f Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2016 https://archive.org/details/youngpeopleshist00varn_0 STATE HOUSE, AUGUSTA. THE YOUNG PEOPLE’S HISTORY OF MAINE FROM ITS EARLIEST DISCOVERY TO THE FINAL SETTLEMENT OF ITS BOUNDARIES IN 1842. By GEO. J. VARNEY, Member of Maine Historical Society. ADAPTED FOR USE UST SCHOOLS, ILLUSTRATED. BOSTON COLLEGE LIBRARY Third CHESTNUT HILL, MASS, rcl Edition Revised and Corrected. MASS. PORTLAND, ME. : LORING, SHORT & HARMON 1884. FI9 • V3l / ssf Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1873, by GEORGE J. VARNEY, In the Office of the Librarian of Congress at Washington. Daily Press Printing House, Portland, Me., Wm. M. Marks, Manager. To the Young People of Maine, whose acts will form an important part in the future history of our country, this record of our beginnings is hopefully dedi- cated — with the wish that its lessons and examples may stimulate their patriotism, and influence them to emu- late its noble deeds and copy its worthiest characters. PREFACE. In this little volume I have endeavored to present faithfully and clearly the beginnings of our State, what manner of life the early residents led, and what notable events have marked the progress of its affairs. Though the book is devoted wholly to setting forth the deeds of the people of Maine, it has not been my purpose to foster state above national pride, neither to prolong any bitterness toward those whom our fore- fathers met in mortal strife ; but, by exhibiting the ex- cellent record of the Pine Tree State, to furnish grounds of justification for that regard which all would like to entertain toward their native region, or the home of their adoption. I have endeavored so to treat the subject as to make the lessons of our brief history useful to the youngest readers, without descending to such trivial details or trifling manner as would prove unpleasant to those more mature. The proper limits of the volume would not admit so much fulness of incident as might be desired by some; and in making a selection I have preferred such as best illustrate their time and are also closely connected with the movement of affairs; and in this respect I think my work will be sustained by those accu- rately conversant with our historical records. As the nature of this history does not require it, I have avoided burdening its pages with references to authorities. In PREFACE. VII regard to d^tes, new style exclusively has been used, as avoiding all confusion. For those desiring a more complete record of early times, I am happy to recommend the “Beginnings of New England,” by R. K. Sewell, Esq., of Wiscasset, to- gether with those learned and exhaustive volumes of the u Documentary History of Maine,” edited by Hon. William Willis and Rev. Leonard Woods, D. D., LL.D. My thanks are due for courtesies and valuable aid, to Reverend Professor A. S. Packard, D. D., the accom- plished librarian of the Maine Historical Society, as well as to its late president, the lamented Judge Bourne ; also, to Hon. J. W. North, the historian and biographer of Augusta, to Charles B. Stetson, the well-known advocate of practical education, and to J. G. Elder, Esq., of the Lewiston public library. It would be unjust to close without acknowledging that this volume has proceeded from a suggestion of the desirableness of such a work, by Hon. Nelson Dingley, Jr. — a gentleman widely known in connection with the educational interests of this State. At the suggestion of friends long familiar with schools I have added a few questions at the close of each chap- ter, giving the work a special adaptation for use as a text book. Where it is not deemed best to make the hi story a subject of formal recitation, it may be used for reading lessons — when the questions will be found useful in fixing the essential points of the narrative upon the mind of the pupil. With these remarks I leave the book in the hands of a generous public, hoping that my efforts will meet with a kind approval. Brunswick, Me., Nov. 15th, 1873. CONTENTS. CHAPTEE I. THE COAST EXPLOKED. Cabot’s Discovery. Visits of the Northmen, French, Spanish and English. Gosnold on the coast of Maine. Pring’s voyage. Fox Islands. Pring trades with the natives. Weymouth dis- covers Monhegan. Crystal Hills. The garden at Pentecost Harbor. Sagadahoc or Kennebec. Indian men, women and children. Drinking tobacco. Catching savages. The em- bassy, A French colony. To Cape Cod and back. Port Royal founded. CHAPTER II. THE FIRST COLONY OF NEW ENGLAND. The North and South Virginia Company. The Popham colony. Monhegan. Skidwarroes. The first sermon. Escape of Skidwarroes. The vessels at Sagadahoc. Description of Sabino. The colonists disembark. Building a village. The first English vessel. Explorations. The Bashaba. Indians at the plantation. Indian opinion of the Eng- lishman’s religion. The trick with the cannon. The store- house blown up. Death of Popham. Departure of the colonists. CHAPTER III. EARLY EVENTS ON THE COAST OF MAINE. The Jesuit colony at Mt. Desert. Argal destroys it. Capt. John Smith explores Maine. The Bashaba overthrown. Pestilence. Gorges’ colony at Saco. Rocroft. Dermer. The French- man’s prophecy. Samoset and the Pilgrims. Samoset and Capt. Levett. CONTENTS. IX CHAPTER IY. COLONIES AND COLONISTS. The New England Charter. Sir Ferdinando Gorges. Laconia. The Pilgrims at New Plymouth. Earlier settlements. First general government in New England. The Kennebec Patent. Puritan trading houses. The Lygonia, or Plough Patent. Muscongus grant, or Waldo Patent. Pemaquid Patent. Sheepscot, or the garden of the East. Massachusetts Bay . Colony. New Scotland ceded to the French. Sir William Alexander’s right acquired by La Tour. Plunder of English trading houses and vessels in Acadie. The first Pirate. D Aulney at Biguy duce. CHAPTER Y. POLITICS, PROPERTY, AND CIVIL AFFAIRS. Maine divided into four provinces. New Somersetshire. Its gov- ernment. Drunkenness. Oppressions by the king. The Province of Maine. Rights of the proprietor and of the king. Divisions and government of the province. Legal decisions. Agricultural products. Manufactures and commerce. City of Gorgeana. The Plough Patent revived. Religious free- dom. Death of Gorges. CHAPTER VI. COUNTIES, CUSTOMS AND CHARACTERS. Six governments in Maine. John Alden. Homicide on the Ken- nebec. Thomas Purchas. Elasticity of the Massachusetts Bay Charter. Gorges’ government dissolved. John Bony- thon. Western Maine becomes the County of Yorkshire. Courts. The militia. Musketeers and pikemen. The boys’ training. The stocks, pillory, whipping-post, and ducking stool. Other penalties. Religious oppression. Rev. John Brock. CHAPTER VII. WARS AND RUMORS OF WARS. Fears of war with the Indians. The conquest of Acadia. Sir X niSTORY OF MAINE. Thomas Temple. Grant to the Duke of York. The king’s commissioners. County of Cornwall. New Scotland again ceded to France. Governor Nichols’ warning. The Conquest of Maine. Purchase of Gorges’ right. The County of Cornwall becomes the County of Devonshire. CHAPTER VIII. THE INDIANS OF MAINE. The Abnakis. Anasagunticooks or Androscoggins. Canibas. Etechemins. Tarratines. Openangoes. The Bashaba. Oys- ter shell mounds. Cannibals. Personal description of the na- tives. Dress. Labors. Wigwams. Hunting. Canoes. Bows and Arrows. Hooks, nets and weirs. Food and cook- ing. Domestic utensils. Little Indians. Merrymakings. Indian belles. Weddings. Sports. Smoking. Diseases. Pow-wows. Religion. Government. Councils. Lan- guage. CHAPTER IX. THE FIRST INDIAN WAR COMMENCES. The French fraternize with the Indians. They become Roman Catholics. Wrongs of the Indians. They become hostile to the English. Decrease in the numbers of the Indians. Pas- saconaway. His prophecy. The petition of Rowles. Squan- do’s child drowned. Squando has revelations from the spirit world. King Philip’s war. Mo-ho-tiwormet’s treaty. The Androscoggins plunder the settlement of Thomas Purchas. The slaughter of the Wakely family. The captive girl. John Bonython warned. Attack on Phillips’ garrison at Saco. The battle at Winter Harbor. Attack on Berwick. A noble girl. A fast. Death of Lieut. Plaisted. The cannon shot at Ports- mouth. Retreat of the savages. Losses. The treaty. Re- turn of Elizabeth. CPIAPTER X. FIRST INDIAN WAR CONTINUED. Forebodings of war. Seizure and sale of Indians for slaves. Abraham Shurte. Demands of the Indians. Death of King CONTENTS. XI Philip. Simon, the Yankee- killer. Mr. Brackett’s cow. Attack on Casco Neck. The massacre at Georgetown. The flight of a girl. The surprise of Arrowsic. Escape of Capt. Davis. Destruction of th,e eastern settlements. The Attack on Peaks’ Island. Waldron’s Ruse. The stone house on Peaks’ Island. Capture of Fryer’s crew at Richmond’s Island. "Pluck in Wells. Winter expedition against the Sokokis. Mugg’s treaty. Captives restored. Mugg’s treaty a sham. Waldron meets the Indians at Mare Point. Ruse of the Tar- ratines. The Mohawks in Maine. The Indians aroused. Their successes. The fight at Black Point. Death of Mugg. Savages turn sailors. The fort at Pemaquid rebuilt. The war closed. Terms of peace. Losses of the war. CHAPTER XI. THE FIRST FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR. Baron Castine. The Dutch at Castine. Andros’ treaty with the Indians. Attack on North Yarmouth. Death of Walter Gendell. Jamestown at Pemaquid destroyed. Abdication of James H. and overthrow of Andros. The people’s govern- ment revived. Indian revenge on Major Waldron. Capt. Swaine. Major Church meets the Indians at Falmouth Neck. Berwick destroyed. A flotilla of canoes. Indians camp in Falmouth. The surprise on Munjoy’s Hill. The massacre on Falmouth Neck. CHAPTER XII. FIRST FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR CONTINUED. Sir William Phipps. He builds a vessel at Woolwich. Raises the treasure from a Spanish wreck. Takes Acadia from the French. Unfortunate expedition against Canada. First pa- per money. Major Church routs the Indians on the Andros- coggin. The sagamores regain their wives and make peace. Settlements destroyed. A village of blockhouses. Wells at- tacked by Moxus. Cape Neddock destroyed. King’s expedi- tion eastward. Fatal attack on York. Generosity. Persist- ent attacks on Wells. The scout’s trick. Bravery of Capt. Converse. The enemy retire. The torture of a prisoner. Phipps appointed governor. Builds a fort at Pemaquid. XII HISTORY OF MAINE. Church’s expedition up the Penobscot. Fight with the Indians on the Kennebec. Converse builds a fort at Saco. The In- dians afraid of the Mohawks, and make peace with the Eng- lish. The treaty broken and Cocheco destroyed. Capt. Chubb seizes the bearers of a flag of truce. Chubb surrenders the fort at Pemaquid to Iberville. Major Church goes east- ward again. Major March’s skirmish with Indians at Dama- riscotta. The war closed. Losses in the war. CHAPTER XIII. WITCHCRAFT, PIRACIES AND AN INDIAN TREATY. The Witchcraft Delusion. Governor Phipps’ wife accused. The governor’s eyes opened. Phipps succeeded by Bellamont as governor. Pirates. Bellamont succeeded by Dudley. An- other war expected. A new treaty with the Indians. Capt. Simmo. The Two Brothers. Outrage on Castine, the younger. CHAPTEK XIV. QUEEN ANNE’S WAR. Queen Amie’s war commences. Simultaneous attacks on the set- tlements. Ruse of the savages at Fort Loyal. The fort be- sieged. Capt. South wick attacks the Indian fleet. Troops of Horse. Expedition to Ossipee and Pigwacket. Nineteen men shot down. Hunni well, the Indian killer. Maj or March at Pigwacket. A bounty for Indian scalps. The Mohegans and Pequots at Berwick. Col. Church goes eastward again. Norridgewock burned. French privateers. Col. Hilton sur- prises eighteen savages. Col. March goes against Acadia. Exploit of the Indians in Winter Harbor. Acadia conquered by Gen. Nicholson. Castine, the younger, guides Major Liv- ingston through the wilderness. Col. Walton scouts along the coast. The Indians intrude at a wedding. Another treaty. Moxus’ pretentions. CHAPTER XY. LOYEWELL’S WAR COMMENCES. Increase of settlements. Indian deeds. English missionaries to the CONTENTS. XIII Indians. False teaching of the Jesuits. An Indian speech. Threats of the Indians against the settlers of Sagadahock. Another expedition to Norridgewock. Settlements on Merry- meeting Bay destroyed. Another attack on the fort at St. George’s. Brunswick burned. Night attack on the Indians in Topsham. Deering's garrison surprised, and children cap- tured. Mohawks on the Kennebec. The Micmacs and St. Francis Indians at Arrow sic. Col. Westbrook burns the Indian fort near Bangor. Another expedition to Norridge- wock. The fight on St. George’s River. Death of the brave Captain Winslow. CHAPTER XYI. THE DESTRUCTION OF NORRIDGEWOCK Final expedition against Norridgewock. Description of the village. The engagement. Death of Mogg. Death of Ralle. Ac- count of the missionary. An Indian’s mistake. A writing. The Jesuit’s deceptions. Estimate of Ralle’s character. In- dian Old Point. Burning of the village by the Mohawk. Re suits of the expedition. CHAPTER XVII. LOVEWELL’S FIGHT. Capt. Lovewell at Winnipesaukee. Lovewell starts for the Soko- kis. The fort on Ossipee Pond. Pigwacket. Lovewell’s Pond. An Indian discovered. The packs left on the plain. Capt. Lovewell wounded. An ambush. A close fight. Love well’s men retire to the pond. Chaplain Frye. Cham- berlain and Paugus. Wyman and Paugus. Indians draw off. English retreat. Kies escapes in a canoe. Frye and Farwell left. Jones reaches Biddeford. Arrival of the men at Ossi- pee Pond. Fort found deserted. Col. Tyng visits Pigwacket and buries the dead. The Pigwackets disappear. Capt. Heath goes up the Penobscot. Indians want peace. Gov- ernor Dummer’s treaty. CHAPTER XVIII. MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE ENGLISH SETTLERS. The desolation of the wars in Maine. Easier times for the old XIV niSTORY OF MAINE. settlements. About immigrants. The king’s woods. Masts and knees for the royal navy. The king’s surveyors and the lumbermen. The king gives Col. Dunbar the province of Sagadahock. The Scotch-Irish. Lutherans. Dunbar and his friends throw Gov. Belcher out of office. Whitefield, the evangelist, visits Maine. Anecdote of Whitefield and Ben Franklin. The eccentric Mr. Moody. Puritan ministers. The “Puritaus” become “Congregationalists.” Form of wor- % ship. Meeting houses. How the congregation kept warm. Ministers. Boys and girls at meeting. The tytliingman. Singing. Sunday regulations. Schools. Social amusements. How houses were built. Pork and pumpkins. Furniture. Spinning wheels. Hand looms. Dress. Social customs. Heir looms. Noble names. CHAPTER XIX. KING GEORGE’S WAR. Louisburg, the Dunkirk and Gibraltar of America. An expedition against it. Sir William Pepperell. Whitefield gives a motto for the expedition. Col. Vaughn burns up the wine and brandy. The English build batteries in the dark. Tyng cap- tures a French vessel. A flag of truce. Dismay of the French. A grand discharge of artillery. The city surren- dered. Strong fortifications. Prizes. British claim all. Rejoicings. The Tarratines. Mischief. The young warriors pant for glory. Fort at St. George’s assaulted. North Yar- mouth surprised. The savages at Flying Point. Outrages at other places. Bounties for Indian scalps. CHAPTER. XX. KING GEORGE’S WAR CONTINUED. Attack upon Gorham. Massacre of Bryants’ family. Destruction of Waldoboro. Dogs. French attempt to capture Louisburg. The fleet scattered. Fever. Death of D’Anville. Suicide of the vice-admiral. Western Maine swarms with Indians. An- other French fleet. Attacks on Pemaquid and St. George’s. Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle. Indians talk peace. The St. Francis Indians on a raid. Wiscasset attacked. A canoe upset. In- CONTENTS. XV dian depredations westward. A hunter shoots a chief. French forces. The Indians make peace. CHAPTER XXI. THE SIXTH AND LAST INDIAN WAR. French outrages. George Washington. French fortresses ex- tended. English forts. French offer bounties for English scalps. Braddock's defeat. Siege of Beau-sejour. Acadians removed from Nova Scotia. Capt. Cargill kills friendly In- dians. Manchester kills Poland, an Indian chief. Distresses. Gen. Wolfe. Indian outrages cease. Fort Pownal. Death of General Waldo. Successes. The swinging scalps at St. Francis. Rejoicings. The French nation atones by Lafayette. CHAPTER XXII. THE DAWN OF THE REVOLUTION. Peaceful times. Maine all border. The heroism of the settlers of Maine. Two new counties. Gov. Pownal. New towns east of the Penobscot. Drought and fire. British oppressions. Taxation without representation. A new tax. Boston Mas- sacre . First act of rebellion in Maine. The Boston * ‘Tea Party.” Gen. Gage governor of Maine. First American government. CHAPTER XXIII. EARLY EVENTS OF THE REVOLUTION. Captain Mowatt dismantles Fort Pownal. English missionaries. Indians true to America. Battle of Lexington. Companies set out from York and Falmouth. Col. Scammon’s regiment. The affair at King’s dock in Bath. Captain Mowatt captured. Battle of Bunker Hill. Capture of the Margranetto. Cap- ture of the Diligent. Mowatt burns Falmouth. A war ves- sel frightened off. CHAPTER XXIY. ARNOLD’S EXPEDITION AND THE WAR IN THE EAST. Arnold’s force ascends the Kennebec. Bombazee Rips. Dead XVI niSTORY OF MAINE. River Carry. Col. Enos returns. The Chaudiere. Flagstaff Plantation. Mt. Bigelow. The accident. Bear broth. The troops meet cattle. Defeat. Post offices. Maine a grand military division. Independence declared. Colonel Eddy’s expedition. Colonel John Allan. His boys held as hostages. British attack on Machias. Surrender of Burgoyne. CHAPTER XXV. EVENTS OF THE REVOLUTION ON SEA AND LAND. Terrible fires. Hon. John Adams and Commodore Tucker. Three British ships pursue the Boston. Tucker saves “that egg.” Capture of the Thorn. A French fleet. Maine made a Dis- trict. British at Biguyduce, or Castine. Americans besiege Castine. The embargo. The British on the Kennebec. Capture of Gen. Wadsworth. His escape. More troops. Capture of Cornwallis. More raids of the Canada Indians. The treaty. Boundaries. Independence acknowledged. CHAPTER XXVI. AFTER THE REVOLUTION. Customs and dress of the wealthy. Of farmers and mechanics. Of their wives and daughters. Indian dress, new style. New settlers. Big pine trees. First American flag. Exports regu- lated. First newspaper. The Bingham Purchase. Germans, Scotch and Irish. Commercial districts. Governor Hancock. Bowdoin college. CHAPTER XXVII. THE MALTA WAR. The Muscongus Patent. Major Gen. Knox. Lucy, his wife. The old patents in new hands. Squatters. Murder of Chadwick. Augusta invaded. The trial. CHAPTER. XXVIII. THE WAR OF 1812. Impressment of seamen. Little Belt. Commerce of Maine. Com. Preble. Battle of the Enterprise and Boxer. Other suc- cesses. Increase of manufacturers. The British at Eastport. CONTENTS. XVII The treasury notes. The Drovers. Com. Tucker captures the Crown . CHAPTER XXIX. THE BRITISH ON THE PENOBSCOT. Castine captured by the British. Preparations for defense at Hamp- den. The engagement and retreat. Leading citizens impris- oned. A bond and other exactions. The enemy at Bangor. Robbery of stores. The town threatened by fire. Saved by a bond. Flames in the night. Hampden rifled. Alarm on the Kennebec. The militia at Wiscasset. They march to harass the enemy. A part of Maine declared territory of Great Britain. Expedition against Machias. Capture of a party of the enemy. Commerce on the Penobscot. Treaty at Ghent. The British evacuate Maine. CHAPTER XXX. THE SEPARATION AND ATTENDANT EVENTS. Results of the war upon society. How the evil was met. Depres- . sion of manufactures. The Ohio fever. Affairs improve. Separation voted. Slavery delays the admission of Maine to the Union. Maine the twenty-second State. Gov. King. Acts of first Legislature. Waterville College. Maine Wes- leyan Seminary. Religious and other societies. Statistics of Maine. No carriages. How people traveled. Mail coaches introduced. Steamboats arrive. Lafayette’s visit. CHAPTER XXXI. MEN AND AFFAIRS AFTER THE SEPARATION. Governors Parris, Lincoln, Hunton and Smith. Northern bound- ary of Maine. King of the Netherlands award. Removal of the Capital. The State House. Governor Dunlap. Mad- awaska settlements. Maine census officer arrested by the British. Claims of Maine territory by the British. Appear- ances of war. Disturbances in Canada. Burning of the Car- oline. Military road through Aroostook. Conflict with a slave state. Governor Kent. Representative Cilley falls in a duel Scientific survey. XVIII HISTORY OF MAINE. CHAPTER XXXII. THE AROOSTOOK WAR, AND FINAL SETTLEMENT OF BOUNDARIES. The British trespass on our timber lands. Two hundred men sent to eject them. Capture of the land agent. Sheriff Strick- land’s ride. Sir John Harvey announces that possession will be retained by force. The eastern militia ordered out. A draft ordered. Action of Congress. General Scott arrives. Capture of the British land warden. Gen. Scott opens ne- gotiations. Troops dismissed. The Great Pacificator. The Webster and Ashburton treaty. Gov. Fairfield. Important • measures. The Washingtonians. Conclusion. CHAPTER I. 1. My young friends will remember that Christo- pher Columbus made his famous voyage of discovery in 1492. I have never forgotten it myself since learn- ing the little rhyme : “In fourteen hundred ninety-two, Columbus crossed the ocean blue.” 2. On this voyage he discovered islands only, and did not reach the great western continent until his third voyage, which was made in 1498. But John Cabot and his son, Sebastian, were before him here ; for they had sailed along the coast from Newfoundland to Albermarle Sound the year previous. They took pos- session of the country in the name of the English sovereign ; but England soon became so busy with affairs at home that she made no attempt to settle the new country for nearly a hundred years. 3. Yet I should here tell you of other visits made long before this time. There have been certain marks found on the rocks of Monhegan Island and at one or two points on the mainland, which are thought by some to show that the Norwegians, who peopled Iceland and Greenland, also visited the coast of Maine about the year nine hundred and ninety, and later. It is also said that our coast was seen by Verrazzani, a French navigator, in 1524 ; by Gomez, a Spaniard, in 1525; and by an Englishman named Rut, in 1527. Again in 1556 a Catholic priest named Andre The vet sailed in a French ship along the whole coast; spend- ing several days in Penobscot Bay, where he held conferences with the natives. Yet all these belong to the ancient period, and nothing came of any of them. 14 HISTORY OF MAINE. 1602 4. It was in 1602, the last year of the reign of the “Good Queen Bess,” that Bartholemew Gosnold sailed along the coast of Maine ; and, though he did not give any exact account of his voyage, we know that he touched at the Isles of Shoals, and at other points northward. He came at last to a long, bending arm of land stretching out to sea, where he caught many codfish, and therefore called it Cape Cod. The next year, just a few days after the death of Queen Eliza- beth, Martin Pring started from England with two vessels, bound on a trading voyage to America. One of his vessels was named “Speedwell,” and carried thirty men and boys ; the other was the “Discoverer,” carrying only thirteen men and one boy. Early in June they sailed into a bay which contained many islands ; and beyond it was “a high country full of great woods.” It was Penobscot Bay. They found here good anchorage and plenty of fish. Some of the company went ashore at the islands, seeing on one of them some silver-gray foxes ; so they gave this group the name of Fox Islands, which it bears to this day. Captain Pring had brought a stock of bright colored clothing, with hatchets, knives, kettles, brass and silver bracelets, rings, and other cheap and showy orna- ments, such as savages like, in order to trade with the natives. Not meeting with any of these about the Penobscot, he sailed southward, passing through Casco Bay, and ascending Saco river six miles. The compa- nies were delighted with the many fine groves and strange animals they saw, but found no Indians until they came to Narragansett Bay. Here they ex- changed their merchandise for furs and sassafras, and went back to England with a valuable cargo. 5. Then King Janies sent out Captain George Wey- mouth in the ship Archangel ; wdio, in May, 1605j an- chored his vessel on the north side of an island, now known to be Monhegan. The long boat was lowered, and Captain Weymouth went on shore and took pos- 1605 TTTE COAST EXPLORED. 15 session in the name of his sovereign. He named the island St. George ; also setting up a cross in token that he meant to establish there the Christian religion. They found ashes and coals, showing where a fire had been only a short time before ; and they knew by this there were human beings near. Close by the fire, too, were the shells of eggs — bigger than those of a goose; and they saw many sea fowl about the place — some of them large enough to have laid the eggs. They also caught from the vessel thirty large cod and had- dock. A number of small mountains were in view from here, while away to the west were the grand White Mountains of New Hampshire, which these voyagers called the “Crystal Hills.” Then, sailing toward these hills, they quickly came to a fine haven in the mainland, which Captain Weymouth named Pentecost Harbor, because they entered it on that day of the Christian year. This is supposed by some to be Townsend Harbor in Boothbay, though others believe it to have been George’s Island Harbor, which is a little to the east. Here they staid for several days, resting themselves from their long voyage. Some planted a garden, and sowed barley and pease ; while others explored the rivers, harbors and islands. In sixteen days from the planting of their garden some of the vegetables had grown to eight inches in height. These were the first fruits of English culture on the shores of New England. 6. Though Captain Pring found no Indians here, Captain Weymouth met with a great number ; and they brought many furs to exchange witk him for trinkets. There was no hair on the face of these Indians, and that on their heads was black, coarse and straight. It was cut short over the forehead, and the remainder tied up in a single mass, which hung over their backs. Their skin was of a dark copper color, where it was not painted ; and the only clothing they wore was a short coat about the waist. At one tune several 16 HISTORY OF MAINE. 1605 women and two boys came down the shore to look at the white strangers and their ship. The boys were only two or three years old — fat, lively little fellows ; but all naked except that they wore leathern buskins laced nearly to the knees, and held in place by strings running up to a belt about their waists ; and this belt was hung full of little round pieces of copper. 7. One day the natives met the English, as they came ashore, with more than usual politeness, and led them to some fires around which many others of the Indians sat laughing and talking, while puffs of smoke rose from their mouths. Probably these sailors had never before seen any one smoke, for tobacco was an Ameri- can plant, then but little known in Europe. The English were seated on deer-skins ; and the pipe, made of a lobster’s claw, was passed to them ; and they sucked the smoke into their mouths just as the dirty natives did. Doubtless it made- them feel quite sick, but they pretended that it was good. They called this operation “drinking tobacco.” 8. Not long after, the English and Indians grew suspicious of each other ; and both parties were quite cautious in their intercourse. When Captain Wey- mouth was nearly ready to leave the place, two canoes came to the ship, with three Indians in each. Two of them from one of the canoes climbed on board, and they were immediately thrust below deck. The one who had been left in the canoe pretty soon put ashore, having heard, probably, the outcries of his imprisoned companions. Those in the other canoe did not come on board, and a dish of pease was given them where they were. They went ashore to eat them ; and when these were finished they sent a brisk young fellow back with the bowl. So the sailors caught him ; and then seven or eight of them went in a boat which they called the “light horseman,” to capture the other savages, taking with them another dish of pease, — an article of which the natives were very fond. They 1605 THE COAST EXPLORED. 17 went to the fire the savages had kindled; but the one who had been frightened ashore ran away into the woods. The other two remained ; and when well occupied with the viands, they were seized and forced down to the shore. It was as much as the eight men could do to get them into the boat ; for their clothing was not sufficient to hold them, and they had to be dragged on board by their topknots. This act of Captain Weymouth was no doubt wrong; but it must be remembered that the ideas of personal rights in that day were not as clear as ours ; besides, he intended to have them instructed in his language and religion, which, certainly, would be a benefit to them and their brethren, as well as to the English merchants and colonists. 9. As Captain Weymouth was preparing to sail, two other canoes with seven savages came to the ship. These were very stylishly fixed up with paint, furs, feathers and jewels. Some of their faces were painted black, with white eyebrows ; other faces were red, with a stripe of blue across the nose, upper lip and chin. They had jewels in their ears, and bracelets of round bits of bone on their arms. One had a coronet of fine stuff like stiff hair colored red, while others wore on their heads the skins of birds with the feathers on. This was a royal embassy which had come to invite the strangers to the court of the Bashaba, or King of the Indians. I do not know what Weymouth said to them, but he did not want to go ; for, you know, he had at that very moment five of the Bas- liaba’s subjects shut up in the hold of - his vessel. When the embassadors left, Captain Weymouth sailed away as soon as he could. * When he got to England he gave three of the Indians to Sir Ferdinando Gorges, — of whom we shall presently learn more. 10. The French, also, were growing more active on the northern coast ; and this, probably, was one reason why Weymouth had been sent there. A year before 18 HISTORY OF MAINE. 1605 his voyage a company had left France to found a colony somewhere in the north. It was led by Sieur de Monts, a Huguenot, or French Protestant; while his seventy followers were both Huguenots and Catho lies. Their pilot was Samuel Champlain, who had already explored the St. Lawrence River in the service of France. De Monts explored the Bay of Fundy, and discovered the St. John’s River; but they chose for the place of settlement an island at the mouth of the St. Croix River, since called St. Croix or Neutral Island. Here they built a fort, and within it several cabins and a chapel. So much wood was used in building, that little remained on the island ; and they were obliged to go to the mainland on the west for both water and fuel. They suffered dread- fully with the scurvy, and before spring half their number died. As soon as warm weather came, all that remained of the colony went again on board the vessel, and sailed away westward in search of a more suitable place for a plantation. They first visited Penobscot Bay, having before heard of the region under its Indian name, Norumbegua. Continuing their voyage, they went unconsciously past Pentecost Harbor, where, probably, Weymouth’s vessel then lay at anchor. At Kennebec, De Monts set up a cross and claimed the country in the name of the king of France. But this was of no effect, as Weymouth had already taken possession for the English king ; and according to the usage of the Christian world, any new country belonged to the nation which first took pos- session in due form. Next, Casco Bay spread its smooth waters and picturesque islands before the rov- ing Frenchmen; but still they sailed on, past rocky headlands, sparkling rivers and verdant hills, until the sandy curves of Cape Cod hemmed them in. At this point they encountered savages, with whom, they had a skirmish. They went no farther, but turned back to their starting place ; finding at St. John’s another ves- 1605 THE COAST EXPLORED. 19 sel with forty more colonists. Both ships now went across the bay, where they founded a town which they called Port Eoyal. It was on the site of the present town of Annapolis. Here, for nearly three years, they lived an easy, rollicking life. They carried on a profitable trade with the natives about them, obtaining abundance of corn, venison and furs. ' But the vessels of the Dutch merchants now came along the coast and interfered with their trade, and, worse still, the king revoked their charter; so, in the spring of 1608, they abandoned the country. In what year was the continent of America discovered ? In what year did Gosnold visit the coast of Maine? What islands were named by Pring ? What river did he ascend? Who took possession of the territory of Maine in the name of the English king ? What name did he give to the White Mountains of New Hampshire? What was his object in carrying away Indians? What Frenchman was on the coast of Maine at the same time with Weymouth? Where did De Mont’s colony pass the previous winter ? 2 20 HISTORY OF MAINE. 1606 CHAPTER II. 1. You have now learned of four famous voyages to this coast, and that none of them formed any settle- ment which was sustained. But w T hen the ships returned, their companies showed the many curious tilings they had brought, and told such wonderful stories about what they had seen, that a great many people became interested in the far off country be- neath the sunset. So in 1606 a number of noblemen, gentlemen and merchants belonging about London and Plymouth in England, joined themselves together for the purpose of sending out colonies, and of making Christians of the heathen natives. This association was called the “North and South Virginia Company; 55 and King James granted to it ah the territory between the thirty-fourth and forty-fifth degrees of north lati- tude. The London men chose for their portion the division south of the Hudson River, while those of Ply- mouth took the part north of the mouth of that river. 2. In August of the same year the Plymouth com- pany sent out two ships under Thomas Hanham, one of the company, to make a settlement at Sagadahoc; but one of the vessels was captured by the Spaniards, and the other, after a short stay on the coast, returned to England. In December the London company sent out three ships with planters; and these became the founders of Jamestown in Virginia. In June of the next year the Plymouth company again sent out two vessels with an hundred and twenty colonists. The leader of the expedition was Captain George Popham, brother to Lord John Popham, chief justice of Eng- land. His ship was named the “Gift of God 55 ; and the other, the “Mary and John, 55 was commanded by 1607 THE FIRST COLONY OF NEW ENGLAND. 21 Captain Raleigh Gilbert. On the sixteenth of August they landed on an island ; finding a cross, by which they knew it to be the one Captain Weymouth had visited, afterward called Monhegan. 3. On board of the “ Mary and John 51 9 was Skid- warroes, one of the savages who had been carried away by Weymouth two years before. When the poor fellow found himself once more so near his home lie became much excited, and wished to go at once to his native place near by on the mainland. Near mid- night Captain Gilbert manned his boat; and, guided by the eager savage, ere dawn they were at Pema- quid, now the town of Bristol. They landed in the early light of the morning, and approached a village of the natives. There was a sudden cry of alarm; and the warriors ran with hastily snatched weapons to drive the white men back. At the head of his braves was the chief of the village, Nahanada, — who was also one of those carried away by Weymouth, but returned the year before by Hanham. As soon as Nahanada and Slddwarroes perceived each other, they ran together and embraced. Then the brethren and family of the restored savage came forward and joined in the hearty greetings. Two hours soon passed, when Gilbert’s party returned to the vessel, taking Slddwarroes with them. 4. The next day was Sunday ; and the companies of both ships went ashore on Monhegan; and here, beside the cross which Weymouth had planted, was preached the first sermon of New England. On Monday Captains Popham and Gilbert, with fifty men, went again to Pemaquid. Slddwarroes was with them, but Nahanada and his braves appeared dis- trustful. The sight of so many armed men made them fear that the treachery of Weymouth was to be re- peated. Suddenly the savages withdrew into the wood, and Slddwarroes with them; where, from be- hind the trees, they menaced the white men with their 22 • HISTORY OF MAINE. 1607 arrows. It was tlie desire of the English to avoid bloodshed; so they retired to the boats and rowed across to the other side of the harbor, where they spent the night. The ships next sailed westward in search of the river Sagadahoc, or Kennebec. They passed Seguin (which they called /Sutquin) without recognizing; it, and examined the islands on the north- ern shore of Casco Bay. Then a storm arose and drove them away to the eastward. When the storm was over they again turned westward; and just at night the “Gift of God” got into the mouth of the river Sagadahoc; and in the morning she sent her boat and helped in the “Mary and John.” 5. They now searched about for a good site for their town, and finally chose the peninsula of Sabino, so called from Sebenoa, the sagamore of the region. This peninsula is part of the present town of Pliips- burg. It lies on the western side of the Kennebec at its mouth, and contains, perhaps, one or two hun- dred acres. It is almost an island, having the Ken- nebec on the east, the sea on the south, Atkin’s Bay on the north and west, while a narrow neck on the southwest alone connects it with the mainland. Fort Popham, a fine fortification of stone, now stands on the northeastern extremity, commanding the river; on the northern shore are a few small houses ; and on the east of the steep woody hill that runs across the peninsula from north to south, stands a fine old house with a flag staff in front. A little southward of this house, at the foot of a grassy slope, is a beautiful little sheet of fresh water; while, only a few rods away on the other side of a bank of sand scantily covered with vegetation, beat the surges of old ocean ; and the waves have been known in time of storms to dash quite over the narrow bound into the quiet little pond. 6. On Wednesday, the 29th day of August, 1607, the colonists went on shore and engaged in a religious service, led by Richard Seymour, them chaplain. The 1607 TnE first COLONY OF NEW ENGLAND. 23 Plymouth company had given them a sealed package containing the laws and a list of officers for the gov- ernment of the colony; and after the service, this was opened and read. They found that Captain George Popliam was their president, and Captain Raleigh Gilbert, admiral. Then they went to work building a fort, storehouse and dwellings, and even a vessel. Digby, a ship carpenter from London, was the master builder. She was called “Virginia”; and her size was thirty tons. Her first voyage was made the next spring to Virginia, and thence to England. Therefore the Kennebec river, which has since sent out so many vessels, has the honor of producing the first vessel built by English hands in America. 7. While the colonists were erecting then’ dwellings, Captain Gilbert and his crew explored the coast, going through Casco Bay quite to Cape Elizabeth. lie next ascended the river on which the settlement was made, where he saw many natives, and visited one of their villages. He offered them tobacco in exchange for their skins ; but those they brought were so poor that he would not purchase them. This made the Indians angry; and the English barely got away without a serious fight. 8. By and by some of the Wawennock tribe from the eastward visited the plantation, representing that the Bashaba, their king, expected all strangers coming into his dominions to pay their respects at his court. The president sent a deputation to visit him, but it was driven back by a storm. When the Bashaba learned of this misfortune, he sent his son with a reti- nue to visit the president at Sabino. After such treatment as these people had received from Wey- mouth, this action was a mark of a generous nature. 