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 Published by (looriie Dearborn &■(’(). 
 
 
LIFE 
 
 OF 
 
 JOSEPH BRANT-THAYENMNEGEA: 
 
 INCLUDING 
 
 THE BORDER WARS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 AMERICAN REVOLUTION, 
 
 AND 
 
 SKETCHES OF THE INDIAN CAMPAIGNS OF GENERALS 
 HARMAR, ST. CLAIR, AND WAYNE. 
 
 AND OTHER MATTERS 
 
 CONNECTED WITH THE INDIAN RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES 
 AND GREAT BRITAIN, FROM THE PEACE OF 1783 TO 
 THE INDIAN PEACE OF 1795. 
 
 BY WILLIAM L. STONE. 
 
 IN TWO VOLUMES. 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 NEW-YORK: 
 
 ALEXANDER V. BLAKE, 38 GOLD STREET. 
 
 1838 . 
 
£ 
 
 ■H<g 
 
 [Entered according to the Act of Congress of the United States of America, in the 
 year 1838, by Geohge Dearborn &Co., in the Clerk’s Office of the District Court 
 for the Southern District of New-York. 
 
 N k w - Y o r k : 
 
 Printed by Scatcherd & Adams 
 No. 38 Gold Street. 
 
TO THE HONORABLE 
 
 STEPHEN VAN RENSSELAER, 
 
 OF ALBANY, 
 
 These volumes are most respectfully inscribed. If 
 the efforts of the writer to illustrate more fully and 
 minutely than lias hitherto been done, the most inte¬ 
 resting portion of American history, in its immediate 
 connection with the large and populous State of which 
 The Patroon has so long been one of the most distin¬ 
 guished citizens, shall be so fortunate as to merit the 
 regard, and receive the approbation, of one so excel¬ 
 lently qualified to judge of its interest and value, there 
 will be nothing left unsatisfied to the ambition and 
 the hopes of 
 
 His friend and servant, 
 
 THE AUTHOR. 
 

 
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 • I 
 
 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 « 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Birth and parentage—Discussion of the doubts cast upon his origin—Visit of Mo* 
 hawk chiefs to Glueen Anne—Evidence of Brant’s descent from one of those— 
 Digression from the main subject, and Extracts from the private and official jour¬ 
 nals of Sir William Johnson—Connexion between Sir William and the family of 
 Brant—Incidental references to the old French war—Illustrations of Indian pro¬ 
 ceedings, speeches, &c.—Brant’s parentage satisfactorily established—Takes 
 the field in the Campaign of Lake George (1755.)—Is engaged at the conquest 
 of Niagara (1759.)—Efforts of Sir William Johnson to civilize the Indians—Brant 
 is sent, with other Indian youths, to the Moor Charity School, at Lebanon—Leaves 
 school—Anecdote—Is engaged on public business by Sir William—As an Inter- 
 
 F reter for the Missionaries—Again takes the field, in the wars against Pontiac— 
 ntended massacre at Detroit—Ultimate overthrow of Pontiac—First marriage of 
 Brant—Entertains the Missionaries—Again employed on public business—Death 
 of his wife—Engages with Mr. Stewart in translating the Scriptures—Marries 
 again—Has serious religious impressions—Selects a bosom friend and confidant, 
 after the Indian custom—Death of his friend—His grief, and refusal to choose 
 another friend. - -- -- -- -- - Page 1 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Early symptoms of disaffection at Boston—Origin of the Revolutionary War—First 
 blood shed in 1770—Stirring eloquence of Joseph Warren—Feelings of Sir Wil¬ 
 liam Johnson—His influence with the Indians and Germans, and his unpleasant 
 position—Last visit of Sir William to England—His death—Mysterious circum¬ 
 stances attending it—Suspicions of suicide unjust—His son, Sir John Johnson, 
 succeeds to his title and estates—His son-in-law, Col. Guy Johnson, to his office 
 as Superintendant General of the Indians—Early life of Sir John—Joseph Brant 
 appointed Secretary to Guy Johnson—Influence of the Johnson family—Revolu¬ 
 tionary symptoms in Tryon County, fomented by the proceedings in New Eng¬ 
 land—First meeting of Tryon County Whigs—Declaration of Rights—First meet¬ 
 ing of Congress—Effect of its proceedings—in England—Tardiness of Provincial 
 legislature ofNew-York—Spiritof the people—Notes of preparation in Massachu¬ 
 setts, &c.—Overt acts of rebellion in several States—Indians exasperated by the 
 Virginia borderers in 1774—Melancholy story of Logan—Campaign of Lord Dun- 
 more and Colonel Lewis—Battle of theKanhawa—Speech of Logan—Its authen¬ 
 ticity questioned—Peace of Chilicothe—Unhappy feeling of the Indians. - 29 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Unyielding course of the parent Government—Efforts of the Earl of Chathamuna- 
 vailing—Address to the Crown from New-York—Leslie’s Expedition to Salem— 
 Affair of Lexington—'Unwise movements of Tryon County loyalists—Reaction 
 —Public meetings—The Sammons family—Interference of the Johnsons— 
 Guarrel at Caughnawaga—Spirited indications at Cherry Valley—Counteracting- 
 efforts of the Johnsons among their retainers—Intrigues with the Indians— 
 Massachusetts attempts the same—Correspondence with the Stockbridge Indians 
 —Letter to Mr. Kirkland—His removal by Guy Johnson—Neutrality of the 
 Oneidas—Intercepted despatch from Brant to the Oneidas—Apprehensions of 
 Guy Johnson—Correspondence—Farther precautions of the Committees—Re¬ 
 verence for the Laws—Letter of Guy Johnson to the Committees of Albany and 
 Schenectady—Substance of the reply..49 
 
via 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Council of the Mohawk chiefs at Guy Park—A second council called by Johnson 
 at Cosby’s Manor—Proceeds thither with his retinue—First full meeting of Tryon 
 County Committee—Correspondence with Guy Johnson—No council held— 
 Johnson proceeds farther West, accompanied by his family and most of the In¬ 
 dians—Consequent apprehensions of the people—Communication from Massa¬ 
 chusetts Congress—Ticonderoga and Crown Point taken by Ethan Allen—Skenes- 
 borough and St. Johns surprised—Farther proceedings in Massachusetts—Battle 
 of Bunker Hill—Death of Warren—Council with the Oneidas and Tusearoras at 
 German Flatts—Speech to the Indians—Subsequent council with the Oneidas— 
 Conduct of the people toward Guy Johnson—Speech to, and reply of Oneidas— 
 Guy Johnson moves westwardly to Ontario—His letter to the Provincial Congress 
 of New-York—Holds a great Indian council at the West—Unfavourable influence 
 upon the dispositions of the Indians—Causes of their partiality for the English— 
 Great, but groundless alarm of the people—Guy Johnson, with Brant and the 
 Indian warriors, descends the St. Lawrence to Montreal—Council there—Sir Guy 
 Carleton and Gen. Haldimand complete the work of winning the Indians over to 
 the cause of the Crown. -------- - Page 71 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Meeting of the second Continental Congress—Measures of defence—Declaration— 
 National fast—Organization of an Indian department—Address to the Six Na¬ 
 tions—Council called at Albany—Preliminary consultation at German Flatts— 
 Speeches of the Oneidas and others—Adjourn to Albany—Brief interview with 
 the commissioners—Conference and interchange of speeches with the Albanians— 
 Proceedings of the grand council—Speeches of the commissioners—Replies of the 
 Indians—Conclusion of the grand council—Resumption of the conference with 
 the Albanians—Speech of the Albany Committee—Reply of the Indians—Dis¬ 
 closures of Guy Johnson’s proceedings at Osw'ego—Close of the proceedings— 
 Epidemic among the Indians—.Small benefit resulting from the council—Proceed¬ 
 ings in Tryon County resumed—Doubtful position of New-York—Symptoms ot 
 disaffection to the cause of the people—Sir John Johnson—Sheriff White deposed 
 by the people—The royal authorities superseded by appointments from the peo¬ 
 ple—Affray at Johnstown—First gun fired at Sampson Sammons—White recom¬ 
 missioned by Tryon—His flight—Labors of the Committee—Opposition of the 
 Tories—Designs of Sir John Johnson and Sir Guy Carleton—Letter and depu¬ 
 tation to Sir John—Prisoners for political offences sent to gaol—Letter from Pro¬ 
 vincial Congress—Mohawks commence fighting at St. Johns—Speech of the Ca- 
 najoharies in explanation—Indians apply for release of prisoners—Review of the 
 progress of the Revolution in other parts of the Colonies—Proceedings of Parlia¬ 
 ment—Burning of Falmouth—Descent upon Canada—Ethan Allen taken—Ar¬ 
 nold’s expedition—Siege of Quebec—Fall of Montgomery—Caughnawaga and 
 Delaware Indians. - -- -- .- -..91 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Lord Dunmore—Glance at the South—Suspicious conduct of Sir John Johnson— 
 Conduct of the Tories in Tryon County—Gen. Schuyler directed by Congress 
 to march into that County and disarm the Tories—Preliminary mission to the 
 Lower Mohawks—Message to them—Their displeasure and reply—March of 
 Schuyler—Meets the Indians at Schenectady—Interview and speeches—Advance 
 of Schuyler—Letter to Sir John Johnson—Interview—Negotiations of capitula¬ 
 tion—Terms proposed—Schuyler advances to Caughnawaga—Joined by Tryon 
 County Militia—Farther correspondence with Sir John—Interview with the In¬ 
 dian mediators—Terms of surrender adjusted—Schuyler marches to Johns¬ 
 town—Sir John, his household, and the Highlanders, disarmed—Troops scour 
 the country to bring in the loyalists—Disappointment as to the supposed Tory 
 Depot of warlike munitions—Return of Schuyler to Albany—Resolution of Con¬ 
 gress—Additional trouble with Sir John—Preparations for his seizure—Expedi¬ 
 tion of Col. Dayton—Flight of the Baronet and his partisans to Canada—Their 
 sufferings—And subsequent conduct—How the violation of his parole was con¬ 
 sidered. . 119 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 IX 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 History of Brant resumed—Advanced to the chieftaincy of the Confederacy—Mode 
 of appointing chiefs and sachems—Embarks for England—Arrives in London—• 
 Received with marked consideration—Becomes acquainted with James Boswell 
 and others—Agrees to espouse the Royal cause, and returns to America—Steals 
 through the country to Canada—Curious supposed letter to President Wheelock 
 —Battle of the Cedars—Cowardice of Major Butterfield—Outrages of the In¬ 
 dians—Story of Capt. M‘Kinstry, who was saved from the stake by Brant—In¬ 
 dignation of Washington, the people, and Congress—Resolutions of retaliation 
 —Mutual complaints of treatment of prisoners—Murder of Gen. Gordon—In¬ 
 dignation at the outrage—Indian deputation at Philadelphia—Speech to them— 
 Congress resolves upon the employment of an Indian force—Schuyler opposed— 
 Review of the incidents of the war elsewhere—Destitution of the Army—Eva¬ 
 cuation of Boston by the English—Disastrous termination of the Canadian cam¬ 
 paign—Deplorable condition of the army—Humanity of Sir Guy Carleton— 
 —Glance at the South—Declaration of Independence—Spirit of Tryon County 
 —Cherry Valley—Fortifications at Fort Stanwix—American army moves to 
 New-York—Arrival of the British fleet and army—Battle of Long-Island— 
 Washington evacuates New-York—Battle of White Plains—Retreats across 
 New-Jersey—Followed by Cornwallis—Defeat of Arnold on Lake Champlain 
 —Fall of Rhode Island—Battle of Trenton. ----- Page 147 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Continuation of movements in New Jersey—Extinguishment of the council-fire at 
 Onondaga—Tryon County—Colonel Harper’s mission to Oghkwaga—The Har¬ 
 per family—Adventure at the Johnstone settlement—Capture of Good Peter and 
 his party—Thayendanegea crosses from Canada to Oghkwaga—Interview with 
 the Rev. Mr. Johnstone—Doubtful course of Brant—Feverish situation of the 
 people—Expedition of General Herkimer to Unadilla—Remarkable meeting be¬ 
 tween Herkimer and Brant—Meditated act of treachery—Wariness of the 
 chief—Meeting abruptly terminated—Ended in a storm—Brant draws off to Os¬ 
 wego—Grand council there—The Indians generally join the Royal standard— 
 Approach of Brant upon Cherry Valley—How defeated—Death of Lieutenant 
 Wormwood. - -- -- -- -- -- 175 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 British preparations for the prosecution of the war—Indications at the North—Doubt¬ 
 ful position and conduct of General Howe—Embarrassing to the Americans—In¬ 
 tercepted correspondence—General Howe sails to the Chesapeake—Enters Phila¬ 
 delphia in triumph—Burgoyne approaches from the North—Indian policy—Sir 
 Guy Carleton—False estimates of the strength of Ticonderoga—Burgoyne arrives 
 at Crown Point—Feasts the Indians—Invests Ticonderoga—Carries the out¬ 
 works—Fortifies Sugar Hill—The fortress evacuated by St. Clair—Retreat of the 
 Americans—Battles near Skenesborough and at Fort Ann—Burgoyne enters the 
 valley of the Hudson—Schuyler, without means, retreats from Fort Edward— 
 Terror of the people—Cruelties of the Indians—Story of Miss M'Crea—General 
 flight of the population—Mrs. Ann Eliza Bleecker—Heroism of Mrs. Schuyler— 
 Attempted assassination of General Schuyler. - - - - - 195 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Expedition against the Mohawk Valley from Oswego—Despondency of the people 
 in Tryon County—Letter of John Jay—Arrest of several of the disaffected— 
 Flight of others to Canada—Schuyler’s complaints of the cowardice of the people 
 —Great discouragements—Proclamation of General Herkimer—Letter from 
 Thomas Spencer—St. Leger’s approach—Caution and plan of his march—Diary 
 of Lieut. Bird-Fort Stanwix invested—Colonel Gansevoort takes command—Its 
 deplorable condition—Gansevoort joined by Willett—Story of Captain Gregg—- 
 Situation of the garrison—Arrival of St. Leger—His proclamation—Burgoyrre’s 
 affairs becoming critical—Affair of Bennington—General Herkimer, with the 
 Tryon County militia, advances to the relief of Gansevoort—Battle of Oriskany— 
 Bloody upon both sides—Unexampled bravery of Captain Gardenier—Major 
 Watts—Dissatisfaction of the Indians—Sortie and success of Colonel Willett— 1 
 Death and character of General Herkimer. ------ 200 
 
 2 
 
X 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Siege of Fort Schuyler continued—Forced letter from prisoners to Col. Gansevoort 
 —St. Leger summons the garrison to surrender—Refusal of Gansevoort—Appeal 
 of Sir John Johnson to the people of Tryon County—Secret expedition of Colonel 
 Willett and Major Stockwell—Schuyler orders Arnold to the relief of Gansevoort 
 —Willett proceeds to Albany—Arrest of Walter Butler, and others, at German 
 Flatts—Tried and convicted as a spy—Reprieved—Sent to Albany—Escapes— 
 Arnold’s proclamation—Advance of the besiegers—Uneasiness of the garrison— 
 Sudden flight of St. Leger and his forces—Stratagem of Arnold—Story of Hon- 
 Yost Schuyler—Merriment and mischief of the Indians—Arrival of Arnold at. the 
 Fort—The spoils of victory—Public estimation of Gansevoort’s services—Ad¬ 
 dress to his soldiers—His promotion—Address of his officers. - Page 249 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Recurrence to the invasion of Burgoyne—General Schuyler again superseded by 
 Gates—Causes of this injustice—Battle of Stillwater—Both armies entrench— 
 Battle and victory of Behmus’s Heights—Funeral of General Frazer—Retreat of 
 Burgoyne—Difficulties increasing upon him—His capitulation—Meeting of Bur¬ 
 goyne and Gates—Deportment of Gates toward Gen. Washington—Noble con¬ 
 duct of Gen. Schuyler. - 265 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Sir Henry Clinton’s attempt to co-operate with Burgoyne—Storming of Forts Clin¬ 
 ton and Montgomery—Burning of iEsopus—Review of military operations else¬ 
 where—Expedition to Peekskill—Of Gov. Tryon to Danbury—Progress of Sir 
 William Howe in Pennsylvania—Battle of Brandywine—Massacre of the Paoli—• 
 Battle of Germantown—Death of Count Donop—Murder of Captain Deitz and 
 family at Berne—John Taylor—Lady Johnson ordered to leave Albany—Exas¬ 
 peration of Sir John—Attempts to abductMr. Taylor—An Indian and whiteman 
 bribed to assassinate General Schuyler—Fresh alarms in Tryon County—Ad¬ 
 dress of Congress to the Six Nations—The appeal produces no effect—Articles 
 of confederation—Close of the year. ------- 280 
 
 CHAPTER XIY. 
 
 Treaty of alliance with France—Policy of France—Incidents of the Winter—Pro¬ 
 jected expedition against St. Johns—Lafayette appointed to the command of the 
 North—Failure of the enterprise for lack of means—Disappointment and chagrin 
 of Lafayette—Unpleasant indications respecting the Western Indians—Indian 
 council at Johnstown—Attended by Lafayette—Its proceedings—And result— 
 Reward offered for Major Carleton—Letter of Lafayette—He retires from the 
 Northern Department—Return of the, loyalists for their families—Unopposed— 
 Their aggressions—Prisoners carried into Canada—Their fate—Re-appearance 
 of Brant at Oghkwaga and Unadilla—Anecdote of Brant—Comparative cruelty of 
 the Tories and Indians—Murder of a family—Exposed situation of the people— 
 Captain McKean—Sends a challenge to Brant—Burning of Springfield—First 
 battle in Schoharie. - - - - - -- -- 298 
 
 CHAPTER XY. 
 
 The story of Wyoming—Glance at its history—Bloody battle between the Shawa- 
 nese and Delawares—Count Zinzendorf—Conflicting Indian claims and titles— 
 Rival land companies of Connecticut and Pennsylvania—Murder of Tadeusund 
 —The first Connecticut Colony destroyed by the Indians—Controversy respecting 
 their titles—Rival Colonies planted in Wyoming—The civil wars of Wyoming— 
 Bold adventure of Captain Ogden—Fierce passions of the people—The Connecti¬ 
 cut settlers prevail—Growth of the settlements—Annexed to Connecticut—Break¬ 
 ing out of the Revolution—The inhabitants,stimulated by previous hatred,take sides 
 —Arrest of suspected persons in January—Sent to Hartford—Evil consequences 
 —The enemy appear upon the outskirts of the settlements in the Spring—Inva¬ 
 sion by Colonel John Butler and the Indians—Colonel Zebulon Butler prepares 
 to oppose them—Two of the forts taken—Colonel Z. Butler marches to encounter 
 the enemy—Battle of Wyoming—The Americans defeated—The flight and mas¬ 
 sacre—Fort Wyoming besieged—Timidity of the garrison—Zebulon Butler’s 
 authority not sustained—He escapes from the fort—Colonel Denniston forced to 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 XI 
 
 capitulate—Destruction of the Valley—Barbarities of the Tories—Brant not in the 
 expedition—Catharine Montour—Flight of the fugitives—Expedition of Colonel 
 Hartley up the Susquehanna—Colonel Zebulon Butler repossesses himself ofWyo- 
 ming, "and rebuilds the fort—Indian skirmishes—Close of the history of Wyo¬ 
 ming. -------- - Page 318 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 Evacuation of Philadelphia by Sir Henry Clinton—Followed through New Jersey 
 by Washington—Battle of Monmouth—Conduct and arrest of General Lee— 
 Retreat of the enemy—Arrival of the French fleet—Combined attack of the Ame¬ 
 ricans and French upon the British army of Rhode Island—British fleet escapes 
 from Count D’Estaing—Battle of Rhode Island—Failure of the expedition— 
 Projected campaigns against the Indians—Captains Pipe and White-Eyes— 
 M’Kee and Girty—General M’lnt.osh ordered against the Sandusky towns— 
 Irruption of Brant into Cobleskill—Of M’Dorrald into the Schoharie settlements 
 —Pusillanimity of Colonel Vrooman—Bravery of Colonel Harper—His expedi¬ 
 tion to Albany—Captivity of Mr. Sawyer—Slays six Indians and escapes—Colo¬ 
 nel William Butler sent to Schoharie—Morgan’s rifle corps—Daring adventures 
 of Murphy and Elerson—Death of Service, a noted Tory—Murphy’s subsequent 
 adventures—Affairs at Fort Schuyler—Alarming number of desertions—Destruc¬ 
 tion of Andros-tovvn by the Indians—Conflagration of the German Flatts—Ex¬ 
 pedition of Colonel William Butler from Schoharie to Unadilla and Oghk- 
 waga. - - - -- -- -- -- - 343 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Walter N. Butler—His flight from Albany, bent on revenge—The Great Tree— 
 Hostile indications among the Senecas and Cayugas—Premonitions of an attack 
 by Butler and Brant upon Cherry Valley—Discredited by Colonel Alden—Scouts 
 sent out and captured—Surprise of the town—Massacre and burning—Death of 
 Colonel Alden—Families of Mr. Wells, Mr. Dunlop, and others—Brutality of the 
 Tories—Family of Mr. Mitchell—The monster Newberry—Departure of the 
 enemy with their captives—A night of gloom—Women and children sent back—■ 
 Letter of Butler to Gen. Schuyler—Murder of Mrs. Campbell’s mother—Vindi¬ 
 cation of Brant—Interesting incident—Brant’s opinion of Capt. M’Kean—Colo¬ 
 nel John Butler laments the conduct of his son—Letter of General James Clinton 
 to Walter Butler—Letter of Butler in reply—Molly Brant—Particulars of Mrs. 
 Campbell’s captivity—Feast of thanksgiving for their victory—The great feast of 
 the White Dogs—Return of Walter Butler from Gluebec—Col. Butler negotiates 
 with the Indians for Mrs. Campbell—She goes to Niagara—Catharine Montour 
 and her sons—Mrs. Campbell finds her children—Descends the St. Lawrence to 
 Montreal—Meets Mrs. Butler—Arrives at Albany, and is joined by her husband 
 —Grand campaign projected—Jacob Helmer and others sent privately to Johns¬ 
 town for the iron chest of Sir John—Execution of Helmer—Arrival of British 
 Commissioners—Not received—Exchange of Ministers with France—Incidents 
 of the war elsewhere for the year. ------- 369 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 Indian siege of Fort Laurens—Successful stratagems—Flight of the pack-horses— 
 The fort abandoned—Projected enterprise from Detroit—Gov. Hamilton captured 
 at St. Vincent by Col. Clarke—Projects of Brant—Uneasiness in the West of 
 New-York—Deliberations of the Oneidas and Onondagas—Brant’s projects de¬ 
 feated—Treachery of the Onondagas—Colonel Van Schaick marches to lay waste 
 their towns—Instructions of General Clinton—Passage of Wood Creek and 
 Oneida Lake—Advance upon the Indian towns—Their destruction—Return of 
 the expedition to Fort Schuyler—Mission of the Oneidas to Fort Schuyler in be¬ 
 half of the Onondagas—Speech ofGood Peter—Reply of Colonel Van Schaick— 
 Irruption of Tories and Indians into the lower Mohawk country—Stone Arabia— 
 Defence of his house by Captain Richer—The Indians in Schoharie—General 
 Clinton traverses the Mohawk valley—M’Clellan’s expedition to Oswegatchie— 
 Unsuccessful—Irruption of the Onondagas into Cobleskill—Defeat of the Ame¬ 
 ricans— The settlement destroyed—Murders in the neighborhood of Fort Pitt— 
 Irruptions of Tories into Warwasing—Invasion of Minisink—Battlencar the Dela 
 ware—Massacre of the Orange County militia—Battle with the Shawanese. 396 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 It is related by .Esop, that a forester once meeting with a lion, 
 they travelled together for a time, and conversed amicably without 
 much differing in opinion. At length a dispute happening to arise 
 upon the question of superiority between their respective races, the 
 former, in the absence of a better argument, pointed to a monument, 
 on which was sculptured, in marble, the statue of a man striding 
 over the body of a vanquished lion. “ If this,” said the lion, “ is 
 all you have to say, let us be the sculptors, and you will see the 
 lion striding over the vanquished man.” 
 
