' was much mortfiied by 
 this circumstance, and wrote the following expla- 
 nation to Mr. Grattan, which a debt of justice 
 due to her memory, and to the people of Ireland, 
 causes to be here inserted : — 
 
 Lady Downshire Sandys to Mr. Grattan. 
 
 Hillsborough, Nov. 2, 1312. 
 My dear Sir, — I cannot resist intruding upon your 
 attention for a few moments with a subject that very 
 nearly concerns me, and which I venture to hope may 
 interest and gratify you. I allude to the state of politics 
 VOL. V. K K 
 
498 
 
 LADY DOWNSHIRE TO [CHAP. XIV. 
 
 in this county. Before you receive this you will pro- 
 bably have learned the (to me very mortifying) fact that 
 Lord Castlereagh is returned for this county — he is placed 
 in that situation in consequence of an unfortunate cor- 
 respondence that passed between Downshire and Lord 
 Londonderry, in which Downshire, aware that he com- 
 manded the return of both members, yet was determined 
 to prevent as far as he could the violent evils of a con- 
 tested election here, and therefore resolved to make pri- 
 vate interest bow to public good, by informing Lord Lon- 
 donderry that he did not at this election intend to inter- 
 fere with the second seat ; all must applaud the motive 
 here, but I am sure you will join with me in lamenting 
 the effect of that motive, in this instance. On my arrival 
 here lately to officiate as god-mother to D.'s little boy, 
 I found all D.'s friends deeply lamenting (and in conse- 
 quence their attachment shook by) the neutrality in which 
 D. had placed himself as to Lord Castlereagh's election. 
 There was not a moment to be lost, it was too late ; it 
 was impossible to have opposed Lord Castlereagh on this 
 occasion without running the risk of D.'s honour ; opposi- 
 tion on this occasion was therefore out of the question. 
 I advised D. immediately after the election to call a 
 meeting of his friends, and to state to them his sincere 
 regret, at having any correspondence with Lord London- 
 derry upon the subject of county politics, and to declare 
 to them his motive for entering into that correspondence, 
 and to assure them that there was no tendency to a com- 
 promise of public principles on his part with the Stewarts, 
 that there was no political sympathy between them, and 
 that he was resolved to support and maintain the inde- 
 / pendence of the county to the last ; he did so upon 
 Monday the 26th ultimo, and it had more than the de- 
 sired effect, it restored confidence, it animated hope, it 
 cemented the predominant strength of his friends, and it 
 has again placed him at the head of this county as well 
 in popularity as in power; and I have the satisfaction to 
 tell you that I firmly believe this to be the last time of 
 Lord Castlereagh being where he now is. 
 
 My son Arthur has begun his canvass to represent the 
 county upon the first vacancy after he comes of age in 
 January ; and I am very happy to say he is popular in 
 himself and very successful in his canvass. I trust you 
 will forgive this intrusion which you must attribute to my 
 
CHAP. XIV.] MR. G RATTAN. 
 
 499 
 
 partiality to you, and if you are inclined to be displeased 
 with me for the trouble which I give you, you must refer 
 it to the deference I have for your judgment, and the 
 veneration I feel for your sanction. I saw you and your 
 son* were at your posts at Kilkenny, and I am happy to 
 find that the name of Grattan will not be diminished in 
 descending to your son. 
 
 I beg to present my love and complements to Mrs. 
 Grattan and your daughters. It will give me very sincere 
 pleasure to hear a good account of Mrs. Grattan. With 
 every sentiment of respect and esteem, 
 I remain, my dear Sir, 
 
 Your obliged and faithful humble servant, 
 
 M. Downshire Sandys. 
 
 The disappointment which the Catholics felt at 
 the loss of their measure began to manifest itself 
 at the close of the year 1813 ; some of the active 
 members of their Board expressed their dissatis- 
 faction that the Catholic lawyers had not been 
 consulted on the formation of the Bill; and some 
 of the clergy declared that the Bill tended to 
 produce a schism in their church. However, the 
 moderate and higher classes in general approved 
 of it. In the month of November the Board 
 opened a correspondence with Lord Donoughmore 
 and Mr. Grattan, to ascertain if they would re- 
 ceive a communication from their body as to the 
 formation of a bill, and in reply these individuals 
 declined anything that look like dictation to Par- 
 liament. In the month of December the Board 
 renewed the application, declaring it had no in- 
 tention to dictate, and expressed a hope, u that 
 personages to whom they were so justly grateful, 
 would not declare they cannot condescend to re- 
 ceive instructions from the Catholics of Ireland." 
 To this Lord Donoughmore and Mr. Grattan 
 answered — that if the communication was not in 
 
 * At the dinner at the Black Abbey in Kilkenny, the author spoke on 
 the question that agitated the country. 
 
 K K 2 
 
500 MR. WILBERFORCE TO MR. GRATTAN. [CHAP. XIV. 
 
 the nature of instructions, they agreed, and would 
 receive their suggestions on the subject.* 
 
 Uninfluenced by any desire except that of 
 carrying a measure that was of use to his country, 
 and regardless of popular clamour or unmerited 
 aspersions, Mr. Grattan, though of opinion that 
 the question could not be brought forward in the 
 session of 1814 with any hope of success, yet 
 thought it right to consult the friends of the Ca- 
 tholics in England, and they confirmed him in 
 the opinion that the petition should not be moved 
 on. He requested a meeting of their parlia- 
 mentary supporters, and the following was Mr. 
 Wilberforce's reply to his application : — 
 
 Mr. Wilberforce to Mr. Grattan. 
 
 Kensington Gore, April 30, 1814. 
 
 My dear Sir, — Mr. Canning having mentioned to me 
 that he was to confer with you this morning concerning 
 the propriety of bringing forward the Catholic question 
 this year, and having told me that you had done me the 
 honour to express a wish that I should be present, I should 
 have been happy to attend you, but for my happening to 
 be engaged all the morning on some business very impor- 
 tant and very urgent, to which this morning has been for 
 for some days allotted, and for which it would be difficult 
 for me to find another. 
 
 I own also that I am less anxious than I otherwise 
 should be to assist in your conference this morning, be- 
 cause I own I am in dread that, under all the circum- 
 stances of the times and case—with reason or without it — 
 we should divide far weaker than in the last session, and 
 consequently should lose ground instead of obtaining any 
 benefit. As I am extremely pressed for time, excuse my 
 only adding that I am, with respect and regard, my dear 
 Sir, your faithful servant, 
 
 W. Wilberforce. 
 
 On the 27th of May (1814), Mr. Grattan pre- 
 sented the petition from the Roman Catholics of 
 
 * See Appendix for this correspondence. 
 
CHAP. XIV.] ORANGE BIGOTRY REVIVED. 
 
 501 
 
 Ireland, and stated that he would not move or 
 bring on any discussion. " Substantial difficul- 
 ties had been removed, but his reasons were 
 founded on present circumstances ; he would not 
 enter into the detail, lest any proposition should 
 throw back a question whose ultimate success 
 could alone be prevented by precipitation." He 
 said " he would pursue the cause with ardour, 
 and in the way which appeared to him most 
 practicable." 
 
 The Government now availed themselves of 
 the altercations between the Catholic Board and 
 their friends, and thought it a good opportunity to 
 put down the body, and accordingly Lord Whit- 
 worth commenced his administration by a procla- 
 mation suppressing it. Previous to this every 
 effort was made to keep alive the Orange spirit 
 that had been patronised by the Duke of Rich- 
 mond, and that was still upheld by the Secretary, 
 Mr. Robert Peel, and the Attorney-General, Mr. 
 Saurin — the latter of whom had declared, in a 
 most unconstitutional manner, and one most un- 
 becoming a law officer of the Crown, that he 
 would allow the Board to go on as long as it did 
 mischief to its cause, and that its folly exceeded 
 its illegality. The prejudices of this person- - 
 his prosecutions of the press — his encouragement 
 of the Orange party revived the discord that un- 
 happily existed between Protestant and Catholic, 
 and which had in a great degree began to sub- 
 side. It has generally happened that when a 
 party in the British Ministry appeared favourable 
 to the Catholics, a party in the Irish Government 
 was got up against them — the friends and parti- 
 sans of the Roman Catholics were stigmatized, 
 and their characters blackened, by the body that 
 kept them excluded from the enjoyment of their 
 just and natural rights. Thus it happened that 
 
502 
 
 MR. BURROWS TO [CHAP. XIV. 
 
 the Catholics were assailed through their Secre- 
 tary, Mr. Edward Hay, whose character was mis- 
 represented to Mr. Grattan ; and as the following 
 letter refutes the unmerited charge against him, 
 out of justice to his memory it is here in- 
 serted : — 
 
 Mr. Peter Burrows to Mr. Grattan. 
 
 13th April, 1814. 
 
 My dear Grattan, — I was one of Edward Hay's 
 counsel, upon his trial for high treason, immediately after 
 the Rebellion of 1798, in the County of Wexford. So 
 was Bushe, our present Solicitor-General, who no doubt 
 would agree in all I state ; no part of it will be questioned 
 by any man who can speak from knowledge. He was 
 acquitted, without a moment's delay, by twelve Protestant 
 persons. Sir Michael Smyth, the judge who presided at 
 his trial, commenced his charge with these remarkable 
 words : — 6£ I am happy that it has fallen to my lot to put 
 an end to the sufferings of this unfortunate gentleman." 
 He said that Hay did not require the Amnesty Act to 
 protect him. This must have been so; for if he was 
 guilty of treason, it must have been (and so the statement 
 and evidence against him purported to establish) as a 
 leader, and leaders were expressly out of the pardon of 
 the Amnesty Act. At the time Hay was acquitted, the 
 prejudice was so strong against Roman Catholics, that I 
 would not allow Hay to examine any witness of that per- 
 suasion, and I have no doubt but that every juror believed 
 him guilty before trial; and, from the influence of preju- 
 dice, anxiously wished that he should be executed. Hay 
 had been treated with great cruelty, in the interval be- 
 tween his arrest and trial, by the persons who principally 
 managed the trial. It was this that brought forth the 
 observation with which Baron Smith commenced his 
 charge. 
 
 Thomas Cloney also will probably be attacked as an 
 atrocious rebel ; no doubt he was implicated and con- 
 demned by the casting vote of the president of a court- 
 martial. This condemnation was instantly reversed by 
 Lord Cornwallis ; and as soon as it could be done without 
 hurting the feelings of the County of Wexford Protestants, 
 he obtained a free pardon. 
 
CHAP. XIV.] 
 
 MR. GRATTAN. 
 
 503 
 
 Cloney was distinguished during the Rebellion by re- 
 peated acts of hazardous humanity ; it really appeared as 
 if he solicited command principally to control barbarous 
 excesses. No man could now read the minutes of his 
 trial, without feeling that if any rebel ought to be spared, 
 Thomas Cloney was that man. I cannot, however, but 
 condemn the folly of those who put him forward as an 
 agent of the Catholic cause; he was himself much to 
 blame in taking any forward part in politics. But it ap- 
 peared to me that the late ostensible managers of Catholic 
 affairs would be glad to furnish your adversaries with 
 topics injurious to the cause you advocate. — Ever truly 
 yours, 
 
 Peter Burrows. 
 
 Though the Catholic Board had been sup- 
 pressed, that body continued to act by means of 
 aggregate meetings; and, in September 1814, the 
 Catholics of the County and City of Cork re- 
 quested that Mr. Grattan would present their 
 petition to Parliament, in case he would pay at- 
 tention to the instructions of the petitioners. He 
 declined to accept it under that stipulation ; but 
 added that he was ever ready to pay attention to 
 their right of free communication, and to his right 
 of free judgment. With this reply they were 
 satisfied, and the petition was confided to him ; 
 but with the Catholics in Dublin the case was 
 different, and a breach here took place which was 
 of little service to the cause. Lord Donough- 
 more had written to that body, in January 1815, 
 that as it was made matter of debate among them, 
 whether he should be intrusted for the future 
 with the care of their petition, he begged to with- 
 draw himself from any share in the management 
 of their appeals to Parliament. An application 
 was afterwards made to him, and to Mr. Grattan, 
 to present the petition, but with this addition, 
 that if they did not agree in opinion with their 
 body, as to the discussion thereon in that session, 
 
504 CATHOLIC PETITION ENTRUSTED [CHAP. XIV, 
 
 that they should decline to present it. Lord 
 Donoughmore replied, that as there appeared "no 
 endeavour to limit the free exercise of his judg- 
 ment, he would accept the proof of renewed 
 confidence." Mr. Grattan's answer was different. 
 He said " that it was impossible for him to make 
 a previous declaration of his opinion as a stipula- 
 tion for the honour of presenting their petition." 
 He added — "my attachment to the claims of the 
 Catholics is known — my constancy is unquestion- 
 able; should you give me your petition, I shall 
 most willingly present it ; should you entrust it 
 to another, my struggles and my perseverance for 
 the claims of the Roman Catholics shall never on 
 that account be diminished— my zeal in their 
 cause shall remain unabated." In consequence 
 of this answer, the petition was entrusted to Sir 
 Henry Parnell. 
 
 Thus ended for a time the connexion between 
 Mr. Grattan and the Catholics ; on their part, it 
 was injudicious and unnecessary. Some con- 
 sidered it to be unwise, others ungrateful : it was 
 of no service to their cause in Ireland, and was 
 prejudicial to them in England. The Catholics 
 of the County of Roscommon presented an ad- 
 dress to him on the subject, and animadverted on 
 the slight that he had been treated with ; but 
 in his reply, he touched on this point with that 
 feeling and dignity that marked his conduct, in 
 all the differences he had with the people ; he 
 quietly replied — " I have no reason to complain 
 of the Catholics, least of all have I any justifica- 
 tion to lessen my zeal in their favour, — their cause 
 is the cause of the empire." 
 
 In these proceedings Mr. Grattan's conduct 
 was remarkable. He did not fear to risk his po- 
 pularity, and would not yield to the Catholic 
 Board in 1815, on the matter of their petition, 
 
CHAP. XIV.] TO SIR HENRY PARNELL. 
 
 505 
 
 just as he would not yield to the Protestants, in 
 1783, on the question of simple repeal, and as he 
 would not yield to the Orange party in 1798, on 
 the question of torture — he considered these cases 
 with reference to the Parliament and the people, 
 and thought they were dictatorial, tyrannical, and 
 sanguinary — he resisted the popular clamour with 
 stedfastness, and not without hazard at the time 
 both to life and reputation. In these contests 
 with the people, posterity will pronounce him in 
 the right, and justice will be done to his memory. 
 Perhaps it was the result of his foresight, or as 
 likely the effect of accident. 
 
 Mr. Grattan's spirits began now to revive — 
 public affairs had improved — the Continent made 
 a rally against Buonaparte — he had been driven 
 from Russia by the valour of the people, aided by 
 the inclemency of the climate, both of which 
 combined to annihilate the armies of France. 
 The Duke of Wellington had advanced from 
 Spain, entered the French territory, and pro- 
 ceeded to Toulouse — the allied troops of Prussia, 
 Austria, and Russia, notwithstanding the able 
 tactics and consummate skill displayed by Na- 
 poleon in the campaign of 1814, had approached 
 the gates of the capital, and, on the 20th March, 
 the battle of Paris decided the fate of his 
 dynasty, and from the palace of Fontainbleau, he 
 was led captive to his exile — the sovereignty of 
 the Island of Elba. 
 
 These events removed from Mr. Grattan's mind 
 the apprehensions of danger, which he always 
 considered as most imminent to Ireland from the 
 French quarter. He thought that the empire was 
 safe for the present, and the Catholic question 
 secured for the future. The illness of Mrs. Grat- 
 tan had considerably increased of late, and the 
 opportunity of peace presenting itself, she was 
 
506 
 
 MR. GRATTAN RELAXES [CHAP. XIV. 
 
 persuaded to try the climate in the south of 
 France, and proceeded to the waters at Bareges, 
 where she remained with her younger daughter 
 until the return of Bonaparte in 1815. Mean- 
 while Mr. Grattan retired to Tinnehinch, where 
 he enjoyed the society of his early friends, 
 Judge Day, Mr. Plunket, Burrows, Burton, Cur- 
 ran, Gooid, Wallace, Berwick, &c. &c. His 
 eldest daughter had married an accomplished and 
 agreeable person,* John Blachford of Altadore, 
 in the County of Wicklow, brother of Mrs. Henry 
 Tighe, the authoress of " Psyche," and, like her, 
 possessed of much ability, and a great love of 
 literature. 
 
 From this time Mr. Grattan began to relax 
 somewhat from politics, and gave himself up to 
 reading and the society of his friends ; he applied 
 his mind to the perusal and study of French 
 literature, and translated into that language some 
 of the tales by Miss Edgeworth. Attendance on 
 Parliament had grown onerous to him, and he did 
 not take an active part in the debates ; but when 
 the case of the Princess of Wales came before 
 the House, he exerted himself to reconcile the 
 jarring interests between her and the Prince. 
 She had paid great court to Mr. Grattan, and 
 strove all in her power to enlist him in her cause. 
 He considered her an ill-treated personage, and 
 that it was the duty of the House*to protect her. 
 The Prince Regent having declared to the Queen his 
 determination not to meet the Princess either in 
 public or in private, her Majesty informed her that 
 it was not possible she could be received at her 
 drawing-room, in consequence of which the 
 Princess wrote to her husband and to his mother, 
 
 * See Swift's entertaining letters to the grandfather of this individual, 
 the Reverend John Blachford, vol. xvii. and xviii., Sir Walter Scott's 
 edition. 
 
CHAP. XIV.] FROM POLITICS. 
 
 507 
 
 and communicated the letters to the Speaker, 
 with a request that they should be read to the 
 House of Commons. To avoid further exposure, 
 and the discreditable publicity of family quarrels, 
 the House agreed to increase the income allowed 
 her by the Prince (namely, 17,000/.) ; and on the 
 motion of Lord Castlereagh, they unanimously 
 voted her a sum of 50,000/. a year. This propo- 
 sition Mr. Grattan supported, declaring, " that as 
 she was not admitted to share in the establish- 
 ment of her husband, Parliament should give her 
 one of her own ; and this was the best way of 
 proceeding for the interest of the wife, the feel- 
 ings of the husband, and the dignity of the 
 House."* 
 
 The other question which Mr. Grattan sup- 
 ported, in 1814, was the Irish Spirit Intercourse 
 Bill. The sixth article of the Irish Union had 
 been directly infringed; by it the Irish were 
 enabled to import their spirits into England ; but 
 being superior in strength to the English, the im- 
 portation was suspended by Acts of Parliament 
 passed in 1809 and 1811. Mr. Grattan had been 
 absent when the subject had been brought for- 
 ward, and regretted that he had not spoken on 
 the question before. He said that " Irish ques- 
 tions were brought on so late in the session that 
 he could not attend ; besides," added he, " I 
 could do no good. Ireland since the Union has 
 not kept up her proportion ; her increase after 
 $2 was much greater than after 1800. The 
 direction of Irish commerce has been quite 
 changed by the Union ; her exports twelve years 
 preceding the Union were only one million less 
 than in the twelve years subsequent — the incon- 
 
 * The Princess declined to accept more than 35,000/., not wishing to 
 add to the burdens of the people. 
 
508 PETITION FROM DISTILLERS. [CHAP. XIV. 
 
 siderable benefit derived from commerce is greatly 
 overbalanced by the drain to pay her debt — our 
 manufactures have declined, and our exports have 
 changed ; they are chiefly raw materials and 
 cattle, which are bad and injurious exports — our 
 contribution has increased, and we have a right 
 to the benefits that will enable us to pay it, 
 namely, Corn Laws and Spirit Intercourse ; in- 
 stead of which, Parliament refuses these measures, 
 and takes away the means of paying that contri- 
 bution, although one of these measures is ex- 
 pressly guaranteed by the Union. Justice is not 
 done to Ireland." Such were his opinions. Mean- 
 time the Scotch and Liverpool distillers petitioned 
 Parliament to suspend the intercourse. Mr. Hus- 
 kisson proposed to tax Irish spirits not as regarded 
 quantity but strength, otherwise the Irish would 
 have an advantage over the English distiller. 
 
 Sir John Newport insisted that the Act of 
 Union had been violated, and that Ireland, since 
 1806, had been deprived of a benefit that was in- 
 tended by Mr. Pitt to be granted to her at the 
 Union. In this statement he was confirmed by 
 the testimony of Lord Castlereagh. A bill was 
 brought in to regulate the trade, which Mr. Grat- 
 tan supported. He observed — 
 
 That Parliament had no right to alter that Act; it was 
 similar to a covenant between two parties, one of whom 
 was dead, and, on every principle of justice and honour, 
 the living party ought to adhere scrupulously to that en- 
 gagement, which the other was not in existence to defeat. 
 If they selected any particular article (for instance, the 
 spirit intercourse) for revision, they would establish a pre- 
 cedent which they might hereafter deplore ; for, though 
 the Parliament of Ireland did not exist, the people of Ire- 
 land were in being y and thousands of petitioners might 
 come to the bar of the House, demanding a revision of 
 other articles which appeared to affect their interest. The 
 
CHAP. XIV.] CORN LAW BILL. 
 
 509 
 
 Act of Union constituted the marriage articles between the 
 two countries, and none of its provisions could be broken 
 without annulling the contract. 
 
 The bill passed, and the injury done to Ireland 
 was in some degree, but not effectually, re- 
 medied. 
 
 Sir Henry Parnell, in the session of 1814, had 
 proposed a scale of duties for the regulation of the 
 corn trade. Wheat, if under 84s. a quarter, was 
 to pay a duty of 24s. on importation ; if at 84s. 
 only 2s. 6d. Oats, if 28s., duty should be 24s. a 
 quarter. Mr. Huskisson proposed a graduated 
 scale. If wheat was at 63s., the duty on impor- 
 tation should be 24s. ; if oats were 22s., duty 
 should be 12s. ; and as the grain advanced a 
 shilling in price, the duty to decrease in the same 
 proportion. Mr. Foster did not act in this case 
 with his usual sagacity, and did injury by pro- 
 posing that the protecting duty should cease 
 when wheat was 100s. a quarter, and oats 33s. 
 This resolution had no chance of succeeding, and 
 Mr. G rattan told Foster he would be defeated. 
 Foster replied — " you are not for strong measures 
 now" and persisted in his motion. Government 
 rallied against Foster, and succeeded ; they de- 
 feated him, but they lost the bill which had been 
 brought in founded on Mr. Huskisson's resolutions. 
 Great opposition arose in the manufacturing dis- 
 tricts, and numerous petitions were presented 
 against it; those from Ireland were in its favour; 
 but on the motion of General Gascoigne, who re- 
 presented a manufacturing and trading town, it 
 was lost on a division of 106 to 116. 
 
 In the session of 1815, Mr. Robinson, Chan- 
 cellor of the Exchequer, proposed several resolu- 
 tions on the subject, one of which permitted the 
 importation of foreign corn, &c, for home con- 
 sumption without payment of duty, when the 
 
510 
 
 MR. GRATTAN's SPEECH IN [CHAP. XIV. 
 
 price of wheat was at or above 80s., and oats 26*. 
 a quarter; but when British corn was below 
 those prices, no foreign corn should be imported. 
 These resolutions produced much ferment in the 
 country, being strenuously opposed in the manu- 
 facturing districts ; the debates in the House 
 were long and animated — -the agriculturist favour- 
 ing and the manufacturing opposing all protec- 
 tion. The case of Ireland was in this respect 
 different from that of England, the Union having 
 proved so injurious to its manufactures, and having 
 left the people no manufacture but that of land. 
 
 Mr. Grattan on this principle supported the 
 resolution ; his statements are worthy of notice, 
 as they contain important and authentic references 
 to the trade and commerce of Ireland : — ■ 
 
 In the year 1812, Ireland exported 2,900,000/. worth of 
 corn, of which 2,100,000/. came to Great Britain; in 
 1814, Ireland exported near 3,000,000/., most of which 
 came to Great Britain. In the last half year, ending- 
 January, she exported into Great Britain 300,000 quarters 
 of corn, while the foreigner exported 800,000, so that 
 Ireland is driven out of the market, and foreign nations 
 have taken her place. The question then is, shall we pro- 
 tect the farmer, or go out of tillage ? I come to another 
 position ; whether we can supply corn enough for our own 
 consumption? You have done it; you did so in the last 
 century; you did so till the Act of 1765. England alone 
 did it; we have done it lately; the two islands have sup- 
 plied their own consumption, with all their increased 
 manufactures, and all their increased population. In 1812 
 these islands imported 12,000,000/. worth of corn, and 
 exported 14,000,000/., above 300,000/. more than their 
 own consumption. The opposers of the measure combat 
 this fact by an average — their average is fallacious ; the 
 cause of that self-supply was Ireland, and her new condi- 
 tion since the Act of 1807; but Ireland is a growing 
 country, and her resources are a growing quantity ; in- 
 stead, therefore, of forming a calculation on an average, 
 you should count on an increase. The evidence before the 
 committee tells you, that Ireland must increase in tillage 
 one-third, and it stands uncontroverted. Now I will tell 
 
CHAP. XIV.] SUPPORT OF THE RESOLUTION. 511 
 
 you how she has grown, and read you the accounts I have 
 taken for the last fourteen years. I have divided them 
 into two periods, seven years each. In the first seven 
 years, commencing with 1801, Ireland exported to Great 
 Britain 4,300,000 quarters of corn, and her growth, or in- 
 crease in the course of that time, was 2,300,000 quarters. 
 In the same period of fourteen years, foreign nations sent 
 to Great Britain, in the first seven years, 6,000,400 quar- 
 ters of corn ; and in the last seven years, 4,200,000 quar- 
 ters, and there was a decrease of 2,200,000 quarters. 
 Thus Ireland has doubled her quantity ; and foreign na- 
 tions, in the same period, have declined one-third ; and 
 Ireland was coming into their place, as they are now coming 
 into the place of Ireland. 
 
 On the progress of Irish husbandry, I beg leave to say 
 a few sentences. Lord Pery was the father of Irish agri- 
 culture. In the depth and extent of his sagacious and 
 prophetic intellect, he conceived for his country a project, 
 which was nothing less than the creation of tillage. His 
 plan was to bring the market of the capital to the door of 
 every farmer in the remotest part of the island, and he did 
 so by granting an inland bounty on the carriage of corn to 
 Dublin. He found Ireland, in the article of corn, a coun- 
 try of import; he put in practice his plan — she ceased to 
 import. She began to export ; she began to export much ; 
 she proceeded to export more — she became a country of 
 great, of growing, and of permanent export. The public 
 care of Mr. Foster, and his vigorous mind, followed Lord 
 Pery, and by a graduated scale of export, furthered the 
 growth of tillage. Then came my right honourable friend 
 (Sir John Newport), whose presence represses the ardour 
 I feel to dwell on the imperishable honours annexed to his 
 name and his measures. He finished the work by his 
 bill of unlimited export ; and Ireland, who was fed by 
 imported corn in the middle of the last century, has, in 
 the last war, fed herself on a' scale of doubled population 
 — supplied Great Britain with above two millions worth of 
 corn ; and sent near another million to supply your expe- 
 ditions, and to feed foreign nations. It is an infirmity in 
 the argument of the gentlemen of the other side of the 
 question, that Ireland should have made no part of their 
 calculation, and that, in contemplating the resources of 
 the British empire, they should have overlooked one-third 
 of the King's dominions. # # # * # 
 
512 
 
 mr. grattan's speech [chap. XIV. 
 
 I hope you will think that the gentlemen have not made 
 a case strong enough to incline you to reduce your people 
 to a state in which they must depend on foreign nations 
 for their food. * * * * * 
 
 I beg to return to that part of the subject which is 
 comprehended in the denomination of Ireland. You know 
 it was the policy of your ancestors to destroy the manu- 
 factures of Ireland ; and it was the tendency of the Union 
 to direct her capital to gross produce. Have you, thus, 
 driven Ireland out of manufacture, and do you now pro- 
 pose to drive her out of tillage? You recollect that for 
 ages Ireland has excluded the manufactures of other coun- 
 tries, and has given an exclusive preference to yours. 
 Ireland desires, and desires of right, that, as she prefers 
 your manufactures, you may prefer her corn. Do you 
 propose that Ireland should prefer the British manufac- 
 turer, and that the British manufacturer should prefer the 
 French husbandman? You know that Ireland owes 
 137,000,000/., the principal debt of the war ; that the in- 
 terest is 6,500,000/. ; that her revenue is not 5,500,000/. ; 
 and that her deficit to pay the interest is above a million 
 a year. Do you mean that she should supply that deficit 
 by giving up her agriculture ? You know that of her in- 
 terest, 4,500,000/. is paid to you. How ? By her pro- 
 duce. When you propose that she should desert or dimi- 
 nish her husbandry, you shake your funded security. 
 Again, you are aware that in rent to absentees, Ireland 
 pays not less than two millions annually, and pays it out 
 of her produce. When you propose to diminish — when 
 you do not propose to augment that produce, you shake 
 your landed security. Again, in the respective traffic of 
 the two countries, the account stands so : — Ireland pays to 
 Great Britain for commodities, at the current price, a large 
 sum, about 4,500,000/., for interest ; for the rents of -ab- 
 sentees 2,000,000/. — altogether about 16,000,000/. an- 
 nually. The exportation of Ireland is about 17,000,000/., 
 of which 2,900,000/. is the export of corn. When you 
 propose to diminish her produce in corn, nay, when you 
 do not propose to increase it, you propose that she should 
 not pay you that balance. Again, are you unapprized 
 that the population of Ireland is not less than 6,000,000, 
 and that a great proportion of that number are connected 
 with tillage; if you go out of tillage, what will you do 
 with that population ? Will you, with the opposers of this 
 
CHAP. XIV. J THE CORN LAW BILL. 
 
 513 
 
 measure, consign that people to famine and to tumult, or, 
 with the supporters of the measure, hand them over to 
 plenty and to peace ? 
 
 Again, in addition to these reflections, will you con- 
 sider that the question before you is not merely a means of 
 subsistence, but a measure of empire. England clothes 
 Ireland — Ireland feeds England ; and both live with one 
 another, and by one another ; the two nations are bound 
 together by law, but there is something stronger than law; 
 they are grappled together by the iron fangs of necessity, 
 and not only legally united, but physically identified ; and 
 this is the very soul of your connexion. In the relation- 
 ship of these two countries, mutual want is public concord 
 — that intercourse which makes them physically depen- 
 dent on one another, makes them physically indepen- 
 dent of their enemies, and thus forms the strength of your 
 empire as well as its abundance. 
 