9. The Indians were for sometime after this quite intimate with the colonists. At one time forty men, women and children, being on a visit to the planta- tion, sat down to meat with the English. They 24 IIISTORY OF MAINE. 1607 attended worship, also, behaving with great reverence. Indeed, they were so much impressed with the gov- ernment and religion of the English, that they would say, “King James is a good king, and his God is a good God; but our god, Tanto, is a naughty god.” 10. The colonists were industrious; and by the time the winter came on with its sleet and snow, they had finished a storehouse, one large dwelling, and a num- ber of small cottages. They had also completed their fort, which they named St. George, in honor of their president. But with the winter came trouble. Quar- rels arose between them and the natives; and tradition tells us of two fatal affrays. Once the planters got the Indians to assist in moving one of the cannon in the fort ; and while they were pulling on a long rope directly in range of the gun, it was discharged. Though the gun was loaded with powder only, some were killed, others knocked over and injured, and the remainder badly frightened. 11. The men, probably, had not intended to do them any harm, but to impress them with a wholesome dread of their weapons; yet this action only tended to produce the very hostility they feared. In a quarrel which happened a little later, one of the English was killed and the others driven out of the fort, leaving the Indians in possession. In ransacking the store- house, which was within the fort, the Indians came upon a cask of powder ; not being able to make out what it was, they scattered it about very freely. Pretty soon it caught fire, and then there was an explosion. I do not know how many of the Indians were killed, but all the others were quite overcome with terror. They thought the God of the English had done it because he was angrv with them for killing the white stranger; and they besought the planters to forgive them and be their friends. But their peni- tence did not last long, and they were soon more hos- tile than ever. 1G08 TnE FIRST COLONY OF NEW ENGLAND. 25 12. The explosion had set the storehouse on fire, and all the provisions of the colonists and the furs they had bought were burned up ; and for the remainder of the winter they were obliged to live on fish, a little lean game, and even dog meat. The season, too, was a terribly cold one ; and their weak, little cabins could not keep out the doleful winds and biting frosts. With all these privations and misfortunes, it is no wonder that the men grew low-spirited, and longed to be in their native England again. Many became sickly ; but the only one who died was their good presi- dent, George Popham. “I die content,” said he; “for my name will be always associated with the first planting of the English race in the new world. My remains will not be neglected away from the home of my fathers and my kindred.” You see that he did not suppose the plantation would be given up; and the belief that he had been useful to his country was a consolation to the last hours of this aged pioneer. Yet the spot of his burial remains unknown to this day. 13. The “Mary and John,” and probably, the “Gift of God,” had returned to England in the autumn ; but in the spring a ship came with supplies. It brought the news of the death of chief justice Popham, and of Sir John, brother of Captain Gilbert. The death of the president had left Gilbert the chief in command; but, being his brother’s heir, he determined to go back to England. In these men the colonists believed they had lost their best friends, and were altogether dis- couraged; so some returned to England with Captain Gilbert, while others went in the little vessel they had built to Jamestown in Virginia. Wliat company sent the first English colonies to America? Where was the first colony sent ? In what year was the settlement made in Virginia? In what year was the first colony planted in Maine ? Who was the leader of this colony ? On what peninsula 26 niSTORY OF MAINE. 1607 did they settle ? Where is Sabino ? What did they name their fort? What name did they give to the vessel they built? Where was the first voyage of this vessel made ? What explorations did Captain Gilbert make ? What Indians often visited the colonists? What happened to their storehouse during the winter? What one of their number died during the winter? What ill news did they hear in the spring? What effect did these misfortunes have upon the colonists? 1613 EARLY EVENTS ON TIIE COAST. 27 CHAPTER III. 1. The next colony settled at Mt. Desert Island, which was then called St. Saviour. It was sent out in 1613 by the French Catholics, and consisted of twenty- five colonists, together with the Jesuits, Biard and Mass6, who had come to the coast a few years before. 2. The Virginia magistrates soon heard of this set- tlement, and decided to remove the intruders at once ; for Mt. Desert was within the limits of the charter which the English king had granted to the North and South Virginia Company. Eleven fishing vessels with fourteen pieces of cannon and sixty soldiers, under the command of Captain Samuel Argal, were sent against them. The French had two vessels in the harbor and a small fortification on shore; but this attack took them by surprise, and the place was easily captured. 3. Several were wounded in this conflict, but the only one killed was a Jesuit named Gilbert Du Thet, who fell by a musket ball while in the act of aiming a ship’s gun against the English. Argal treated his prisoners with kindness, giving them the choice to return to France by such vessels as they could find, or to go with him to Virginia. lie also visited and captured Port Royal, where the French had again planted a small colony. 4. All who have read the history of the United States w T ill remember about Captain John Smith and Pocahontas. The same Captain Smith came in 1614 to the coast of Maine. He had two ships and forty-five men, and meant on this or a later voyage to form a settle- ment. They touched at Monhegan first, then went to Sagadahoc. In this vicinity he built seven boats. Some of these were used by Ins men in fishing, while 28 niSTORY OF MAINE. 1614 with others lie explored the coast and rivers. The men spent the best part of the fishing season in catch- ing whales, and in search of gold and copper mines. They found no mines, and the whales were not such as yield much oil ; thus a great deal of time was wasted. They had one skirmish with the savages, in which they killed several, but came off themselves without loss. 5. Late in the summer Smith returned to England with a valuable cargo of fish and furs; but the other vessel staid behind. Her master was Thomas Hunt. Smith indignantly says of him, “He purposely tarried behind to prevent me from making a plantation, and to steal savages.” Hunt prowled along the coast as far as Cape Cod, capturing natives at several places. Finally he sailed away with twenty-seven of them; and going to Malaga, lie sold them to the Spaniards for slaves. 6. The next year Smith started again for the shores of Maine; but on the way he was captured by the French, and his colonizing schemes broken up. He always made good use of his time, however; and soon after his liberation he published a map and a short history of the northeastern coast. It was in this work that the portion of our country called New England first received its name. Smith had explored the coast from Sagadahoc to Cape Cod, finding twenty-five har- bors and several large rivers, and visiting forty villages of .the natives. 7. How the rough islands, jagged capes, and the many bays and snug little havens must have surprised him, as he paddled industriously among them; and how pleasing the numerous rivers, with their woody hills and grassy intervales ! Yet lie did not see the lakes and the myriad ponds that held back the water from the sea, or the cataracts that throw it down; where, in after years, the ringing saws should cut up the for- est for house and ship, or larger mills spin and weave the wool and the cotton into cloth for the comfort of man. 1614 EARLY EVENTS ON THE COAST. 29 8. The natives of Maine were at this time united in a confederation under a chief sachem, or king, called the Bashaba. They were divided into three nations ; the Sokokis, who lived about the Saco river ; the Abna- kis, on the Androscoggin, Kennebec, and several smaller rivers eastward; and the Etechemins, who occupied the country from the Penobscot river to the St. John’s, in Nova Scotia. The Bashaba belonged to the Wawennocks, a powerful tribe of the Abnakis, who dwelt upon the small rivers on the coast between the Kennebec and Penobscot. 9. Shortly after Captain Smith’s visit, the Tarra- tines, or Penobscot Indians, who had become very nu- merous,. rebelled against the Bashaba. They defeated the warriors sent to subdue them; and, invading the Wawennock territory, killed the monarch, burned his villages, and nearly destroyed the tribe. Then other quarrels happened among them, and many more were killed. After the war came a pestilence; and the Indians died in great numbers — even whole villages being swept away. The disease was so rapid and fatal that in some places none were left to bury the dead ; and their white bones were long after seen bleaching on the ground. The plague was the worst in the win- ter of 1616 and 1617; and a company of Englishmen spent this very season at the mouth of the Saco river. 10. They visited the sick, and spent many nights with them in their cabins ; yet not one of the English had even so much as a headache. The leader of this company was Richard Vines, who had been educated a physician; and probably it was the cleanly and whole- some habits which he enforced among his men, that saved them from the disease. Vines was in the employ of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and spent the winter on this shore by his request, to try if the climate was too severe for English folk to endure. The place was named Winter Harbor; and Vines must have been much pleased with it, for he soon after made the Saco river his permanent residence. 30 niSTORY OF MAINE. 1619 11. Gorges now persuaded the Plymouth company to make another attempt at settlement; therefore in 1618 they sent out a vessel under Edward Rocroft. He was to find Captain Thomas Dermer, then at New- foundland, and proceed with him to form a plantation. He did not meet Dermer, but kept on to Monhegan. There he captured a French trading vessel and a large quantity of furs; sending the Frenchmen to England in his own vessel, which was smallest. His crew soon after formed a plot to murder him for the sake of the cargo. But he discovered the plot ; and, running into Winter Harbor, set the conspirators ashore. Then he sailed away to Virginia, where he was killed in a quar- rel with a planter. Probably Vines and his company had gone from Winter Harbor, or would not allow the conspirators to stay with them; for they made their way to Monhegan, and spent the winter there. 12. Next came Captain Dermer, looking for Rocroft. He found the Indians very hostile, on account of the wickedness of Hunt and others in stealing away their people for slaves. Dermer had brought back two of Hunt’s captives, Samoset and Squanto; and these gave him a great deal of assistance in pacifying the angry savages. Near Cape Cod he found and re- deemed a Frenchman, the sole survivor of the crew of a French ship which had been wrecked on the coast a few years before. The crew had escaped to the shore, where the savages prowled about them until they killed all but three or four. They made prisoners of these, sending them about from one tribe to another to be tortured for then* sport. When the poor men reproached them for their babarity, and warned them that the wrath of God would come upon them, the savages laughed, and s&id scornfully that they were “too many for God.” In less than two years after, great numbers of them died of the plague. 13. Among other places, Captain Dermer visited Martha’s Vineyard; but the natives here, instead of lis- 1621 EARLY EVENTS ON THE COAST. 31 teningtotermsof peace, made a murderous assault upon a boat’s crew which went ashore. They were nearly all killed; and an Indian had Captain Dermer down, and would have cut his head off had not the rescued Frenchman come to his aid. Dermer remained on the coast until midsummer of 1620; and in December the Pilgrims came and founded their famous town. Though he had made peace with the natives to the northward, those about Cape Cod remained hostile, waylaying and killing the settlers whenever they could. 14. Just at the close of that first gloomy winter at Plymouth, the afflicted pilgrims were one day startled by the sight of a stately savage walking from the woods toward their cabins. But instead of the war-whoop, they heard from his lips, “Welcome, Englishmen ! welcome, Englishmen!” Yet they looked fearfully about, lest some stealthy followers might fall upon them unawares. Bow and arrows were in his hands, but he offered no one any harm. It was Samoset, native lord of Pemaquid. His captivity had saved him from war and pestilence; and he had been re- stored to his native shores to find his country desolate and his kindred perished. 15. The pilgrims entertained the chieftain with food and lodging. In return he told them about the plague which had carried away the people, and gave them much needful information in regard to the country, lie went away the next morning, but returned a few days after, bringing other natives to visit them, among whom was the famous Massasoit. 16. When Captain Levett, in 1623, sailed along the coast in search of a place to settle, he met Samoset near Pemaquid, and received from him the same generous welcome. lie aided Levett in obtaining furs, and introduced his squaw. Levett says, “The next day I sailed for Quack, or York, with the king ,* queen and prince, bow and arrows, dog and kitten, in my vessel; his noble attendants rowing by us in their canoes.” * See close of chapter. 32 niSTORY OF MAINE. 1625 17. Soon after tliis, Samoset sold to one John Brown a tract of land at Pemaquid, comprising the present towns of Bristol and Damariscotta. The deed of the sale was made in 1625, and is the first ever given by a native of America. 18. The noble sachem lived for many years after at Pemaquid, always remaining the good friend of the English. He was remarkable for his love of truth and justice, and his generous confidence in others. * The person taken on board his vessel, and spoken of by Levett as a king, was Cogawesco, sagamore of “Quack,” who had his lodge on Stroudwater river, in old Falmouth. Who drove the Jesuits from Mt. Desert Island? In what year did Capt. Smith visit the coast of Maine ? How did his men waste much time ? How many harbors did Smith explore ? How many villages of the natives did he visit ? lYhat name did he give the northern country in his history ? W 7 ho stole natives of Maine for slaves ? What three nations of Indians occupied Maine at this time ? What happened among the Indians soon after ? In what years did Richard Vines spend a winter at Saco ? Who made peace with the Indians on the coast soon after? What noted chieftain of Maine met the pilgrims with words of welcome? What wa3 the character of Samoset ? 1620 COLONIES AND COLONISTS. 33 CHAPTER IV. 1. Early in the year 1620 the Plymouth, or North- ern branch of the North and South Virginia Company gave up its charter. A new company was then formed, consisting of forty noblemen, knights, and gentlemen. It was described as “The Council estab- lished at Plymouth in the County of Devon, for plant- ing, ruling and governing New England in America;’ 5 but it was usually called the New England Company. The king granted to it the territory from a little south of the Hudson River to the Bay of Chaleur on the north, and from “sea to sea.” Sir Ferdinando Gor- ges, who had been president of the old company, was made chief agent of the new one. 2. This gentleman was born in the year 1573, in the county of Somerset, in England. Before he was thirty years old he had won great honor in the war with Spain ; and the king, to reward his services, made him governor of the fortified town of Plymouth, in the south-western part of England. Among his friends were Sir Walter Raleigh and Sir Humphrey Gilbert ; and from these he, no doubt, imbibed that enthusiasm for America which made him through a long fife the constant friend of the colonies. 3. The French, who had two or more colonies on the St. Lawrence river, were now attempting settlements further southward within the limits of the New Eng- land Company’s patent. It was plain that this north- ern boundary was likely to cause trouble. Gorges, to relieve himself of the difficulty, procured for Sir Wil- liam Alexander, Secretary of State for Scotland, a grant of all the territory east of the St. Croix, and 34 niSTORY OF MAINE. 1G20 northward on tlie line of this river to the St. Lawrence.- All this region was at that time known as Canada, but the new proprietor named it Nova Scotia , or New Scotland. It was his intention to settle it with Scotch, who, it was thought, would prove an effectual barrier against the French. 4. Gorges was constantly on the watch for persons desirous of a home in the new world ; and thus he came to learn of a number of English families who had removed to Leyden in Holland that they might be at liberty to worship God in the way which they believed to be right. They at first chose the Hudson as the place for their plantation ; but, landing on the shores of Massachusetts, they concluded to make that their residence ; and Gorges obtained for them a grant of the place where they had settled. Thus were intro- duced to the world the famous Pilgrims of New Plymouth. 5. In its political action the English government always regarded Popham’s colony as the initial settlement of New England ; though it was not per- manently maintained. It is, however, quite certain that some points in Maine — as Monhegan, Pemaquid and Saco, had been occupied for several years previous to the settlement of Plymouth; but the inhabitants were fishermen, and probably few of them remained at any of these places throughout the year. I think, therefore, that the pilgrims of the Mayflower must, in a social sense, be considered the first settlers of New England; for in this colony were found man, woman and child — the triple parts of the integer of human life. In 1622 the New England Company granted to Gorges and Captain John Mason the whole territory between the Merrimac river and the Kennebec. The proprietors named this country Laconia . It was described as the paradise of the North, having a salu- brious climate, fine scenery, bays and rivers swarming with fish, and forests full of game. 1623 COLONIES AND COLONISTS. 35 6. These gorgeous reports brought many good peo- ple to our shores; but there had come, also, many lawless adventurers. Complaints soon reached the proprie- tors that persons without right or license were carrying away timber, burning the forests, destroying the game and catching the fish. The Indians, too, were becom- ing enraged by these acts, and because the traders cheated them and made them drunken ; and frequent bloody quarrels happened between them and the Eng- lish. So in 1623 the New England Company sent out Robert Gorges, a son of Sir Ferdinando, as governor. They also sent an admiral to regulate trade and fishery about the coasts, and a minister to oversee religious affairs. These three were to appoint civil officers, and to sit as judges on all cases which should arise in the province. But Parliament opposed the privileges of the company, and the governor was recalled ; the min- ister found his office unwelcome ; while the fishermen were so stubborn that the admiral could do nothing with them ; — so in a year or two all had returned to England. 7. Meantime many people who were oppressed at home sought refuge in this country; and the settle- ments increased all along the. coast. The little band of pilgrims had been joined by others of their breth- ren, and were profitably engaged in fishing and in trade with the Indians ; having a trading house on the Penobscot, and another at Sagadahoc near the site of Popliam’s fort. In order to favor this persevering colony and to aid in spreading Christianity among the natives, the New England Company gave them a tract of land on the Kennebec, reaching from near Swan Island northward fifteen miles from each shore to the great bend of the river. In this territory they had exclusive rights of trade and fishery, and the legal power necessary for the protection of their property/ Here they erected other trading houses, — one in the present town of Richmond, and another at Cushnoc, now Augusta. 36 HISTORY OF MAINE. 1627 8. These houses were stocked with blankets, coats, shoes, iron implements, hard bread, and various sorts of ornaments and trinkets suited to the fancy of the savages. They had also wamjpum , which served the Indians for both ornament and money. This was a kind of bead made by the Indians west of Narragan- sett Bay from the inner part of the shells of the whelk and quahog. It was of two kinds, — the purple and the white; white being valued at a farthing each and the purple at two farthings; but later the value changed. In 1627 some Puritans in England received from the New England Company a grant of the land embraced between New Plymouth and the Merrimac river. These became the Massachusetts Bay Colony; and the king gave them, a charter of their territory with the right of government within its limits. In 1629 a divi- sion of Laconia was made between Gorges and Mason. The latter took the part south of the Piscataqua, which he named New Hampshire; and thus was fixed the south-western boundary of the State of Maine. 9. The next notable patent was that of Lygonia, issu- ed in 1630, and sometimes called the “Plough Patent,” from the name of the vessel which brought over the colonists. The vessel bore this name because the com- pany intended to plough the land and raise crops as their principal business, instead of trading with the natives and fishing, like the other plantations. Their territory extended from the Kennebunk to Royal’s river ; and they settled near Casco Bay. This colony was laughed at a great deal, because it broke up within a year ; its members scattering among other plantations southward. 10. The same year the territory lying between Mus- congusBay and Medomac River at the east was granted to some persons who had trading houses there. This was called the “Muscongus Patent ; ” but nearly a hundred years later it passed into the possession of the Waldo family, and was afterward known as the “Waldo 1627 COLONIES AND COLONISTS. 37 Patent.” The “Pemaquid Patent” was the last grant made by the New England Company within the limits of our State. It was issued in 1631, and comprised the territory between the Medomac and Damariscotta rivers. West of this was the Sheepscot plantation, called the “Garden of the East,” for its fruitfulness; while the settlement at Cape Newagen was, probably, the most ancient of all. There was no patent issued for the region between the Damariscotta and Kenne- bec before the grant to the Duke of York; and the settlers held their lands by Indian deeds. Among other purchases made of the natives was that of the present town of Woolwich, of the sachem Pobin Hood, for a hogshead of corn and thirty pumpkins. 11. In 1625 King Charles, the new English sov- ereign, was betrothed to the Princess Henrietta Maria, daughter of the French king ; and in the marriage treaty he ceded to France the whole of New Scotland. This territory, you remember, had been given by the New England Company to Sir William Alexander, who undertook to people it with Scotch. He did not suc- ceed in bringing in many settlers, and was now in con- stant fear that his province would soon be seized by France; therefore he gladly sold the whole for a small sum to M. La Tour, a Huguenot, or French Protest- ant, who wished to plant a colony there. A condition of the sale was that La Tour should hold the country subject to the Scottish crown; but he quickly proved his dishonesty by secretly procuring from the French king a patent of a large tract of the same territory, to be held by him as a subject of France. 12. Thus the whole country eastward of the Penob- scot became disputed territory; for Parliament denied the king’s right to give away territory without its con- sent. But France took possession, naming the country Acadie; and the French thought themselves safe in plundering all the trading houses and vessels of the English which they could find within their limits. A 38 IIISTOEY OF MAINE. 1632 French fishing vessel came to the trading station of the New Plymouth colony on the Penobscot, pretend- ing that they had put into harbor in distress, and beg- ged permission to repair leaks and refresh themselves. They were kindly received, and allowed to go about on shore as they liked. The villainous crew quickly learned that most of the men belonging to the station were absent ; and they immediately seized the swords and muskets in’ the fort, and ordered the keepers to surrender on pain of instant death. Then they forced them at the point of the sword to carry the merchan- dise of the fort on board their vessel. But the spirited Puritans were not easily dismayed, and they soon after stocked their trading house anew, and the very next spring opened another at Macliias. A year later La Tom' himself attacked this one, killing two of the men, and carrying the remainder away prisoners to Port Koyal. 13. Some English vessels, also, still ventured to trade with the Indians along the coast, as before ; and a few of them were caught. One belonged to a man named Dixy Bull. As the French had taken his cargo but left him his vessel, he decided to turn pirate. At this time many low, vagabond fellows were prowling about the coast, sometimes hunting and sometimes fishing for a subsistence ; and from these Bull soon made up a numerous crew of desperadoes. He then proceeded to rob his own countrymen, taking their furs, provi- sions, arms and ammunition, and sinking their vessels. In 1632 he stole into the harbor of Pemaquid, and surprised the village. The villagers were at work in the fields and woods, and off on the water fishing ; and before they could rally for defense, the pirates had laden their boats with plunder from warehouse and dwelling. But the people made an attack upon them as they were embarking, and killed one of the leaders. At last the settlements at the westward were aroused; and a force was fitted out at Piscataqua to capture the 1633 COLONIES AND COLONISTS. 39 freebooters. The little squadron consisted of four vessels, and carried fifty men. It cruised three weeks in search of the pirates ; but they had become fright- ened, and fled. They left behind them a message for the authorities, which read in this way: “We now proceed southward, — never shall hurt any more of your countrymen, — rather be sunk than taken. For- tune le Garde.” 14. Bull seems to have been more prudent than most of his class, for he never allowed his crew to become drunken. At the hour when good captains had even- ing prayer he would say to his men, “Now we’ll have a story and a song.” But he met with his deserts at last. Having gained some riches, he returned to Eng- land, where his crimes were found out, and he was tried and executed. Soon after New Scotland became the property of France, that government sent over General Bazilla as governor ; and his deputy over the region between St. Croix and the Penobscot was M. D’Aulney. This gentleman made his residence at Biguyduce, (now Castine) where he had a fort, mill, and a fine farm. When Bazilla died D’Aulney claimed to be his suc- cessor against M. La Tour, who was the owner of a large part of what is now New Brunswick. D’Aul- ney was a Catholic, and La Tour was a Huguenot ; therefore D’Aulney received the support of French ecclesiastics, while La Tour obtained private aid from the English. Consequently D’Aulney manifested all the hostility toward the English that was consistent with his safety. At last he captured La Tour’s fort at St. John’s ; carrying Madame La Tour away to his own fort, where he kept her a close prisoner until she died. Soon after D’Aulney died also ; and his enemy, La Tour,* married his widow, and succeeded to Ills possessions. 40 HISTORY OF MAINE. 1G35 What territory did the king grant to the New England Company ? To whom did the New England Company grant New Scotland ? What points in Maine were inhabited before 1820 ? What name was given to the territory of Gorges and Mason ? In what year was the first governor sent over? Where did the Plymouth colony establish trading houses ? In what year was the division of Laco- nia made ? What boundary did this division fix ? What were some of the most notable patents? When was New Scotland ceded to France ? What did France call the countiy ? CPAPTER Y. 1. In 1635 the New England Company was dissolv ed. Its territory was divided into twelve provinces, of which four were within the present limits of Maine The first embraced the region between the St. Croix and Penobscot rivers, and was named the County of Canada, and assigned to Sir William Alexander; the second, lying between the Penobscot and Kennebec, was given to the Duke of York; the third embraced the land between the Kennebec and the Androscog- gin ; while the fourth extended to the Piscataqua. Both the last were given to Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and by him named New Somersetshire ; and in 1636 he sent over his nephew, William Gorges, as governor of this province. This gentleman chose for assistants Richard Bonython, of Saco, Thomas Cammock and Ilenry Joscelyn, of Black Point in Scarborough, Thomas Purchas, of Pejepscot (Brunswick), Edward Godfrey and Thomas Lewis, of the Piscataqua river settlements. 2. The first session of court was held at the house of Richard Bonython in Saco. An action was tried con- cerning a cornfield, and another of debt. Among the laws they made, was one relating to “mischievous In- 1635 POLITICS AND CIVIL AFFAIRS. 41 dians,” and others in regard to drunkenness, and the sale of intoxicating liquors. The last prohibited the sale of any strong drink except a small quantity just after dinner. The settlers, it is said, had fallen into the habit of drinking too much ; and this first govern- ment of Gorges was wise enough to restrain a practice so dangerous to the prosperity of the young State. The new country was now found to afford secure homes and a comfortable support ; and so many Eng- lish were emigrating that King Charles began to be alarmed. At one time he detained some emigrant vessels in port for several weeks, to the great distress of the passengers. lie next ordered that no subject should leave the realm without taking the oaths of allegiance and religious supremacy. As he wished to secure to himself some profit from these New England subjects, he ordained that no colonist should entertain a stranger or admit any person as a household tenant without a license from the crown. 3. The colonists, especially the Puritans, were rep- resented as being rebellious, and unworthy of confi- dence ; therefore the king instituted a general govern- ment for New England, and appointed Sir Ferdinando Gorges as governor. A ship was nearly ready to bring him over, when, as the builders were at work upon her side, she turned bottom upward. This mis- fortune delayed the voyage ; and other difficulties succeeded, so that Gorges never visited the country for whose settlement he had labored so long. His nephew, the governor of New Somersetshire, soon returned to England; and Gorges offered the management of his province to the Puritans, but it was declined. In 1639 he procured a charter from the king making him proprietary lord of the province, with full power of government therein. This grant extended from the Piscataqua river eastward to the Kennebec, thence north and west to Dead river and Umbagog lake. The name of the territory under the 42 niSTORY OF MAINE. 1G39 new charter was changed to “ Maine,” in honor of the Queen, whose patrimonial estate as Princess of France, was the French province of Mayne . 4. By this charter no person had a right to trade, hold property, or reside within the province, except by permission of the proprietor ; and he was entitled to a quitrent from the settlers of sixpence an acre yearly. For the government of his province he chose a deputy governor, chancellor, marshal, treasurer, admiral, mas- ter of ordnance, and Secretary. These sat each month as a court of justice ; and, joined with eight deputies elected by the people, they formed a legislative assem- bly, which levied the taxes and made laws. The first general court for the province of Maine was held at Saco in June, 1640. George Burdet, the chief man of the Agamenticus plantation, was fined forty-five pounds for lewdness, breaking the peace, and slanderous speaking ; John Lander was fined two shil- lings for “swearing two oaths;” Ivory Puddington was fined for being drunk at Mrs. Tyms; and John Smith for running away from his master, was sen- tenced to be whipped and sent back. Perhaps Smith was an apprentice learning a trade, or he might have been sold for a certain time to pay a debt — possibly to pay his passage across the seas; for they had such a custom in those old days. 5. Yet most of those who now came to Maine brought money with them, as well as their furniture and the implements of tlieh trade. Many came to till the land, and had their stock to buy ; so the domestic ani- mals raised by the older settlers brought them a hand- some price — a good yoke of oxen often selling for fifty pounds sterling. Money was scarce, too ; and all kinds of grain, with sheep, goats and pigs, were con- sidered as good, if not legal, tender. The people had to pay in money or furs for clothes, which were then mostly brought from England ; so after a while it was found best to raise flax and wool, from which, with the 1642 POLITICS AND CIVIL AFFAIPvS. 43 great liand looms, they wove the strong cloth for bed- ding and wearing apparel. Until about this time, too, all the meal and flour used were brought from Eng- land, or ground in the mills at Boston or at Sheepscot ; so there was a great demand for more mills for grain, as well as for cutting lumber. This demand was fur- ther increased by the opening of a trade in lumber with the West Indies; while the settlers could now have molasses, sugar, coffee, spices, and other tropical products, which they had before done mostly without. 6. All these advantages tended to a rapid increase of the settlements ; and Gorges was rejoiced at the pros- pect of a rich reward for his years of labor. With the eye of hope he saw in his province of Maine a noble inheritance for his children and children’s children. He selected the plantation of Agamenticus for his capi- tal; and, in 1642, he made it a city, naming it for himself, Gorgeana. It comprised twenty-one square miles on the north side of the York river and on the sea. The city had a mayor, aldermen, and coun- cilmen, together with sargeants, (policemen) whose badge was a white rod. Yet Gorgeana never had even three hundred inhabitants ; and, ten years later, it was changed to the town of York. f . But reverses now began to overtake Gorges. Emigration fell off, so there were few to take up land or to buy cattle of the settlers ; and business became very dull. Then the Lygonia, or “Plough Patent,” was revived, though it really had become void. After the failure of the colony it fell into the hands of Sir Alex- ander Rigby, who set up his own government in the territory. Gorges held his province by the king’s charter ; but Rigby was favored by Parliament, which was now bitterly opposed to the king; and though Rigby was finally obliged to abandon the claim, he obtained the profits of the territory for several years. Thus was Gorges robbed of more than half his sea- coast. 44 niSTOEY OF MAIXE 1C45 OLD APPLE TREE AT YORK, PLANTED 1629. On the Piscataqua, at the other side of his province, the settlers entered into a compact that they would not be subject to his government; for, being Puritans, they were unwilling to live under a charter which required them to be subject to the church of England. Yet Gorges never insisted that his people should wor- ship in the English form, but allowed freedom of con- science to all; and the Puritans, with the Baptist and the Quaker, whom they persecuted, alike found refuge from royalty and from each other in the province of Maine. 8. A civil war now broke out in England ; and Gorges, who had received many favors from his sover eign, took his part against Cromwell’s party. King Charles lost his cause, and Gorges was thrown into prison. He was now over seventy years old ; and, 1647 POLITICS AND CIVIL AFFAIRS. 45 worn out by misfortune and hardship, he died in 1647, soon after his release. He had ever been the earnest advocate of settle- ments in America, and the constant friend of the colo- nists ; and for these reasons he is very properly called the “Father of American Colonization. 55 For more than forty years he had fostered the settlements on our coasts, his chief motives being in his own simple but noble words, — “The enlargement of the Christian faith, the support of justice, and the love of peace. 55 Into how many provinces was Maine divided in 1635 ? Which of these were given to Gorges? What was Gorges’ province called? Where was the first court held? Who was now ap- pointed governor of New England ? Did he ever come to this country? What was his province called under the king’s charter? Where did the settlers obtain clothes, meal and flour ? What did they export to the West Indies? What city did Gorges found for his capital ? To what was it afterward, changed ? What title has sometimes been applied to Gorges ? CHAPTER YI. 1. At the death of Gorges in 1647 the present terri- tory of Maine was under six governments, all entirely independent of each other. The whole country east of the Penobscot was held by the French ; while west of that river was, first, the Muscongus Patent, then the Pemaquid, next the Kennebec, then the Lygonia, or “Plough Patent, 55 — and, lastly, the remnant of Gorges 5 Province of Maine. So many governments, each jealous of the other, caused much disorder in the country ; for evil doers in one province or patent took refuge in another, and thus, too often, escaped the punishment due to them offenses. 46 HISTORY OF MAINE. 1634 2. Once a magistrate of Plymouth, named John Alden, was arrested in the streets of Boston on the charge of murdering a man on the Kennebec River. John was a Pilgrim boy, one of the company who came over in the Mayflower — and the first person, it is said, to spring ashore when they landed. He is the same John Alden of whom Longfellow tells us in the “Courtship of Miles Standish.” Perhaps you will re- member that Standish, the Puritan warrior, sent his friend John Alden to court the fair Priscilla for him. John was then young and ruddy; and it is no wonder that when he plead the cause of the doughty widower, the blushing maiden should exclaim, “Why don’t you speak for yourself, John?” And no doubt all will remember that after a while John did speak for him- self ; and that Priscilla became his wife,J' and rode home after the wedding on a white bull, which John led by a rope. ’ • - 3. The Plymouth colony, you know, had the ex- clusive right of trade on this river ;*and when in 1631 a vessel from Hew Hampshire came there to trade, this John Alden, who was then in charge of the col- ony affairs in the region, ordered it away. Instead of obeying, the captain (whose name was Haskins) brought his vessel still farther up the river ; therefore Alden sent some men to cut the ropes by which she was moored. They had severed one, when Haskins, seizing a musket, swore that if a man of them touched the other he would shoot him. The boatmen had too much courage to neglect their duty for a mere threat ; and one raised his axe to strike, but before it could fall the angry captain had shot him dead. A moment later Captain Haskins fell in his turn, pierced by a bullet from a comrade of the man he had killed. The Plymouth folk advocated Alden’s cause ; and finally the Bay magistrates pronounced the act “justifiable homicide.” So there was no one punished. * The Kennebec. 