 The moral of this fable should ever be borne in mind when con- 
 templating the character of that brave and ill-used race of men, now 
 melting away before the Anglo-Saxons like the snow beneath a ver¬ 
 tical sun—the aboriginals of America. The Indians are no sculp¬ 
 tors. No monuments of their own art commend to future ages 
 the events of the past. No Indian pen traces the history df their 
 tribes and nations, or records the deeds of their warriors and 
 chiefs—their prowess and their wrongs. Their spoilers have been 
 their historians; and although a reluctant assent has been awarded 
 to some of the nobler traits of their nature, yet, without yielding a 
 due allowance for the peculiarities of their situation, the Indian 
 character has been presented with singular uniformity as being cold, 
 cruel, morose, and revengeful; unrelieved by any of those varying 
 traits and characteristics, those lights and shadows, which are 
 admitted in respect to other people no less wild and uncivilized 
 than they. 
 
 Without pausing to reflect that, even when most cruel, they have 
 been practising the trade of war—always dreadful—as much in 
 conformity to their own usages and laws, as have their more civi¬ 
 lized antagonists, the white historian has drawn them with the 
 characteristics of demons. Forgetting that the second of the He¬ 
 brew monarchs did not scruple to saw his prisoners with saws, and 
 harrow them with harrows of iron ; forgetful, likewise, of the scenes 
 at Smithfield, under the direction of our own British ancestors; the 
 
xiv 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 historians of the poor untutored Indians, almost with one accord, 
 have denounced them as monsters sui generis —of unparalleled and 
 unapproachable barbarity ; as though the summary tomahawk were 
 worse than the iron tortures of the harrow, and the torch of the 
 Mohawk hotter than the faggots of Queen Mary. 
 
 Nor does it seem to have occurred to the “ pale-faced ” writers, 
 that the identical cruelties, the records and descriptions of which 
 enter so largely into the composition of the earlier volumes of Ame¬ 
 rican history, were not barbarities in the estimation of those who 
 practised them. The scalp-lock was an emblem of chivalry. Every 
 warrior, in shaving his head for battle, was careful to leave the 
 lock of defiance upon his crown, as for the bravado, “ Take it if you 
 can.” The stake and the torture were identified with their rude 
 notions of the power of endurance. They were inflicted upon cap¬ 
 tives of their own race, as well as upon the whites ; and with 
 their own braves these trials were courted, to enable the sufferer 
 to exhibit the courage and fortitude with which they could be 
 borne—the proud scorn with which all the pain that a foe might 
 inflict, could be endured. 
 
 But they fell upon slumbering hamlets in the night, and massacred 
 defenceless women and children ! This, again, was their own mode 
 of warfare, as honourable in their estimation as the more courteous 
 methods of committing wholesale murder, laid down in the books. 
 
 But of one enormity they were ever innocent. Whatever degree 
 of personal hardship and suffering their female captives were com¬ 
 pelled to endure, their persons were never dishonoured by violence ; 
 a fact which can be predicated, we apprehend, of no other victo¬ 
 rious soldiery that ever lived. 
 
 In regard, moreover, to the countless acts of cruelty alleged to have 
 been perpetrated by the savages, it must still be borne in mind that 
 the Indians have not been the sculptors—the Indians have had no 
 writer to relate their own side of the story. There has been none 
 “ to weep for Logan !” while his wrongs have been unrecorded. 
 The annals of man, probably, do not attest a more kindly reception 
 of intruding foreigners, than was given to the Pilgrims landing at 
 Plymouth, by the faithful Massassoit, and the tribes under his juris¬ 
 diction. Nor did the forest kings take up arms until they but too 
 clearly saw, that either their visiters or themselves, must be driven 
 from the soil which was their own—the fee of which was derived 
 from the Great Spirit. And the nation is yet to be discovered that 
 will not fight for their homes, the graves of their fathers, and their 
 family altars. Cruel they were, in the prosecution of their contests ; 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 XV 
 
 but it would require the aggregate of' a large number of predatory 
 incursions and isolated burnings, to balance the awful scene of con¬ 
 flagration and blood, which at once extinguished the power of Sas- 
 sacus, and the brave and indomitable Narragansets over whom he 
 reigned. No ! until it is forgotten, that by some Christians in infant 
 Massachusetts it was held to be right to kill Indians as the agents 
 and familiars of Azazel; until the early records of even tolerant Con¬ 
 necticut, which disclose the fact that the Indians were seized by the 
 Puritans, transported to the British West Indies, and sold as slaves, 
 are lost; until the Amazon and La Plata shall have washed away 
 the bloody history of the Spanish American conquest; and until 
 the fact that Cortez stretched the unhappy Guatimozin naked upon 
 a bed of burning coals, is proved to be a fiction, let not the American 
 Indian be pronounced the most cruel of men ! 
 
 If, then, the moral of the fable is thus applicable to aboriginal 
 history in general, it is equally so in regard to very many of their 
 chiefs, whose names have been forgotten, or only known to be detested. 
 Peculiar circumstances have given prominence, and fame of a cer¬ 
 tain description, to some few of the forest chieftains, as in the in¬ 
 stances of Powhatan in the south, the mighty Philip in the east, and 
 the great Pontiac of the north-west. But there have been many 
 others, equal, perhaps, in courage, and skill, and energy, to the dis¬ 
 tinguished chiefs just mentioned, whose names have been steeped in 
 infamy in their preservation, because “the lions are no sculptors.” 
 They have been described as ruthless butchers of women and children, 
 without one redeeming quality save those of animal courage and in¬ 
 difference to pain ; while it is not unlikely, that, were the actual 
 truth known, their characters, for all the high qualities of the sol¬ 
 dier, might sustain an advantageous comparison with those of hah 
 the warriors of equal rank in Christendom. Of this class was a 
 prominent subject of the present volume, whose name was terrible in 
 every American ear during the war of Independence, and was long 
 afterward associated with every thing bloody, ferocious, and hateful. 
 It is even within our own day, that the name of Brant* would 
 chill the young blood by its very sound, and cause the lisping 
 child to cling closer to the knee of its mother. As the master spirit 
 of the Indians engaged in the British service during the war of the 
 Revolution, not only were all the border massacres charged directly 
 upon him, but upon his head fell the public maledictions for every 
 
 * Almost invariably written Brandt in tlie books, even in despite of nis own 
 orthography, which was uniformly Brant. 
 
xvi 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 individual act of atrocity which marked that sanguinary contest, 
 whether committed by Indians, or tories, or by the exasperated 
 regular soldiery of the foe. In many instances great injustice was 
 done to him, as in regard to the affair of Wyoming, in connexion 
 with which his name has been used by every preceding annalist who 
 has written upon the subject; while it has, moreover, for the same 
 cause, been consigned to infamy, deep and foul, in the deathless song 
 of Campbell. In other cases again, the Indians of the Six Nations, 
 in common with their chief, were loaded with execrations for atro¬ 
 cities of which all were alike innocent—because the deeds recorded 
 were never committed—it having been the policy of the public 
 writers, and those in authority, not only to magnify actual occur¬ 
 rences, but sometimes, when these were wanting, to draw upon their 
 imaginations for accounts of such deeds of ferocity and blood, as 
 might best serve to keep alive the strongest feelings of indigna¬ 
 tion against the parent country, and likewise induce the people to 
 take the field for revenge, if not driven thither by the nobler im¬ 
 pulse of patriotism.* 
 
 Such deliberate fictions, for political purposes, as that by Dr. 
 Franklin, just referred to, were probably rare ; but the investigations 
 into which the author has been led, in the preparation of the present 
 work, have satisfied him, that from other causes, much of exaggera¬ 
 tion and falsehood has obtained a permanent footing in American 
 history. Most historians of that period, English and American, 
 wrote too near the time when the events they were describing oc¬ 
 curred, for a dispassionate investigation of truth ; and other writers 
 who have succeeded, have too often been content to follow in the 
 beaten track, without incurring the labour of diligent and calm in¬ 
 quiry. Reference has been made above to the affair of Wyoming, 
 concerning which, to this day, the world has been abused with 
 monstrous fictions—with tales of horrors never enacted. The ori¬ 
 ginal causes of this historical inaccuracy are very obvious. As 
 already remarked, our histories were written at too early a day; 
 when the authors, or those supplying the materials, had, as it were, 
 but just emerged from the conflict. Their passions had not yet 
 become cooled, and they wrote under feelings and prejudices which 
 could not but influence minds governed even by the best intentions. 
 The crude, verbal reports of the day—tales of hear-say, coloured by 
 fancy and aggravated by fear,—not only found their way into the 
 newspapers, but into the journals of military officers. These, with 
 
 * See Appendix A—the well-known scalp-story of Dr. Franklin—long believed, 
 and recently revived and included in several works of authentic history. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 xvii 
 
 all the disadvantages incident to flying rumors, increasing in size 
 and enormity with every repetition, were used too often, it is ap¬ 
 prehended, without farther examination, as authentic materials for 
 history. Of this class of works was the Military Journal of Dr. 
 James Thatcher, first published in 1823, and immediately recog¬ 
 nized as historical authority. Now, so far as the author speaks of 
 events occurring within his own knowledge, and under his own per. 
 sonal observation, the authority is good. None can be better. 
 But the worthy army surgeon did not by any means confine his 
 diary to facts and occurrences of that description. On the contrary, 
 his journal is a general record of incidents and transactions occur¬ 
 ring in almost every camp, and at every point of hostilities, as the 
 reports floated from mouth to mouth through the division of the 
 army where the journalist happened to be engaged, or as they reached 
 him through the newspapers. Hence the present author has found 
 the Doctor’s journal a very unsafe authority in regard to facts, 
 of which the Doctor was not a spectator or directly cognizant. 
 Even the diligent care of Marshall did not prevent his measurably 
 falling into the same errors, in the first edition of his Life of Wash¬ 
 ington, with regard to Wyoming; and it was not until more than a 
 quarter of a century afterward, when his late revised edition of that 
 great work was about to appear, that, by the assistance of Mr. 
 Charles Miner, an intelligent resident of Wilkesbarre, the readers 
 of that eminent historian were correctly informed touching the revo¬ 
 lutionary tragedy in that valley. Nor even then was the correction 
 entire, inasmuch as the name of Brant was still retained, as the 
 leader of the Indians on that fearful occasion. Nor were the ex¬ 
 aggerations in regard to the invasion of Wyoming greater than 
 were those connected with the irruption into, and destruction of, 
 Cherry Valley, as the reader will discover in the course of the en¬ 
 suing pages. Indeed, the writer, in the preparation of materials for 
 this work, has encountered so much that is false recorded in history 
 as sober verity, that he has at times been disposed almost to univer. 
 sal scepticism in regard to uninspired narration. 
 
 In conclusion of this Introduction, a short history of the origin of 
 the present work may not be impertinent. It was the fortune of 
 the author to spend several of his early years, and commence his 
 public life, in the valley of the Mohawk—than which the country 
 scarce affords a more beautiful region. The lower section of this 
 valley was entered by the Dutch traders, and settlements were com¬ 
 menced, originally at Schenectady, very soon after the first fort was 
 built at Albany, then called Fort Orange, by Henry Christiaens ir. 
 
 3 
 
xviii 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 1614. The Dutch gradually pushed their settlements up the Mo¬ 
 hawk on the rich bottom lands of the river, as far as Caughnawaga. 
 Beyond that line, and especially in the upper section of the valley 
 west of the Little Falls, and embracing the broad and beautiful gar¬ 
 den of the whole district known as the German Flatts, the first 
 white settlers introduced were Germans—being a division of the Pa¬ 
 latinates, who emigrated to America early in the eighteenth century, 
 under the patronage of Queen Anne. Three thousand Germans ’ 
 came over at the time referred to, about the year 1709, a portion 
 of whom settled in Pennsylvania. The residue ascended the Hud¬ 
 son to a place called East Camp, now in the county of Columbia. 
 From thence they found their way into the rich valley of the Scho- 
 harie-kill, about the year 1713, and thence to the German Flatts, of 
 which they weite in possession as early as 1720. The first colony, 
 planting themselves in Schoharie, consisted of between forty and 
 fifty families. Some disagreements soon after arising among 
 them, twelve of these families separated from their companions ; and, 
 pushing farther westward beyond the Little Falls, planted themselves 
 down upon the rich alluvial flatts at the confluence of the West Ca¬ 
 nada Creek and the Mohawk. 
 
 At the time of its discovery, that valley was occupied by the Mo¬ 
 hawk Indians, the head of the extended confederacy of the Five 
 Nations—the Iroquois of the French, and the Romans, as Doctor 
 Colden has denominated them, of the New World. Of this confe¬ 
 deracy, the Mohawks were the head or leading nation, as they were 
 also the fiercest.* The Five Nations early attached themselves to 
 
 * “I have been told by old men in New England, who remembered the time 
 when the Mohawks made war on their Indians (the Mohicans), that as soon as a 
 single Mohawk was discovered in their country, their Indians raised a cry from 
 hill to hill, A Mohawk! A Mohawk! upon which they all fled, like sheep before 
 wolves, without attempting to make the least resistance or defence on their side ; 
 and that the poor New England Indians immediately ran to the Christian 
 houses, and the Mohawks often pursued them so closely, that they entered along 
 with them, and knocked their brains out in the presence of the people of the house.” 
 [Colden's Six Nations .] The excellent Heckewelder, in his paramount affection 
 for the Lenni Lenape, enters into a long argument to disprove Colden upon this 
 point; maintaining that the Mohawks were never of more teirifle fame than the 
 Delawares. The authorities, however, are against the good Moravian missionary, 
 to which the writer may add the weight of the following incident, of comparatively 
 recent occurrence:—Some ten or twelve years ago, a wandering Mohawk had 
 straggled away from the ancient home of his tribe, as far as the State of Maine, and 
 presented himself, one day, in the streets of a small town not far from the Penobscot 
 river. Indian forms and faces were not stangers in this little community, there 
 being a remnant of the Penobscots yet existing in the neighbourhood, who were in 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 XIX 
 
 the English, and were consequently often engaged in hostilities with 
 the French of Canada, and especially with the Ilurons and Adiron- 
 dacks or Algonquins—powerful nations in alliance with the Cana¬ 
 dians. Another consequence was, that the Mohawk valley, and in¬ 
 deed the whole country inhabited by the Five Nations, were the 
 theatre of successive wars, from the discovery down to the close of the 
 war of the American Revolution. There is, therefore, no section of 
 the United States so rich in historical incident, as the valley of the 
 Mohawk and the contiguous territory at the west. 
 
 At the time of the author’s residence in the Mohawk country, the 
 materials of that history, especially that portion of them connected 
 with events subsequent to the conquest of Canada by Great Britain, 
 were for the most part ungathered. The events of the war of the 
 Revolution, which nowhere else raged so furiously, and was no¬ 
 where else marked with such bitter and entire desolation, were then 
 fresh in the recollections of the people ; and many a time and oft 
 were the recitals listened to with thrilling interest, and laid up in 
 the store-house of memory, as among the richest of its traditionary 
 treasures. Nor was the interest of these verbal narratives diminished 
 by visiting the sites of the old fortifications, strolling over the bat¬ 
 tle-fields, and noting the shot-holes in the walls of such houses as had 
 stood out the contest, and the marks of cannon balls upon the trunks 
 of trees yet remaining on fields which had been scenes of bloody 
 strife. 
 
 Several years afterward it occurred to the author to undertake 
 a task which he ought to have commenced years before, viz. the 
 composition of a historical memoir of the Mohawk Valley, which 
 would embody those written aftd unwritten materials of history, now 
 fast disappearing by the death of the actors in the scenes to be de¬ 
 scribed, and the loss of papers and manuscripts, of which such 
 reckless destruction is allowed in this country. In the progress of 
 
 the habit of visiting the place, four or five times a year, for the purchase of such 
 necessaries as their means could command. It happened that a party of them had 
 come in on the very day of the Mohawk’s arrival; and as he was lounging through 
 the street, he came suddenly upon them in turning a corner. The recognition, on 
 their part, was instantaneous, and was evidently accompanied by emotions of alarm 
 and distrust “ Mohawk, Mohawk,” was muttered by one and another, and so 
 long as he remained in sight, their eyes were fixed upon him with an evident expres¬ 
 sion of uneasiness. As for the Mohawk, he condescended only to give them a pass¬ 
 ing glance, and went on his way with the same lounging, indifferent step that he had 
 exhibited from the first. He was a superb-looking fellow, of about 25, full six feet 
 in height, and could easily have demolished three or four of the dwarfish and effemi¬ 
 nate Penobscots. 
 
XX 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 thought and investigation upon the subject, it was soon determined 
 to embrace in the proposed memoir some biographical account of the 
 Great Chief of the Six Nations, Joseph Brant—Thayendanegea ; 
 but there was yet another distinguished name, whose history and 
 fame were intimately connected with the Mohawks, and whose 
 character has neither been justly described nor well understood. 
 The reader will probably anticipate the name, Sir William John¬ 
 son. By this time it was apparent that the work, if executed, 
 must be more extended than had originally been contemplated ; and a 
 few slight preparations were made for its commencement ten years 
 ago. 
 
 It was some time in the year 1829 that the design was abandoned. 
 Calling upon his venerable friend Chancellor Kent, one morning, for 
 the purpose of borrowing a rare volume of a still rarer history ot 
 the old French war of 1755-’63, the author was informed that his de¬ 
 sign had been anticipated by William W. Campbell, Esq., a young 
 gentleman of promise who was just coming to the bar—a native of 
 the country to be occupied as historic ground—and whose work was 
 then nearly ready for the press. Under these circumstances, the 
 project of the author was at once relinquished. 
 
 Mr. Campbell’s book—“ Annals of Tryon County,”—made its 
 appearance in 1831 ; and was at once found valuable for its facts, 
 and creditable alike to the industry and talents of an author, who, 
 although then so young, possessed the enterprise to undertake the ne. 
 cessary labour, and the ambition to inscribe his name upon the roll 
 of American historians. Still, the work was not a substitute for that 
 which the author had proposed ; its object was a more limited his. 
 tory, both of time and territory, than*had been entertained in respect 
 of the present work. Mr. Campbell’s Annals, with the exception of 
 a very few brief and partial sketches, embraced the history only of 
 the war of the Revolution in that particular section of country, and 
 had little to do with biography. The design of the author, enlarged 
 by reflection and research, now began to comprehend a history ot 
 the Six Nations, and their wars with the French, Hurons, er Wyan- 
 dots, and Adirondacks ; the settlement of the country by the pale 
 faces; a history of the French War, so far as that memorable con¬ 
 test was connected with the Indians and colony of New-York ; to¬ 
 gether, or rather blended, with the Lives of Sir William Johnson 
 and Joseph Brant. A work of this description seemed to be a desi¬ 
 deratum in American history ; and in the autumn of 1832, prepa¬ 
 rations for the undertaking were resumed, with what success will in 
 part be seen in the sequel. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 XXI 
 
 In the prosecution of the preliminary labour, efforts were made to 
 procure materials from the survivors of the family of Sir William 
 Johnson, residing in the Canadas. These efforts have thus far been 
 attended with but partial success. From one of the grandsons, 
 however, Mr. Archibald Johnson, a valuable manuscript volume has 
 been procured, containing the private diary of Sir William during 
 the Niagara campaign of 1759, in which General Prideaux fell, 
 leaving the command of the army to the baronet, whose efforts were 
 crowned with brilliant success. From among the papers of the late 
 Lieut. Governor of New-York, John Taylor, in possession of his 
 daughter, Mrs. Cooper, the author has fortunately obtained the 
 manuscript of Sir William’s official diary for the years 1757, 175S, 
 and a part of the year 1759, together with a small parcel of other 
 papers and letters. A few of the baronet’s letters and papers are 
 also yet extant, in the archives of the state at Albany. All these 
 will afford materials for his proposed biography, and for other 
 historical illustrations, of high value. Many of the baronet’s pa¬ 
 pers were destroyed in the war of the Revolution ; and many others, 
 it is ascertained, are only to be found in England—to which 
 country a special visit will probably be necessary for their consulta 
 tion. 
 
 It will readily be perceived, that the proposed work embraces 
 two epochs, between which there is a very natural, and even neces¬ 
 sary, division. • The first embraces the early history referred to, with 
 a history of the French war, and the country, to the death of Sir 
 William Johnson. The second division embraces the life of Jo¬ 
 seph Brant, and the revolutionary, Indian, and Tory wars of the 
 northern and western part of the State of New-York ; and although 
 anticipated, to a considerable extent, by Mr. Campbell, still the au¬ 
 thor entered the field of investigation with as much spirit as though 
 it had not been historically traversed before. In the course of his 
 labours he has visited the Mohawk Valley three several times with 
 no other object. Ascertaining, moreover, that the venerable Major 
 Thomas Sammons, of Johnstown, himself, with his father and two 
 brothers, an efficient actor in the scenes of the Revolution, had for 
 many years been collecting historical materials in that region, the 
 author applied to him ; and was so fortunate as not only to procure 
 his collections, but to induce the old gentleman to re-enter the field 
 of inquiry. By his assistance a large body of facts and state- 
 ments, taken down in writing during the last thirty years, from the 
 lips of surviving officers and soldiers, has been obtained, for the 
 present work. These documents have added largely to the most 
 
XXII 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 authentic materials of history, enabling the author to bring out 
 many new and interesting facts, and to correct divers errors in the 
 works of preceding writers, who have superficially occupied the 
 same ground. In addition to these, the few remaining papers of 
 the brave old General Herkimer, who fell at Oriskany in 1777, have 
 been placed at the disposal of the author, by his nephew, John 
 Herkimer, Esq. Still the work of Mr. Campbell has been found of 
 great use, and by consent has been liberally drawn upon. In re¬ 
 gard to some transactions, it was, indeed, almost the only authority ; 
 as in the cases of Cherry Valley, some of the transactions in the 
 Schoharie Valley, and the exploits of Colonel Harper. 
 
 But this is not all. The author has visited Upper Canada, and 
 Montreal and Quebec, in search of materials. Most luckily for the 
 cause of historic truth, and the reputation of Joseph Brant, during his 
 Canadian researches he became apprised of the fact, that the old 
 Mohawk chief, himself a man of a pretty good English education, 
 had left a large mass of manuscripts, consisting of his own speeches, 
 delivered on many and various occasions, and a great number of 
 letters addressed to him ; together with copies of his own letters in 
 reply, which he had preserved with equal industry and care. These 
 papers were in the keeping of his youngest daughter, a lady of high 
 respectability, aboriginal though she be, and eligibly married to 
 William Johnson Kerr, Esq. of Wellington Square, Upper Ca- 
 nada. It was obvious that those papers must prove a rich mine for 
 exploration; and an application from the author, through his friend 
 the Hon. Marshall S. Bidwell, of Toronto, was most readily 
 responded to by Mr. and Mrs. Kerr. The papers, it is true, were 
 less connected than had been hoped ; and by hundreds of references 
 and allusions contained therein, it is obvious that large numbers of 
 letters, journals, and speeches have been lost—past recovery. Still, 
 those which remain have proved of great assistance and rare value. 
 