 Sir, I am for this resolution. I am for it, because it is 
 decisive, not ambiguous — because 80s. is a preference 
 which the farmer will understand. Do not send him to 
 your averages ; for while you perplex the farmer with your 
 calculations, the plough is at a stand. Sir, I am for the 
 measure, because it gives strength to your funds — credit 
 to your landed interest — identification to the people of the 
 respective countries, and physical independence on the 
 foreigner. I am for it, because it is an increase of your 
 ways and means ; because it promises plenty, where alone 
 it can be relied on, namely, in your home market; and, 
 with that plenty — cheapness ; but that cheapness which 
 is steady, and pays your farmer while it feeds your manu- 
 facturer, instead of that extravagant fluctuation which 
 alternately ruins both; and I am for this measure, because 
 it secures us against the policy suggested by its opponents, 
 and reducible to three propositions — an abandonment of 
 tillage; a relinquishment of your power to supply your 
 own consumption ; and a dependence on foreign markets 
 for bread. 
 
 Such were Mr. Grattan's opinions on this 
 question, which has so puzzled statesmen and 
 political economists. They were founded on Irish 
 considerations, as her interests were paramount 
 in his mind. Great opposition was made to the 
 
 VOL. V. L L 
 
514 
 
 MAJORITY FOR THE BILL. [CHAP. XIV. 
 
 measure — the cry of cheap bread and big loaf was 
 prevalent and predominant among the populace of 
 London — tumults and outrages were the result. 
 The houses of the Ministers, and the chief sup- 
 porters of the Bill, were attacked and consider- 
 ably damaged. Mr. Ponsonby's was assailed; 
 but the populace were misinformed as to Mr. 
 Grattan's residence — he escaped, and wrote as 
 follows : — 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Henry Grattan, Jun. 
 
 London, March 8, 1815. 
 My dear Henry,— Much rioting has taken place here, 
 and some mischief. It is very shameful ; the mob went 
 to the houses of individuals and did great damage. I 
 passed through them on foot, but looked so little like a 
 gentleman, that they mistook me for one of themselves. 
 'T is over — the mob will do no more mischief, I think ; 
 though its hard to say. But the Bill will pass. Yours 
 ever, 
 
 H. Grattan. 
 
 The Bill passed by 235 to 38 * 
 
 * A new doctrine has now arisen. Free Trade is in the ascendant, 
 and those who formerly were for protection are against all duties, without 
 regard to character, conduct, or consistency. The Prime Minister (Sir 
 Robert Peel) takes the lead in this revolution. — Note by Editor. 
 
CHAP. XV.] 
 
 RESTORATION 
 
 OF BUONAPARTE. 
 
 515 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Buonaparte's return from Elba. — Question of War. — Mr. Grattan supports 
 it. — His speech, and remarks on Mr. Fox and Mr. Burke. — Lord Grey 
 opposes it. — Remarks on the conduct of the Opposition ; on Lord Castle- 
 reagh and the Tory Party. — Catholic Question brought on by Sir Henry 
 Parnell. — Feeling on the subject. — Mr. Grattan speaks. — Distress in 
 Ireland. — Mr. Vesey Fitzgerald's letter.— Sir J. Newport's motion as to 
 Ireland. — Effects of the Union. — National Bankruptcy. — Consolidation 
 of the Exchequers. — Sir John Newport's letter to Mr. Grattan. — Catholic 
 Question. — Mr. Bellew. — Sir II. Parnell's letter. — Catholic Committee 
 apply to Mr. Grattan to support their claims (1817). — Sir James Mack- 
 intosh's remarks on debate (note). — Death of Pcnsonby and Curran. — 
 Mr. Grattan's letter to Lady Charleville. — Window Tax. — Discontent of 
 Citizens of Dublin. — Mr. Grattan elected for Dublin, fifth time. — At- 
 tacked when chaired. — His reply to addresses then. — Proposes Catholic 
 Question, 1819. — Letter to Judge Day.— Lord Holland's letter. — Diary 
 of his illness and death. 
 
 The return of Napoleon aroused Mr. Grattan from 
 his retreat at Tinnehinch. He hated tyranny, espe- 
 cially a military tyranny. He had witnessed its 
 effects in his own country, and all his apprehensions 
 for her safety now returned. The obstinacy of the 
 British Government as regarded the Catholics filled 
 his mind with renewed uneasiness ; and he beheld, 
 in the restoration of Buonaparte, danger to Ireland, 
 and insecurity to Great Britain. 
 
 On the 25th of February, 1815, Napoleon left 
 Elba,* with 1000 men, and landed at Cannes, and 
 
 * The author was abroad after the battle of Paris, in 1814, and had an 
 opportunity of witnessing the state of parties and the sentiments of the 
 people : they were by no means so favourable to Buonaparte as were re- 
 ported in England. His brother was at Elba when Buonaparte left it, and 
 was the first to communicate the intelligence of his departure to the British 
 officer at Piombino, whose want of vigilance was most unpardonable. 
 L L 2 
 
516 MR. GRATTAN SUPPORTS [CHAP. XV. 
 
 on the 1st of March he passed through Grenoble to 
 Lyons. The armies and the Marshals deserted to 
 him ; and on the 20th he arrived* at Paris, having 
 traversed 240 leagues in twenty days. Louis the 
 Eighteenth retired to Ghent, and Buonaparte, by 
 the month of June, had formed an army of 550,000 
 men. 
 
 Meantime, the allied powers (Great Britain, 
 Austria, Prussia and Russia) proscribed him ; they 
 placed him " without the pale of nations," and con- 
 cluded a treaty whereby they bound themselves to 
 keep up a force of 150,000 each, and not to lay 
 down their arms till Buonaparte was disabled from 
 making further attempts on France. Buonaparte 
 then made overtures for peace : they were rejected, 
 and the treaties were laid before Parliament. 
 Meantime a meeting of the opposition was held at 
 Devonshire House to determine on the course to be 
 adopted, and Mr. Grattan was requested to attend ; 
 but as he meant to support the war, he declined to 
 go ; and acted in a similar manner with regard to a 
 meeting at Mr. Ponsonby's. It was painful to him 
 to separate from the opposition party with whom he 
 had hitherto acted ; but he had an instinctive horror 
 of arbitrary and military government, and such he 
 considered the French to be. He had always viewed 
 Buonaparte, in his civil capacity, in the light of a 
 mischievous citizen ; and in his character of a great 
 captain, as guilty of shocking atrocities; and with such 
 a potentate, he thought negotiation hopeless, and 
 peace no longer secure ; accordingly he took the 
 most decided part against him. On the 25th of 
 May the treaties were discussed in the House of 
 Commons, and an address, approving of them, was 
 
 * The conspiracy was well known at Paris, and the Chief of the Police 
 (St. Andre) told Louis, the day before he left the Capital, that he knew the 
 conspirators, and would have them all arrested that night, and shot by that 
 hour next day, if the king would give the order. Louis replied, — No, I do 
 not believe it. 
 
CHAP. XV.] THE QUESTION OF WAR. 
 
 517 
 
 moved by Lord Castlereagh, — to which an amend- 
 ment was proposed by Lord John Cavendish, stating 
 that, uninformed as the House was as to the prin- 
 ciples and the extent of the stipulations signed at the 
 Congress of Vienna, they could not be justified in 
 declaring their approbation of any engagement by 
 which those stipulations were recognised, and that 
 to commence a war against France for the avowed 
 purpose of excluding an individual from the Govern- 
 ment of that country, appeared to be unwise. 
 
 Mr. John Smith, an excellent and benevolent 
 man, seconded this amendment, after which Mr. 
 Grattan rose, and delivered a most able and effective 
 speech. The withdrawal of the Catholic Petition 
 from his care and superintendence had served him, 
 and some remarks that had been made upon his 
 age and declining powers, had animated him to 
 greater exertion : the effort was equal to that in 
 1805, and for a person just entering seventy years 
 of age, it was a surprising performance. He spoke 
 very rapidly, and was very animated ; his voice 
 seemed to have gained strength, and his manner 
 somewhat partook of enthusiasm. He was vocife- 
 rously cheered by the House, — so much so, that he 
 was obliged to stop in some parts, and it was said 
 that more applause had been elicited by that speech 
 than by any since Mr. Pitt's on the treaty of Amiens. 
 It caught the temper of the House and the feelings 
 of the people. Mr. Plunket took the same part as 
 Mr. Grattan, and distinguished himself on the 
 occasion. The minority was respectable, but in 
 numbers they stood, 92 to 331. 
 
 It would occupy too much space to give extracts 
 from Mr. Grattan's speech on this occasion. The 
 passages referring to Mr. Fox and Mr. Burke are 
 those that will best come in here. 
 
 ***** The nation did not rise to resist 
 Buonaparte, or defend Louis, because the nation could not rise 
 
518 
 
 mr. grattan's speech. [chap. XV. 
 
 upon the army ; her mind, as well as her constitution, was con- 
 quered ; in fact, there was no nation, — everything was army, and 
 everything was conquest. France had passed through all the 
 degrees of political probation, — revolution, counter revolution, 
 wild democracy, intense despotism, outrageous anarchy, philo- 
 sophy, vanity, and madness, and now she lay exhausted, for horse, 
 foot, and dragoons to exercise her power to appoint her a master, 
 captain, or cornet who should put the brand of his name upon her 
 government, calling it his dynasty, — and under this stamp of dis- 
 honour pass her on to futurity. 
 
 * * * * The authority of Mr. Fox has been alluded 
 to — a great authority, and a great man : his name excites tender- 
 ness and wonder. To do justice to that immortal person you must 
 not limit your view to this country : his genius was not confined to 
 England : it acted three hundred miles off in breaking the chains 
 of Ireland ; it was seen three thousand miles off in communicating 
 freedom to the Americans ; it was visible, I know not how far off, 
 in ameliorating the condition of the Indian ; it was discernible on 
 the coast of Africa, in accomplishing the abolition of the slave 
 trade. You are to measure the magnitude of his mind by parallels 
 of latitude. His heart was soft as that of a woman, — his intellect 
 was adamant — his weakness were virtues; they protected him 
 against the hard habit of a politician, and assisted nature to make 
 him amiable and interesting. The question discussed by Mr. Fox 
 in 1792 was, whether you would treat with a revolutionary govern- 
 ment ? — the present is, whether you will confirm a military and 
 hostile one. You will observe that when Mr. Fox was willing to 
 treat, the French, it was understood, were ready to evacuate the 
 Low Countries. If you confirm the present government, you 
 must expect to lose them. Mr. Fox objected to the idea of 
 driving France upon her resources, lest you should make her a 
 military government. The question now is, whether you will make 
 that military government perpetual. I, therefore, do not think the 
 theory of Mr. Fox can be quoted against us ; and the practice of 
 Mr. Fox tends to establish our proposition, for he treated with 
 Buonaparte, and failed. Mr. Fox was tenacious of England, and 
 would never yield an iota of her superiority; but the failure of the 
 attempt to treat was to be found, not in Mr. Fox, but in Buona- 
 parte. 
 
 On the French subject, speaking of authority, we cannot forget 
 Mr. Burke, — Mr. Burke, the prodigy of nature and acquisition. 
 He read everything, — he saw everything^— he foresaw everything. 
 His knowledge of history amounted to a power of foretelling; and 
 when he perceived the wild work that was doing in France, that 
 great political physician, intelligent of symptoms, distinguished 
 between the access of fever and the force of health ; and what other 
 men conceived to be the vigor of her constitution, he knew to be 
 
CHAP. XV.] OPPOSITION OF LORD GREY. 
 
 519 
 
 no more than the paroxysm of her madness, and then, prophet-like, 
 he pronounced the destinies of France, and in his prophetic 
 fury admonished nations. 
 
 Lord Grey on this question separated from his 
 friend Lord Grenville, and proposed in the Lords an 
 amendment similar to that moved in the Commons. 
 He was mistaken and misinformed, and was misled 
 by persons who gave him erroneous intelligence, 
 who possessed little judgment,* and who were 
 not remarkable for the soundness of their under- 
 standing, or their steadiness of principle ; the fact 
 was, that France had grown tired of war : the officers 
 had got money, and wished to enjoy it, and repub- 
 licans and legitimatists equally disliked Buonaparte. 
 He said that France, single-handed, would beat the 
 allies; and he had scarcely spoken when in a few 
 days the news came that England, single-handed, 
 had beaten France. t He thought Europe would be 
 at the feet of France, and he found France at the 
 feet of England. He was obstinate and cold, — Mr. 
 Whitbread hot, and inconsiderate. Mr, Ponsonby, 
 less injudicious in his opposition, thought that he 
 was bound in honour to the party that had chosen 
 him leader. The question was an unfortunate one 
 for the Whigs, and considerably injured their popu- 
 larity, for no minister can ever be very popular in 
 England who is not anti-Gallican. They set out on 
 a wrong principle : they began by admitting the title 
 of Buonaparte, whereas he had no title; but they 
 praised him because he annoyed the Government, 
 and they disliked the Bourbon because he was set 
 
 * Among the persons who were said to have communicated with Lord Grey 
 were Sir Robert Wilson and Mr. Bruce — they, with Mr. Hutchinson (now 
 Lord Donoughmore), aided in the escape of Lavelette. These individuals 
 bitterly complained of the laws of France, which only punished their offence 
 by imprisonment, quite forgetting that if they had been guilty of such an 
 offence in their own country, they would have paid the penalty with their 
 lives. The information given to Lord Grey was quite incorrect and com- 
 pletely misled him. 
 
 | The battle of Waterloo. 
 
520 
 
 REMARKS ON THE CONDUCT [CHAP. XV. 
 
 up by the Prince. They appeared to be not only 
 victims of party, but partisans of Napoleon, and 
 apologists of the enemy of their country — displaying 
 the fear of vulgar minds to admire the man who beats 
 down everything. They show T ed great want of fore- 
 sight, and great imprudence, and fell into the error 
 of Fox's principle, without having ability to prevent 
 its bad consequence. 
 
 England did not seek to interfere with the Go- 
 vernment of another country, but with a man who 
 had interfered with it already, and whose object 
 was not to give a government to France, but to give 
 a military government to Europe. His Constitution 
 was a farce ; his ideas were those of a soldier, and 
 his object w r as to militarise mankind. 
 
 In concluding this important subject, it must be 
 observed that the British minister had committed a 
 great mistake. In 1814, he had fallen into the same 
 error that in former times the Tories had been guilty 
 of ; they gave up the glory and empire of England 
 at the treaty of Utrecht, and afterwards wanted to 
 give over the country to the Pretender. They first 
 sacrificed the victories of Great Britain, and then 
 wanted to sacrifice the empire : those men were 
 traitors. The Minister of 1814 committed a similar 
 blunder, though not intentionally. Trained up in Ire- 
 land, and spoiled by the profligacy of the Union, his 
 mind was quite unequal tothegreatnessof his situation, 
 The business of negotiation, and the Congress of Vienna 
 was far above his capacity : he did not obtain what 
 he might, either politically, commercially, or mili- 
 tarily. He did not take the grand and comprehen- 
 sive view that Lord Chatham would. The guarantee 
 he agreed to in 1814 was insufficient and delusive, 
 as he took moral instead of physical security. He 
 suffered Napoleon to escape from Elba, and the 
 old troops to be sent to America ; the treaty was 
 violated — the ex-Emperor returned, — and England 
 
CHAP. XV.] OF THE OPPOSITION. 
 
 521 
 
 had to fight the battle over again. Thus, he risked 
 the empire, and put to hazard all her past suc- 
 cesses. He would have lost Waterloo, but for Wel- 
 lington ; and if he had failed there, as he had at 
 Walcheren, he ought to have paid the forfeit with 
 his head ; but to exact such a penalty, England 
 required more virtue, and the Parliament more in- 
 tegrity. Castlereagh knew this, and proved himself 
 safe : however, the battle was gained — the business 
 was done, — and the Minister got the credit : he then 
 grew elate, because quite cock-a-whoop* and vain- 
 glorious, and attacked the Whigs in a bitter and 
 scornful manner, and in this he showed his folly and 
 want of statesmanship. In a young man, this would 
 have been pardonable, but in an aged statesman it 
 was culpable. He exposed himself to an answer 
 which he did not get, and which the Whig party 
 could and should have given : thus his imprudence 
 escaped observation, but it was a severe reflection 
 upon his understanding as a minister ; for no greater 
 proof of sense or superiority can be given than when 
 a victory is gained, not to convert that victory into a 
 triumph. 
 
 Soon after the debate on the war, the Catholic 
 question was brought forward under the auspices of 
 Sir Henry Parnell. He had very injudiciously ac- 
 cepted the petition which had been withdrawn from 
 Mr. Grattan ; but the great success which the latter 
 had met with on the question of war or peace had 
 raised his hopes and spirits, and gained for him ad- 
 ditional weight among the British people, which he 
 still trusted would be turned to the advantage of his 
 country, and preserve her from the dangers that 
 discord might occasion. 
 
 On the 18th of May, 1815, Sir Henry Parnell 
 submitted some resolutions to the House, which he 
 
 * See his Speech on the Foreign Treaties, Pari. Deb., toI. xxxii. p. 687, 
 t ante. 
 
522 
 
 MR. GRATTAN'S SPEECH ON [CHAP. XV. 
 
 intended should form the groundwork of the Relief 
 Bill ; they had emanated from the members of the 
 late Catholic Board, and had been already pub- 
 lished in the newspapers. He read them to the 
 House, and moved to bring them up. This, on the 
 point of order, was objected to ; he then moved the 
 first ; this, too, was objected to, on the ground that 
 it went to effect a change in matters where religion 
 was concerned, and for that a committee of the 
 whole House was necessary. Being thus pressed, 
 he thought proper to yield, and after an awkward 
 and unparliamentary exhibition, he at length with- 
 drew them. On the 30th of May, he brought for- 
 ward the Government petition, and moved for a 
 committee. Several members condemned his con- 
 duct, and that of the Catholic body. Mr. Richard 
 Wellesley, Mr. Douglas, Lord Binning, and others 
 expressed themselves highly dissatisfied, and de- 
 clared they would stay away from the debate. Sir 
 John Newport and some of his friends stated they 
 would also adopt that course, and informed Mr. 
 Grattan, but he dissuaded them from it, and when 
 the debate came on he rose to support the motion. 
 On his rising he was received with great applause, 
 and was loudly cheered. He thus expressed him- 
 self:— 
 
 Sir, I condemn the application for unqualified concession ; for 
 the Catholics put their demand in a shape that will ensure its re- 
 jection. If I had flattered them, and told them you have a right 
 to make this demand, urge it, and you will succeed, I should have 
 deceived them. I have supported the question with a desperate 
 fidelity. I do not mean by desperate that my zeal would lead me 
 to any constitutional or unworthy compromise, but it has always 
 sustained me, even when there was no hope of success. Unless 
 they come to this House in a spirit of conciliation, they will not 
 succeed. I will go farther and say, that conciliation is not only 
 essential to their interest, but essential to their duty ; if they do 
 not succeed, it will not be owing to any illiberality in the Protes- 
 tant, but to a want of moderation among themselves. If they do 
 not succeed, their want of success will arise from a want of dis- 
 
CHAP. XV.] THE CATHOLIC RELIEF BILL. 
 
 523 
 
 cretioD. I regard the Catholic body with sentiments of strong- 
 attachment: the warmth of young minds may have betrayed 
 some of them into error, which I regret is injurious to their cause; 
 but unless conciliation is adopted, nothing else can be of use. 
 I shall vote for the committee ; the sentiments I shall carry into it 
 are those that are registered on the rolls of Parliament. 
 
 The House cheered Mr. Grattan repeatedly on 
 ii is resuming his seat. 
 
 Mr. Ponsonby condemned the conduct that had 
 been pursued towards Mr. Grattan, but felt per- 
 suaded it had made no impression on his mind ; to 
 him they owed more than to any man alive ; yet 
 how did they pay their debt of gratitude? But 
 this would not place either him or his right honour- 
 able friend on the list of their opponents. He ac- 
 cordingly supported the motion. The numbers were 
 — for the committee 147, against it 228. 
 
 At this period (1816), distress was rapidly in- 
 creasing throughout Ireland, and the people began 
 to feel it more severely, and to complain of it more 
 loudly than ever. The general decline of manufac- 
 tures was aggravated by the absence of the nobility 
 and gentry from the metropolis, and the citizens of 
 Dublin became almost unable to pay even the ordi- 
 nary taxes. Mr. Grattan, in consequence, made 
 private representations to the Chancellor of the 
 Irish Exchequer on their behalf ; but the reply he 
 received held out little hope of relief — the case was 
 beyond his power — the evil consequences of the 
 Union were widely spreading, and national bank- 
 ruptcy fast approaching. 
 
 Mr. Vesey Fitzgerald to Mr. Giiattan. 
 
 House of Commons, Friday, 1816. 
 My dear Sir, — I hasten to reply to your letter, and 1 beg to 
 assure you, that I shall have pleasure, as far as either of the 
 subjects* to which you refer may rest with me, in either deferring 
 or taking' them up, as may suit your convenience. 
 
 * Ti e taxes affecting the citizens of Dublin. 
 
524 
 
 STATE OF IRELAND. 
 
 [CHAP. XV. 
 
 I perceive that on the motion,* of which our friend Sir John 
 Newport has given notice, you will wish to be present; at the 
 same time, if you should not, and that you wish it, I could post- 
 pone the consideration of the relief which might be extended to 
 the inhabitants of Dublin until your arrival. 
 
 I intend to propose to Parliament not to relieve the tax upon 
 them, which they at present pay towards the police establishment, 
 but to make a certain allowance for it in that which they pay in 
 the shape of assessed faxes. 
 
 You will see that if the subject should be brought forward by 
 any other person, or written up in the Irish papers, I can hardly 
 defer the consideration of it, as it would be expedient, doubtless, 
 to set the matter at rest ; and to show to the petitioners that we 
 are willing to do everything we can for them. I certainly expect 
 I am so far obliged to do it, shall not anticipate your arrival. 
 
 If it is acceptable to you, as I am sure from your disposition it 
 will be, to communicate to those who have addressed you, that it 
 is our wish to consider their application in the most favourable 
 manner which we can, consistently, with the present state of our 
 financial distress. 
 
 This I am sure you will like to have communicated. 
 
 As to the Grocers' Petition, I do not, I confess, wish to stir 
 the subject, but shall be happy to consult with you upon it, on 
 your arrival here. 
 
 I beg your pardon for the haste in which I write, in the House 
 of Commons, with noise around me. Believe me, my dear Sir, 
 with great respect, always your most faithful and obliged servant, 
 
 Wm. Vesey Fitzgerald. 
 
 The state of Ireland, which was thus deteriorating, 
 called forth Sir John Newport's exertions, and on 
 the 26th April, he proposed an address to the 
 Prince Regent, for documents to show the extent 
 and nature of the evils of Ireland, and the neces- 
 sity which required the application of so large a 
 military force as 25,000 men in the time of peace, 
 and for information so as to enable Parliament to 
 examine into the causes of those evils, and adopt 
 such remedies as would extirpate them. In this 
 debate the state of Ireland was fully depicted, the 
 victim of poverty and distress, of civil and religious 
 discord — the Catholics excluded from the Constitu- 
 tion, and the Orange party supported by the Go- 
 
 An address to the Prince Regent on the state of Ireland, 26th of April. 
 
CHAP. XV.] MR. GRATTAN's VIEWS. 
 
 525 
 
 vernment. On this point Mr. Plunket expressed 
 himself most ably : — 
 
 If an improvement does not take place in the affairs of Ireland, 
 40,000 men will not be sufficient to perform the duties that now 
 required '25,000. If it was intended to maintain that force perma- 
 nently in Ireland — if the Insurrection Act was to be continued — 
 if the people were to be subject to domiciliary visits at night — 
 liable to be imprisoned and transported, not by the verdict of a 
 ury, but by summary commitments, and if all these miseries 
 were to be enforced by the aid of the bayonet — I say that the 
 House would not only neglect, but grossly abandon its duty, if 
 it refused to enquire why such things were necessary. 
 
 On this occasion Mr. Grattan spoke as follows: — 
 
 The evils of Ireland are classed under four heads — religious 
 animosity, financial embarrassment, pecuniary distress, and the 
 prevalence of a banditti in various parts of Ireland. The remedy 
 of the first is the repeal of the penal laws ; the second arises 
 from the excess of expenditure over revenue — which excess Ire- 
 land could not pay. Her debt is 150,000,000/., her interest 
 above 6,000,000/., her revenue above 5,000,000/.— the remedy is 
 to assist her. The third, the pecuniary distress, arises from the 
 circumstances of the times, and the change from war to peace, 
 which affects the price of markets — that evil is temporary. As to 
 the fourth — public disturbances — it is not easy to ascertain from 
 what cause they spring ; but if the three others are settled, the 
 latter could not be very difficult ; it is a disorder on the surface 
 which is not taken into the circulation of the blood ; the difficul- 
 ties of each country are great, but recollect, if your difficulties 
 are great, your consolation is not inconsiderable — you have re- 
 covered the British empire — you have procured the deliverance of 
 Europe — you have decided the rivalship between France and 
 Great Britain ; and you have made a treaty of peace which gives 
 for all these things physical security. For that treaty I should 
 most cheerfully have given my humble vote, with this conviction, 
 that these islands — Great Britain and Ireland — had risen to the 
 head of Europe, and that the change which had taken place in 
 the foreign relationship of these countries was a matter not merely 
 of wonder but thanksgiving. 
 
 This motion was managed with some adroitness 
 by the Secretary* (Mr. Peel), who by way of 
 amendment merely asked for documents to show 
 
 • Secretary in Ireland from 1813 to 1819. 
 
526 
 
 PROPOSAL TO 
 
 [chap. XV. 
 
 the nature and extent of the disturbances, and the 
 measures adopted in consequence ; and this he car- 
 ried by 187 to 105. Notwithstanding those minis- 
 terial evasions, and those wretched manoeuvres, 
 public calamity could no longer be concealed or 
 suppressed ; it advanced with rapid strides, and the 
 effects of the Union that were developing them- 
 selves more and more every day, at length became 
 fearfully visible. Ireland was found unable to bear 
 the weight of taxation ; the increase of the absentee 
 drain, and the decay of her manufactures, — these 
 produced a general bankruptcy, and she broke down 
 under the weight of her multiplied calamities. The 
 system of finance proposed by the Chancellor of 
 the Exchequer, Mr. Vesey Fitzgerald, had totally 
 failed. He had found it impossible to collect the 
 ordinary assessed taxes ; and even in the north of 
 Ireland — the wealthiest part of the kingdom — no- 
 tices were served on the collectors that carriages, 
 horses, servants, cars, &c. &c, would be given up, 
 and in one year three thousand notices of this nature 
 were sent in ; and these embraced not merely arti- 
 cles of luxury but of comfort. This stoical deter- 
 mination, and the spirit of opposition to additional 
 burdens, it was feared might be extended farther, 
 and the Government found it necessary to revert to 
 the Act of Union, which had been the means of 
 causing so much of this calamity. They accord- 
 ingly proposed a new arrangement, and, on the 20th 
 May, the Chancellor of the Exchequer submitted 
 the three following resolutions to the House of 
 Commons : — 
 
 1st. That the value of the respective debts of Great Britain 
 and Ireland have been in the same proportion to each other, with 
 the respective contributions of each country, and that the respec- 
 tive circumstances of the two countries will admit of their contri- 
 buting indiscriminately by equal taxes imposed upon the same 
 articles ; and that it is no longer necessary to regulate the con- 
 
CHAP. XV.] EQUALISE TAXATION. 
 
 527 
 
 tributions according to the value prescribed by the Acts of 
 Union. 
 
 2ndly. That all future expenses, with the interest and charges 
 of all debts hitherto contracted, shall be defrayed indiscriminately 
 by equal taxes on the same articles in each country ; and that 
 from time to time, as circumstances may require, that such taxes 
 may be imposed. 
 
 3rdly. That the annual revenue of Great Britain and Ireland 
 be consolidated into one fund, to be applied to the general revenue 
 of the kingdom. 
 
 Such were the resolutions, and it must excite some 
 surprise that any body of legislators could have so far 
 deceived themselves and the country by the adoption 
 of resolutions which they knew were neither true nor 
 applicable — to talk of equalising taxation between Ire- 
 land and England, was a perfect mockery, and it 
 seemed to have been so considered — only five Irish and 
 one English member spoke on a subject where millions 
 of money and the interests of millions of persons were 
 concerned, and the measure passed through the Legis- 
 lature as would a turnpike bill, or a parish poor 
 rate. — Mr. G rattan was fortunately absent, and was 
 saved the humiliation of witnessing this exposure of 
 his country, though it would have fully borne out 
 his predictions as to the boasted Union that was to 
 have given Ireland such wealth and such prosperity. 
 Truth demands that notice should be taken of some 
 of the statements made on the occasion. Mr. Pon- 
 sonby said that Ireland could not pay her taxes, 
 she could not even pay the interest of her debt, 
 she was bankrupt, or, if the term was less harsh, 
 she was insolvent — he did not think that Ireland 
 derived advantage from contracting loans in Eng- 
 land, he did not blame the Chancellor of the Ex- 
 chequer, but he thought the measure now came too 
 late. Mr. Leslie Foster* said Ireland had made 
 great efforts since the Union, her contributions to 
 the general expenses of the empire these fifteen 
 
 * Afterwards appointed cne of the Barons of the Court of Exchequer. 
 He died in 1841. 
 
528 
 
 SIR JOHN NEWPORT [CHAP. XV 
 
 years, amounted to 103,000,000/. and the whole 
 amount of available revenue in that period was 
 12,735,000/., the Union imposed on Ireland an ex- 
 penditure eight times greater than her revenue — - 
 in nine years the Irish taxes had doubled — in 
 1800, 2,440,000/.; in 1810, 4,280,000/.; in 1816, 
 5,752,000/. ; in fact taxation had arrived at its ne 
 plus ultra. Sir John Newport said, if Ireland had 
 not met her expenditure, it was not because she had 
 not made exertions to increase the revenue, but 
 because the Union had imposed a burden which it 
 was impossible for her to bear — he added, Though 
 not a member of the Imperial Parliament, / gave 
 my support to that measure influenced by expectations 
 that have proved illusive, and by promises which have 
 net been fulfilled* 
 
 Mr. Grattan's Constituents were daily growing- 
 more impatient under the load of taxation, and the 
 duty upon windows they complained of in particular 
 — it was originally imposed as a war tax, and, on 
 peace being concluded, the citizens of Dublin ex- 
 pected it would have been taken off. Mr. Grattan 
 wrote on the subject to Sir John Newport, who does 
 not appear to have coincided with him in attributing 
 praise to the minister for his plan of consolidating the 
 exchequers, and who seems to have considered his 
 plan of finance superior to that of his successors. 
 
 Sir John Newport to Mr. Grattan. 
 