1652 COUNTIES, CUSTOMS AND CHARACTERS. 47 4. Thomas Purchas, who lived at the head of New ' Meadow River in Brunswick; (then Pejepscot) owned an extensive tract of land on both sides of the An- droscoggin River. He had opened a trading house at this point about the year 1625 ; but becoming fear- ful of the Indians around him; he, in 1639, put his territory under the government of Massachusetts for protection. 5. Indeed, this government was so often called upon for arbitration and protection, that its chief men began to contrive how they might obtain more com- plete control of the eastern settlements. On examin- ing their charter the magistrates thought that its words would allow them to take the source of the Merrimac river as the northern extremity of their territory, instead of the mouth of that river, which had before been considered the limit. So their sur- veyors presently found the new boundary to be a direct line from the northern part of Winnipesaukee Lake to the mouth of the Presumpscot river ; and, behold, Gorges 5 province of Maine, the Lygonia Pa- tent and Mason’s grant of New Hampshire were under the Puritan charter ! 6. In 1652 the commissioners appointed by Massa- chusetts came into the province of Maine to set up then* government. A meeting was called in Gorgeana to consider the change. The authorities of the province were there, headed by Governor Godfrey; and on the other hand sat the commissioners. The governor har- rangued the people against submission ; the commis- sioners replied, promising that there should be no interference with religious worship nor with the estates of the settlers. When the question was referred to the people, to the great astonishment of the governor, every vote beside his own was in favor of Massachu- setts. 7. Thus all went smoothly with the Bay colony’s pro- ject in the western part of the province of Maine; but 48 HISTORY OF MAINE. 1652 when it came to the collection of taxes, there was trouble in Lygonia. The foremost to resist the col- lecting officers was John Bonython of Saco. He fur- thermore wrote a defiant letter to the General Court, denying the right of Massachusetts within the Lygonia Patent. He seems in this action only to have stood up for the rights of the proprietor of the patent ; yet he was declared an outlaw by the Massachusetts mag- istrates, and a price set upon his body. But no doubt he was a bold, perhaps an unscrupulous man; for when he died some person wrote this couplet on his tombstone for an epitaph : — “Here lies Bonython, sagamore of Saco ; He lived a rogue and died a knave, and went to Hobomoko.” 8. The province of Maine was now made a county of Massachusetts under the name of Yorkshire, and sent two delegates to the General Court, as the legislature of Massachusetts was called. A court was held in the county twice a year, alternately at Kittery and York. A part of the magistrates were chosen by the General Court, and others by the people of the county ; and besides trying civil and criminal cases, these were au- thorized to appoint three commissioners in each town to decide petty cases. 9. A militia was organized the same as in Massa- chusetts. The smallest division was the “trainband,” which consisted of not fewer than fifty-four men nor more than two hundred. Its officers were a captain, lieutenant and ensign, and a sergeant for the pikemen. The sergeant was armed with a halberd, — a weapon formed by the combination of an axe and spear, and set on a long handle. The other officers wore swords and pistols ; and the chief officers carried “partisans,” which are colored rods, indicating leadership. The soldiers were armed with pikes and muskets. The pike, or spear, was a staff about ten feet in length with a sharp point of metal; but sometimes, instead 1052 CUSTOMS, COUNTIES AND CHABACTEKS. 49 of a proper spear head, they tied on a stout knife or a piece of scythe. Men of large stature were always chosen for pikemen; and there were twice as many musketeers as pikemen in a trainband. Some mus- kets had matchlocks, but most had the flintlock. Each musketeer, at trainings, carried a crotclied stick called a rest, on which the gun was laid in taking aim. 10. In fighting Indians the soldiers must be good marksmen ; for generally these foes scattered widely apart, or hid behind stumps, stones and trees. Mas- sachusetts had already been through one Indian war, when her forces destroyed the Pequots ; and she knew now how to meet savages. Each soldier wore about him a bandoleer, containing little leather boxes for powder and bullets. Some of them wore corselets of iron, which covered the breast and stomach; while others had their coats thickly padded with cotton to protect them from arrows. They must have been queer looking soldiers, plated with iron and stuffed with cotton, — no two being dressed alike; yet they were men of courage, daring to face the scalping sav- age in his forest ambush. But when it really came to fighting savages, the pikes, breastplates and stuffing were all abandoned ; nothing but guns, hatchets and knives or swords were of any service. At first there was company training every Saturday, but after a few months they were less frequent. All males, from stout men of forty-five down to beardless boys of six- teen, were enrolled in the militia; and I have no doubt that the boy soldiers enjoyed “training-day” greatly. Yet they had for a long time no music but a drum ; neither had they bright colored uniforms, nor shining arms to relieve the sombre appearance of the ranks. 11. On training as on other days our brave fore- fathers had regard to the Great Being who presides over all the affairs* of men ; and prayer was offered at the opening of the day’s drill and at the close. But 50 HISTORY OF MAINE. 1G52 on training days there was also an unusual draft on the barrels and butts of West India rum and Holland gin, which were kept in almost every shop; for the law against dealers was not then strictly enforced ; but if any became drunken and quarrelsome, they were set in the stocks, where the fit might wear itself harm- lessly out. 12. These instruments were usually ready, and nigh at hand. For there were four or five things wliicli the good people of those days placed as near the center of them settlements as possible ; and these were the church, the graveyard, the school-house and the stocks. Usually, also, there were a whipping post, a pillory and a ducking stool. The last was quite an amusing instrument. It consisted of a long plank suspended near the middle, and having a chair fas- tened on the end overhanging a pool of water. When the offender was tied in place the light end of the plank was let go, and the chair with its occupant splashed in the water. 13. The penalty for a great number of crimes was death; for lesser ones there were whipping, cropping the ears, and branding with a hot iron. There was not much imprisonment in those times, for the very good reason that criminals did not choose to stay in the weak jails. But the people of Maine were not the makers of these laws, and they were not here car- ried to such extremes as in Massachusetts. 11. The people of Maine, too, were allowed to vote without becoming members of the Puritan church ; yet the promise made to them at their union with Massachusetts that there should be entire freedom of worship, was not fully carried out. The Rev. Robert Jordon, at this time the only Episcopal minister in the province, was persecuted for baptizing children and performing other duties belonging to his pastorate ; while the Baptists and Friends were fined and whip- ped. Cromwell favored the Puritans ; but when Charles II. came to the throne he at once ordered 1652 CUSTOMS^ COUNTIES AND CHARACTERS. 51 Massachusetts to cease interfering in religious matters. Then all societies again had freedom to observe the Christian ordinances in the manner which their con- sciences approved. 15. But I must not close the present chapter with- out telling you something about the Rev. John Brock, a noted Puritan minister of this period. The Isles of Shoals, then a part of Maine, were the scene of his labors for many years ; and his influence over the isl- anders and the fishermen who frequented their shores was very excellent. He had a happy talent in con- versation, his sermons were animated, and his faith was very remarkable. A fisherman of his parish had been wont generously to use his boat in helping the inhabitants of other islands in the group to the one on which public worship was held ; but one day in a vio- lent storm the boat broke away from its fastenings and was lost. While the poor man was lamenting it, Mr. Brock said to him, “Gro home contented, good sir ; I’ll mention the matter to the Lord ; — to-morrow you may expect to find your boat.” This boat had been of such service to the poor that the good minis- ter felt that its recovery might properly be made the subject of prayer ; and, sure enough, the next day the boat was brought up on the flukes of an anchor. Many other quite interesting things were done by him during his ministry at this and other places, some of which are told us by Rev. Cotton Mather in his “Magnalia.” How many separate governments existed in Maine in 1647 ? What incident happened on the Kennebec ? What government tried this case ? What proprietor in Maine put himself under the protection of Massachusetts ? By what means did Massachusetts extend her jurisdiction over Maine ? Where did the Massachu- setts officers meet with difficulty ? What troublesome person led the opposition ? Into what county was the province of Maine now made? What arms did the militia bear? What was done with those who became- dr unken? What objects were usually to be found near the center of a Puritan settlement ? 52 niSTORY OF MAINE. 1654 CHAPTEK VII. 1. The principal reason why the inhabitants of Maine submitted to become a part of Massachusetts, was that every one feared a war with the Indians, and thought if they yielded readily to the wishes of their powerful neighbor they would receive the more assistance from her. England was at this time at war with Holland ; and it was believed that the Dutch were inciting the Indi- ans to rise against the English colonies. The Massa- chusetts magistrates wrote to the Dutch governor at Manhattan about the matter, and he wrote back indig- nantly denying the charge, and regretting that they should put any confidence in the statements of the natives. Yet the magistrates were not satisfied, and applied to the British government for aid to drive the Dutch away. After several months the ships came ; and five hundred men were enlisted in the colonies to operate with them against Manhattan. Before the ex- pedition set out England and Holland had made peace with each other ; and Cromwell, the Lord Protector, ordered the forces to take possession of Acadia. This was really the point of greatest danger from the Indi- ans ; for the French had been selling them guns and hatchets, and inciting them to hatred towards the English. The enterprise was therefore very pleasing to the people of Maine. 2. The first point of attack was Biguyduce, on Pe- nobscot Bay ; but the place was not defended, and they proceeded to La Tour’s settlement on the site of the present city of St. John, in New Brunswick. He ap- peared quite willing to change masters, if only his property might be secure. The governor, Le Borgne, 1664 WARS AND RUMORS OF WARS. 53 made some resistance; but in August Acaclia, or New Scotland, was again in possession of the English. The leaders of this expedition were Major Robert Sedgwick and Captain John Leverett; and Captain Leverett was left in charge of the province until Sir Thomas Temple was appointed governor. Sir Thomas brought in many settlers, and carried on a large busi- ness in fish, furs and lumber. It has been said of him that he was “as true a gentleman as ever set foot in America. 55 He was noted for his humane and gener- ous disposition. When Massachusetts was hanging Quakers or Friends, who came into her borders preach- ing their doctrines, he told the magistrates that if they really, as they said, desired “the Quaker’s fives absent rather than their deaths present, 55 he would carry them away and provide for them at his own expense. 3. In the year 1664 the king granted to his brother, the Duke of York, the country about Hudson River, and the territory between the Kennebec and St. Croix rivers. The duke was also made viceroy of New England, and sent Colonel Nichols over as his governor. Gorges 5 son soon after sent an agent with a letter from the king to the Puritan authorities, order- ing them to restore the province of Maine to its owner. But Massachusetts was unwilling to give up her con- trol ; and she kept possession until the next year. At that time three commissioners, who had been sent by the king to aid Colonel Nichols, came into the county of Yorkshire, and, organizing a court and legislative body, revived the old province of Gorges. Thus the people of Maine had the hard fate of being subject to two conflicting governments, and were liable to be punished by each for obeying the other. When they had settled affairs in the province of Maine, the commisioners went eastward to attend to the Duke of York’s possession. They called the region between the Kennebec and Penobscot the “county of Cornwall, 55 of which the Sheepscot plantation was 54 niSTORY OF MAINE. 1G68 made tlie shire town, and named New Dartmouth. They made Pemaquid (Bristol) their capital, where one of them remained until 1665, regulating the affairs of the colonies. 4. Soon after his departure, a war broke out between England and France ; and the colonies began to look for a conflict with the French and Indians. This afforded a good opportunity for Massachusetts to re- establish her authority in Yorkshire ; and commission- ers were accordingly appointed for that purpose. When Governor Nichols heard of this at New York, he wrote to the Massachusetts magistrates, warning them not to. meddle with the province of Maine, and intimating bloodshed if they persisted. He soon after returned to England, and Governor Lovelace succeeded him. The Puritans were not much alarmed by the warnings of the retiring governor, and her commis- sioners soon after set about their task of changing a province into a county. They entered Maine with a small company of horsemen and footmen in brilliant array, and issued their orders for an election of depu- ties to the general court. A county court was held by them in a meeting house at York. The morning ses- sion over, they went to their dinner. After dinner, as they walked unsuspectingly back, the province marshal marched through the streets proclaiming with as much authority as if* he had an army behind him, “Observe ye and obey the commands of his majesty’s justices.” When the commissioners came to the meet- ing-house, behold, it was full of people, and the jus- tices of the province were preparing to hold a court of their own ! 5. “Give place to the commissioners;” cried their marshal, as he went before them to the benches where the justices sat. “You are the authors of an affront we little expect- ed,” said the commissioners to the justices, “but your course will avail you nothing ; you might have called 1668 WARS AND RUMORS OF WARS. 55 your meeting elsewhere, and at another time. Depend upon this , we shall not be deterred from exe- cuting any part of the delegated trust to which we are commissioned.” Then the people fell to disputing among themselves, and for a while confusion reigned supreme ; but the province justices at length were able to read the King’s letter ordering Massachusetts to restore the province government to Gorges. To meet this, the commis- sioners could only urge the new charter boundary under which they had at first set up their claim. But the justices and their adherents had a prudent regard for that troop of “horse and foot”, and they finally gave way. And thus was effected what has been hu- morously termed the “Conquest of Maine,” which ended the “Commissioners’ War.” A few years later Rigby’s claim to Lygonia was abandoned, and Gorges’ right was purchased by Mas- sachusetts ; so that the whole region from the Piscata- qua to the Kennebec became rightfully subject to the Puritan government, and was all included in the coun- ty of Yorkshire. 6. By an article tacked on to the treaty of Breda in 1668, the French were again in possession of Acadia, with its boundary at the Penobscot, or, possibly, farther west. The inhabitants did not relish the prospect of becoming French subjects; so they turned for aid to the only government that could protect them — which was that of Massachusetts. Under these circumstances what could the Bay colony do but examine again her very elastic charter, and order a new survey to correct the errors of the first ? This was precisely what she did ; and by it her boundaries were made to include the cliiefest part of the county of Cornwall. In 1773 the Dutch re-captured New York, and Gov- ernor Lovelace went home. There were now none of the Duke of York’s officers in the way ; and the next year Cornwall was made a part of Massachusetts, and received the name of the county of Devonshire. 56 niSTORY OF MAINE. 1675 7. Now for a short time, the settlements flourished, so that in the beginning of the year 1675 there were thirteen towns and plantations within the present limits of Maine, while the inhabitants numbered between five and six thousand souls. The vessels of the villagers bore away ample freights of lumber from the mills, furs from the trading houses on the rivers, or loaded themselves with fish from the sea ; the fields yielded abundantly, and thriving herds of cattle were in the woody pastures. 8. Then came the Indian wars; and the scene was changed. Several years previous to this time there had been war between the eastern Indians and the Mohawks, who lived about the Hudson river, in the State of New York. A decisive battle was fought in the year 1669, in which the Eastern Indians were beaten. The victorious Mohawks pursued their assailants into Maine, destroying the villages of the Tarratines, and penetrat- ing nearly to the St. Croix ; and many generations after the Indians pointed out on the shores of one of the Passamaquoddy ponds the scene of the final battle. But in a few years the tribes had greatly recovered from their losses ; and, encouraged by their new friends, the French, they were eager for war with their new foes, the English settlers of Maine. Wliat was the chief reason that Maine so readily submitted to Massachusetts ? Who were found to be inciting the Indians against the English ? What English ruler ordered the colonial forces to take possession of Acadia ? To whom was the territory between the Kennebec and St. Croix granted? What did the King’s com- missioners form in the Duke of York’s territory ? When the com- missioners were gone what did Massachusetts do ? What has this tour of the commissioners been humorously called? By what means did Massachusetts obtain the right of control in the. province of Maine ? By what treaty did France again obtain possession of Acadia ? How did Massachusetts obtain control of the Duke of York’s settlements ? What county did she make of this new pos- session ? 1675 THE INDIANS OF MAINE. 57 CHAPTER VIII. 1. Before I tell about the wars with the Indians, some further account of these people will, I think, be interesting to my readers. The natives of Maine are generally called Abnakis, though the name has been more especially applied by American writers to those dwelling on the Androscoggin and Kennebec rivers. This name comes from Awahbenahghi , the name ap- plied to the Maine Indians by those living west of the Hudson river. It signifies our fathers at the sun rise . According to their own account, the Indians of Maine are all descended from a common stock. The Sokokis, who dwelt on the Saco river, were oldest ; and the Anasagunticooks or Androscoggins, Canibas or Kennebeeks, Wawennocks andEtechemins followed in order. The last nation was composed of the Tar- ratines, or Penobscots, the Openangoes, or “Quoddy” Indians, who dwelt on the ponds and rivers emptying into Passamaquoddy Bay, and the Marechites, who occupied the region of the St. John’s ’river. The peninsula of Nova Scotia was inhabited by the Mic- macs, who were of a separate origin, and differed widely in language and customs. 2. The word “Etecliemins,” in English, is canoe men , and was probably given them because they made such long journeys at sea. “Openangoes” means lit- tle sables , and signifies that they were a very cunning people. The Wawennocks were a very brave people, and that is what the name means. At the time of Captain Smith’s visit to the coast, this was the superior tribe in Maine ; and their sachem, called the Bashaba, was ruler over the tribes from the St. John’s river to the Merrimac. The region between 58 niSTORY OF MAINE. 1675 the Penobscot and Kennebec, occupied by them, was known as Mavooshen. 3. The mouths of the small rivers in this vicinity were specially noted for the abundance of oysters they produced. There are at this day on the banks of sheltered coves along our coasts long mounds composed almost wholly of the shells of oysters and clams. Those on the Damariscotta river are in some places fifteen feet deep and twenty rods in width. Layers of charcoal scattered through the mass show where the fires were made ; and among the shells are found knives, gouges and spear-heads of stone and horn, and bits of pottery. Bones and whole skeletons of human beings have also been found, but no tradi- tion tells us whence they came or why they are buried there. The Indians told Popham’s colonists frightful stories of a nation of cannibals living to the northward, who were of great size and had teeth an inch long. The Jesuits of the early French missions upon the St. Lawrence river also relate that there was a tribe about the mouth of that river who devoured the bodies of their enemies. Uncas, chief of the Moliegans, was once seen by white men to eat the flesh of his foe ; and English captives who escaped from the Indians have told of similar barbarities. These facts lead us to conclude that at the time of the discovery of this country, many of the native tribes sometimes fed on human flesh ; and I fear that this must explain the presence of human bones in the shell heaps of Damariscotta. Before the breaking out of the war between the settlers and the Indians in Maine, the Wawennocks had ceased to exist as a tribe. A few had joined the Canibas, but the larger portion, influenced by the Jesuits, had re- moved to the River St. Francis, in Canada. 4. The natives of Maine were taller than the aver- age of white men ; and, if no stronger, were usually more agile. Their complexion was a copper brown, and their black, coarse hair usually hung in a long 1675 THE INDIANS OF MAINE. 59 mass over their backs, though the women’s was some- times braided, while the men’s was more frequently cut short over the forehead and the remainder tied in a knot at the top or back of the head. They had broad, beardless faces, retreating foreheads, prominent cheek bones, small, glistening, black eyes, and large white teeth. Many of their women were of comely face and figure, and some of them would have been almost handsome, had they been cleanly. Yet both women and men were generally morose in countenance and manner. 5. In the summer the dress of men and women was rarely more than a girdle of leather having a short skirt or fringe below the waist, with the addition of moc- casins, if they were hunting or traveling. In the win- ter the buskins, leggins and mantle of fur formed a warmer attire ; but there were some families so poor that they were at times obliged to wear hard, furless skins, even in the cold weather. They had a way of tanning and dressing skins which made them very soft and pliable ; one substance used in this process being an oil prepared from the brains of animals. 6. The household work and the cultivation of the soil were left almost wholly to the women and children. The only labor of this sort which the warriors under- took was the raising of their tobacco ; and the boys were very impatient to become old enough for hunters and warriors, as they were then freed from the drudg- ery of the wigwams and cornfields. But sometimes to save the crop, the whole family took.liold together, and made quick work with the cornfield. When not engaged in war or hunting, the men occupied them- selves chiefly in making their bows, arrows, spears, knives and other implements. This was really a slow and laborious process, as flint and shells were then* keenest tools. 7. On war and limiting trips, especially when these were short, the squaws were left behind, and the men GO niSTORY OF MAINE. 1G75 did their own cooking. Their wigwams at these times being only for temporary use, were of small size and of the simplest construction. They were generally form- ed of straight poles set on the ground in a large circle, but coming together at the top, and covered with broad strips of bark. The cabins in the villages were larger, with the top arched by bending the upper parts of the poles and binding the overlapping ends together. Others were in the form of a rectangle, with tall crotch- ed posts along the middle and sides, supporting the ridge and eave poles. The largest wigwams of which we have any account in Maine were not over forty feet in length ; and such were occupied by several families. Each family had its own fire, and there was sometimes a slight division of stakes and bark between. They obtained fire by rapidly twirling a dry stick with the end in a hollow in another, some light material being laid close about it to catch the first spark or tongue of flame. There was no fireplace except a hole in the ground or a few large stones to support the sticks. The smoke flowed and eddied to every part of the cabin before it found the opening at the top left for its escape. In this smoke along the highest part of the room were slender poles, where, in the hunting season, hung strips of flesh cut from the carcases of deer, bear and moose, being dried to preserve it for use in later moons. 8. Every winter the hunters went away to the streams and ponds at the heads of the rivers to hunt deer, moose and beaver ; though smaller parties hunt- ed game for food at all seasons and in all directions. Poor hunters would rarely kill moose or bear, and would secure few even of the smaller animals. But my readers will remember that the Indians had no guns or other weapons of metal, until the white men- furnished them, so that, with their weak weapons, much skill and prowess was necessary. Sometimes a com- pany of hunters would join for the capture of a herd 1675 TIIE INDIANS OF MAINE. 6 ] of deer. Having surrounded them with fire, they posted themselves near the open passages of the forest, then started the herd by frightful shouts ; and large numbers of the beautiful animals would be killed as they tried to escape from the enclosure. At other times the hunter would encase himself in the skin of a moose or deer, and steal toward the herd, imitating their movements. They also made up large parties for duck hunting. The time was chosen in the month of August, when the old birds had shed their feathers, and the young were of good size, but yet unable to fly. The hunters, sweeping the pond in their canoes, drove the birds into the creeks and coves at the borders, where they were killed by thousands with clubs and paddles. 9. The ordinary canoe was very light, being form- ed of birch bark on a frame work of wood. They also made them of logs, which they burned hollow, then smoothed with their stone gouges. These log canoes were sometimes long enough to carry forty per- sons. They made fish hooks of bone and deer’s horn, and with the same material they sometimes tipped their arrows and spears, though they generally used flint or jasper for this purpose. Their knives, axes and chisels were also made of some hard stone. They made thread, lines, and nets of the bark of trees, of strong grass, and of deer sinews. They built weirs of great stones and stakes in the ponds and rivers, in which the fish became entangled ; but usually they caught them in nets, or with hooks, and speared them from their canoes by firelight. 10. When the sanup (husband) was lazy or a poor hunter the family depended mainly on the maize, beans and crookneck squashes which the squaw raised. She also gathered the fuel, dressed the game and cooked the food. This was first served to the sanup, and other grown up males ; and when these had eaten, the squaw might satisfy her own hunger and that of the 62 HISTORY OF MAIHE. 1675 children. When venison was plenty, and corn in the milk, the Indians fared sumptuously. The corn they roasted on the ear, or, boiling it with new beans, made the dish called succotash . The dry corn was parched and pounded into a coarse meal, which they called nokehike. Then there was samp, which was corn hulled in boiling lye ; and hominy , which was corn broken and boiled. The season of berries afforded them a delicious relish, and they laid up great stores of nuts ; and sometimes in the spring they were obliged by scarcity of food to dig groundnuts, which they roasted in the ashes. Maple syrup they could make only in small quantities until the white men came and brought them kettles; their boiling before this time being dona chiefly in wooden troughs, by dropping in hot stones. Neither did they know how to make bread of their corn until taught by Europeans. Their food was eaten from the troughs in which it was cooked, or from wooden bowls. They had, too, a rude sort of earthern ware, but it appears to have been quite soft and frag- ile. Neither chaff nor table was found in their cabins, and they sat or lay on mats and skins on the bare ground, or on a low platform of bark, or of hemlock boughs about the sides of the cabin. 11. Here the little Indians, dirty and fat, rolled and ran about, while the small pappoose cooed and cried on its cradle of bark. At sunset the maidens went forth to dance on the green, clad in their choicest garments, that they might attract the eyes of the bold young warriors. Perhaps the daughter of the chief was with them, the green crest of the heron contrast- ing in her black hair with the scarlet feathers of the tanager,her armlets and leggins of soft deerskin mark- ed with bright dyes, her moccasins gay with porcupine quills, and her skirt bright with embroidered threads ; while strings of the white teeth of the sable and otter gleamed upon her dusky bosom. 167.1 THE INDIANS OF MAINE. 63 12. Very often indeed a young brave became enam- ored of a comely maiden. When this happened he told his parents, who then held a talk about it with her parents. If her parents proved favorable, he then sent her a present, — a deer, a beautiful bird, furs or beads. Lest she should be unwilling when asked to live in his wigwam, he must now pay other attentions. So in the shades of the evening he took his station near her cabin, and did his best to charm her listening ear by his singing, or the rude music of his fife ; or, if he was not musical, he must please her at the merry mak- ings of the young by his wit or feats of strength and agility. When she accepted him as her sanup (hus- band) he made more presents ; and then the desired guests were invited to the wigwam of her parents. Then followed feasts and dances for two or three nights, the young couple keeping beside each other until the frolics were over. Then the savage bridegroom led home his bride ; who thenceforth devoted herself to preparing his food, making his clothes and keeping his wigwam fire alive. 13. Foot-races, wrestling, quoits, ball playing, and a sort of draughts were frequent amusements ; and they were much addicted to gambling by every possi- ble means. The Indians were much given to smok- ing, also ; and the offer of a pipe of tobacco was a token of hospitality and peace. At all feasts the guest must eat all that might be put in his bowl, no matter how many times it was filled or how unlike it he felt ; otherwise lie would give offense to his host. So many a poor Indian often went back to his wig- wam with a pain in his stomach. 14. Many people suppose the Indians to have been very healthy ; but this is a mistake. The Indian had fewer diseases than the white man, but these were more generally fatal. They doctored chiefly with sweating, astringents, salves and washes. They also had vegeta- ble teas for ordinary kinds of sickness. But their 64 niSTOEY OF MAINE. 1675 knowledge of medicine w r as very limited ; and any in- telligent country housewife of the present day far sur- passes them in skill. Yet, being natives of the country, they were able to instruct the settlers in the uses of numerous plants. If a savage was very ill the “pow- wow” was called upon. This w T as the Indian medicine- man, or physician. His method of treatment was very mysterious to common Indians, and was supposed to have supernatural power. Drums were beaten, he made strange gestures, uttered wild cries, — sometimes over the patient, at others, shut up in a wigwam alone, lie also carried at his waist a small bag containing bones, sticks and stones, which were thought to have virtue as charms against evil spirits, diseases and mis- fortunes. 15. The Abnakis believed in a good spirit, Tan - turn , or Tanto ; and in an evil spirit, which they call- ed Mojahondo ; but in general these were confused in one, and called by the name of the good spirit. Hocko - mock was another word used by some Indians, which the settlers took to signify the devil. At every new moon they worshipped the evil spirit for fear, because they believed he had power to kill them, and to send storm, pestilence, drought and famine. 16. Sometimes certain old men in each tribe, who kept in mind their treaties and traditions, w^ere ap- pointed to teach them to the young. Beside the chiefs who were war leaders, there were others who presided over the village and regulated petty matters, somewhat like our police justices. Both these were generally called sagamores. Over all was the sachem , who was chosen for his wisdom ; though, usually, he was the son of the sachem or of a chief. Yet his authority was not absolute, all important matters being decided in council. These were composed of the chiefs and old men ; and, sometimes, the aged squaws were present also. There was perfect order on these occasions ; when one was speaking all others kept silent, and even 1675 THE INDIANS OF MAINE. 65 after he had ceased he was allowed several minutes in which to recollect anything he might have omitted with- out intention. It was considered very unmannerly to interrupt another, even in ordinary conversation. Thus we see that in some respects these ignorant and cruel savages set us a good example. 17. The language of the Abnakis is easy of utter- ance, and quite smooth and agreeable to the ear ; but its words are few and unfitted for nice distinctions. For instance, in the Tarratine dialect thou or you is “keah,” but “keah-olet-liaut-tamoria” means no more than thy will ; and their word for to-day consists of eight syllables, and many other ideas are equally diffi- cult of expression. Names of places are generally descriptive, as Mattawamkeag , from matta , much, — wamjpa , white, or clear, — keag, or kik , earth ; and Anasagunticook (tribe) — properly, Amasacontecook , — from namaous , fish, — konte , stream , — cook from kik , place ; meaning, The region of the fish river. For heaven they use the word, spumkeag , i. e., above the earth. “Metun- i gus” is father , a man is “sanumbee,” and boy is “skeenooses.” If a Tarratine should inquire after your health he would probably say, Pah-gue-num-se-eld . 18. Their dialects were constantly changing, for they had no written characters to preserve the form of their words ; so that when modern natives have been asked the meaning of some phrase long ago recorded by the English or French they have been unable to give it, but yet recollected the words as “old Indian.” Still they very generally conveyed information by means of rude drawings, often leaving these records on trees and pieces of bark at points visited by them ; and these were readily understood by others of the tribe, who came after. A rock at the sea shore at Machiasport furnishes an interesting example of this kind of writing ; and it is probably the most extended Indian inscription in New England. 66 niSTORY OF MAINE. 1C75 ANCIENT INDIAN INSCRIPTION AT MACHIASPORT. 1G75 THE INDIANS OF MAINE. 67 19. In the earliest days of English settlements when an Indian signed a treaty, deed or other writing, it was usually by a rude figure of some animal, — as a deer, beaver, tortoise, snake, heron, hawk, or eagle. This was called the totem and was the family “coat of arms” ; and in some tribes they seemed to believe that they had descended from these animals. It was often the case that a great hunter or warrior received a name descriptive of liis character or exploits ; therefore we may conclude that these “totems” only represented some remarkable ancestor, whose distinguishing title had become the name of a numerous clan. Under wliat general name are the Indians of Maine classed ? What does this name signify ? What were the distinctive names of the Indian tribes of Maine ? Where did each dwell ? What remarkable mounds are found on the Damariscotta River ? What became of the Wawennocks? Of what materials did they make their weapons ? What vegetable did they raise ? How did they boil their food before they had kettles ? What sports and games had the Indians ? What is said of the diseases of the Indians ? By what means did their pow-wows pretend to cure diseases? Did the Indians believe in good and evil spirits ? What were the titles of their chiefs ? Which was superior in authority ? By what means were important matters decided ? What was their practice in speaking and conversation ? Did they have any letters or written words ? By what means did they sometimes convey infor- mation ? What are ‘ ‘Totems’ ’ ? 4 68 HISTORY OF MAINE. 1675 CHAPTER IX. 1. I have now given you an account of the Indians as they were when the English first came to the coun- try ; but from that time their habits and customs be- gan to change. The traders soon supplied them with domestic utensils, cloths and guns; so that they were able to obtain game and cook their food with more ease, and to dress themselves more comfortably. The French mingled with the natives like brothers; and some of them, with their usual easy habit, even took Indian women for their wives. Yery soon, French Jesuits were in all their villages; and before the year 1720 they had nearly all become Roman Catholics. Therefore, in any war that arose between the English and the French, the Indians, if they took any part, were sure to be on the side of the French. Neither did the Jesuits confine themselves to the religious instruction of the natives, but were the ever willing agents of the French government to incite the In- dians to hostility against the English settlers. 2. The authorities of the colonies were quite aware of their danger, and made prudent laws to restrain the settlers and natives from wronging each other. None were allowed to settle or to hunt and fish upon the territory of the natives unless the right was first ob- tained of them; and the sale of intoxicating liquors was forbidden, according to the wish of the chiefs. Yet the English made crafty bargains for their land, obtaining deeds of extensive tracts before the ignorant savages understood fully the effect of such writings. Often, too, the traders would sell them rum ; for this yielded a large profit, and they could also make better bargains for furs when their owners were a little in 1GG0 THE FIRST INDIAN WAR COMMENCES. 69 drink. Tlie natives, at long intervals, sometimes revenged their wrongs by killing cattle or burning buildings; yet the tribes in most cases were quite ready to pay the damages when the acts were traced to their members. 