 To the kindness of Charles A. Clinton, Esq. the author has 
 been indebted for access to the private papers of General James 
 Clinton, his grandfather. In the composition of one portion of the 
 present volume, these papers have been found of vast importance. 
 General James Clinton was the father of the late illustrious DeWitt 
 Clinton, and the brother of Governor George Clinton. He was 
 much in command in the northern department, and it was under his 
 conduct that the celebrated descent of the Susquehanna was per¬ 
 formed in 1779. His own letters, and those of his correspondents, 
 have been of material assistance, not only in relation to that cam¬ 
 paign, but upon various other points of history. It was among these 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 XX 111 
 
 papers that the letters of Walter N. Butler, respecting the affairs of 
 Cherry Valley and Wyoming, were discovered. 
 
 In connexion with the history of the expedition of Sullivan and 
 Clinton, just referred to, the author has likewise been favoured with 
 the manuscript diary of the venerable Captain Theodosius Fowler 
 of this city, who was an active officer during the whole campaign. 
 In addition to the valuable memoranda contained in this diary, Capt. 
 Fowler has preserved a drawing of the order of march adopted in 
 ascending the Chemung, after the junction of the two armies, and 
 also a plan of the great battle fought at Newtown by Sullivan, against 
 the Indians and Tories commanded by Brant and Sir John Johnson ; 
 both of which drawings have been engraved, and will be found in the 
 Appendix. 
 
 In the winter of 1775—’76, an expedition was conducted from 
 Albany into Tryon County, for the purpose of disarming the Tories 
 and arresting Sir John Johnson, of the particulars of which very 
 little has hitherto been known. On application to the family of 
 General Schuyler, it was ascertained that his letter books for that 
 period were lost. After much inquiry, the necessary documents were 
 obtained from Peter Force, Esq. at Washington. 
 
 The author has likewise been indebted to General Peter B. Por¬ 
 ter, of Black Rock, for some valuable information respecting the 
 character and some of the actions of Brant. General Porter was 
 an early emigrant into the western part of the State, as an agent for 
 the great landholder, Oliver Phelps; and the execution of his duties 
 brought him into frequent intercourse with many of the chiefs and 
 sachems of the Indians. Among these he became intimately ac¬ 
 quainted with the Mohawk chief, between whom and himself a written 
 correspondence was occasionally maintained for several years. 
 Unfortunately, however, that correspondence, with other communi¬ 
 cations in his hand-writing, which Gen. Porter had taken some 
 pains to preserve, was destroyed by one of the incursions of the 
 enemy across the Niagara during the last war. Still, the General 
 has supplied the author with several important reminiscences re¬ 
 specting the old chief, and one transaction of thrilling interest, here¬ 
 tofore entirely unknown. 
 
 A friend of the author, a highly respectable and intelligent octo¬ 
 genarian, Samuel Woodruff, Esq., of Windsor, Connecticut, made 
 a visit to Brant at the Grand River Settlement, in the summer of 
 1797, and remained with him several days, in the enjoyment of 
 frequent and full conversations upon many subjects. Mr. Woodruff 
 has obligingly furnished a dozen pages or more of instructive notes 
 
XXIV 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 and memoranda of those conversations, which have been freely used. 
 The author is likewise under obligations to Professor Marsh of Bur 
 lington College, (Vt.) a connexion, by marriage, of the Wheelock 
 family, for several of Brant’s original letters ; and also to Tho¬ 
 mas Morris, Esq., of New-York, who knew the chief well, and was 
 several years in correspondence with him, for the same favour. Mr. 
 Campbell has, moreover, supplied several documents of value, ob¬ 
 tained by him after the publication of his own book. 
 
 Having, by the acquisition of these and other papers, procured all 
 the materials that appeared to remain, or, at least, all that were ac¬ 
 cessible, while the documentary papers for the first division of the 
 work were yet very incomplete, the author, like Botta, in his pro¬ 
 mised complete history of Italy, has been compelled to write the lat¬ 
 ter portion of the work first. In the execution of this task, he had 
 supposed that the bulk of his labour would cease with the close 
 of the war of the Revolution, or at most, that some fifteen or 
 twenty pages, sketching rapidly the latter years of the life of 
 Thayendanegea, would be all that was necessary. Far otherwise 
 was the fact. When the author came to examine the papers of 
 Brant, nearly all of which were connected with his career subse¬ 
 quent to that contest, it was found that his life and actions had been 
 intimately associated with the Indian and Canadian politics of 
 more than twenty years after the treaty of peace ; that a succession 
 of Indian Congresses were held by the nations of the great lakes, in 
 all which he was one of the master spirits ; that he was directly or 
 indirectly engaged in the wars between the United States and In¬ 
 dians from 1789 to 1795, during which the bloody campaigns of 
 Harmar, St. Clair, and Wayne, took place; and that he acted an 
 important part in the affair of the North-Western posts, so long re¬ 
 tained by Great Britain after the treaty of peace. This discovery 
 compelled the writer to enter upon a new and altogether unexpected 
 field of research. Many difficulties were encountered in the compo¬ 
 sition of this branch of the work, arising from various causes and 
 circumstances. The conflicting relations of the United States, the 
 Indians, and the Canadians, together with the peculiar and sometimes 
 apparently equivocal position in which the Mohawk chief—the subject 
 of the biography—stood in regard to them all ; the more than di¬ 
 plomatic caution with which the British officers managed the double 
 game which it suited their policy to play so long ; the broken cha¬ 
 racter of the written materials obtained by the author; and the ne¬ 
 cessity of supplying many links in the chain of events from circum¬ 
 stantial evidence and the unwritten records of Indian diplomacy ; 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 XXV 
 
 all combined to render the matters to be elucidated, exceedingly 
 complicated, intricate, and difficult of clear explanation. But tan¬ 
 gled as was the web, the author has endeavoured to unravel the 
 materials, and weave them into a narrative of consistency and truth. 
 The result of these labours is embodied in the second part of the 
 present work ; and unless the author has over-estimated both the in¬ 
 terest and the importance of this portion of American history, the 
 contribution now made will be most acceptable to the reader. 
 
 In addition to the matters here indicated, a pretty full account of 
 the life of Brant, after the close of the Indian wars, is given, by no 
 means barren either of incident or anecdote; and the whole is con¬ 
 cluded by some interesting particulars respecting the family of the 
 chief, giving their personal history down to the present day. 
 
 It may possibly be objected by some—those especially who are apt 
 to form opinions without much reflection—that the author has in¬ 
 dulged rather liberally, not only in the use of public speeches and 
 documents, but also in the tianscription of private letters. To this 
 he would reply, that in his view, his course in that respect adds es¬ 
 sentially to the value of the work; and had it not been for the un¬ 
 expected size to which the volumeshaveattained, those quotations 
 would have been made with still greater freedom. For instance, in 
 regard to the interesting proceedings at the last Grand Council of 
 the Six Nations held in Albany, it was the original intention of the 
 author, long as they are, to insert them in the text; and so the mat¬ 
 ter was at first arranged. The ancient Council Fire of the Six Na¬ 
 tions was always kept burning at Onondaga, the central nation of 
 the confederacy. But from the time of the alliance between the Six 
 Nations and the English, the fires of the united councils of the two 
 powers were kindled at Albany. There, according to the Indian 
 figure of speech, the big tree was planted, to which the chain of 
 friendship was made fast. But with the close of the Great Council 
 held there in the summer of 1775, that fire, which had so long been 
 burning, was extinguished. It was the last Indian congress ever 
 held at the ancient Dutch capital. It took place at a most import¬ 
 ant crisis, and its proceedings were both of an important and an 
 interesting character. Nor, until now, have those proceedings ever 
 been published entire. Indeed, it is believed that no part of them 
 was ever in print, until very recently a portion of the manuscript 
 was discovered, and inserted in that invaluable collection, the papers 
 of the Massachusetts Historical Society. That manuscript, however, 
 was very defective and incomplete, and chance alone has enabled 
 the author to supply the deficiency. It happened, during one of his 
 
 4 
 
XXVI 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 visits to the office of the Secretary of State last year, in search of 
 documents, that he discovered, among some ancient, loose, and ne¬ 
 glected papers, several sheets of Indian treaty proceedings, which 
 were of themselves very imperfect. Supposing, however, that they 
 might possibly be of use at some time, he caused them to be tran¬ 
 scribed. Most luckily, on examining them in connexion with the 
 publication of the Massachusetts collection, they were found exactly 
 to supply the deficiencies of the latter. The result is, that the pa¬ 
 pers appear now for the first time entire ; a portion of them, how¬ 
 ever, from their great length, having been transferred to the Appen¬ 
 dix. 
 
 In regard to the use of speeches and letters, moreover, the author, 
 after much consideration, has adopted the plan, as far as possible, of 
 allowing the actors in the scenes described to tell their own stories. 
 This is a method of historical, and especially of biographical, writing, 
 which is coming more into favour than formerly. Marshall adopts it 
 to a considerable extent, and very effectively, in the Life of Washing¬ 
 ton. The instructive and admirable life of that noblest of England’s 
 naval warriors, Lord Collingwood, was constructed upon this plan. 
 So, also, with Moore’s Life of Byron. Taylor’s Life of Cowper, one of 
 the most useful as well as interesting lives that have been written of 
 that most melancholy and yet most delightful of English bards, is com¬ 
 posed almost entirely from the poet’s own correspondence. Lock¬ 
 hart’s captivating Memoirs of the peerless Scott, now in course of 
 publication, have been constructed upon the basis of the mighty 
 minstrel’s own letters. And it is upon the same principle that the 
 author has quoted so largely from the letters and speeches of Joseph 
 Brant, and several of his distinguished correspondents ; among whom, 
 the reader who has only heard of “ the monster Brant” as a savage 
 once leading the Mohawks abroad upon scalping parties, will proba¬ 
 bly be surprised to learn, were numbered many gentlemen of rank 
 and standing in Church and State, both in England and America. 
 
 An able English writer * has recently opened a very interesting 
 discussion, upon the great advantages of thus using letters and ma¬ 
 nuscripts in the composition of history. Speaking of the maxim that 
 “ history is philosophy teaching by example,” he remarks :—“ In 
 morals, all depends upon circumstances. An example, whether real 
 or fictitious, can teach us nothing, if it contains only dry facts. 
 The mischief of a great many histories, and those of no mean ac¬ 
 count, is, that they are quite contented with giving an agreeable 
 
 * London Quarterly Review, No. cxvi.—Art. on Upcott’s Collection of Original 
 Letters, Manuscripts, and State Papers. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 XXV11 
 
 narration of naked facts, from which we can gather nothing beyond 
 the facts themselves. To the chronicler, the murder of Thomas A’ 
 Becket is the murder of Becket, and it is nothing more. To what 
 quarter, then, are we to look for the magic by which we may make 
 the dry bones live again ? We answer, unhesitatingly, to the letters 
 of the day, if there be any. We say so, not because they will con¬ 
 tain any elaborate description of the feelings, or expose of the views, 
 of the age to which they belong, but because they must be written, 
 to a great extent, in the spirit of the age in which their writers lived. 
 The events of the day—the writers’ feelings toward their neighbours, 
 and their neighbours’ feelings toward them—their comments on the 
 ordinary course of things around them ; these are precious records 
 for all who wish to study mankind and morals in history ; for these 
 things, and these alone, can enable us fully to appreciate the tem¬ 
 per and spirit in which the acts commemorated in history were done. 
 * * * * It is very true that some historians profess to use letters, 
 and that some have actually used them in a small degree; but, con¬ 
 sidering their great value, they have never been used as they de¬ 
 served ; and, in very many cases, their existence seems to be hardly 
 known to historians themselves.” It is in accordance with these 
 views, that letters and speeches have been so copiously used in the 
 present work; although it is not supposed that the correspondence 
 of a burly chieftain of the forest, or the bluff partisan officers of a 
 wilderness border, can in any respect be compared with Cowper’s 
 polished models of epistolary writing, or with those of Scott or 
 Byron, or those of Lady Mary Wortley Montague, of Peter of Blois 
 or John of Salisbury. They are nevertheless valuable in themselves, 
 both as historical records and as illustrations of character. Of 
 the speeches, and sketches of speeches, embodied in this work, to¬ 
 gether with the narratives given of the occasions which called them 
 forth, it may be added that they are all memorials of a people,—once 
 a noble race—numerous and powerful—now fast disappearing from 
 the face of the earth—a beautiful portion of the earth—once their 
 own ! These memorials it was one of the chief purposes of the au¬ 
 thor to gather up and preserve. 
 
 The plan of the work, especially of the first and larger portion of 
 it, may perhaps in some respects disappoint the reader, though, it is 
 hoped, not unfavourably. It has been the object of the author to ren¬ 
 der it not only a local, but, to a certain extent, a brief general his¬ 
 tory of the War of the Revolution. Thus, while it is a particular 
 history, ample in its details, of the belligerent events occurring at 
 the west of Albany, the author has from time to time introduced 
 
xxvm 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 brief sketches of contemporaneous events occurring in other parts of 
 the country. By this means, bird’s-eye glimpses have been present¬ 
 ed, for the most part in the proper order of time, of all the principal 
 military operations of the whole contest. In order, moreover, to 
 the better understanding of the incipient revolutionary movements 
 in the Mohawk country, (then Tryon County,) a rapid view is given 
 of the same description of movements elsewhere. The proceedings 
 of that county were, of course, connected with, and dependent upon, 
 those of New England, especially ofBoston—the head, and heart, and 
 soul of the rebellion, in its origin and its earlier stages. Hence a 
 summary review of the measures directly, though by degrees, lead¬ 
 ing to the revolt of the Colonies, has not been deemed out of place, 
 in its proper chronological position. And as all the Indian history 
 of the Revolutionary war at the north, the west, and the south, has 
 been written out in full, by the incidental sketches of other events 
 and campaigns marking the contest, the work may be considered in 
 the three-fold view of local, general, and biographical; the whole 
 somewhat relieved, from time to time, if not enlivened, by individual 
 narratives—tales of captivity and suffering—of daring adventures 
 and bold exploits. 
 
 Several weeks after the preceding pages had been stereotyped, 
 but before any considerable progress had been made in printing the 
 body of the work, the author was so fortunate as to obtain a large 
 accession of valuable materials from General Peter Gansevoort, 
 of Albany, embracing the extensive correspondence of his father, 
 the late General Gansevoort, better known in history as “ the hero 
 of Fort Stanwix.” These papers, embracing those captured by him 
 from the British General St. Leger, have been found of great im¬ 
 portance in the progress of the work, and will add materially to its 
 completeness and its value. 
 
 A few words respecting the embellishments of these volumes. The 
 frontispiece of each volume presents an elegantly engraved portrait 
 of the brave and wary Mohawk, who forms the principal biographi¬ 
 cal figure of the work, taken at different periods of his life. The 
 Chief sat for his picture several times in England; once, at the re¬ 
 quest of Boswell, in 1776, but to what artist is not mentioned. 
 He likewise sat, during the same visit, to the celebrated portrait and 
 historical painter, George Romney, for the Earl of Warwick. He 
 was again painted in England, in 1786, for the Duke of Northumber¬ 
 land ; and'a fourth time, during the same visit, in order to present 
 his likeness in miniature to his eldest daughter. His last sitting 
 was to the late Mr. Ezra Ames of Albany, at the request of the 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 xxix 
 
 late John Caldwell, Esq. of that city. This was about the year 
 1805, and the likeness is pronounced the best ever taken of Captain 
 Brant. The author’s valued friend Catlin has made a very faith¬ 
 ful copy of this portrait, which has been beautifully engraved by 
 Mr. A. Dick, a well-known and skilful artist of New-York. 
 This picture, as latest in the order of time, will be found at the head 
 of the second volume. The inscription of this plate is a fac 
 simile of the old chief’s signature, from a letter written by him to 
 the Duke of Northumberland not long before his death. The au 
 thor has another picture of the elder Brant, of which he may be 
 pardoned for giving some account. Being at Catskill, in the Sum¬ 
 mer of 1833, the author discovered, in the possession of his friend, 
 Mr. Van Bergen, some odd volumes of the London Magazine of 
 1776, in one of which he accidentally found an engraving of Brant, 
 from the portrait taken for Boswell, in the gala costume of the 
 Chief as he appeared at Court. The countenance of this picture, 
 however, was dull, and comparatively unmeaning. On his visit to 
 Upper Canada, in September, 1836, the chieftain’s daughter, Mrs. 
 Kerr, showed him a head of her father in a gold locket, which was 
 full of character and energy—with an eye like the eagle’s. Having 
 procured this locket, and placed it, together with the engraving referred 
 to, in the hands of Mr. N. Rogers, that eminent artist has produced 
 a very spirited and beautiful picture, which was painted expressly 
 to be engraved for this work. Before it was placed in the hands of the 
 artist, however, Mr. Chapman, an artist of New-York, returning 
 from a visit to England, brought with him a superb print of Brant, 
 taken from the Earl of Warwick’s picture by Romney. As this print 
 not only presents more of the figure of the chief than either of the 
 others, and possesses withal more character and spirit, it has been 
 adopted for the work in lieu of that painted by Mr. Rogers. The 
 engraving has also been well executed by Dick, and stands in 
 front of the first volume. The picture by C’atlin is the war-chief of 
 the forest in the full maturity of years. The other is the Indian cour¬ 
 tier in London. This first volume also contains a finely engraved 
 portrait of General Gansevoort, by Prudhomme, from a portrait by 
 Stuart. It is a fine specimen of the gentleman of the Revolutiona¬ 
 ry era. 
 
 But these are not all the pictorial illustrations. In the completion 
 of the life of Brant, it has been deemed proper to add some account 
 of his family subsequent to his decease. The law of official inherit, 
 ance among the Six Nations will be found peculiar to that people, 
 the descent being through the female line. Joseph Brant was him- 
 
XXX 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 self the principal War-chief of the Six Nations ; and his third wife, 
 who at his decease was left a young widow, was, in her own right, 
 the representative of the sovereignty of the Confederacy, in whom 
 alone was vested the power of naming, from among her own children, 
 or, in default of a child of her own, from the next of kin, a principal 
 civil and military chief. On the death of her husband, therefore, 
 she selected as his successor her youngest son, John Brant, then a 
 lad of seven years old. He grew up a noble fellow, both in courage 
 and character, as the reader will ascertain before he closes the se¬ 
 cond volume. During the author’s visit to the Brant House in 
 Upper Canada, he saw a portrait of the young chief, then recently 
 deceased, which, though painted by a country artist, and, as a whole, 
 a. very bad picture, was nevertheless pronounced by Mr. and Mrs. 
 Kerr to be very correct, so far as the figure and likeness were con¬ 
 cerned. Obtaining this portrait from Canada last Autumn, it was 
 placed in the hands of Mr. Hoxie, who has produced the excellent 
 picture which has been well engraved by Mr. Parker, and will be 
 found in the second volume. As the young chief went first upon 
 the war-path in the Niagara campaigns of 1812—15, the idea of 
 embodying a section of the great cataract in the back-ground of the 
 picture was exceedingly appropriate. 
 
 As the name of the celebrated Red Jacket appears frequently in 
 the second volume, a likeness of him has been added, from a paint¬ 
 ing by Weir, beautifully engraved by Hatch. In addition to all 
 which is the finely engraved title-page, designed, engraved, and 
 presented to the author, by his estimable friend Mr. A. Rawdon. 
 
 In addition to these illustrations, another has been added, the 
 character of which is striking and its history curious. It is the 
 sketch of a scene at a conference with the Indians at Buffalo Creek, 
 in the year 1793, held by Beverley Randolph, General Benjamin 
 Lincoln, and Colonel Timothy Pickering, in the presence of a num¬ 
 ber of the British officers then stationed upon that frontier. Messrs. 
 Randolph, Lincoln, and Pickering w r ere on a pacific mission, ac¬ 
 companied, at the request of the Indians, by a number of Quakers. 
 The sketch of that conference was drawn by a British officer, Col. 
 Pilkington, and taken to Europe. In 1819 it was presented to an 
 American gentleman of the name of Henry, at Gibraltar, and by 
 him given to the Massachusetts Historical Society. The sketch 
 is drawn with the taste and science of a master of the art; the 
 grouping is fine, and the likenesses are excellent. As the history of 
 the mission of those gentleman forms an interesting chapter in the 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 XXXI 
 
 present work, this sketch has been deemed an appropriate accompa 
 niment. 
 
 In addition to the acknowledgments already made in the preced¬ 
 ing pages, the author is under obligations, to a greater or less ex¬ 
 tent, to many other individuals, for hints, suggestions, and the col¬ 
 lection of materials. Among these he takes pleasure in naming the 
 Hon. Lewis Cass, late Secretary of War, and now Envoy Extraor 
 dinary and Minister Plenipotentiary near the Court of St. Cloud ; 
 General Dix, Secretary of the State of New-York, and Mr. Archi¬ 
 bald Campbell, his deputy; General Morgan Lewis; Major 
 J.ames Cochran, of Oswego, and also his Lady, who was the young¬ 
 est daughter of General Schuyler; Major William Popiiam, who 
 was an aid-de-camp to General James Clinton ; Samuel S. Lush, 
 Esq., and S. De Witt Bloodgood, Esq. of Albany; James D. Be- 
 mis, Esq. of Canandaigua; Lauren Eord and George H. Feeter, 
 Esquires, of Little Falls; Giles F. Yates, Esq. of Schenectady; 
 William Forsyth, Esq. of Quebec; and the Rev. Mr. Lape, 
 formerly of Johnstown, and now of Athens, N. Y. 
 
 With these preliminary explanations, the work is committed to the 
 public, in the belief that, although it might, of course, have been 
 better executed by an abler hand with a mind less distracted by 
 other pressing and important duties, it will, nevertheless, be found a 
 substantial addition to the stock of American history. 
 
 WILLIAM L. STONE. 
 
 New-York, March, 1838. 
 

 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 - 
 
 ' 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 • 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
LIFE OF BRANT. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 - 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ' 
 
 
 
 
 ■ i: ... ■ : J 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 & 
 
 
 
 
 
 
LIFE 
 
 OF 
 
 JOSEPH BRANT—THAYENDANEGEA, &c. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Birth and parentage—Discussion of the doubts cast upon his origin—Visit of Mo¬ 
 hawk chiefs to Queen Anne—Evidence of Brant’s descent from one of those— 
 Digression from the main subject, and Extracts from the private and official jour¬ 
 nals of Sir William Johnson—Connexion between Sir William and the family of 
 Brant—Incidental references to the old French war—Illustrations of Indian pro¬ 
 ceedings, speeches, &c.—Brant’s parentage satisfactorily established—Takes 
 the field in the Campaign of Lake George (1755.)—Is engaged at the conquest 
 of Niagara (1759.)—Efforts of Sir William Johnson to civilize the Indians—Brant 
 is sent, with other Indian youths, to the Moor Charity School, at Lebanon—Leaves 
 school—Anecdote—Is engaged on public business by Sir William—As an Inter¬ 
 preter for the Missionaries—Again takes the field, in the wars against Pontiac— 
 Intended massacre at Detroit—Ultimate overthrow of Pontiac—First marriage of 
 Brant—Entertains the Missionaries—Again employed on public business—Death 
 of his wife—Engages with Mr. Stewart in translating the Scriptures—Marries 
 again—Has serious religious impressions—Selects a bosom friend and confidant, 
 after the Indian custom—Death of his friend—His grief, and refusal to choose 
 another friend. 
 