 New Park, 25th October, 1817. 
 My dear Grattan, — I received your very few unexpected lines, 
 and profess myself quite at a loss to answer your queries, and the 
 
 * A very important and constitutional measure for Ireland was carried 
 this session. Mr. Horner introduced an Irish Grand Jury Bill, by which 
 the old practice of receiving sworn depositions by Grand Juries was done 
 away with, and the viva voce examination of witnesses was substituted. 
 The Secretary, Mr. Peel, after consulting the English Crown lawyers, found 
 that the practice in Ireland could not be defended, and was clearly against 
 law. Some difficulty was encountered in consequence of the opposition 
 from a few of the liish Judges, but this was ultimately got over, and the 
 measure passed. It reflected great credit on Mr. Horner. 
 
CHAP. XV.] 
 
 TO MR. GRATTAN. 
 
 529 
 
 more as I much fear I do not understand rightly their import, my 
 answer would not accord with what I conjecture to be your 
 opinion on this subject of taxation. I do not think quite so highly 
 as you do of the liberality of Great Britain in the consolidation of 
 the Exchequer, and in ceasing to call for the execution of an 
 agreement into which we had been deluded ;* and our making good 
 a proportion of charge which we were quite incompetent to supply; 
 we did attempt it many years and beggared Ireland in the effort — 
 the necessary result was that which followed; for, as my excellent 
 and regretted friend Ponsonby said, if Ireland could not pay, and 
 England would not pay, the creditor on joint security must have 
 been unpaid. Besides, I am well convinced that sound policy 
 concurs with justice in urging on Parliament a considerable reduc- 
 tion of the taxation of Ireland, which has risen so high and pro- 
 duced such ruinous effects on the resident inhabitants of the 
 middle and higher ranks, as have deprived them of that fair in- 
 fluence in society that goes to maintaining British connection ; it 
 has also produced such a sense of their humbled and degraded 
 state, a daily increasing dislike to the causes from whence it has 
 originated, and a disposition to attribute the whole to the over- 
 weening and wild ambition of British councils. I see, and hear, 
 and feelingly lament, the progress of this spirit which accom- 
 panies every visit of the tax-gatherer. Be assured those who con- 
 sider the present parochial resolutions as merely an ebullition of 
 violence in Dublin, judge very falsely; that Vansittart and Haw- 
 thorne have called forth these declarations most foolishly as well 
 as illegally is my opinion, and I have, I believe, given great offence 
 by avowing that opinion ; yet I must adhere to it, as well as to 
 my conviction that the valuation sought to be thus procured was 
 intended as a first essay towards a property tax in Ireland, which 
 would consummate our ruin, by the divisions and the disclosures 
 that would accompany its establishment, even more than the 
 burthen it would impose. 
 
 I have wearied you I am sure with a long answer to two or three 
 queries, or half queries, and yet it can scarcely be called an 
 answer. Much of what is said in your Dublin resolutionsf is very 
 flowery, very exaggerated, and consequently very foolish ; but they 
 are hard pressed and feel sore at the pressure, and when men are 
 in that state they often talk incoherently and injudiciously — of the 
 correspondent and its critique on my official career I think little — 
 it admits an easy and short reply ; I raised the supplies of two 
 years, not by burthensome and unnecessary taxation, but in the 
 proportion of one-third and more of the entire by regulation of old 
 taxes, and reform of abuses ; my two budgets in produce exceeded 
 their estimates as the million does 650,000 — I left in the receipt of 
 
 * The Union. 
 VOL. V. 
 
 f On the subject of Taxation. 
 
 M M 
 
530 
 
 MR. GEATTAN PRESENTS [CHAP. XV. 
 
 the treasury a surplus beyond the charge of debt of one million ; 
 and lastly, the tax on houses not paying window or hearth tax 
 was proportionate to the rent reserved by lease, not at any valua- 
 tion whatever. As to the division of the Boards, Foster's com- 
 mission of Parliament reported its necessity, all my successors 
 have sanctioned it. 
 
 I have enjoyed this whole year uncommon health. — Lady N. is 
 pretty well, and unites with me her regard to Mrs. Grattan and 
 yourself. — Always truly yours, 
 
 John Newport. 
 
 The Catholic question was brought forward in 
 1816, under better auspices than in the preceding 
 year. Several of the leading Catholics among the 
 aristocracy of that body, among whom were Lords 
 Southwell and Lord Trimleston, prepared a petition 
 to Parliament, and entrusted it to Mr. Grattan : it 
 was general in its demand, and conciliatory in its 
 tone. On the 21st May he presented it, and moved 
 a resolution similar to that in a former year, "that 
 the House would, in the next session, take the state 
 of the Penal Laws into their consideration." He did 
 not go into the merits of the case ; and, as the motion 
 was seconded by Sir Henry Parnell, there was no 
 appearance of division among the Catholic body. 
 Lord Castlereagh stated that it was necessary that 
 the question should be set at rest — till it was settled 
 the Government could not act with impartiality ; 
 the motion, however, was rejected by 172 to 141. 
 On the 6th June, Sir Henry Parnell, who had pre- 
 viously presented petitions from the great body of 
 Catholics, praying for unrestricted emancipation, 
 moved a number of resolutions similar to those he 
 had proposed in the last session, which had pre- 
 viously been published in the newspapers in the 
 form of a bill of relief. Mr. Peel, the secretary for 
 Ireland, objected on the ground that the standing 
 orders of the House allowed no motion for a bill 
 which affected the religion of the country to be in- 
 troduced without a previous committee. Lord 
 
CHAP. XV.] THE CATHOLIC PETITION. 
 
 531 
 
 Castlereagh remonstrated with Sir Henry Parnell 
 on the course which he pursued, and which had 
 caused many of the friends of the cause to withdraw 
 themselves — his imprudent measures would injure 
 them — under such auspices they could do no good, 
 and it was desirable that he would abandon his 
 motion. Ultimately Sir Henry Parnell was induced 
 to withdraw the resolutions. 
 
 These injudicious proceedings were of much dis- 
 service in the country; but in the ensuing year (1817) 
 another petition from the same body was entrusted 
 to Mr. Grattan through Lord Southwell, the chair- 
 man, who accompanied it with a request that he 
 would ground a motion thereon. The following- 
 letters relate to the proceeding and subject of domestic 
 nomination on which Mr. Grattan agreed with the 
 petitioners — he was desirous to close the question 
 which had been left over too long, and which he con- 
 ceived would ultimately lead to consequences in- 
 jurious to the empire: — 
 
 Mr. Bellew to Mr. Grattan. 
 
 Dublin, 1st February, 1817. 
 Dear Sir, — I had the honour of receiving your note of the 16th 
 January, and suppose that you have seen in the public papers the 
 advertisement for a meeting-, on Tuesday next, of those who signed 
 the petition which you presented to the House of Commons last 
 session. The measure which is intended to be proposed is what I 
 mentioned to you in my letter from Ballyderelan, and of which 
 you expressed your approbation — viz. calling on you and Lord 
 Donoughmore by letter from our chairman, requesting you would 
 move, on the prayer of our petition of last year, on as early a day 
 during the present session as you should judge fit ; at the desire 
 of Mr. Donnell, it is intended to propose a second resolution, 
 stating, in substance, that whilst we adhere to the principles ex- 
 pressed in our petition of last year, we think it right that our chair- 
 man should state in the letter to be written by him, that if domestic 
 nomination should be deemed satisfactory to the Legislature, it will 
 derive value in our eyes, from appearing to be the measure of ar- 
 rangement most agreeable to the bishops and others of our religious 
 communion. 
 
 I should be glad of a line from you, if possible, by the return of 
 
 M M 2 
 
532 
 
 CATHOLIC COMMITTEE [CHAP. XV. 
 
 post, to say if you see any and what objection to the second reso- 
 tion. A paragraph has appeared in the papers, authorized, though 
 not signed, by those who have called the meeting, stating that it is 
 intended to propose something with a view to show our desire that, 
 as far as possible, the general wishes of the Catholic body should 
 be attended to in any arrangements that may accompany a bill for 
 their relief. A few of us are to meet at four o'clock on Monday, to 
 arrange what we are to propose next day, and I should wish to 
 know your sentiments before we meet. — I have the honour to be, 
 sir, with great respect, your obedient servant, 
 
 Wm. Bellew. 
 
 Sir Henry Parnell to Mr. Grattan. 
 
 Emo Park, February 14, 1817. 
 
 My Dear Sir, — As it is necessary and proper I should do what 
 I can for those Catholics who have given me their petition, so that I 
 do no not prejudice the general debate, 1 have written to Mr. 
 Brougham to give notice that I will move for a select committee to 
 inquire into the Penal Laws on the 1 1th of March ; I shall probably 
 postpone it till after the assizes. 
 
 Lord Castlereagh told me last session he thought such an in- 
 quiry would be useful, provided the report went no farther than to 
 set forth the several provisions of the laws now in force, and that 
 little time was occupied in making it. 
 
 If I could get a committee before Easter, I should be ready with 
 a report the first week after the recess. 1 should not wish to have 
 the report go at all into the merits of the question, but to have it as 
 a satisfactory groundwork of legislation. It would gratify the 
 Catholics, and lead the public opinion of England to become more 
 favourable to them. I think the House can seldom be got to em- 
 bark heartily in a measure without a select committee ; and from 
 what I observe, if a committee can be got, the question at issue is 
 sure to be carried. — Believe me, my dear sir, yours, very truly, 
 
 H. Parnell. 
 
 The Catholic Committee, consisting of most of 
 the old board, now thought fit to apply to Mr. 
 Grattan (probably they were advised to do so by 
 Sir Henry Parnell), and requested he would support 
 their petition ; but that, if the Legislature deemed it 
 impossible to alter their condition without a veto, 
 they would be much more satisfied to remain as 
 they were ; — that their petition had been intrusted 
 to Sir Henry Parnell ; and they requested Mr. 
 
CHAP. XV.] APPLY TO MR. GRATTAN. 
 
 533 
 
 Grattan would give him the benefit of his advice 
 and co-operation, and concert the means most likely 
 to attain their object. In reply to this, Mr. Grattan 
 stated, " he was glad to learn they continued to Sir 
 Henry Parnell the custody of their petition ; that 
 he would be ready to communicate with him when 
 he was pleased to do him that honour; but he would 
 not concur in the idea that perpetual exclusion from 
 the constitution was preferable to civil liberty with 
 the veto." 
 
 On the 9th May (1817), Mr. Grattan renewed his 
 efforts, and moved on the petition he had presented, 
 for a committee to consider the state of the laws 
 affecting them ; he spoke short, and chiefly in reply, 
 for which he reserved himself — it is an able and in- 
 teresting speech. The reference to it by Sir James 
 Mackintosh* is worthy of observation, as well as his 
 remark on Mr. Peel. This individual took a most 
 active part on the occasion, his speech formed a 
 singular contrast with his subsequent conduct in 
 1829, and in a great degree influenced the division 
 against the Catholics, which was 245 to 221. 
 
 In the month of July (1817), the country was un- 
 fortunately deprived of the services of Mr. Ponsonby 
 — the habits of a Parliamentary life and the tedious 
 sittings in the heated atmosphere of the House of 
 Commons had affected his health, he had been ac- 
 customed to an active life, to the sports of the field, 
 and to much exercise both on foot and on horse- 
 back, he felt the change when he commenced a 
 London campaign, and a continued attendance in 
 
 * 10th May, 1817.— Came home at three this morning from our defeat 
 on the Catholic question. Poor Grattan's last exhibition of his setting 
 genius, and of that gentle goodness which will glow till the last spark of 
 life be extinguished. Peel made a speech of little merit, but elegantly and 
 clearly expressed, and so well delivered as to be applauded to excess. He 
 is a great proof of the great value of the mechanical parts of speaking, when 
 combined with industry and education. He now fills the important place 
 of spokesman to the intolerant faction. * * * — From Sir James Alack- 
 intosh's Memoirs. 
 
534 
 
 DEATH OF MR. PONSONBY. [CHAP. XV. 
 
 the House, and on Committees from January to 
 July ;* he was attacked by apoplexy, and shortly 
 after expired ; his character has been already de- 
 scribed, and his conduct was justly praised by Mr. 
 Lamb (Lord Melbourne), on moving the writ for 
 the place he represented (the county of Wick low). 
 As a leader to the opposition party his death was a 
 severe loss, to Mr. Grattan it was a matter of sincere 
 regret, and to Ireland a serious calamity, for under all 
 changes and circumstances, George Ponsonby (un- 
 like many others) steadily and unostentatiously pre- 
 served his natural affection for his native land. In- 
 dependent of the private friendship that subsisted be- 
 tween them and the esteem that Mr. Grattan enter- 
 tained for him, he was one of the last of that old 
 Irish party that had acted together when I pel and was 
 a nation, and side by side with whom Mr. Grattan 
 almost from his outset in public life had fought the 
 hard battles of his country in defence of her civil and 
 religious liberty, and her existence as a nation in 
 opposition to the arbitrary and tyrannical rulers who 
 so long misgoverned and oppressed her.f 
 
 The Countess of Charleville, a mutual friend and 
 a great admirer of Mr. Grattan, communicated to 
 him in Ireland the melancholy intelligence of his 
 death, to whom he replied as follows : — 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Lady Charleville. 
 
 Dublin, 56, Stephen's Green, July 17, 1817. 
 My dear Mapam, — The family of our departed friend had 
 reigned in Ireland — their dynasty with now and then a job, was 
 mild — the old speaker Ponsonby bore his faculty graciously — they 
 defended the powers of the country with their own and lost both ; 
 
 * One of the fair arguments against the Union is the excess of business 
 in Parliament. No constitution can stand the labour. It has caused the 
 death of several members even in the author's career. Such is the extended 
 dominion of Great Britain that justice is imperfectly done, and redress, if 
 administered, often comes too late. 
 
 t This year also brought another distinguished Irishman to the grave — 
 John Philpot Curran — who expired on the 14th of October, at Brompton, 
 near London, in the 68th year of his age. Mr. Ponsonby was in his 63rd 
 
CHAP. XV.] CATHOLIC QUESTION POSTPONED. 535 
 
 they stood by Parliament in Ireland to the last, and followed the 
 Constitution to England, and expired as far as relates to the Irish 
 branch in the person of George — in the maturity of his honours 
 and in his vocation. He had abilities and discretion, was a sound 
 leader of a party, and lived and died worthy of his race. I had 
 a public and private connexion with him for thirty-five years. I 
 found him a man of worth — it was an oak that will be missed from 
 the forest. 
 
 With respect to his family, his death is calamitous, most inju- 
 rious to his party, and fortunate for his fame. 
 
 Yours, most truly and affectionately, 
 
 H. Grattan. 
 
 As the ordinary term for the continuance of Par- 
 liament was soon to expire, Mr. Grattan did not 
 think it advisable to urge the Catholic question in 
 1818, but waited till the succeeding year when the 
 new Parliament was to assemble, and, after support- 
 ing the motion of his colleague Mr. Shaw, for the 
 repeal of the window tax, left London. Before his 
 departure he visited his friend Lord Holland, whose 
 society he so highly esteemed. Sir James Mackin- 
 tosh was one of the guests he met there, and as his 
 remarks may not prove uninteresting they are here 
 subjoined. f 
 
 * "30th April, 1~18. — At Holland House, found Grattan, Plunket, 
 Brougham, &c. Grattan was put on his be6t conversation, lie gave very 
 interesting and spirited sketches of the great men whom he had seen in his 
 youth, particularly Lord Chatham; describing with delight ' his breathing 
 thoughts and burning words,' which it was impossible for such a man as 
 Grattan not to prefer to the eloquence of argument and business which has 
 succeeded. He disliked the favourite notion that Pitt far surpassed his 
 father. In truth, they were too unlike to be compared. Grattan charmed 
 us till two o'clock. 
 
 " May 1st, Grattan again at breakfast. There is nobody so odd, so gentle, 
 and so admirable, his sayings are not to be separated from his manner. 
 Plunket never addresses Grattan without ' Sir/ with a respectful voice. 
 This mark of respect, or almost reverence, is common amongst the Irish, and 
 certainly most amply due to this amiable and venerable person." — George 
 Moore's JSotes to Mackinlos/i. 
 
 " We walked together as far as Lord Lansdowne's, in Berkeley Square, 
 where he lived at the time, and discoursing on various topics after his 
 manner, he came to the character of Mr. Grattan, which he said was 
 marked with a peculiar benevolence not easily described, 'inspiring a 
 tender respect.' The character of Mr. Grattan 1 I know, was a particular 
 favourite of his. We talked, then, of the two Chief Justices in Ireland, 
 Plunket and Bushe ; and Mackintosh said, perhaps there have been as 
 great lawyers, but two such accomplished men never before filled the situa- 
 
536 COMPLAINTS AGAINST THE UNION. [CHAP. XV 
 
 The citizens of Dublin renewed their complaints 
 of the Union, and of the injuries they suffered in 
 consequence, and pressed most urgently to be re- 
 lieved from the window tax ; great distress had oc- 
 curred in Ireland in 1817, owing to the wetness of 
 the season and the badness of the harvest, scarcity 
 prevailed in all parts, and fever, the necessary at- 
 tendant, extended its ravages around ;* application 
 was made to Parliament, and Mr. Grattan was re- 
 quested to support the unqualified repeal of the tax, 
 but he declined to do so without providing some 
 equivalent ; at this the citizens were displeased, and 
 intrusted their petition solely to the care of his col- 
 league (Mr. Shaw). In the ensuing year (1818), a 
 general election took plade, and Mr. Grattan was 
 returned for the city of Dublin without opposition, 
 but after leaving the hustings, he was attacked by a 
 mob that demolished the chair, and severely assailed 
 him, he received a blow of a wooden stave in the 
 face which caused a considerable effusion of blood, 
 he however evinced great courage, and possessed 
 strength to return the assault, and after flinging 
 back the piece of wood at his assailant, fell bleeding 
 in the arms of his son, and was carried into an ad- 
 joining house. f By the exertions of Lord Charlemont 
 and other friends, the rioters were prevailed on to 
 disperse. Both parties, Catholic and Protestant, 
 accused each other, the one said it was done by the 
 Orange faction in consequence of his conduct on the 
 window tax. The other that it was done by the 
 
 tions together. He repeated what he had said some years before, that 
 Lord Plunket, had he been regularly trained to the British House of 
 Commons, would have been the greatest speaker there that he remem- 
 bered." — Mackintosh's Memoirs, vol. ii. 
 
 * The author's brother-in-law (John Blachford) fell one of the first 
 victims to this fearful malady. 
 
 f He was confined for a period of three weeks by the injury, and had a 
 narrow escape of losing his eye. Notwithstanding his suffering, he never 
 uttered a harsh expression ; his only remark was, " Like Actaon, I am de- 
 voured by my own hounds /" 
 
CHAP. XV.] MR. GRATTAN AGAIN. 
 
 537 
 
 Catholics in consequence of his conduct on their 
 petition. This accident, however, drew forth a general 
 expression of regard from the people, and addresses 
 were presented to him from all parties, and from all 
 the parishes in Dublin. His answers are not devoid of 
 interest ; in one of them from the parish of St. Mark 
 some allusion was made to the writings of Dean Swift, 
 and to the measure of the Union. His reply was as 
 follows : — 
 
 July, 1818. 
 
 My Friends and Fellow-Citizens, — There is in every com- 
 munity a set of men who hang loose on the society, and who form 
 no part of it, although they may occasionally interrupt its repose, — 
 they are to be forgiven and forgotten. No wise man, no candid man, 
 can attribute to the community their actions, nor can their wild pro- 
 ceedings blemish the society, although for a moment they interrupt 
 its repose. I enter into the spirit with which you applaud our great 
 countryman, the illustrious Swift, and have an hereditary attach- 
 ment to his genius and his patriotism. In defending your rights I 
 did my duty, and shall always defend the privileges of Ireland. 
 I remain gratefully, your faithful humble servant, 
 
 H. Grattan. 
 
 In 1819 the Catholic question was again brought 
 before Parliament, and Mr. Grattan, untired and in- 
 defatigable in his efforts on behalf of his countrymen, 
 made now his last appeal on their behalf. He still 
 entertained serious apprehensions for the safety of 
 the country — in conversing shortly before this period 
 with his friends, Peter Burrowes and Mr. Berwick, 
 he observed, — 
 
 ** I fear that some time or other this question will be fatal, it 
 will make the Irish distrustful and never place any confidence in 
 England; the people take no interest in the Imperial Parliament : 
 it is too far, and its remedies too late. If taxes increase, and jobs 
 continue — and that trade does not flourish, I doubt that the Union 
 will hold — it has sunk the country, and I do not see any good 
 resulting from it — the best of our people have become absentees, 
 and Dublin is ruined. Ireland held up her head formerly, but 
 she is now a beggar at the door of Great Britain." Then striking 
 his forehead, he exclaimed as in anguish — " There is no thinking 
 of it. But these countries from their size must stand together, 
 — united quoad nature, — distinct quoad legislation." 
 
538 INTRODUCES THE CATHOLIC QUESTION.[CHAP. XV. 
 
 On the 3rd of April he requested the friends of the 
 measure to meet at his residence in London, to con- 
 sider the best course to adopt — Mr. Wilberforce, 
 Plunket, Ponsonby,Tierney, Abercromby, Brougham, 
 Sir James Mackintosh, and Sir John Newport, 
 &c. &c, attended, and they all agreed on the expe- 
 diency of bringing forward the question — it was 
 fixed for the 3rd of May, and on that day Mr. 
 Grattan presented to the House eight petitions from 
 Roman Catholics, and five from Protestants, in 
 favour of the measure. After a short but animated 
 speech, and very complimentary to the individuals 
 who had at various times supported the measure, he 
 thus concluded : — 
 
 It is said an arrangement is impossible — to take away privilege 
 it seems, then, is easy ; but to restore — to retrace the diabolical 
 course, there is the difficulty. Not the ability and sound judg- 
 ment of Mr. Ponsonby were adequate (I will name the committee) 
 — not the modest truth of Mr. Elliott's intellect — not the refining 
 genius of Mr. Windham — not the strenuous capacity of Mr. Whit- 
 bread — nor the all-enlightened perfection of Sir Samuel Romilly's 
 understanding. These men were of the committee to frame the 
 bill, they are now great authorities to support it; authorities 
 canonized by death; but I do not despair; my right honourable 
 friend (Mr. Tierney) still lives ; the trusty constitutional hand that 
 drew the bill (Sir Arthur Pigott) still lives ; the noble lord (Castle- 
 reagh), his enemies must allow him abilities, he lives ; the lumi- 
 nary (Mr. Canning) by his side, he lives ; and the good ameliorator 
 of the lot of Africa (Mr. Wilberforce), he lives. * * * * * 
 
 We have heard of divers anomalies in your policy — they are 
 numerous; your treaties, your subsidies, and your prayers; but 
 you yourself are the great anomaly. The continent lay flat before 
 your late rival; the Spaniard had retired; the Austrian had re- 
 tired ; the Prussian had retired ; the iron quality of Russia had 
 dissolved ; the domination of France had come to the water edge, 
 when, behold! from a misty speck in the west, the avenging 
 genius of these countries issues forth, clutching ten thousand thun- 
 ders, breaks the spell of France, stops, in his own person, the fly- 
 ing fortunes of the world, sweeps the sea, rights the globe, and 
 then retires in a flame of glory ; and, when the human race is in 
 amaze and admiration at his courage and originality, he turns 
 school divine, fights a battle about extreme unction, and swears 
 against the companions of his fortunes and his victories. 
 
CHAP. XV.] 
 
 MAJORITY OF 2 ! 
 
 539 
 
 Our prince is, on the part of his father, the supreme head of the 
 church; we are his national council, and, as such, have a right to 
 advise him. I avail myself of this privilege, and say to him, " My 
 prince, my master, you must take the lead in the deliverance of 
 your people. The graciousness of your manners indicate that you 
 were born for acts of benevolence. Your predecessor, the Pfan- 
 tagenet, prevailed on the continent, so have you; but then he gave 
 the Charter and the laws of the Edwards : your other predecessor, 
 the Tudor, she rescued Holland, so have you ; but then she passed 
 wise and useful statutes innumerable. You have carried Europe 
 on your back; but then the home measure, the securing and 
 ascertaining and extending the liberties of your people — that, that 
 still remains. The whole body of the Roman Catholics petition 
 for freedom. The destinies of a fifth of your empire are before 
 you. Come — the glory of the house of Hanover is waiting for 
 you ; be the emancipator of the Roman Catholics, as you have 
 been the deliverer of Europe, and look in the face the Tudor and 
 the Plantagenet." 
 
 He then moved for a committee ; his motion was 
 seconded by the Secretary of the Admiralty (Mr. 
 Croker), who made an ingenious and talented 
 speech ; the numbers on the division were 243 to 
 241, being a majority of 2 only against the Catho- 
 lics.* 
 
 In this state Mr. Grattan left the Catholic ques- 
 tion, after a struggle of twenty years in the Irish, 
 and fifteen years in the Imperial Parliament. So 
 slow is the progress of justice when the human 
 faculties are depressed and the mind of the people 
 degraded by tyranny on the one side and slavery on 
 the other. The protracted contest did not however 
 expire with Mr. Grattan, it survived him for nearly 
 ten years. Mr. Plunket followed — (a successor in 
 every way well qualified and worthy of such a cause), 
 he presented the Catholic petition and brought in a 
 bill of relief in 1821, but it was rejected by the House 
 of Lords. Mr. Canning brought in a bill in 1822, 
 
 * The debate went off quite unintentionally, Peel and Plunket writing for 
 each other ; so that only G rattan and Croker (very cleverly), Leslie, Foster, 
 Lord Xormanby, Brownlow, and Beccher, spoke; aud 1 lost my oppor- 
 tunity, with many others.— tVilbtrJbrcts Life, vol. v. 
 
540 CATHOLIC RELIEF BILL PASSED. [CHAP. XV. 
 
 and it also was rejected in the Lords. Sir Francis 
 Burdett brought in a bill in 1825, and it likewise 
 was rejected in the Lords ; these bills, however, 
 were partial in their nature and limited in their 
 extent ; at length the people of Ireland, growing 
 more and more indignant at the disregard and treat- 
 ment which they experienced from their arbitrary 
 and capricious rulers, availed themselves of an omis- 
 sion in the penal law, whereby a Catholic could be 
 elected member of Parliament, though he was not 
 qualified to sit or vote except under a heavy penalty ; 
 and when a vacancy took place in 1828, the noble- 
 minded people of Clare, in defiance of every threat 
 and every obstacle, chose as their representative — 
 Daniel O'Connell * 
 
 Then, at the last moment, bigotry yielded — as with 
 a thunderbolt O'Connell smote them, and the Tory 
 ministers were humbled to the dust. Mr. Peel and 
 the Duke of Wellington succumbed to* the Irish 
 people, and in 1829 they were compelled to abandon 
 the penal code. But even this measure was accom- 
 panied by a heartless, senseless precaution ; they ex- 
 cluded Mr. O'Connell who had been elected, and they 
 disfranchised the men who had elected him — the forty 
 shilling freeholders were struck from the constitu- 
 tion, and their representative was driven to a new 
 election after an expense of nearly £20,000; it 
 was thus they ended their career, and in these 
 moments as in all the past, they performed the last 
 reluctant act of relief towards Ireland, without either 
 grace or dignity, with an insult towards the indi- 
 vidual, and an injury to the people : how truly did 
 those statesmen exemplify the saying of Curran — 
 " The heart of a bigot is not larger than the head of 
 a needle — every thread you put through it seems a 
 cable." 
 
 * Mr. Vesey Fitzgerald was the candidate they rejected. 
 
DIARY. 
 
 1819. — In the autumn of this year, Mr. Grattan's illness com 
 menced. In August he had gone with a family party to the lakes 
 at Lugela to enjoy the scenery of the Wicklow mountains ; the season 
 was remarkably line, and the younger part of the expedition pitched 
 their tents on the hills for the purpose of shooting, while the 
 remainder staid at the lodge to boat upon the lake or saunter along 
 the walks that at that season were perfumed by the odours of 
 the lime-trees, and the fragrance of the flowering heath ; — probably 
 Mr. Grattan was incautious — the dews of the evening and the 
 dampness from the water may have affected him, and shortly after 
 his return to Tinnehinch he began to complain of an oppression on 
 the chest, and a difficulty of breathing. 
 
 Parliament had assembled in consequence of the disturbed state of 
 England, and the riots at Manchester had caused the ministry to 
 propose strong measures, seditious bills, and the suspension of the 
 Habeas Corpus Act. Mr. Grattan found himself unable to go over 
 to London. He expressed himself strongly against the Radicals, 
 and would have opposed the extension of these measures to Ireland, 
 as he did not think that the riots and disturbances in England 
 should be a reason for extending the bills to his own country. In 
 the following letter, which was the last he wrote to his friend 
 Day, he alludes to the subject : — 
 
 Mr. Grattan to Mr. Justice Day. 
 
 Tinnehinch, 19th Nov. 1819. 
 My dear Day, — I shall wait on you the 27th. I have not, as you see, 
 gone to England, and, as at present informed, don't see the necessity. 1 
 have not been well. I have been attacked by an occasional difficulty of 
 breathing, which is teazing though not painful, and presents to the mind 
 the idea of stifling; however, I am better. The Radicals I do not think 
 will destroy liberty, but it is only because they will not succeed, for their 
 proposition would put an end to freedom ; first by anarchy, and then by a 
 military government, the necessary result of anarchy, — Yours most truly, 
 
 H. Grattan. 
 
542 
 
 DIARY 
 
 In the month of December, the oppression and difficulty of 
 breathing increased very much, so Mr. Grattan consulted Dr. Perci- 
 val and his friend the Surgeon General (Crampton), — their medicines 
 afforded him temporary relief, but his nights were passed with con- 
 siderable pain, and with little sleep ; he got through the winter with 
 some difficulty ; his mind appeared singularly active, and his con- 
 versation, whether on politics, poetry, or living characters, was 
 peculiarly interesting — at this moment more so than ever. 
 