3. Doubtless a principal reason for the continued peaceable conduct of the natives toward the English was found in the wars among themselves, and the pestilences with which they were often visited. In 1614, when Captain Smith visited the coast, the native population of Maine must have been nearly thirty thousand. In the war which happened soon after, the Wawennocks had been almost destroyed, and the Tarratines also lost severely. Then the plague came, working fearful havoc from Penobscot to Cape Cod. Following these were the wars with the Mohawk Indians, which raged at intervals for above half a century; while the small pox became a frequent scourge. From these causes their number had fallen before the year 1675 to abouttwelve thou- sand. 4. Some of the tribes did not at first join in the hostilities against the English. Among these fere the Penobscot Indians, and all those at the eastward, and the Pennacooks in New Hampshire. Passaconaway, a sachem of the Pennacooks, was noted for his sagac- ity and cunning. He made his Indians believe that he could restore the ashes of a burnt leaf to their orig- inal form, raise a live serpent from the skin of a dead one, and change himself into a flame of fire. When he became old he called his tribe to a great feast, and there made to them his farewell address. “Hearken,” said he, “to the last words of your father and friend. The white men are the sons of the morning. The Great Spirit is their father. His sun shines bright about them. Never make war with them. Sure as you light the fires the breath of Heaven will turn the flames upon you, and destroy you. Listen to my ad- 70 niSTORY OF MAINE. 1670 vice. It is the last I shall be allowed to give you. Remember it and live.” 5. Wonnolancet, his son, was now sachem of the tribe; and as long as he lived their friendship with the English remained unbroken. Rowles, the sagamore of the Piscataqua Indians, likewise saw that the white men would become the masters of the country. He lived in Berwick on inti- mate terms with the settlers. When he became old, and could no more go out of his dwelling, he sent to the principal men of the town this petition : “Being loaded with years, I had expected a visit in my infirmi- ties, — especially from those who are now tenants on the land of my fathers. Though all these plantations are, of right, my children’s, I am forced in this age of evils humbly to request a few hundred acres of land to be marked out for them and recorded as a public act in the town books ; so that when I am gone they may not be perishing beggars in the pleasant places of their birth. For I know a great war will shortly break out between the white men and Indians over the whole country. At first the Indians will kill many and pre- vail ; but after three years they will be great sufferers, and finally be rooted out and utterly destroyed.” 6. But Squando, sachem of the Sokokis, had never been friendly to the English ; and about this time an incident took place which made him a most bitter enemy. His squaw with her little child was crossing the Saco River in a canoe, when a party of sailors saw them and determined to have some sport. They had heard that Indian children swam from instinct ; so they upset the canoe, tumbling the poor mother and her infant into the water. The child sank to the bot- tom ; the mother dived after it, and succeeded in bringing it up alive. Soon after this affair it sick- ened and died. Squando believed that its death was owing to the cruel treatment of the white men; and he vowed to be revenged. This chieftain was the 1675 THE FIRST INDIAN WAR COMMENCES. 71 most remarkable Indian of his time. Sometimes his conduct was quite humane and generous toward the settlers, and at other times very barbarous. He was not only the sachem, but the pow-wow of his tribe, and made his people believe that he had revelations from the spirit world. At one time when he wished to incite them to war against the English he said to them : “An angel of light has commanded me to wor- ship the Great Spirit, and to stop hunting and laboring on the Sabbath ; and God himself tells me he has left the English people to be destroyed by the Indians. 55 You perceive that the prophecies of these sachems did not agree ; but it was not then so easy to decide which was false. 7. At length the alarm sounded. In July, 1675, the first blow of King Philip’s war was struck. The Massachusetts authorities immediately sent the news to those of Maine, with the advice that the Indians should be deprived of their guns and knives. Some of the leading residents of Sagadahoc, or Lower Ken- nebec, immediately visited the Indians near them, and prevailed upon them to give up a few of their guns. They gave Them many presents, and so won their favor that Mo-ho-tiwormet, the old Canibas sachem, made a dance in honor of the agreement of peace be- tween them. The Androscoggins acted differently. They had for a long time felt very revengeful towards Thomas Purchas, who was a trader at the head of New Meadows Piver in Brunswick, because they be- lieved that he had cheated them in trade. One of their sagamores declared that he had paid an hundred pounds for water from Purchas 5 well. His Indians must have drunk much rum to have the water in it reach that amount. It is no wonder that they wasted away. 8. It happened one day early in September that Mr. Purchas and his boys went off, leaving the 72 niSTOKY OF MAINE. 1G75 women unprotected. While they were gone a party of Indians came to the house, pretending that they wanted to trade ; but as soon as they found the men were away, they fell to plundering the store and build- ings of whatever they wanted. While they were thus engaged one of the boys was seen returning on horse- back. Before reaching the spot he discovered the In- dians, and halted. A stout fellow started out towards him with his gun under his blanket ; but the boy, per- ceiving his purpose, wheeled his horse about and fled. He carried the alarm to the coast ; and a party went up the river with a sloop and two boats to bring away whatever the Indians had left. Mrs. Purchas some- how escaped; but the men with the vessel found more Indians at the settlement, and were driven off with loss. 9. On the twelfth of September the savages burned the house of John Wakely, near the mouth of the Presumpscot River, in Falmouth. The smoke and flames were seen at Casco Neck (Portland); and a party started at once for their relief. They were too late. The bodies of seven persons lay among the smoking ruins, half burned and shockingly mangled. It proved that two others, a girl of eleven years and a young child, had been carried away. None knew what became of the child ; and the poor girl, (whose name was Elizabeth) now left without father, mother, brother or sister, was forced to traverse the wilderness through long and tedious months in company with the murderers of her relatives. 10. Soon after this bloody affair, a friendly Soko- kis came to John Bonython at Saco and said to him privately, “A strange Indian from the westward and several Anasagunticooks have been at my wigwam, and are* persuading all our brothers to lift the toma- hawk against the white people.” Bonython warned his neighbors; and that very night they all retired for safety to the house of Major William Phillips, on the 1675 TELE FIRST INDIAN WAR COMMENCES. 73 Biddeford side of the river, near the falls. The next morning the attack was made. The first notice was Bonython’s house in flames; then an Indian was seen skulking behind a fence. Major Phillips had been looking at the flames, and as he turned from the win- dow a bullet pierced his shoulder. The savages were ambushed all around the house ! When Major Phil- lips disappeared so suddenly from the window the In- dians, supposing him to be killed, set up a great shout. The English were watching from every side of the house, and instantly fired at the shouters ; and several of them fell badly wounded. At dark the savages set fire to a small house, and to Phillip’s mill ; then they came up crying, “Come now, you English coward dogs; come put out the fire, if you dare.” The Eng- lish didn’t come; but they sent out their leaden mes- sengers wherever an Indian exposed himself. 11. At four o’clock the moon set; and then the savages contrived another mode of attack. They built up on the forward end of an ox-cart a * tier of lumber, then filled the body with shavings, birch bark and sticks. A number of them took hold of the tongue, where they were protected by the screen of lumber, and pushed the cart toward the house. They meant to set the house on fire, and kill the people as they ran out ! Fifty persons were crowded into this building, — most of them women and chil- dren. The cart was steadily approaching — nearer and nearer it came. Already the tiny tongues of flame gleamed upward through the mass; and the voices of the besieged grew hushed with fear, or some excited girl screamed in frenzy. But the cart comes steadily on, — one wheel drops into a gutter, and the cart swings about. The sayages who hold the tongue are in view ; and the muskets of the English ring out in the still night. Several of the assailants dropped to the ground, and the remainder ran away, leaving their load of burning sticks to light up the fields. 74 HISTORY OF MAINE. 1675 The savages were discouraged; for they had killed 3ione, while six of their number were dead, and fif- teen, including their leader, badly wounded. In the morning not an Indian was to- be found ; and a day or two after, Major Phillips and his company reached the settlement at Winter Harbor in safety. 12. When it was known at Newichawannock (South Berwick) that the Indians had attacked Saco, Captain Wincoln and sixteen volunteers, with noble spirit, set out for Winter Harbor to render all the aid possible. They had just landed at the mouth of the river, and were proceeding towards the village, when a large body of savages rushed out of the woods upon them. Wincoln and his company took refuge behind a huge pile of shingle blocks, filing with such effect that they kept at bay a hundred and fifty savages. The report of the guns was heard at the village, and a party of nine men started out to join the reinforcement, — for such they knew it must be ; but the savages am- bushed their path and shot down every man. 13. The next attack was at Kewichawannock, on the house of John Tozier, who had gone with Captain Wincoln, leaving his family unprotected. His was one of the outermost houses of the settlement ; and in it were gathered at that moment fifteen women and children. A young lady of eighteen was the first to discover the Indians. She had only time to warn the family, when the savages reached the house. Fearful that the weak door fastenings would give away, she staid and held them until the hatchets of the savages had broken through. They dashed in the door; but the family had escaped from the other side of the house, and were running towards the garrison. A part of the Indians pursued them, catching two chil- dren who were hindmost. One of these, only three years old, they killed on the spot ; and the other they kept in captivity six months. But the heroic girl at the door, — the savages were so angry at finding the 1675 THE FIRST INDIAN WAR COMMENCES. 75 house empty that they beat her to death, as they thought. After they had gone she revived, and lived to recover from her wounds. I wish I knew her name, for no personage in this history would more brightly ornament its pages. 14. The next day the Indians appeared again, and burned the dwelling and storehouse of Captain Win- coin, then escaped in the darkness of night. It was now the golden month of October ; but in Maine much of the crops remained ungathered; and the scarlet forests seemed to the affrighted settlers but tokens of fire and blood. October 7 th was observed as a day of fasting and prayer on account of the great calami- ties. The Indians celebrated it at Newichawannock by shooting a man off his horse, and robbing two boys of their guns and clothing. Again on the sixteenth they assailed it in force, killing Richard Tozier, and making his son a prisoner. The commander of the garrison, Lieut. Roger Plaisted. perceiving Indians in the distance, sent out nine men to reconnoiter. The savages saw them coming, and hiding themselves, shot down three of the party before they could es- cape. Lieut. Plaisted, with twenty men and a team, started to bring in the bodies of them slain compan- ions. They went silently past the house where Tozier had been killed, and reached the place of the ambush; the corpses were placed in the cart, and they turned toward the garrison with a feeling of security; for they supposed their numbers had frightened the sav- ages away. Vain thought ! A multitude of dusky figures rushed into view from behind fences, logs and bushes, pouring a volley of bullets upon the startled company. The oxen ran toward the garrison, and most of the men followed ; but Lieut. Plaisted with his son and another valiant soldier disdained to fly. Repeatedly the Indians called upon Plaisted to sur- render, — for savages as they were, they greatly re- spected courage; but the intrepid man refused to 76 HISTORY OF MAINE. 1675 yield, and lie was literally cut in pieces by tlieir hatchets. 15. The savages soon after went farther down the river, burning and killing wherever they dared. As they were making an attack upon a house at the mouth of the river, a cannon was fired at them from the Portsmouth battery, on the opposite side, causing them to run oft" in great alarm. A light snow had just fallen, and a force in pursuit was able to follow them very rapidly. In a few hours the savages were over- taken on the borders of a great swamp, which, loaded as they were, they could not pass. They dared not venture on a fair fight; so they threw off their plun- der, and plunged through the swamp. In passing through Wells they killed three men and burned a house; but it was their last depredation in Maine this year. 16. Three months had passed since this savage slaughter and destruction began, and in that brief . time eighty persons had been killed between the Pis- cataqua and Kennebec. Yet the Indians had lost a larger number, though they had every advantage. They never fought in open battle, but chose them own time and place for attack ; and, being familiar with the country, their scattered bands could easily elude pursuit. A large force was now raised to assail the hostile tribes in their winter fastnesses. The soldiers were not ready to march until the tenth of Decem- ber ; but the snow had then fallen to four feet in depth, and the campaign was abandoned. The In- dians now desired peace in order that they might hunt; for on account of the war they had raised less corn than usual, and had nothing else to live upon. So a treaty was made with the Sagamores, by which the Indians agreed to return all the captives without ransom. Between this time and the next summer many were restored; and among the rest Squando brought in Elizabeth Wakely, the poor girl who was FIRST INDIAN WAR CONTINUED. 1675 77 made an orphan by the massacre at Presumpscot River. What nation mingled familiarly with the Indians ? In the wars between the English and French which side did the Indians always take? Did the English colonies endeavor to deal justly with the Indians ? What was the number of the Indians in Maine in 1675 ? What great sachem warned his tribe not to war against the Eng- lish ? In what year did King Philip’s war begin ? What settle- ment was first attacked in Maine ? Where did the Indians commit shocking barbarities? How long did the siege of Major Phillip’s garrison in Biddef ord continue ? What took place at Winter Har- bor ? What noble action was performed by a young lady in Ber- wick ? What brave officer was cut in pieces by the savages a few days after ? How many persons were killed in Maine by the Indians this year ? What was the loss of the Indians ? CHAPTER X. 1. If the English had been magnanimous toward the Indians it is quite possible that the war in Maine would have closed in the same season it began. Though a treaty had been made, and a few prisoners returned, yet the fears of the settlers all the winter filled the ah* with rumors of treachery and bloodshed. Perhaps some incidents occurred to make these ru- mors plausible; for Major Waldron, one of the Indian commissioners, issued general warrants by which every man who held one could seize any Indian who might be accused of killing a white man, or who had conspired against the peace, or refused to obey the authorities. Among others, several shipmasters ob- tained copies of these warrants, and began to seize Indians all along the coast. One came to Pemaquid for this purpose, where the peace had never been 78 HISTORY OF MAINE. 1G76 broken. The English besought him to depart, but he would not ; and they warned the Indians against him. Yet he finally caught several, and carried them away to a foreign port and sold them for slaves. Of course the natives were very angry at these outrages. To pacify them Abraham Sliurte and Capt. Sylvanus Davis met the chiefs in council at Teconnet (Wins- low). Mr. Sliurte was a noble and venerable man, who had long been the chief magistrate at Pemaquid ; and it was mostly owing to his judicious course that the natives at the eastward had remained peaceable. The Indians demanded that their brothers who had been stolen away should be restored to them, and that the English should sell them sufficient ammunition to procure game for food. These were reasonable de- mands, but the agents were unable to comply with them; and the council broke up without profit. 2. On August 12th, 1676, King Philip was killed, which ended the war in Massachusetts and Connecti- cut; but many of his tribe escaped and mingled with the Indians of Maine. These brought with them an intense hatred of the English; and, joining with the most violent of the Abnakis, they quickly excited the hesitating tribes to renewed hostilities. Early in August one of the refugees known as “Simon, the Yankee-killer,” made himself familiar at the house of Anthony Brackett, at Back Cove in Falmouth, now Portland. A few days after, Mr. Brackett lost one of his cows. When Simon was informed of the mis- fortune, he said, “lean show you the fellows that killed the creature;’ 5 and very soon he went away. Mr. Brackett suspected treachery; and the settlers at once sent messengers to Major Waldron at Dover for aid. Before their return Simon came back at the head of a party of savages, saying to Mr. Brackett, “Here are the Indians that took your cow.” They immediately fell upon the family, consisting of Brackett, his wife, five children and a negro servant. 1676 FIRST INDIAN WAR CONTINUED. 79 Having bound these, they went to the other houses in the vicinity, killing and taking captive thirty-four per- sons. The remainder of the inhabitants escaped to Munjoy’s garrison on the hill, and from here they soon removed to Bang’s Island. Two days after this attack a party of natives came at nightfall to the house of Hi chard Hammond at Stinson’s Point in Woolwich, who gave the squaws permission to lodge on the kitchen floor. A girl of the family became so alarmed by certain tokens of malice and treachery among the 6quaws that she ran out of the house; but some of them brought her back and tried to allay her fears. A little after, she escaped again from the dwelling and hid in the cornfield. By and by she heard a great tumult in the house, — heavy blows, shrieks, and the yells of warriors, whom the squaws had let in. At this the girl left her hiding place and fled to the near- est settlement on the mainland, twelve long miles away. 3. From Hammond’s a party of savages went up the river, where they took several prisoners, while an- other party crossed to Arrowsic, and concealed them- selves near the fort of Messrs. Clark and Lake. It was Sunday morning ; and when the sleepy sentinel left his post and entered the gate, the lurking savage was at his heels. The sentinel was struck down, and the Indians were quickly masters of the fort. Mr Lake, Captain Davis and two others, who were in an upper room, got out through a back passage, and rushing to their boat, made for an island on the east The savages followed swiftly, firing upon them and wounding Captain Davis. On reaching the shore he crept up the cliff, and hid among the rocks ; where the sun, shining in the faces of his pursuers, dazzled their eyes so that they could not see him. Lake was overtaken and killed, but the other two escaped. Davis laid in his hiding place two days; then crawling to the water’s edge, he rolled himself' into a canoe, and 80 niSTORY OF MAINE. 1676 drifted away unseen. All the shore from the Kenne- bec to Pemaquid was now alive with savages, and the inhabitants got away in boats and vessels as best they could, — first to Monhegan and other islands, thence to Boston and neighboring towns. Soon the smoke of burning dwellings arose on every hand, and few buildings were left unharmed. The cattle of the set- tlers roamed untended in the great pastures, affording the Indians plenty of meat ; but above all they pre- ferred horse-flesh. One day Francis Card, who had been captured in ’Woolwich, was sent with another prisoner to find a horse and drive him in to be killed ; but they found a canoe instead of a horse, and quickly made their es- cape. Simon, the Yankee-killer, had gone to other scenes of violence, leaving the family of Anthony Brackett to follow, not supposing that they could by any means escape ; but they found on the shore, a leaky birchen canoe; and Mrs. Brackett repaired it so well that they all embarked, and reached Scar- borough in safety. 4. A few families of those who had been driven from Casco Keck had gathered on Jewel’s Island, un- willing to go far from the pleasant places they had chosen for their homes; but here, too, the savages found them. One day as the women were washing their scanty clothing along the gravelly marge of the sea, and the children playing happily about, the re- port of a gun suddenly signalled the presence of dan- ger. The men were out in their boats catching fish, as usual; and it was a lad at the house who had fired the gun. The brave little fellow had actually killed two ^Indians with the shots that gave the alarm. Some of the men now came rapidly to shore, and, making a sudden charge, drove the savages to their boats. " In this affray the English lost two killed, and five made prisoners. 5. The General Court now found that something 1G76 FIRST INDIAN WAR CONTINUED. 81 must be done, or the Indians would soon carry the war into Massachusetts; so one hundred and thirty English and forty Natick Indians were enlisted, and put under the command of Captain William Haw- thorn. These arrived at Dover, New Hampshire, on September 6th, where they met the soldiers under Majors Waldron and Frost. Four hundred other In- dians had also gathered there. Most of them were of the neutral Pennacooks; but others belonged to King Philip’s defeated forces; while some were known to have been concerned in recent depredations in Maine, — and were the very savages whom these troops expected to fight ; and it was difficult to prevent the soldiers from falling upon them at once. Probably they had come there at Major Waldron’s invitation for the purpose of making a treaty ; for he protested to the troops that they were relying upon his honor and fidelity. 6. Finally he proposed an expedient which, he thought, might preserve his honor with the Indians and still satisfy the soldiery. So the next day the In- dians were invited to join with the English in a sham fight. After they had gone through several military manoeuvres Major Waldron ordered a grand round of musketry. The Indians promptly discharged their guns, while the English, who were in the secret, did not empty a musket. They immediately surrounded the astonished savages, and made prisoners of them all without the loss of a life. The Pennacooks and other friendly Indians were set at liberty; but the others — about two hundred — were marched to Boston. Here several were proved to have taken the fives of the English since the treaty, and were therefore put to death; while the others were carried to foreign countries and sold as slaves. This affair was long known as “Waldron’s Ruse.” It was a trick that the Indians never forgot nor forgave ; and they wreaked on him a terrible vengeance. 82 HISTORY OF MAINE. 1676 7. . Captain Hawthorn the next day set out with a small company for Casco Neck, to rebuild the fort. One day seven of the inhabitants, who had now re- turned, went to Peaks’ Island to kill some sheep. While thus employed they were attacked by savages, and took refuge in an old stone house. They de- fended themselves bravely ; but by the guns of the savages and the stones thrown down upon them from the walls, all were killed except one, who soon after- ward died of his wounds. The next day, in Wells,. James Gooch was shot from his horse by the Indians, as he returned from divine service ; and his wife, who rode on the same horse, was cut in pieces with their hatchets. On the follow- ing day they burned the settlement at Cape Neddock, in York, killing and carrying away captive forty per- sons. The Indians came and went with such rapidity and secrecy that Captain Hawthorn’s troops were una- ble to meet them ; so on the twelfth of October they returned to Berwick. Two days after their departure one hundred and twenty Indians attacked the fort at Black Point in Scarborough, where the inhabitants who remained had taken refuge, which was immedi- ately abandoned. The leader of the savages was a shrewd Tarratine sagamore named Mugg. He knew the garrison was strong, and induced the commander, Henry Jocelyn, to come out and hold a parley with him. Mugg pro- posed easy terms of surrender ; and while they were talking the subject over, managed to draw Jocelyn to a distance from the garrison. On returning to the fort he was astounded to find that all the occupants except his own servants had fled to the boats. Mugg therefore secured the fort unharmed, much to his gratification; for the Indians desired the place for an encampment. 8. About this time Captain Fryer was sent to Richmond’s Island to bring away goods ; but the sav- 1676 FIRST INDIAN WAR CONTINUED. 83 ages set upon his men as they were carrying the goods to the vessel, and all were killed or made prisoners. They were offered release for a certain additional quantity of goods; and two of the English were sent for the articles. They returned within the time nam- ed, but the Indians who had been left to guard the prisoners, took the goods and kept the men. Mugg next led his band against the garrison at Wells, and sent a prisoner to demand a surrender. “Never,” replied the commander, “never shall the gates be opened until every one within is dead.” This determined reply showed Mugg that he could not hope to get possession of the fort except by severe fighting, and he made no attack; but his Indians killed two or three men whom they found outside. They then cut the throats of thirteen cattle; and taking out their tongues, retired to the woods to make a dainty meal. 9. The cold weather was now coming on, and it was supposed that the Sokokis would soon be gathered in their winter quarters at the great fort on the Ossi- pee River; and on the first of November Captains Hawthorn and Sill set out with their companies to attack them. After two months of severe toil and hardship, they returned without having seen a single Indian. Before the troops had been gone a week, Mugg himself came into Piscataqua bringing Captain Fryer, who was dying from his wounds. He told the au- thorities that the prisoners taken at Richmond’s Isl- and should be restored without ransom ; and offered to negotiate a treaty. He was taken to Boston, where, on November 6th, he signed a treaty in behalf of his master, Madockawando, sachem of the Tarra- tines. The terms of this treaty were that all acts of hostility should cease, all English captives, vessels and goods be restored, full satisfaction rendered for dam- ages, that his tribe should buy ammunition of those 84 HISTORY OF MAINE. 1G76 only whom the governor should appoint, and that the Indians of Penobscot should take up arms against the Androscoggins and other eastern natives, if they per- sisted in the war. “In proof of my sincerity and honor,” said Mugg, “I pledge myself an hostage in your hands till the cap- tives, vessels and goods are restored; and I lift my hand to Heaven in witness of my honest heart in this treaty.” 10. It was certainly a strange treaty for a victori- ous leader to make, as all its stipulations were in favor of the English. A vessel was sent to Penobscot with him to have the treaty ratified by the sagamores, and to bring home the captives. The treaty was agreed to, but only some eighteen or twenty prisoners were restored, though there must have been more than fifty at this time among the Indians. Mugg now set out for the Kennebec for the purpose of inducing the Canibas tribe to join in the peace. He pretended to be in much fear of harm for having made so easy a peace; saying to the captain of the vessel, “If Ido not return in four days you may conclude I am cer- tainly bereft of life or liberty.” A week passed, yet nothing was heard from Mugg; and the vessel went back to Boston with the treaty and the captives. 11. There was still a fear among the settlements that peace and safety were not secured. Few of the prisoners were restored, and Mugg’s conduct was sus- picious; besides, it was believed that Indians from Narragansett were in Maine inciting the natives to resume the war. At length it began to be quite cer- tain that hostilities would be resumed in the spring unless some decisive steps were taken; therefore in February of 1677, Majors Waldron and Frost were sent eastward with an hundred and fifty men to see what the savages were about, and to obtain further pledges of peace. The troops landed at Mare Point in Brunswick; 1677 FIRST INDIAN WAR CONTINUED. 85 meeting there a party of Indians led by Squando, the Sokokis sachem, and Simon, the Yankee-killer, — with whom they had a skirmish. Unable to obtain any captives here, the troops re-embarked and went to the Kennebec. Here a party was sent to Merrymeeting Bay in search of the Canibas Indians, while Waldron kept on to Penobscot with the remainder. 12. About the last of the month he met a com- pany of Tarratines at Pemaquid. At the fir-st inter- view they agreed to deliver up some prisoners whom they had receiyed from the Canibas, for twelve beaver skins each and some good liquor. Major Waldron and five men were to bring the articles in the after- noon ; and both they and the Indians who met them were to be unarmed. Only three captives were brought. Waldron suspected treachery, and looking about he espied the point of a lance under a board. This led to the discovery of other weapons. Seizing one, he brandished it in their faces, exclaiming, “Per- fidious wretches ! you intended to get our goods and then kill us, did you ?” For a moment the savages were confounded; then they rushed upon him and tried to wrest the weapon from his hands. He waved his cap to the ship, and bravely continued the strug- gle. His companions armed themselves from a pile of guns which they had uncovered, while other In- dians came to join in the affray. A re-enforcement which had started from the vessels at the waving of the cap, now reached the shore, — and just then a stout squaw, seized her arms full of the hidden guns, and ran away with them into the woods. Finding themselves overpowered, the natives fled, some into their canoes and others into the woods. The boats attacked the canoes, sinking one and disabling others, and killing several of the Indians. A pow-wow and two saga- mores — Mattahando and the bloody Megunnaway — were killed, and a sister of the sachem Madocka- wando was taken prisoner. The whole force now re- 86 HISTORY OF MAINE. 1G77 turned to Boston, with the exception of forty men under Captain Davis, who remained as a garrison at the mouth of the Kennebec. This expedition did more harm than good ; for the natives were not paci- fied, but rendered more revengeful. 13. In the spring the General Court decided to employ the Mohawks in the war ; though many good people thought it wrong to seek the aid of the heath- en. The Mohawks were the hereditary enemies of the eastern Indians ; and the first thing they did was to kill some of a friendly tribe, not knowing the differ- ence between friends and foes. Among others who fell by their hands was a sagamore called Blind Will; but the English did not feel very sorry for his death, because of his duplicity. Finally these heathen allies were dismissed ; but the news that the English were bringing the Mohawks to fight them went like the wind through the tribes from Piscataqua to Cape Sable, exciting them to the highest pitch of activity. 14. The garrison at Kennebec, sometime in March, attempted to bury the bodies of those slain on Arrowsic Island seven months before ; but the In- dians were watching them, and nine were killed before they could escape in their boats. This point was soon after abandoned; and now there remained in Maine only the settlements of York, Wells, Kittery, Kewich- awannock and Winter Harbor. On the seventh of April the savages killed eight men while at work in their fields in York; and the next day they were heard from in Wells, where they prowled about in large and small parties, killing and burning, all through the month. 15. Black Point had now been garrisoned anew; and on May 16th it was again attacked. After three days a sharp shooter in the fort brought down the In- dian leader, and the siege was soon after abandoned; but the English had lost four men, one of whom was tortured to death. On the twenty-eighth of June 1677 FIRST INDIAN WAR CONTINUED. 87 Captain Benjamin Swett and Lieutenant Richardson with a force of English and friendly Indians arrived to aid in the defense of this place and Winter Harbor. The next day they marched out in search of the ene- my. They soon came upon a party, which immedi- ately retreated, leading the whole pursuing force between a swamp and a dense thicket about two miles from the fort. The party was only a decoy. The moment the English reached the most exposed point they heard the terrible war whoop, and a volley from a host of ambushed savages laid many a brave man low. Soon Lieutenant Richardson fell; and the fight became hand to hand. 16. It was now plain that the English were greatly outnumbered; yet Captain Swett, with great bravery and coolness, repeatedly rallied his old fighters to cover the retreat of the new recruits, and to bring off the wounded. He had received many wounds, and was becoming weak. The savages, seeing his condi- tion, grappled him, and, throwing him to the ground, cut him in pieces before the eyes of the garrison. With him fell forty English, and twenty friendly In- dians, — just two thirds of the number he' led into action. The chief who had been shot from this garrison in May, which had caused the Indians to withdraw, proved to be Mugg, the Tarratine. He was a savage more than usually brave and cunning. You will re- member that he made a treaty for his tribe the year before, and was sent to persuade the Canibas to join in the peace. He pretended to be very much afraid that they would kill him for his services to the Eng- lish ; but I suspect that he was as much opposed to a permanent peace as they were, for he even made sug- gestions to them for the next season’s campaign. “I know how we can even burn Boston and drive all the country before us,” said he. 64 We must go to the fishing islands and take all the white man y s vessels .” 88 mSTOKY OF MAINE. 1677 17. Accordingly, wlien the time of year came for Bay fishing, the savages proceeded to execute this plan. In the daytime they prowled along the shores, spying out their prey ; and in the darkness of night they slid out noiselessly in their light canoes, boarding the motionless vessels, and killing or capturing their sleeping crews. In the month of 'July they secured about twenty vessels, each of them having a crew of from three to six men. When these captures became known, a large ship was sent out after them. She was supplied with plenty of cannon and small arms, and manned by forty seamen and soldiers. It was expected that this vessel would somewhere encounter the Indian fleet, which she would capture or sink, and at the same time destroy a multitude of savages. She came upon the vessels, — one here, another there, — some aground, and others beating against the rocks, — but not an Indian in any of them. The vessels were so large they could not be navigated by paddles; and the sails flew and flapped about, while the vessels went in any direction but that which their dusky sailors de- sired; consequently they soon abandoned the prizes in fright and disgust. 18. Manhattan had now been regained by the English, and again become “Hew York”; and Sir Ed- mund Andros was sent over as governor. He saw how the eastern settlements were overrun by the sav- ages; and, fearing that the French might take posses- sion of the Duke of York’s province, he sent a strong military force to Pemaquid. The Indians were much discouraged by the failure of their naval project, and the sight of so large a force broke their courage down entirely; and the Tarratines very soon made a treaty with the commander, and gave up their captives and some booty. The next spring the commissioners of Massachu- setts and the sagamores of the Sokokis, Androscog- gins and Canibas met at Casco (Falmouth) and made 1678 FIRST INDIAN WAR CONTINUED. 89 a treaty. The agreement was that all captives should be restored without ransom, and that the inhabitants should possess their lands on condition of paying to the natives a peck of corn annually for each family. This closed the first Indian war, which had raged three years. In this war two hundred and sixty inhabitants of Maine were known to have been killed or carried into captivity from which they never re- turned; while more than half the settlements were laid waste. What excellent magistrate lived at Pemaquid ? When did King Philip’s war close ? What fugitive from Philip’s forces led the attack on Falmouth ? What places at Sagadahoc were captured by the Indians soon after ? What took place at Dover soon after these events ? What happened at Peak's Island while Capt. Haw- thorn was rebuilding the fort at Casco Neck? What chieftain led the attack on Black Point aud Wells ? For what point did a large force set out to meet the Indians ? Who came into Piscata- qua to make peace a few days after? Where did Major Waldron go in February to meet the Indians ? What happened this spring at Arrowsic Island ? What two brave English leaders fell at Black Point this season ? What noted sagamore was killed by a shot from the fort in May ? What was Mugg , s plan for attacking the settlements ? What events put an end to the war ? How many settlements had been destroyed ? HISTORY OF MAINE. 1687 90 . CHAPTER XI. 1 . Several years before the first Indian war a F rench- man called Baron Castine had come to Biguyduce, on the eastern side of Penobscot Bay, and opened a trade with the natives. He had originally come to Canada in command of a regiment ; and when that was dis- banded, feeling himself aggrieved, he plunged into the wilderness far away from all his kindred and na- tion. Here he soon married a daughter of Madocka- wando, sachem of the Penobscot Indians, and himself became a sagamore of that tribe. Twice during the war the Dutch drove him away from his settlement; and in 1676 the English drove the Dutch away. Then, as the Dutch liked the region so well, and there were too many at New York, Governor Andros settled several families of them about Pemaquid. 