 The birth and parentage of Joseph Brant, or, more cor¬ 
 rectly, of Thayendanegea —for such was his real name—have 
 been involved in uncertainty, by the conflicting accounts that 
 have been published concerning him. The Indians have no 
 herald’s college in which the lineage of their great men can be 
 traced, or parish registers of marriages and births, by which a 
 son can ascertain his paternity. Ancestral glory and shame 
 are therefore only reflected darkly through the dim twilight of 
 tradition. By some authors, Thayendanegea has been called 
 a half-breed. By others he has been pronounced a Shawanese 
 by parentage, and only a Mohawk by adoption. Some histo¬ 
 rians have spoken of him as a son of Sir William Johnson ; * 
 
 * Several authors have suggested that Brant was the son of the Baronet. Drake, 
 in his useful compilation, “The Book of the Indians,” states that he had been so 
 informed by no less an authority than Jared Sparks. Drake himself calls him aq 
 Onondaga of the Mohawk Tribe! 
 
2 LIFE OF BRANT. [1742 
 
 while others again have allowed him the honour of Mohawk 
 blood, but denied that he was descended from a chief. 
 
 Nearly twenty years ago, a brief account of the life and cha¬ 
 racter of this remarkable man was published in the Christian 
 Recorder, at Kingston, in the province of Upper Canada. In 
 that memoir it was stated that Thayendanegea was born on the 
 banks of the Ohio, whither his parents had emigrated from the 
 valley of the Mohawk, and where they are said to have 
 sojourned several years. “ His mother at length returned with 
 “ two children—Mary, who lived with Sir William Johnson, and 
 “ Joseph, the subject of this memoir. Nothing was known of 
 “ Brant’s father among the Mohawks. Soon after the return of 
 “ this family to Canajoharie, the mother married a respectable 
 “Indian called Carrihogo, or News-Carrier, whose Christian 
 “ name was Barnet or Bernard ; but, by way of contraction, he 
 “ went by the name of Brant.” Hence it is argued that the lad, 
 who was in future to become not only a distinguished war-chief, 
 but a statesman, and the associate of the chivalry and nobility 
 of England, having thus been introduced into the family of that 
 name, was first known by the distinctive appellation of 
 “ Brants Joseph ,” and in process of time, by inversion, “ Jo¬ 
 seph Brant.” * 
 
 There is an approximation to the truth in this relation, and 
 it is in part sustained by the existing family tradition. The 
 facts are these : the Six Nations had carried their arms far to 
 the west and south, and the whole country south of the lakes 
 was claimed by them, to a certain extent of supervisory juris, 
 diction, by the right of conquest. To the Ohio and Sandusky 
 country they asserted a stronger and more peremptory claim, 
 extending to the right of soil—at least on the lake shore as far 
 as Presque Isle. From their associations in that country, it 
 had become usual among the Six Nations, especially the Mo¬ 
 hawks, to make temporary removals to the west during the 
 hunting seasons, and one or more of those families would fre- 
 
 * Christian Register, 1819, Vol. I. No. 3, published at Kingston, (U. C.) and 
 edited by the Rev. Doctor, now the Honourable and Venerable Archdeacon Strachan, 
 of Toronto. The sketches referred to were written by Dr. Strachan, upon infor¬ 
 mation received by him many years before, from the Rev. Dr. Stewart, formerly a 
 missionary in the Mohawk Valley, and father of the present Archdeacon Stewart 
 of Kingston. 
 
BIRTH AND PARENTAGE. 
 
 3 
 
 1742 .] 
 
 quently remain abroad, among the Miamis, the Hurons, and 
 Wyandots, for a longer or shorter period, as they chose. One 
 of the consequences of this intercommunication, was the nu¬ 
 merous family alliances existing between the Six Nations and 
 others at the west—the Wyandots, in particular. 
 
 It was while his parents were abroad upon one of those 
 hunting excursions, that Thayendanegea was born, in the year 
 1742, on the banks of the Ohio. The home of his family was 
 at the Canajoharie Castle—the central of the three Castles of 
 the Mohawks, in their native valley. His father’s name was 
 Tehowaghwengaraghkwin, a full-blooded Mohawk of the Wolf 
 Tribe.* Thayendanegea was very young when his father 
 died. His mother married a second time to a Mohawk; and 
 the family tradition at present, is, that the name of Brant was 
 acquired in the manner assumed by the publication already 
 cited. There is reason to doubt the accuracy of this tradition, 
 however, since it is believed that there was an Indian family, 
 of some consequence and extent, bearing the English name of 
 Brant. Indeed, from the extracts presently to be introduced 
 from the recently discovered manuscripts of Sir William John¬ 
 son. it may be questioned whether Tehowaghwengaraghkwin, 
 and an old chief, called by Sir William sometimes Brant, and 
 at others Nickus Brant, were not one and the same person. 
 
 The denial that he was a born chief, is likewise believed to 
 be incorrect. It is very true, that among the Six Nations, 
 chieftainship was not necessarily obtained by inheritance. But 
 in regard to Thayendanegea, there is no doubt that he was of 
 noble blood. The London Magazine for July, 1776, contains 
 a sketch of him, probably furnished by Boswell, with whom he 
 was intimate during his first visit to England in 1775—’76. 
 In that account it is affirmed as a fact without question, that 
 he was the grandson of one of the five sachems who visited 
 England, and excited so much attention in the British capital, 
 in 1710, during the reign of Q,ueen Anne. Of those chiefs, 
 two were of the Muhhekaneew, or River Indians, and three 
 
 + Each of the original Five Nations was divided into three tribes—the Tortoise, 
 the Bear, and the Wolf. The subject of the present memoir was of the latter. Ac¬ 
 cording to David Cusick, a Tuscarora, who has written a tract respecting the history 
 of the ancient Five Nations, the laws of the confederation requii- d that the Ononda- 
 gas should provide the King, and the Mohawks a great War-Chief. 
 
4 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1742 . 
 
 were Mohawks—one of whom was chief of the Canajoharie 
 clan.* Thayendanegea was of the latter clan ; and as there is 
 reason to believe that his father was a sachem, there can be 
 little doubt of the correctness of the London publication, in 
 claiming for him direct descent from the Canajoharie chief who 
 visited the British court at the time above mentioned. But 
 there is other evidence to sustain the assumption. In the Life 
 of the first President Wheelock, by the Rev. Messrs. M'Clure 
 and Parish, it is asserted that the father of Joseph Brant “ was 
 “ sachem of the Mohawks, after the death of the famous King 
 “ Hendrick.” The intimacy for a long time existing between 
 the family of Brant and the Wheelocks, father and sons, ren¬ 
 ders this authority, in the absence of unwritten testimony still 
 more authentic, very good ; and as Hendrick fell in 1755, when 
 Thayendanegea was thirteen years of age, the tradition of the 
 earljr death of his father, and his consequent assumption of a 
 new name, is essentially weakened. Mrs. Grant, of Laggan, 
 who in early life was a resident of Albany, and intimately ac¬ 
 quainted with the domestic relations of Sir William Johnson, 
 speaks of the sister of young Thayendanegea, who was inti¬ 
 mately associated in the family of the Baronet, as “ the daugh¬ 
 ter of a sachem.” t 
 
 In the manuscript diary of Sir William Johnson, just referred 
 to, and of which more particular mention has been made in the 
 Introduction, the Baronet often had occasion to speak of Brant, 
 of Canajoharie. Sometimes he was called “ Nickus Brant,” 
 
 * These five sachems, or Indian kings, as they were called, were taken to Eng¬ 
 land by Colonel Schuyler. Their arrival in London created a great sensation, not 
 only in the capital, but throughout the kingdom. The populace followed them 
 wherever they went. The Court, was at that time in mourning for the death of the 
 Prince of Denmark, and the chiefs were dressed in black under-clothes, after the En¬ 
 glish manner; but, instead of a blanket, they had each a scarlet-ingrain cloth man¬ 
 tle, edged with gold, thrown over all their other clothes. This dress was directed by 
 the dressers of the play-house, and given by the Clueen. A more than ordinary so¬ 
 lemnity attended the audience they had of her Majesty. They were conducted to 
 St. James’s in two coaches by Sir Charles Cotterel, and introduced to the royal pre¬ 
 sence by the Duke of Shrewsbury, then Lord Chamberlain. [Smith’s History.] 
 Oldmixon has preserved the speech delivered by them on the occasion, and several 
 historians record the visit. Sir Richard Steele mentions these chiefs in the Tatler of 
 May 13, 1710. They were also made the subject of a number of the Spectator, by 
 Addison. 
 
 f “Memoirs of an American Lady,” chap, xxxix. 
 
sir av. Johnson’s diary. 
 
 5 
 
 1742.] 
 
 and at others Aroghyadagha —but most frequently “ Old 
 Nickus,” or “ Old Brant.” As these private journals of Sir 
 William have never seen the light, and are curious in them¬ 
 selves, a few extracts will probably not be unacceptable to the 
 reader—serving, as they will, not only to illustrate the present 
 history, but also the character of the intercourse and relations 
 existing between the English and the Indians, under the ad¬ 
 ministration of the Indian department by that distinguished 
 officer. A more just idea of the character and importance of 
 the chieftain’s family, may likewise be derived from a perusal 
 of the extracts proposed to be given, exhibiting, as they do, 
 something of the intercourse maintained between the families 
 of the white and the red warriors. 
 
 It must be borne in mind, that the diary to which we are 
 referring, was written in the years 1757, ’58, and ’59—in the 
 midst of the old French war, ending by the conquest of Canada, 
 in 1763. An expedition against that colony, under the con¬ 
 duct of Lord Loudoun, projected early in the former year, had 
 been abandoned in consequence of his Lordship’s inability to 
 bring a sufficient number of troops into the field, to meet the 
 heavy reinforcements sent over that year from France. Mean¬ 
 time the Marquis de Montcalm, with an army of 9000 men, had 
 advanced through Lake George, and carried Fort William 
 Henry—the siege of which was followed by a frightful massa¬ 
 cre —and was then threatening Fort Edward and the settle¬ 
 ments on the Hudson ; while at the west, the French, with 
 their Indian allies, were continually threatening an invasion by 
 the way of Oswego ; and by their scouts and scalping parties, 
 were vexing the German settlements on the Upper Mohawk, 
 and continually harassing the Six Nations—or Iroquois—ever 
 the objects of French hostility. In this state of things, it 
 required the utmost activity on the part of Sir William John¬ 
 son, his officers and Indian allies, to keep themselves well in¬ 
 formed as to the actual or intended movements of their subtle 
 enemies. There was therefore constant employment, until the 
 close of the year, for Indian scouts and messengers, throughout 
 the whole wilderness country from Lake Champlain to Niagara, 
 and Fort Du Quesne, on the Ohio. With this explanation we 
 proceed to the diary : 
 
G LIFE OF BRANT. [1742. 
 
 “ 1757.— Nov. 4. Canadiorha, alias Nickus Brant’s son, who 
 was in quest after De Couagne as far as Oneida, came here 
 (Fort Johnson), and said he inquired what news was stirring 
 among: the Oneidas. One of the sachems told him the same 
 piece of news Ogaghte brought some days since, about the 
 French intending to stop the powder from the Six Nations,— 
 building a fort near Chennessio, &c.—that it made a great 
 noise among the nations, and gave them uneasiness ; where¬ 
 fore they were assembling often at Chennessio, and keeping 
 (holding) often great councils among themselves how to act in 
 this alfair of last moment. He further was told at Oneida, that 
 but two days ago the Six Nations received a message from the 
 Twightwees (Miamies), letting their brethren of the Six Nations 
 know that they had heard of the insolent attempt of the French, 
 of destroying the Six Nations; and that after the many provo¬ 
 cations the French gave them, in stirring them up to war 
 against the English, &c. they were now resolved to turn the 
 hatchet against the French, and resolved to pass the Six Na¬ 
 tions’ country in their way to war. They expected not to be 
 delayed, but to be immediately joined by the warriors of the 
 Six Nations, and to proceed toward Canada. He also said he 
 heard the foreign (distant) nations complain very much for 
 want of trade with the English ; and Tahaddy, a Chenundidie 
 chief, said that he was stopped by the French to sell his fur at 
 Cataraghqui, and that he got not the half quantity of goods 
 that he could (have) got from the English, and that he intended 
 to keep his furs for the future, and in the Spring to go with 
 them to Albany, and at the same time to intercede with Sir 
 William in behalf of all the western nations, to grant them a 
 trade again—and further Canadiorha said not.” 
 
 In the next extract it will be seen that Sir William speaks of 
 Brant as a “ sachem.” Of course it could be none other than 
 the elder, or “ Old Brant,” at the time; as Joseph was not 
 then more than sixteen years old. 
 
 it 1758 —April 15th. Sir William set out for Canajoharie, 
 and took with him Captains Johnson,* Fonda, and Jacobus 
 
 * Guy Johnson, his son-in-law. 
 
1742.] sir wm. Johnson’s diary* ? 
 
 Clement, in order to settle some matters with the Indians of 
 that castle. He arrived that night.* 
 
 “ April 1 6th. He delivered a string of wampum to Brant 
 and Paulus, two sachems, desiring them to call all their people 
 out of the woods to attend a meeting he proposed the next day 
 with them, at which he should let them know General Aber¬ 
 crombie’s pleasure, and his own inclination and advice—also 
 what passed between him and the several nations, who of late 
 had had several meetings with him.” 
 
 Preparations were now making for a more formidable and 
 vigorous campaign, under General Abercrombie, who had suc¬ 
 ceeded Lord Loudoun. His object was an attack upon Ticon- 
 deroga, and, if successful, a descent upon Crown Point and 
 Montreal. The French in Canada were of course making 
 corresponding exertions to repel the expected invasion. With 
 a view of creating a diversion, by annoying the colony of New- 
 York from another quarter, they were said to be preparing to 
 invade the Mohawk Valley, by the way of Oswego and Fort 
 Stanwix. A party of their Indians had made a bold irruption, 
 toward the close of April, upon Burnetsfield, on the south side 
 of the Mohawk, and destroyed the entire settlement—massacre- 
 ing men, women, and children—thirty-three in number—being 
 the whole population save two persons. There had likewise 
 been outrages at the German Flatts, where several Indians had 
 been killed by the inhabitants. The militia were promptly 
 ordered into the field, to rendezvous at Canajoharie, whither Sir 
 William repaired on the 4th of May, to lead them against the 
 enemy—reported on the same day to be in force at the great 
 carrying place (Fort Stanwix.) 
 
 Meantime it was well known that the French had left no 
 means untried, to seduce the five westernmost tribes of the Six 
 Nations from their allegiance to the English. They had long 
 had their Jesuit priests among the Oneidas, Onondagas, &c ; 
 and a variety of circumstances had occurred to induce the Mo¬ 
 hawks to distrust their brethren of the other tribes. Under 
 these circumstances, Sir William received the invitation thus 
 noted in his diary :— 
 
 * This entry is not in the hand-writing of Sir William, but of a certain “ P. WA 
 who was his private secretary. 
 
 6 
 
8 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1742 . 
 
 “ April ktli. Sir William having had an invitation from 
 the Six Nations to attend a grand meeting to be held at Onon¬ 
 daga within a few days hence, where he intends to proceed, in 
 case the last alarm should prove groundless.” 
 
 The Baronet arrived at Canajoharie in the evening, and at¬ 
 tended a dance of the young warriors, having the scalp of one 
 of the hostile Indians engaged in the recent irruption, who had 
 been killed at the German Flatts. He is thus spoken of in the 
 diary—in the hand-writing of Sir William’s secretary. 
 
 “ The body of Otqueandageghte, an Onondaga warrior, who 
 lived for some years at ’Swegachy, and formerly a mate of Sir 
 William’s, was found. His name was engraved on the handle 
 (of his knife), and how often he had been to Avar, together with 
 this inscription — 1 Otqueandageghte le Camera de Jeanson .’ ” 
 
 Sir William was highly respected by the Six Nations, and 
 by the Mohawks in particular was greatly beloved. This af¬ 
 fection was not only manifested by their actions, but often in 
 their speeches, at their councils, and in their concern for his 
 welfare when sick, and for his safety when in the field.* Such 
 being their feelings toward the Baronet, they were reluctant, 
 under existing circumstances, to allow him to place himself in 
 the power of the Indians about to assemble at the Great Coun¬ 
 cil Fire at Onondaga. They were likewise apprehensive that 
 he might incur danger from some of the scalping parties of the 
 French. These explanations will render the following extracts 
 from the diary intelligible :— 
 
 “ May 5th. Sir William having no further accounts of the 
 enemy’s appearance, sent a scout of two Mohawks, two Cana- 
 joharies, and a white man, to go as far as Wood Creek and the 
 Oneida Lake, in order to obtain the certainty of the alarm. 
 
 * To this point, at the close of a council, Sir William says—“ When I drank to 
 them at parting, they in return drank my health, and thanked God I had recovered 
 my late illness. They then all said that it was happy I did not die then ; for, said 
 they, ‘ had you died, we and the English would get by the ears very soon, we see; 
 and we fear it will be the case when you die or leave us.’ ” Again, at another coun¬ 
 cil the chiefs commenced their speech:— 
 
 “Brother, We are extremely glad to see you so well recovered of your late very 
 dangerous illness, and thank the Great Spirit above for it. Had you been taken 
 away from us that time, our case would have been melancholy, and our situation 
 extremely precarious. It will be so, we fear, whenever we lose you.” 
 
 Diary, Jan. 14—19, 1758. 
 
sir wm. Johnson’s diary. 
 
 9 
 
 1742.] 
 
 About noon all the women of the chief men of this castle met 
 at Sir William’s lodging, and brought with them several of the 
 sachems, who acquainted Sir William that they had something 
 to say to him in the name of their chief women.” 
 
 “ Old Nickus (Brant) being appointed speaker, opened his dis¬ 
 course with condoling with Sir William for the losses his peo¬ 
 ple had sustained, and then proceeded :— 
 
 “Brother, we understand you intend to go to a meeting to 
 Onondaga; we can’t help speaking with this belt of wampum to 
 you, and giving our sentiments on your intended journey. 
 In the first place we think it quite contrary to the customs of 
 any Governors or Superintendent of Indian affairs being called 
 to Onondaga upon public business, as the council fire which 
 burns there serves only for private consultations of the con¬ 
 federacy ; and when matters are concluded and resolved upon 
 there, the confederacy are to set out for the great fire place 
 which is at your house, and there deliver their conclusion. 
 In the next place we are almost convinced that the invitation 
 is illegal, and not agreed upon or desired by the confederacy, 
 but only the Oneidas—which gives us the more reason to be 
 uneasy about your going, as it looks very suspicious. Did not 
 they tell you, when they invited you, the road of friendship was 
 clear, and every obstacle removed that was in before ? They 
 scarce uttered it, and the cruelties were committed at the Ger¬ 
 man Flatts, where the remainder of our poor brethren were 
 butchered by the enemy’s Indians. Is this a clear road of peace 
 and friendship 1 Would not you be obliged to wade all the 
 way in the blood of the poor innocent men, women, and chil¬ 
 dren who were murdered after being taken ? 
 
 “ Brother, by this belt of wampum, we, the women, sur¬ 
 round and hang about you like little children, who are crying 
 at their parents’ going from them, for fear of their never return¬ 
 ing again to give them suck ; and we earnestly beg you will 
 give ear to our request, and desist from your journey. We flat¬ 
 ter ourselves you will look upon this our speech, and take the 
 same notice of it as all our men do, who, when they are ad¬ 
 dressed by the women, and desired to desist from any rash en¬ 
 terprise, they immediately give way. when, before, every body 
 else tried to dissuade them from it, and could not prevail.” 
 
 Gave the Bell. 
 
10 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1742 . 
 
 “ Canajoharie , May 7th. This afternoon Sir William had 
 a meeting with the chief women of this castle, and returned 
 them thanks for their condolence of the 5th instant. At the 
 same time he condoled with them for the loss of one of the tribe 
 of the Bear, that belonged to the chief of that tribe, with a 
 stroud blanket, a shirt, and stockings.” 
 
 A string of Wampum. 
 
 “ Sir William told them that he would answer their speech 
 concerning his journey, when the messengers who had gone 
 to Oneida came back. He also made private presents to a few 
 of the head women of each tribe, with a blanket and shirt 
 each.” 
 
 “ May 1( ')th. This afternoon Sir William returned his an¬ 
 swer to the speech of the chief women of this castle, made to 
 him on the 5th instant, which is as follows :— 
 
 “Dyattego, your tender and affectionate speech, made some 
 days ago, I have considered, and thereupon have dispatched 
 messengers to Oneida, in order to inquire how things stand 
 there after what happened at the German Flatts, and whether 
 my presence at the meeting would be still necessary. These 
 messengers are returned, and I find by them that the sachems 
 of Oneida likewise disapprove my proceeding any farther, for 
 sundry reasons they give in their reply. Wherefore I shall 
 comply with your request to return, and heartily thank you for 
 the great tenderness and love expressed forme in your speech.” 
 
 Returned their Belt. 
 
 The next entry in which the name of Nickus Brant occurs, 
 is under date of November 18th, 1758—in which he is called 
 the chief sachem of Canajoharie. He must also have been a 
 man of trust and consequence, as he had then just returned 
 from an important mission to a great Indian council in Penn¬ 
 sylvania. 
 
 Fort Johnson , Nov. 18, 1758. Nickus, chief sachem of Ca¬ 
 najoharie, arrived from the meeting at Easton, and in the pre¬ 
 sence of the Belt, a Seneca chief, several more of said nation, 
 the Red Head, and some more Onondagoes, showed me all the 
 belts which passed between the Governors of Pennsylvania, 
 New Jersey, and the several nations of Indians there assembled, 
 with the purport of them, which I need not insert here.” 
 
 An important land negotiation had taken place at the coun- 
 
sir wm. Johnson’s diary. 
 
 11 
 
 1742 .] 
 
 cil at Easton, by which the agents of Penn had agreed to re¬ 
 lease to the Six Nations, certain territories purchased of them 
 at Albany in 1754—but which sale gave dissatisfaction to the 
 tribes. Nickus desired Sir William to communicate this infor¬ 
 mation to the Indians, on their return from hunting; and Sir 
 William enjoined it upon Nickus to put an end to the irregu¬ 
 larities of his tribe, and the mischief they were doing to the 
 properly; as u such barbarism must be productive of very fatal 
 consequences.” 
 
 The Diary says :—“ He told me it was with the utmost con¬ 
 cern he had heard what I had told him, and assured me he 
 would endeavour all in his power to restrain them, and try to 
 bring them to proper order ; but doubted of success while there 
 was such a flood of rum in the country, which alone occa¬ 
 sioned them to commit such irregularities, and which, if not 
 prevented, must inevitably destroy them all in a little time.”* 
 
 On the 18th of January, 1759, Sir William held a conference 
 at Canajoharie Castle with the Mohawk and Seneca chiefs. 
 After condoling with them for their losses by sickness, with 
 three strings of wampum, and for their losses by the war with 
 a like number of strings, he addressed them as follows :— 
 
 “Brethren of the two Mohawk Castles and Sene¬ 
 cas : I take the first opportunity of acquainting you that His 
 Majesty has been pleased to appoint Lieutenant General Am¬ 
 herst, Commander in Chief of all his forces in North America, 
 in the room of Lieutenant General Abercrombie, who is called 
 home. Also that the General has, by letter, desired I would 
 use my utmost endeavours to get as great a number of our 
 brethren, the Six Nations, to join him early next Spring against 
 our common enemy, as I possibly can. This I shall endeavour 
 to do, and would be glad of your advice and assistance therein, 
 which by this belt of wampum I desire you, as our steady 
 friends, will afford me. A Belt. 
 