 5th February, 1820. — He spoke much on the subject of religion — 
 said that the question of giving the Bible to the people had been 
 debated at the period of the Reformation, and ably argued. r Gardiner 
 said that "it was an experiment — a book translated, on which men 
 would not agree, and from which various sects would spring, and 
 you see it so happened/' 
 
 On the 30th January, 1820, when the news arrived of the king's 
 death, he observed — " George the III. was a very cunning man — a 
 wrong understanding, but a shrewd one. In Ireland he did nothing 
 that he was not forced to ; and, when he got the opportunity, he let 
 the people be tortured, and undid all he had done before; his 
 minister failed in all his undertakings and died in despair." The 
 general election consequent on the death of the sovereign now came 
 on ; and that for the city of Dublin took place on the 16th March. 
 Mr. Grattan came to town, but was unable to go to the hustings. 
 He w^as elected without opposition, and begged me to attend and 
 return thanks to the citizens, and to be chaired in his place. Mr. 
 Murphy and Mr. O'Neill, two friends deputed from his party, waited 
 on him with their congratulations ; through them he returned 
 thanks to the citizens for having elected him a sixth time, and went 
 back to Tinnehinch, as he complained of the fogs of the city. The 
 oppression on the chest still continued, and the difficulty of breathing 
 caused great pain ; but as spring approached, the weather being 
 very fine, somewhat revived him. When the newspapers came (on 
 17th March), he read Mr. Lamb's (Lord Melbourne) speech on the 
 hustings in England and praised it ; he moved to the window, the 
 sun was shining, and the birds singing; he looked to the mountain, 
 and said, " How delightful the morning — how soft the air feels ! 
 how beautiful is nature. The scene tempts one, and makes me 
 almost regret to leave it !" Being unable to walk, he was wheeled 
 out in his chair to a sheltered terrace, bordered by a sweet-briar 
 hedge, his favourite spot, along which he used to pace back and for- 
 ward, thinking and talking to his friends on politics. After admir- 
 ing the scene, he said very calmly, " I am going fast, it will not last 
 long." On his return to the house, he asked Berwick, who had 
 come to Tinnehinch, if he had seen his reply to Flood, Berwick said 
 he had. 1 4 It is among my papers," said Mr. Grattan, " I do not 
 desire to have it published, but I would be glad it was known that 
 I did not speak the vile abuse that was in the Debates ; the business 
 
DIARY. 
 
 543 
 
 of '82 was perfect, the treaty was complete — it might have been 
 done some other way, but the way I adopted was sufficient." 
 
 He then spoke of that period, and observed — u I have in my mind 
 the characters of Yelverton and Langrishe, it is rather late now to 
 write them, but I could do it, and if I live I shall. I wish to do so, 
 particularly for Yelverton's sake, for he was a great man, — he is not 
 ill-described when I say of him — "a column of water 3000 miles 
 deep."* Barrington has drawn his character well, I am sorry I 
 omitted to do it ; he possessed a great and powerful mind ; its 
 march was like that of an elephant, he mowed down entire batta- 
 lions ; his speaking was a rage of truth. As to Corry, I ought to have 
 looked to that reply, but I would not publish it, as the dispute was 
 settled in the field. Berwick knows how it was. My answer was 
 plain,—" / was an Irishman defending the liberties of my country ; 
 you were a man in the pay of England, and you proved it ; for you 
 told your country — you resorted to the most violent measures, which 
 nothing could justify, even to torture !" He was greatly excited, and 
 accompanied these words with much action, and a bold tone of voice — 
 the effect quite exhausted him — lie drooped, and sank, so that Berwick 
 and his friends thought all was over. In the evening he revived, 
 but said, u I am going, it will be but a business of ten days." a Do 
 you remember what Caesar said on being asked, shortly before his 
 death, what was the best way to die?" he replied, short death, 
 and unexpected." 
 
 As April advanced (it was his favourite month) he grew somewhat 
 relieved, and his chief wish was to be drawn in the garden chair 
 through his grounds, and along the walks and plantations he had 
 made. 8th of April. — He talked of the folly of England quarrelling 
 with America. " She attempted to tax the colonies, and the attempt 
 ended in an income tax on her own people. She was to have con- 
 quered that continent by Thames Larges, to sail up her rivers, and 
 destroy her fine towns, but that failed — 3,000,000 of men drove her 
 back to England in defeat and disgrace, and she was a second time 
 ignominiously beaten — The justice of Providence is admirable! He 
 then alluded to Ireland, and said, " You have read Hclvetius, a most 
 entertaining work; he justly observes, ' that to keep alive the spirit 
 of liberty, a man must belong to some country ' — here, there is no 
 country. England is not our country, it will take a century before 
 she becomes so." lie begged to be drawn towards the Dargle, and 
 when he had reached it, he looked wistfully up the wood, and 
 exclaimed, — " Oh ! how often I have" — he stopped, and his voice 
 failed ; it was along this path that, in younger days, he used to 
 walk and meditate, and stroll along by the soft moonlight, preparing 
 his speeches for the Irish Parliament. He asked to be brought be- 
 neath an oak-tree that he had planted, he praised its foliage, and 
 
 * Speech on Catholic Question, 1808.— See Vol. IV 7 . Grattan's Speeches, 
 p. 153. 
 
544 
 
 DIARY. 
 
 looked as if he bid it farewell for ever, then sunk into a dose. On 
 his return to the house he revived, and commenced speaking of the 
 state of parties in England, — " I fear the opposition party will not 
 come into power, they want able men in the Commons, and there 
 must be a ministry from the Lords." Lord Lansdowne would 
 make a good minister, he is an excellent man. Lord Holland 
 has the best of hearts. As to the present ministers they are 
 a poor set; in fact, the Duke of Wellington made them, he 
 not only made them, but he made Europe ; and all that he now 
 should take care of, is not to unmake himself — a man is not 
 tried until he comes into prosperity. It is more difficult to stand 
 on a summit than to reach it. He will become an object of jealousy, 
 and ministers would be glad to bring him down to their own level. 
 It is to be regretted that he has taken such a line against the Catho- 
 lics ; it has injured him ; his speech, however, is not so bad as 
 people say ; he is not a decided enemy, and thinks that emancipation 
 might take place consistent with certain securities ; his conduct in 
 presenting petitions against them was erroneous and ill-judged. 
 
 Mr. Grattan's illness increased, he grew more and more desirous to 
 get to London. " I wish," said he, " to take my seat and speak on 
 two subjects — Reform and the Catholic. I fear that the radicals will 
 put down the principles of liberty. The Government and the House 
 of Lords on the one side — the radicals on the other — would put down 
 all freedom. The Lords have no right to interfere with the Commons 
 in their efforts to amend their representation ; the boroughs should 
 be reduced ; Parliament should do as Lord William Russell proposed 
 in the case of Grampound, and disfranchise such boroughs, this 
 would soon create a reform, and the Lords should not resist this 
 retrenchment ; they have no right to oppose the reform of the Lower 
 House. On the other question, I would strive to do something for 
 the country ; it is a monstrous thing that one sect should proscribe 
 another." April the 10th. — He wished to be taken into the demesne 
 of Lord Powerscourt ; when he came to the stream, near an old 
 church-yard, he stopped and admired the beauty of the scene. I 
 told him this is the place we used to walk to on Sunday mornings 
 and repeat Homer and Yirgil, — " Oh, yes, do you remember that ? 
 it is a pretty spot !" Some wood-pigeons flew out of an ivy-tree 
 close by, on which he quoted immediately — 
 
 " Timidae ubi posuere nidum columbae." 
 
 He then added, in a feeling tone — " Ah, poor things, you need not 
 fly — it is I who have more reason to be afraid." 
 
 Afterwards he entered into a description of Burnet's history. 
 " He is a very entertaining historian, his characters are well drawn :" 
 then he spoke of the conduct of Charles the II. — " He was a tyrant, 
 and a tyrant in the pay of the enemy ; he was a bad king and belonged 
 to a bad race, but he was a man of talent and out-generalled the whigs ; 
 
DIARY. 
 
 545 
 
 they behaved ill and gave him many advantages over them. The 
 Stuart family was a bad one — to Ireland they did no good — Ireland 
 certainly has been sadly treated. The Protestant strove to keep up 
 the connection and fight for the religion and property of the English 
 settlers, and their reward was the loss of their liberty ; in their con- 
 tests they always acted as a colony, surrendering their freedom or 
 not preferring their rights in order to save their property ; they 
 were a colony, in fact when they excluded the Catholics, they re- 
 duced themselves to nothing. 15th April. — He grew very restless 
 and impatient; his appetite was nearly gone, but his strength 
 revived occasionally and surprised every one. He said he would go 
 to town and see some of the leading friends of the Catholics — Lord 
 Fingall, Mr. Murphy, and Mr. M'Donnell, and then to London by 
 slow journies, — "for though I cannot speak I can make the motion. 
 I owe it to the public good — to the interests of the body that has 
 trusted me, and to my own memory. I have the motion in my 
 mind — two resolutions, one declaring the determination to uphold 
 the Protestant religion, and the other to grant their liberties to the 
 Catholics. I will do it. I am not without hope. It may lay the 
 ground for some future measure. I wish to see Plunket and write 
 to Lord Fingall on the subject. The country should not entertain 
 any wild notions of a new condition in alliance with any foreign 
 power. She would be in such a case merely a West India 
 colony to some arbitrary country ; she is not certainly what she 
 was before the union ; her pride is lowered, and she does not stand 
 so high." 
 
 16th April. — On this day he again went in his little carriage 
 towards the waterfall. He was very nervous, and his breathing 
 was very much oppressed. He stopped at the river side, near one 
 of his favourite walks, and asked for a draught of water ; then he 
 cheered up, and turning to Mr. Berwick, who was with him, said, — 
 " Doctor, do you know this day ? — this is the 16th of April;" and 
 with great energy and spirit said; "yes, this was a great day; it 
 was the day I carried the claim of Rhjhi in '82 ;" and with much 
 humour added, " you shall drink it, Doctor, and we shall give you a 
 bottle of claret." 
 
 21st April. — He came to Dublin. He had a consultation with 
 four physicians ; they all agreed that he would not be able to go to 
 Parliament, and they wrote down the result of their consultation. 
 He, however, insisted, and said to them, — " Doctors, you are 
 right. I will, however, go. We are both right — you, in ordering 
 me to stay, and I, in deciding to go." Doctor Perceval said that he 
 should lose no time ; that the organs of respiration were disordered, 
 and symptoms of dropsy were beginning to develope themselves. 
 Every exertion, mental or bodily, should be avoided ; and if he 
 went to England he must take on himself the entire responsibility. 
 He heard this without the slightest emotion ; but after the phy- 
 VOL. V. N N 
 
546 
 
 DIARY. 
 
 sicians had gone he said, " They have passed sentence— I shall go to 
 England ;" then turning to me, — " Don't you think I am right ? — 
 yes, it was a sentence? 
 
 22nd April. — He desired me to write to Sir Henry Parnell that 
 he would be in London early in May, and to give notice that he 
 would bring on the Catholic question on the 10th of the month. 
 His energies now seemed revived, and his spirits quite surprising. 
 He said, "Go to Bishop Troy : ask him about the Pope's letter on 
 the Bible Societies, and how far his Holiness has expressed his 
 opinion about the circulation of the bible."* 
 
 25th April. — His appetite declined ; his limbs swelled, and the 
 disposition to sleep increased, and the doctors gave him digitalis. " I 
 am now in a bad way, but I will get to London. I have been very 
 ill for six weeks ; but if God grants me only one month more to do 
 the business, I am sure I shall be very thankful ! I will do my 
 duty. I will make the motion you wrote out for me, and then I 
 will make my bow." 
 
 28th April. — The spasms returned, and he could get no repose. 
 About two in the morning he asked me to bring him Swift's works 
 and I read some part to him. When I came to the letter to Lord 
 Molesworth about the dependency of Ireland, he listened with much 
 attention ; and when I read that part relating the story of the 
 judge's hide that had been stuffed for his son to sit upon, and 
 Swift's remark, f— "I wish he had told us how many such there 
 might be," Mr. Grattan said, " Very good ; full of point that." 
 There was in the volume an account of the debate in the English 
 House of Commons on the 6th of George the First, relating to the 
 dependency of Ireland : this subject awoke his faculties ; and on 
 coming to Sir Joseph Jekell's speech, where he calls " Ireland a 
 conquered country/' Mr. Grattan said, " Pshaw — nonsense ; don't 
 read any more." 
 
 He returned to Tinnehinch, and next day sent to town to arrange 
 matters preparatory to his going to Parliament ; but after a few 
 days he grew so weak that he feared he could not undertake the 
 
 * This subject has been, on most occasions, falsely and maliciously 
 stated. The Catholics do not object to the reading the Holy Scriptures, 
 but they very properly object to an indiscriminate use of the book. They 
 publish and circulate thousands of copies, yet members in Parliament 
 are constantly showing their ignorance by asserting the contrary. 
 
 f I have read somewhere of an eastern king who put a judge to death for 
 an iniquitous sentence, and ordered his hide to be stuffed into a cushion, and 
 placed on the tribunal for the son to sit on, who was transferred to the 
 father's office. I fancy such a memorial might not have been unuseful 
 to a son of Sir William Scroggs, and that both he and his successors 
 would often wriggle in their seats as long as the cushion lasted. I wish 
 the relator had told us what number of such cushions there might be in 
 that country, — Swift's Works, vol. vii. 
 
DIARY. 
 
 547 
 
 journey. " All," said he, turning to his son James, " I am dis- 
 appointed — sadly disappointed — this is my death-blow !" 
 
 He was again taken out in his chair, and I gathered some flowers 
 and offered them to him ; but he said, " I do not desire to hear a bird 
 sing once more, or smell a flower again. I am indeed disappointed." 
 As he grew weaker, I felt the pulsation of his heart ; the physicians 
 had said that was the seat of the disease. "How does it beat?" 
 said he, " I wish it would beat no more." He then requested to be 
 brought through his plantations ; and as he passed along said, " This 
 is a monk's place, — the genius of the valley. I made this place, and 
 I was fond of it; it cost me many pleasant and anxious hours. I 
 was assisted by an old friend and labourer (Savage), and I may say 
 these trees and this soil are of my creation : it has been rather spoiled 
 where the hedge and road have scarred a pretty hill, but everything 
 else is improved ; it has a park-look, and is so retired and cool, it 
 gives me pleasure to go round it and see the old spots, and revisit 
 even for the last time, the place of my younger days : thirty-six years 
 since I came here." Then, after a pause, he said, in a calm and 
 gentle tone, — " What a pleasing reflection it is for me that I have 
 taken an independent part through life. I can look back without 
 reproach. / know what I have done, and what others have not done ; 
 it m a great consolation — it is a second immortality!' 
 
 Every day one of his daughters read prayers to him, and chapters 
 from the Bible. He admired in particular the Book of Isaiah ; and 
 at the conclusion of one of the chapters he said, " I fear if I had 
 not read this book before, it would be of little service to me to do so 
 now. I can do nothing of myself. I prostrate myself, with all my 
 sins, at the foot of the cross, and I trust to the mercy of my 
 Redeemer." 
 
 30th April, (Sunday). — Mr. Berwick, who watched him with 
 every care and attention, read prayers to him, and administered the 
 sacrament. All the members of his family attended. After the 
 ceremony he said, " I have lived long enough. My friends are 
 dead, and I leave the world in good time ; but all your kindness 
 makes me almost regret it." The pain and difficulty of breathing 
 had greatly increased, and he suffered extremely ; he then exclaimed, 
 " It will soon be over ; life is not worth having on these terms." 
 
 On the 5th of May lie grew worse — he could not rest, and the 
 spasmodic affections increased. Towards the morning (for we sat up 
 with him all night), he begged to be brought outside the window. 
 He made my brother and me sit down by him. " I am never happy 
 now without one of you at each side." He took our hands, and held 
 them for a lon<? time. " Oh ! poor fellows ; I am sorry to leave you." 
 As the morning broke, he looked up and exclaimed, " How fine the 
 opening of the day appears ;" then he began to repeat the lines of 
 Johnson, — "Fears of the brave, and follies of the icise;" he repeated 
 them to himself several times. Plunket called on him ; and Charles 
 Bu^he shortly after came ; they were much affected. When his old 
 N N 2 
 
548 
 
 DIARY. 
 
 friend Day saw him, Mr. Grattan said, " He is the best hearted 
 man alive. Well, I die like a gentleman, with all my old and 
 respected friends around me." 
 
 6th May. — He grew more and more anxious about the Catholics ; 
 said he wanted to see a deputation, and receive the address they 
 had agreed to present to him;* that he would write to them his 
 " valedictory advice." He became so ill that he was obliged to give 
 up the idea of going to England, and desired me to write to Sir 
 Henry Parnell to put off the notice of motion from the 1 1th to the 
 15th. Parnell postponed it to the 25th, and ultimately adjourned it 
 sine die. 
 
 On the 12th of May, having rallied a little in the country, he 
 returned to Dublin, said he would receive the Catholic Deputation, 
 and go to England. He got me to write to Mr. Plunket, Burrowes, 
 and Day, and beg of them to come to him the day the deputation 
 were to call. He arranged to receive six, and wished Lord Trim- 
 leston and Sir Edward Bellew to be of the number. I accordingly 
 wrote, and Mr. O'Gorman, Mr. Murphy, Mr. Costigan, Mr. How- 
 ley, and Mr. O'Connell came. Mr. McDonnell was to have come, 
 but he was accidentally absent. Mr. Grattan received them with 
 
 * At a meeting of Catholic gentlemen, on Saturday, pursuant to adjourn- 
 ment, Sir Thomas Esmonde, Bart., in the Chair, the following Address and 
 Answer was read : — 
 
 Sir,— We have learned with deep affliction, that your health has been of 
 late much impaired, and that your physicians deem your intended journey 
 to England for the present unadvisable. The object of that journey is 
 avowed, and is one which revives and increases those sentiments of lively 
 gratitude and profound attachment which we have ever entertained towards 
 you, and we cannot more suitably express the sincerity of those sentiments 
 than by most earnestly and anxiously entreating that you will postpone that 
 journey, of which our liberties are the great object. 
 
 We have, therefore, a right to conjure you to spare yourself for your 
 afflicted country, and to await a more favourable, and, we trust, an early 
 opportunity, of advocating our cause with renewed health. 
 
 For and on the part of the Meeting, 
 
 Randall M'Donnell, Chairman. 
 N". P. O'Gorman, Secretary. 
 
 Right Hon. Henry Grattan. 
 
 Stephen's Green, May 5, 1820. 
 
 Gentlemen, — I thank you much for your solicitude on my account. I 
 did intend to bring on your question speedily, but I feel that this is at pre- 
 sent impossible; I shall endeavour to bring it on in a reasonable time, such 
 as may suit the convenience of the parties concerned. 
 
 Nothing but physical impossibility shall prevent me, as I consider that 
 my last breath belongs to my country. — I have the honour to be, Gentlemen, 
 your very obedient humble servant, 
 
 Henry Grattan. 
 
 I hope, in the course of next week, to be able to write to you more fully 
 on the important subject alluded to in your Address. 
 
DIARY. 
 
 549 
 
 much civility. The members of his family were around him, 
 together with Mr. Day, Mr. (Lord) Plunket, and Peter Burrowes. 
 He told the Deputation that "he feared he would not live to carry 
 their question; that he had been most anxious to be the instrument 
 to set their country free ; that he greatly regretted his bad health ; 
 that he would go over to Parliament ; that his last breath belonged 
 to his country :" he then read the paper.* The Deputation was 
 very polite and kind. Mr. O'Connell approached him, and said how 
 much he regretted the state of his health. Having retired to an ad- 
 joining room, they wished to see Mr. Burrowes, and begged he 
 would persuade Mr. Grattan not to go to Parliament. On considering 
 the matter in their committee-room, some of them were dissatisfied at 
 the letter, and said the advice therein was not required. However, 
 the moderate and wiser part prevailed, and the document was in 
 general approved of. 
 
 Preparations were now made to go to England ; his friends came 
 then to take leave of him. Berwick had not seen him for some 
 days, and was shocked at the change in his appearance. He threw 
 his arm round his neck, and bade him farewell. " I always had a 
 great love for you," said Mr. Grattan, "and you know I am not 
 afraid of death. I will fall at my post. Good bye ! — remember ! — 
 remember /'' laying an emphasis on tlie words. Berwick, being 
 asked what he meant, he stated that he wished to be buried in a 
 retired church-yard at Moyanna, in the Queen's County, situated on 
 the estate which he had got from the people in 1782 ; that he had 
 given him the direction, as he could not bear to tell it to his family. 
 
 * Stephen's Green, May 13, 1820. 
 
 Gentlemen, — I avail myself of your Deputation to give you a very de- 
 cisive opinion touching the interests of the Roman Catholic Body. 
 
 I am convinced that it is their policy, as well as their duty, and I am 
 sure it is their disposition, to maintain a perpetual connexion with the 
 British Empire. 
 
 To keep clear of every association with wild projectors, for universal 
 suffrage and annual Parliaments, and continue to cultivate those gracious 
 dispositions in the Royal Breast which had been early manifested in their 
 favour, and to accept of Emancipation upon the terms that are substantial 
 and honourable; pursuing such a principle, and with the temper and con- 
 duct which they are manifesting, and which I am proud to contemplate, 
 they must succeed. 
 
 They desire a privilege to worship their God according to the best of 
 their judgment, and they have a right to do so with impunity, and without 
 the interference of the State. 
 
 I shall go to England for your Question, and should the attempt prove 
 less fortunate to my health, I shall be more than repaid by the reflection 
 that I make my last effort for the liberty of my country. — I have the honour 
 to be, Gentlemen, your very obedient and attached humble servant. 
 
 Henry Grattan. 
 
 To the Gentlemen composing the Deputation appointed by the Meeting 
 of Roman Catholics. 
 
550 
 
 DIARY. 
 
 He grew so ill that his friends entreated of him not to go to London, 
 and Burrowes came to dissuade him, but he was inexorable. He was 
 now in great pain ; his legs had swelled, and a discharge issued from 
 them, and blisters were applied to his back, which from the peculiar 
 tenderness of his skin, gave him excruciating pain. The night before 
 lie left Ireland, he was much agitated; and at 5 o'clock in the 
 morning of the 21st of May he exclaimed, " I am dying ; I have 
 suffered much. I have passed four sad months! How true those 
 words are, ' that man is made to mourn ;' but it is better to go now 
 than in a year or two to have all this trouble over again. When I 
 am gone you will all live together. Your sister* is a person of 
 talent. Your mother an excellent woman, — sensible and honest- 
 minded ; her conduct has been exemplary : her religion supported 
 and consoled her under all her trials. As for you, be just and honest, 
 and God icill take care of you" 
 
 On the 20th of May he left Dublin. The people assembled round 
 his carriage, and the quay was lined with crowds cheering him when 
 he got on board. Burrowes, Humphreys, Mr. Rothe, Mr. O'Gor- 
 man, Howley, Lord Meath, and a number of friends were there. 
 Mr. Grattan asked for some wine, and drank the health of the 
 citizens of Dublin. After a very painful passage he arrived at Liver- 
 pool the next day. Here the people crowded to the quay, and 
 sought to take the horses from the carriage and draw him to the 
 hotel. The Catholics sent a deputation with an address, but his 
 doctor (Gason), who throughout was most kind and attentive, would 
 not allow him to see more than two of the body (Mr. Moore and 
 Mr. O'Connor). His reply to them was short. They were much 
 affected at beholding the state he was in. Being unable to bear the 
 motion of the carriage, an open boat was hired and fitted up with 
 matting and canvass, and in it he proceeded by the Canal to 
 London, stopping for the night at the adjacent villages. 
 
 The kindness of a gentleman of the name of Adam, who resided 
 near Rugby deserves to be acknowledged. Hearing that Mr. Grat- 
 tan had left Liverpool by the canal, he watched the boats till he 
 found him, and now intreated him to come to his house, which he 
 had prepared for his reception ; but Mr. Grattan was too anxious to 
 proceed, so we thanked this hospitable individual, and continued our 
 course. His kindness formed a strong contrast to the treatment that 
 was experienced at Berkhampstead, where, at a late hour, we in 
 vain strove to procure admittance at any of the inns, We stated 
 Mr. Grattan's illness, but the proprietors were inexorable. We 
 offered twenty pounds for a room, but even then could not be 
 accommodated, so we were obliged to go on all night in the open 
 boat, having wrapped up Mr. Grattan in cloaks and coverings to keep 
 off the cold air. 
 
 * Mrs. Blachford, afterwards Lady Carnwath, 
 
DIARY . 
 
 551 
 
 The Reverend Richard Marlay, son of his old friend Colonel 
 Marlay, had accompanied us to England. Mr. Grattan entertained 
 a great and just regard for him and for his father ; and one evening, 
 after the tedious journey in the boat, when the party got to an inn 
 for the night, he gave an interesting account of his conduct in 1782, 
 when the Colonel advised him to persevere, and urge the question of 
 Ireland's independence, in defiance of every obstacle. He then 
 related, very drolly, an anecdote of one of the Tory governments 
 offering Colonel Marlay a place ; the latter replied, that he had no 
 objection to take office, because he might, perhaps, do the country 
 some good ; but one thing he wished Government to know, that if 
 he took office, he would be under the necessity of opposing them, as 
 he entirely disapproved of their measures ; this Mr. Grattan related 
 wifcli much spirit and humour. 
 
 At Rugby a mortification began to appear in one of his legs, and 
 his physician applied barm to delay it. When lie came to Stony 
 Stratford it increased very much. We were much shocked at it. 
 " What!" exclaimed he, 44 do you think I dread this? — it does not 
 terrify me. I '11 go to the House. I have carried my point. I see 
 the leg is mortifying; but I am only a few miles from London. I 
 shall propose my resolutions, and tell the Catholics that if I cannot 
 speak, I can pray for them, I shall then die contented, " Some 
 difficulty occurring in proceeding farther by water, he objected to the 
 delay, and insisted on getting a carriage ; the doctor having desired 
 the postilion to drive slow, he requested they should go at their 
 ordinary rate. 
 
 On Wednesday, the 31st of May, he arrived in London. He 
 then exclaimed, M I have now gained a victory !" Doctor Baillie, 
 Surgeon-General (Crampton), and his friend Tegart, came imme- 
 diately to see him : they were shocked at the rapid increase of the 
 mortification, and strove to dissuade him from going to the House of 
 Commons, but he remained unmoved. 
 
 On the 1st of June Lord Hutchinson came. Mr. Grattan took 
 him by the hand. Hutchinson was greatly shocked at his appear- 
 ance, and began to weep. " My dear Lord," said Mr. Grattan, " I 
 am going to die. I am happy to see you. You are a man of 
 spirit and of principle ; you have an independent mind, and love 
 liberty." Lord Hutchinson told him he was going that evening 
 with Mr. Brougham to St. Omer, on the business of the Queen. 
 The King was an old friend of mine, and I could not refuse him, 
 ik How is he V said Mr. Grattan. 44 Very well," replied Lord Hut- 
 chinson. 44 1 am glad of it," observed Mr. Grattan. 44 Do not let 
 the Queen annoy him. I respect him as my sovereign, and I love 
 him as a gentleman. How does he feel towards us?" 44 That," 
 said Lord Hutchinson, 44 is a subject which neither of us have as yet 
 spoken on. Our mouths arc shut ; but I know nothing which 
 shows any indication of friendly disposition." 44 That is a pity," 
 
552 
 
 DIARY. 
 
 said Mr. Grattari. " I am sorry for it. I wish I may live to be of 
 public service. I shall try to record my sentiments. You know 
 them, Hutchinson, — to preserve the connexion between the two 
 countries, and grant the Catholics their just privileges. I shall go to 
 the House, and move these resolutions ; they are prospective. Am 
 I not right ?" 44 Yes," said Lord Hutchinson. " How is Doctor 
 Parr V " Very well," replied Lord Hutchinson. " I hear of him 
 from Cockburne," said Mr. Grattan. " Cockburne* is a man of 
 spirit, and a lover of liberty ; his mind is independent." Mr. Grattan 
 then spoke of Flood, and the manner in which he died. Flood 
 had desired his friends to leave him for a moment, and when they 
 returned they found him dead. " He was an extraordinary man," 
 said Mr. Grattan ; '* a man of great talent and abilities. I should 
 be glad it was known that I did not speak the vile abuse that is 
 reported." 
 
 Lord Donoughmore and Sir John Newport came to see him : the 
 latter strove to dissuade him from going to the House, particularly 
 as it was a new parliament, he must take the oaths before the House 
 met. Mr. Grattan, however, said, " I shall go. I am right. I 
 shall make an exertion for the liberties of my countrymen, and 
 I shall be thankful to Providence if I can be of service to the 
 empire." 
 
 2nd of June. — Dr. Butler came— Mr. Grattan asked him about 
 the Catholic question ; said that he would make his last effort on 
 their behalf; that he came for that purpose from Ireland. Dr. 
 Butler was much affected, and, pressing his hand, said — Nothing, 
 Sir, can be nobler than such conduct. In the evening he grew 
 worse, but his faculties clear as ever. 3rd of June.— He still per- 
 sisted to go to the House. The Speakert having been consulted on 
 the subject, said, in the most obliging manner, that he would give 
 every facility, and that Mr. Grattan should have the use of his 
 house, and any apartments he desired. His second daughter (after- 
 wards Mrs. Wake) requested him, in the most earnest manner, not 
 to attempt it, and, throwing her arms around him, said — that effort 
 would cost him his life. On that, he calmly replied — " My life, — 
 " my love — God gave me talents to be of use to my country, and if 
 I lose my life in her service, it is a good death" — repeating it with 
 emphasis, " it is a good death." At length Crampton (whose 
 kindness was excessive) and Tegart, his old friend, dissuaded him 
 from going. 
 
 Mr. Blake J tb en called upon him. Mr. Grattan took him by 
 the hand — Ah ! Mr. Blake, I wish I could accomplish what I came 
 over for, they tell me I am too weak, so that if I cannot speak for 
 
 * General Sir George Cockburne, a friend and neighbour in the County of 
 Wicklow. 
 
 f Mr. C. M. Sutton, afterwards Lord Canterbury. 
 
 % Afterwards Chief Remembrancer in Ireland, a most attached friend. 
 
DIARY. 
 
 553 
 
 you, I must pray, you will succeed, but keep clear of the radicals 
 aud the queen. 
 
 How is Lord Wellesley? I hope he is well? we were old friends 
 in our younger days; tell him I love him. How is the Duke of 
 Xorfolk ? pray, say how much I respect him. Mr. Blake said that * 
 Lord Wellesley would go to Ireland as Lord Lieutenant ; at this Mr. 
 Grattan was much pleased, and observed, " That prognosticates 
 good." His old friend, Sir John Doyle, called, but he was unable 
 to see him, and, being exhausted, sunk into sleep. In the mean 
 time Lord Castlereagh called, and when Mr. Grattan awoke I told 
 him of it, and that I had gone out to speak to him. On this he 
 commenced a singular conversation, and with settled composure 
 ended in the following manner : — " If you get into the House 
 of Commons, I must beg of you not to attack Lord Castlereagh. 
 The L^nion has passed. The business between him and me is over, 
 and it is for the interests of Ireland that Lord Castlereagh should be 
 minister. I must again request of you not to attack him unless he 
 attacks you, and I make it my dying request. As to the Union, 
 you know the principle of my speech against Corry — the business 
 being decided otherwise, I would not have recourse to publication — 
 the fact was I found the government in a league to sell the country 
 — I told them so. I opposed them. / stood up for Ireland, and I 
 was right!" Here his eye kindled, his countenance brightened, and 
 he " raised his arm as he uttered this with surprising firmness and 
 spirit, then shortly after said — " As to my person, I wish to be laid 
 in Moyanna. I would rather be buried there." I then told him that 
 it was the intention to place him in Westminster Abbey. "Oh," said 
 he, " that will not be thought of, I would rather have Moyanna." 
 He was now so much enfeebled that it was clear he could not carry 
 his intention into effect, or indeed survive much longer. He said, 
 44 this is a sad disappointment." 4th of June. — Mr. Blake came 
 with a message from the Duke of Sussex, that it was the wish of 
 some of his friends that his remains should be taken to Westminster 
 Abbey. Blake asked my opinion, and I told him Mr. Grattan's 
 wishes to be buried on the lands given to him by the people of 
 Ireland. I then went to him and found all the family around him; 
 at this moment he was so careful not to offend their feelings that, 
 when Mr. Blake made the communication, he begged the ladies 
 might retire, and then said, well — 44 Westminster Abbey." He then 
 ordered me to get the paper * which I had written for him on the 
 Catholic question, and said, add to it these words, 44 / die with a 
 love of liberty in my heart, and this declaration in favour of my 
 
 * This paper contained his last recommendations to Ireland, not to 
 seek for any connection except with Great Britain; and to England, to 
 repeal the civil and political disabilities against the Catholics. It was read 
 in the House when the writ was moved for Dublin. — Grattan's Speeches, 
 vol. i. p. 74. 
 