2. In 1687 Andros was appointed governor of New England; and, taking a tour eastward in the spring of the next year, he, also, made a descent upon Castine’s settlement. He found there a fort, dwelling house, trading house, and chapel; but Castine himself with all his people had cautiously retired to the woods. Like Castine, Andros was a Papist; so he touched nothing in the chapel, which was very richly decor- ated, but carried away all else that was movable, — furniture, firearms and goods. On his return he met some of the Tarratines at Pemaquid, and told them not to fear or follow the French, offering them his protection. “Tell your friend Castine,” said Andros, “if he will render loyal obedience to the King of Eng- land, every article taken from him shall be restored.” In order to make sure of the good will of the Indians, he made them presents of clothing, and treated them with ardent spirits. v* v 1 V, vf 3.688 FIRST FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR. 91 The colonists did not have much confidence in the peace-making of Governor Andros, and wanted to prepare for war ; but he would not allow them. A little more than two months later the war broke out. 3. It was about the middle of August, 1688, that the Indians waylay ed two men in North Yarmouth as they were out looking for their oxen. Other savages then approached a party who were at work on the garrison house, and soon commenced a fight with them. The English retired to the river, where they were partially protected by the high, steep bank, and made a brave defense until their ammunition was gone. The people living on the other side of the river had become aware of the fight. - One of these, Captain Walter Gendell, perceiving that his country- men had ceased firing, seized a bag of ammunition and hastened in his boat to their relief ; but as he reached the shore he was shot fatally by the savages upon the bank. He had just strength enough to throw the ammunition to his friends, and say, “I have lost my life in your service,” — then breathed his last. With this fresh supply the English beat off their foes. 4. At midnight the Indians repaired to Lane’s Isl- and, a short distance out in the bay; where they held their horrid carousal, butchering the two men whom they captured before the fight. The settlers consid- ered it imprudent to remain any longer at North Yar- mouth, and soon removed to the islands ; being fiercely attacked here also, they finally fled to Boston. Early in August a band of near a hundred Indians, unknown to the inhabitants, hung about the village of Jamestown at Pemaquid, and at length caprtured a man passing from there toward the Kennebec. Learning from their prisoner the condition of the set- tlement, they proceeded to make an attack. One party followed Judge Gyles, who, with fourteen men, had gone to work on the farms at the falls three miles 5 BOSTON couege LIB, GHESTtti it un i 92 niSTORY OF MAINE. 1C88 above; while tlie others entered the village, and snc ceeded in getting possession of several dwellings, and from this shelter made their assault on the fort. 5. At iiijriit the garrison were summoned to sur- O O render: the cool reply was, “We are weary and want sleep. 55 They expected, doubtless, that the party from the farms would return as soon as the darkness was sufficient to cover them. The night passed, but there were no tidings of the absent men. Two days more the garrison held out, and all hopes from Gyles and his men were given up. Weems, the commander of the fort, had fallen, and his little company found themselves obliged to yield. They were allowed, ac- cording to the stipulations, to retain then* arms, and depart in a sloop which lay in the harbor. The In- dians then destroyed the fort and houses, and departed with their spoil and prisoners. 6. It was soon after noon of the first day of the siege when about forty warriors led by a chief named Moxus came upon Gyles 5 party. The savages at once gave them a volley ; then with demoniac yells rushed upon them. A few only escaped,' the larger number be- ing either killed or captured. Judge Gyles was mor- tally wounded, and his sons James and John taken pris- oners. In answer to a taunt of Moxus, the old man made reply: “I am a dying man, and ask no favors but to pray with my sons. 55 This having been grant- ed, the poor old gentleman was led aside and dis- patched with a hatchet. Soon after this the boys met with their mother and two little sisters, also captives; but these were redeemed within a few months. John remained in captivity nine years, enduring many hard- ships and abuses. At last he was purchased by a French trader, and restored to his surviving relatives. Afterward he served the government as interpreter and as a soldier for many years. His brother fared worse. After three years of captivity he attempted to escape, but was retaken, and put to torture on the heiglts of Castine. 1680 FIKS T FRENCII AND INDIAN WAR. 93 7. In consequence of the fall of Jamestown at Pemaquid, the coast east of the Kennebec was now deserted; and it remained without inhabitants for nearly thirty years. Governor Andros still pursued his peace policy, setting the Indian captives at liberty, and attempting to treat with the tribes at several times and places. Not meeting with the least success, the governor took a violent turn the other way; and, raising eight hundred men, he sent them eastward to wreak terrific vengeance on the refractory savages. By setting out late in November, they suffered greatly during the whole campaign from cold and exposure; and failed to kill or capture a single savage, or even to see one of them. In the spring the Massachusetts people revolted against Governor Andros, and sent him a prisoner to England; for King James II., who appointed him to office, had abdicated the throne, and William and Mary were king and queen of England. The government chosen by the people of New England was again re- vived; Deputy Governor Danforth of Massachusetts being governor of the province of Maine. 8. The new government sent peaceful messages to Baron Castine and to the Tarratines, hoping that these and the well-manned garrisons might prevent the renewal of hostilities. The hope was vain. My readers will remember the affair at Dover in the first war, called “ Waldron’s Ruse. 55 That evil seed now bore its dreadful fruit. On the evening of the seventh of June, 1689, two squaws came to the garrison at this place, and begged for lodgings. Their request was granted. At the most silent hour of night, when all others in the garrison were sunk in repose, the treacherous squaws opened the gates; and two hun- dred savages who had been crouching outside, rushed in at the moment. The commander of the garrison was the same Major Waldron who, twelve years be- fore, had broken his faith with the Indians, and made 94 HISTORY OF MAINE. 1689 four hundred of them prisoners. But his fighting days were now well nigh over, for he was eighty years of age. The Indians quickly found the apartment where he and his young wife lay asleep. The door was bro- ken; but, wakened by the noise, the old hero sprang from his bed and drove his assailants back through two rooms with his sword. As he turned back for his pistols he was stunned by a blow upon the head ; and in a moment he was in the grasp of the savages. They dragged the white-haired old ^ian into the hall, and bound him into his own arm chair, which they had placed upon the long table. Often for many years past, had he sat at this table as justice of the peace, settling the disputes of both the English and the In- dians. It was a wild group that now gathered in that room, beneath the ruddy glare of the torches,— that brave old man, his white hair and loose garments waving in the midnight wind, — and about him the cruel faces of the painted savages. 9. “I cross out my account,” cried they, as each of the two hundred in turn drew his knife across the body of their victim. When his flesh was filled with gashes, they cut off his nose and ears, and thrust them into his mouth ; and, to close this scene of vengeance, they tumbled the dying man over upon his sword held erect upon the table. So died the noble Major Wal- dron, and the revenge of the savages was accomplish- ed. Then they set the village on fire, killed twenty- three of the inhabitants, and carried away captive twenty-nine others, whom they sold to the French for servants. The Indians now ranged through the provinces of Maine and Sagadahock; in the daytime waylaying the traveler upon his road and the husbandman upon his farm, in the darkness prowling about the blockhouses and stockades, to surprise the unwary inmates; so that before the summer of this year was past, all the country eastward of Falmouth was deserted. At the 1689 FIRST FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR. 95 last of August Major Swaine was sent eastward from Massachusetts, with near six hundred men; with whom he {rove the Indians from Scarborough and Falmouth, though at the expense of nearly half of Capt. Hall’s company. 10. About three weeks after, Benjamin Church, who had been very successful in King Philip’s war, waff put in chief command in Maine. At Fort Loyal, on Casco Keck, (Portland) he met a daughter of Major Waldron, who had just been rescued from the Indians by a Dutch privateer, then in the harbor. She told Major Church that the Indians, who had brought her into the bay, numbered near seven hundred; and that several Frenchmen were with them. Church determined to be ready for them; and at daylight he posted two companies of English and In- dians under Captain Hall among some small trees near the head of Back Cove, about half a mile northwest of the village. Before the Major had finished his breakfast Captain Hall discovered the savages on the opposite side of the cove, and immediately crossed and attacked them. Church now learned that nearly the whole stock of bullets was too large for the guns ; and he had them cut up into slugs as quickly as possi- ble. Messengers were sent to the cove with a supply for Captain Hall, but the tide was up, and they dared not go over. In this dilemma an Indian of Hall’s force, called Captain Lightfoot, threw down liis gun and forded the stream to meet the messengers; and taking a knapsack of powxler on his head and a kettle of bullets in each hand, he waded safely back; so the companies were enabled to maintain their position. 11. Meantime Major Church had gone up the stream in order to cross the bridge and fall upon the rear of the enemy. Just beyond the bridge the sav- ages had built breastworks of logs and bushes, be- hind which they were hiding. Church ordered his men to scatter and rush across ; but before ihey could HISTORY OF MAINE. 1G90 96 *eacli the breastworks every Indian had fled. Before Church could find them, those in front of Captain Hall had also retreated, escaping into a cedar swamp at the west. After this repulse the Indians were not seen again for the season, though the forces ranged as far east as Kennebec; therefore when winter came on, Church returned to Massachusetts, leaving sixty of his soldiers to garrison Fort Loyal. Through the season of snows the" Indians were occupied as usual in procuring their necessary food, and the settlers of Maine had rest; but with the opening of the spring the war was re- newed with increased vigor. 12. At daybreak of the eighteenth of March, 1690, the inhabitants of Newichawannock (Berwick) were aroused by the yells of the savages at their doors. The attacking party consisted of fifty-two French and Indians under M. D’Artel of Canada, and Hopehood, a chieftain of the Kennebec. The people defended themselves bravely, but thirty-four were killed, while fifty-four, mostly women and children, fell into the hands of the savages, and were carried into captivity. There were at this time about twenty-seven houses in the village, which, together with the barns, mills, and many cattle-, were destroyed. 13. In the May following, four or five hundred French and Indians came into Casco Bay from the Kennebec and Penobscot in a great flotilla of canoes. Probably they were alarmed by the fleet of Commo- dore Phipps, who had just sailed past this coast on his way to Acadia ; for they did not make their attack at once, but encamped somewhere in Falmouth, rav- aging among the cattle of the settlers. Meantime a force of one hundred militia from the western towns, together with a part of the garrison of Fort Loyal, were sent out in search of them. While they were absent thirty young volunteers from the garrison as- tended Munjoy’s Hill , to see if any savages were lurk 1690 * FIRST FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR. 97 in g in that vicinity. On this hill, about half a mile from the fort, was a long green lane leading to a house at the edge of the woods. As they passed through this lane they noticed that the cattle were staring strangely at the fence; and, suspecting that Indians might be hidden there, they rushed towards the point with a loud “huzza.” Very dearly did they pay for their rashness ; for the watchful savages poured upon them a volley which brought fourteen of their number to the ground. The remainder fled to the village, closely pursued by the French and Indians. These assailed with great fury the houses where the people had taken refuge, and killed a great many of them ; but in the night those who were left escaped to Fort Loyal. The next morning the enemy plundered the village and set it on fire. They next attacked the fort, but the cannon kept them at such a distance that they could do little harm. But they soon found a deep gulley not far away where the guns could not touch them ; and here they began to mine toward the garri - son. After several days an underground passage had been carried very near the walls of the fort; and its surrender was demanded. The commander was mor- tally wounded; and, as the enemy offered faff terms and kind treatment, the garrison capitulated. Ma- dockawando, the Tarratine, with his son-in-law, Baron Castine, were the chief Indian leaders ; and the whole was under the command of a Frenchman named Burneffe. The leaders made little attempt to restrain the savages ; and the wounded, together with many of the women and children, were brutally murdered, and the others treated in a most barbarous manner. 14. Fort Loyal having fallen, all the garrisons as far west as Wells were now abandoned; and again the Indians ranged victoriously over Maine, making cap- tives and burning buildings in every quarter. Many of these captives were detained for months in the wil- derness ; made to carry the packs of plunder through 98 HISTORY OF MAINE. 1690 rough woods and tangled swamps, over rugged hills, in rain, snow and cold, — poorly clad and often half starved, — and still urged on by dreadful threats and the points of the Indians’ weapons. Wliat Frenchman lived at Biguyduce at the time of the first Indian war ? Who was appointed governor of New England in 1687? In what year did the second Indian war break out ? What noble deed was performed at Yarmouth, and by whom? What place east of the Kennebec was captured by the Indians ? How long did the region east of Sagadahoc now remain without inhab- itants ? At the abdication of James II. what happened in New England ? Can you give an account of the massacre at Cocheco, or Dover ? Who was placed in command of the forces in Maine in 1689 ? Give an account of his engagement with the Indians at Casco Neck. Who led the attack on Newichawannock the next ipring? In what bay did the Indians next appear? Who were the leaders of the attack on Fort Loyal ? What was the most tasterly settlement now remaining ? CHAPTER XII. 1. Soon after the capture of Fort Loyal the French withdrew from Maine; for Sir William Phipps was giving them employment enough in their own terri- tory. Phipps was a Maine boy, the son of a gunsmith at Woolwich on the Sheepscot River, where he was born in the year 1650. He had twenty-five brothers and sisters, being himself the tenth child. When he -was about sixteen years of age his father died, leaving lit- tle else than a small farm for the support of his nu- merous family. William continued to work on the farm until he was eighteen, when he was apprenticed to a ship carpenter for four years. At the close of 1690 FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR CONTINUED. 99 his apprenticeship he went to Boston and worked at his trade, and learned to read and write. A year o** two later he married; and soon after this he went back to his old home on the Sheepscot River, and built a ship for some Boston men. The vessel was completed just as the first Indian war broke out. He had purchased a cargo of lumber to take to Boston when he delivered the ship to its owners ; but, seeing the inhabitants in distress and in danger of destruction by the savages, he abandoned his lumber at a great loss, and, taking the afflicted people on board, carried them away to a place of safety. 2. After building vessels and making voyages for several years he learned that a Spanish ship laden with treasure had been sunk near the Bahama Islands. He told his story to the Duke of Albermarle, who aided him in obtaining one of the king’s ships, in which he sailed in search of the wreck. The first voyage was unsuccessful, but on the second he found it lying under forty or fifty feet of water. He ob- tained from it thirty-four tons of silver, beside gold, pearls and jewels, worth in all $1,350,000. His part of this amounted to $70,000. For the fair manner in which he treated the crew, and the honest divi- sion he made of the spoil, the king made him a knight; and the Duke and Duchess of Albermarle sent his wife a golden cup worth four thousand dol- lars, as a special mark of esteem. At home, when the expedition against Acadia was planned, he was thought to be the fittest person to command it; and so he was made commodore. He sailed from Boston early in May, 1690, with a frigate of forty guns and eight other vessels. He took pos- session of the country, captured the authorities, and, at the close of the same month, returned to Boston, bringing sufficient of the enemy’s merchandise to pay the expense of the expedition. 3. The success of Phipps encouraged the colonists 100 niSTORY OF MAINE. 1690 to send an expedition against Canada, which started early in the next August— the sea forces only be- ing under his command. The land forces were to march from New York by way of Lake Champlain, and meet the fleet on the St. Lawrence. But the army met with discouragements and turned back ; and Phipps, not receiving the promised aid from England, was repulsed before the strong fortifications of Que- bec. On his return a great storm wrecked many of the vessels, and scattered the remainder so that they came into Boston one by one, some of them not arriv- ing for nearly a month after. The colonies had counted on success, and had expected the spoils to pay the expense, as before ; and there was no money in the treasury to pay the men, and very little specie among the inhabitants. Then for the first time in America, paper money was contrived. In December the General Court of Massachusetts issued what were called “ Bills of Credit,” with which the public debts were paid. It soon depreciated so that one dollar in specie was worth four dollars in bills; but they afterward in- creased in value until that they were worth as much as the coin. 4. A few weeks after Phipps set out for the St. Lawrence Major Church was sent again into Maine. He landed at Maquoit, and marched directly to the falls at Pejepscot (Brunswick). Not finding any In- dians, he continued up the river. A little past noon of the next day he came in sight of the cataract at a place called by the Indians Amity onjp onto ok, now known as Lewiston Falls. Before they came to the Little Androscoggin, which was still between them and the Indian fort, they were discovered by a savage near the river. In order to surprise the Indians, Church was obliged to act with all possible speed ; and, while one company staid with the baggage, the other two, with Church at them head, waded the 169G pRENCII AND INDIAN WAR CONTINUED. 101 river, and ran swiftly towards the fort. But the In- dian they had seen was there before them ; and just as they burst in the south gate the savages rushed out at the north, and retreated down the hill to the large river. But Church’s men had cut them off from their canoes; and some of them were shot in the water, while only one gained the opposite bank — for the current here was very strong, it being just below the falls. The larger number of Indians, however, had run under the cataract, and hid in the rocky caverns behind the falling waters, and thus escaped. Sev- eral prisoners were taken at the fort, among whom were the wives and children of Worumbee, the sachem of the region, and of Kancamagus, a Pennacook chief- tain. “Tell the sagamores, 55 said Church, as he de- parted, “that they may find their wives and children at Wells. 55 5. On his return he had a skirmish with a body of savages at the mouth of the Saco, and another at Cape Elizabeth, — in both of which the enemy was beaten. In October these chiefs with several other Indians, came to Wells, and were much gratified to receive again their wives and children. “The French have made fools of us, 55 said they; “we will go to war against you no more ; we are ready to meet your head men at any time and place you ap- point, and enter into a treaty. 55 Accordingly, on the last of November, six saga- mores met the commissioners at Sagadaliock, where they surrendered a few prisoners and signed a truce. The truce was to continue until the next May, when they were to bring the remaining prisoners to Wells, and make a lasting peace. 6. Yet it was a dismal winter to the people of Maine; for they had known too much of Indian treachery to feel at ease respecting the next season. Every town east of Wells had been destroyed; and only the settlements of Wells, York, Kittery and the 102 HISTORY OF MAINE. 1G91 IsL'S of Shoals now remained. The settlement in Wells was near the beach, where there were several houses of hewn timber, with flankers and watch tow- ers — a little village of block houses. In some of these the upper story was largest, projecting over the lower story ; while others had the upper story turned so that the corners projected beyond the sides of the lower story. This was for the purpose of firing down upon assailants, if they should come close to the build- ing. The sides were also pierced with long, narrow openings for the guns. 7. In May, 1691, the time set for the treaty, Mr. Danforth, President of the province, with several other members of the government, came to Wells to meet the Indians. None appeared ; but Captain Con- verse found several lurking in the neighborhood, and brought them in. When asked why the sagamores were not present according to promise, their answer was, “We no remember the time. But still we now give up two captives ; and we promise, certain, to bring the rest in ten days.’ 5 They departed, and though the officers waited, nothing more was seen of them. On the ninth of June thirty-five soldiers came to reinforce the garrison at W ells ; and in half an hour after their arrival the place was attacked by two hun- dred Indians under the famous Moxus. Being re- pulsed here they went to Cape Neddock, in York, where they killed the crew of a vessel, and burned the houses. 8. ^ Two or three weeks later, four companies under Captain King started in search of the savages, meeting them at Maquoit Bay, in Brunswick, where he had a sharp skirmish. During the remainder of the season the Indians shunned to meet the English forces, but hung about the coast and remaining villages, burning exposed buildings, and shooting down or taking cap- tive lone men, women and children. 1G92 FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR CONTINUED. 103 Early in the morning of February fifth, 1692, the inhabitants of York, while yet in their beds, heard the report of a gun. It was the Indians 5 signal of attack. Between two and three hundred savages, led by Frenchmen, instantly fell upon the unarmed settlers; and in half of an hour, more than a hundred and sixty of the inhabitants were helpless captives, or lay bleeding on the cold snow. There were four strongly fortified houses in the settlement, and the people who found shelter in these alone escaped ; and when the savages demanded a surrender, their answer was, “Never, till we have shed the last drop of blood. GARRISON HOUSE AT YORK, BUILT ABOUT 1645. 9. So after plundering and setting fire to the re- maining houses the Indians went away, carrying with them nearly a hundred prisoners. The sufferings of these from hunger, cold and fatigue must have been 104 HISTORY OF MAINE. 3692 very great; yet there was one pleasant incident in this terrible affair. In Captain King’s expedition from York eastward in the summer previous he left un- harmed four or five Indian women and their children whom he found at Pejepscot; and for this the savages now sent back to the garrison several elderly women and young children. The garrison at Wells at this time consisted of only fifteen soldiers under Captain Converse ; and on the ninth of June two sloops came in with supplies and a reinforcement. About an hour after their arrival the cattle ran in from the pastures, frightened and bleeding. By this the settlers knew that there were Indians in the vicinity, and at once made all possible prepara- tions for safety. The next morning at daybreak five hundred French and Indians appeared before the gar- rison. They were led by Madockawando, Egeremet, Moxus, Worumbee, and other sagamores, together with Labrocree, a French officer; all being under the command of M. Portneuf, who had been the leader at the destruction of Falmouth. 10. They learned from a prisoner captured outside of the fort, that it contained only thirty soldiers ; and, being confident of success, they apportioned among themselves the prisoners whom they expected soon to have. Then with hideous shouts, they commenced an attack, which was continued all day; but still the gar- rison held out. Meantime they constructed a rough breastwork of timber and hay, from which they fired upon the vessels; setting them on fire several times with their fire arrows. But the crews put out the flames with wet mops on long poles ; and their bullets pierced through the breastwork so often that the ene- my was forced to leave it. Then they built a shot- proof breastwork on wheels, and rolled it towards the shore. One wheel sunk in the soft earth, and as a Frenchman applied his shoulder to lift it out a shot from the vessel brought him down ; then another who 1692 FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR CONTINUED. 105 took liis place shared the same fate, and this, too, was abandoned. 11. A scout of six men had been sent out to look for Indians only a few hours before they appeared. The next morning after the attack these approached the fort just at daylight, on their return. The cor- poral, discovering a party of Indians close by, cried out, “Captain Converse, wheel your men round the hill, and these few dogs are ours.” The savages, thinking that Converse was at their heels, fled in great haste ; and the scout got safely into the fort. The enemy, probably ashamed of this flight, soon after advanced in full force to attack the fort. One • of the soldiers now sighingly suggested a surrender. “Utter the word again,” said Converse, “and you are a dead man. All lie close; fire not a gun until it will do execution.” 12. The enemy came up firmly, and, arriving within range, gave three wild shouts, then poured a volley upon the fort. Those in the garrison exerted themselves to the utmost, — even the women bringing ammunition, and the brands to discharge their little cannon ; and for a few moments the walls blazed with fire from the muskets and cannon, causing the enemy to retreat in disorder with great loss. Failing to prevail against the vessels by means of breastworks, the French and Indians now constructed a raft ; and heaping it high with combustibles, they set it on fire, and pushed it off. The tide bore the burning mass directly toward the vessels ; but these, having been lashed together for better defense, could not be moved out of the way, and their destruction seemed inevitable. But a kind Providence, just at the critical moment, sent a breeze, and drove the raft away to the opposite shore, where it burned harm- lessly out. 13. The enemy before the fort now sent a flag of truce, demanding a surrender and inquiring what terms were desired. 106 DISTORT OF MAINE. 1G92 “I want nothing but men to fight,” replied Captain Converse. “Then if you, Converse, are so stout, why don’t you come out and fight in the field like a man, and not stay in a garrison like a squaw ?” said one of the In- dians. “What fools are you ? Think you my thirty are a match for your five hundred ? Come upon the plains with only thirty, and I’m ready for you.” “No, no; we think English fashion — you kill me, me kill you — all one fool. Not so; better lie some- where and shoot ’em Englishmen when he no see ; — that’s the best soldier.” 14. The Indian bearing the flag threw it down and ran away ; and the enemy began to fire again, keep- ing up a scattering discharge until midnight. In the morning they were gone. They had not killed a man in the garrison, and but one on board of the vessels. In revenge for the death of Labrocree, one of their leaders, they put their only captive to torture. They scalped him, slit his hands between the fingers, and his feet between the toes, cut deep gashes in his body, and stuck the gaping wounds full of lighted torches ; then they left him to die by degrees. 15. In the spring of 1692 the king issued a new charter for Massachusetts and Maine, even including Acadia; and under it appointed Sir William Phipps as governor. The new ruler had a warm regard for his native place, and was resolved that it should be better defended than formerly ; therefore in the au- tumn of the same year he built a great stone fort at Pemaquid. While this was in process of construction the- brave Church, now colonel, with one company of the men, ascended the Penobscot again in search of the natives. He came to Seven-hundred-acre Island, near which they dwelt in large numbers; but they discovered his approach and escaped in their canoes. Yet he captured a few of them, and secured quantities of corn, together with moose and beaver skins. 1692 FBENCH AND INDIAN WAK CONTINUED. 107 16. He soon after ascended the Kennebec, where he had a smart fight not far from Swan Island. Here a part of the Indians were driven into the woods, while others fled in their canoes up the river to their fort at Teconnet, in the present town of Winslow. Church followed them; but as soon as he was dis- cerned approaching, the savages set fire to their huts and ran away into the forests. This exploit closed Church’s third expedition eastward. In the autumn M. Iberville, then newly made French commander in Acadia, came to Pemaquid with a body of French and Indians to capture the place ; but when lie saw how strong the fort was, he gave up the project in despair — while the savages stamped the ground in rage. 17. The next spring the intrepid Captain Converse was made major; and the garrisons of Maine and Sagadahock, together with three hundred and fifty new levies, were put under his command. He built a stone fort at Saco, and hunted the Indians to the mountains, scouting as far east as the Penobscot. The Indians were also in fear of an incursion of the Mohawks, while the 'French had been obliged to leave them in order to defend their own settlements ; there- fore early in August, 1693, thirteen sagamores, repre- senting all the tribes from Saco to St. Croix, came to Pemaquid and made a treaty of peace. They agreed to restore all their captives without ransom, to buy their supplies at the English trading houses, and gave up all claims to the possessions of the English inhabit- ants. But they were immediately dissuaded by the French from surrendering the prisoners and from car- rying the treaty into effect in other respects. 18. A jesuit priest now resided in each of the four principal native settlements in Maine ; and these were ever the ready agents of the French government in their intrigues. Very soon the Indians were again engaged in open hostilities; and within a few weeks 108 HISTORY OF MAINE. 1G96 they made another descent upon Cocheco, which was now the second time destroyed. They continued to kill, capture and burn ; and though strenuous efforts were made to obtain a new treaty, every attempt proved a failure. In February, 1696, the sagamores Egeremet, Toxus and Abenquid, with a number of their followers, came into the fort at Pemaquid to pro- cure an exchange of prisoners; but by order of Cap- tain Chubb, the commander, they were treacher- ously attacked by the garrison, and two of the chiefs with several of their followers killed, and others thrust into confinement; only Toxus and a few others of the most athletic escaping. This was in retaliation for an attack upon a party of his soldiers in the neigh- borhood the autumn before, by which four of them were killed and six wounded. I am sorry to say that even the Puritans at this period seem to have im- bibed somewhat of the brutality of the savages, for the General Court offered a bounty of fifty pounds each for Indian scalps, and the same for captive squaws and children. Yet we must remember that there was no other convenient way for the soldiers to prove the number they had killed in order to get their bounty. Certainly war is a brutalizing occupation. 19. In July, 1696, Iberville came against Pema- quid with three ships of war, two companies of French soldiers, and two hundred and fifty Indians in canoes. On the way he had met and beaten an English arma- ment in the Bay of Fundy; and he now confidently demanded the surrender of the fortress. “I shall not give up the fort though the sea be cov- ered with French vessels, and the land with wild In- dians,” replied Captain Chubb, pompously. This fort, you remember, was the one built by Gov- ernor Phipps, and was of stone, very large and strong for those days. It mounted fifteen heavy guns, and was garrisoned by ninety-five soldiers, — having also an abundance of arms, ammunition and provisions; sa 1696 FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR CONTINUED. 109 that the commander thought he was much more than a match for the enemy. A rattling fire of musketry was kept up until dark ; but during the night the French landed some cannon and mortars on the other side of the little bay. By the next afternoon they had them in position, and threw several bombs into the fort. This was something Captain Chubb had not considered ; and it frightened him and his garrison so much that he surrendered at once — only stipulating for a safe passage to Boston. There Chubb was tried by a court martial; and being found guilty of coward- ice, lost his commission. Two years later the Indians found out his residence, and killed him, in revenge for his treachery toward the flag of truce. 20. A squadron of armed vessels was sent by the colonies in pursuit of Iberville’s fleet, but it was too late ; and they captured only an officer and twenty soldiers, who had lingered behind in a shallop. At the last of August Colonel Church again went east- ward, ascending the Penobscot as far as Oldtown, but without meeting any large number of Indians. He also visited the Bay of Fun dy, where he took valuable spoil ; for this region had now been recovered by the French. The next year Major March was sent eastward with five hundred men to chastise the Indians. On the ninth of September, as his forces were landing at Damariscotta, the Indians rushed out from an ambush, and giving the war-whoop, poured a fearful volley of bullets upon the troops. The English instantly rallied and answered with a well-aimed fire, then charged with bayonets ; and the savages ran away, leaving their dead upon the field. 21. In December, 1697, news came that peace had been made between England and France by the treaty of Byswick ; and this long war drew to a close. Peace was not definitely settled with the Indians until January, 1699, when a treaty was made at Mare 110 HISTORY OF MAINE. 1699 Point, in Brunswick. This was the second Indian war, sometimes called the. old French and Indian war, and Baron Castine’s war ; also William and Mary’s war, from having occurred during their reign. It had lasted above ten years, and in that time about four hundred and fifty English had fallen, and two hundred and fifty been carried into captivity. What noted man was born in Woolwich? For what was he knighted ? What naval expedition did he command ? In what year did Major Church make his famous expedition up the An- droscoggin ? What place was attacked soon after the time set for the treaty? Describe the disastrous attack upon York. Describe the attack on Wells the next year. Whom did the king appoint governor of New England in 1692 ? What did Governor Phipps do for the protection of his native region? Where did Major Church meet the Indians at this time ? Who prevented the In- dians from carrying out the provisions of the treaty made at Pema- quid ? Did Iberville’s second expedition against Pemaquid meet with success ? What happened at Damariscotta the next year ? What treaty operated to close this war ? How long had the war lasted ? How many English had fallen ? How many had been carried into captivity ? 1691 WITCHCRAFT, PIRACIES AND TREATY, 111 CHAPTER XIII. 1 . While the people of Maine were suffering from the attacks of the French and Indians, those of Massachu- setts were afflicted by the witchcraft delusion, in which many good, as well as some bad people were put to death. About the year 1650 two or three persons in Massachusetts professed themselves witches, and were therefore hanged. I suppose they had same nervous disorder, or perhaps mesmerism and clairvoyance were at the bottom of much of this mischief. More cases of the kind happened in 1688; but it was not until the spring of 1692 that the delusion came on, which spread like a contagious disease all through the towns, and proved such a terrible calamity. Governor Phipps had not meddled with the matter, though his friend, Rev. Cotton Mather, was among the foremost in these prosecutions; but while the governor was away in Maine, his kind-hearted wife signed an order for the release of a lady who was in prison for witchcraft. Then Mistress Phipps also was accused of being a witch. This was the situation of things when the gov- ernor returned. -It opened his eyes; and he soon put a stop to the terrible work. 2. Phipps soon after went to England, where he died in 1691; the Earl of Bellamont being his suc- cessor. The Earl had for some time been governor of New York, and his administration in New England also proved quite popular. He did much service to our fishermen by destroying or driving off the petty pirates that preyed upon them. It was this governor who commissioned the notorious Captain Kidd to cruise against pirates ; but when Kidd himself turned pirate the Earl was the first to proceed* against him. 112 III STORY OF MAINE. 1703 The Earl of Bellamont was succeeded in 1703 by Joseph Dudley, a native of Massachusetts. Another war had now arisen between England and France; and Governor Dudley, wishing to keep the Indians from joining the French, invited them to meet him at Casco Neck. On the twentieth of June, 1703, the day appointed for the meeting, the gov- ernor was on the spot with a retinue of members of the legislature, and a guard of soldiers ; and around them gathered the delegates of five native tribes. The Pennacooks from New Hampshire, and the Soko- kis from the borders of Lake Sebago and the head waters of tl*e Saco and Ossipee rivers, streamed out of the woods, radiant in war paint and feathers; the Canibas from Sagadahock, Teconnet and Norridge- wock, and the Tarratines from lordly Penobscot, were there with scarlet robes and shining weapons; while two hundred and fifty Androscoggins glided over the bay in a flotilla of sixty-five canoes. In the midst of this savage concourse a tent was spread, where the governor and his attendants and the sachems and sagamores made their talk. 3. The Indians seemed desirous of delaying the interview; and the English, suspicious of their inten- tions, scattered themselves among the savages for greater security. When all were seated the governor stood up, and said to the chiefs, “I have come to you commissioned by the great and good queen of Eng- land. I would esteem you all as brothers and friends. Yes, it is even my wish to’ reconcile every difficulty that has happened since the last treaty.” After a few minutes of silence one of the chiefs named Captain Simmo made this reply: — “We thank you, good brother, for coming so far to talk with us. It is a great favor. The clouds fly and darken, but we still sing with love the songs of peace. Believe my words : so far as the sun is above the earth are our thoughts from war, or the least rupture between us.” 17°3 WITCHCRAFT, PIRACIES AND TREATY. 113 4. Then the chiefs presented the governor with a belt of wampum, and the governor made them several handsome presents in return. The company then left the tents and visited two tall heaps of stones made at a former treaty, to which the Indians had given the significant name, Two Brothers . Other rocks were now added to the heaps, while the Indians made over them the most solemn protestations of friendship. The day closed by a grand discharge of musketry, the Indians firing first. It was now seen that their guns were loaded with bullets ; showing that they, too, had prepared themselves against a surprise. Many inhabitants of Maine, since the # news of an- other war came, had decided to remove to safer regions ; but, reassured by this treaty, they now con- cluded to remain ; while some from the older colonies southward, attracted by the excellent forests and the fertile soil, began to make preparations to settle in the province. 