 “ Brethren : As you are all acquainted with the late cruel 
 and unprecedented murder of John M’Michael, one of our peo- 
 
 * The introduction and pernicious effects of ardent spirits among the Indians were 
 a frequent subject of complaint, even at that early day, of which Sir William’s 
 memoranda, and the records of Indian speeches to him, afford repeated proofs. 
 
12 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1742 . 
 
 pie, by a Cayouga* Indian near Fort Stanwix, whom he em¬ 
 ployed to escort him to Fort Herkimer, I shall not repeat the 
 disagreeable circumstances to you, as I am sensible it affects 
 you as well as me. I would now only ask your opinion what 
 are the proper steps to be taken in the affair, as it will always 
 have great weight with me. , Three /Strings . 
 
 “ Brethren : I lately received these strings of wampum 
 from the Oneidas by Captain Fonda, by which they say I am 
 invited to a meeting proposed to be held soon at Onondaga, 
 where you are also desired to attend. I am ready and willing 
 to go if you think it will be for the good of the service. At 
 the same time I must observe to you, that I think it an unpre¬ 
 cedented manner of inviting either you or me, without some 
 of the Onondagas coming down with it as usual. I neverthe¬ 
 less submit to your judgment, as being better acquainted with 
 their forms, and expect you will give it me, as well as your 
 opinion of the proper steps for me to take, in order to get what 
 prisoners of ours may be among the nations.” 
 
 Three /Strings. 
 
 “ Do. Die. Tarrawarriax, and another Seneca sachem, came 
 to Sir William, at Brant's house , and told him, &c. 
 
 “ January 19. The sachems, &c. being met at their coun¬ 
 cil room, sent to acquaint Sir William that they were ready to 
 answer to what he the day before had laid before them. On 
 which he, with the same gentlemen who attended him yester¬ 
 day, went to the meeting, when Aroghyadecka, alias Old 
 Brant, chief of the Canajoharies, spoke as follows :— 
 
 “Brother WarraghiyageyI —We are much obliged to 
 you for giving us so timely notice of the General’s desire and 
 antentions, and we hope and wish that he may be ready to 
 take the field very early, which in our opinion is what should 
 always be done. You may depend upon our attachment and 
 assistance ; being determined, as we declared to you at the be¬ 
 ginning of this war, to stand or fall with you. And as you 
 desired our opinion with regard to the Six Nations, we have 
 considered of it, and think it best that you call their sachems, 
 
 * Always spelt thus by Sir William Johnson. 
 
 f The name which the Indians had conferred upon Sir William, and by which 
 he was almost invariably addressed. 
 
1742 .] 
 
 13 
 
 sir wm. Johnson’s diary. 
 
 chief warriors, and leading women, down to your house as soon 
 as may be, where we shall be ready to attend and assist you 
 all in our power. Returned the Belt. 
 
 “ Brother : The late murder of one of our brethren near 
 the carrying place, by one of the Upper nations in the French 
 interest, gives us great concern, and think he ought to be se¬ 
 verely punished for it. But as we hope the Six Nations may 
 now act a better part than they have hitherto, we would advise 
 you not to say any thing about it until they come to the meet¬ 
 ing at your house, and then we think the milder you speak to 
 them, the better, at this time. And this is our opinion. 
 
 Returned three Strings. 
 
 “ Brother : As for the strings of wampum lately sent by 
 the Oneidas, to invite you and us to a meeting at Onondaga, 
 we think with you that it was not according to our ancient and 
 usual custom, nor was it even a proper invitation. We are of 
 opinion that your inviting them all to your house is much bet¬ 
 ter and more in character. Wherefore we would be very glad 
 if you would give them an invitation, and at the same time to 
 send some strings of wampum, desiring they would bring what 
 prisoners of our brethren may be among them. 
 
 Three Strings of Wampum. 
 
 11 Brother : We return you our hearty thanks for the con¬ 
 fidence you repose in us, and be assured we shall ever study 
 to act so as to continue your good opinion of us. We are also 
 thankful to you for the good news you yesterday told us, and 
 we heartily congratulate you thereon, and hope further success 
 may attend the King’s arms.” 
 
 The course suggested by the chiefs was adopted by Sir 
 William, and messengers, with the usual significant belts, were 
 forthwith dispatched to the Cayugas and Onondagas. It was 
 attended by the best results, as appears from subsequent entries 
 in the Diary. Mr. M’Michael, who had been murdered by the re¬ 
 creant Cayuga, was a trader of note, and the peculiar atrocity of 
 his murder had created a deep feeling of indignation, for 
 which the circumstances of treachery and duplicity stated in 
 the official report from the commanding officer at Fort Stan- 
 wix to Sir William, were a full warrant. The Cayugas lost 
 no time in manifesting their sorrow and detestation of the 
 
LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 14 
 
 [1742. 
 
 crime, as will be seen from the following extract from the 
 Baronet’s journal: * 
 
 “ Fort Johnson , Feb. 5. Skanarady, Teughsaragarat, and 
 Ottawannio, three chiefs of the Cayuga nation, arrived here 
 with several more, and after being introduced by Clement, 
 the interpreter, began and said: 
 
 “Brother Warraghiyagey : The unhappy murder of 
 one of our brethren near the Oneida carrying place, is the oc¬ 
 casion of our coming down at this severe season of the year. 
 Our nation would not be at rest, nor easy, until they had spoke 
 to you about it. We now, in their behalf, wipe away the tears 
 from your eyes, so that you may look pleasant at us. We 
 likewise remove all obstructions, and clear your throat, so that 
 you may speak clear and friendly to us. Lastly, we wipe away 
 the blood of our brother, lately killed near the carrying place, 
 that the sight of it may no longer give us concern. 
 
 Three Strings of Wampum. 
 
 “ Sir William told them that he would be ready the next 
 morning to hear what they had further to say, and would desire 
 his neighbours, the Mohawks, to attend. 
 
 “ Wednesday , Feb. 6. About twenty Mohawks arrived. 
 The Cayugas being acquainted that Sir William was ready, 
 with the Mohawks and two Onondagoes, to hear them, they 
 entered the Council, and Skanarady spoke as follows: 
 
 “Brother Warraghiyagey: On our arrival yesterday 
 we wiped the tears from your eyes, and we now, agreeable to 
 the custom of our forefathers, take the French hatchet, (which 
 they gave to one of our foolish, deluded young men, giving 
 him great rewards, and making him large promises if he 
 would use it against our brethren the English,) out of your 
 head, and bury it in a deep pool, where it can never be found; 
 also, with this belt of wampum we assure you that it gives 
 our nation as much concern as it can you, and promise the great¬ 
 est care shall be taken to prevent the like happening for the 
 future. A Black and White Belt. 
 
 * The author is of course aware that this is a digression from his main subject; 
 but the incident is an interesting one, and the speech of the Cayugas worthy of 
 preservation for its simple pathos, and also as an illustration of Indian character. 
 Mr. M’Michael’s family are yet among the most respectable residents of Schenectady. 
 
sir wm. Johnson’s diary. 
 
 15 
 
 1742 .] 
 
 “ Brother : With this belt we cover his grave, that the 
 sight of it may no longer give you or us concern. 
 
 A White Belt. 
 
 “Brother: With these strings we raise up your head, 
 now hanging down with concern for the loss of one of our 
 brethren, and beg you will no longer keep sorrow in your mind. 
 
 Three Strings of Wampum. 
 
 11 Brother : Lastly, we most earnestly entreat that you 
 will not, for what has happened, neglect the management of 
 our affairs, as your neglect of them at any, but more particu¬ 
 larly at this, time, must render us unhappy, and throw the con¬ 
 federacy into confusion.” A Belt of Black and White. 
 
 To which Sir William replied :— 
 
 “ Brethren of Cayuga : I have heard what you have 
 by these belts said, and only now tell you that I shall defer en¬ 
 tering into the affair until the Five Nations are met, which I 
 expect will be soon, as I have invited them all here. Then you 
 and they will hear what I have to say on the subject, and your 
 belts shall be laid by safe until then.” 
 
 On the 11th of February, Sir William proceeded to Cana- 
 joharie, at which place he had invited a meeting of the chiefs 
 and warriors of the Mohawks. The occasion, and the pro¬ 
 ceedings, will be understood from the annexed extract:— 
 
 “ Monday , Feb. 12—8 at night. Being all assembled, Sir 
 William told them that the reason of his coming to their castle 
 was to get a number of their briskest men to join Captain 
 Lotteridge, and some of the Mohawks and Schoharies, on a 
 scout to Tienderago, * or Crown Point, in order to see what 
 the enemy was about, and get him a prisoner from whom he 
 might be able to get better intelligence than the General daily 
 receives, and which would enable the General to take proper 
 measures for the defence of the country until the opening of 
 the campaign,—and that they would be ready in two days to 
 set off for his house, where they would be supplied with every 
 thing necessary for such service.” 
 
 A painted War-Belt thrown between tnem. 
 
 No sooner was the belt cast among them, than Sonughsas, a 
 
 * Ticonderoga—always spelled thus by Sir William Johnson, 
 
16 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1742 . 
 
 chief of the Bear tribe, arose, took the belt in his hand, and 
 sang his war-song, and was followed by several more of each 
 tribe. Then Aroghigadecka, the chief sachem of the castle, 
 stood lip and said:— 
 
 “Brother Warraghiyagey: We, the sachems and 
 warriors of the Canajoharie castle immediately quit our hunt¬ 
 ing on your call, and made all the haste possible to meet you 
 here, where we are all heartily glad to see you ; and in answer 
 to your desire, without any hesitation, I am desired by the 
 young men present to tell you they will be ready to go with 
 Captain Lottendge, and the Mohawks, &c. on the service you 
 require, and we have no reason to doubt you will (in their ab¬ 
 sence) take care of their families, who are extremely poor and 
 in great want of provisions. Here returned the War-Belt. 
 
 “ Sir William thanked them for the readiness they showed on 
 the occasion, and told them he would give their families some 
 provisions in their absence, or money to purchase it, so that 
 they should not suffer. He then gave them an entertainment, 
 as usual on such occasions, and parted. He left that castle 
 Tuesday morning, and arrived at Fort Johnson that night.” 
 
 The next mention of the Brants contained in the broken 
 manuscripts of Sir William, is found in the private journal 
 kept by him of his tour to Detroit in 1761, after the surrender 
 of the Canadas. The duty then devolved upon Sir William 
 of meeting the upper Indians around the great Lakes, pre¬ 
 viously under the influence, and many of them in the service, 
 of the French, in Grand Council at Detroit,—to establish 
 friendly relations with them, and receive a transfer of that 
 quasi allegiance which the Indians have generally acknow¬ 
 ledged to the whites, French, English, or American. In addition 
 to his own immediate suite, among whom was his son, Lieute¬ 
 nant Johnson, (afterward Sir John,) he was attended on the 
 expedition by a detachment of troops, and a band of the Mohawk 
 warriors. While at Niagara,* Sir William notes : 
 
 “ Monday , August 10. Nickus,t of Canajoharie, an Indian, 
 
 * The author has already acknowledged his indebtedness to Archibald Johnson, 
 Esq., of Lower Canada, for the original of this very interesting journal, which it is 
 hoped wdl be of greater use in another work. 
 
 f Nickus Ilance—another name and a different person from Nickus Brant, of 
 
BIRTH AND PARENTAGE. 
 
 17 
 
 1742 .] 
 
 arrived here, and acquainted me that several of his castle had 
 died of malignant fever ; and that all Brant’s family were ill of 
 the same disorder, except the old woman. He also told me that 
 he had heard by the way from several Indians, that I was to be 
 destroyed or murdered on my way to Detroit; and that the In¬ 
 dians were certainly determined to rise and fall on the English, 
 as several thousands of the Ottaways and other nations had 
 agreed to join the Five Nations in this scheme or plot.” 
 
 It is needless, however, to multiply citations to the point im¬ 
 mediately in view. The object of those already made has been 
 to clear up the doubts, if possible, and establish the fact as to the 
 immediate ancestry of Thayendanegea, alias Joseph Brant; 
 while, it is believed, the incidental history necessarily involved in 
 these extracts has not been altogether devoid of interest. And 
 although the fact is nowhere positively asserted, yet there is 
 
 this Nickjhs, repeated mention is made in Sir William’s previous official diaries. 
 The following quotations are given as curious illustrations of Indian customs : 
 
 “ Fort Johnson, May 22,1757. Sir William spoke with Nickus Hance, alias 
 Taicarihogo, a Canajoharie chief, who came to see him, and told him, that as he was 
 much concerned for the loss of his (said Hance’s) mother, who lately died, that he 
 expected he would remove his concern by going to war, and bringing either a pri¬ 
 soner or a scalp to put in her room, or stead, as is usual among Indians. Upon this 
 Sir William gave him a very fine black belt to enforce his request. Taicarihogo 
 returned Sir William thanks for the concern he shared for the loss of his mother, 
 accepted the belt, and promised he would, on his return home, call his young men to¬ 
 gether, and lay Sir William’s belt and request before them.” [The giving of a belt 
 in this way, was a sort of commission to make up a scalping party against the 
 forces or the settlements of the enemy.— Author .] 
 
 Of a similar character is the following extract from the Diary: 
 
 “ Albany, May 18, 1758. Capt. Jacob Head, of a Company of Stockbridge In¬ 
 dians, brought to Sir William’s lodgings four French scalps, which his cousin, chief 
 of another company of said Indians, had taken from the enemy some few days be¬ 
 fore, and the aforesaid Jacob spoke as follows : 
 
 “ Brother Warraghayagey: This scalp (the one with a black belt tied to it paint¬ 
 ed) I desire may be delivered to my wife’s uncle, old Hickus, of Canajoharie, to re¬ 
 place her mother, who was his sister. 
 
 “ This scalp, (meaning another upon the same stick, with a bunch of black wampum 
 tied to it,) I send to the aforesaid man to replace Eusenia, who was Taraghyorie’s 
 wife. 
 
 “ This scalp, (meaning a scalp by itself on a stick, with a bunch of black wam¬ 
 pum,) my cousin, Captain Jacob, gives to replace old King Hendrick, of Canajoharie. 
 [Killed in 1755, at the battle of Lake George.— Author.] 
 
 “This scalp, (meaningthe small one tied round with a bunch of wampum,) my 
 said cousin gives to replace Hickus’s son, who was killed at the battle of the Lake 
 under your command.” 
 
18 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1742 , 
 
 much reason to suppose that he was the son of Nickus Brant, 
 whose Indian name, according to Sir William Johnson, was 
 Aroghyadeclca ; but which has been furnished to the author by 
 the family as Tehowaghwengaraghkwin. It has been seen 
 from the extracts that JNickus Brant was a Canajoharie chief of 
 character and celebrity, between whom and Sir William a close 
 intimacy subsisted. When called to Canajoharie upon business 
 or pleasure, the Baronet’s quarters were “ at Brant’s house,” as 
 noted in his own Diary. It is likewise well known, that after the 
 decease of Lady Johnson, (an event which occurred several 
 years antecedent to the period of which we are now writing, and 
 before he had won his baronetcy at Lake George,) Sir William took 
 to his home as his wife, Mary Brant, or “ Miss Molly,” as she was 
 called, with whom he lived until his decease in 1774, and by whom 
 he had several children. This circumstance is thus mention¬ 
 ed by Mrs. Grant in her delightful book already referred to:— 
 “ Becoming a widower in the prime of life, he connected himself 
 “ with an Indian maiden, daughter to a sachem, who possessed 
 “ an uncommonly agreeable person and good understanding; 
 “and whether ever formally married to him according to our 
 “ usage, or not, continued to live with him in great union and 
 “ affection all his life,” The Baronet himself repeatedly speaks 
 of this Indian lady in his private journals. While on his ex¬ 
 pedition to Detroit, entries occur of having received news from 
 home, and of having written to “ Molly.” He always men¬ 
 tioned her kindly, ex gr: — 
 
 “ Wednesday , Oct. 21 st. Met Sir Robert Davers and Cap¬ 
 tain Etherington, who gave me a packet of letters from Ge¬ 
 neral Amherst. * * * Captain Etherington told me Molly was 
 delivered of a girl : that all were well at my house, where they 
 staid two days.” 
 
 But to return from these digressions. Molly, as it has already 
 been stated, was the sister of Thayendanegea; and both, ac¬ 
 cording to the account of the London Magazine of 1776, the 
 earliest printed testimony upon the subject, were the grand¬ 
 children of one of the Mohawk chiefs who visited England 
 half a century before. That his father was a chief, several au¬ 
 thorities have likewise been cited to show; to which may be 
 added that of Alien’s Biographical Dictionary, where the fact 
 
BATTLE OF LAKE GEORGE. 
 
 19 
 
 1755 .] 
 
 is positively asserted.* From such a body of testimony, there¬ 
 fore, direct and circumstantial, it is hazarding but very little to 
 assume, that, so far from having been of humble and plebeian 
 origin, according to the statement of Dr. Stewart, Joseph Brant 
 was of the noblest descent among his nation. 
 
 Of the early youth of Joseph, there are no accounts, other 
 than that he was very young when first upon the war-path. 
 In one of the authorities to which reference has already been 
 made,t it is stated, that having attained the age of thirteen years, 
 he joined the warriors of his tribe under Sir William Johnson, 
 and was present at the memorable battle of Lake George, in 
 which the French were defeated, and their commander, the 
 Baron Dieskau, mortally wounded. The Mohawks were led 
 into action by their celebrated king, the brave old Hendrick, 
 who was slain, t It was this victory which laid the foundation 
 of Sir William’s military fame, and in reward for which he was 
 created a Baronet. It is reported, that in relating the particu¬ 
 lars of this bloody engagement to Doctor Stewart, the youthful 
 warrior acknowledged, “ That this being the first action at which 
 “ he was present, he was seized with such a tremor when the 
 “ firing began, that he was obliged to take hold of a small sap- 
 “ ling to steady himself; but that after the discharge of a few 
 “ vollies, he recovered the use of his limbs and the composure 
 11 of his mind, so as to support the character of a brave man, of 
 “ which he was exceedingly ambitious.” He was no doubt a 
 warrior by nature. <£ I like,” said he, once in after-life, when 
 the conversation was about music, “ the harpsichord well, and 
 “ the organ still better ; but I like the drum and trumpet best 
 “ of all, for they make my heart beat quick.”!! 
 
 President Allen states that the father of Thayendanegea had 
 three sons in the army of Sir William Johnson in the year 
 
 * President Allen is connected by marriage with the family of the late President 
 Wheelock, and has had excellent opportunities for arriving at the probable truth. 
 
 f Christian Register. 
 
 | A council of war was called Sept. 8. It was proposed to send a detachment to 
 meet the enemy. When the number was mentioned to Hendrick, he replied—“ If 
 they are to fight, they are too few; if they are to be killed, they are too many.” 
 When it was proposed to send out the detachment in three parties, Hendrick took 
 three sticks, and said, “ Put these together, and you can’t break them ; take them 
 one by one, and you will do it easily.” Hendrick’s advice was taken, and victory 
 was the result.— Holmes. 
 
 || Letter of T. Campbell to Ahyonwaeghs. 
 
20 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1759 . 
 
 1756. Of these Joseph was probably the youngest, since he 
 was but thirteen at the battle of Lake George in 1755. A 
 young warrior truly: but he might well have been there, even 
 at that tender age, since, by all the accounts that have descended 
 to us, he must have been a lad of uncommon enterprise—giving 
 early promise of those eminent qualities, which were developed 
 in the progress of a life of various and important action. 
 
 The youthful warrior likewise accompanied Sir William 
 during the Niagara campaign of 1759, and in the brilliant 
 achievements of the Baronet, after the chief command had de¬ 
 volved upon him by the death of General Prideaux, is said to 
 have acquitted himself with distinguished bravery. General 
 Prideaux, commanding the expedition, was killed by the acci¬ 
 dental explosion of a cohorn on the 20th of July, soon after 
 commencing the siege ; but Sir William prosecuted the plan 
 of his fallen superior with judgment and vigour. On the 24th 
 of July Monsieur D’Aubrey approached the fortress with a 
 strong force, for the purpose of raising the siege. A severe en¬ 
 gagement ensued in the open field, which resulted in the tri¬ 
 umph of the British and Provincial arms. The action was 
 commenced with great impetuosity by the French, but Sir Wil¬ 
 liam was well prepared for their reception. After a spirited 
 contest of half an hour, the French broke, and the fate of the 
 day was decided. The flight of the French was bloody and dis¬ 
 astrous for the space of five miles, at which distance D’Aubrey, 
 and most of his officers, were captured. The Indians behaved 
 uncommonly well on this occasion, and Brant was among them. 
 On the following day, so vigorously did the Baronet prosecute 
 his operations, the fort was taken, with all its military supplies 
 and about six hundred prisoners. By this blow the French 
 were cut off from their project of keeping up a line of fortified 
 communications with Louisiana. 
 
 The exertions of Sir William Johnson to improve the 
 moral and social condition of his Mohawk neighbours, were 
 not the least of his praiseworthy labours among that brave and 
 chivalrous people. Having aided in the building of churches 
 and locating missionaries among them, at the request of the 
 Rev. Mr. Kirkland and others, he selected numbers of young 
 Mohawks, and caused them to be sent to the “ Moor Charity 
 School,” established at Lebanon, Connecticut, under the im- 
 
moor’s charity school. 
 
 21 
 
 1761.] 
 
 mediate direction of the Rev. Doctor Eleazer Wheelock, after¬ 
 ward President of Dartmouth College, of which, by its tranfer, 
 that school became the foundation. Among the youths thus 
 selected was young Thayendanegea, the promising brother of 
 “ Miss Molly.” 
 
 The precise year in which he was thus placed under the 
 charge of Dr. Wheelock cannot now be ascertained. The 
 school itself was opened for the reception of Indian pupils, 
 avowedly as an Indian missionary school, in 1748; the first 
 Indian scholar, Samson Occum, having been received into it 
 five years before* It has been asserted that Joseph was re¬ 
 ceived into the school in July 1761, at which time he must have 
 been nineteen years old, and a memorandum of his preceptor 
 to that effect has been cited. According to Dr. Stewart,t how¬ 
 ever, he was a mere boy when first sent to Lebanon: and it 
 will presently appear that the entry of Dr. Wheelock was most 
 probably incorrect. He was doubtless at the school in that 
 year, and very likely on the point of leaving it; since three 
 years afterward he will be found settled in his own native val¬ 
 ley, and engaged in very different pursuits. 
 
 The correspondence between Doctor Wheelock and Sir Wil¬ 
 liam was quite active at this period upon the subject of the 
 school, and Joseph was himself employed as an agent to pro¬ 
 cure recruits for it. Thus, in a letter from the Baronet to the 
 Doctor, dated November 17, 1761, he says —“ I have given in 
 <£ charge to Joseph, to speak in my name to any good boys he 
 u may see, and encourage to accept the generous offers now 
 “ made to them; which he promised to do, and return as soon 
 “ as possible, and that without horses.” The probability, how¬ 
 ever, is, that he went to the school immediately after his return 
 
 * The success of the Doctor with him, was a strong inducement for establishing 
 the school. Occum was ordained to the ministry in 1759; and was subsequently 
 located as a missionary among the Oneidas, to which place he was accompanied by 
 Sir William himself. The Indian preacher afterward compiled and published a 
 volume of devotional hymns. 
 
 f Although, for want of other authorities in regard to the young chief at this period 
 of his life, it is necessary to use that of Dr. Stewart, yet that is evidently not very 
 accurate. For instance, he sends Thayendanegea to Dr. Wheelock at Dartmouth ; 
 whereas the school at that place was not opened until 1770, at which period, or only 
 one year thereafter, by the same authority, the chief was living in his own house, with 
 a wife and children, at Canajoharie. 
 