554 
 
 DIARY 
 
 country in my hand!' He then said, it will do, I should wish it to 
 be read in the House; give my love to Plunket, he will do it. 
 After this he grew very weak — got his family close around him — 
 bowed down his head, and at six o'clock on the 4th of June he 
 expired. That day forty years before, the volunteers of Ireland had 
 presented to him an Address for asserting the liberties of Ireland. 
 
 Lord Holland to Miss Fox. 
 
 June 20, 1820. 
 
 Dearest little Sister, — Lady Holland is still ill, she has a bad cold. 
 Pray, convey to Mrs. Blachford and her brother my best thanks for their 
 kindness in thinking of me, when they are necessarily and naturally over- 
 whelmed by so many and such painful occupations. I am not the least the 
 worse for the fatigue and cold of that melancholy ceremony* — and I am the 
 better in one respect for having attended it — as I have the satisfaction of 
 having done my utmost to show my unfeigned respect for the memory of 
 Grattan, of whose genius I had the greatest admiration, and in whose 
 wisdom and goodness I had the greatest confidence, and for whom I had 
 really more personal affection and regard than the few opportunities that I 
 had of cultivating his friendship would seem to satisfy me in expressing. 
 Never did a man close a more honourable career more generally regretted, 
 admired, and loved. 
 
 H. 
 
 A statue, by Chantrey, was erected by private subscription, and 
 placed in the Royal Exchange, Dublin. The Duke of Leinster, 
 the Latouches, Judge Day, James Corry, Anthony Blake, and a 
 number of attached friends, were instrumental in effecting this 
 public object. 
 
 * Mr. Grattan was interred next to Fox in Westminster Abbey ; the 
 funeral was public, and attended by the leading men of all parties : the 
 Dukes of Sussex, Wellington, Norfolk, and Devonshire; Lords Harrowby, 
 Holland, Downshire, Donoughmore ; W. Fitzgerald, Castlereagh (by 
 proxy), Wellesley, Erskine, Landsdowne; the Members of the Catholic 
 Board, and the Children of the Catholic Charity Schools. — Grattan s 
 Speeches, vol. i, p. 60. 
 
READER 
 
 W HOEVER THOU ART 
 
 LEARN 
 
 FROM THESE PAGES 
 
 HOW TO LIVE AND HOW TO DIE. 
 
 REMEMBER 
 
 THE FIRST GREAT DUTY IS TO THY GOD ; 
 
 THE NEXT 
 
 TO THY COUNTRY. 
 
 HENRY GRATTAN. 
 
 The Abbey, Celbridge, Ireland. 
 \7th March, 1846. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 No. I. 
 
 The following letters refer to an important part of the 
 History of Ireland. They contain sound remarks and 
 good principles, useful for those who administer the affairs 
 of this country, and therefore are worthy of being inserted. 
 
 Right Hon. Henry Grattan to Richard Burke, 
 J un., Esq. 
 
 March 20, 1793. 
 
 My dear Sir, — The Popery bill this day came from the 
 Lords, and was agreed to by the Commons, with its silly 
 amendments. One amendment raised the qualification to carry 
 arms from 100/. to 3C0/., as if any man who had only 299/. 
 should expose his property to the highwayman and house- 
 breaker. It was proposed by Fitzgibbon, in that spirit of 
 peevish littleness, which prompts him to offend where he dare 
 not resist. On the whole, those labours which in the last year 
 appeared hopeless, and were arduous and perilous, are now 
 crowned. You have reason to applaud your own conduct and 
 enterprise, and to deride those inhospitable and bigoted attacks 
 which, in the former year, were directed against your cause and 
 your exertions. 1 do not think England can call Ireland 
 Bcetia, nor yet a land of slaves, while the name of your family 
 exists in the success of its labours, or the fruits of its genius. 
 You saw the debates in the Lords. The Bishop of Killaloe 
 asserted the liberality of his country and his philosophy; his 
 exertion was a little dashed with the enthusiast, as Fitzgibbon's 
 was with the attorney ; but the enthusiast has the advantage. 
 The Bishop, who had no law, was the Statesman ; the lawyer, 
 who had no religion, was the bigot. You would have been 
 amused with those debates; you who heard the debates, and 
 were witness to the horrid shouts, of the last Session. On the 
 credit of the Popery bill, the Irish administration has stood. I 
 think, however, that the Catholics have not the least faith in 
 
558 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 them. They consider the concession as the immediate order of 
 the King. I am not sorry for it, because I am a friend to the 
 monarchy, and I am no friend to the Irish ministers. The Ses- 
 sion hitherto has been entirely engrossed by the Catholic bill, 
 and the business of supply, army and militia. Our principle 
 was to give Government (ill as we thought of the Irish ministers) 
 every thing they themselves desired ; putting in at the same 
 time, our claim for certain concessions to be discussed when the 
 immediate exigencies were fulfilled. It was a slow, but, I am 
 convinced, an effectual, and surely a safe method of redressing 
 grievances. 
 
 I write to your father by to-morrow's post — Believe me, my 
 dear Sir, yours most sincerely, 
 
 H. Grattan. 
 
 Right Hon. Henry Grattan to the Right Hon. 
 Edmund Burke. 
 
 Dublin, March 25th, 1 793. 
 My dear Sir, — You judge perfectly right in supposing the 
 Roman Catholics have gotten everything ; they have so. They 
 have gotten the greater part in possession, and the remainder in 
 a certain and approaching reversion. The Lords were almost 
 unanimous. Bishops voted, and some spoke for toleration ; 
 even our chancellor* voted for the bill, though he spoke against 
 it. He had, at the opening of the session, rebuked the King 
 for his credulity to the groundless (as he thought) statements of 
 the Catholic petition ; on the bill, he left the department of the 
 law, and resorted to that of a school divine ; he tried to prove 
 from canons, that a Roman Catholic must ever wish to depose 
 a Protestant king, and ever have an interest distinct from a 
 Protestant people. Under this impression, he thought it fatal 
 to give the Roman Catholics seats in parliament, but was ready, 
 and thought it safe, to give them the other powers and privi- 
 leges of the constitution ; and this concession he declared was 
 in consideration of the times. In his abhorrence of his father's 
 religion, he forgot all respect for his own, and personally and 
 petulantly attacked a Protestant bishop, speaking with unusual 
 liberality and talent. He forgot also that, by his speech, he 
 diminished the reconciliatory effects of the bill, by thus inform- 
 ing the Catholics that though the Irish law ceased to be their 
 enemy, the Irish minister continued to be so.f Our speaker was 
 supposed to have spoken best against the Catholic bill ; he did 
 so, but said nothing. He predicated the immediate ruin of the 
 state, and he prophesied the approaching ruin of the church. 
 His grounds were a supposed disregard in the Catholics for the 
 * Lord Fitzgibbon, afterwards Lord Clare. f Mr. Foster. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 559 
 
 obligation of an oath. A day or two after his speech, he 
 proposed to save the state from the evil of their votes, by resort- 
 ing to their oaths ; and introduced into the bill, as a satisfactory 
 oath, their own declaration. The Irish administration were 
 saved by their enemies, the Catholics and the Opposition ; had 
 they not yielded to the one and been spared by the other, the 
 treachery of their own ranks would have destroyed them ; but 
 those exertions necessary to ruin a minister must have produced 
 a fever. I believe we were right in going considerable lengths 
 to support the former rather than produce the latter. The minis- 
 ter supported our great measure ; we supported him. We have, 
 among measures of expense and power, passed a militia bill. I 
 own I was very glad that measure was postponed until the Catholic 
 bill was safe, and had not been sorry had it been postponed until 
 the impending settlement was adjusted. But in that bill it was 
 curious to observe the folly of religion ; (I mean of Protestant 
 bigotry without any religion :) they had introduced the bill with 
 a clause, disqualifying in its effects any Catholic from being in 
 the militia, unless he had 10/. a year freehold, or 100/. in 
 money, or could get a licence. As the Protestant ascendancy 
 had once conceived a free constitution without a people, so here 
 it conceived a militia without men. They thought they had 
 gotten, under the name of a national militia, an armjP against a 
 great portion of the nation. However, the clause was stricken 
 out, and men became admissible in the militia. I mentioned a 
 settlement ; to make it, I understand, certain officers proceed to 
 England ; so, it is understood here, they are to settle constitu- 
 tion and commerce ; some of them are not enemies to both, but 
 it is an anxious undertaking. The object can only be to give 
 satisfaction : but to do so, they must do something that is substan- 
 tial. I remember in 1780, a perpetual mutiny bill in Ireland 
 was called a settlement, and was that kind of settlement which 
 employed two years to agitate and to unsettle. There are some 
 bills, the consideration of which has been postponed, that they, 
 1 suppose, might be arranged. They are a pension, place, and 
 responsibility bill. The principle of all of them is indispensable, 
 and they ought to be substantially and honestly granted. 
 It were idle to begin an arrangement without any view, save only 
 to gratify ; and then so to cripple the measures as to inflame 
 the passions and entail opposition from session to session. In 
 short, we are (and when 1 say we, I mean a great phalanx of 
 the Opposition), so situate with respect to the great principle, 
 (I speak not of the mechanism of these bills), that a substantial 
 compliance must be very grateful to us, and an inadequate or 
 evasive measure, intolerable. You may have an opportunity to 
 do us service. Our ambassadors sail to-morrow — I hope to do 
 good. 
 
560 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 I wrote to your son last post ; he has had a triumph. He 
 stood the friend of the Catholic in both countries, when it ap- 
 peared fruitless in the one and formidable in the other. 
 
 Mrs. Grattan joins me in requesting to be remembered to 
 Mrs. Burke, and begs not to be forgotten to you. — I am, my 
 dear sir, with the highest regard and admiration, yours most 
 sincerely, 
 
 H. Grattan. 
 
 Right Hon. Henry Grattan to the Right Hon. 
 Edmund Burke. 
 
 August 26, 1794. 
 
 My dear Sir,— -May I be permitted to sympathize where I 
 cannot presume to console? 
 
 The misfortunes of your family are a public care ; the late 
 one is to me a personal loss*. I have a double right to affliction, 
 and to join my grief, and to express my deep and cordial con- 
 cern at that hideous stroke which has deprived me of a friend, 
 you of a son, and your country of a promise that you would 
 communicate to posterity the living blessings of your genius 
 and your virtue. Your friends may now condole with you, that 
 you should have now no other prospect of immortality than that 
 which is common to Cicero or to Bacon ; such as can never be 
 interrupted while there exists the beauty of order, or the love of 
 virtue ; and can fear no death, except what barbarity may im- 
 pose on the globe. If the same strength of reason which could 
 persuade any other man to bear any misfortune, can administer 
 to the proprietor in his own case a few drops of comfort, we 
 may hope that your condition admits of relief. The greatest 
 possible calamity which can be imposed on man, we hope, may 
 be supported by the greatest human understanding. For com- 
 fort your friends must refer you to the exercise of its faculties, 
 and to the contemplation of its gigantic proportions — Dura 
 solatia — of which nothing can deprive you while you live ; and 
 though death should mow down everything about you, and 
 plunder you of your domestic existence, you would still be the 
 owner of a conscious superiority in life, and an immortality 
 after it. — I am, my dear Sir, with the highest respect and regard, 
 yours most truly, 
 
 H. Grattan. 
 
 I am to request, on Mrs. Grattan's part and mine, that you 
 will express to Mrs. Burke how anxious we are that her strength 
 may support her in this dreadful trial. 
 
 * Death of Mr. Burke's sou. 
 
A PPENDIX. 
 
 531 
 
 Henry Grattan, Esq., to the Right Hon. Edmund 
 Burke. 
 
 September, 179-4. 
 
 My dear Sir, — I was favoured with your letter of the 21st. 
 I had left Ireland before the other arrived. 
 
 Surely nothing could be more unseasonable or improper than 
 to appoint to the provostship any man who is not such as you 
 describe, — a statutable academical character. I believe that the 
 new Irish administration will adhere to that principle. I judge 
 from their character and their general intentions; and I do hope 
 most ardently that they will stop the recommendations of the 
 existing Government, if they should depart from that line. 
 Report said that our present Attorney-General* meditated a re- 
 treat from the labours of the state to the government of the 
 University. Should such a recommendation take place, I 
 make no doubt it will be resisted. The late provost, f whom you 
 knew well, betook himself to such a retreat; and for fifteen 
 years of it never enjoyed the repose of a moment. An ingenious 
 and an accomplished man, he was almost stung to death by 
 intruding himself into the hive of the academy. The members 
 of it have a natural right to reap their own harvest, and to wear 
 their own laurels. They are, many of them, of great learning, 
 and best fitted to govern themselves. I shall not fail to mention 
 the subject, if I see any danger of a foreign appointment. 
 
 I had the pleasure of seeing Mr. Hussey, who told me that 
 you had been so kind as to write to me to Ireland. He men- 
 tioned the subject of colleges as having interested your attention. 
 On that, or any subject, I shall be most happy to receive your 
 instructions, which I shall always reverence ; and believe me, 
 my dear Sir, with the greatest regard, yours most truly, 
 
 H. Grattan. 
 
 Henry Grattan, Esq., to the Right Hon. Edmund 
 Burke. 
 
 October 1, 1794. 
 
 My dear Sir, — I think I know that it is the wish of the 
 Duke of Portland to confine the provostship to the Universites, 
 and I imagine no recommendation from Lord Westmoreland to 
 the contrary will have the smallest effect. I can't say I have 
 heard his Grace on the subject ; but from what I hear, I think 
 I may be certain of his sentiments. The Fellows of the Univer- 
 sity have sent a deputation ; they were with his Grace some 
 days ago. Whether there was not a job in that very deputation, 
 I am not certain ; but it was suspected that its object was to 
 
 * Arthur Wolfe, afterwards Lord Kilwarden. t Hutchinson. 
 VOL. V. O O 
 
562 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 direct the attention of Government to one who had been once a 
 Fellow, but is now a married man, and a Fellow no longer. 
 
 The other point which has occurred to you is certainly of 
 much moment also. It is absolutely necessary to allow the 
 Catholic clergy a Catholic education at home. If they can't 
 have a Catholic education at home, they can have none at all, 
 or none which is not dangerous. I don't think any time should 
 be lost ; too much time has been lost already, both with regard 
 to their education and Irish education in general ; for which 
 great funds, of public, royal, and private donation, have been 
 granted and eaten. There is not one great public school in 
 Ireland ; and yet the funds are great, but sunk in the person of 
 the master, who is a species of monster, devouring the youth he 
 should educate and the charity he is entrusted to preserve. At 
 the time when our Government were assuming public ignorance 
 as an argument against Catholic emancipation, there lay before 
 them a report of a committee with authentic evidence of this 
 misapplication, in which they persisted to connive, in common 
 with those false guardians of our youth who had great schools, 
 no scholars, and had just interest enough to overbalance the 
 chances of the rising generation. Such subjects are now pecu- 
 liarly interesting, when the fortunes of the world are in the 
 scale, and the intellectual order in some danger of kicking the 
 beam. 
 
 We were afraid to touch the subject hitherto, lest administra- 
 tion might turn upon us, and swallow up all the jobs we would 
 correct in one vast job of their own, Happy should I be, at any 
 time, to learn from you on these subjects. You may — I hope 
 not — but you may have lost the power of being happy ; you re- 
 tain the power of being eminently useful. — I am, my dear Sir, 
 with the greatest regard and esteem, yours most sincerely, 
 
 H. Grattan. 
 
 Henry Grattan, Esq., to the Right Hon. Edmund 
 Burke. 
 
 March 14, 1795. 
 
 My dear Sir, — You would have served them, but they were 
 not to be served. You would have healed wounds, private and 
 public. There is more wisdom in your ardour, than in their 
 cold and over reaching discretion. I lament it. I lament it 
 on account of Ireland, on account of England, and on account 
 of the best man I ever knew, — Lord Fitzwilliam. It is now the 
 established principle of the British Cabinet, that Irish jobbers 
 and Irish jobs are sacred ; and that whatever redress we may 
 look to, can be only obtained by peremptory and hostile de- 
 mand. That Mr. Pitt should have behaved so, I am not 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 563 
 
 astonished ; but that the Duke of Portland — the Duke of Port- 
 land, — a name I must persist, from my recollections of 1782, 
 still almost to regard, — that he should have used us so, — that 
 he should have deserted Ireland, — deserted his friend, — and 
 have thrown the former into a fever, and have left the latter in 
 solitude, — is astonishing. No subject on which he was more 
 decided than the removal of Beresford. He admired the facility 
 with which Pitt had given him up. He entered with indigna- 
 tion against his system of jobbing; and I should have thought 
 would have removed us, if we had not removed him. If he 
 blames us for our efforts to correct abuses in the administration 
 of Irish government, let him blame himself also, who told us 
 that he undertook a share in the Government, principally with 
 a view to correct abuses in Ireland. What are we to think of 
 the faith of most reputed Englishman? What can his Grace 
 say to his friend — to his friend Lord Fitzwilliam — whom he in- 
 duced to accept the government of this country, in which he 
 has been disgraced ; and to his own relations here, whom he 
 has left to a long opposition war, with every personal and every 
 public provocation ? But Lord Camden and Mr. Pelham are 
 to heal all this. I doubt it. They will have the Parliament, 
 but they have lost the nation. I had written a letter to Mr. 
 Windham, but I did not send it; it had been of no use. I re- 
 gard him much; I wish to stand well in his opinion, if any 
 Irishman can stand well in the opinion of a member of the 
 English Cabinet. Could 1 have hoped that these sentiments 
 had any chance of being adopted by his brethren, I should have 
 gone to England at his suggestion ; but I apprehend there was 
 a determination conceived long ago to extinguish the Duke of 
 Portland's pretensions to a sway in the Government of England, 
 and to remove his Lord Lieutenant on the first opportunity. 
 
 However, it is of little consequence now to speculate; the 
 affair is over, and the breach irreparable. It gives me this op- 
 portunity of assuring you how much I feel as you do, and with 
 you, and lament your good interposition had not the effect 
 which it should have had, and would have had, if the benefit of 
 both countries had been considered by any party in England. — 
 I am, my dear Sir, yours most sincerely, 
 
 H. Grattan. 
 
 Some of the observations above apply to the present 
 state of Ireland. 
 
 o o 2 
 
564 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 No. 2. 
 
 The History of the Union would be incomplete if the 
 Protests of the Lords were not left upon record. Posterity 
 will read the statements there made, and compare them 
 with the results that followed the measure, and form 
 thereon an impartial and correct opinion. 
 
 Protests against the Union. 
 
 House of Lords, 1800. 
 Resolved,— That in order to preserve and secure the essential 
 interests of Great Britain and Ireland, and to consolidate the 
 strength, power and resources of the British Empire, it will be 
 advisable to concur in such measures as may best tend to unite 
 the two kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland into one king- 
 dom, in such manner and on such terms and conditions as may 
 be established by acts of the respective Parliaments of Great 
 Britain and Ireland. 
 
 To which the following Protest was entered on the journals. 
 
 10th February, 1800. 
 
 Dissentient. 
 
 Because, we consider the measure of an incorporate Legisla- 
 tive Union inadmissible; that it exceeds the lines of modifica- 
 tion, or even of innovation, leaving in existence no principle of 
 our Imperial Constitution as originally and fundamentally 
 established, save only that of unity of Executive for both king- 
 doms ; that any compact founded upon unity of executive alone, 
 divested of the protection and controul of a distinct, inde- 
 pendent, internal legislature, would be ipso facto a radical 
 change from a free-balanced Constitution to an absolute Go- 
 vernment of Ireland, by the British Parliament, as the relative 
 situation of the respective kingdoms, in whatever point of view 
 considered, renders it impossible for Ireland to derive any bene- 
 fit from that species of representation on any scale of propor- 
 tion, which the objects and nature of the Imperial Constitution 
 of the United Kingdoms can admit of. It is unnecessary to state, 
 that the Parliaments of the respective kingdoms as they have 
 stood, and as they do stand, are not only fully competent to, 
 but are the only constitutional organ of, any explanation or ad- 
 justment which may be found necessary for ever effectually to 
 remedy or to prevent misconception or misconstruction as to 
 any point whatever. We therefore find ourselves called upon 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 565 
 
 by our attachment, duty and allegiance to our most gracious 
 Sovereign, by the preservation and maintenance of the just 
 rights and liberties of our country, and by our affection and 
 regard to our sister kingdom, to oppose in limine, by every legal 
 means, the dereliction of a Constitution, which during the period 
 of more than six hundred years has withstood the shock of 
 every event; or the adoption of a system which, as it does in no 
 sort apply to the relative situation of either kingdom, could not 
 in its bearings, tendencies, operations and consequences, fail of 
 destroying the inseparable joint interests of both. 
 
 Bellamont. 
 
 B lanky, by Proxy. 
 
 The following Protest was also entered on the journals. 
 
 Thursday, February 20lh, 1800. 
 
 Dissentient. 
 
 Firstly. Because the resolution sanctions the principle of a 
 Legislative Union between Great Britain and Ireland, without 
 an opportunity having been afforded to this House of examining 
 the details which are held out as an inducement for its adop- 
 tion ; details which have occupied the attention of those who 
 have proposed the measure for a considerable length of time, 
 and which, therefore, should not be hastily or without due con- 
 sideration, acted upon by any branch of the legislature of 
 Ireland. 
 
 Secondly. Because those details do not appear to us on such 
 consideration as we have been allowed to give them, to proffer 
 any benefits to this country of which it is not already in posses- 
 sion, or to any remedy for any of the evils which it at present 
 has reason to apprehend. 
 
 Thirdly. Because the resolution proposes as a remedy for par- 
 tial and temporary evils, an act which, if once adopted, binds us 
 and our posterity for ever. 
 
 Fourthly. Because we consider the independence of Ireland 
 and the security of her connexion with Great Britain, to be 
 equally essential to the well-being of this country, and that we 
 consider both as endangered by the measure of a Legislative 
 Union. 
 
 Fifthly. Because the present constitution of these kingdoms, 
 founded on the complete unity of their executive power, and the 
 perfect distinctness of their legislatures, appears to us as hap- 
 pily contrived as the limited natures of human institutions can 
 admit, to maintain national freedom in both countries, and un- 
 alterable connexion between both. 
 
566 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 Sixthly. Because the plan proposed, whether it be good or 
 whether it be ill, appears to us to be calculated to effect a total 
 and fundamental change in the constitution of Ireland — a 
 change which ought not to be ventured on without the unequi- 
 vocal approbation of the informed understanding and resident 
 property of the country, both of which we consider to be averse 
 to the reception of the measure. 
 
 Seventhly. Because we consider the present season of innova- 
 tion ill-adapted for the discussion of new systems of govern- 
 ment, more particularly in this country, which has only just 
 escaped from the revolutionary projects of foreign and domestic 
 enemies, and in which the ordinary course of law has been 
 necessarily suspended. 
 
 Eighthly. Because, next to the protection of Divine Provi- 
 dence, we hold this country indebted for its preservation from 
 those evils to the vigilance of its resident Parliament, and the 
 loyalty of its resident gentry ; the former of whom the proposed 
 measure necessarily removes from the country, and the latter of 
 whom it must operate to withdraw. 
 
 Ninthly. Because from the plan laid before us for constitut- 
 ing the Parliament of the United Kingdoms, it is intended that 
 four spiritual and twenty-eight temporal lords shall be added to 
 the British House of Lords, consisting of upwards of three hun- 
 dred members ; and that one hundred representatives for the 
 people of Ireland shall be added to the British House of Com- 
 mons, consisting of five hundred and fifty-eight members, and 
 that the present entire British Houses of Parliament, with the 
 said additional members, shall form their united Parliament, 
 from which it is evident that the entire power of making laws 
 and imposing taxes, must reside in the preponderating majority 
 of the British members in such Parliament : which power, 
 though it might without danger be entrusted to them if the 
 two nations were to be so perfectly incorporated as to form but 
 one nation, and to have but one purse, as in the union between 
 England, Scotland, and Wales, yet in this intended Union, 
 where distinct revenues, distinct taxes, and distinct expenses, 
 shall continue to exist between the two nations, it must leave 
 the liberties of the Irish nation at the disposal of such British 
 majority who will make the law for the internal regulation of 
 Ireland, which shall not in any sort affect themselves and im- 
 pose taxes upon that kingdom, the pressure of which they will 
 not feel ; it appears to us that the exercise of such powers must 
 necessarily produce universal discontent, and may possibly tend 
 to alienate the affections of Ireland from Great Britain. 
 
 Tenthly, and above all. Because we conceive that no scheme 
 of national adjustment can be honourable, satisfactory, or per- 
 manent, which is not considered with mature deliberation, pro- 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 567 
 
 secuted by fair and temperate means, and founded on the unin- 
 fluenced sense of Parliament, no one of which essential requisites 
 can we find in the present project. 
 
 Leinster. 
 
 DoWNSHIRE. 
 
 Pery (by proxy). 
 Meath. 
 Granard. 
 Moira (by proxy). 
 Ludlow (by proxy). 
 Arran. 
 Char lemon t. 
 Kingston. 
 
 MoUXTCASHEL. 
 
 Farxhaai. 
 
 Massy (by proxy). 
 Enniskillex. 
 Belmore (by proxy). 
 Dillon. 
 
 SrRAXGFORD. 
 POWERSCOURT. 
 
 De Vesci (by proxy). 
 Wmi Down and Connor.* 
 
 R. WaTERFORD AND LlSMORE.f 
 
 Louth. 
 Lismore. 
 
 SlNDERLIN. 
 
 Protest. 
 
 May 15, 1800. 
 
 Dissentient, 
 
 Because it is of the utmost importance both to Great Britain 
 and to Ireland that their proportions to the general expenses of 
 the empire should be adjusted according to their respective 
 abilities to discharge them, and it is evident that if Ireland (the 
 weaker nation) shall be charged with a proportion beyond the 
 reach of her ability, the necessary consequence must be that she 
 will become a bankrupt nation : whereby, instead of becoming 
 a powerful assistant to Great Britain, she will be rendered a 
 burthen and incumbrance upon her. 
 
 Because the calculation made, both by the British and by the 
 Irish minister, for ascertaining the respective abilities of the two 
 nations, has been founded upon a comparison of the value of the 
 imports and exports of each kingdom, and also upon a com- 
 parison of the consumption within the said kingdom respectively 
 of the articles enumerated in the prepared address ; and it is 
 not alleged that any official document has even been laid before 
 either House of the Irish Parliament to show what the relative 
 consumption of the said articles has been in the said kingdom. 
 We therefore thought the House called upon, before they 
 should come to a final determination upon so momentous a 
 question, to procure such authentic information as should justify 
 their conduct and enable them to form a proper judgment con- 
 cerning the apportionment of the expenses to be defrayed by 
 each nation. 
 
 Because no possible inconvenience can arise from laying be- 
 fore the House any information which can be procured, and 
 * Bishop Dickson. t Bishop Marley. 
 
558 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 which applies to the subject, and cannot suggest any reason 
 for objecting to the information required, save from an appre- 
 hension that by laying it before the House it would tend to 
 prove the calculation adopted for proportioning the expenses to 
 be respectively defrayed by each nation to be erroneous. 
 
 Because we consider it beneath the dignity of this House, and 
 the solemnity which the momentous subject under consideration 
 requires, to come to a determination without evidence to sup- 
 port them, but to found them merely upon the representation of 
 individuals, let their rank or abilities be ever so respectable. 
 Granard. Riversdale (by proxy). 
 
 Ludlow (by proxy). Powerscourt. 
 
 ARRAN. R. WaTERFORD AND LlSMORE.t 
 
 Strangford (by proxy). Farnham. 
 Charlemont. Enniskillen (by proxy). 
 
 Kingston (by proxy). Masse y (by proxy). 
 
 Lords' Protest against a Legislative Union with 
 Great Britain. 
 
 June, 1800. 
 
 Firstly. Because the measure recommended by our most 
 gracious Sovereign was a complete and entire Union between 
 Great Britain and Ireland, to be founded upon equal and liberal 
 principles. We cannot help observing that the terms proposed in 
 the said bill are inconsistent with those principles, and are 
 totally unequal ; that Great Britain is thereby to retain entire 
 and undiminished her Houses of Lords and Commons, and that 
 two-fifteenths of the Irish peers are to be degraded and deprived 
 of their legislative functions, and that two-thirds of the Irish 
 House of Commons are to be degraded and struck off : such a 
 proceeding appears to us totally unequal, both in respect of 
 numbers and in the mode of forming the united Parliament ; 
 and we cannot suggest any reason for reducing the number of 
 the members of the Irish Houses of Parliament which does not 
 apply with more force to reducing the number of the members of 
 the British Houses of Parliament, whose numbers so greatly 
 exceed that of the members of the Irish Houses of Parliament. 
 
 Secondly. Because the measure recommended by his Majesty 
 was a complete and entire Union between Great Britain and 
 Ireland ; by which we understand such a Union as should so 
 perfectly identify the two nations, that they should become as 
 one nation, and there should not exist any distinct interest be- 
 tween them. When we consider the provisions of the said bill, 
 we find that, although its professed object is to form a perfect 
 * Bishop Marley, 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 569 
 
 Union between them, it does not in any sort effect it. It unites 
 the legislatures, but does not identify the nations ; their inte- 
 rests will remain as distinct as they are at present. Ireland will 
 continue to be governed by a viceroy, assisted by an Irish privy 
 council ; her purse, her revenues, her expenditure, and her taxes 
 will be as distinct as they are at present from those of Great 
 Britain ; even their intercourse of trade must be carried on as 
 between two separate nations, through the medium of revenue 
 officers. Such distinctness of interest prove that they require 
 separate Parliaments resident in each kingdom to attend to 
 them ; that such Union is only nominal, and that it does not 
 effect that complete and entire Union recommended by his 
 Majesty ; but shows that, from the circumstances of the two 
 nations, the same is totally impracticable. 
 