5. It afterward became known that three days after the treaty a body of French joined the natives, — which explained clearly why some of the Indians wished to delay the talk. They were too late to pre vent the making of the treaty, but not too late for its breaking; and within two months of Captain Simmo’s sounding speech, the wampum pledge, and the pretty allegory of the “Two Brothers,’’ these same tribes were in the full tide of war. Yet there had already been opportunity for a party of English to commit an outrage at Penobscot. Baron Castine had gone back to France, and his son known as “ Castine, the young- er,” succeeded to the establishment at Biguyduce. A lawless band, visiting the place under the mask of friendship, gained access to the premises, and robbed the unsuspecting half-breed of all his most valuable goods. 6. Baron Castine, you remember, married the daughter of Madockawando, sachem of the Tarratines, 114 niSTOKY OF MAINE. 1703 and, consequently, was himself a sachem after the death of his father-in-law. When the Baron returned to his native country, his son succeeded to the chieftain- ship ; and at his father’s death he became a baron of France. He was also a military officer under the king, and had a handsome uniform; but he seldom wore it, preferring to appear in the simple dress of his tribe. He might have complained to the king of the outrage which had been committed upon him, and de- manded French troops to enable him to obtain* satis- faction of the English; or he might have roused his tribe to action to avenge his injuries; but instead of this the magnanimous chief only expostulated with the Massachusetts rulers about the injustice of his treat- ment. The act was regarded by the government as base treachery; and the authorities promised to pun- ish the offenders and to make ample restitution. Cas- tine, the younger, was ever the friend of peace ; and though a portion of the Tarratines, urged by the French, engaged in hostilities against the English, they did so without his consent. We must here dismiss young Castine for the present, but he will again ap- pear in this history. What delusion occurred in New England during the second In- dian war ? What opened the eyes of Governor Phipps in regard to the delusion? Who succeeded Phipps as governor of New England ? What were the most noted occurrences during the ad ministration of the Earl of Bellamont ? What war broke out in 1703 ? What tribes engaged in the treaty ? With what ceremo- nies did the treaty conclude ? How soon after this did the war break out ? What outrage was perpetrated just before ? What can you relate of Castine, the younger ? 1703 QUEEN ANNE’S WAR, 115 CHAPTER XIY. In August, 1703, the war with the French and In- dians called Queen Anne’s war commenced. Six or seven large parties of the enemy fell at once upon Wells, Cape Porpoise (Kennebunkport), Saco, Scar- borough, Spurwink and Purpooduck in Cape Elizabeth, and Casco Neck, now Portland. In this attack Wells lost thirty-nine killed and taken captive, while Cape Porpoise was wholly destroyed. The garrison at Winter Harbor was overpowered by numbers, but the fort at Saco was able successfully to resist the attack. At Scarborough, just as the garrison was almost ex- hausted, a reinforcement arrived ; and the savages withdrew, having already suffered severely. At Spur- wink twenty-two of the settlers were killed or taken captive. Purpooduck had no garrison, and there was not a man at home when the attack was made. Only eight persons were carried away prisoners, twenty-five being butchered on the spot. 2. The first knowledge the garrison at Casco Neck had that Indians were in the vicinity, was the approach of a small party of them led by Moxus, Wanangonet and Assacombuit. They held out their empty hands to show that they were unarmed, then sent a flag of truce to the fort to invite the commander to an inter- view ; pretending that they bore an important mes- sage. Captain March, the commander, went out with two old men to meet them. At the first word uttered every Indian drew a hatchet from under his mantle, and rushed upon them, killing the two old men at once ; but March, being a man of great courage and strength, wrested a hatchet from an Indian, with which he parried the blows of the others. In a few 6 116 msTonr of maine. 1703 minutes a party from the fort reached the spot, and the savages ran away, leaving Captain March unharm- ed. The foe seemed quite disconcerted by the failure of their plot to kill or capture the commander of the fort; yet they still continued in the neighborhood, burning houses and butchering cattle. On the return of the other parties from their work of destruction, they gathered at Falmouth ; and the attack on Fort Loyal commenced. They had captured three small vessels in the harbor, and were attempting to under- mine the fort as before, when fortunately Captain Soutliwick arrived in an armed galley. He at once retook the vessels, and scattered the Indians in their two hundred birchen canoes, like leaves before the wind. 3. The attack on the settlements so soon after the treaty, took them by surprise, and they suffered accord- ingly, more than one hundred and fifty persons having been killed within a few days. A troop of horse was now stationed at Portsmouth, and another in Wells, ready to move at a moment’s notice wherever the sav- ages might appear ; while a force of three hundred and sixty men marched for Pigwacket (Fryeburg) and another party to the Ossipee Ponds in Hew Hamp- shire, to assail the savages at their headquarters. Still large numbers of Indians hung about the coast, •capturing boats and small vessels, burning houses, butchering cattle, and murdering and carrying away captives men, women and children. One morning a party of twenty men started out from the garrison at the Neck in Scarborough to col- lect and drive in the cattle which had been left to feed where they liked through the summer. It was supposed that the Indians had all left the vicinity, and the party went on in utter carelessness. Their leader, Richard Hunniwell, had no arms whatever except a pistol. Soon after they left the garrison one of his companions asking him why he had not taken his gun, 1703 queen anne’s wak. 117 lie jocosely replied, that if a gun was needed he might take it from the first person killed. They little thought as they approached the western end of Great Pond that in the alder thicket beside it two hundred Indians were hidden ! But they were there ; and as the un- suspecting settlers passed by, the Indians took deliberate aim, and nineteen of the party fell before that fatal discharge. One alone escaped to the gar rison to tell the dreadful story. 4. The men who came to bury the bodies found that of Hunniwell horribly mangled. The savages had in this way glutted their vengeance on the man they so much hated and feared ; for he had killed a great number of their people. His wife and child had some years before been murdered by them, kindling in his mind such enduring hatred that he would kill an Indian wherever he met him, in war or peace. On one occasion he entered a house where two of them were warming at the fire. He could not keep quiet, but. continued to pace the floor; for his murdered, wife and babe seemed before his eyes. Two guns stood in a corner of the room ; and he took up one of them, and putting it to his shoulder, moved it from side to side, as if taking aim at birds on the wing. Presently the Indians 5 heads came in range, and he fired and killed them both. Soon after the slaughter in Scarborough, the sav- ages attacked Berwick, but were repulsed with con- siderable loss. Late in the season, Captain March with three hundred men penetrated the wilderness to the Indian stronghold at Pigwacket, where he made the first captures of this war, killing six of the enemy ' and taking prisoners six more. During the winter several private parties in Western Maine went out on snow shoes after Indians, but very few were taken. The Sokokis had gone far up into New Hampshire ; from whence in February they fell upon Deerfield and other of the outermost settlements in Massachusetts. 118 HISTORY OF MAINE. 1704 5. The following spring the farmers dared not go into their fields to plant, and the only cultivated places were the lands immediately around the garrisons. As Berwick was an important point, ninety-five Pequods and Mohegans from Connecticut were placed there for its protection. The Maine Indians were at first some- what frightened by these, but they soon became as bold as ever. In May some French privateers appeared upon the coast ; and the government again sent Colonel Church eastward with a force of five hundred and fifty men in fourteen transports, having also thirty-six whaleboats and a scout shallop. Ascending the Penobscot, he captured several French and Indians, among whom was the wife of Castine, the younger, with her chil- dren. He next visited Passamaquoddy Bay, where he captured Gourdon and Sharkee, two French officers who had married Indian wives ; and who were at this time engaged in raising a party of savages to go against the settlements. From here Church proceeded with his flotilla to the Bay of Fundy, where he destroyed several villages of the French. Port Royal was found too strong to be assailed successfully ; so he returned without attacking it, having taken an hundred prisoners and much spoil, and lost only six men. 6. The Indians committed few depredations on the settlements during the remainder of the season ; for Church’s expedition had driven them away from the coast to their winter fastnesses at the head of the rivers. In the midst of the winter a force of two hun- dred and seventy men under Capt. Hilton was sent against Norridgewock. The snow was four feet deep, and the troops were obliged to travel almost the whole distance on snow shoes. But the Indians discovered their approach, and when the force arrived they found the village deserted. So they turned back again; and after enduring many hardships, reached their starting I™ 7 QUEEN ANNE’S WAR. 119 point without loss ; yet having accomplished nothing except the burning of the Indian village. Through the summer and autumn of the next year [1705] the French privateers still haunted our coast, taking many of our vessels ; while the Indians were continually in ambush about the settlement, where they were too successful in killing and capturing the poor, distressed inhabitants. Thus the war continued for two years more ; the savages lurking about, killing and capturing a few un- wary persons, and keeping the settlers from working their farms. 7. In January of 1707 Colonel Hilton marched to- ward Casco in search of a body of Indians who had been seen about the settlement. Striking a trail, they soon came upon four warriors, and a squaw with her pappoose. The squaw in her fright told where eighteen other Indians lay asleep ; and Hilton with his men, coming upon them suddenly, killed or cap- tured every one. In the summer another expedition consisting of one thousand men under Colonel March was sent against Acadia in the expectation of subduing it to the English. He was unsuccessful, and Maine soon had to suffer in consequence ; for the triumph of the French encouraged the Indians to renewed depredations. Yet they met with no very brilliant success. The most noted engagement of the year was at Whiter Harbor, where one hundred and fifty Indians in fifty canoes, attacked two sail boats in which were eight men belonging in the garrison and settlement. After a fight of three hours the Indians succeeded in capturing one boat, and killing one man; but they lost nine of their own men and had several others wounded. In the two following years very little damage was done by the Indians, except in hindering the cultiva- tion of the land, lumbering and other industrial opera- tions. Steps were taken on both sides to bring about 120 HISTORY OF MAINE. 1710 a peace, yet no treaty was made ; for the Indians paid little attention to treaty obligations, if inclined to war. 8. In the spring of 1710, a fleet with a regiment of mariners arrived from England to aid in the conquest of Acadia. To these were joined regiments of troops from New England, the whole force being un- der the command of General Nicholson. The pro- vince was unable to withstand such an armament as this ; and, after one day’s bombardment, Port Royal sur- rendered, and Subercase, the French governor, yield ed up his province. By this easy victory the whole of Acadia fell into the hands of the English, ever after to remain in their possession as New Scotland ; being divided, many years later, into the provinces of New Brunswick and Nova Scotia. Major Livingston, a brave young officer, was at once sent to Canada to in- form the governor of that country of the English pos- session of Acadia, and that the inhabitants were ac- counted prisoners of war, and would be treated as such unless the French ceased to incite the savages to hos- tilities against the English. Livingston journeyed by the way of the Penobscot, and thence by land through the unbroken wilderness to the St. Lawrence. With him went that friend of peace, Castine, the younger, to guard hirruagainst savage rage, and to procure guides and supplies. Yet neither this event, nor the desire of some of their chiefs for peace, prevented large numbers of the Indians from continuing their treacherous warfare. Therefore on his way home from the conquest of Aca- dia, Colonel Walton with one hundred and seventy men scoured the coast in search of savages. At Sa- gadahock he captured a sagamore and his family and some of his tribe. Soon after, another message came from the Indians, desiring peace ; yet parties of them still continued to maraud. The next year twenty-six persons were killed in Maine, by attacking solitary 1712 QUEEN ANNE’S WAR. 121 families, or waylaying 'venturesome travelers. Their last hostile act in this war was in the autumn of 1712, at Wells. 9. On that day a joyous company were gath- ered at the home of Captain Wheelwright, to witness the wedding of his daughter with young Plaisted of Portsmouth. The ceremony was over, guests made their gratulations, and were preparing to depart, when it was found that two of the horses were missing. Sev- eral persons started in search of them, but, going near the place where the Indians were in ambush, two of them were shot down and others made prisoners. The report of the guns informed the neighborhood of the presence of Indians ; and a dozen men started across lots from the garrison to intercept the enemy, while Captains Lane, Robinson and Hurd, with the bridegroom and several others, vaulted upon the re- maining steeds and galloped eagerly to the rescue. In a few minutes these, also, fell into an. ambush. Captain Robinson was killed outright, and the others were unhorsed ; but every one of them, except the now unhappy bridegroom succeeded in escaping. In the mansion where a few moments before, peace and happiness had reigned supreme, were now consterna- tion and rage, the wailing of widowed women, and the anguish of the lovely bride. After a few days, how- ever, the bridegroom regained his liberty ; but it cost his father three hundred pounds, as a ransom. 10. In 1713, peace was made between England and France, by the celebrated treaty of Utrecht; and now no longer incited and aided by the French, the Indians sought peace in earnest. Accordingly on the eleventh of July, the governor, with twenty councilors and many other gentlemen, met the delegates of the hos- tile tribes at Portsmouth in Hew Hampshire. The Indians , acknowledged their offence, and begged for the pardon and favor of the English. Then a written treaty was made, by which the Indians agreed to yield 122 HISTORY OF MAINE. 1713 to the English settlers all the lands occupied by them, and to observe the regulations which had been made by former treaties in regard to trading, hunting and fishing. Each sagamore signed the document by making the figure of the quadruped, bird or fish, which was the totem of his family. When the ceremonies were over, some of the au- thorities went to Casco Bay, where they found Moxus, a Penobscot sagamore, with a large body of Indians waiting to learn about the treaty. It was read aloud to them by the English, and explained by the interpre- ters ; and when the reading was finished the Indians huzzaed in approval. Then the English authorities distributed to them the usual presents. The next day Moxus came to the English desiring more ; saying that the young Indians had stolen the presents away. This was very strange ; for the Indians, especially the younger men, always treat their sagamores with the greatest respect. Yet Moxus did not sign the treaty, though he pretended to be chief sagamore of the tribes from" Penobscot to St. Croix ; but the English knew him to be a very subtle Indian, and did not believe his statements at all. Upon what' places did the Indians make a simultaneous attack ? What treacherous attempt did they make at Fort Loyal? What afterward happened at Scarborough? Who were the next year stationed for the defense of Berwick ? Where was Colonel Church sent the next year ? Where was Capt. Hilton sent the next winter ? What was done by the French and Indians in the two years following ? What was the result of Colonel March’s expedition against Acadia? Who commanded the expedition against Acadia in 1710 ? How long thereafter did the country remain in possession of the English ? 1717 LOVEWELl/s WAR COMMENCES. 123 CHAPTER XY. 1. As soon as Queen Anne’s war was over there was a rush of settlers to Maine ; and mills began to be built and villages to spring up all along the coast from Piscataqua to Penobscot. This was very pleasing to the English ; but the Indians watched with jealousy the damming up of the rivers and the destruction of the woods, by which their hunting and fishing grounds were continually narrowed. The French Jesuits, who resided among the natives, were ever watchful for the interests of France, and used every occasion to em- bitter the minds of Indians against the English. The natives did not understand the nature of the writings called “deeds,” believing that their forefathers, in giv- ing them, had intended only to convey the use of the lands during their own lifetime ; therefore the Jesuits easily persuaded them that every new fort, mill, or dwelling was an intrusion upon their rights. 2. An English society for the education of the heathen had before attempted to give the Indians some religious instruction ; and the General Court of Massachusetts now voted to pay seven hundred and fifty dollars annually for missions to the Indians, with board and lodging for the missionaries. So there were at various times missionaries on the Androscog- gin river at Brunswick, at Fort Halifax on the Ken- nebec, at St. Georges and Penobscot ; while provision was also made for a school master to reside at Bruns- wick, and fifty dollars were voted for books and re- wards for the young Indians who might become his pupils. It was thought best as a matter of duty to remove, if possible, the false teaching of the Jesuits; and it was also believed that this would be the best 124 niSTORY OF MAINE. 1718 method of pacifying the Indians. According to Bomazeen, a sachem of Norridgewock, the priest of that place had instructed the Indians that “the Virgin Mary was a French lady, and that her son, Jesus Christ, was murdered by the English, but had since risen and gone to Heaven; and that all who would gain his favor must avenge his blood.” Perhaps the wily chief spoke falsely, but the English believed him. 3. This provision for missionaries was made in 1717; and the next year Governor Shute with his council met the natives at Arrowsic. The governor presented the sagamores with an English Bible, and another translated into the Indian tongue, telling them that they contained the true religion. “All people love their own ministers,” said the chief speaker, in reply. “Yourbibles we do not care to keep. God has given us teaching, and if we go from that we offend God.” It was found that they could not be moved from their devotion to the Jesuits; and the remainder of the discussions was on the land rights of the English and Indians. A part of the Indian talk made on this occasion was nearly as follows: — 4. “Indians and white men have one Great Father. He has given every tribe of us a goodly river, which yields us fine salmon and other fish. The borders of our rivers are wide and pleasant. Here, from ancient time, our people have hunted the bear, the moose and the beaver. It is our own country, where our fathers died, where ourselves and our children were born ; — we cannot leave it. The Indian has rights and loves good as well as the Englishman; — yes, we have a sense, too, of what is kind and great. When you first came over the waters of the morning we took you into our arms. We thought you children of the sun, and we fed you with our best meat. Never went a white man cold and starving from the cabin of an Indian. Do we not speak truth? But you have returned us 1718 lovewell’s war commences. 125 evil for good. You put the burning cup to our lips; it filled our veins with poison ; it wasted the pride of our strength. Ay, and when the drunken fit was * on us, you took advantage — you made gains of us. You made our beaver cheap, then you paid us in watered rum and trifles. We shed your blood; we avenged your affronts. Then you promised us equal trade and good commodities. Have Christian Englishmen lived up to their engagements ? They asked leave of our fathers to five in the land as brothers. It was freely granted. The earth is for the life and the range of man. We are told that our country, spreading far away from the sea, is passing away to you forever, — perhaps for nothing, because of the names and seals of our sagamores. Such deeds be far from them. They never turned their children from their homes to suffer. Their hearts were too full of love and kindness, — their souls were too great. Whither shall we go ? There is no land so much our own, — none can be half so dear to us. Why should we flee before our destroyers? We fear them not. Sooner, far, will we sing the war song, and again light up our council fires. So shall the great spirits of our sires own their sons.” 5. Yet the old men and many others were opposed to war at this time ; for they feared to be driven away from their cornfields aud their pleasant villages, to undergo the sufferings of a wandering fife. So they promised to inquire into the injuries committed by their brethren, and presented the English with a lot of beaver skins, as a pledge of their fidelity. They also placed four young Indians in their hands to be held as hostages for the good behavior of the tribes ; and these were taken to Boston and educated. Three years later ninety canoes of Indians came early in the month of August to Sagadahock. They bore the French flag, and were well armed and clad. There were also several Frenchmen with them, among 126 niSTORY OF MAINE. 1721 whom were Castine, the younger, and the Jesuit, Halle. The leaders of this company visited Arrowsic and delivered to Captain Penhallow, in the name of the tribes, a message warning the settlers on that river that if they did not remove in three weeks the Indians would come and destroy their cattle, burn their houses and kill them all ; “for,” said they, “you have taken away the lands which the Great God has given to our fathers and us.” 6. This, no doubt, meant war; and immediate measures were taken for defence. The Indians did not immediately come to put their threat into execu- tion, but, as usual, watched for a favorable moment. In December a force was sent under Colonel West- brook to Norridgewock, to capture Halle, who was the chief instigator of the savages against the English. They reached the place undiscovered, for the braves were mostly away on their winter hunt; but before the soldiers could surround the village, Halle had es- caped to the woods. No blood was shed or captive taken by this expedition; but the troops brought away a dictionary of the Abnaki language, written by the Jesuit, the result of many years of study. 7. Castine, the younger, having been in the com- pany which made the threats against the Sagadahock settlements, was soon after seized and carried to Bos- ton, where he was kept a prisoner several months; but as no evidence could be found against his peaceful character, he was set at liberty in the spring. The government at this time sent presents and peace- ful messages to the tribes, in the hope of softening their feelings toward the English, in order to avert, if possible, the threatened destruction of the settlements. All means proved useless; for in June, 1722, the savages fell upon the settlement on the northern shore of Merrymeeting Bay, killing or carrying away into captivity nine entire families. They soon after attempted to surprise the fort at St. George’s River 1722 lovewell’s war commences. 127 but only succeeded in burning a sloop and taking a few prisoners. In July another attack was made on the same fort, under the lead of a Romish priest. This time they undermined a portion of the walls ; but a rain caused the banks of the trench to fall in upon them ; and, having lost twenty of their number, while the garrison lost only five, they gave up the siege and retired. The savages were now on the war path in all directions; and vessels were captured, houses burned, and settlers murdered or carried into captivity from every quarter. 8. About the middle of July, 1722, Fort George, in Brunswick, was attacked, and the village burned. The news reached the mouth of the Kennebec within a few hours, and Captain Harmon with thirty-four men immediately started up the river in pursuit of the perpetrators. Late in the night they discovered fires on the western shore of Merrymeeting Bay, in what is now the town of Topsham. They happened to land at the very spot where eleven canoes were drawn ashore. They ran directly to one of the fires, and, blinded by the light, actually stumbled over the sleep- ing savages. They had been torturing a prisoner, and had kept up their dancing and carousing until a late hour, and were now in a drunken, stupid sleep ; and the whole number were killed on the spot without the loss of a man to the English. Another party, lying at a little distance from the first, were aroused by the tumult ; but after filing a few guns, they fled into the woods and escaped. 9. In September four or five hundred warriors, chiefly St. Francis Indians from Canada, and Mic- macs from Nova Scotia, made a sudden descent upon Arrowsic. The garrison was prepared for them, and in a few days drove them from the island ; but in the meantime they had killed fifty head of cattle and burned twenty-six houses. In August, 1723, sixty-three Mohawks, including 128 HISTORY OF MAINE. 1723 many principal men, came to Boston in response to numerous invitations from the authorities, to make a treaty against the eastern Indians. They were re- ceived by the Lieutenant Governor, who presented them with a belt of wampum ; and they, in return, gave him pieces of plate curiously engraved with the figures of a turtle, bear, wolf, hatchet and other fig- ures — totems of their several tribes. The authorities also gave the Indians a fat ox, which they killed with their arrows ; and then they held a feast, which closed with songs and dances. 10. The tribes could not be induced to take up the hatchet, but gave their young men liberty to enter the service of the English; yet only two accepted the offer. These were sent to Fort Richmond, on the Kennebec. A few days after their arrival they were sent out on a scout in company with a small party of English. They had gone scarcely three miles when the two Mohawks said they smelt fire, and refused to go further without a reinforcement. A messenger went back to the fort and brought thirteen more men ; and, again advancing, they came upon thirty of the enemy. In the brief conflict that ensued, two of these were killed; while the remainder retreated to their canoes in such haste as to leave their packs on the ground. The English lost their leader, Sergeant Colby, killed, and two others, wounded. But the Mo- hawks had already become sick of the service, and soon after this affair returned to Boston. 11. In September, 1723, Colonel Westbrook was sent eastward with two hundred and thirty men in search of the enemy. He ascended the Penobscot river in boats to the vicinity of Marsh Bay, where he landed, and continued up the river through the woods. After four or five days they came upon a large fort not far from the present site of the city of Bangor. They entered it without resistance, finding it abandoned, and every article of value removed. 1723 LOVEWELL’s WAR COMMENCES. 129 The fort was found to be seventy yards in length by fifty in breadth ; the walls, which were fourteen feet high, consisting of stockades, or strong wooden stakes driven into the ground. Inside the walls were twenty- three good wigwams, the dwelling of the priest, and a chapel twenty by sixty feet in size, and handsomely furnished. Committing these to the flames, they re- turned down the river, and searched other parts of the coast with no better success.* 12. The next year the Indians killed and carried into captivity from twenty to thirty persons ; four men and three children being captured at one time while engaged in picking berries in the town of Scarbor- ough. There were skirmishes at Casco Neck, and on the Kennebec ; and the Indians made another fruitless attack on the fort at St. George’s River. In the winter a third expedition was sent to Nor- ridgewock under Captain Moulton to capture Ralle. Again he escaped them ; but they secured his books and papers, and retired without doing any further injury. Among these papers were letters from the governor of Canada directing the Jesuit “to push on the Indians with all imaginable zeal against the English.” 13. The fort on St. George’s River, being the most advanced post of the settlers received the par ticular hatred of the savages, and the attacks it suffer- ed during the war were both frequent and severe. It was on a beautiful May morning in 1724 that Captain- Josiah Winslow, the young commander, set out from the fort with sixteen men in two whale boats, — pro- ceeding down the river, and thence to the Green Isl- ands in Penobscot Bay. It was the season for fowl- ing, and they expected to find Indians somewhere on the route, snaring or shooting sea-fowl. None were discovered, however; and the party returned the next day to St. Georges’. But the wary savages had seen them hunters, and now lay in ambush along the bank 130 HISTORY OF MAINE. 1724 of tlie river. Captain Winslow’s boat was near the middle of the river, and some distance in advance, the other having lingered, against the request of Winslow, to look for ducks along the shore. Suddenly the In- dians opened fire upon the imprudent crew, but it was briskly returned. Captain Winslow, seeing that the crew was outnumbered and in great danger, turned back to their assistance. 14 . Thirty canoes containing ninety savages im- mediately shot out from the shore, and with a terrible whoop fell upon the devoted crews. The English saw that there was no hope of escape, and every man determined to sell his life dearly. In a brief time nearly all were dead or mortally wounded. Wins- low’s boat had floated ashore, and he sprang upon the bank, though his thigh was shattered by a ball. An Indian met him, and for a few moments they fought hand to hand; but Winslow beat off Iris foe. By this time the savages were pressing upon him from all sides ; but the brave young soldier killed another, sup- porting himself on one knee, before they could dis- patch him. Did the natives fully understand how their lands had become the property of the English ? What threat did a party of sav- ages make at Arrowsic ? What did the government do the next spring? How many families did the Indians take captive on Merrymeeting Bay? At what date was Brunswick burned? Where did Capt, Harmon find the Indians ? What tribes made an attack on Arrowsic in September? What did Col. Westbrook find near the present site of Bangor ? What was accomplished by the third expedition to Norridgewock ? Give an account of the fight on St. George’s River. 1724 DESTEUCTION OF NOBEIDGEWOCK. 131 CHAPTER XVI. 1. In the summer of 1724 another and final expe- dition was sent against Norridgewock. It was led by Captains Moulton, Harmon, Bourne and Bane; and consisted of two hundred and eight men. Tins force left the fort at Richmond on the nineteenth day of August, ascending the river in seventeen whale boats. The next day they arrived at Teconet, where they left their boats with a guard of forty men. The remain- der of the journey must have been made on the east- ern bank of the river, and they consequently passed the site of the village of Skowhegan in the forenoon of the twenty-second day of the month. At a little past noon they discerned the smoke of the Indian set- tlement. Captain Harmon with sixty men made a detour towards the cornfields opposite and above the mouth of Sandy River, while Captain Moulton with the residue of the troops went directly towards the village. They moved in the utmost stillness, noting the wigwams, the chapel, the dwelling of the priest, the trees marked by hatchets, the broad stones tossed by the Indians in their sports; but there was not a human being in sight. They were within pistol shot of the cabins, when an Indian looked out and saw them. Instantly he gave the war whoop, and sixty warriors sprang out to meet the English. 2. The first volley of the savages did not harm a man, but the guns of the English made fearful havoc. The Indians stayed only to fire a second volley, then rushed to the river. Some jumped into the canoes, in which they tried to escape, using their guns for pad- dles, while others attempted to ford or swim across. Still from two. wigwams shots continued to be fired 132 HISTORY OF MAINE. 1724 upon tlie soldiers. One of the two Mohawks with the expedition fell, and his brother rushed forward and broke in the door whence the shot came. Within was an old sagamore named Mogg, who, scorning to fly, devoted the remnant of his strength to destroy the foes of his race. In the other wigwam was Ralle, the Jesuit; and he also fell fighting at his post, being shot through the head by Lieutenant Jaques. 3. Thus died the zealous and intrepid missionary of the Abnakis. He was in the sixty-seventh year of his age, and had lived at this village nearly thirty-five years. In this solitary place his hours, he writes, were crowded with employment. Mass was held every morning, and following this the children and others were instructed in the catechism. 'His own household labors occupied a large portion of the re- maining hours until evening ; when the dusky congre- gation again gathered for vespers. The scene is well described by Whittier in these lines : — “Well might the traveler stop to see The tall, dark forms that take their way From the birch canoe on the river shore, And the forest paths, to that chapel door ; And marvel to mark the naked knees And the dusky foreheads bending there, While in coarse white vesture, over these In blessing or in prayer, Stretching abroad his thin, pale hands, Like a shrouded ghost the Jesuit stands.” 4. To him came the Indians, old and young, to make their complaints, to tell of tlieh’ joys and sor- rows, or to receive his advice — which they always heeded; for they loved him as a father. Their affec- tion for him is shown by this incident, narrated by him- self : — Once when encamped with a party of the tribe at a long distance from the village, there came tidings that the English were near ; and all immedi- 24 DESTRUCTION OF NORRIDGEWOCK. 133 ately started for home. A few hours later another Indian came to warn the party. Finding the camp deserted, he concluded that the English had captured them ; and he, also, started for the village, leaving on the way information of the supposed calamity for those who might come after. He did this by fastening to a stake a piece of white birch bark, on which he had drawn with charcoal a rude picture of some English- men surrounding a priest, one of whom was in the act of cutting off his head — hats signifying that the wear- ers were English, and the long robe indicating the I priest. Shortly after, a party of Indians passing up the river, saw the bark on the top of the stake. “There is a writing,” said one ; “let us see what it is.” 5. As soon as they looked at it they cried out, “Ah! the English have billed them who were quartered with our father, and cut off liis head.” Immediately they began to pluck out their long hair ; and, sitting down on the spot, remained motionless and silent until morning. This was their customary form of mourning when suffering the severest affliction. The next day they resumed their journey. When within half a league of the village they halted, and sent forward one of their number to see if any English were in the neighborhood “I was reading my breviary by the river side,” says Halle, “when the messenger appeared upon the oppo- site bank. As soon as he saw me he cried out: 6 Ah! my father, how glad I am to see you. My heart was dead, and now that I see you, it revives. The writing told us that the English had cut off your head. How rejoiced I am that it told us false.’ ” When the Indians urged him to retire to Quebec till the war was over, he replied, “What do you think of me ? Do you take me for a cowardly deserter ? Alas, what would become of your religion, should I abandon you? Your salvation is dearer to me than life.” 134 HISTOEY OF MAINE. 1724 6. Notwithstanding all his piety, he could coolly deceive them to secure their devotion to his religion. My young friends will remember what the old chief said the priest taught them about the Virgin Mary being a French woman, and about our Saviour being put to death by the English. On another occasion Halle pretended to have received a letter from an In- dian who was dead, in which he wrote that he was burning in the most horrible fire; and he showed them a letter written in the Indian tongue. The cor- ner where the signature should have been was tom off ; for if the name of a deceased relative of any member of the tribe had been given, there would have been trouble between the priest and that family. In regard to this remarkable character, Mr. Sparks says, “So far as the patient toils of the missionary and love for the darkened soul of the Indian are concern- ed, we may place the names of Eliot and Halle in a fellowship, which, indeed, both would have rejected, but which we may regard as hallowed and true ; for they both belonged to the goodly company of those who have given their fives to the beautiful labors of pious benevolence. 7. “Whoever has visited the pleasant town of Nor- ridgewock, as it now is, must have heard of “Indian Old Point, 55 as the people call the place where Halle’s village stood ; and perhaps curiosity has carried him hither. If so, he has found a lovely, sequestered spot in the depth of nature’s stillness, on a point around which the waters of the Kennebec sweep in their beautiful course, as if to the music of the rapids above; a spot over which the sad memories of the past, with- out its passions, will throw a charm ; and where, he will believe, the ceaseless worship of nature might blend itself with the aspirations of Christian devotion. He will find that vestiges of the old settlement are not wanting, in the form of hatchets, glass beads, and broken utensils, turned up by the plough, and pre- 1724 DESTRUCTION OF NOREIDGEWOCK. 135 served by the people of the neighborhood ; and he will turn away from the place feeling how hateful is the mad spirit of war in connection with nature’s sweet retirements.” MONUMENT OF RALLE, NORRIDGEWOCK. 