22 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1762 . 
 
 from the Niagara campaign in 1759. No doubt he had left it 
 before Sir William wrote the letter just cited, and, being en¬ 
 gaged upon some Indian mission, had been instructed to interest 
 himself among the people of the forest in behalf of that institu¬ 
 tion. That he did not, himself, remain long at the school, is 
 conceded. According to Dr. Stewart, moreover, he made but 
 little proficiency in his studies at this seminary, having 
 “ learned to read but very indifferently in the New Testament, 
 “ and to write but very little.” The fact, however, that the 
 Rev. Charles Jeffrey Smith, a missionary to the Mohawks, took 
 Thayendanegea as an interpreter in the year following, (1762,) 
 and gave him an excellent character, presents a much more fa¬ 
 vourable idea of his progress in learning while at the school; 
 as also does the following passage from the memoirs of his 
 teacher :—“ Sir William Johnson, Superintendant of Indian 
 “ affairs in North America, was very friendly to the design of 
 “ Mr. Wheelock, and at his request sent to the school, at various 
 “ times, several boys of the Mohawks to be instructed.* One of 
 “ them was the since celebrated Joseph Brant; who, after re- 
 u ceiving his education , was particularly noticed by Sir William 
 “ Johnson, and employed by him in public business. He has 
 “ been very useful in advancing the civilization of his coun- 
 “ trymen, and for a long time past has been a military officer 
 “ of extensive influence among the Indians in Upper Canada.”! 
 Accompanying Thayendanegea to the “Moor School,”f were 
 several other Mohawk youths, and two Delawares had entered the 
 school before him. The name of one of Thayendanegea’s com¬ 
 panions was William, a half-breed, who was supposed to be the 
 son of his patron. Only two of the number remained to receive 
 the honours of the future college. The others, impatient of the 
 restraints of a school, and delighting more in the chase of game 
 than of literary honours, loving their native forests better than 
 sunny fields, and preferring to string the bow and speed the 
 
 * When the foundation of the school was enlarged by the liberality of the Earl of 
 Dartmouth and others, in England, and the same was removed from Connecticut, it 
 contained 24 pupils, 6 of whom were Indians. There is among the Johnson papers 
 a letter from President Wheelock, written to Sir William in 1772, introducing two 
 of his Indian pupils to the acquaintance of the Baronet.— Author. 
 
 t M’Clure’s Life of Wheelock, page 27. 
 
 f So called from the name of its founder, Mr. Joshua Moor, of Mansfield, Con¬ 
 necticut. 
 
AT MOOR’S CHARITY SCHOOL. 
 
 23 
 
 1762 .] 
 
 arrow, rather than turn over the pages of Livy or Corderius, 
 returned to their hunter state in about two years. Thayen- 
 danegea probably left the school at the same time. He used, 
 when speaking of the school, to relate with much pleasantry 
 an anecdote of “ William,” who, as he affirmed, was one day 
 ordered by Mr. Wheelock’s son to saddle his horse. The lad 
 refused, alleging that, as he was a gentleman’s son, the per¬ 
 formance of such a menial office would be out of character. 
 “ Do you know,” inquired the younger Wheelock, “ what a 
 gentleman is ? ” “Ido,” replied William; “ a gentleman is a 
 person who keeps race-horses, and drinks Madeira wine, and 
 that is what neither you nor your father do,—therefore saddle 
 the horse yourself!”* 
 
 The exigencies of the frontier country did not allow Thay- 
 endanegea to remain long associated in the mission with Mr. 
 Smith. He was again called out upon the war-path, as ap¬ 
 pears by the following paragraph in one of the Rev. Mr. Kirk¬ 
 land’s t earliest reports to the Rev. Dr. Wheelock, in regard to 
 the Christian missionaries and teachers employed among the 
 Six Nations :— 
 
 “ Joseph Brant, a Mohawk Indian, and of a family of distinc- 
 “ tion in that nation, was educated by Mr. Wheelock, and was 
 “ so well accomplished that the Rev. Charles Jeffrey Smith, (a 
 “ young gentleman who, out of love to Christ and the souls of 
 
 * Christian Recorder. This anecdote reminds the author of another, which 
 he has heard a distinguished Kentucky member of Congress relate with great glee 
 of himself. When first elected, he said he had never crossed the Alleghanies, and 
 he feared greatly that his ignorance and rusticity would be but too manifest when he 
 came to associate with gentlemen. He had heard that gentlemen were fond of 
 Champagne, of which he had never tasted. But he said, that at the first dinner party 
 after his arrival at the seat of government, he was relieved of his embarrassment. 
 At the first taste of the sparkling liquor, he found that he loved it. He knew, there¬ 
 fore, that he was made for a gentleman ! And a very agreeable and accomplished 
 gentleman he became. 
 
 | The Rev. Samuel Kirkland, father of President Kirkland, late of Harvard Uni¬ 
 versity, and for more than forty years a missionary among the Six Nations—chiefly 
 the Oneidas. He was the son of the Rev. Daniel Kirkland, of Norwich (Conn.) 
 where he was bom in 1742. His education was commenced at Dr. Wheelock’s 
 school, and his collegiate course performed at Princeton, where he was graduated in 
 1765. He first commenced his labours among the Senecas, in 1766, having learned 
 the Mohawk language while in college. He was often employed by the Govern¬ 
 ment in various Indian transactions, and died at Paris, Oneida County, in March, 
 1S03. 
 
 8 
 
24 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1763 . 
 
 “ men, devotes his life, and such a fortune as is sufficient to 
 “ support himself and an interpreter, wholly to this glorious 
 u service,) took him for his interpreter when he went on his 
 “ mission to the Mohawks, now three years ago. But the war 
 “ breaking out at that time between the back Indians and the 
 “ English, Mr. Smith was obliged to return ; but Joseph tarried, 
 “ and went out with a company against the Indians, and was 
 “ useful in the war; in which he behaved so much like the 
 “ Christian and the soldier, that he gained great esteem. He 
 “ now lives in a decent manner, and endeavours to teach his 
 “ poor brethren the things of God, in which his own heart 
 “ seems much engaged. His house is an asylum for the mis- 
 “ sionaries in that wilderness.” * 
 
 Neither the particular war in which the young chief was 
 then engaged, nor the time of the campaign, is noted in 
 the foregoing extract. A passage contained in a letter from Sir 
 William Johnson to Dr. Wheelock, however, dated April 25th, 
 
 1764, affords a clue to the desired information :—“ J-is just 
 
 “ returned from an expedition against the enemy, who have 
 “ abandoned their towns, of which three were burned, with four 
 “ villages, consisting, in all, of about two hundred houses, built 
 “ with squared logs, and vast quantities of corn, &c. Parties 
 “ are now in pursuit of the enemy.” It was therefore early in 
 the Spring of 1764 that young Brant returned from the war— 
 then brought to a close. The war itself could have been none 
 else than that against the great Ottoway chief Pontiac, who, in 
 1763, undertook to dispossess the English of the country of the 
 lakes, then recently acquired by conquest fiom the French. Pon¬ 
 tiac was by far the most formidable chief with whom the En¬ 
 glish colonists had had to contend since the fall of Philip. He 
 combined the great Indian tribes of the north-west almost as 
 one man, and in 1763 led thirty-six chiefs, with their trains of 
 warriors, against Detroit, after having carried several of the re¬ 
 mote western posts. A well-concerted stratagem, timely dis¬ 
 covered to the British commander by an Indian woman, had 
 well nigh placed that important position within his power also. 
 Foiled in the plan of obtaining admission by stratagem and 
 putting the garrison to death, Pontiac laid siege to the fort, at- 
 
 * Narrative of the Indian Charity School, published by Dr. Wheelock in 1767, 
 page 35. 
 
THE WAR OF PONTIAC. 
 
 25 
 
 1765.] 
 
 tacking it with great fury. It was besieged for a long time, as 
 also were the fort at Niagara and Fort Pitt. It was not until 
 the Autumn of 1763 that the English were able to throw suc¬ 
 cours into Detroit, in accomplishing which enterprise some of 
 the Mohawk warriors were engaged. There had been several 
 severe engagments with Pontiac’s warriors in the course of that 
 Summer, in which the Indians attached to the English cause 
 had fought with great bravery. The vessel carrying the sup¬ 
 plies to Detroit, was likewise furiously attacked by a force of 350 
 Indians, in boats on the lake, but they were bravely repulsed. 
 In what particular battles, during this contest, Thayendanegea 
 was engaged, does not appear. But he was in the war, and 
 his courageous and enterprising spirit offered the best evidence, 
 that he neither avoided the post of danger, nor failed to reach it 
 for want of activity. Having invested Detroit for a twelve- 
 month, the French, moreover, with whom he was in alliance, 
 having lost their power in America, Pontiac sued for peace on 
 the approach of Gen. Bradstreet from Pittsburgh, at the head of 
 3000 men.* 
 
 In 1765, Thayendanegea, having been previously married to 
 the daughter of an Oneida chief, was settled at Canajoharie, 
 as appears by a letter from the Rev. Theophilus Chamberlain, 
 one of the missionaries to the Six Nations, to the Rev. Dr. 
 Wheelock, written from Canajoharie, and dated July 17th of that 
 year. After speaking of the encouraging condition of the In¬ 
 dian school, and the prospect of opening another, Mr. Cham¬ 
 berlain said:—“I am now at Joseph Brant’s house, very poorly 
 “ with the dysentery, which hath followed me near a week. 
 “Riding in the rain sometimes, wading through tracks to 
 “ get along, and lodging on the cold ground the other night, 
 “ have made me almost down sick ; but my business keeps me 
 “ alive. Joseph Brant is exceeding kind.” 
 
 Three years afterward he was still leading a peaceful life at 
 the same place, as we learn from the following entry in the 
 journal of Mr. R,alph Wheelock, who had been sent to Oneida 
 to relieve Mr. Kirkland, that gentleman being sick : 
 
 “ March 18, 1768. At my old friend, Joseph Brant’s, I met 
 one of the chiefs of the Onondagas, (who is, by way of emi- 
 
 * Pontiac was assassinated in 1779, during a war between the Ioways and Otta- 
 was. He was a great man. 
 
26 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1771 . 
 
 nence, called the Wise-man,) on his return to his tribe, with 
 his wife and child; and by Joseph Brant’s help I was able to 
 discourse with him, and delivered my message to his nation.” 
 
 During the three years next ensuing, no certain information 
 has been obtained respecting his course of life. As the country 
 was at peace, however, he was probably leading a life of repose 
 at home, save when acting, upon occasional business visits 
 among the Indians, under the direction of Sir William John¬ 
 son. It is very probable, moreover, that he may at that time 
 have been connected with the English Episcopal Missions to 
 the Mohawks, commenced in the Mohawk Yalley so early as 
 1702, and continued down to the beginning of the Revolu¬ 
 tionary war. Having been employed as an interpreter by one 
 of the missionaries, several years before; and as the Rev. Dr. 
 John Ogilvie, the predecessor of Dr. Barclay in that mission, 
 was engaged, in the year 1769, in revising, extending, and re¬ 
 printing the Mohawk Prayer Book, embracing additional pas¬ 
 sages of Scripture, some occasional prayers, and Indian versi¬ 
 fications of several psalms, it is highly probable that Thayen- 
 danegea may have been employed as an assistant in that 
 labour, since he was partial to exercises of that description. 
 
 In the year 1771, the Rev. Mr. Stewart conducted a school 
 at Fort Hunter, thirty miles below Canajoharie. A venerable 
 friend of the author, yet living in Albany,* states, that being a 
 pupil in Doctor Stewart’s school at about that time, he had 
 opportunities of seeing Thayendanegea at that place frequently, 
 and formed an acquaintance with him, which continued, 
 interrupted only by the war of the Revolution, until the death 
 of the warrior. He then formed an excellent opinion of the 
 young chief in regard to talents and good disposition. It is 
 believed, that from the shrewdness of his sister Molly and the in¬ 
 fluential position which she occupied in the family of Sir Wil¬ 
 liam, added to his own talents and sagacity, he was much 
 employed at home by the Baronet, in the discharge of the multi¬ 
 farious duties incident to his important official station. He was 
 also frequently engaged upon distant embassies among the 
 western tribes, and his talents and tact as a diplomatist of the 
 forest, were qualities pertaining to his character through life. 
 
 * Douw Fonda, Esq., son of Captain Jelles Fonda, who was an active and very 
 efficient officer, both in the Indian and Military service, under Sir William Johnson. 
 
HIS SECOND MARRIAGE. 
 
 27 
 
 1772 .] 
 
 Thayendanegea was thrice married—having been twice a 
 widower before the war of the Revolution. His first two 
 wives were of the Oneida tribe. The Rev. Dr. Stewart states 
 that he first became acquainted with him in the winter of 1771. 
 He was then still residing at Canajoharie, on visiting which 
 village the Doctor says he found him comfortably settled, in a 
 good house, with every thing necessary for the use of his 
 family—consisting of a wife, in the last stage of consumption, 
 and two children—a son and a daughter. His wife died some 
 time afterward, on which Thayendanegea repaired to Fort 
 Hunter, and resided with the Doctor for a considerable length 
 of time. Doctor Stewart was then engaged upon another re¬ 
 vision of the Indian Prayer Book, and Joseph assisted him in 
 making 1 various additional translations. He likewise assisted 
 the Doctor in translating a portion of the Acts of the Apostles, 
 and a short history of the Bible, together with a brief explana¬ 
 tion of the Church catechism, into the Mohawk language.* 
 
 It is stated on the same authority,! that in the winter of 
 1772-3, he applied to Doctor Stewart to marry him to the half- 
 sister of his deceased wife, but the Divine refused the applica¬ 
 tion on the ground of the forbidden relationship. Brant, 
 however, vindicated the act, much in the manner of white 
 widowers desirous of forming the like connexion; arguing, 
 very naturally, that the fact of the relationship would secure a 
 greater degree of tenderness and care for his children. Still 
 the Episcopal minister persisted in his refusal, and a less scru¬ 
 pulous German ecclesiastic gratified his desire by performing 
 the ceremony. 
 
 It was at about the same period of his life that Thayenda¬ 
 negea became the subject of serious religious impressions. He 
 attached himself to the Church, was a chastened and regular 
 communicant at the celebration of the Eucharist; and from his 
 serious deportment, and the anxiety he had ever manifested to 
 civilize and Christianize his people, great hopes were entertained 
 
 * Doctor Stewart states that he was directed to repair to New-York, and publish 
 these books at the expense of the Missionary Society, but was prevented by the 
 breaking out of the war. He took the MSS. to Canada, and afterward delivered 
 them to Colonel Daniel Claus, by whom they were taken to England ; but it does 
 not appear that they were ever published. 
 
 | The Christian Register. 
 
28 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1773 . 
 
 from his future exertions in that cause. No doubt has ever 
 been entertained of his sincerity at that time ; and it has been 
 attributed to the counteracting influences of the dreadful trade 
 of war, in which it was his fortune afterward again so actively 
 to become engaged, that those manifestations of Christian 
 utility were effaced ; entirely eradicated they were not, as will 
 be seen at a subsequent stage of the career of this remarkable 
 man. 
 
 In compliance with Indian custom, he selected a bosom friend, 
 during that period of his life we are now contemplating, in the 
 person of a Lieutenant Provost, a half-pay officer residing in 
 the Mohawk Valley. Those unacquainted with Indian usages 
 are not probably aware of the intimacy, or the importance at¬ 
 tached to this relationship. The selected friend is, in fact, the 
 counterpart of the one who chooses him, and the attachment 
 often becomes romantic ; they share each other’s secrets, and are 
 participants of each other’s joys and sorrows. As the Revolu¬ 
 tionary troubles were approaching, Lieutenant Provost was 
 ordered to his regiment and upon foreign service, greatly to 
 the regret of the future chieftain. His lamentations attracted 
 the attention of Doctor Stewart, who advised him to select ano¬ 
 ther friend—offering to stand as a substitute himself. But no; 
 the young chief declared that such a transfer of his affections 
 could not take place. He was Captain John’s friend, and ano¬ 
 ther such friend could not be in existence at the same time. 
 Lieutenant Provost had been ordered to the West Indies ; and 
 in order to assure him of the strength and constancy of his at¬ 
 tachment, Thayendanegea procured an entire Indian costume 
 of the richest furs he could obtain, which was sent to him in 
 Jamaica. This incident has been detailed, not because in itself 
 of any particular importance, but as disclosing an excellent 
 trait of character, besides illustrating a feature of Indian life 
 which may not be familiar to all.* Other events will now occu¬ 
 py the attention of the reader, in which the Mohawk chieftain 
 will be but one of many actors, though seldom an obscure one. 
 
 * A similar custom prevailed among the ancient Greeks. Two young warriors 
 often assumed this obligation of brotherhood, which was taken with peculiar ceremo¬ 
 nies, and maintained inviolate through life. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 Early symptoms of disaffection at Boston—Origin of the Revolutionary War—Fiist 
 blood shed in 1770—Stirring eloquence of Joseph Warren—Feelings of Sir Wil¬ 
 liam Johnson—His influence with the Indians and Germans, and his unpleasant 
 position—Last visit of Sir William to England—His death—Mysterious circum¬ 
 stances attending it—Suspicions of suicide unjust—His son, Sir John Johnson, 
 succeeds to his title and estates—His son-in-law, Col. Guy Johnson, to his office 
 as Superintendant General of the Indians—Early life of Sir John—Joseph Brant 
 appointed Secretary to Guy Johnson—Influence of the Johnson family—Revolu¬ 
 tionary symptoms in Tryon County, fomented by the proceedings in New Eng¬ 
 land—First meeting of Tryon County Whigs—Declaration of Rights—First meet¬ 
 ing of Congress—Effect of its proceedings—in England—Tardiness of Provin¬ 
 cial legislature of New-York—Spirit of the people—Notes of preparation in Mas¬ 
 sachusetts, &c.—Overt acts of rebellion in several States—Indians exasperated by 
 the Virginia borderers in 1774—Melancholy story of Logan—Campaign of Lord 
 Dunmore and Colonel Lewis—Battle of the Kanhawa—Speech of Logan—Its 
 authenticity questioned—Peace of Chilicothe—Unhappy feeling of the Indians. 
 
 It has been usually asserted by historians, that the first blood 
 in the war of the American Revolution was shed at Lexing¬ 
 ton; but such is not the fact. The Boston massacre of 1770 
 was the beginning of that contest, so fearful in its commence¬ 
 ment, so doubtful in its progress, and so splendid in its results. 
 The storm had even then been gathering for several years, and 
 the public mind had become exceedingly feverish, not only in re¬ 
 gard to the conduct of the parent government, but in respect to 
 the language and bearing: of the officers of the crown stationed 
 in the colonies. When, moreover, the people of Boston were 
 subjected to what they considered a still greater indignity, by 
 the quartering of soldiers among them, the irritation was such 
 that but a small degree of forecast was necessary to the percep¬ 
 tion of an approaching explosion. The affair at Gray’s Rope- 
 Walk, on the 2d of March, increased the mutual exasperation; 
 and the massacre that followed on the 5th was but the natural 
 consequence. The first blow was then struck. The town was 
 thrown into commotion, the drums beat to arms ; and the news, 
 with the exaggerations and embellishments incident to all 
 occasions of alarm, spread through the country with the rapi¬ 
 dity of lightning. Every where, throughout the wide extent 
 of the old thirteen colonies, it created a strong sensation, and 
 was received with a degree of indignant emotion, which very 
 clearly foretold that blood had only commenced flowing ; and 
 
30 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1774 . 
 
 although five years intervened before the demonstration at Lex¬ 
 ington, there were too many nervous pens and eloquent tongues 
 in exercise to allow those feelings to subside, or to suffer the 
 noble spirit of liberty that had been awakened to be quenched. 
 Such stirring orations as those of Joseph Warren were not ut¬ 
 tered in vain; and so often as the anniversary of the 5th of 
 March returned, were the people reminded by him, or by his 
 compatriots of kindred spirit—“ The voice of your brethren’s 
 “ blood cries to you from the ground.” The admonition had 
 its effect, and the resolutions of vengeance sank deeper and 
 deeper into the hearts of the people, until the fulness of time 
 should come. 
 
 Sir William Johnson was too observing and sagacious a man 
 not to note the signs of the times. He saw the gathering tern- 
 
 o o o 
 
 pest, and it is believed to have given him great uneasiness. 
 His sympathies, according to the testimony of those who knew 
 him, were undoubtedly with the people. He was from the 
 body of the people himself, having been the architect of his 
 own rank and fortunes; and those who were acquainted with, 
 and yet survive him, represent the struggle in his bosom to 
 have been great, between those sympathies and his own strong 
 principles of liberty on the one hand, and his duty to his sove¬ 
 reign on the other—a sovereign whom he had served long and 
 faithfully, and who in turn had loaded him with princely bene¬ 
 factions. His domains in the Valley of the Mohawk were 
 extensive ; and his influence, through a large number of subordi¬ 
 nate officers and a numerous tenantry, was correspondingly 
 great. To the Indians, not only of the Six Nations but those 
 far in the west beyond, who had fallen within the circle of his 
 influence after the conquest of Canada and the subjugation of 
 Pontiac, he had been as a father, and they looked up to him 
 with veneration. Long association with him, and great respect 
 for his character—which, from its blunt honesty, frankness, and 
 generosity, not altogether devoid of that roughness incident to 
 a border population, was well calculated to secure the attach¬ 
 ment of such people—had also given to his opinions the force 
 of legal authority among the Colonists. The population, aside 
 from the Indians, was chiefly Dutch, in the lower part of the 
 Mohawk Valley; while in the interesting vale of the Schoharie 
 Kill, and the upper district of the Mohawk, it was composed of 
 
1774.] DEATH OP SIR WILLIAM JOHNSON* 31 
 
 the descendants of the German Palatinates, who had been planted 
 there fifty years before. It was not at that period a very intel¬ 
 ligent population ; and the name of Sir William, who had been 
 their friend and companion in peace, and their leader in war, 
 like that of the King, was a tower of strength. It was very 
 natural, therefore, that their opinions upon the great political 
 questions then agitating the country, should take their com¬ 
 plexion for the most part from those entertained by him. Hence, 
 when the storm of civil war commenced, the Loyalists in that 
 valley were probably more numerous, in proportion to the whole 
 number of the population, than in almost any other section of 
 the northern colonies. 
 
 In connexion with the troubles which every man of ordinary 
 sagacity could not but perceive were fermenting, Sir William 
 visited England for the last time in the Autumn of 1773, 
 returning in the succeeding Spring. He probably came back 
 with his loyal feelings somewhat strengthened. It was not 
 his fortune, however, good or ill, to see the breaking out of 
 the tempest, the near approaches of which he had been watch¬ 
 ing with an intenseness of observation corresponding with the 
 magnitude of his own personal interests, which must necessa¬ 
 rily be involved. He died suddenly, at Johnson Hall, on or 
 about the 24th of June, 1774. 
 