 Thirdly. Because the adjustment of the number of the Irish 
 members to be added to the two Houses of the Imperial Parlia- 
 ment has been determined upon without any official documents 
 or other authentic information having been laid before Parlia- 
 ment. That upon the Union with Scotland such proportion 
 was adjusted by the commissioners appointed for England and 
 Scotland, upon an examination of their respective claims, who 
 having thereupon agreed that the number of Commoners to be 
 added to the English Commons (consisting of 513) should be 45 
 on the part of Scotland ; and the number of English peers 
 being then 185, they calculated that 16 bore the same propor- 
 tion to that number which 45 bore to the English House of 
 Commons, and therefore determined upon that number of peers. 
 This calculation justified the propriety of such adjustment, and 
 we cannot conceive upon what principle the number of Irish 
 peers was reduced to 32, when, according to the proportion 
 aforesaid, it ought to have been 53. We must consider such 
 conduct as unjust in its principle, and wantonly casting a stigma 
 upon the Irish peerage, by depriving 21 of their body of their 
 just right of sitting in the united Parliament. 
 
 Fourthly. Because that, however proper it may have been for 
 the two Parliaments to mark out the two great outlines for 
 forming an Union between the two nations, we think that from 
 their situation in different kingdoms, and the impracticability of 
 communication between them, they were ill suited to the adjust- 
 ment of matters which require detail; that the mode of pro- 
 ceeding adopted by the great Lord Somers, upon the Union 
 with Scotland, of appointing Commissioners on the behalf of each 
 nation, is proved by experience to have been well adapted to 
 the purpose ; that such Commissioners having the means of 
 procuring information — and communicating with each other — 
 were thereby enabled to settle with propriety, and to the satis- 
 faction of both nations, such matters as should be necessary to 
 
570 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 be adjusted between them ; that instead of adopting that wise 
 and rational mode of proceeding, the adjustment of the mem- 
 bers to be added to the Imperial Parliament has been established 
 in pursuance of the mandate of the British minister, without 
 laying before Parliament any official document whatsoever, or 
 taking any step to procure information concerning the respec- 
 tive claims of the two nations. 
 
 Fifthly. Because by the original distribution of power between 
 the two Houses of Parliament, it has been established as a lead- 
 ing and fundamental principle of the Constitution, that the 
 Commons should hold the purse of the nation without the in- 
 terference of the Peerage ; notwithstanding which, and that the 
 said bill declares, that Irish peerages shall be considered as peer- 
 ages of the United Kingdom, directs, that Irish peers shall be 
 eligible as Commoners to represent any place in Great Britain ; 
 so hereby the purse of the nation will be eventually put into the 
 hands of the peers of the United Kingdom, under the description 
 of Irish peers, in direct defiance of the aforesaid principle ; that 
 it is evident that such innovation was introduced by the Minister 
 for the purpose of preventing the opposition which the measure 
 might receive from such Irish peers as were members of the 
 British House of Commons, which is clearly evinced by their not 
 being made eligible for any place in Ireland from whence they 
 derive their honours ; that by the provision in the bill for a con- 
 stant creation of peers for Ireland, the Irish peerage is to be 
 kept for ever, thereby perpetuating the degrading distinction by 
 which the Irish peerage is to continue stripped of all Parlia- 
 mentary functions ; that the perpetuity of such distinction would 
 have been avoided, by providing that no Irish peer should here- 
 after be created (which is the case of Scotch peers), and that 
 whenever the Irish peers shall be reduced to the number of 
 twenty-eight, they should be declared peers of the United Em- 
 pire, equally with the British, from which time all national dis- 
 tinctions between them should cease. 
 
 Sixthly. Because, when we advert to the corrupt and uncon- 
 stitutional language held out by the minster to such members as 
 claimed property in boroughs, intimating to them, that they 
 should be considered as their private property, and should be 
 purchased as such, and the price paid out of the public purse, 
 such language appears to us to amount to a proposal to buy the 
 Isish Parliament for Government, and makes the Union a 
 measure of bargain and sale between the minister and the indi- 
 vidual. 
 
 Seventhly. Because, when we compare the relative abilities of 
 Great Britain and Ireland, we find the contribution to be paid 
 by the two kingdoms, to the expenses of the United Empire, 
 most unequally adjusted, and that the shares of two-seventeenths 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 571 
 
 fixed upon as the proportion to be paid by Ireland, is far be- 
 yond what her resources will enable her to discharge. Should 
 Ireland undertake to pay more than she shall be able to answer, 
 the act will be irrevocable, and the necessary consequence will 
 be a gradual diminution of her capital, the decline of her trade, 
 a failure in the produce of her taxes, and finally, her total 
 bankruptcy. Should Ireland fall, Great Britain must necessarily 
 be involved in her ruin, and we will have to lament that our 
 great and glorious empire will be brought to the brink of de- 
 struction, by the dangerous and visionary speculation of substi- 
 tuting a new system of Government for Ireland, in the place of 
 that Constitution which she has experienced to be the firmest 
 security for the preservation of her liberties. We think it pro- 
 per to observe, that if the ministers had any plausible grounds, 
 whereupon they have calculated the said proportion, they have 
 not deigned to lay them before Parliament, nor have the usual 
 and established forms of proceeding to investigate matters of 
 intricate and extended calculations been resorted to, by appoint- 
 ing committees for their examination, neither have commissioners 
 been appointed, as was done upon the Union with Scotland. 
 Had the minister applied his attention to that very necessary 
 inquiry, of ascertaining the relative ability of the two nations, 
 he would have compared the balance which Great Britain has 
 in her favour, from her trade with all the world, amounting to 
 14,800,000/., with that of Ireland upon the whole of her trade, 
 amounting to 509.312/., bearing a proportion to each other of 
 about twenty-nine to one. He would have examined into the 
 amount of revenue, out of which the said proportions must 
 naturallv be paid, namely, the produce of the permanent taxes 
 of each nation, which he would have found to have produced in 
 Great Britain, in the year ending the 5th of January, 1799, the 
 sum of 26,000,000/., and the permanent taxes of Ireland, in the 
 corresponding year, did not exceed 2,000,000/., bearing a pro- 
 portion to each other of about thirteen to one. He would have 
 been informed that the only influx of money into Ireland which 
 can be discovered, is the said balance of her trade of 500,000/., 
 and that she remits to Great Britain annually 724,753/., a sum 
 exceeding by upwards of 215,000/. the amount of such balance ; 
 that the remittances to her absentees (as stated by Mr. Pitt) 
 amount to one million, but are computed really to amount to 
 double that sum, and must necessarily greatly increase, should 
 a Union take place, such drains exhausting in a great degree 
 the resources of this kingdom, and adding to the opulence of 
 Great Britain. The facility with which large sums of money 
 have lately been raised in Great Britain, compared with the 
 unsuccessful attempt to raise so small a sum in this kingdom as 
 one million and a half, would have afforded to him the strongest 
 
572 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 proof of the opulence of the one, and the poverty of the other, 
 From the Irish minister's own statement, he has computed that 
 the sum for which this kingdom shall be called upon annually 
 in time of war, as her contribution, will amount to 4,492,680Z., 
 but has not attempted to point out the means by which she can 
 raise so enormous a sum. When the minister shall find that 
 the circumstances of Ireland are such as have been herein 
 stated, and shall recollect that this new project has been sug- 
 gested by him, and forced upon this nation, he will feel the im- 
 mense responsibility which falls upon him for the disastrous 
 consequences which it may produce, not only upon this king- 
 dom, but upon the whole empire. He will be alarmed at the 
 discontents, which an imposition of taxes beyond the abilities of 
 the people to pay must produce, and the fatal consequences that 
 they may occasion. 
 
 Eighth. Because the transfer of our legislature to another 
 kingdom, will deprive us of the only security we have for the 
 enjoyment of our liberties, and being against the sense of the 
 people, amounts to a gross breach of trust ; and we consider the 
 substitute for our constitution, namely, the return of the pro- 
 posed number of persons to the United Parliament, as delusive, 
 amounting, indeed, to an acknowledgment of the necessity of 
 representation, but in no sort supplying it, inasmuch as the 
 thirty-two Peers, and the one hundred Commoners will be merged 
 in the vast disproportion of British members, who will in fact be 
 the legislators of Ireland ; and when we consider that all the es- 
 tablishments of the two separate governments are to continue, 
 which must add to the influence of the minister over the con- 
 duct of Parliament, and advert to his power in the return of 
 Irish members to Parliament, we conceive that such portion is 
 more likely to overturn the constitution of Great Britain than 
 to preserve our own. 
 
 Ninth. Because we consider the intended Union a direct 
 breach of trust, not only by the Parliament with the people, 
 but by the Parliament of Great Britain with that of Ireland, 
 inasmuch as the tenour and purport of the settlement of 1782 
 did intentionally and expressly exclude the re-investigation of 
 constitutional questions between the two countries, and did 
 establish the exclusive legislative authority of the Irish Parlia- 
 ment, without the interference of any other ; that the breach of 
 such a solemn contract, founded on the internal weakness of 
 the country, and its inability at the time to withstand the de- 
 structive designs of the minister, must tend to destroy the 
 future harmony of both, by forming a precedent and generating 
 a principle of mutual encroachment in terms of mutual diffi- 
 culties. 
 
 Tenth. Because, that when we consider the weakness of the 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 573 
 
 kingdom and the time that the measure was brought forward, 
 and her inability to withstand the destructive designs of the 
 minister, and couple to the act itself the means that have been 
 employed to accomplish it ; such as the abuse of the Place 
 Bill, for the purpose of modelling the Parliament ; the appoint- 
 ment of sheriffs to prevent county meetings ; the dismissal of 
 the old stedfast friends of constitutional government for their 
 adhering to the constitution, and the return of persons to Par- 
 liament who had neither connexion nor stake in the country, 
 and were, therefore, selected to decide upon her fate. When 
 we consider the armed force of the minister, added to his powers 
 and practices of corruption, when we couple these things to- 
 gether, we are warranted to say, that the basest means have 
 been used to accomplish this great innovation, and that the 
 measure of Union tends to dishonour the ancient peerage for 
 ever, to disqualify both Houses of Parliament, and subjugate the 
 people of Ireland for ever ; such circumstances, we apprehend, 
 will be recollected with abhorrence, and will create jealousy 
 between the two nations in the place of that harmony which for 
 so many centuries lias been the cement of the Union. 
 
 Eleventh. Because the argument made use of in favour of the 
 Union, namely, that the sense of the people of Ireland is in its 
 favour, we know to be untrue, and as the minister has declared 
 that thev would not pass the measure against the sense of the 
 people, and as the people have pronounced, and under all diffi- 
 culties, their judgment against it. We have, together with the 
 sense of the country, the authority of the minister to enter our 
 protest against the project of Union, against the yoke which it 
 imposes, the dishonour which it inflicts, the disqualification 
 passed upon the peerage, the stigma thereby branded on the 
 realm, the disproportionate principle of expenses it introduces, 
 the means employed to effect it, the discontents it has excited 
 and must continue to excite, against all these, and the fatal 
 consequences they may produce, we have endeavoured to inter- 
 pose our votes ; and, failing, we transmit to after times our 
 names, and our solemn protest on behalf of the parliamentary con- 
 stitution of this realm ; the liberty which it secured — the trade 
 which it protected — the connexion which it preserved — and the 
 constitution which it supplied and fortified. This we feel our- 
 selvescalled upon to do, in support of our characters, our honour, 
 and whatever is left to us worthy to be transmitted to posterity. 
 
 Leinster. Arran. 
 
 Meath. Charlemont. 
 
 Granaiid. Kingston (by proxy). 
 
 Moira (by proxy), for 8th, Riversdale (by proxy). 
 10th, and 11th reasons. Mountcasiiel. 
 
 Ludlow (by proxy). Farnham. 
 
574 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 Belmore (by proxy). 
 Massy (by proxy). 
 Str angford. 
 
 PoWERSCOURT. 
 
 De Vesci. 
 
 Wm. Down and Connor. 
 R. Waterford and Lismore. 
 Sunderlin, except for the 7th 
 
 reason. 
 Lismore (by proxy). 
 
 No. 3. 
 
 Protest against the Union, drawn up by 
 Mr. Grattan. 
 Being an address moved by Lord Corry in the Irish House of 
 Commons, on the 6th of June, 1800. 
 We, your Majesty's loyal and dutiful subjects, the Commons 
 of Ireland, at all times sensible of the numerous and essential 
 advantages which we, in common with your subjects in Ireland, 
 have derived under your auspicious reign, beg leave to assure 
 you that none have more impressed the hearts of your Majesty's 
 subjects than the adjustment, at your Majesty's recommenda- 
 tion, entered into by the Parliaments of Great Britain and Ire 
 land in 1782; thereby forming the most solid compact which 
 can subsist between two countries and a common Sovereign ; 
 but the result of that compact and adjustment was the increase 
 of our trade and of our revenue, together with the harmony of 
 the two Parliaments and the support of the connexion. That 
 the said compact, on the part of your Majesty's Parliament of 
 Ireland, has been religiously and beneficially adhered to, inso- 
 much that a final termination of all constitutional questions be- 
 tween the two nations took place, and the commercial points 
 which at that time remained to be settled have since, without 
 agitation or ferment, been gradually and satisfactorily dis- 
 posed of. 
 
 That, under these circumstances, it. is with the deepest con- 
 cern and the greatest surprise we have seen a measure pro- 
 pounded under the name of Union, to set aside the most 
 important and sacred covenant, — to deprive this country of her 
 Parliament in time to come, and in lieu thereof to introduce an 
 innovation consisting of a separate Irish Government without 
 an Irish Parliament, whose power is to be transferred to a 
 British Parliament, without an availing Irish representation 
 therein ; an innovation such as may impair and corrupt the 
 constitution of Britain, without preserving the liberties of Ire- 
 land ; so that this country shall be in time to come taxed with- 
 out being duly represented, and legislated for by a body out of 
 the realm, incapable of applying proper remedies and remote 
 from the means of knowing her wants, her wishes, and her 
 interests. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 575 
 
 That giving the name of Union to the measure is a delusion ; 
 the two kingdoms are already united to each other in one com- 
 mon empire, — one in unity of interest and unity of constitution, 
 as has been emphatically pronounced from the throne by your 
 Majesty's former viceroy ; bound together by law, and what is 
 more effectual than law, by mutual interest, mutual affection, 
 and mutual duty to promote the common prosperity of the em- 
 pire ; and it is our glory and our happiness that we form an 
 inseparable part of it. 
 
 That this Union has stood the test of ages, unbroke by the 
 many foreign wars, civil commotions, and rebellions which have 
 assailed it ; and we dread the rash and desperate innovation 
 which now would wantonly and unnecessarily put it to the 
 hazard, — an innovation which does not affect to strengthen the 
 unalterable interest of each country in supporting the revolution 
 that placed your Majesty's illustrious family on the throne ; for 
 that interest cannot be increased by any law, — it is implanted 
 in our hearts, it is interwoven with our prosperity, it grows with 
 our growth, and strengthens with our strength. 
 
 Neither does it profess to create an interest in either country 
 to preserve their connexion together, because that interest 
 already exists, and we know and feel that such connexion includes 
 all that is dear to us and is essential to the common business 
 or to the existence of both nations — we therefore do with all 
 humility implore your royal protection of that Glorious Revo- 
 lution, and of an impartial connexion against the perseverance 
 of your Majesty's Ministers in their endeavours to force this 
 ruinous measure. 
 
 Their avowed object is a Union of the two nations ; but the 
 only Union they attempt is a union of the two Parliaments, and 
 the articles w hich are to attend their partial and defective Union 
 are all so many enumerations of existing distinct interests in the 
 two kingdoms, which it cannot identify, and which require 
 separate Parliaments resident in each, duly to attend to 
 them. 
 
 In respect to taxes, the purse of each nation is vested in its 
 own House of Commons by the principles of the constitution ; 
 the security of our liberty, and the great constitutional balance 
 of the powers of the state, lie in its being left there ; but the 
 articles acknowledge a separate purse, and a separate interest 
 in that purse, by providing for a separate proportion of expense, 
 separate modes and laws of taxation, separate debts, separate 
 sinking funds, separate treasury, separate exchequer, separate 
 accounts of revenue to be kept, and separate articles of produce 
 to be placed in the way of debtor and creditor between the 
 two kingdoms, as between two unconnected parties ; and though 
 the state acknowledge and attempt to form regulations for all 
 
576 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 these many distinct interests, which no laws can identify or con- 
 solidate, and though even the legal interest of money remains 
 different in the two kingdoms without their attempting to assi- 
 milate it, yet they take away the Irish Parliament, which these 
 distinctnesses ought rather to have suggested the creation of, if it 
 did not exist, and they lay the foundation of distress, discontent, 
 and jealousies in this kingdom, if not of worse evils, and tend to 
 familiarize the ideas of separation instead of Union, to the utter 
 ruin of this your ancient kingdom and your loyal subjects 
 therein. 
 
 In regard to manufactures, they acknowledge the interests in 
 them to be so distinct, that they are forced to provide, in express 
 terms, against a free intercourse being allowed between the two 
 kingdoms in more than twenty general denominations, and they 
 establish countervailing duties on the mutual import of at least 
 twenty-four species of goods, on account of the necessary differ- 
 ence in taxation and the distinctness of revenue which, from the 
 separate interests of the two kingdoms in them, will not admit 
 of consolidation. 
 
 On the mutual interchange of corn — that great necessary of 
 life — they not only continue duties, but they provide for retain- 
 ing prohibitions and bounties ; and instead of even alleging an 
 identity of interest in so important and general an article, they 
 avow such separate interests to exist in it as law cannot remove, 
 and an interdict is necessary to be laid on its free communica- 
 tion between two kingdoms, while your Majesty's ministers 
 have at the same time the hardiness to tell us their project is to 
 unite, identify, and consolidate throughout all their interests. 
 
 We see with them that these interests are distinct, and we 
 therefore raise up our voices to your Majesty against their im- 
 practicable attempt to consolidate them, — an attempt which 
 they themselves acknowledge to be so by their many provisions, 
 all intended to cause a continuance of their distinctness. 
 
 But, however separate these interests are in taxes, in revenue, 
 in trade, and in manufactures; and however incapable of being 
 identified, we have the happiness of knowing that in the great 
 point of constitution no difference exists, — both nations have a 
 full right to all the blessings of the British constitution ; and we 
 have an identity, not a distinctness of interest, in the possession 
 of it. Yet such is the strange passion of your Majesty's 
 ministers for innovation, that not finding any such distinctness, 
 they do by these articles create several highly alarming to us 
 and to all your Majesty's subjects of this kingdom who claim an 
 equal right with Great Britain in the full and free enjoyment of 
 that constitution. 
 
 All the Irish temporal lords, except twenty-eight, are to be 
 incapacitated by this measure from exercising their rights and 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 duties as peers and hereditary counsellors, while every British 
 temporal lord is to retain his full functions. 
 
 Four spiritual lords only are to have a share in the legislature, 
 while all the British spiritual lords are to continue theirs; and 
 two-thirds of the Irish Commoners are to be disqualified, while 
 every British Commoner remains. 
 
 The articles further declare that all Irish peerages shall be 
 considered as peerages of the United Kingdom, whereby the 
 Irish peers who are to be incapacitated from legislating as peers 
 are to continue peers, and may legislate as commoners. They 
 are not to represent any place in Ireland, the country from 
 whence they derive their honours, although their voices as com- 
 moners will extend equally with that of every other commoner 
 to all the concerns of this kingdom. And thus the Irish purse 
 will be eventually put into the hands of the Irish peerage, in 
 direct defiance of a great and fundamental principle of the con- 
 stitution. 
 
 All these degrading, dangerous, and unconstitutional dis- 
 tinctions are not only created in the Irish peerage, but are to 
 remain for ever, without power of alteration, by a provision 
 being made in the articles for a constant creation of peers for 
 Ireland. 
 
 That the Irish peerage is to be kept for ever a distinct body 
 from the British, though the project professes a Union of the 
 two kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland, and attempts a 
 union of the two Parliaments, of which the peerage is a con- 
 stituent part; and this continuance of a separate Irish peerage, 
 stripped as it will be of all parliamentary function, perpetuates 
 a distinction insulting and degrading to this kingdom, which 
 our ministers, if they had solely in view, without any regard to 
 influence, a lasting union of the Parliaments, to which this 
 continuance no way contributes, would have avoided by pro- 
 viding that the Irish peers, when reduced to the proposed num- 
 ber of twenty-eight, should be declared peers of the United 
 Empire equally with the British, and thus would have dissolved 
 all national distinctions between them for the time to come. 
 
 But it is not in trade, revenue, and manufactures only, that 
 distinct interests are declared to exist, nor in constitution alone 
 that separate interests are to be created : the same distinctness 
 is to be preserved in the administration of justice, — every dif- 
 ference of law, every variation of practice and of regulation 
 which now prevails, is to be allowed to distinguish the civil and 
 ecclesiastical courts, with this one exception only, that in the 
 ultimate appeal every Irish suitor is to be again at the expense 
 and hazard of going to Westminster, instead of having a court 
 in Dublin to resort to. 
 
 We enlarge the more on these several enumerations of sepa- 
 
 VOL. V. P P 
 
578 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 rate interests, avowed or created by your Majesty's ministers, 
 because the many provisions they propose for their future regu- 
 lation, are so many acknowledgments that no force of law can 
 identify them, so as to admit of their consolidation ; provisions, 
 all in themselves presumptuous and insufficient, inasmuch as it 
 is not in the power of human wisdom to foresee the events of 
 time, and provide now by a system declared immutable, for the 
 varying changes which must naturally take place in the lapse of 
 years. 
 
 Under the same conviction, though they profess a union of 
 the two Parliaments, they do not attempt to form out of them, 
 one with equal and common power for both kingdoms; it is to 
 be free in all its functions in respect to Britain, but shackled 
 and bound up by restrictions as to Ireland. 
 
 In this they deprive your Majesty's Irish subjects of a Par- 
 liament, such only as the British Constitution acknowledges 
 free in its deliberations for every part of the empire it is to legis- 
 late for ; such as we have a right to enjoy, equally unrestrained 
 in its powers, and unfettered in its proceedings, as to the in- 
 terests of this your Majesty's kingdom, and such a one, free and 
 independent in all its functions, as we solemnly claimed to be 
 our birthright in 1782, and as your Majesty, in your wisdom 
 and justice, did then graciously confirm to this kingdom for 
 ever, but which claim and gracious confirmation your ministers 
 now seek to take away from the kingdom for ever. 
 
 That having thus shown to your Majesty how very inefficient 
 the project of your ministers is, to answer even the purpose it 
 avows, and how very ruinous its operations must be, if you shall 
 not be graciously pleased to interfere ; we feel it our further 
 duty to expose fully to your Majesty's view, not only the artful 
 delusions which those ministers have presumed to hold out of 
 supposed advantages in commerce, in revenue, in taxes, and in 
 manufactures, to deceive the people into an approbation of their 
 secheme ; but the corrupt and unconstitutional means which 
 they have used, the undue manner in which they have employed 
 the influence of the Crown, and the misrepresentations which 
 they have made of the sense of your Majesty's people of Ireland 
 on the measure. 
 
 Were all the advantages, which without any foundation they 
 have declared that this measure offers, to be its instant and im- 
 mediate consequence, we do not hesitate to say expressly, that 
 we could not harbour the thought of accepting them in ex- 
 change for our Parliament, or that we could or would barter our 
 freedom for commerce, or our Constitution for revenue, but the 
 offers are mere impositions, and we state with the firmest con- 
 fidence, that in commerce or trade their measure confirms no one 
 advantage, nor can it confer any ; for by your Majesty's gra- 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 579 
 
 cious and paternal attention to this your ancient realm of Ireland, 
 every restriction, under which its commerce laboured, has been 
 removed during your Majesty's auspicious reign, and we are 
 now as free to trade to all the world as Britain is. 
 
 In manufactures, any attempt it makes to offer any benefit 
 which we do not now enjoy is vain and delusive, and wherever 
 it is to have effect, that effect will be to our injury. Most of 
 the duties on imports, which operate as protections to our 
 manufactures, are, under its provisions, either to be removed or 
 reduced immediately, and those which will be reduced are to 
 cease entirely at a limited time; though many of our manufac- 
 tures owe their existence to the protection of those duties, and 
 though it is not in the power of human wisdom to foresee any 
 precise time when they may be able to thrive without them. 
 
 Your Majesty's faithful Commons feel more than an ordinary 
 interest in laying this fact before you : because they have, under 
 your Majesty's approbation, raised up and nursed many of 
 those manufactures, and by so doing, have encouraged much 
 capital to be vested in them, the proprietors of which are now 
 to be left unprotected, and to be deprived of the Parliament, on 
 whose faith they embarked themselves, their families and pro- 
 perties in the undertaking. 
 
 In revenue, we shall not only lose the amount of the duties 
 which are thus to be removed or lowered, and which the papers 
 laid before us by the Lord Lieutenant show to amount to the 
 immediate annual sum of 50,000/., but we shall be deprived of 
 nearly as much more by the annihilation of various export 
 duties, which have subsisted for above a century on other 
 articles of intercourse, without being felt or complained of by 
 us, and this whole revenue of 50,000/., which operated bene- 
 ficially to our manufacture, and of near 50,000/. more which 
 oppressed our manufacture, is to be wantonly given up, without 
 the desire or wish of either nation, at a time when our income is 
 more, than ever unequal to our expenses, and when the difficulty 
 of raising new taxes to supply its place is alarmingly increased, 
 by our having been obliged, in this very Session, to impose new 
 burthens to the estimated amount of 300,000/. a-year, and we 
 cannot but remark, that in this arrangement, while we give up this 
 revenue of near 100,000/. a-year, Great Britain is to give up one 
 not amounting quite to 40,000/., an inequality no way consonant 
 with the impartiality or justice professed by your Majesty's 
 ministers, nor any ways consistent with the comparative abilities 
 of the two countries to replace the loss. 
 
 But the imposition of your Majesty's ministers is still more 
 glaring, in their having presumed to fix a proportion of contri- 
 bution towards the general future expenses, to be observed by 
 the two kingdoms, in the ratio of one part for Ireland, for every 
 seven parts and a half by Britain. 
 
 p p 2 
 
580 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 If they had any plausible grounds whereon they calculated 
 this proportion, they have not deigned to lay them before your 
 Parliament, and the usual and established forms of committees, 
 to investigate into matters of such intricate and extended calcu- 
 lation have been superseded by them, 
 
 Your Majesty's faithful Commons are satisfied that the cal- 
 culation is extremely erroneous, and that, on just and fair 
 inquiry into the comparative means of each country, this king- 
 dom ought not and is not able to contribute in anything like 
 that proportion. 
 
 They feel it a duty too, to protest most solemnly against any 
 arrangement of taxation on which they have had no documents, 
 or made any inquiry to guide their judgment, and in which they 
 understand no consideration whatever has been had to the dif- 
 ferent legal interest of money in this kingdom, which causes a 
 disadvantage of 201. per cent, in procuring capital, nor to re- 
 lative quantity of shipping possessed and used by each country, 
 nor to the export trade in foreign articles, nor to the extent of 
 manufacture for home consumption, nor to the balance of trade 
 which shows the annual increase of the fund it creates to con- 
 tribute from, in all of which the means of Britain very far ex- 
 ceed the foregoing proportion, and particularly in the balance of 
 trade, which in Ireland amounts to little more than half a million 
 with all the world, but is stated by authority to have amounted 
 to 14,800,000/. in Britain, exclusive of an annual influx of 
 money from the East and West Indies, to the amount of four 
 millions to the proprietors resident in Britain, and of two mil- 
 lions from Ireland to the proprietors of Irish estates resident 
 there, and of another million from Ireland for the charges of 
 her debt due in Britain, whereas the only known or visible influx 
 of money into Ireland is the above balance of trade of half a 
 million only, and these two sums of two millions and one mil- 
 lion, while they add to the wealth and means of Great Britain, 
 unfortunately take away, in the same amount, from the ability 
 of Ireland. 
 
 Thus, had a due investigation been made, and a fair inquiry 
 gone into, with a view to obtain a true knowledge of facts 
 whereon to ground a just calculation, it would have appeared 
 that this proportion for Ireland is not only unjust, but far be- 
 yond what it will be in her power to discharge : and the rash - 
 ness of your Majesty's ministers in hazarding such a measure, 
 is the more to be lamented or wondered at, because should 
 Ireland engage to pay more than she is able to answer, the 
 necessary consequence must be a rapid decrease of her capital, 
 the decline of her trade, a failure in the produce of her taxes, 
 and in the end her total bankruptcy ; but under such circum- 
 stances, she cannot be alone a bankrupt, and should she 
 fatally become so by an injudicious or avaricious appointment 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 581 
 
 of constitution, Great Britain must share in her ruin, and our 
 great and glorious empire be brought to the brink of destruction 
 by an innovating attempt to take from Ireland its constitution, 
 and substitute a theoretic, visionary and untried system in its 
 room. 
 
 We should, therefore, earnestly supplicate your Majesty to 
 oblige your ministers to defer the measure until a full and satis- 
 factory investigation should be made, if we did not feel that it 
 ought to be entirely relinquished, and that the injuries and 
 dangers attending on it could not be removed by any change 
 of that proportion or reconciled by any modification of detail 
 whatsoever. 
 
 Subordinate, however, as the consideration of it is, we cannot 
 omit remarking to your Majesty, that there is cunningly and 
 insidiously annexed to it a provision for its ceasing even within 
 the short period of three years, should the war continue so long, 
 and that when we shall increase our debt, so as that it shall 
 bear the like proportion to the permanent debt of Britain, all 
 the delusive benefit held out by this proportion is to cease, and 
 we are to undergo common taxes with Britain. 
 
 We lament that such delusion should be resorted to, it is too 
 palpable not to be seen, and instead of the confidence which 
 ought to attend every arrangement between the two kingdoms, 
 such conduct must excite diffidence and distrust. 
 
 This proportion of their respective permanent debts is to be 
 attained by increasing our debt, which we must do, — and bv 
 Britain lessening hers, which she is in the actual course of 
 reducing as rapidly at least as that of Ireland increases ; the 
 absurdity, therefore, of the position is self-evident, for it says, 
 that Ireland by increasing her debt and its annual charges, will 
 become more wealthy, and more able to bear equal taxes with 
 Britain, but that Britain by decreasing hers will be less able to 
 pay her contribution and can only pay equal taxes. 
 
 Another delusion (omitted, however, in the Articles proposed), 
 has been also plausibly offered, still further to deceive your 
 Majesty's subjects of Ireland into an approbation of this destruc- 
 tive measure, and a promise has been authoritatively announced 
 or artfully insinuated by your ministers in this kingdom, that 
 Ireland is to save by it, or that Great Britain is to give her a 
 million a year of revenue in time of war, and half a million a 
 year in time of peace. 
 