8. But I must return to my narrative, though feel- ing as if I should ask pardon of my gentle readers, for ! bringing them again to the horrors of the bloody bat- j tie field. Captain Harmon and his party, who had I gone in the direction of the cornfields, did not join the other troops until near evening, when the fighting ; was quite over. That night the English slept in the I wigwams of the Norridgewocks. In the morning, j after the troops had left the village, the vengeful Mo- hawk turned back; and soon chapel and wigwam I were wrapped in flame. '* On the twenty-seventh of the month the companies 136 HISTORY OF MAINE, 1724 arrived at Richmond on tlieir return; the Mohawk shot by Mogg being the only man lost. Thirty Indians had been left dead on the field, among whom were five sagamores — all noted warriors; and it was believed that more than fifty were killed or drowned in the river. The Canibas tribe never lifted its head after this blow, and was no more counted among the red man’s nations. The remnant lingered a while about their old dwelling places on the banks of their pleasant river ; but not many years later most of them removed to the St. Francis, whither their kindred tribe, the fated Wawennocks, had gone before them. In what year was the final expedition against Norridgewock? Who led the attack upon the village? How long had Ralle been with this tribe ? What incident shows their regard for him ? What deceptions did he use with the Indians ? Who set the vil- lage on fire ? What became of the remnant of this tribe ? CHAPTER XVII. 1. In the autumn following the fall of Norrid«;e- o o wock Colonel Westbrook with three hundred men scoured the country to the eastward of the Kennebec, and Captain Heath soon after ascended the Penob- scot; but neither met with the Indians or destroyed any of their settlements. In December, and again in February, Captain Love- well made successful excursions into the region north and east of Winnipesaukee Lake; and in April, 1725, 1725 lovewell’s figiit. 137 he set out on the expedition which terminated in the famous “Lovewell’s Fight. 55 It was on the sixteenth of April that Captain Love- well with forty-six volunteers set out from Dunstable, Massachusetts, to hunt for Indians about the head- waters of the Saco River, which was the home of the Sokokis. The chief pilot was an Indian named Toby; but he was obliged to return on account of lameness. After marching about one hundred miles another of the party became disabled by reason of an old wound ; and his kinsman was sent with him back to the settle- ment. By the time the force reached Ossipee Pond, in New Hampshire, another man fell seriously ill ; and the whole company stopped there and built a small stockade fort. Here they left the sick man, with the surgeon and eight of the most weary ones ; so that there now remained only thirty-four men, including the captain, to continue the march. About twenty- two miles to the northeast lay the body of water now known as Lovewell’s Pond, in Fryeburg; and thither this brave little band took its way. 2. On the night of the seventh of May they en- camped by a brook that runs into the pond near the northwest corner; while only two miles northward, on the bank of the Saco, was Pigwacket, the principal village of the Sokokis. The next morning while they were at prayers the report of a gun was heard. Pass- ing another small brook, they came upon a level plain at the north of the pond, and discovered an Indian standing on a point that ran into the pond on the east. It was now believed that the savages had dis- covered them, and that this lone Indian was a decoy to draw them into an ambush. Captain Lovewell inquired of his little company whether it was pru- dent to venture an engagement with the enemy in his own country, or to make a speedy retreat. One of them answered boldly and firmly, “We came out to meet the enemy; we have all along prayed God we 138 HISTORY OF MAINE. 1725 might meet them ; and we had rather trust Providence * with our lives, — yea, die for our country, than try to return without seeing them, if we may, — and be called cowards for our pains.” To this the rest willingly and fully assented. Therefore, leaving their packs among the brakes in the midst of the plain, they went cautiously forward, crossing on their way another stream, since known as “Battle Brook.” In a short time they met the Indian returning toward the village. Several fired upon him, and he instantly fired in return, wounding Captain Lovewell and one of the men; but Ensign Wyman fired and killed him. In the meantime a party of sav- ages led by Paugus and Wahwa, going, or returning between the village and the pond, had come upon the packs which were left on the plain; and, counting them, they found themselves three times as strong as the English. 3. It was now about ten o’clock; and Lovewell’s party turned back in the way they came. They passed over the brook and were crossing the plain to resume their packs, when the savages rose in front and rear, and rushed toward them with guns present- ed, and yelling like demons. Lovewell and his men with determined shouts ran to meet them. In the volley that followed many Indians fell, and they were driven back several rods. They turned again with fierce cries ; and three more rounds were fired at close quarters, some of the combatants being not more than twice the length of their guns apart. Captain Love- well was mortally wounded; but, leaning against a tree, he continued to fight; and he was seen with a gun in his hands ready to fire, when he was too far gone to speak. Others did the same. 4. Eight were now dead besides the captain, and several others badly wounded; and the enemy at- tempted to surround those who remained. Ensign Wyman, who had taken command, ordered them to 1725 lovewell’s FIGHT. 139 fall back to tlie pond; which was done in good order. On their right was Battle Brook, on the left, a rocky point; in front, on one side a belt of tall pines afforded a partial shelter, while on the other they were further protected by a deep bog. Here for eight terrible hours the savages beset them on front and flank. They howled like wolves, they barked like dogs, they roared and yelled like demons in their rage ; yet the intrepid little band was not dismayed, but encouraged each other with cheers, and answered the savages with shouts of defiance. 5. The chaplain of this brave company was Johna- than Frye, a youth not yet twenty-one, but already greatly beloved for his piety and excellence. He had fought bravely with the rest until the middle of the afternoon, when he received a mortal wound. Unable to fight longer, he betook himself to prayer for his comrades; — and God, we know, has sometimes made prayers more effectual than arms. At one time in the afternoon the savages withdrew to a little distance, and seemed to be “powwowing”; and Ensign Wyman crept up and fired into the group, killing one who seemed to be a leader. Afterward some of the In- dians came toward the English and held up ropes, shouting, “Will you have quarter?” “Yes, — at the muzzle of our guns,” replied the he- roic men. They preferred to die by bullets rather than by torture, or in a cruel captivity ; but, chiefly, they were determined to stand by each other to the last. 6. The fight was long, and some of their guns be- came foul with so much firing; and John Chamber- lain went down to the water to wash his piece. Just then an Indian came down for the same purpose, not more than a gunshot off. In hate and ffear they watched each other’s motions as the cleansing was performed. They finished together, and commenced to load. 7 140 HISTORY OF MAIXE. 1725 “Quick me kill you now,” exclaimed tlie Indian. “May be not,” answered Chamberlain, thumping the breecli of his gun heavily on the ground. His old flintlock primed itself, and a moment later his bullet crashed through the brain of the huge savage, whose bullet whistled harmlessly up in the air. Many histo- ries state that this Indian was Paugus, a chief greatly dreaded by the English. There is, however, a ballad written at the period,- which says : — ‘‘And yet our valiant Englishmen In fight were ne’er dismayed, But still they kept their motion, And Wyman captain made, — Who shot the old chief, Paugus, Which did the foe defeat ; Then set his men in order, And brought off the retreat. ” 7. There was no way of escape from the spot as long as the foe hung about them ; and they were en- tirely without food since the morning — the Indians having secured their packs ; yet never a word of sur- render escaped their lips. Just before dark the sav- ages retired from the field, taking with them their own wounded, but leaving the dead bodies of Lovewell’s men unscalped. The English remained on the ground until about midnight, when it was thought best to at- tempt a retreat. Ten of them number were already dead, fourteen wounded, one missing, and only nine uninjured. Solomon Kies, exhausted by fatigue and loss of blood from three wounds, had crawled slowly and painfully to the edge of the pond, with the inten- tion of throwing himself into the water at some spot where the savages would not find and mangle his life- less body. Providentially he spied a birch canoe near by, which he managed to enter; and, lying there almost unconscious, he was slowly drifted by the wind to the western side of the pond. After a while he lovewell’s figiit. 1725 141 recovered his strength a little, so that he finally reach- ed the fort at Ossipee Pond. 8. Painful as it was, two of the mortally wounded had to be left. When the moon rose the others start- ed on the retreat ; but, after traveling a mile and a half, four more sank to the ground unable to support themselves longer. These were Lieutenant Farwell, Chaplain Frye, and privates Davis and Jones; and, at their request, their companions went on without them. After resting awhile they felt stronger, and went on again a little distance, then rested again ; ana thus continued for several days. But they grew weaker and weaker; and, first, Frye was left, then Farwell sank to rise no more, — Davis alone reaching the fort. Jones followed down the Saco river, arriv- ing after many days at Biddeford, emaciated almost to a skeleton by hunger, pain and loss of blood. 9. Ossipee Pond was scarcely more than twenty miles from the scene of the battle, but so weary were the men and so indirect their route, that it was four days before the first arrived at the fort. They found it deserted. A man of the company had run away at the beginning of the fight ; and, coming to the fort, he told the men of the fall of Captain Lovewell and others, and of the great number of the Indians. The little garrison had no doubt that every one remaining had been killed or captured, and supposed that the savages would next fall upon the fort ; so they at once abandoned it, and started for the settlements. It was Wednesday when the remnant of Lovewell’s brave band reached the fort. They were in a half- starved condition, having had nothing to eat since the morning of the preceding Saturday, except a few roots and the bark of trees. Here they found some bread and pork left by the deserters ; so they were saved from starvation. After a short rest they started for home, where they were. received with great jov — almost as persons restored from the dead. Colonel 142 HISTORY OF MAINE 1725 Tyng with eighty-seven men at once started for the scene of the fight. He found the bodies of the twelve who had been killed, and buried them at the foot of a great pine, carving their names upon the trees about the battle ground. VIEW OF LOVEWELL ? S BATTLE-GROUND. 10. The Indians were struck with such dread by this fight, that they immediately retired into some un- known wilderness, and were found no more in their old haunts until the war was over. It is supposed that about fifty warriors fell in this conflict, among whom was their principal leader, Paugus. The next month Captain Heath, probably desirous of emulating the heroes of Norridgewock and Pig- wacket, set out again for the Penobscot. Since the burning of their village by Colonel Westbrook, the Indians on this river had built another a few .miles 1726 lovewell’s FIGHT. 143 above the Kenduskeag, at a place now called “Fort Hill,” which is* within the present limits of Bangor. It had between forty and fifty wigwams, together with several cottages with chimneys and cellars, and a Catholic chapel. The Indians were on the alert ; and again their invaders found only deserted dwellings. These they set on fire, and departed. 11. The tribes were now disposed to make peace; but so many things happened to disturb the negotia- tions, that the conditions were not settled until the fifteenth of December, 1725. Only four sagamores then signed the treaty ; and it was not until the next summer that the conference was held for its ratifica- tion. By this treaty, trading houses were to be kept on the principal rivers for the convenience of the In- dians; while the settlers were confirmed in their lands, and all the English captives were to be released with- out ransom. This war is known as “Lovewell’s War,” or the “Three Years War”; and the number killed and carried into captivity during its progress, includ- ing settlers, soldiers and seamen, was about two hun- dred. 12. On the thirtieth of July, 1726, about forty sagamores, with the Penobscot sachem, Wenemovet, at their head, appeared at Casco Neck; where Gov- ernor Dimmer, with a large number of councillors and representatives, and a fine train of young gentle- men, had already been waiting nearly a fortnight. These chiefs represented the Tarratines, Canibas and Androscoggins, and brought a letter and two belts of wampum from the St. Francis Indians, in Canada, — indicating their wish to join in the treaty. The con- ference lasted a full week ; and every paragraph of the treaty was read to them and repeated distinctly by theu interpreters; after which it was explained and discussed. It was ratified in the meeting house, (a very good place to make a treaty of peace) and signed by Governor Dimmer and others on the part 144 HISTORY OF MAINE. 1727 of the English, and by Wenemovet and twenty -five of the sagamores; and then the business ended with a public dinner. 13. This affair was long celebrated as “Dum- mer’s Treaty”; and the peace that followed was the most lasting of any since the Indian wars commenced; for it was better understood by them than any of the former treaties, while they had just had the impor- tance of keeping their agreements impressed upon them by a severe chastisement. When did the famous battle known as “Love well's Fight” take place ? Where did Lovewell build a fort ? Where is the pond beside which the fight occurred ? When the leader inquired of his men whether they would fight, or retreat, what reply did they make? What happened when they returned to resume their packs ? After the fall of Capt. Lovewell who took command ? How long did the savages keep up the attack ? What remarkable personal encounter took place in this fight ? Who were left at night in possession of the field ? What had been the loss of the Indians? What became of the remainder? What celebrated treaty closed this war ? CHAPTER XVIII. 1. The inhabitants of Maine had suffered frequent and long distress by the savage wars, yet they clung to their freeholds as a most precious heritage. This freehold right to the land upon which they lived, no rents to pay, no feudal service to render to some lord proprietor, — this was something few or none of them had enjoyed in England. From this cause, doubtless, 1720 CUSTOMS OF THE ENGLISH SETTLERS. 145 arose in a large degree that love of country, which was so distinguished a virtue of our forefathers. The hardships of those early days no pen can prop- erly relate. The paths of the settlers were ambushed, they were shot down in the fields, they woke in the silent hours of night to find their buildings in flames, and the hatchets of the savages breaking down the doors of their dwellings; none could tell when or where the prowling foe would strike. Consequently many families spent weeks together in the garrison, daring to culti\ ate only the nearest fields. But with the return of peace the farms soon teemed with plenty, while the ringing saws beside the dashing cataracts turned the dense woods into marketable lumber. 2. Soon after the close of Lovewell’swar the Gen- eral Court laid out a tier of back towns, and divided them into lots, with which to reward the soldiers, and supply farms for immigrants. The old settlements were greatly pleased at this ; for they had stood for nearly a century in single file between the ocean an(^ the forest ; and in case of another war these new towns would be a bulwark against their old enemies. Many settlers came from Massachusetts and New Hampshire, but foreign emigrants came slowly ; for the authorities acted with severity toward these, and would not knowingly admit any person of bad morals or shiftless habits. There was a law at this time that the stranger, or the captain who brought him, should secure the country for five years against being cliarg- able for his support ; yet if he could prove himself skilled as a mechanic, mariner or farmer, and was of unblemished character he was admitted without any bond ; because such as these make valuable citizens for any country. 3. You will recollect that in Gorges 5 charter the best trees were reserved for the king’s navy — and just so they were in all the charters and grants. There was a great extent of forest in Maine, and a 146 niSTORY OF MAINE. 1729 great length of sea-coast ; and many owners of saw- mills' and vessels chose rather to cut up the trees which the king claimed than those to which they had an undoubted right. The king soon found this out ; and in 1699, when the Earl of Bellamont was made governor of New England, John Bridges was sent over as surveyor or keeper of the king’s woods. He went through the forests bordering on the coast and rivers, seeking out the tall pines suitable for masts, and the noble oaks, good for plank and to make strong knees to strengthen the vessel, — marking them with the royal “R.” But the owners of territory consider- ed themselves wronged by this grasping claim on all their best trees ; and the crafty lumbermen hewed olf the stamp and sent the fine logs rolling down to their mills. So the surveyors watched the mills, where they often came into conflict with the millmen, and sometimes got very roughly handled by these sturdy sons of the forest — who laid their fists upon the intru- sive surveyor and his aids with as hearty good will as They had lain their axes against the king’s trees. 4. # In 1729 Colonel David Dunbar was appointed surveyor of the royal woods. The king, George II., also granted him the territory between the Kennebec and Penobscot rivers, under the name of the Province of Sagadahock; but reserved to himself 300,000 acres of the best pine and oak. In return, Dunbar was to settle the province with good, industrious Protestants. Now the king had no right to make a grant of this territory; for, by the charter of William and Mary, it belonged to Massachusetts, winch had expended much money for its protection against the French and In- dians. But Dunbar took possession, garrisoning the fort at Pemaquid with British soldiers from Nova Sco- tia. He laid out several towns and brought in his settlers, to whom lie conveyed the land by perpetual lease, the rent being only a peppercorn, annually. He found a great many persons already occupying his 1729 CUSTOMS OF TOE ENGLISH SETTLERS. 147 province, who denied his claim, holding their posses- sions under the original patents. Some of these would not yield to his demands ; and he sent an armed force, who burnt their houses and drove them from their lands, even threatening them with imprisonment for insisting on their rights. After three years, how- ever, the province was taken from him and restored to the rightful owners. It was not Dunbar’s fault that he had no genuine right to the province, but the king’s, who commissioned him. Yet he did the coun- try much service by the numerous and excellent set- tlers whom he brought in; and, on the whole, nobody suffered much wrong. His settlers were mostly the Scotch-Irish, from the north of Ireland, and Presby- terian in religion. Some of this people had nearly a century before settled about Saco, while others still made their homes at Brunswick and Topsham on the Androscoggin, and at Bath and other places on the Kennebec. Soon after the restoration of the province of Sagadahock to the patentees, Samuel Waldo brought from Germany many families of the religious sect called Lutherans, and founded the town of Waldo- boro, in the present county of Lincoln. 5. Governor Belcher of Massachusetts had been one of the most earnest opposers of Dunbar’s claim to the province of Sagadahock, and when the latter became lieut. -governor of New Hampshire he made a great effort to have Belcher removed. By making the jeal- ous king believe that the governor was favoring the colonies at the expense of the royal interest, he at last succeeded. So Governor Belcher lost a good office. But he got a better one afterward ; for the king soon learned that he was really a faithful and upright officer. Among the friends of the good governor was the celebrated George Whitefield, who came to the coun- try during the last years of his rule. Wliitefield, you know, was an evangelist ; and in his day he was reck- oned the “prince of preachers.” Young Ben. Frank 148 HISTORY OF MAINE. 1741 lin one day went to hear him, fully determined to con- tribute nothing to the charity for which the “wonder- ful preacher” pleaded. Ben was an exceedingly cool young man ; but as the sermon went on he put his hand in his pocket, and thought he would give his copper coin ; pretty soon he concluded that he would give the silver; but when the plate came round he pulled out his purse and said, “Take it all.” White- field first preached in Maine in 1741; and again in 1745 he visited York, Wells, Biddeford, Scarborough, Falmouth and North Yarmouth, — stirring up the re- ligious feeling of the people. I suspect there was great need of it, though Maine had been blessed by many faithful ministers. 6. The Rev. Samuel Moody was the most noted clergyman of this day in Maine, having been minister over the first parish in York above forty years. When settled there he refused any stipulated salary, pre- ferring to live on voluntary contributions. His par- ish, therefore, faithfully provided for him, and he knew nothing of what he was to receive until it was placed in his hands. With all his eccentricity, he was a man of ardent piety and great usefulness. Puritan preaching was usually grave and severe; but theirs was a period of violent men and stern ne- cessities, and they felt that the laws of God must be declared without fear or favor. Though the Christian graces were not so well displayed by them as should have been, yet the fruits of their ministry were seen in the virtuous lives of their hearers, and of the gen- erations which came after. 7. For many years it was the law in Massachusetts and the province of Maine that none except members of the Puritan church should be voters; and while this union between Church and State continued, all other sects within their borders suffered persecution. But after many years people of all shades of belief were admitted to full citizenship; then the stern Puri- 1741 CUSTOMS OF TIIE ENGLISH SETTLERS. 149 tan became the milder Congregationalist, and perse- cutions ceased. In Episcopal churches the form of worship was very nearly the same as it is to-day, ex- cept that the English “Book of Common Prayer” was used instead of the American, — which was not prepar- ed until our country became an independent nation. The method of worship in Congregational churches was also the same in its general plan as now, though on account of the old customs there was a striking difference in several particulars. The churches were roughly built, like the houses. Many were not plas- tered, and until long after the Revolution few were warmed, even in the coldest winter weather ; for the strict “professors” of the day thought it wrong to have a fire in the house of God. So they sat and suffered, until it became the practice to use hot bricks and stones for the hands and feet. The next thing was foot-stoves, which were filled with wood coals, and must have made the people feel quite drowsy from the oppressive and unwholesome air which resulted. The services were very long ; the sermon usually oc- cupied above an hour and often two, and the prayers fully half as much. So in the cold weather the min- ister was often obliged to beat the sacred desk most unmercifully to restore warmth to his purple and be- numbed fingers. 8. Puritan ministers always wore black gowns and flowing wigs in the pulpit ; and one would hardly be surprised that their sermons were dignified and severe rather than sympathetic and winning. It is not strange that under these circumstances the little boys were often inclined to play, and even the heads of families sometimes nodded ! Of course this con- duct could not be tolerated; and all through the ser- mon and prayers the deacon or tythingman kept watch, or^Kvalked softly about, rapping the heads of the naughty boys with the knob on the end of his long stick, or tapping the heads of the men when they 150 niSTORY OF MAINE. 1741 snored ; but when the women forgot to keep their eyes open, he only tickled their faces with the feathers on the other end of his staff. 9. Books were scarce and expensive in those days; and, when the hymn was not familiar, the minister read off two lines, which were sung by the congrega- tion ; then other two lines were read, and sung — and so on through the hymn. After a while printed tunes came into use ; and then the chorister had to be more particular about pitching the tunes, — so they had for this purpose little wooden whistles, which they called pitch pipes. The Puritans reckoned the Sabbath to begin at sun- set on Saturday, and to close at sunset on Sunday night. Within these hours no labor was allowed, ex- cept what was needful for the health of the body. All recreation or traveling for business or pleasure was strictly forbidden; and people who staid away from meeting were by law subjecfcto a fine. In good Puritan families on this day the children and servants recited the orthodox catechism; for this, also, was required by the law. 10. From the year 1638, when Harvard College was established, every town of fifty householders was ordered to hire a teacher the year round; and a town of one hundred householders had its school where children were taught their a, b, c; and where, also, boys could be fitted for college. Probably none of our well trained boys and girls ever heard in school hours such buzzing as they had in these ancient schools all the time. The country in those times seemed so large that most families talked loud, having no fear that they would be overheard by any neighbors ex- cept the bears and wolves ; while the children had no idea that they could study without pronouncing the words at least in whispers ; so, I suppose, %dien they buzzed the liveliest the teacher looked for the best lessons. Often two or three would be seen studying 1741 CUSTOMS OF TIIE ENGLISII SETTLERS. 151 from the same volume, as one book of a kind fre- quently answered for a whole family; for classes were very few, but large. There were other sounds in the room besides the smothered tones of the student ; the sound of the birch that made the jacket smoke, the “spat” of the broad ruler, — which was sometimes pierced with holes, for the kindly purpose of raising blisters; while over all arose the sob of the sensitive, the whine of the base, or the groan of the plucky. But there were busy fingers as well as lips ; and the rustle of sheets and pillow cases, and the “whip” of the stout, swift thread on the the back seats answered to the click of the knitting needles, where the stock- ings and suspenders grew in the hands of both boys and girls. Often in cold weather the cut and split of the firewood fell short; then the big boys had to take their turns in making the fresh chips fly from the great, green logs piled up beside the door. 11. In the long winter evenings there were the spelling school and the singing school, where pleasure was joined with instruction ; and the husking and the apple bee, where pleasure went hand in hand with profit. And when the parties separated, the favorites walked home together in the calm moonlight ; and often then, as now, a pair would linger on the door- step for a few tender whisperings, and the soft chirrup of a good night greeting. But the law was very watchful to prevent unsuitable matches; and if an ardent youth or an older and more designing man at- tempted to win- the affections of a girl under eighteen unbeknown to her parents or guardians, he thereby became subject to a fine. Yet most of the young peo- ple either fell in love or grew to love each other, got married and lived happily. Land was cheap and lum- ber abundant in those days ; and any healthy and in- dustrious young couple could soon make themselves a comfortable home, — as, indeed, they can at the pre- sent day. 152 HISTORY OF MAINE. 1741 12. Tlie first houses were built of logs; notches being cut on the opposite sides at each end, so that they would lock at the corners and he close along the sides. But after the Indian wars were over, wherever the sawmills provided lumber, frame houses were built, which were covered with great broad boards; being made water tight on roof and wall by shingles split out of the great blocks with mallet and frow, — and old men say that never since have shingles lasted as those did. In passing through our State even at this day we shall see that many houses, mostly very old, set at every angle with the roads ; yet we might be sure that most of them faced the south. This happened because the houses were often built before the roads were made ; but the south was always there. So the sun gave the chief rooms a cheerful aspect at all hours, while at noon it shone squarely through the little win- dows, telling the busy housewife what was the time of day. 13. Then there was the great fireplace, of brick or stone, four — aye, often six feet wide at the back; deep and high enough, too, for the children to sit in the corners and see the stars glimmering through the huge throat of the chimney. Within the fire-place also hung joints of pork, slowly turning to bacon in the smoke; while from the bare beams overhead were suspended strings of pared and quartered apples, and the curving strips of pumpkin, — which through the long winter and spring, turned to delightful pies, or made more savory the great loaves of “rye and In- dian” bread. On hooks near the chimney hung the guns, the big powder horn, and, perhaps, a spontoon, or a halberd. Possibly a coarse engraving or two of bible scenes, or more frequently, King Charles 5 “Twelve Good Rules,” hung upon the plain wall of wood or plaster. Oppo- site the fireplace, and always reflecting its light, was 1741 CUSTOMS OF TIIE ENGLISH SETTLERS. 153 tlie “dresser,” on which stood the table ware of bright pewter, crockery, or smoothly turned wood. About the room were long benches and movable stools, a broad stout table and, possibly, a few chairs. 14. There was the little treadwheel with its distaff and spindle, for flax spinning, — and near by was the larger wheel for wool and cotton ; while farther away, or in another room, stood the great, square wooden frame of the hand loom, where the family clothes were 'woven. Here, during the long summer afternoon, the industrious mother or buxom daughter sat flinging the swift shuttle from side to side of the stout w^eb, and her buskined foot upon the treadle reversed at every moment the mazy warp, while the swinging beam beat close the imprisoned thread of the woof. Cloth of wool for blankets, cloaks and coats, sheets of linen and cotton, strong and serviceable, — each came in its turn from this true and original “manufactory.” At first all the shoes were brought from England; then the skins of moose and deer, and, later, those of their own domestic animals, were used by the shoe- makers ; while soft-dressed deer skins were frequently worn for coats and leggins. In summer, farmers and mechanics had their tow cloth suits for every day wear, — for winter, their woolens, and for Sunday, their “full-cloth” and linen, — generally the product of the industry and skill of their own wives and daugh- ters. 15. The villages of Maine were as yet too small and scattered for much display, and the dress and ceremony of fashion were rarely seen except in one or two towns, until after the revolution. The people of this period loved better a cordial and comfortable sort of life ; and when the thrifty housewife went out to visit a neighbor, it was often with distaff of flax in hand and the diminutive spinning wheel on her arm. And sometimes all the ladies of a parish would visit their minister’s house, and hold there a spinning bee 154 HISTORY OF MAINE. 1741 as a benefit to their worthy host and his excellent wife. The good ladies attended each other’s afternoon tea parties, bringing each her own cnp and saucer of china, — if she was so fortunate as to have one; for these were generally heir-looms, — part of a set which the mother or grandmother had brought over from her English home, and divided and subdivided among daughters and granddaughters. It was often with other household stuff as with china ; in many a plainly furnished house might be seen a carved chair, a fine table or buffet, seeming quite out of place amid the rough furniture made on the spot; The early settlers of our State were usually of good parentage, many of them being impoverished branches of noble families — here becoming sons and daughters of the soil; whose names, by and by, should emerge again to-fame by the noble deeds of their children. What right had the settlers in Maine which few of them had possessed in England? What regulations were made by the General Court in regard to immigrants? What can you tell of the king’s woods ? To whom did the king give the territory between the Kennebec and Penobscot in 1729 ? Who held a previous right to that tract? What people did Dunbar bring in as settlers? What celebrated preacher visited Maine in 1741 and 1745? What was in general the character of Puritan preaching ? What was at first the Puritan law in regard to voters ? What were the laws in regard to the observance of the Sabbath ? What were some of the customs of those days ? 1744 king george’s war. 155 CHAPTER XIX. 1. In tlie spring of 1744 France joined Spain in the war which she was carrying on against England. As soon as the French subjects in America heard of this, they began to plot against the English colonies. Nova Scotia was now in the possession of the English, and here the French and Indians made their first at- tacks. Yet Cape Breton Island was still held by the French; and Louisburg, the chief town, naturally a strong position, had been so strongly fortified that it was called the Dunkirk and the Gibraltar of America. The possession of this place would be of great advan- tage to the English; and in the spring of 1745 an ex- pedition was sent against it. As the principal leaders of this enterprise were citizens of Maine, I shall give a particular description of the siege. 2. The armament consisted of four thousand men, and thirteen vessels, with transports and store ships, carrying in all about two hundred guns. The com- mander in chief was William Pepperell, of Kittery; who had for several years been colonel of the York- sliire militia. lie was a- gentleman of unblemished reputation, by occupation a merchant; but he had a taste for martial affairs, and was familiar with Indian warfare. The second in command was Samuel Wal- do, of Falmouth, who was commissioned Brigadier General. Others were Lieutenant Colonel Jeremiah Moulton, noted for his success in the destruction of Norridgewock; and Lieut. Colonel William Vaughn, of.Damariscotta, the originator of the enterprise. The commander of the fleet was Captain Edward Tyng, of Falmouth, who had distinguished himself the year before by capturing a French privateer, much larger than his own vessel. Mr. Wliitefield, the great 156 HISTORY OF MAINE. 1745 preacher, was consulted by General Pepperell in re- gard to the expedition, and gave as a motto for the flag the words, Nil desperandum y Christo duce . 3. The movement had been kept so secret that the force arrived within sight of Louisburg before the French were really certain that they were to be at- tacked at all. Off Louisburg the fleet captured a French brigantine laden with supplies for the garrison. Commodore IV arren with four British war ships soon after joined the colonial flotilla, and diming the siege six other ships of war arrived ; so that in all the fleet mounted some four hundred and ninety guns. The first movement against the city was made by Lieut. Colonel Vaughn. Landing four hundred and fifty men in the woods, he marched in the night to the northeast side of the harbor, where he set on fire some buildings containing naval stores and a great quantity of wine and brandy. The grand battery of the French was about three fourths of a mile from these, and such volumes of smoke were carried into it by the wind, that the gunners became terrified; and, spiking their cannon, fled to the city. In the morning Vaughn took possession; and, drilling out the spiked vents, turned the guns — great 42 pounders — upon the city. Then more troops were landed and other batteries constructed, one after the other, — each new one nearer than the last. Yet to do this the guns and ammuni- tion had to be dragged over a morass where oxen could not pass, the men going up to their knees in the mud; and all the work was done on foggy days, or in the night time, when the enemy could not see to fire upon them. 4. A summons of surrender was sent to Ducham- bon, the governor ; but being refused, the work was still pressed on until a battery was erected within two hundred and fifty yards of the west gate. The next day after this was completed, a French ship hove in sight, and was decoyed into the midst of danger ; 1745 king geokge’s war. 157 where, after a few shots, she surrendered to Captain Tyng. Sho proved to be the Vigilant , a sixty-four gun ship, laden with military stores, and bringing five hundred and sixty men. A few days later a flag of truce was sent ashore with a letter requesting the enemy to give his English prisoners better treatment. The messengers were accompanied by the captain of the Vigilant , who informed the authorities how kindly the French prisoners on board the vessels were treated. His appearance was the first knowledge the French had of the capture of his vessel with its troops and stores, on which they greatly relied; and they were in great dismay. Their works were already badly damaged by the fire of the batteries, even the magazine and the central battery being greatly injur- ed, while the western gate was broken down. 5. The fourteenth of June was the anniversary of the king’s ascent to the throne ; and at twelve o’clock the English fired a grand salute, the guns of the fleet and batteries being discharged together. The French perceived that everything was now ready for the bom- bardment and assault, and the governor sent a flag of truce offering to surrender. A capitulation was agreed upon, by which the French troops were sent home to France, under parole not to fight against the English for twelve months. On the 17th of June the English troops marched into the city. They were filled with surprise at the strength of the fortifications; the wall on the side next the shore being above thirty feet high, with a ditch in front eighty feet in width ; while in the various batteries were nearly one hun- dred heavy guns and mortars. The garrison consisted of two thousand soldiers. The French loss in this siege was above three hundred killed and many more wounded, while the loss of the English was but one hundred and thirty. One vessel had been lost in a storm; but, to offset this, the prizes taken amounted to nearly a million pounds sterling. Yet it all went 158 niSTORY OF MAINE. 1745 to the British ; but the colonies, after soliciting parlia- ment for seven years, obtained an allowance of 200,000 pounds. 