 It was reported by his enemies,—or rather by the enemies of 
 the Crown,—that he perished by his own hand, in consequence 
 of the clouds which he saw darkening the political sky; and such 
 an impression is yet very generally entertained. The tradition 
 is, that on the day of his decease he had received despatches 
 from England, which were handed to him while sitting in 
 Court, and with which he immediately left the Court-house and 
 walked to his own house. These despatches, it was afterward 
 reported, contained instructions to him to use his influence 
 with the Indians in behalf of the Crown, in the event of hos¬ 
 tilities. Another version of the tradition is, that on the day in 
 question he had received despatches from Boston, the complexion 
 of which, in his own mind, indicated that a civil war was near 
 and inevitable. In such an event he saw that he must either 
 prove recreant to his principles, or take part against the 
 Crown ; and, to avoid either alternative, it has been extensively 
 
 9 
 
32 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1774 . 
 
 believed that he put an end to his life * But there is no just 
 ground for this uncharitable conclusion. It is true that he had, 
 on the evening of the 24th, received despatches from Massa¬ 
 chusetts, the tenor of which, by excitement, may have hasten¬ 
 ed the malady to which his system was predisposed. It was a 
 busy day at Johnstown. The Circuit Court was in session, 
 at which, however, Sir William was not present, being engaged 
 in holding a treaty with some of the Six Nations. In the 
 course of his speech to the Indians on that occasion, he alluded 
 to the despatches he had received, and stated to them that 
 troubles were brewing between the Americans and their King 
 —advising them not to abandon the cause of the latter, who 
 had always been benevolent and kind to them. “ Whatever 
 may happen,” said the Baronet, “ you must not be shaken out 
 of your shoes.”t 
 
 In the afternoon of that day Sir William was taken with a 
 fit. Colonel Johnson, his son, was absent at the Old Fort—dis¬ 
 tant nine miles. An express was sent for him, and, mounting 
 a fleet English blood-horse, he rode for the Hall with all possi¬ 
 ble haste. His horse fell dead when within three quarters of 
 a mile of the house, having run upward of eight miles in fifteen 
 minutes. The Colonel hired the horse of some one standing 
 by, and pushed forward to the Hall. On entering the room, 
 he found his father in the arms of a faithful domestic, who at¬ 
 tended upon his person. He spoke to his parent, but received 
 no answer; and in a few minutes afterward the Baronet ex¬ 
 pired i —of apoplexy, beyond a doubt. This was early in the 
 evening. While the judges of the Court were at supper in the 
 village, one mile distant, a young Mohawk Indian entered their 
 apartment and announced the event. 
 
 Sir William was succeeded in his titles and estates by his 
 
 * Mr. Campbell, in his “Annals,” favors this opinion. He says—“There is 
 something still mysterious connected with his death. He had been out to England, 
 and returned the previous Spring. During a visit which he made shortly afterward 
 to Mr. Campbell, an intimate friend of his at Schenectady, the conversation turned 
 upon the subject of the disputes between the Colonies and the Mother Country. 
 He then said, he should never live to see them, in a state of open war.'” — Jinn. p. 12. 
 
 | MS. statement of a gentleman whose father was with Sir William that morning, 
 and was present at the Indian Council. 
 
 + MS. statement of Colonel William Feeter, in possession of the author. Col. F. 
 is yet living fMay, 1837.) 
 
SIR JOHN JOHNSON. 
 
 1774 .] 
 
 oo 
 
 oo 
 
 son, Sir John Johnson ; but the reins of authority, as General 
 Superintendant of the Indian Department, fell into the hands 
 of the son-in-law of Sir William, Colonel Guy Johnson, who 
 had long been in office as the Assistant, or Deputy of the old 
 Baronet. This officer was assisted by Colonel Daniel Claus, 
 who had likewise married a daughter of Sir William. On the 
 decease of his father, Sir John also succeeded to his post as 
 Major General of the militia. 
 
 Of the early life of Sir John Johnson not much is known. 
 He was not as popular as his father, being less social, and less 
 acquainted with human nature and the springs of human 
 action. He accompanied his father on some of his warlike ex¬ 
 peditions, however, and probably saw considerable service. 
 Soon after the termination of the French war, he was sent by 
 his father, at the head of a small expedition, to the Mohawk can¬ 
 ton of Oghkwaga,* to arrest a Captain Bull, and some other 
 malcontents and disaffected Indians, who were charged with 
 being engaged in an effort to enlist the Six Nations in a war 
 against some other Indians, or possibly to win them over to the 
 designs of Pontiac. For this purpose young Johnson had a 
 choice corps of men placed under his command, most of whom 
 had served with the Baronet against the French. He had also 
 a detachment of Indians with him. The expedition was ar¬ 
 ranged somewhat with a view of display—for the purpose, as 
 it was conjectured, of giving eclat to the young commander. 
 The enterprise was successful—Bull and his adherents were 
 taken, and brought in irons to Johnstown. From thence they 
 were sent to Albany and imprisoned for a time, but were all 
 subsequently discharged. Before the Revolution commenced, 
 Sir John married Miss Mary Watts, of the city of New-York.t 
 The successors of Sir William Johnson did not, however, pos¬ 
 sess the same degree of moral power over the population of 
 Tryon County, Indian or white, as had been exercised by him. 
 But they nevertheless derived essential aid from “ Miss Molly,” 
 
 * The author has found much difficulty in attempting to determine the orthogra¬ 
 phy of this place. It is now generally written Oquaga. In the Congressional jour¬ 
 nals of tire Revolution it was spelled Oneaquaga. By some writers it is written 
 Oghquaga. The late highly intelligent Mohawk chief, Norton, always wrote it 
 Oghkwaga, which orthography has been adopted by the aiTthor. 
 
 | Sister to the late venerable John Watts, who died in September, 1836, 
 
34 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1774. 
 
 who was a woman of talents as well as tact, and possessing 
 great influence among the Indians, who were her own people. 
 Molly was in turn aided by the counsels and exertions of her 
 brother, Joseph Thayendanegea, who had been much in the ser¬ 
 vice of Sir William during the latter years of his life, and who, 
 on the death of the Baronet, was advanced to the post of Secretary 
 of Guy Johnson. These gentlemen, however, (Sir John John¬ 
 son, Guy Johnson, and Colonel Claus,) living in great splen¬ 
 dour, at, and in the neighbourhood of Johnstown, and thus allied 
 with the family of a powerful Mohawk sachem, were still ena¬ 
 bled to exert a decided influence, especially among the Indians. 
 They were likewise in close official and political alliance with 
 Colonel John Butler, an opulent and influential gentleman of 
 that county, and his son Walter N. Butler—names rendered 
 memorable, if nothing worse, by association with certain bloody 
 transactions, which will be developed in the progress of the pre¬ 
 sent volume. 
 
 But, notwithstanding all their influence—and no family in 
 America had ever been regarded with greater deference by the 
 surrounding population than that of the Johnsons—they were 
 not long in discovering that the principles now openly avowed 
 in Massachusetts, could not be confined within the limits of that 
 colony, or even of New England. Though less openly pro¬ 
 claimed, yet as the waters of a fountain ooze through the earth 
 unseen until they have gathered force enough to break the 
 surface and gush forth, so was it with the principles of Liberty 
 sent abroad by “ the Boston rebels,” as they worked their way 
 up the valley of the Mohawk ; and the successors of Sir Wil¬ 
 liam Johnson were not long in discovering, that although they 
 could still count among their retainers a large number of ad¬ 
 herents, the leaven of civil liberty had nevertheless been more 
 deeply at work than they had desired, or probably supposed. 
 The celebrated “ Boston Port Bill,” enacted in consequence of 
 the destruction of the tea in that harbour in 1773, had gone into 
 operation only a month preceding the death of Sir William ; 
 and in the next month subsequent to his decease, a public meet¬ 
 ing was held in the Palatine district, warmly seconding the 
 proposition of Massachusetts for the assembling of a general 
 Congress, for mutual consultation and counsel in the existing 
 posture of the political affairs of the Colonies. The original 
 
SPIRIT OF TRYON COUNTY. 
 
 35 
 
 1774.] 
 
 draft of the proceedings of that meeting is yet in existence, in 
 the hand-writing of Col. Christopher P. Yates—a patriot who 
 embarked early in the struggle, and served to the end. They 
 breathed the genuine spirit of freedom, and as a declaration of 
 rights, are well entitled to a place among the fervid papers of 
 that day, which were so powerful in their operation upon the 
 public mind. After setting forth the concern and sorrow felt 
 by the meeting, at the shutting up the port of Boston, and the 
 tendency of the acts of Parliament for raising a revenue in the 
 American Colonies, which they held to be an abridgment of 
 the privileges of the people, the meeting resolved : 1st. That 
 they recognised the King as their lawful sovereign, would bear 
 true faith and allegiance to him, and would, with their lives and 
 fortunes, support and maintain him on the throne of his ances¬ 
 tors, and the just dependence of the Colonies upon the crown 
 of Great Britain. 2d. That they considered it their greatest 
 happiness to be governed by British laws, and would pay cheer¬ 
 ful submission to them, as far as they could do so, consistently 
 with the security of the Constitutional rights of English sub¬ 
 jects, “ which were so sacred that they could not 'permit them 
 to be violated .” 3d. That all taxes without their own consent, 
 
 or the consent of their representatives, were unjust and uncon¬ 
 stitutional ; and the acts of Parliament upon the subject were 
 denounced, as obvious encroachments upon the rights and li¬ 
 berties of British subjects. 4th. That the act closing the port 
 of Boston was arbitrary and oppressive to the inhabitants, whom 
 they considered to be suffering in the common cause. 5th. 
 That they would unite with their brethren elsewhere, in re¬ 
 lieving the necessities of the suffering poor in Boston, and in 
 11 any thing tending to support our rights and liberties.” 6th. 
 Approving of the calling of a general Congress, and of the five 
 members who had already been appointed by their brethren of 
 New-York. 7th. That they would abide by such regulations 
 as might be agreed upon by the said Congress. 8th. Appoint¬ 
 ing a committee of correspondence for that district,* and recom¬ 
 mending the other districts of the county to do the same. 
 
 The Congress met in Philadelphia in September, 1774, and 
 after adopting a declaration of rights, and setting forth wherein 
 
 * Christopher P. Yates, Isaac Paris, and John Frey. 
 
36 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1774 . 
 
 those rights had been violated, they agreed upon an address to 
 the King, exhibiting the grievances of the Colonies, and praying 
 for his Majesty’s interposition for their removal. An address 
 to the people of British America was likewise adopted, together 
 with an appeal to the people of Great Britain, as also a letter 
 to the people of Canada.* The Congress then adjourned, to 
 meet again in May. 1775. The papers put forth from that 
 august assembly had a powerful effect upon the public mind. 
 They were also highly extolled by Lord Chatham in the 
 House of Peers, who declared, that “ In all his reading and ob¬ 
 servation—and it had been his favourite study—for he had 
 “ read Thucydides, and had studied and admired the master 
 “states of the world—for solidity of reasoning, force of saga- 
 <£ city, and wisdom of conclusion, under such complication of 
 “ circumstances, no nation or body of men could stand in 
 “preference to the General Congress at Philadelphia.”! 
 
 The Provincial Assembly of New-York was the only le¬ 
 gislature in the Colonies that withheld its approbation from the 
 proceedings of the Congress—the loyalists of that Colony being, 
 from a variety of causes, more numerous and influential than 
 in any other of the provinces. In the Valley of the Mohawk 
 they were particularly zealous and active; and the Johnson 
 family, with their associates, were ceaseless in their efforts to 
 divert the revolutionary spirit, which was but too obviously 
 abroad. 
 
 But like the bitter plant in the vegetable pharmacopoeia, the 
 principles of liberty only thrive more rapidly beneath a pres¬ 
 sure, and the spark which had been struck in the Palatine 
 district, they not only found it impossible to extinguish, but a 
 measure of their own adoption had the effect of kindling it into 
 a blaze—and, once kindled, the fire of liberty is as inextinguish¬ 
 able as the Greek. 
 
 In Massachusetts, however, other menacing measures be¬ 
 sides the passage of resolutions, were adopted toward the close 
 of 1774. Governor Gage having issued writs for the holding 
 of a General Assembly, in October, afterward countermanded 
 
 * Mr. R. H. Lee wrote the address to the American people, and Mr. Jay that to 
 the people of Great Britain. 
 
 f Parliamentary Register. 
 
SPIRIT OF THE COLONIES. 
 
 37 
 
 1774 .] 
 
 the writs by proclamation. But the new members, to the 
 number of ninety, maintaining the illegality of the proclama¬ 
 tion, met notwithstanding. Neither the Governor, nor any 
 substitute, appearing to complete their organization, they 
 formed themselves into a Provincial Congress, and adjourned to 
 Concord. From Concord, after some collisions with the Go¬ 
 vernor, they removed to Cambridge ; and in the course of their 
 sittings measures were adopted for the public defence, and the 
 organization of minute men, to the number of twelve thousand. 
 Connecticut and New Hampshire were requested to augment 
 the number to twenty thousand. Governor Gage complained 
 bitterly that the edicts of this Congress were implicitly obeyed 
 throughout the country. Before the year had expired, a royal 
 proclamation was received, prohibiting the exportation of mili¬ 
 tary stores to America. This document caused general indig¬ 
 nation. In Rhode Island and New Hampshire the people at 
 once seized upon the arms and ordnance in their public places 
 and garrisons, and other corresponding measures were adopted 
 by the Colonial authorities. In the more Southern provinces 
 signs of jealousy and discontent began to be more unequivo¬ 
 cally manifested. A meeting of the military officers of Vir¬ 
 ginia, under Lord Dunmore, was held, at which resolutions, 
 professing loyalty and looking rebellion, were adopted. The 
 Provincial Congress of Maryland approved of the proceedings 
 of the General Congress; and in South Carolina, Judge Day- 
 ton, in a memorable charge to a Grand Jury at Camden, set the 
 ball in motion in that Colony. Doctor Franklin, being in Lon¬ 
 don, was required to attend a meeting of the Committee for 
 Plantations, to whom had been referred the petition of the 
 Massachusetts Assembly for the removal of Governor Hutch¬ 
 inson and Lieutenant-Governor Oliver. He supported the 
 petition, and was, the day after, dismissed by the Crown from 
 the office of postmaster for the Colonies. 
 
 It may readily be conceived that an excitement thus increas¬ 
 ing from day to day, and thus rapidly extending the circle of 
 its influence, would not long be confined to measures of re¬ 
 monstrance and petition. Most unfortunate was it, therefore, 
 that, just at this conjuncture, while all sagacious men saw by 
 the shadows what events were coming, and all good men were 
 
38 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1774 . 
 
 solicitous for the preservation of the character and augmenta¬ 
 tion of the physical strength of the country, a small band 
 of bad ones adopted a course well fitted to awaken the 
 jealousy of the whole Indian race, and exasperate a portion of 
 them to the highest pitch of anger and revenge. It was evi¬ 
 dent that the Colonies were about to measure swords with one 
 of the strongest powers in Christendom, and to strike for free¬ 
 dom. True wisdom, therefore, required that the clouds of 
 Indians darkening more than a thousand miles of our border, 
 and in the North forming an intermediate power between our 
 own settlements and the country of the anticipated foe, should 
 be at least conciliated into neutrality, if not courted into an al¬ 
 liance. But a contrary course was taken by some of the fron¬ 
 tier-men of Virginia, and a hostile feeling awakened by a 
 succession of outrages, unprovoked and more cruel than sava¬ 
 ges, as such, could have committed. The well-informed reader 
 will at once anticipate that reference is now had to the hostili¬ 
 ties upon the North-western frontier of Virginia, commonly 
 known as Cresap’s War, from the agency of a subaltern offi¬ 
 cer of that name, whose wanton cruelty provoked it, and one 
 striking event of which has rendered every American ear 
 familiar with the name of Logan, the celebrated “ Mingo 
 Chief.”* 
 
 The wars and the conquests of the Six Nations had been the 
 cause of transplanting many families, among whom were some 
 of distinction, over the countries subjected to their arms. 
 Among these was the family of Logan, the son of iShikellimusJ 
 a distinguished Cayuga sachem, who had removed from the 
 particular location of his own tribe, to Shamokm, or Canestoga, 
 within the borders of Pennsylvania, where he executed the 
 duties of principal chief of those of the Six Nations residing on 
 the Susquehanna. He was a man of consequence and human¬ 
 ity, and one of the earliest to encourage the introduction of 
 Christianity by Count Zinzendorf. He was a great friend to 
 the celebrated James Logan, who accompanied William Penn 
 
 * Mingo, Mengwe, Maquas, and Iroquois, are all only different names applied 
 to the Six Nations. 
 
 f Shikellimus was a contemporary of the famous Caimassatego, and is known in 
 Colden’s History of the Six Nations by the different names of Shickcalamy, Shicala- 
 my, and Shick Calamy. — Drake. 
 
1774 .] 
 
 STORY OF LOGAN. 
 
 39 
 
 on his last voyage to America, and who subsequently became 
 distinguished in the colony for his learning and benevolence. 
 Hence the name of the famous son of Shikellimus, so closely 
 identified with the scenes about to be described. 
 
 Logan had removed from his father’s lodge at Shamokin to 
 the Shawanese country on the Ohio, where he had become a 
 chief. He was a friend of the white men, and one of the no¬ 
 blest of his race ; not only by right of birth, but in consideration 
 of his own character. During the Indian wars connected with 
 the contest with France, which were continued for a consider¬ 
 able time after the conquest of Canada, he took no part, save in 
 the character of a peace-maker. 
 
 The circumstances which transformed this good and just 
 man from a sincere friend into a bitter foe, will appear in the 
 following narrative:—It happened in April or May of 1774, 
 that a party of land-jobbers, while engaged in exploring lands 
 near the Ohio river, were robbed, or pretended to have been 
 robbed, of a number of horses by the Indians. The leader of 
 the land-jobbers was Captain Michael Cresap. Alarmed at the 
 depredation hpon their property, or affecting to be so, Cresap 
 and his party determined to make war upon the Indians, with¬ 
 out investigation, and irrespective, as a matter of course, of 
 the guilt or innocence of those whom they should attack. On 
 the same day, falling in with two Indians, Cresap and his men 
 killed them. Hearing, moreover, of a still larger party of In¬ 
 dians encamped at some distance below the site of the present 
 town of Wheeling, the white barbarians proceeded thither, and 
 after winning the confidence of the sons of the forest by pre¬ 
 tended friendship, fell upon and slaughtered several of their 
 number, among whom were a part of the family of the white 
 man’s friend—Logan.* 
 
 Soon after this atrocious affair, another followed, equally fla¬ 
 gitious. There was a white settlement on the east bank of the 
 Ohio, about thirty miles above Wheeling, among the leading 
 men of which were one named Daniel Greathouse, and another 
 named Tomlinson. A party of Indians, assembled on the oppo- 
 
 * Doddridge, in his History of the Indian Wars, states that no evidence of the im¬ 
 puted theft was ever adduced ; and affirms his belief that the report was false, and 
 the Indians innocent, even of a comparatively minor trespass. 
 
 10 
 
40 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT, 
 
 [ 1774 . 
 
 site bank of the river, having heard of the murders committed 
 by Cresap, determined to avenge their death, of which resolu¬ 
 tion Greathouse was admonished by a friendly squaw, who ad¬ 
 vised him to escape, while he was reconnoitring for the purpose 
 of ascertaining their numbers. He had crossed the river with 
 thirty-two men under his command, and secreted them for the 
 purpose of falling upon the Indians ; but finding that they were 
 too strong for him, he changed his plan of operations, re-crossed 
 the river, and, with a show of friendship, invited them over to 
 an entertainment. Without suspicion of treachery the Indians 
 accepted the invitation, and while engaged in drinking—some 
 of them to a state of intoxication—they were set upon and 
 murdered in cold blood. Here again, fell two more of the 
 family of Logan—a brother and sister, the latter being in a 
 situation of peculiar delicacy. The Indians who had remained 
 on the other side of the river, hearing the noise of the trea¬ 
 cherous attack, flew to their canoes to rescue their friends. 
 This movement had been anticipated ; and sharp-shooters, sta¬ 
 tioned in ambuscade, shot numbers of them in their canoes, 
 and compelled the others to return. 
 
 These dastardly transactions were enacted on the 24th of 
 May. They were soon followed by another outrage, which, 
 though of less magnitude, was not less atrocious in its spirit, 
 while it was even more harrowing to the feelings of the Indians. 
 The event referred to was the murder, by a white man, of an 
 aged and inoffensive Delaware chief named the Bald Eagle. 
 He had for years consorted more with the white people than 
 his own, visiting those most frequently who entertained him 
 best. At the time of his murder he had been on a visit to the 
 fort at the North of the Kanhawa, and was killed while alone, 
 paddling his canoe. The man who committed the murder, it 
 was said, had been a sufferer at the hands of the Indians ; but 
 he had never been injured by the object upon whom he wreaked 
 his vengeance. After tearing the scalp from his head, the 
 white savage placed the body in a sitting posture in the canoe, 
 and sent it adrift down the stream. The voyage of the dead 
 chief was observed by many, who supposed him living, and 
 upon one of his ordinary excursions. When, however, the 
 deed became known, his nation were not slow in avowals of 
 
1774 .] 
 
 41 
 
 CRESAP’S WAR. 
 
 vengeance.* Equally exasperated, at about the same time, 
 were the Shawanese, against the whites, by the murder of one 
 of their favourite chiefs, Silver Heels , who had in the kindest 
 manner undertaken to escort several white traders across the 
 woods from the Ohio to Albany, a distance of nearly two hun¬ 
 dred miles.t 
 
 The consequence of these repeated outrages, perpetrated by 
 white barbarians, was the immediate commencement of an In¬ 
 dian war, the first leader of which was Logan, who, with a 
 small party of only eight warriors, made a sudden and alto¬ 
 gether unexpected descent upon a Muskingum settlement, with 
 complete success. In the course of the Summer great numbers 
 of men, women, and children, fell victims to the tomahawk and 
 scalping-knife. Logan, however, though smarting under a 
 keen sense of his own wrongs, set his face against the practice 
 of putting prisoners to the torture, so far as he could. In one 
 instance, he so instructed a prisoner doomed to run the gaunt¬ 
 let, as to enable him to escape without receiving essential in¬ 
 jury. In another case, with his own hand he severed the cord 
 which bound a prisoner to the stake, and by his influence pro¬ 
 cured his adoption into an Indian family. 
 
 To punish these atrocities, provoked, as all authorities concur 
 in admitting, by the whites, a vigorous campaign was under¬ 
 taken by the Governor of Virginia, Lord Dunmore, with a force 
 of between two and three thousand men. Eleven hundred of 
 these Provincials, mostly riflemen, and comprising much of the 
 chivalry of Virginia, constituting the left wing, were entrusted 
 to the command of General Andrew Lewis,+ with instructions 
 to march direct for Point Pleasant, at the mouth of the Great 
 Kanhawa; while his lordship, proceeding with the right wing, 
 was to cross the Ohio at a higher point, and fall upon the In¬ 
 dian towns in their rear. For reasons never satisfactorily ex¬ 
 plained, although the cause of some controversy at the time, 
 there was a failure of the expected co-operation on the part of 
 Lord Dunmore. 
 
 * M’Clung, as cited by Drake. f Heck ewelder. 
 
 J Andrew Lewis was, in fact, only a colonel; but he was in the chief command 
 of the division, and as he had a brother, Charles Lewis, also a colonel, he has been 
 designated as a G eneral by courtesy, and for the purpose of distinguishing the com¬ 
 mander from the other colonel. 
 
42 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1774 . 
 