 But we know that during a war like the present, such a pro- 
 mise is impracticable, and both kingdoms must strain every 
 nerve and draw forth every resource. We seek not to load our 
 sister kingdom unnecessarily by lessening our own burden, and 
 our loyalty forbids us to listen to arguments which offer to save 
 our purse at the expense of Britain ; but it is all a delusion, for 
 
582 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 we see nothing in the uniting the two Parliaments which can 
 change the course of the war or lessen the total mass of expense 
 of both nations, and we assert most confidently that no gift can 
 be made or saving ensue in our expenses by the Union, how- 
 ever they may be attempted to be increased by the unfounded 
 and unfair proportion ascertained for us to bear of the general 
 expenditure ; but were the offer founded, were it effectual and 
 desirable, its advantages rest on the misfortunes of war, and we 
 should feel ourselves unworthy of the trust reposed in us if we 
 could suffer a hope arising from the continuation of such a 
 dreadful calamity, to direct our conduct in any measure, much 
 less in one which calls on us to give up our constitution for 
 ever. 
 
 Neither can we look forward to any proposed saving from 
 the Union in peace, for we are not told, nor could we believe it 
 if your Majesty's ministers did tell us, that a bill professing to 
 unite the two kingdoms, inseparably united without a bill, can 
 have an influence on the situation of the affairs of Europe, or 
 that it can allow us, during the next peace, to dispense with 
 keeping up the same military force as during the last, and we 
 are further given to understand, that your Majesty's royal 
 court, and all its establishments, the courts of law, the ex- 
 chequer, and all the revenue expenses, are to be continued 
 without the Parliament equally as with it. But were the saving 
 practicable, we feel it is our own duty to make it without a 
 Union, and we know that no Parliament can do it for Ireland 
 with the same knowledge, the same efficacy, and the same 
 safety, as the resident Parliament of Ireland. 
 
 But it is not only in respect to these delusions held out as to 
 trade and revenue, that we feel it our duty to lay before your 
 Majesty the conduct of your ministers on this measure, we 
 must state the means by which they have endeavoured to carry 
 it. That in the first instance, admitting the necessity of con- 
 forming to the sense of Parliament and the people, they took 
 the sense of the Commons, and found that sense to be against 
 it, that they then affected to appeal against the Parliament to 
 the people, at the same time endeavouring by their choice of 
 sheriffs, to obstruct the regular and constitutional mode whereby 
 the sense of the people has been usually collected, that on the 
 contrary, they did use, or abet and encourage the using, of 
 various arts and stratagems, to procure from individuals of the 
 lowest order, some of whom were their prisoners and felons, 
 scandalous signatures against the constitution, that notwith- 
 standing these attempts to procure a fallacious appearance of 
 strength and muster against Parliament, the people have ex- 
 pressed their sentiments decidedly against the Union, and 
 twenty-one counties, at public meetings legally convened, and 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 583 
 
 also many other counties by petitions signed by the freeholders, 
 and many cities and towns have expressed, either to your 
 Majesty or to this House or to both, their decided and unal- 
 terable hostility to this Union, yet your ministers have, as we 
 believe, taken upon them to state to your Majesty and your 
 ministers in Britain, in defiance of all these facts, that the sense 
 of the nation is not averse to the measure. But if there could 
 be any doubt that your Majesty's ministers, in the appointment 
 of sheriffs, did consider how they might obstruct the people in 
 delivering their opinion regarding the Union, that doubt is fully 
 explained by their continuing in office the sheriff of the former 
 year in more than one instance ; whence it also appears how 
 decidedly the sense of the country is against this measure, when 
 your Majesty's ministers found it difficult to procure any person 
 to serve the office of sheriff, who was properly qualified and was 
 also a friend to the measure ; that finding the sense of the 
 people, as well as the Parliament, to be against it, your Ma- 
 jesty's ministers attempted to change the Parliament itself, and 
 refusing to take the sense of the nation by a general election 
 they procure a partial dissolution, and did so publicly abuse 
 the disqualifying clause in the Place Bill (which was enacted for 
 the express purpose of preserving freedom and independence of 
 Parliament), that by vacating seats under its authority, very 
 many new returns were made to this House for the purpose of 
 carrying it, and thus did they change the Parliament without 
 resorting to the people. Tnat before the ministry had perverted 
 the Place Bill, the sense of Parliament was against their Union, 
 and if that bill had not been so perverted, that sense had re- 
 mained unaltered ; that of those who voted for the Union, we 
 beg leave to inform your Majesty that seventy-six had places or 
 pensions under the Crown, and others were under the immediate 
 influence of constituents who held great offices under the 
 Crown ; that the practices of influence above mentioned were 
 accompanied by the removal from office of various servants of 
 the Crown who had seats in Parliament, particularly the Chan- 
 cellor of the Exchequer, the Prime Serjeant, three Commis- 
 sioners of the Revenue, a Commissioner of Accounts, a Com- 
 missioner of Barracks, and the Cursitor of the Court of Chan- 
 cery, because they would not vote away the Parliament ; also 
 by their withdrawing their confidence from others of your 
 Majesty's faithful and able counsellors, for the same reason, 
 that they procured or encouraged the purchase of seats in this 
 house to return members to vote for the Union, also the intro- 
 duction of persons unconnected with this country to vote away 
 her Parliament ; that they have also attempted to prostitute the 
 peerage, by promising to persons, not even Commoners in Par- 
 liament, her sacred honours, if they would come into this House 
 
584 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 and vote for the Union ; and that, finally, they have annexed to 
 their plan of Union an artful device whereby a million and a 
 half of money is to be given to private persons possessing re- 
 turns, who are to receive the said sum on the event of the Union, 
 for the carrying of which, to such an amount, the said persons are 
 to be paid, and this nation is to make good the sale by which 
 she is thus disinherited of her Parliament, and is to be taxed for 
 ever to raise the whole amount ; although if your ministers 
 shall persevere in such a flagrant unconstitutional scheme, and 
 the money is to be raised, it is for the Union, and being, there- 
 fore, an imperial concern, ought to be borne in the proportion 
 already laid down for imperial expenses, that is, two-seven- 
 teenths by Ireland, and fifteen-seventeenths by Britain ; that, 
 under these unconstitutional circumstances, your Majesty's 
 ministers have endeavoured, against the declared sense of the 
 people, to impose upon them a new constitution, subverting the 
 old one. 
 
 That when we consider the peculiar situation of this kingdom, 
 with the annual drains of money from it by persons possessing 
 property in it who do not reside, to the estimated amount of at 
 least two millions annually ; when we advert to the further in- 
 evitable drain of a million a year by the public revenue, to be 
 remitted to Britain for the annual charges of our public debt, 
 and that to countervail these great and tremendous issues of 
 money, amounting to three millions, we have only our general 
 balance of trade, not 600,000/. a-year, to set against them ; we 
 look with dread of a measure which must, on the one hand, 
 necessarily add to those drains, by adding a new and large 
 portion of our wealthiest fellow-subjects to the present absentees, 
 and which must, on the other hand, decrease that balance, by 
 encouraging and promoting new imports of manufacture in the 
 room of those which will decline here. 
 
 We look to it with the more dread, because, notwithstanding 
 the great loans from England, to the amount of six millions in 
 the last three years, we have not been able to counterbalance 
 the existing drains from hence, and the exchange has been, and 
 still continues, regularly and uniformly against us. 
 
 And further, because our inability to raise the necessary loans 
 within this kingdom, even to the small extent that has been ex- 
 pected, is unfortunately now too evident ; and the continuing 
 to supply our treasury by loans from Britain, though it may 
 afford some temporary relief, will regularly increase the evil. 
 
 Your Majesty's ministers, therefore, if they promise to them- 
 selves or to the British nation any easement to their own taxes, 
 from the supposed accession of power over our wealth and over 
 our resources, will find themselves most thoroughly disappointed ; 
 and if the difficulty of remittance shall increase, the manufac- 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 585 
 
 turers of Britain, who have hitherto supplied this kingdom, will 
 find the demand for their goods decrease in proportion as that 
 difficulty shall rise. 
 
 That we understand one benefit which they hold out from the 
 proposed measure is what your ministers affect to call tranquil- 
 lizing Ireland ; but that when we look to our Parliament, and 
 see with what efficacy and promptness it has contributed to put 
 down the late unfortunate rebellion, how inadequate a Parlia- 
 ment not resident would have been ; when we reflect that in a 
 kingdom containing four and a half millions of people, a resident 
 Parliament must possess the quick and authoritative means of 
 giving energy to the executive, which a Parliament in another 
 country cannot have ; that the removing the Parliament tends 
 to remove with it from the kingdom those men of large property 
 and influence, of talents and respectability, whose presence is at 
 all times essential to tranquillity, and may at some conjuncture 
 be alone capable of preserving it ; that their absence will leave 
 room for political agitators and men of talents, without principle 
 or property, to disturb and irritate the public mind ; we tremble 
 for the consequences of a measure at once the most rash and 
 unnecessary that ever was brought forward by any ministers, 
 and at a time most fitted to produce every evil dreaded, and 
 least fitted to promote any one benefit held forth. 
 
 That when we consider the time chosen to introduce such a 
 measure, we feel additional repugnance, it being the moment of 
 our weakness and distress, when the country is of course less 
 free to deliver its full and heartfelt sentiments against the illi- 
 berally of such an attempt, peculiarly mortifying to those of your 
 Majesty's subjects who had recently exerted themselves in de- 
 fence of that constitution which they are now called upon to 
 surrender, and at a time, too, when the spirit of innovation is 
 abroad and likely to be much encouraged by the example of 
 your Majesty's ministers in this their proceeding against the 
 ancient liberties of the people, who may be rendered an unpro- 
 fitable or dangerous part of the British empire, whether in con- 
 sequence of this Union they become slavish and abject, or 
 restless and dissatisfied. 
 
 That when we reflect on the great value of the acts for trying 
 controverted elections, how eminently and effectually they have 
 been framed for preserving the purity of election, without which 
 the purity of Parliament cannot exist ; and when we see that 
 your ministers, well knowing the value we set on them, have 
 proposed various means to continue those benefits to us in the 
 few elections which will remain to be held here after the Union, 
 and have withdrawn them ail, from their inefficacy and insuf- 
 ficiency, almost as soon as they were proposed, and have now 
 abandoned all hope of framing any, we foresee and dread the 
 
586 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 formidable power which the measure of the Union will give to 
 the Minister in all Irish elections, by destroying the beneficial 
 operation of these acts ; for the expense, trouble, and delay of 
 trying controverted Irish elections in London, will deter many 
 candidates entitled to be returned from seeking redress ; the 
 sheriffs, who are all appointed by the Minister, will in fact 
 nominate the members, and many of them have already 
 obeyed the wishes of the Minister, in endeavouring to stifle 
 the constitutional voice of the people, give us too sure an 
 omen of the conduct which may be expected from them in 
 elections. 
 
 That whether we rest on this incontrovertible and self- 
 evident truth, that no Parliament in another kingdom can have 
 the local information or knowledge of the manners, habits, 
 wants or wishes of the nation, which its own Parliament na- 
 turally possesses, and which is requisite for beneficial legislation, 
 nor can be supplied with the necessary information, either as 
 promptly or accurately ; or whether we look to the clear proofs 
 of that truth, which the progress of this measure has afforded, 
 by your ministers having called to their assistance, in London, 
 the great officers of this kingdom, most likely from their station 
 to give full information for framing their measure ; and though 
 all their talents, and all their own information, and what they 
 obtained by letters, while it was pending, were employed for 
 months there, yet when they brought it back a few hours, or 
 rather a few minutes inquiry on the spot, in Dublin, forced 
 them to alter their project in very many articles, complete and 
 perfect as they thought it. We have strong additional reason 
 to feel and to represent the manifest and irrepairable injuries 
 which this kingdom must sustain, by the want of a resident 
 Parliament, and the impossibility of legislation being carried on 
 for it as it ought to be. 
 
 Therefore, inasmuch as the measure of a Union is an unneces- 
 sary innovation, and innovations at all times hazardous, are 
 rendered peculiarly so now by the awful situation of the times ; 
 
 Inasmuch too, as far from being an innocent experiment, it is 
 replete with changes injurious to our trade and manufactures 
 and our revenues ; 
 
 Inasmuch, also, as it destroys our Constitution, which has 
 worked well, and substitutes a new one, the benefits of which 
 we cannot see; but the numerous evils and dangers of which 
 are apparent, and which, in every change it offers, militates 
 against some known and established principle of the British 
 Constitution ; 
 
 Inasmuch, also, as it so far endangers the Constitution of 
 Britain, as not to leave us the certainty of enjoying a free Con- 
 stitution there when our own shall be destroyed. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 587 
 
 Inasmuch as it tencfis to impoverish and subjugate Ireland, 
 without giving wealth or strength to Britain ; 
 
 Inasmuch as it tends to raise and perpetuate discontent and 
 jealousies, to create new and strengthen old distinctnesses of 
 interests in our concerns of trade, manufactures, revenue, and 
 Constitution, and, instead of increasing the connexion between 
 the two kingdoms, may tend to their separation, to our con- 
 sequent ruin, and to the destruction or dismemberment of the 
 Empire ; 
 
 Inasmuch as it endangers, instead of promoting or securing, 
 the tranquillity of Ireland, as it degrades the national pride and 
 character, debases its rank from a kingdom to that of a de- 
 pendent province, yet leaves us every expense and mark of a 
 kingdom but the great essential one of a Parliament ; 
 
 Inasmuch as it has been proposed, and hitherto carried, 
 against the decided and expressed sense of the people, notwith- 
 standing the improper means resorted to to prevent that sense 
 being declared, and to misrepresent it when known ; 
 
 Inasmuch as it is not grounded in all its intricate and mo- 
 mentous'parts, on that solemn and full investigation which 
 ought to attend every measure of great moment, and has been 
 introduced and conducted with various delusions and imposi- 
 tions, and with an unbecoming and suspicious haste ; 
 
 Inasmuch as it provides for sending one hundred of the present 
 representatives to legislate in another kingdom, though elected 
 only to sit in the Parliament in this, and does not give the 
 people an opportunity, by a new election, to exercise their dis- 
 cretion in a new choice of persons, for such a new, altered, and 
 increased trust ; 
 
 Inasmuch as it leaves to be determined, by the chance of 
 drawing lots, the choice of thirty-two members to represent as 
 many great cities and towns, with a levity which tends to turn 
 into lidicule the sacred and serious trust of a representative, 
 and while it commits to one person the office, which the Con- 
 stitution commits to two, of speaking the voice of the people 
 and granting their money, it does not allow the electors to 
 choose which of the two they will entrust with that power ; 
 
 And inasmuch as means the most unconstitutional, influence 
 the most undue, and bribes openly avowed have been resorted 
 to, to carry it against the known sense of the Commons and 
 people during the existence of martial law throughout the land ; 
 
 We feel it our bounden duty to ourselves, our country, and 
 our posterity, to lay this our most solemn protest and prayer 
 before your Majesty, that you will be graciously pleased to ex- 
 tend your paternal protection to your faithful and loyal subjects, 
 and to save them from the danger threatened by your Majesty's 
 ministers in this their ruinous and destructive project, humbly 
 
588 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 declaring, with the most cordial and warm sincerity, that we are 
 actuated therein by an irresistible sense of duty, by an unshaken 
 loyalty to your Majesty, by a veneration for the British name, 
 by an ardent attachment to the British nation, with whom we 
 have so often declared we will stand or fall, and by a determina- 
 tion to preserve for ever the connexion between the two king- 
 doms, on which the happiness, the power, and the strength of 
 each irrevocably and unalterably depend. 
 
 The Sheriffs declined to comply with the requisitions of the 
 freeholders of the following counties to petition against the 
 Union : — 
 
 Tipperary. 
 
 The following individuals signed petitions against the Union, 
 and their names will descend respected to posterity : — - 
 
 No. 4. 
 
 King's County. 
 Lei trim. 
 Roscommon. 
 
 Westmeath. 
 
 Queen's County (Edward Burrowes 
 Sheriff). 
 
 Armagh County. 
 
 Belmore, Earl. 
 Charlemont, Earl. 
 Maxwell, Earl. 
 Brownlow, William. 
 
 Macartney, Sir John. 
 Molyneux, Sir Capel. 
 Richardson, William. 
 
 Fitzgerald, R. J. 
 Hickman, Thomas. 
 Maunsell, William. 
 
 Clare County. 
 
 O'Brien, Edward. 
 Macnamara, Francis. 
 
 Cork County. 
 
 Lismore, Viscount. 
 Mount Cashell, Earl. 
 De Vesci, Viscount. 
 Riversdale, Viscount. 
 Beamish, W. 
 Kelly, John. 
 Beecher, Lionel. 
 Latouche, John. 
 Latouche, John, Jun. 
 
 Latouche, Robert. 
 J^atouche, Peter (Belview). 
 Latouche, W. D. 
 Leader, Nicholas Philpot. 
 Mathew, M., M.P. 
 Ponsonby, George, M.P. 
 
 Ponsonby, W. H. 
 St. Leger, Boyle. 
 
 Galway County, 
 
 Clonbrock, Viscount. 
 Bellew, C D. 
 
 Kirwan, Edward. 
 Moore, G. O. 
 Nugent, William. 
 O'Donnell, Sir Neal. 
 St. George, Charles. 
 
 Caufield, St. George. 
 Daly, Denis Bowes. 
 French, Hon. Thomas. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 589 
 
 Granard, Earl of. 
 La Touche, John. 
 
 De Vesci, Viscount. 
 Hussey, Viscount. 
 
 Leitrim County. 
 
 La Touche, Peter. 
 
 Limerick City. 
 
 Wolfe, John. 
 Vereker, Charles. 
 
 Tipperary County. 
 
 Clonbrock, Viscount. 
 Lismore, Viscount. 
 Mount Cashel, Earl. 
 Maxwell, Viscount. 
 Armstrong, William Henry. 
 
 Bagwell, William. 
 Hussey, Hon. John, 
 Osborne, Thomas. 
 Ponsonby, C. B. 
 
 The following individuals signed petitions or resolutions in 
 favour of the Union. Their names are here set forth in order 
 that posterity may affix upon them the brand appropriate for 
 such as part with the liberties of their country. 
 
 Armagh County. 
 
 Armagh, W. (Archbishop.) 
 Carleton, Lord (Judge). 
 Cremorne, Viscount. 
 Gosford, Earl (Governor). 
 *Lifford, Viscount. 
 Ossory, H. (Bishop). 
 
 *Sandwich, Earl. 
 Brien, A. C. 
 Corry, P. H. G. 
 Jocelyn, Hon. P. 
 Stewart, Robert. 
 *Sahs, Peter De. 
 
 Mayo County. f 
 
 Altamont, Viscount. 
 Clanricarde, Earl. 
 Glentworth, Viscount. 
 Killala, John (Bishop). 
 Kilmorry, Viscount. 
 Mayo, Karl. 
 
 Tuam, William (Archbishop). 
 Tyrawly, Lord. 
 
 Yelverton, Viscount (Chief Baron 
 
 Bingham, John. 
 
 Brabazon, Anthony. 
 
 Browne, Denis. 
 
 Cuffe, James. 
 
 Jackson, George. 
 
 Lindsey, Thomas. 
 
 f This address stated that they looked forward to the connexion with 
 the utmost anxiety, confidently hoping (by putting an end to all fuctious 
 and religious animosities, and reconciling the people of Ireland to each 
 other) to secure full enjoyment of all the equal blessings that flow from 
 harmony among their fellow-subjects ! Such was the expressed wish of 
 the people who signed in favour of the Union. How this wish was 
 realized history tells ; when civil and religious hostilities and the 
 bitterest animosities were sedulously kept up for half a century after. 
 
590 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 Meath County. 
 
 Bective, Earl. 
 Boyne, Lord. 
 *Cork, Lord. 
 Conyngham, Earl. 
 *Darnley, Earl. 
 Drogheda, Earl (Governor). 
 Dublin, R. (Archbishop.) 
 Dunboyne, Lord. 
 *Essex, Earl. 
 Fingall, Earl. 
 Gormanston, Viscount. 
 Meath, T. J. (Bishop.) 
 *Middleton, Earl. 
 Nettervilie, 
 ^Sheffield, Earl. 
 *Southampton, Earl. 
 *Sherborne, Earl. 
 
 Tuam (Archbishop). 
 *Wellesley, Marquis. 
 Wicklow, Earl. 
 Bligh, Hon. Edward. 
 Bligh, Thomas. 
 Burke, Hon. and Rev. 
 Burton, Hon. P. 
 De Bath, M. 
 Dillon, Hon. B. 
 Nicholson, C. A. 
 Nugent, Major-General. 
 O'Neil, Hon. J. 
 O'Reiley, Sir Hugh. 
 Plunket, Hon. R. 
 
 Plunket, S.(RomanCatholic Bishop.) 
 Pepper, Thomas. 
 
 Westmeath County. 
 
 Belvidere, Earl, 
 Longford, Earl. 
 Meath, T. S. (Bishop.) 
 Westmeath, Earl (Governor). 
 Blaquiere, C. John. 
 Handcock, William. 
 Lill, Godfrey. 
 
 O'Reiley, Hugh. 
 Reynell, Richard. 
 Tuite, Henry. 
 Pakenham, Thomas. 
 Pakenham, Edward. 
 Pennefather, William. 
 Wood, Henry. 
 
 * The number of absentee and English landed proprietors is remark- 
 able. 
 
 The following individuals signed an address to the Sheriff of 
 the county, requesting of him not to call a meeting of his 
 county to petition against the Union : — 
 
 Tipperary County. 
 
 Caher, Viscount (Governor). 
 Callan, Lord. 
 
 Cashell, Charles (Archbishop). 
 Clare, Earl of (Lord Chancellor). 
 Desart, Earl. 
 Dorchester, Earl. 
 Donoughmore, Lord. 
 
 Hawarden, Viscount (Governor). 
 Killaloe, Wm. (Bishop.) 
 Llandaff, Viscount (Governor). 
 Ormond, Earl. 
 Ossory, Earl. 
 Roden, Earl. 
 
 Toler, John (Attorney-General). 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 591 
 
 On the first day of the session of 1800 (15th January) new 
 writs were ordered for the following places, the members having 
 accepted offices under the Crown : — 
 
 Ballynakill, Hon. M. Matthew. 
 
 Bannow, Robert Shaw. 
 
 Belfast, George Cruikshank and 
 
 Wm. Hamilton. 
 Clonmines, Henry Lutterell. 
 Cork City, Lieut.-Col. Longfield. 
 Dingle O'Couch, Wm. Mansell. 
 Doneraile, Hon. B. St. Leger. 
 Duleek, C. M. Ormsby. 
 Ennis, J. D. Vandeleur. 
 Enniscorthv, Robert Cornwall. 
 Fethard, G*. R. Read. 
 
 Granard, J. F. Littleton. 
 Johnstown, Lorenzo Moore. 
 Kells, Robert Taylor. 
 King's County, Maurice Fitzgerald. 
 Kilbeggan, Sir F. Hopkins. 
 Knocktopher, Sir J. Shea. 
 Naas, Hon. F. Hutchinson. 
 Philipstown, Robert Crowe. 
 Portarlington, Francis Knox. 
 Tuam, Hon. VV. Yelverton. 
 Wexford, James Boyd. 
 Youghal, Robert Uniacke. 
 
 On the 23rd the following accepted the nominal office of 
 Escheatorship : — 
 
 Carrick, Wm. Gore and Nathaniel Hillsborough, Robert Johnson. 
 
 Sneyd. Monaghan, Wm. Fortescue. 
 
 Clogher, Sir Jonah Barrington. 
 
 The following places petitioned against the Union, 
 counties so marked (*) the sheriffs refused to convene. 
 
 The 
 
 Counties. 
 
 Armagh.* 
 
 Carlow.* 
 
 Cavan. 
 
 Clare. 
 
 Donegal. 
 
 Down. 
 
 Dublin. 
 
 Fermanagh. 
 
 Gal way. 
 
 Kildare. 
 
 Kilkenny. 
 
 King's County.* 
 
 Leitrim.* 
 
 Limerick. 
 
 Belfast. 
 Carlow. 
 Carrickfergus. 
 Cork. 
 
 Longford. 
 
 Louth. 
 
 Mayo. 
 
 Meath.* 
 
 Monaghan.* 
 
 Queen's County.* 
 
 Roscommon.* 
 
 Sligo. 
 
 Tipperary.* 
 
 Tyrone. 
 
 Westmeath.* 
 
 Wexford. 
 
 Wicklow. 
 
 Cities and Towns. 
 
 Limerick. 
 Maryborough. 
 Newry. 
 Portarlington. 
 
592 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 Cities and Towns — Continued. 
 
 Downpatrick. Waterford. 
 Drogheda. 
 
 Drogheda Corporation. Belbriggan Manufactory; 
 
 Dublin. Boucher's Manufactory. 
 
 Dublin Corporation. Orr's Manufactory. 
 Kilkenny. 
 
 Addresses came from the following places in favour of the 
 Union : — 
 
 Antrim, inhabitants of the county. Limerick, bishop and clergy of. 
 Belfast, corporation. Londonderry,undersigned of county. 
 
 Carrick-on-Suir, inhabitants of town. Londonderry, undersigned of city. 
 Clare, inhabitants of county. Longford, Roman Catholics of 
 
 Coleraine, inhabitants of town. county.* 
 
 Donegal, inhabitants of county. Tipperary, high sheriff and free- 
 Dromore, bishop, clergy, and dio- holders of county. 
 
 cese of. Tyrone, high sheriff and freeholders 
 
 Dundalk, corporation of. of county. 
 
 Galway, high sheriff and inhabitants Wexford, high sheriff and freeholders 
 
 of county. of county. 
 
 Galway, inhabitants of town. Wexford, Roman Catholics of town. 
 
 Kilkenny, inhabitants of city. Waterford, Roman Catholics of city 
 
 Lifford, inhabitants of town. Youghall, undersigned of town. 
 
 Leitrim, undersigned of county. 
 
 * In his reply to their address, Lord Cornwallis (Lord-Lieutenant) 
 says, "The Union can alone heal the dissensions and secure the peace, 
 order, and prosperity of this distracted country." In half a century 
 these promises have not been realized, and appear as far off as ever. 
 
 No. 5. 
 
 Letter from Lord Grenville to the Earl of Fingal. 
 
 Camelford House, January 22, 1810. 
 
 My Lord, — I have the honour to address this letter to your 
 lordship, in reply to that which I received from you respecting 
 the petition with which you are charged, This form of com- 
 munication I consider as most satisfactory to your lordship. It 
 is also best calculated to do justice to the sentiments of some of 
 the most distinguished advocates of your cause, in concurrence 
 with whom the decision has been taken. 
 
 I must, in the first place, assure your lordship, that my 
 opinion remains unchanged as to the object of your petition. It 
 would, I think, be an act of undeniable wisdom and justice, to 
 communicate to our fellow-subjects professing the Roman Catho- 
 lic Religion, the full enjoyment of our civil constitution. Such a 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 measure, accompanied by suitable arrangements maturely pre- 
 pared and deliberately adopted, would, I am confident, above all 
 others, give strength and union to the Empire, and increased 
 security to its religious and civil establishments. — Your lordship 
 is well aware, that on this conviction only have I supported it. 
 To these establishments I am unalterably attached ; their invio- 
 lable maintenance I have ever considered as essential to all the 
 dearest interests of my country. But they rest, I am certain, on 
 foundations much too firm — they are far too deeply rooted in the 
 affections of that community to which they dispense the blessings 
 of religion, order, and liberty, to require the adventitious and 
 dangerous support of partial restrictions, fruitful in discontent, 
 but, for security, wholly inefficient. 
 
 With respect to the present application to Parliament, I knew 
 not, except from public report, that such a measure was in con- 
 templation ; or that it was the wish of the petitioners to place 
 their petition in my hands. 
 
 I have twice already, at the request of the Catholics of Ireland, 
 moved the House of Lords to take this subject into considera- 
 tion. I did not, in either case, think myself responsible for your 
 determination as to the time of agitating the question ; a deter- 
 mination which, in the first instance, I had not suggested, and 
 which in the last I had in my place in Parliament publicly dis- 
 suaded. Recent events had in both cases imposed upon me a 
 peculiar duty, not merely for my own honour, but in justice also 
 to your cause, to prove, by my conduct, on the earliest occasion 
 afforded by yourselves, that no change of public situation, no 
 prejudice, no calumny, no clamour could either vary or suppress 
 my opinions on this great national question. This duty 1 will- 
 ingly performed. Deeply impressed with the importance of the 
 measure which I recommended, I have spared no sacrifice, 
 omitted no exertion, by which I could contribute to their accom- 
 plishment. And if I could now deceive myself with a hope, that 
 a renewal of my weak efforts, in the present moment, could 
 expedite or facilitate their ultimate success, it would be my 
 highest gratification once more to stand forward as the chosen 
 advocate of national conciliation. 
 
 Circumstanced as this question now is, both in England and in 
 Ireland, it is, on the contrary, my deliberate opinion, that no 
 motion grounded on your petition could at this time, in any 
 hands, certainly not in mine, be brought forward, without great 
 and permanent disadvantage to its object. 
 
 This opinion is founded, not only on the present known dis- 
 positions of Government and Parliament, but also on the unex- 
 pected difficulties which have arisen in Ireland, on the impres- 
 sions which they may create, and the embarrassments which 
 they unavoidably produce. 
 
 VOL. Y. Q Q 
 
594 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 It would be an invidious task for me to recapitulate, in this 
 place, the transactions of the last three years, or to discuss the 
 temper and spirit, the language and the conduct of his Majesty's 
 Ministers towards your body ; nor would it become me to cen- 
 sure, though I may be permitted to lament, the decisions of the 
 Legislature. 
 
 To these two topics it is sufficient briefly to have adverted. 
 The obstacles which, in the present moment, they oppose to any 
 favourable consideration of your cause, and the advantages which 
 they afford to the misrepresentations of your adversaries, are too 
 obvious to require explanation. 
 
 Many circumstances compel me to speak to your Lordship 
 more at large of the recent proceedings in Ireland ; with reference 
 both to their origin and to their consequences. For this purpose 
 I must beg leave to recall to your lordship's recollection, the 
 grounds on which the consideration of these petitions has uni- 
 formly been recommended to Parliament. That which you have 
 asked, and which has been supported by the greatest statesmen 
 of our time, now no more, is not in its nature a single or uncon- 
 nected measure. Its objects are the peace and happiness of Ire- 
 land, and the union of the empire in affection, as well as in 
 government. Yain indeed would be the hope of accomplishing 
 such purposes solely by the repeal of a few remaining disquali- 
 fications, which, by a strange anomaly, are still left subsisting 
 amidst the ruins of a whole code of proscription. To impute to 
 you this visionary pretension has been the artifice of your oppo- 
 nents. The views of your friends have been more enlarged. 
 