6. The news of this victory filled France and Eng- land with astonishment, and "America with gladness. Bells were rung, bonfires blazed, and a public thanks- giving was held throughout New England. Pep- pereL, the commander of the land forces, was made a baronet; and the British commodore, Warren, who came to the siege unwillingly and late, was raised to the post of admiral; while Tyng, to whom belonged all the honor of the naval exploits, received the offer of post-captain in the British navy ; but declining this, he had only his pay and the applause of his country- men as his reward. SER WILLIAM PEPPERELL. Though the Indians east of the St. Croix were now in open war with the English, the Tarratines still re- mained peaceful. They had every reason for it. Since Governor Dummer’s treaty the authorities had frequently met them for conference, feasted them, 1745 king George’s war. 159 made them presents, and had even bestowed pensions on some of the chiefs. Yet for a year previous to the fall of Louisburg frequent acts of mischief had been committed by some tribes in Maine. They seemed to have a fondness for breaking down fences and setting the cattle upon the growing corn ; while now and then a beast was killed or a building burned. 7. It was supposed that the Androscoggin and Norridgewock Indians were the guilty parties; and the Penobscot tribe was called upon to furnish war- riors to aid in chastising the guilty tribes — this being a condition of Dummer’s treaty. A high premium was offered them for scalps, with an additional sum of five pounds for captives, in order to save life. Yet the constant reply of the sagamores was that their young men would not take up arms against their brethren. During these , twenty peaceful years since Lovewell’s war a generation of young savages had grown up. They had heard from their sires the story of the white man’s wrongs upon their race ; and they burned for vengeance, and to win honor and renown among the tribes for their valiant exploits. The French supplied them with arms and ammunition; and neither the persuasions nor the presents of the English authorities could deter them from their bloody purpose*. 8. The first blow fell on St. George’s Fort, which was attacked by a body of Cape Sable, St. John and St. Francis Indians on the 19th of July. Not making any impression upon it, they burned a mill and sev- eral dwelling houses, killed many cattle, and departed, having captured but a single prisoner. Meantime a party of young warriors from Penobscot and Nor- ridgewock marked Fort Frederick, at Pemaquid, for their prize. Coming near the fort they met a wo- man whom they shot in the shoulder, then made pris- oner. This was only about three hundred yards from the walls; and the sound of the gun, together with 160 niSTORY OF MAINE. 1745 tlie shrieks of the wounded woman, alarmed the garri- son, — who immediately gave the savages a telling vol- ley. In the smoke and confusion the woman broke away from her captor and escaped to the fort. 9. The foiled braves now set their hideous faces westward, appearing a few days later at North Yar- mouth. Their first approach was discovered by a dog; and, turning back, they committed other barbarities eastward. Again they laid an ambush at Yarmouth. Unconscious of them presence, three men approached their hiding place ; and one was instantly killed, an- other was made prisoner, while the third escaped. The Indians now scattered themselves along the ridge between the two forts, and fired upon the men as they rushed out of the houses below to repel the attack; but they speedily retreated to the woods when the English bullets began to whistle about them. It was now considered more than imprudent to work on the farms except in large and well armed parties ; for people away from the garrison were liable to be shot down at any moment. 10. But it was on St. George’s River that the savages were the most numerous and watchful; for these settlements were the furthest advanced upon the territories of the tribe best able to resisf such en- croachment. Here a whole party, consisting of sev- eral men, were killed and scalped only a short distance from the garrison; two men going down river in a boat to collect rockweed were taken and carried to Canada; two women while milking their cows close to the garrison were surprised, and one of them cap- tured, while the other narrowly escaped to the fort. So many had been drawn from Maine by the Louisburg expedition that scarcely as many men as there were families remained for defense; and one hundred and seventy-five soldiers were drawn from Massachusetts to reinforce the garrisons. This raised the number in military service in Maine to about six 1745 KING GEORGE'S WAR. 1G1 hundred; and scouting parties now frequently trav- ersed the region in the rear of the towns from Berwick to St. George. 11. At length another demand was made upon the tribes at Penobscot and Norridgewock in a somewhat different form. It was that they should deliver up the parties guilty of the recent outrages in the East, or hostages for them, or else furnish at least thirty fighting men within fourteen days — otherwise the treaty was to be considered broken, and war declared. The tribes made no response; therefore on the 23d of August government declared war against all the east- ern tribes. The bounties offered for each Indian cap- tive or scalp taken were one hundred pounds to a soldier in public service, two hundred and fifty pounds to a person receiving provisions and not wages, and four hundred pounds to a volunteer having neither pay nor rations. Though by these inducements many small companies were drawn into occasional service, the depredations of the savages were not wholly pre- vented. One inhabitant fell here and another there, all along the coast ; and, though scouting parties were constantly out, few Indians were taken — the most successful party being that of Lieutenant Proctor, who had a skirmish near St. George’s River, in which two Indian chiefs, “Colonel Morris” and “Captain Sam,” were killed, and “Colonel Job” taken prisoner. 12. During the winter a rumor that the French were preparing to join the Indians and fall upon some of the towns, caused a further addition of about four hundred men to the garrisons from Massachusetts, together with four small field pieces and a swivel. But no attempt- was made by the enemy ; and, though greatly distressed, the inhabitants had not to mourn other friends fallen, or property destroyed. What war commenced in 1744? Who at this time held Cape Breton ? What town upon this island was very strongly fortified ? Who were the leaders of the expedition against Louisburg ? What 1G2 niSTORT OF MAINE. 1746 motto did Wliitefield give for the expedition ? Give a brief ac- count of the siege. To whom did the credit of these achievements belong ? What reward did Pepperell receive ? Who after this supplied the Indians with arms and ammunition ? What fort was first attacked ? What Indians attacked Fort Frederick ? To what place did the savages next proceed? Why was war declared against the eastern tribes ? CHAPTER XX. 1. In the following spring the Indians renewed their depredations in greater force and more vengeful mood. In Gorham several persons were killed or cap- tured wdiile at work in their fields. A Mr. Bryant and his son being surprised by them, the two ran different ways, and the father was overtaken and killed. The boy getting out of their sight, plunged into the brook. He pushed his head above water among the roots of a tree, so as to breathe ; but he was so well hidden that when the Indians arrived at the spot they were unable to find him. They then went to Mr. Bryant’s house, and killed four children, and took off their scalps. One of the savages pulled the baby from its cradle by the feet, and dashed its head against the fire-place be- fore the eyes of its mother. Then he tossed it into a kettle of water that was boiling on the fire, shouting with fiendish glee, “Hot water good for Indian dog, good for pappoose, too.” This horrible act was in revenge for its mother’s cruelty in throwing hot suds upon him more than a year before. Then the savage danced about her, pointing with bloody fingers at her I74G king George’s war continued. 163 husbands’ scalp in the girdle of the chief. They car- ried the widowed and bereaved woman away with them to Canada, where she was sold to the Frenchmen. 2. In May a large body of Indians attacked Wal- doborough, burning the dwellings, killing many of the inhabitants, and taking many prisoners. They kept up this sort of warfare until winter, almost every town losing inhabitants, buildings and cattle. The people were forced to remain in the garrison houses, and could only plant and gather their crops under a strong guard, and at times they dared not even milk their cows, though these were kept in pastures adjoining the gar- risons. There had been so many wars that the two races had now learned each other’s devices; so that while fewer of the settlers were killed, the savages, on their part, came so secretly and fled so swiftly that the English could not often meet or overtake them. The dogs of the English generally showed great antipathy to the Indians, growling, barking and bristling with rage whenever any of these people were near. They could scent them at a long distance, too ; and often gave timely warning of their approach. Therefore these animals became a great advantage to the settlers ; and the scouts, also, found their keen scent of much use in following Indian trails. The Indians soon came to fear the white men’s dogs, and the killing of them by the savages was often found a precursor of hostile attacks. 3. The French were now planning to recapture Louisburg and Nova Scotia ; and in the autumn of 1746 a fleet of seventy ships with upwards of three thousand land troops was sent for this purpose. Sev- eral of the largest ships were so much disabled by a storm that they had to be sent back ; and on landing at Cliebucto, (Halifax) it was found that nearly one- half the troops had died of scorbutic fever, while the remnant were so weak that they could not endure the least fatigue. A force of seventeen hundred men had 8 164 niSTORY OF MAINE. 1747 been sent from Canada to act with the fleet; but, discouraged by its not arriving at the time agreed upon, all except four hundred of them had returned. The Duke D’Anville, commander of the expedition, was so overcome by these disasters that four days after the arrival he died of chagrin. In a council of war held by the officers after his death, the vice-admiral propos- ed to return at once to France, but Jonquiere, the gov- ernor of Canada, and third in command, wished to attack Annapolis. A majority joined with the gov- ernor ; and the vice admiral fell into a delirious fever, and threw himself upon his sword. When off Cape Sable, on the way to Annapolis, the fleet was again overtaken by a storm, and so scattered that the vessels were obliged to return to France. The Indians caught the fever of the French, and it raged fearfully among them, and great numbers of them died. Thus Provi- dence itself seemed to war against the designs of the French, utterly defeating their great fleet, and destroy- ing their troops without the aid of man. 4. The next spring the garrisons in Maine were increased by five hundred men, but the country was already swarming with savages. Thirty men under Captain Jordan were stationed at Topsham, but with this exception the inhabitants from Kennebec to Wells were left to their own defense. A few volunteer com- panies were raised at various times ; that of Captain Ilsley of Falmouth being among the most useful. Yet these received neither pay nor rations ; their only re- ward being the bounties for the Indians and French captured or killed. In May a second fleet sent from France to retrieve the misfortunes of the first, was met and defeated by a fleet of the British ; so that the hopes of the French in America were again doomed to disappointment. Y et the French and Indians made attacks upon the forts at Pemaquid and St. George’s, though without success ; and predatory bands harassed the settlers until July, 175° KING GEOEGE’s WAE CONTINUED. 165 1748, when the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle closed the war. Early in the spring of the next year a delega- tion of chiefs appeared at Boston, desiring to make a treaty ; and again a treaty was made. 5. In December, 1749, a quarrel happened between some Indians and English in which one of the Indians was killed. The gnilty parties were placed in prison to wait their trial; yet, being incited by the French authorities, the St. Francis tribe the next season sent a band of warriors into Maine to glut their still unsat- isfied vengence. They were joined by some young Canibas fighters, swelling the party to about one hun- dred. Their first attack was in September, 1750, upon Fort Richmond, in the present town of that name. The garrison consisted of only fourteen men ; but while the greedy savages were killing cattle and burn- ing houses in the vicinity a reinforcement reached the fort. As soon as the Indians learned this, they gave up the attempt, and departed down the river, destroy- ing property End killing or capturing all wdio came in their way. 6. One party attacked Wiscasset, setting some of the houses on fire, and taking two prisoners. An- other party went to Parker’s Island, at the mouth of the Kennebec. Coming to a house just within call of the fort they were discovered, and dared not approach nearer; for they feared the cannon with which the garrisons were now generally supplied. The owner of the house was at that time its only occupant, but he fought bravely against his savage assailants. "When at length they had cut down the door with their hatchets, he escaped through a window in the rear. Being cut off from the fort, he ran toward the river and plunged in, with the intention of swimming to Arrowsic Island. The Indians pursued him to the shore; and two of them, springing nimbly into a canoe, continued the chase. They came rapidly up with him, and could almost reach him with their pad- 166 HISTORY OF MAINE. 1750 dies ; but he suddenly turned upon them and upset the canoe, then resumed his course, — leaving the dis- comfited savages floundering in the water. 7. Passing from the Kennebec region, the Indians visited Falmouth, Gorham and Windham, committing the usual acts of destruction, and carrying away twenty or thirty prisoners. On their return to Canada they came upon the camp of two hunters, named Snow and Butterfield, in what is now the town of Paris. Startled by a hideous yell, the two men looked up to discover a pack of savages close upon them. The foremost wore upon his head a hood formed of a hawkskin, the wings and tail reaching down to his shoulders and back. He was the chief. Snow was sitting down with his gun in his lap, picking its flint, at the moment he discovered the Indians ; and he deliberately rose and aimed at the leader. He had been a captive once, and found the experience too painful to be repeated ; so he deter- mined to fight to the death. There was a flash and a report ; and the haughty form of the chief pitched forward and lay stretched upon the ground. The infuriated Indians instantly poured a volley upon the bold hunter, and he fell dead beside his companion, pierced through and through with bullets. 8. So much alarm was created by this incursion, that one hundred and fifty men were detailed from the Yorkshire regiment to scour the woods between Saco and St. Georges’, and the forts were restocked with ammunition, in readiness for the savages, should they come again. But this raid proved the last ; though a few revengeful individuals continued to rob, murder and burn, wherever they dared, until the sum- mer of 1751 ; when a new treaty settled all difficulties and confirmed the peace. What settlement was attacked by the Indians in the spring of 1746 ? What place was attacked in May ? For what purpose did the French send a powerful fleet to America in 1746 ? What happen- 1753 THE SIXTH AND LAST INDIAN WAR. 167 ed to this force ? What happened to the fleet sent out by France the next year ? What treaty closed this war ? What was done by a band of Indians from St. Francis River ? What happened on the return of this party ? What was the conduct of the Indians from this time until the treaty of 1751 ? CHAPTER XXL 1. Hardly had the afflicted settlers of Maine joined again the broken links of business, when the actions of the French filled them with fresh alarm. Among the captures of the last war were two families of children, taken in Frankfort, now Dresden. Their fathers vis- ited Canada in search of them, finding the children in Montreal, to their great delight. But now the French governor interfered, and would not let them go. This was in violation of the treaty and of humanity ; and when the afflicted parents returned and made the facts known to Governor Shirley, he sent a messenger to Canada, who brought the children away by authority. Then the French began to form settlements along the river Cliaudiere, which has its source near the head waters of the Kennebec ; and the Indians on this river resorted to the French for supplies. In Nova Scotia their actions were warlike, but the first positive act of hostility was the murder of some English set- tlers on Lake Erie. The messenger sent to protest against these outrages was George Washington, now appearing for the first time in national affairs ; but all the reply he could obtain from the French comman- 168 HISTORY OF MAINE. 1754 der was that the territory was French, and that he had orders to expel all intruders. 2. There were unsettled questions about bounda- ries, both on the east and north of Maine and in the valley of the Ohio River ; and these were now under discussion at Paris. In the meantime France was pushing her settlements and forts in every direction, with the evident intention of holding all she had and getting all she could. There were Louisburg, on Cape Breton Island, which had been restored to her by the last treaty, four forts in Is ova Scotia — though by the same treaty this province had been ceded to England ; on the St. Lawrence were the strong cities of Mon- treal and Quebec — while southward were Crown Point on lake Champlain ; Ticonderoga, between lakes Champlain and St. Greorge ; Fort Frontenac, at the outlet of Lake Ontario; Fort Niagara, just be- low the great falls; and Fort Du Quesue, [du kane] on the site of the present city of Pittsburg, in Penn- sylvania. 3. The greatest efforts were made by the authori- ties of Maine to keep the natives peaceful, conferences being held with them, and many valuable presents given ; so that at the last of these conferences, held in July, 1751, the Indians, in seeming good faith, placed five young savages in the hands of the English as hostages for the good behavior of the tribes. Three of these were Canibas, and two Tarratines; and they were taken to Boston to be educated. Yet the authorities thought well of the old adage, “In time of peace prepare for war”; so they strength- ened the old forts and built several new ones. The first, called Fort Halifax, was situated at the junction of the Sebasticook River with the Kennebec, in the present town of AYinslow. It was a quadrangular structure of hewn pine, one hundred feet long and forty feet wide. It contained two block houses, and was mounted with several small cannon and a swivel. 1754 THE SIXTH AND LAST INDIAN WAR. 1G9 LAST BLOCK HOUSE OF FOBT HALIFAX. 4. The proprietors of the Plymouth Patent had built a fort a year before at Cushnoc, (Augusta) on the eastern side of the river, which they named Fort Western. It was constructed in nearly the same man- ner as Fort Halifax, but was not quite so large, and had only four guns. This year the same proprietors built another within the present town of Dresden, about a mile above the northerly end. of Swan Island. This they named Fort Shirley, in honor of the gov- ernor. It was formed of stockades, and enclosed a parade ground two hundred feet square, together with two block houses. Another small fort was built at the second falls of the Androscoggin, in the present town of Lisbon. On the sixth of November, 1754, before the fortifi- cations were entirely finished, the Indians attacked a detachment of the garrison at Fort Halifax, as they 170 HISTORY OF MAINE. 1755 were handing wood. The governor immediately sent them a reinforcement of one hundred men with five cohorn mortars, while six companies of minute men were ordered to be in readiness to march at the short- est notice ; but no further attack was made at this time. 5. Early in the year 1755 occurred the famous de- feat of General Braddock by the French and Indians, when Colonel George Washington behaved so gal- lantly. The war soon raged from the eastern to the western settlements, on land and water; and two thousand men were raised, chiefly in Massachusetts and Maine, to drive the intruding French from Nova Scotia. Forty-one small vessels conveyed them to Chignecto Bay, at the northeastern extremity of the Bay of Fundy, where Colonel Monkton, a British offi- cer, joined them with a few pieces of artillery and about three hundred men. Monkton took the chief command, but the New Englanders did the fighting. A strong fortification on the Missiquash River, well garrisoned with French troops, was attacked by them with such spirit that the French fled to Beau-sejour, a fort farther up the river. This fort mounted twenty- six guns, and was supplied with plenty of ammunition and soldiers; but after a siege of four days it was sur- rendered. The troops soon appeared before the re- maining forts, all of which surrendered in turn. It was an easy victory ; and the total loss of the English in the campaign was only twenty men. 6. Much the larger portion of the inhabitants of this province lived about the bays of Minas and Chig- necto, where were several populous villages. But the people were of French parentage, and would not take the oath of allegiance, — and from this cause they were generally spoken of as the French Neutrals. They were a peaceful people when left alone ; yet, longing to be under the government of their own nation, they were always ready to rise in rebellion at the bidding 1755 THE SIXTH AND LAST INDIAN WAR. 171 of French authority. This rendered them an exceed- ingly dangerous community to the English; therefore it was now decided by the British authorities of the province, that they must be removed. So the Acadi- ans were forced to leave forever their pleasant homes, with their houses and lands, their flocks and herds, — and were scattered among the English colonies from Maine to Louisiana. The poet Longfellow has in “Evangeline” told us their touching story. 7. Meanwhile the Indians flitted like shadows among the settlements of Maine. There was scarcely a town where houses were not burned, and men, women and children killed or carried into captivity. Fifty men scouted constantly from the Piscataqua Ponds to Saco River; fifty more from New Boston (Gray) by way of Sebago Pond and New Gloucester; ninety from New Boston to Fort Shirley, in Dresden; and one hundred from thence to St. George’s River. All these could not wholly prevent the destructive rage of the savages from making many victims ; but when the fate of the French in Nova Scotia became known, the Indians, alarmed for themselves, forsook the frontiers and retired to the northern wilds. 8. The Indians who had been engaged in these hostilities were the Anasagunticooks, Canibas and St. Francis. The Tarratines still remained neutral, and no hostile acts had been committed by them dm’ ing the war ; yet a Captain Cargill, who had raised a company to fight the northern Indians, coming upon a party of Tarratine hunters near Owl’s Head on Penobscot Bay, immediately shot down twelve of them. There was no call for such a force as Cargill’s in that region ; neither was any care taken before they fired upon the hunters, to learn whether they were friends or foes. Cargill was very justly arrested for this act; but though he was kept in prison for two years, no Indian appeared against him, and he was at last discharged. Government did what it could to 172 niSTORY OF MAINE. 175(5 avert vengeance for tlie outrage, sending a letter of condolence to tlie families of tlie slain Indians, and loading with presents a party of the tribe who soon after visited Boston. 9. The governor not long after required the Penob- scot Indians to furnish a number of warriors to join the English against the hostile tribes, according to their agreement in the last treaty ; threatening to treat them as enemies if they refused. They were unwilling at any time to take up arms against their brethren of the Kennebec and St. Francis, and were now especially bitter against the English; while the French, who were of the same religion, were urging them to join their cause; — yet they decided to remain neutral. So government declared war against them because they did not fulfil their treaty obligations. The next spring [1756] the Indians again com- menced hostilities against the settlements, small par- ties of them being heard from in every quarter, from St. Georges to Saco. New Gloucester, especially, was so perilous a place that the inhabitants were offered the value of two pounds colonial money each, if they would stay in the town through the year. 10. In Windham one morning in May ten men started to work upon the farm of one of their number, about a mile and a half from the garrison. They were all armed with guns, as usual, and had with them a yoke of oxen attached to a sled, — for carts were diffi- cult to be got in those days. When nearly to the field two of them went ahead to let down the bars for the oxen, and were shot down by the Indians from an ambush. One of them having two balls lodged in his heart, died instantly; the other, named Winship, had one ball pass through his head near the eye, and another lodge in his arm; and he also fell. The In- dians scalped them both; but Winship was conscious all the time, though feigning to be dead, so as to escape the knife or- tomahawk of the savages. At the report 1756 THE SIXTH AND LAST INDIAN WAR. 173 of the guns four of the men ran back to the fort, while the others, led by Abraham Anderson and Stephen Manchester, crept silently forward to the spot, and hid behind a great log. Manchester put his cap on the end of his gun and pushed it into view of the In- dians, from behind a tree ; and one of them instantly fired at it, thinking it covered a white man’s head. As the Indian turned aside to load, Manchester stood up and shot him dead on the spot. The other Indians instantly gave a loud shout and ran into the woods, supposing that a large company was after them. The Indian who was shot proved to be a chief named Poland, who claimed all the lands on the Presump- scot Biver, and had refused to make peace with the English until they allowed his claim. 11. The two men now placed the bodies of their companions on the sled and returned to the fort. After these had gone, the Indians returned. Bending down a small tree until its roots at one side were lifted from the ground, they thrust the body of the chief underneath ; then the tree, being released, sprang back and covered it up ; but they had first cut off an arm, to be placed in some consecrated burying ground of the Catholic church. It would weary you if I should relate the incidents of this year in Maine. Everywhere the inhabitants fell singly, or by twos and threes, before the lurking foe ; their buildings were burned, their cattle slaugh- tered, — and whatever crops escaped the Indians were badly damaged by worms, while in many localities the inhabitants were wasted by disease. There had been no military successes ; forts with many regiments of troops had been surrendered in the west, the expedi- tions up the Kennebec and Androscoggin rivers had accomplished nothing; and the people were over- whelmed with public debt. It was a terrible year. In 1758 several events took place which quite revived the spirits of our people. The first was the 174 HISTORY OF MAINE. 1758 capture of Fort Du Quesne, at Pittsburg, by Gen- eral Forbes, — followed by that of Louisburg, which now fell the second time into the hands of the English. In the siege of the latter place the famous General Wolfe took a brilliant part; and the six hundred sol- diers furnished by Maine also did themselves honor. 12. Maine raised at about the same time, three hundred men for her own defense. There was need of them ; for in August the fort at St. George’s was attacked by four hundred French and Indians. For- tunately the governor got wind of the movement just in time to throw a strong reinforcement into the fort ; and, unable to gain any advantage, the foe withdrew in great rage. Their next attack was on the fort at Meduncook, (Friendship) where they killed or cap- tured eight men, but failed to take the fort. This was the last notable attack of the Indians upon the Eng- lish settlements ; and with this season the outrages and massacres by the tribes of Maine forever ceased; and the Abnaki, Etechemin and Mikrnak have ever since been peaceful subjects of the English race. 13. But the result was not yet secured. Indians and French still held their ground, the one in Canada and about the great lakes, and the other in the remote forests of Maine. Therefore, in 1759, Governor Thomas Pownal, who had succeeded Shirley, sailed up the Penobscot River, looking for a site whereon to erect a fortress. It was the season when the fine scenery of this river is at its finest ; and the governor expressed his regret that this noble region had been left so long to the savages. The place chosen for the fort was a crescent-like hill on the western side of the river, in what is now the town of Prospect. The fortification was ninety feet on each side, and the breastwork was ten feet in height. Around it was a ditch fifteen feet wide and . five feet deep ; and in the midst of the ditch was a high palisade, making a fatal obstacle to an Indian 1759 TIIE SIXTH AXD LAST IXDIAX WAR. 175 enemy. At each corner was a flanker thirty-three feet square, and in the center stood a block house forty-four feet square and two stories high, having a sentry box on the top. This fortification was named Fort Pownal, in honor of the governor who was its builder. 14. While the fort was being built, Governor Pow- nal and General Waldo with a guard explored the river to the first falls, in Bangor. General Waldo was much interested in the . new fort, because it was within the Muscongus, or Waldo Patent, in which he was a large owner. The northern limit of this patent was then thought to be near the point on the east of the river where the party halted. General Waldo, walking out a little distance from the others, stopped, looked about, and made the remark, “Here is my bound.” He soon after dropped down in a fit of apoplexy, and died on the spot. Meanwhile great battles were in progress at the west; and soon the glad news came that Fort Niagara had surrendered to the English, and that General Amherst had driven the enemy from Ticonderoga and Crown Point, while a strong force was besieging Que- bec. Then the tidings came that the intrepid General Wolfe had won a victory over the French on the plains of Abraham, sealing the triumph with his life. 15. A few days before the fall of Quebec, Colonel Rogers was sent from Ticonderoga with two hundred rangers to destroy the Indian villages about the St. Francis River, just northwest of Maine. For twenty- one days they marched through unbroken wilds, when, from the top of a tall pine, one of the men discovered the village three miles distant. That night the In- dians held a great feast and dance ; and while this was going on Colonel Rogers with two of his officers wandered through the village unnoticed. Towards morning, when the weary savages were sunk in a drunken sleep, the rangers fell upon them, killing a 176 HISTORY OF MAINE. 1759 large number, and putting the rest to utter rout. In the morning the victors beheld a sight which made their blood run cold ; for before them, on tall poles in the midst of the village, several hundred English scalps hung swinging in the wind. 16 . The fall of Quebec filled the whole country with joy, for it was the harbinger of security and peace, and of many prosperous years. The towns of Maine celebrated the event with illuminations, while a day of public thanksgiving was held throughout the British dominions. The power of France was broken in the north, and the long-suffering settlers of Maine no more met the Frenchman as a foe. When the trying days of the revolution came, the French forces, led by the gallant Lafayette, made amends to our young and struggling nation for the evils their countrymen had inflicted on the fathers, while subjects of Great Britain. What unsettled questions brought on the last war with the French and Indians ? How far southward had the French ex- tended their fortresses? What noted man first appeared in national affairs at this period ? What forts were built in Maine about this time ? Where did the Indians make their first attack in Maine ? What events occurred in Nova Scotia during this war ? Why was war declared against the Tarratines ? What Indian vil- lage at the northwest of Maine was destroyed ? What effect did the fall of Quebec have ? How did the French nation atone for their injuries to our forefathers ? 17G0 TOE DAWN OF THE REVOLUTION. 177 CHAPTER XXII. 1. After years of bloody strife the sun of the eastern tribes had set in darkness, and the power which had urged them on to useless wars was overthrown. It is with a feeling of relief that we turn from scenes of savage cruelty to scan the fair fields of peace and prosperity. The population of Maine in 1742 (a few years before the last Indian war commenced) was twelve thousand souls, — aside from the Indians, who at the close of this war numbered nearly fifteen hundred. The towns and plantations at this date had increased to about twenty-five ; extending as far eastward as St. George’s River, northward to Cushnoc (Augusta), and west- ward to Tow-woh (Lebanon) and New Gloucester. The population of Massachusetts, Rhode Island and Connecticut had increased greatly beyond that of Maine ; for their settlements had not suffered for more than a century from the incursion of an enemy, except on their extreme northern borders. But Maine was all border ; her small hamlets stretching in a slender line along an hundred miles of coast, with a vast wil- derness behind them. I think that Massachusetts could well afford a few men to garrison our forts ; for if the settlements of Maine had been overrun, the sav- age foe would have carried terror and destruction into her own villages. Surely there was much of heroism in the founders of our State, or they would not have chosen to come where forests must be felled, and the rough earth swept by fire before the seed could be planted and crops grown, and where they were ever liable to sudden destruction from the revengeful and bloodthirsty savage. No wonder that their bodies grew sturdy and their manners rude ! Yet if their 178 HISTORY OF MAINE. 1700 natures were rugged, like the hills among which they dwelt, the sweetness of the valleys lived in their deep affection towards the dear ones for whom they toiled and suffered. 2. In 1760, two new counties were formed, our present Lincoln and Cumberland. The boundaries of Cumberland have remained nearly unchanged ; but Lincoln included all the country northward of the Androscoggin, and eastward to the St. Croix River. Its shire town was Pownalborough ; of which the towns of Dresden, Wiscasset and Aina were after- wards formed. Governor Pownal, for whom this town had been named, was much interested for the eastern people, so, of course* they greatly esteemed him. He was popu- lar in Boston, too, though not a Puritan ; and when he embarked for England at the close of his official term the members of the government attended him to his barge. He was afterward a member of Parliament ; GOVERNOR THOMAS POWNAL. 1762 THE DAWN OF THE REVOLUTION. 179 and by opposing the acts of oppression against the colonies, proved himself a true friend of America. Sir Francis Bernard, who a few months later succeeded him as governor, was on the contrary, entirely sub- servient to the wishes of the Parliament and King. The first English settlements east of the Penobscot were made shortly before the year 1762. In this year twelve townships lying eastward of that river, were granted to several hundred petitioners, a few of whom had already settled there. The chief condition of these grants was, that sixty protestant families should become resident in each within six years. One lot in each township was reserved for a church, another for the first minister who should be settled there, a third for Harvard College, and a fourth for the use of schools. 3. The years 1761-62 were long remembered in Maine for the sickness, drought and fires. In the latter year the fresh vegetation of June was shriveled and blighted, and in July the flames, breaking out in the New Hampshire woods, swept eastward through the towns in York and Cumberland counties to the sea. It was not until late in August that their devas- tation was checked by copious rains. Soon after the close of Lovewell’s war, Parliament made several laws, called Acts of Trade , for the pur- pose of benefiting British revenues. One was the “Iron Act,” by which all mills for working iron or steel were prohibited in the colonies; so that they were obliged to export the “pigs” (or bars of iron) from their mines to England, taking in return, in accordance with another law, woolen cloths and other fabrics, and implements of iron and steel. There was still another law imposing a high import tax on the mo- lasses and sugar which the colonists of Maine received from the West Indies in return for lumber; this and fish being nearly all they had to sell. Then the mo- lasses and sugar had to be carried to the southern colonies to pay for their corn and pork; so that by 180 HISTORY OF MAINE. 1765 this time little remained to be turned into money or other property. Now that the wars had ceased, these laws were enforced with rigor; and the British gov- ernment began to plan how it might realize still greater revenues from America. So in 1765 Parlia ment passed the celebrated “Stamp Act,” by which all papers for ships, transfers of property, college diplomas, marriage licenses, and newspapers must be made of stamped paper, which was supplied at a high price by the government. 4. The feeling in Maine was strong against these oppressions, though few acts of violence were com- mitted on account of them; but in other parts of the country the boldest royalists and stamp-masters were hung in effigy, and the latter forced to resign their offices. In England that great man, William Pitt, Earl of Chatham, said in a speech before Parliament on this act, “Sir, I rejoice that America has resisted. Three millions of people, so dead to all the feelings of liberty as to submit to be slaves, would have been fit instruments to make slaves of all the rest.” Yet no representative of the colonies was admitted to a seat in Parliament ; and our countrymen boldly declared that “Taxation without representation is tyranny .” In 1766 the obnoxious act was repealed; and the event was celebrated in Maine by bonfires and illuminations, the firing of cannon and display of flags. The next year another form of taxation was tried on the colonies; a duty being imposed upon all paper, glass, colors, and teas brought into the country. This tax was not, like the former, opposed by force; but the representatives of the colonies met together and ex- pressed their detestation of British exactions, and took all lawful means for the redress of their wrongs; recommending the people to a manly defense of their rights, whether it brought relief or led to warlike resistance. Meanwhile by means of newspapers, ora- tions and pamphlets, patriots like Samuel and John 1768 THE DAWN OF THE DEVOLUTION. 181 Adams, with Otis and Mayhew, .in Boston, Livingston of New York, and Gadsden of South Carolina, instruct ed the people in their rights and stimulated the spirit oi liberty in their breasts. 5. In 1768 seven hundred British soldiers arrived at Boston to enforce these iniquitous laws. They landed under cover of the guns of their vessels, and with loaded muskets and bayonets fixed, marched up to the Common. This, of course, greatly incensed the people; and Governor Bernard, being unable to pre vail on the General Court * to agree to any of lrh measures, the next year departed from the country in great disgust. His successor, Thomas Hutchinson was a native of Boston, and a man of learning, ability and wealth ; but, hoping to receive from the king an order of nobility, he became a foe to the liberties oi his country. 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