 With the just and salutary extension of civil rights to your 
 body must be combined, if tranquillity and union be our object, 
 other extensive and complicated arrangements. All due pro- 
 vision must be made for the inviolable maintenance of the religious 
 and civil establishments of this united kingdom. Much must be 
 done for mutual conciliation — much for common safety ; many 
 contending interests must be reconciled, many jealousies allayed, 
 many long cherished and mutual destructive prejudices eradicated. 
 
 Such, at least, have always been my own declared opinions. 
 When this matter was last under the consideration of Parliament, 
 I had occasion to dwell, with particular earnestness, on this 
 necessity ; I invited the suggestions of others for providing for 
 it ; and I enumerated several measures, which eight years before 
 had been in the contemplation of Government, in conjunction 
 with which I then cherished the vain hope of rendering this great 
 service to my country. 
 
 Among these measures, I pointed out the proposal of vesting 
 in the crown an effectual negative on the appointment of your 
 ishops. That suggestion had been previously brought forward 
 in the House of Commons, to meet the just expectations, not of 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 595 
 
 any bigoted or interested champions of intolerance, but men of 
 the purest intentions and most enlightened judgment — men 
 willing to do all justice to the loyalty of your present bishops, 
 yet not unreasonably alarmed at any possibility, by which func- 
 tions of such extensive influence might hereafter be connected 
 with a foreign interest, hostile to the tranquillity of your country. 
 A danger recently very much increased by the captivity and 
 deposal of the head of your church, by the seizure of his domi- 
 nions, and by the declared intention of that hostile government to 
 assume in future the exclusive nomination of his successors. The 
 suggestion thus opeued to Parliament produced there impressions 
 highly favourable to your cause ; it was received as the surest 
 indication of those dispositions, without which all concession 
 must be nugatory, and all conciliation hopeless. To my mind it 
 had been recommended by long reflection. It had formed a part 
 of the original conception of those measures as consequent upon 
 the Union. It was now again brought forward with the concur- 
 rence of the two individuals, from whose opinions those generally 
 prevalent among your body might best be inferred ; of the agent* 
 of the very persons to whose office it related, and of your lord- 
 ship, to whom, in addition to every other claim to respect and 
 confidence, the exclu-ive charge of the petition had recently been 
 committed. What I said on the subject in the House of Lords 
 was spoken in the hearing of both, and I received from both, 
 while the impression was yet recent in your minds, the most 
 gratifying acknowledgments of your satisfaction in all that I had 
 stated. 
 
 It was never, I believe, imagined by any of us, that what 
 then passed could be binding on the opinions of the petitioners. 
 The Roman Catholics of Ireland are not a corporate body. They 
 speak through no common organ. Their various wishes and in- 
 terests, like those of their fellow-subjects, can be collected only 
 from general information ; and any opinions, erroneously attributed 
 to them, they, like all other persons, are fully entitled to disclaim. 
 
 I learned, however, with deep and heartfelt regret, the subse- 
 quent proceedings which took place in Ireland, in consequence of 
 this suggestion. To discuss the grounds of those proceedings 
 would be foreign from my present purpose. Their effect obvi- 
 ously must be, not only to revive expiring prejudices, but to clog 
 with fresh embarrassment every future consideration of any of 
 the measures connected witli your petitions. To myself unques- 
 tionably the difficulty of originating at this time any fresh dis- 
 cussion of those measures, does, in such circumstances, appear 
 almost insuperable. 
 
 Let me not, however, be misunderstood. When I speak of 
 the necessity of combining with the accomplishment of your 
 * Dr. Milner. 
 Q Q 2 
 
596 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 wishes provisions of just security to others, I am no less desirous 
 of consulting every reasonable apprehension on your part. 
 
 To the forms, indeed, of these securities, or to the particular 
 details of the proposed arrangements, I attach comparatively little 
 importance. A pertinacious adherence to such details, in oppo- 
 sition even to groundless prejudice, I consider as the reverse of 
 legislative wisdom. I look only to their substantial purposes; 
 the safety of our own establishments, the mutual good-will of 
 all our fellow-subjects, and the harmony of the United Kingdom. 
 
 That adequate arrangements may be made for all these pur- 
 poses, consistently with the strictest adherence, on your part, to 
 your religious tenets, is the persuasion which you have long been 
 labouring to establish, and of which I have uniformly professed 
 my own conviction. 
 
 Were it otherwise, I should indeed despair. But that these 
 objects may be reconciled, in so far at least as respects the ap- 
 pointment of your bishops, is known with undeniable certainty. 
 It is proved by the acquiescence of your church, in similar 
 arrangements under other governments, by the sentiments which 
 many of yourselves still entertain as to the proposal suggested in 
 1808, and, most of all, by the express consent formerly given to 
 that proposal, in a declaration signed by the most considerable of 
 your own bishops. 
 
 I see, therefore, in the present state of this subject, much 
 unexpected embarrassment, and many difficulties which renewed 
 discussion in the present moment must, instead of smoothing, 
 inevitably aggravate. There is, however, no ground for ulti- 
 mate discouragement* The sentiments of reciprocal confidence, 
 the spirit of mutual conciliation, would surmount far greater 
 obstacles. 
 
 But nothing, permit me to remark it, can in the mean time be 
 more injurious to your cause, than any attempt, by partial and 
 precipitate decisions, to prejudge its separate branches, or to limit 
 its unreserved discussion. No cause can be more grateful to 
 your opponents, none more embarrassing to your supporters. 
 
 To Parliament, when any more favourable conjuncture for this 
 discussion shall arise, every information may probably be sup- 
 plied, every wish imparted, every apprehension communicated. — 
 There only, by a systematic and comprehensive arrangement of 
 this extensive subject, can all its difficulties be surmounted, all 
 its relations finally adjusted. To be effective and permanent, 
 such an arrangement must be mutually satisfactory. 
 
 This is alike the interest of every member of the British Em- 
 pire, but to none more important than to the Catholics of Ireland. 
 The stability of all your civil rights, both of those which you 
 already enjoy, and of those to which you seek to be admitted, 
 essentially depends on the tranquillity and harmony of your 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 597 
 
 country, on banishing from it every hostile influence, and com- 
 posing all its internal differences. 
 
 These opinions I have expressed to your lordship with the 
 freedom of a tried and zealous advocate of your cause. On these 
 grounds alone I have ever attempted to do justice to it. To have 
 argued it on any other would have been a dereliction of my own 
 principles. 
 
 f I need hardly add that, by the same principle, my present con- 
 duct must equally be directed. Should the petitioners continue 
 to entertain the desire conveyed in your Lordship's letter, that I 
 should lay this petition upon the table of the House of Lords, 
 with that request I cannot hesitate to comply. It would be 
 highly improper to deny to such a body of men the opportunity 
 of submitting, through my hands, if they should so desire it, and 
 at their own time, their wishes to the Legislature of their own 
 country. It would be still more inexcusable in a case where all 
 my opinions and all my wishes are favourable to the object of 
 their application. On the measure itself, if any motion respect- 
 ing it be originated by others, I shall not fail to urge, with 
 unabated earnestness, all the same sentiments which I have 
 detailed in this letter. But I must with equal explicitness 
 decline to be myself, at this time, and under so many cir- 
 cumstances of such peculiar disadvantage to your cause, the 
 mover of any such proposition. I am satisfied that, by this 
 decision, I shall best promote the ultimate success of that great 
 work which I have long laboured to accomplish. My reasons 
 for this persuasion, 1 have, I trust, sufficiently explained. — They 
 may be erroneous, they are at least sincere. 
 
 To the principle of equal laws, to the object of national con- 
 ciliation, I am invariably attached. By me they shall never be 
 abandoned. But any personal exertions which I can make for 
 purposes of such inestimable benefit to my country, must ever be 
 regulated by that discretion, which I am equally determined in 
 every situation to reserve unfettered by previous engagements, 
 aud the faithful exercise of which my public duty imperatively 
 forbids me to relinquish. — I have the honour to be, with sincere 
 respect and regard, my lord, your lordship's most obedient 
 humble servant, 
 
 Guf.nville. 
 
 No. 6. 
 The Regent's Letter. 
 
 Carlton House, February 4, 1811. 
 The Prince of Wales considers the moment to be arrived, which 
 calls for his decision with respect to the persons to be employed 
 by him in the administration of the Executive Government of 
 
598 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 the country, according to the powers vested in him by the Bill 
 passed by the two Houses of Parliament, and now on the point 
 of receiving the sanction of the Great Seal. 
 
 The Prince feels it incumbent upon him, at this precise junc- 
 ture, to communicate to Mr. Perceval his intention not to remove 
 from their stations those whom he finds there, as his Majesty's 
 official servants. At the same time the Prince owes it to the 
 truth and sincerity of character, which, he trusts, will appear in 
 every action of his life, in whatever situation placed, explicitly 
 to declare, that the irresistible impulse of filial duty and affection 
 to his beloved and afflicted father, leads him to dread that any 
 act of the Regent might, in the smallest degree, have the effect of 
 interfering with the progress of his Sovereign's recovery. 
 
 This consideration alone dictates the decision now communi- 
 cated to Mr. Perceval. 
 
 Having thus performed an act of indispensable duty, from a 
 just sense of what is due to his own consistency and honour, the 
 Prince has only to add, that, among the many blessings to be 
 derived from his Majesty's restoration to health, and to the per- 
 sonal exercise of his Royal functions, it will not, in the Prince's 
 estimation, be the least, that that most fortunate event will at 
 once rescue him from a situation of unexampled embarrassment, 
 and put an end to a state of affairs, ill calculated, he fears, to sus- 
 tain the interests of the United Kingdom in this awful and 
 perilous crisis, and most difficult to be reconciled to the genuine 
 principles of the British Constitution. 
 
 Mr. Perceval's Answer. 
 
 Downing Street, February 11, 1811. 
 Mr. Perceval presents his humble duty to your Royal High- 
 ness, and has the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your 
 Royal Highness's letter of last night, which reached him this 
 morning. 
 
 Mr. Perceval feels it his duty to express his humble thanks 
 to your Royal Highness, for the frankness with which your 
 Royal Highness has condescended explicitly to communicate the 
 motives which have induced your Royal Highness to honour his 
 colleagues and him with your commands for the continuance of 
 their services, in the stations entrusted to them by the King. 
 And Mr. Perceval begs leave to assure your Royal Highness, 
 that, in the expression of your Royal Highness's sentiments of 
 filial and loyal attachment to the King, and of anxiety for the 
 restoration of his Majesty's health, Mr. Perceval can see nothing 
 but additional motives for their most anxious exertions to give 
 satisfaction to your Royal Highness in the only manner in which 
 it can be given, by endeavouring to promote your Royal High- 
 ness's views for the security and happiness of the country. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 599 
 
 Mr. Perceval has never failed to regret the impression of your 
 Royal Highness, with regard to the provisions of the Regency 
 Bill, which his Majesty's servants felt it to be their duty to 
 recommend to Parliament. But he ventures to submit to your 
 Royal Highness, that whatever difficulties the present awful 
 crisis of the country and the world may create in the administra- 
 tion of the Executive Government, your Royal Highness will 
 not find them in any degree increased by the temporary suspen- 
 sion of the exercise of those branches of the Royal prerogatives, 
 which has been introduced by Parliament in conformity to what 
 was intended on a former similar occasion ; and that whatever 
 Ministers your Royal Highness may think proper to employ, 
 would find in that full support and countenance which, as long 
 as they were honoured with your Royal Highness's commands, 
 they would feel confident that they would continue to enjoy 
 ample and sufficient means to enable your Royal Highness 
 effectually to maintain the great and important interest of the 
 United Kingdom. 
 
 And Mr. Perceval humbly trusts, that, whatever doubts your 
 Royal Highness may entertain with respect to the Constitutional 
 propriety of the measures which have been adopted, your Royal 
 Highness will feel assured, that they could not have been recom- 
 mended by his Majesty's servants, nor sanctioned by Parliament, 
 but upon the sincere though possibly erroneous convictions that 
 they in no degree trenched upon the true principles and spirit of 
 the Constitution. 
 
 Mr. Perceval feels it his duty to add that he holds himself in 
 readiness, at any moment, to wait upon your Royal Highness, 
 and to receive any commands with which your Royal Highness 
 may be graciously pleased to honour him. 
 
 No. 7. 
 
 From His Royal Highness the Prince Regent to the Duke 
 of York. 
 
 Carlton House, February 13, 1812. 
 My dearest Brother, — As the restrictions on the exer- 
 cise of the royal authority will shortly expire, when I must 
 make my arrangements for the future administration of the 
 powers with which I am invested, I think it right to communi- 
 cate those sentiments which I was withheld from expressing at 
 an earlier period of the session, by my warmest desire that the 
 expected motion on the affairs of Ireland might undergo the de- 
 liberate discussion of Parliament, unmixed with any other con- 
 sideration. 
 
 I think it hardly necessary to call your recollection to recent 
 circumstances, under which I resumed the authority delegated to 
 
600 
 
 APPENDIX, 
 
 me by Parliament. At a moment of unexampled difficulty and 
 danger, I was called upon to make a selection of persons to 
 whom I should intrust the functions of the Executive Govern- 
 ment ; my sense of duty to our Royal Father solely decided that 
 choice, and every private feeling gave way to considerations 
 which admitted of no doubt or hesitation. I trust I acted in 
 that respect as the general representative of the august person 
 whose functions I was appointed to discharge ; and I have the 
 satisfaction of knowing, that such was the opinion of persons 
 for whose judgment and honourable feelings I entertained the 
 highest respect in various instances, as you well know. When 
 the law of the last session left me at full liberty, I waived any 
 personal gratifications, in order that his Majesty might resume, 
 on his restoration to health, every power and prerogative be- 
 longing to his Crown. I certainly am the last person in the 
 kingdom to whom it can be permitted to despair of our Royal 
 Father's recovery. A new era is now arrived, and I cannot but 
 reflect w 7 ith satisfaction upon the events which have distinguished 
 the short period of my restricted Regency. Instead of suffering 
 in the loss of her possessions by the gigantic force which has 
 been employed against them, Great Britain has added most im- 
 portant acquisitions to her empire. The national faith has been 
 preserved inviolably towards our allies ; and if character be 
 strength, as applied to a nation, the increased and increasing re- 
 putation of his Majesty's arms will show to the nations of the 
 Continent how much they may still achieve, when animated by 
 a glorious spirit of resistance to a foreign yoke. In the critical 
 situation of the war in the Peninsula, I shall be most anxious to 
 avoid any measure which may lead our allies to suppose that I 
 mean to depart from the present system. Perseverance alone 
 can achieve the great object in question ; and I cannot with- 
 hold my approbation from those who have honourably distin- 
 guished themselves in support of it. I have no predilection to 
 indulge, no resentments to gratify, no objects to attain, but such 
 as are common to the whole empire. If such is the leading- 
 principle of my conduct, — and I can appeal to the past as evi- 
 dence of what the future will be, — I flatter myself I shall meet 
 with the support of Parliament, and of a candid and enlightened 
 nation. 
 
 Having made the communication of my sentiments in this 
 new and extraordinary crisis of our affairs, I cannot conclude 
 without expressing the satisfaction I should feel if some of those 
 persons with whom the early habits of my public life were 
 formed, would strengthen my hands, and constitute a part of 
 my Government. With such support, and aided by a vigorous 
 and a united Administration, formed on the most liberal basis, I 
 shall look with additional confidence to a prosperous issue of the 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 601 
 
 most arduous contest in which Great Britain was ever engaged. 
 You are authorized to communicate those sentiments to Lord 
 Grey, who, I have no doubt, will make them known to Lord 
 Grenville. I am always, my dear Frederick, your ever affec- 
 tionate brother, 
 
 (Signed) George, P. R. 
 
 P. S. — I shall send a copy of this letter immediately to Mr. 
 Perceval. 
 
 Lords Grey and Grenville's Answer. 
 
 February 15, 1812. 
 Sir, — We beg leave most humbly to express to your Royal 
 Highness our dutiful acknowledgments for the gracious and 
 condescending manner in which you have had the goodness to 
 communicate to us the letter of his Royal Highness the Prince 
 Regent, on the subject of the arrangements to be made for the 
 future administration of the public affairs ; and we take the 
 liberty of availing ourselves of your gracious permission to ad- 
 dress to your Royal Highness, in this form, what has occurred 
 to us in consequence of that communication. The Prince Re- 
 gent, after expressing to your Royal Highness, in that letter, 
 his sentiments on various public matters, has, in the concluding 
 paragraph, condescended to intimate his wish that some of those 
 persons with whom the early habits of his public life were 
 formed " would strengthen his Royal Ilighness's hands, and 
 constitute a part of his Government." Aud his Royal High- 
 ness is pleased to add, "that with such support, aided by a 
 vigorous and united Administration, formed on the most liberal 
 basis, he would look with additional confidence to a prosperous 
 issue of the most arduous contest in which Great Britain has 
 ever been engaged." On the other part of his Royal High- 
 ness 's letter we do not presume to offer an observation, but 
 in the concluding paragraph, in so far as we may venture to 
 suppose ourselves included in the gracious wish which it ex- 
 presses, we owe it, in obedience and duty to his Royal High- 
 ness, to explain ourselves with frankness and sincerity. We 
 beg leave most earnestly to assure his Royal Highness, that no 
 sacrifices, except those of honour and duty, could appear to us 
 too great to be made, for the purpose of healing the divisions of 
 our country, and uniting both the Government and its people. 
 All personal exclusion we entirely disclaim ; we must rest on 
 public measures, and it is on this ground alone that we must ex- 
 press, without reserve, the impossibility of our uniting with the 
 present Government ; our differences of opinion are too many 
 and too important to admit of such a union. His Royal High- 
 ness will, we are confident, do us the justice to remember, that 
 
602 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 we had twice already acted on this impression — -in 1809, on the 
 proposition made to us under his Royal Highness's authority ; 
 and last year when his Royal Highness was pleased to require 
 our advice respecting the formation of a new government. The 
 reasons which we then humbly submitted to him are strength- 
 ened by the increasing dangers of the times ; nor has there, 
 down to this moment, appeared even any approximation towards 
 such an agreement of opinion in the public interest, as can alone 
 form a basis for the honourable union of the parties previously 
 opposed to each other. Into the detail of these differences, we are 
 unwilling to enter ; they embrace almost all the leading features 
 of the present policy of the empire. But his Royal Highness 
 has himself been pleased to advert to the late deliberations of 
 Parliament on the affairs of Ireland. This is a subject above all 
 others important in itself, and connected with the most pressing 
 dangers. Far from concurring in the sentiments which his Ma- 
 jesty's Ministers have, on that occasion, so recently expressed, 
 we entertain opinions directly opposite. We are firmly per- 
 suaded of the necessity of a total change in the present system 
 of the country, and of the immediate repeal of the disabilities 
 under which so large a portion of his Majesty's subjects still 
 labour, on account of their religious opinions. To recommend 
 to Parliament this repeal is the first advice which it would be 
 our duty to offer to his Royal Highness, could we even for the 
 shortest time make ourselves responsible for any further delay 
 in the prospect of a measure, without which we could entertain 
 no hope of rendering ourselves useful to his Royal Highness or 
 to the country. We have only further to beg your Royal High- 
 ness to lay before his Royal Highness the Prince Regent the 
 expression of our humble duty, and the sincere and respectful 
 assurance of our earnest wishes for whatever may promote the 
 ease, honour, and advantage of his Royal Highness's Govern- 
 ment, and the successful endeavours for the public welfare. We 
 have the honour to be, &c. &c, 
 
 (Signed) Grey. 
 
 Grenville. 
 
 To his Royal Highness the Duke of York. 
 
 No. 8. 
 1813. 
 
 Parody of a celebrated Letter. By T. Moore, Esq. 
 
 At length, dearest Freddy, the moment is nigh, 
 When, with Perceval's leave, I may throw my chains by, 
 And, as time now is precious, the first thing I do, 
 Is to sit down and write a wise letter to you. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 603 
 
 I meant, before now, to have sent you this letter, 
 
 But Yarmouth and I thought perhaps 't would be better 
 
 To wait till the Irish affairs were decided — 
 
 That is, till both Houses had prosed and divided, 
 
 With all due appearance of thought and digestion, 
 
 For though Hertford House had long settled the question, 
 
 I thought it but decent, between me and you, 
 
 That the two other Houses should settle it too. 
 
 I need not remind you how cursedly bad 
 Our affairs were all looking, when father went mad ; 
 A strait waistcoat on him, and restrictions on me, 
 A more limited monarchy could not well be. 
 I was called upon then, in that moment of puzzle, 
 To choose my own minister — just as they muzzle 
 A playful young bear, and then mock his disaster, 
 By bidding him choose out his own dancing-master. 
 
 I thought the best way, as a dutiful son, 
 Was to do as Old Royalty's self would have done; 
 So I sent word to say, I would keep the whole batch in 
 The same chest of tools, without cleansing or patching. 
 Tor tools of this kind, like Martinus's Sconce,* 
 Would lose all their beauty if purified once. 
 And think, only think, if our father should find, 
 Upon graciously coming again to his mind, 
 That improvement had spoiled any favourite adviser. 
 That Rose was grown honest, or Westmoreland wiser; 
 That Ryder was even, by one twinkle, the brighter, 
 Or Liverpool's speeches but half a pound lighter. 
 What a shock to his old royal heart it would be — 
 No ! far were such dreams of improvement from me. 
 And it pleased me to find, at the house where you know 
 There 's such good mutton cutlets and strong curacoaf 
 That the Marchioness called me a duteous old boy, 
 And my ^Yarmouth's red whiskers grew redder for joy. 
 You know, my dear Freddy, how oft, if I would, 
 By the law of last session, I might have done good ; 
 I might have withheld these political noodles 
 From knocking their heads against hot Yankee Doodles. 
 I might have told Ireland I pitied her lot, 
 Might have soothed her with hope — but you know I did not. 
 And my wish is, in truth, that the best of old fellows 
 Should not, on recovering, have cause to be jealous ; 
 But find that, while he has been laid on the shelf, 
 We 've been all of us nearly as mad as himself. 
 
 * The antique shield of Martinus Scriblerus, which, upon scouring 
 turned out to be only an old Sconce, 
 t The letter-writer's favourite luncheon. 
 
604 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 You smile at my hopes — but the Doctors and I 
 Are the last that can think the king ever will die. 
 
 A new era 's arrived — though you 'd hardly believe it, 
 And all things of course, must be new to receive it. 
 New villas, new fetes (which even Waithman attends), 
 New saddles, new helmets, and why not new friends. 
 I repeat it, "new friends," for I cannot describe 
 The delight I am in with the Perceval tribe. 
 Such capering! such vapouring! such rigour! such vigour! 
 North, South, East, and West, they have cut such a figure, 
 That soon they will bring the whole world round our ears, 
 And leave us no friends but — Old Nick and Algiers. 
 When I think of the glory they Ve beamed on my chains, 
 ; T is enough quite to turn my illustrious brains ; 
 It is true we are bankrupts in commerce and riches, 
 But think how we furnish our Allies with breeches. 
 We've lost the warm hearts of the Irish \ is granted, 
 But then we 've got Java, an island much wanted 
 To put the last lingering few who remain 
 Of the Walcheren warriors, out of their pain. 
 Then how Wellington fights, and how squabbles his brother, 
 For Papists the one, and with Papists the other. 
 One crushing Napoleon by taking a city, 
 While t' other lays waste a whole Catholic Committee. 
 Oh ! deeds of renown ! shall I boggle or flinch 
 With such prospects before me ? by Jove, not an inch. 
 No — let England's affairs go to rack if they will, 
 We '11 look after th' affairs of the Continent still; 
 And, with nothing at home but starvation and riot^ 
 Find Lisbon in bread, and keep Sicily quiet. 
 I am proud to declare, I have no predilections, 
 My heart is a sieve, where some scattered affections 
 Are just danced about for a moment or two — 
 And the finer they are, the more sure to run through. 
 Neither have I resentments, nor with these should come ill 
 To mortal, except (now I think on't) Beau Brummel, 
 Who threatened, last year, in a superfine passion, 
 To cut me, and bring the old king into fashion. 
 This is all I can lay to my conscience at present, 
 When such is my temper, so neutral, so pleasant, 
 So royally free from all troublesome feelings, 
 So little encumbered by faith in my dealings, 
 (And that I 'm consistent) the world will allow, 
 What I was at Newmarket the same I am now. 
 When such are my merits (you know I hate cracking), 
 I hope, like the vendor of best Patent Blacking, 
 " To meet with the generous and kind approbation 
 Of a candid, enlightened, and liberal nation." 
 
 By-the-by, e'er I close this magnificent letter — 
 (No man, except Pole, could have writ you a better). 
 'T would please if those whom 1 've humbugged so long 
 With the notion (good men!) that I knew right from wrong, 
 Would a few of them join me — mind only a few — 
 To let too much light in on me never would do. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 605 
 
 But even Grey's brightness, sha'n't make me afraid, 
 
 While I 've Camden and Eldon to fly to for shade. 
 
 Nor will Holland's clear intellect do us much harm 
 
 While there 's Westmoreland near him to weaken the charm. 
 
 As for Moira's high spirit, if aught can subdue it, 
 
 Sure joining with Hertford and Yarmouth will do it 
 
 Between Ryder and Wharton let Sheridan sit, 
 
 And the fogs will soon quench even Sheridan's wit; 
 
 And against all the pure public feeling that glows, 
 
 Even in Whitbread himself we 've a host in George Rose. 
 
 So, in short, if they wish to have places they may, 
 
 And I '11 thank you to tell all these matters to Grey, 
 
 Who, I doubt not, will write (as there 's no time to lose) 
 
 By the two-penny post to tell Grenville the news. 
 
 And now, dearest Fred (though I have no predilection), 
 Believe me, yours always, with truest affection. 
 
 P.S. — A copy of this is to Perceval going — 
 Good Lord ! how St. Stephens will ring with his crowing! 
 
 No. 9. 
 
 Address to Mr. Grattan. 
 
 Dublin, 8th May, 1812. 
 
 Sir, — The Catholic Board should have feebly discharged the 
 duty they owe to the people, with whose confidence they have 
 been honoured, if they had omitted the first opportunity which 
 presented itself, of sending forth to the British empire the 
 warmest expressions of their thanks, for the late splendid and 
 astonishing efforts of their powerful and revered advocate, in the 
 cause of the Catholics of Ireland. Grateful is the task, sir, to 
 be the chosen medium of that feeling which now throbs in every 
 bosom, and swells in every heart. 
 
 Grateful is the task to be the organ of that proud and dignify- 
 ing sentiment which triumphantly claims you the unequalled 
 champion of Irish rights — w hich now calls you the hope of the 
 British empire, and holds you up to your countrymen as one of 
 those firm and unbending anchors by which that empire is to be 
 steadied in the storm that blows round her. But, sir, doubly 
 grateful is the task to generous minds, of remunerating an age of 
 services by the ardent and passionate homage of the heart, and 
 of putting on the records of our history, the thanks of a calum- 
 niated and injured people to him who has devoted gigantic 
 talents, and spotless integrity, to the vindication of their feelings, 
 and the assertion of their rights. Rising in your efforts with 
 the difficulties of your country, you have called back our 
 memories to that gloving period of our history, when every 
 
606 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 heart hung with rapture upon your words — when every eye 
 beamed at your name — and every peasant in the land walked 
 firm and erect under the proud feeling your eloquence created. 
 In the enthusiasm of the present moment, we imagine the 
 regeneration of our freedom, and are almost seduced to believe 
 that the genius of Ireland has only extended the circle of her 
 power from a kingdom to an empire. Such is the fascination of 
 an eloquence which at once delights, persuades, and instructs; 
 which is unwearied in the vindication of the injured, and uncon- 
 querable in the cause of justice. 
 
 In 1792, you told the Irish Legislature and the English secre- 
 tary, that Catholic Emancipation would enrich the Protestant, and 
 communicate strength and vigour to the empire. The Protestant 
 property of Ireland has more than doubled by the Emancipating 
 Bill of 1793, and the Catholic people of Ireland advanced in 
 numbers, in prosperity, and in character. That country, which 
 for six hundred years was a burden to the English minister, 
 became an ex-fountain of supply — the unclogged industry of 
 Ireland poured forth its offerings of gratitude, and repaid with a 
 miser's profit the blessings of her freedom. Such was the effect 
 of that liberty, of which you were the great and eloquent parent 
 — such the effect of that policy, which you have laboured to 
 preserve and extend. The union, it is true, has thrown down 
 the noble edifice which you had so gloriously erected — and now 
 the question remains to be decided, whether the wisdom of the 
 Imperial Parliament will throw the freedom of the Catholic into 
 the scale against the injuries of the union ? But why ask the 
 question ? The last struggle — your commanding minority of 
 two hundred and fifteen, has been the victory of reason, of 
 eloquence, and of truth ; standing at the head of the Protestant 
 property, of the Protestant rank, of the Protestant character of 
 the British empire, you may securely proclaim the triumph of 
 your favourite muse to an admiring world. Like Fox, your 
 great and immortal predecessor, your last and greatest glory will 
 be the striking off the chains of intolerance from millions of your 
 fellow- creatures. 
 
 The children of Ireland yet unborn will be taught to lisp the 
 name of Grattan ; and her gratitude, as lasting and as fruitful as 
 her soil, will preserve the memory of that man who for forty 
 years, pleaded her cause with an eloquence unequalled — a spirit 
 undaunted — and a patience unconquered and unconquerable. 
 
 The Address was presented by the Earl of Kenmare, Sir 
 Francis Goold, Messrs. Burke, M'Donnell, and Hay. Mr. 
 Grattan returned the following answer : — 
 
 Gentlemen, — An address so warm in its expression, to the 
 object of it so honourable ; and, when I consider the great body 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 607 
 
 f the Irish Catholics, so highly respectable, I cannot receive 
 rithout more than common emotion. It proves the generous 
 nd characteristical ardour of my countrymen, and shows by 
 leir strenuous and cordial sensations, that they deserve to be 
 efended. I have considered as my first duty the defence of the 
 berty and character of my country, and have looked to her 
 pprobation as my greatest happiness. I have contemplated 
 le civil disabilities as a great public calamity, and have regarded 
 ieir repeal as a great public blessing. 
 I think your question has succeeded. 
 
 The good sense of the people of both countries, and their 
 isposition to concord have prevailed. To see you in possession 
 F your civil capacities will be the happiest moment of my life. 
 r ou have deserved them well. 
 
 May you obtain them soon — may you enjoy them long, and 
 ansfer them to your posterity with undiminished lustre. I 
 *ve the honour to be, your most faithful humble servant, 
 
 London, 6th June, 1812. 
 
 Henry Grattan. 
 
G08 
 
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