 General Lewis commenced his march on the 11th of Sep¬ 
 tember. His course was direct, through a trackless wilderness, 
 one hundred and sixty miles ; over which all the supplies of 
 the army were necessarily to be transported on pack-horses. 
 The march was very slow and tedious—occupying nineteen 
 days. Arrived at or near the junction of the Kanhawa with 
 the Ohio, Lewis waited eight or nine days to obtain tidings 
 from Lord Dunmore, but heard not a syllable. 
 
 Early on the morning of the 10th of October, two of Lewis’s 
 scouts, who were about a mile in advance, were fired upon by a 
 large body of Indians; one of the scouts was killed, and the other 
 escaped to camp with the intelligence. It was yet half an hour 
 to sunrise, and instant dispositions were made to move forward 
 and attack. Just as the sun was rising, the Indians, who were 
 advancing upon a like errand, were met, and an engagement 
 ensued, which continued with greater or less severity through 
 the day. The Virginians had bivouacked upon a point of land 
 between the two rivers, giving the Indians an important advan¬ 
 tage of position, inasmuch as, if defeated, retreat would be im¬ 
 possible for the former, while the latter could fly at their plea¬ 
 sure. But such was not the purpose of the Indians. Their 
 numbers have been variously stated, from eight to fifteen hun¬ 
 dred, consisting of Shawanese, Delawares, Mingoes, Wyandots, 
 Cayugas, and several other tribes, led in chief by Logan, assist¬ 
 ed by other celebrated chiefs, among whom were Comstock , 
 Ellenipsico , (his son,) and the Red Eagle. 
 
 The onset was impetuous upon both sides. Colonel Charles 
 Lewis led the right of the Virginians, and was in advance. 
 He fell almost at the first fire, mortally wounded, and shortly 
 afterward expired—having walked back to his own camp. 
 The Virginians, like the Indians, sought every advantage by 
 fighting from the shelter of trees and bushes ; but in the first 
 part of the engagement the advantages were with the Indians, 
 and two of the Virginia regiments, after severe loss, especially 
 in officers, were compelled to give way. Colonel Fleming, who 
 commanded the left, though severely wounded in the beginning 
 of the action, by two balls through his arm and another through 
 the breast, bravely kept the field for some time, cheering his 
 men, and, urging them not to lose an inch of ground, directed 
 them to outflank the enemy. But the assault of the Indians 
 
1774 .] BATTLE OF THE KANHAWA. 43 
 
 was vigorous and their fire so severe, that the left, like the 
 right, was yielding, when, at the most critical moment, Colonel 
 Field’s regiment was brought with great spirit and resolution 
 into the action, by which timely movement the fortunes of the 
 day were retrieved. The impetuosity of the Indians was checked, 
 and they were in turn forced to retreat—falling back to avail 
 themselves of a rude breast-work of logs and brash-wood, 
 which they had taken the precaution to construct for the occa¬ 
 sion. Colonel Field was killed at the moment his gallant 
 regiment had changed the aspect of the battle, and he was 
 succeeded by Captain Isaac Shelby, afterward the brave and 
 hardy old Governor of Kentucky. 
 
 The Indians made a valiant stand at their breast-work, de¬ 
 fending their position until nearly night-fall. For several hours 
 every attempt to dislodge them was unsuccessful; the savages 
 fighting like men who had not only their soil and homes to 
 protect, but deep wrongs to avenge. “ The voice of the mighty 
 Comstock was often heard during the day, above the din of 
 battle, calling out to his warriors, ‘ Be strong! Be strong!’ 
 And when, by the repeated charge of the Virginians, some of 
 his warriors began to waver, he is said to have sunk his toma¬ 
 hawk into the head of a coward who was attempting to fly.”* 
 
 The action had continued extremely hot until past twelve 
 o’clock, after which it was abated at intervals, though a scat¬ 
 tering fire was kept up most of the time during the day. To¬ 
 ward night, finding that each successive attack upon the line of 
 the Indians in front but weakened his own force, without ma¬ 
 king any perceptible impression upon the Indians, and rightly 
 judging that if the latter were not routed before dark, the con¬ 
 test must be resumed under at least doubtful circumstances on 
 the following day, a final attempt was made to throw a body of 
 troops into the rear. Three companies were detached upon 
 this service, led by Captain Shelby. The ground favoured the 
 enterprise. Availing themselves of the tall weeds and grass 
 upon the bank of a creek flowing into the Kanhawa, those 
 companies passed the flank of the Indian ranks unobserved, 
 and falling vigorously upon their rear, drove them from their 
 
 * Drake—who compiles his account of this spirited engagement, from Withers, 
 M’Clung, and Doddridge. 
 
44 LIFE OF BRANT. [ 1774 . 
 
 lines with precipitation. Night came on, and the Indians, 
 supposing that reinforcements of the Virginians had arrived, 
 fled across the Ohio, and continued their retreat to the Scioto. 
 They had not the satisfaction of taking many scalps—the 
 bodies of a few stragglers only falling into their possession. In 
 the official account it was stated that they scalped numbers of 
 their own warriors, to prevent the Virginians from doing it. 
 Of those Indians first killed, the Virginians scalped upward of 
 twenty.* The loss of the Indians was never known. It must, 
 however, have been severe ; since, in addition to the killed and 
 wounded borne away, numbers of the slain were thrown into the 
 river, and thirty-three of their warriors were found dead upon the 
 field on the following day. The loss of the Virginians was like¬ 
 wise severe. Two of their colonels were killed, four captains, 
 many subordinate officers, and between fifty and sixty privates, 
 besides a much larger number wounded.! 
 
 Arrived at Chilicothe, a council of the Indians was convened 
 to debate upon the question what was next to be done. Corn- 
 stock, it was said, had been opposed to giving battle at Point 
 Pleasant, but had resolved to do his best on being overruled in 
 council. Having been defeated, as he had anticipated, he de¬ 
 manded of the council, “ What shall we do now ? The Long 
 “ Knives are coming upon us by two routes. Shall we turn 
 11 out and fight them ?” No response being made to the ques¬ 
 tion, he continued, u Shall we kill all our squares and chil- 
 u dren, and then fight until we are all killed ourselves ?” As 
 before, all were silent; whereupon Comstock struck his toma¬ 
 hawk into the war-post standing in the midst of the council, 
 and remarked with emphasis : “ Since you are not inclined to 
 “fight j I w Hl g° a,lc l make peace .”+ Saying which, he re- 
 
 * Official Report. 
 
 f Doddridge states the number of killed at 75, and of wounded at 140. In the esti¬ 
 mate given in the text, Thatcher has been followed. It is stated by Drake, that a 
 stratagem was resorted to in this action by the Virginians, similar to one that had been 
 practised in the early New England war of the Indians at Pawtucket. The Virginians, 
 concealing themselves behind trees, would hold out their hats fom behind and draw 
 the fire of the Indians; the hat being instantly dropped, the Indian warrior who had 
 brought it down, supposing that he had killed the owner, would rush forward to se¬ 
 cure the scalp of his supposed victim—only to fall beneath an unexpected tomahawk. 
 
 J Doddir'ge. 
 
SPEECH OF LOGAN. 
 
 45 
 
 1774 .] 
 
 paired to the camp of Lord Dunmore, who, having descended 
 the Ohio, was now approaching the Scioto. 
 
 Meantime General Lewis, having buried his dead, and made 
 the necessary dispositions for an advance into the heart of the 
 Indian country, moved forward in pursuit of the enemy—re¬ 
 solved upon his extermination. He was soon afterward met by 
 a counter-order from Lord Dunmore, which he disregarded ; 
 and it was not until the Governor visited Lewis in his own 
 camp, that a reluctant obedience was exacted. Meantime the 
 negotiation proceeded, but under circumstances of distrust on 
 the part of the Virginians, who were careful to admit only a 
 small number of the Indians into their encampment at any one 
 time. The chief speaker on the part of the Indians was Com 
 stock, who did not fail to charge the whites with being the sole 
 cause of the war—enumerating the provocations which the 
 Indians had received, and dwelling with peculiar force upon 
 the murders committed in the family of Logan.* This lofty 
 chief himself refused to appear at the council. He was in fa¬ 
 vour of peace, but his proud spirit scorned to ask for it; and he 
 remained in his cabin, brooding in melancholy silence over his 
 own wrongs. 
 
 Of so much importance was his name considered by Lord 
 Dunmore however, that a special messenger was despatched to 
 ascertain whether he would accede to the articles of peace. 
 This messenger was Colonel John Gibson, an officer in Dun- 
 more’s army, and afterward a man of some distinction. The 
 “ Mingo Chief” did not dissent from the terms, but gave not his 
 sanction without an eloquent rehearsal of his grievances—rela¬ 
 ting, in full, the circumstances of the butchery of his own 
 entire family, to avenge which atrocities he had taken up the 
 hatchet. His conference with Gibson took place in a solitary 
 wood, and at its close, he charged him with the celebrated 
 
 * Comstock was a truly great man. Col. Wilson, who was present at the 
 interview between the Chief and Lord Dunmore, thus speaks of the chieftain’s 
 bearing on the occasion : “ When he arose, he was in no wise confused or daunted, 
 but spoke in a distinct and audible voice, without stammering or repetition, and with 
 peculiar emphasis. His looks, while addressing Dunmore, were truly grand and 
 majestic, yet graceful and attractive. I have heard the first orators in Virginia, 
 Patrick Henry and Richard Henry Lee ; but never have I heard one whose powers 
 of delivery surpassed those of Comstock.” 
 
46 LIFE OF BRANT. [ 1774 . 
 
 speech to Lord Dunmore, which has become familiar wherever 
 the English language is spoken :— 
 
 “ I appeal to any white man to say if he ever entered Logan’s 
 cabin hungry, and he gave him not meat; if ever he came cold 
 and naked, and he clothed him not. During the course of the 
 last long and bloody war, Logan remained idle in his cabin, an 
 advocate for peace. Such was my love for the whites, that my 
 countrymen pointed, as they passed, and said, ‘ Logan is the 
 friend of the white men.’ I had even thought to have lived 
 with you, but for the injuries of one man. Colonel Cresap, the 
 last Spring, in cold blood and unprovoked, murdered all the rela¬ 
 tions of Logan, not even sparing my women and children. There 
 runs not a drop of my blood in the veins of any living creature. 
 This called on me for revenge. I have sought it; I have killed 
 many ; I have fully glutted my vengeance. For my country, 
 I rejoice at the beams of peace ; but do not harbour a thought 
 that mine is the joy of fear. Logan never felt fear. He will 
 not turn on his heel to save his life. Who is there to mourn 
 for Logan 7 Not one.” 
 
 This speech has ever been regarded as one of the most elo¬ 
 quent passages in the English language. Mr. Jeffersonjremark- 
 ed of it— 11 1 may challenge the whole orations of Demosthenes, 
 “ and of Cicero, and of any more eminent orator, if Europe 
 “ has furnished more eminent, to produce a single passage su- 
 “ perior to itand an American statesman and scholar,* 
 scarcely less illustrious than the author of this noble eulogium, 
 has subscribed to that opinion.! 
 
 * De Witt Clinton. 
 
 | Thatcher’s Ind. Biography. It is due in candour to state, that the authenticity of 
 this celebrated speech has been questioned. On the first publication of Jefferson’s 
 Notes, the relatives and friends of Cresap made a great outcry against the charge 
 of his having murdered Logan’s family. Among other arguments in his defence, 
 it was contended that the speech attributed to Logan had, in substance and almost 
 in words, been delivered to the General Assembly of Virginia by a sachem named 
 Lonan, twenty years before the date assigned to it by Mr. Jefferson. The speech 
 referred to was discovered in the travels of Robin, a Frenchman, who visited the Co¬ 
 lonies at an early period of the war of the Revolution. The passage stands thus in 
 the English translation of “Robin’s New Travels in America:”— 
 
 “Speech of the savage Lonan, in a General Assembly, as it was sent to the 
 Governor of Virginia, anno 1754:— 
 
 “Lonan will no longer oppose making the proposed peace with the white men. 
 You are sensible he never knew what fear is—that he never turned his back in the 
 
TEMPER OF THE INDIANS, 
 
 47 
 
 1774 .] 
 
 Lord Dunmore, it is believed, was sincerely desirous of 
 peace—from motives of humanity, we are ready to believe, al¬ 
 though writers of less charity have attributed his course to a 
 more unworthy feeling. Peace, therefore, was the result of the 
 council. But it will readily be conceded that the Indian war¬ 
 riors could not have retired to their respective tribes and homes, 
 with any feelings of particular friendship toward the white men. 
 On the contrary, the pain of defeat, and the loss of the warriors 
 who fell, were causes of irritating reflection, in addition to the 
 original and grievous wrong they had suffered at the hands of 
 Cresap and Greathouse. The Six Nations, as a confederacy, 
 had not taken part in the war of the Virginia border ; but many 
 of their warriors were engaged in it, especially the Cayugas, to 
 which nation Logan belonged, and the warriors of the Six Na¬ 
 tions colonized on the banks of the Susquehanna and its tribu¬ 
 tary the Shamokin. These, it may be reasonably inferred, re¬ 
 turned from the contest only to brood longer over their accu¬ 
 mulated wrongs, and in a temper not over-inclined to cultivate 
 the most amicable relations with the Colonies. In one word, 
 the temper of the whole Indian race, with the exception of the 
 Oneidas, was soured by these occurrences of the year 1774 ;—a 
 
 day of battle. No one has more love for the white men than I have. The war we 
 have had with them has been long and bloody on both sides. Rivers of blood have 
 run on all parts, and yet no good has resulted therefrom to any. I once more repeat 
 it—let us be at peace with these men. I will forget our injuries ; the interest of my 
 country demands it. I will forget—but difficult, indeed, is the task! Yes, I will 
 
 forget that Major-cruelly and inhumanly murdered, in their canoes, my wife, 
 
 my children, my father, my mother, and all my kindred. This roused me to deeds 
 of vengeance ! I was cruel in despite of myself. I will die content if my country is 
 once more at peace. But when Lonan shall be no more, who, alas! will drop a tear 
 to the memory of Lonan ? ” 
 
 If the date to this speech be the true one, there is an end to the claim of Logan. 
 But the resemblance in many manuscripts, between the figures 4 and 7, is so close 
 as to induce a belief, (Dr. Barton’s Journal of 1808 to the contrary notwithstanding) 
 that the error may have been made by the English translator. This opinion is 
 strengthened by the similarity between the name given by Robin,— Lonan —’and 
 Logan. The difference consists in a single letter, and might well have been the er¬ 
 ror of the Frenchman, when writing the identical story of Logan. In the course of 
 bis investigations, Mr. Jefferson was furnished with a note, written by Logan, and 
 sent to a white settlement, attached to a war-club, by the hand of an Indian runner. 
 Heckewelder also says the speech was authenticated by Col. Gibson, and adds 
 “For my part I am convinced that it was delivered precisely as it was related to us, 
 with this only difference, that it possessed a force and expression in the Indian lan¬ 
 guage, which it is impossible to translate into our own.” 
 
48 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1774 . 
 
 most unfortunate circumstance, since events were then follow¬ 
 ing in rapid succession, which within a twelvemonth rendered 
 the friendship of the nations not only desirable, but an object 
 of vast importance. 
 
 But before the direct narrative leading to those events is re¬ 
 sumed, it may be well to end the melancholy tale of Logan, 
 “ which can be dismissed with no relief to its gloomy colours.” 
 After the peace of Chilicothe he sank into a state of deep mental 
 depression, declaring that life was a torment to him. He be¬ 
 came in some measure delirious ; * went to Detroit, and there 
 yielded himself to habits of intoxication. In the end he became 
 a victim to the same ferocious cruelty which had already ren¬ 
 dered him a desolate man. Not long after the treaty, a party 
 of whites murdered him as he was returning from Detroit to 
 his own country.! 
 
 * Allen’s Biog. Die. 
 
 f Thatcher. 
 
CHAPTER HI. 
 
 Unyielding course of the parent Government—Efforts of the Earl of Chatham una¬ 
 vailing—Address to the Crown from New-York—Leslie’s Expedition to Salem— 
 Affair of Lexington—Unwise movements of Tryon County loyalists—Reaction 
 —Public meetings—The Sammons family—Interference of the Johnsons— 
 Quarrel at Caughnawaga—Spirited indications at Cherry Valley—Counteracting- 
 efforts of the Johnsons among their retainers—Intrigues with the Indians— 
 Massachusetts attempts the same—Correspondence with the Stockbridge Indians 
 —Letter to Mr. Kirkland—His removal by Guy Johnson—Neutrality of the 
 Oneidas—Intercepted despatch from Brant to the Oneidas—Apprehensions of 
 Guy Johnson—Correspondence—Farther precautions of the Committees—Re¬ 
 verence for the Laws—Letter of Guy Johnson to the Committees of Albany and 
 Schenectady—Substance of the reply. 
 
 The parent government did not relax its coercive measures, 
 notwithstanding the efforts of the Earl of Chatham, now venera¬ 
 ble for his years, who, after a long retirement, returned once more 
 into public life, to interpose his eloquence and the influence of 
 his great name in behalf of the Colonies. His lordship’s ad¬ 
 dress to the King for the removal of the troops from Boston, 
 was rejected by a large majority. His conciliatory bill was 
 also rejected. On the 26th of January, Messrs. Bolland, 
 Franklin, and Lee, the Committee from the Colonies, charged 
 with presenting the petition of the Continental Congress for a 
 redress of grievances, brought the subject before the House of 
 Commons, and after an angry debate they refused to receive it 
 by a decisive vote. Meantime bills were passed, by large ma¬ 
 jorities, restraining all the thirteen Colonies, excepting only 
 New-York, Delaware, and North Carolina, from the prosecu¬ 
 tion of any foreign commerce other than with Great Britain 
 and her dependencies. The Eastern States were likewise ex¬ 
 cluded from the fisheries of Newfoundland. But notwith¬ 
 standing that, from motives of policy, New-York had been 
 thus excepted from the restraining law, its local legislature was 
 at the same time engaged in preparing a memorial to the 
 Crown for a redress of grievances—a fact which the ministers 
 soon learned, and not without mortification. The New-York 
 address was a strong denunciation of the measures of the 
 Government toward the Colonies, and an energetic appeal for 
 redress. “We feel,” said they, “ the most ardent desire to pro¬ 
 mote a cordial reconciliation with the parent state, which can 
 
50 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1775 . 
 
 be rendered permanent and solid only by ascertaining the line 
 of Parliamentary authority and American freedom, on just, 
 equitable, and constitutional grounds. * * * From the year 
 1683 till the close of the late war, they had enjoyed a legisla¬ 
 ture consisting of three distinct branches, a Governor, Council, and 
 general Assembly; under which political frame the representa¬ 
 tives had-uniformly exercised the right of their own civil go¬ 
 vernment, and the administration of justice in the Colony. It 
 is, therefore, with inexpressible grief that we have of late 
 years seen measures adopted by the British Parliament, subver¬ 
 sive of that constitution under which the good people of this 
 Colony have always enjoyed the same rights and privileges, so 
 highly and deservedly prized by their fellow-subjects of Great 
 Britain.” Adverting to the essential privilege of trial by a 
 jury of the vicinage, they “ view with horror the construction 
 of the statute of the 35th of Henry the VIII. as held up by the 
 joint address of both houses of Parliament in 1769, advising 
 his Majesty to send for persons guilty of treasons and mispri¬ 
 sions of treasons, in the Colony of Massachusetts Bay, in order 
 to be tried in England and they “ are equally alarmed at the 
 late acts, empowering his Majesty to send persons guilty of 
 offences in one colony, to be tried in another or within the 
 realm of England.” They complain of the act of 7th of 
 George the III. requiring the legislature of this Colony to make 
 provision for the expense of the troops quartered among them; 
 of the act suspendingtheir legislative powers till they shouldhave 
 complied; and of the Quebec act; considering themselves as 
 interested in whatever may affect their sister Colonies ; they can¬ 
 not help feeling for the distresses of their brethren in Massa¬ 
 chusetts, from the operation of the several acts of Parliament 
 passed relative to that province, and earnestly remonstrating in 
 their behalf. “We claim,” said they, “ but a restoration of those 
 rights which we enjoyed by general consent before the close of 
 the last war ; we desire no more than a continuation of that 
 ancient government to which we are entitled by the principles 
 of the British constitution, and by which alone can be secured 
 to us the rights of Englishmen.” The address was presented 
 to the House of Commons by Mr. Burke, but was never called up. # 
 
 * Holmes’s Annals. 
 
AFFAIR OF LEXINGTON. 
 
 51 
 
 1775 .] 
 
 A new Provincial Congress was assembled in Massachusetts 
 in February, which, anticipating that the parent Government 
 was preparing to strike the first blow at that Colony, adopted 
 farther means of precaution and defence—but with great wis¬ 
 dom avoiding any thing like an overt act of resistance. Hos¬ 
 tilities had well nigh been commenced on the 26th of Februa¬ 
 ry, between Salem and Danvers, by the opposition of Colonel 
 Timothy Pickering and others, to Colonel Leslie, who had been 
 sent to Salem by General Gage, to seize some military stores, 
 which he had been informed were collecting at the former 
 place. The interposition of Mr. Barnard, the minister of Sa¬ 
 lem, prevented the effusion of blood, and Leslie returned to 
 Boston from a bootless errand. 
 
 The ill-starred expedition, by the direction of General Gage, 
 to Concord, and the battle of Lexington on the 19th of April, 
 gave the signal of a general rush to arms throughout most of the 
 Colonies. True, it was not admitted to be a formal commence¬ 
 ment of hostilities, and the Provincial Congress of Massachu¬ 
 setts despatched an account of that affair to Great Britain, with 
 depositions, establishing the fact indisputably, that both at 
 Concord and Lexington the firing had been commenced by 
 the King’s troops—Major Pitcairn himself discharging the first 
 shot, at the former place. But although this message was ac¬ 
 companied by an address to the people of Great Britain with 
 continued professions of loyalty, yet those professions were 
 sent, hand in hand, with a declaration that they would “ not 
 tamely submit to the persecution and tyranny ” of the existing 
 ministry, and with an appeal to heaven for the justice of a cause 
 in which they were determined to die or conquer. It was very 
 evident, therefore, that reconciliation was out of the question, 
 and that a trial of arms was near at hand. Of course the ex¬ 
 asperation of the public mind was now at its height, and those 
 who had not taken sides could no longer stand neutral. 
 
 It was at this moment, just as the Continental Congress was 
 about to reassemble, and just as the exciting intelligence was 
 received from Boston, that, most unwisely for themselves, the 
 influential loyalists of Try on County undertook to make a 
 demonstration against the proceedings of the Congress of the 
 preceding Autumn. A declaration in opposition to those pro- 
 
52 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1775 . 
 
 ceedings was drawn up, and advantage taken of the gathering 
 of the people at a Court holden in Johnstown, to obtain signa¬ 
 tures. The discussions ran high upon the subject, but the 
 movers in the affair succeeded in obtaining the names of a 
 majority of the Grand Jurors, and the greater portion of the 
 magistracy of the County. 
 
 The Whigs in attendance at the Court were indignant at 
 this proceedure, and on returning to their respective homes, 
 communicated their feelings to those of their neighbors who 
 had embraced kindred principles. Public meetings were called, 
 and committees appointed in every district, and sub-committees 
 in almost every hamlet in the County.* The first of these 
 public meetings was held at the house of John Yeeder in 
 Caughnawaga. It was attended by about three hundred peo¬ 
 ple, who assembled, unarmed, for the purpose of deliberation, 
 and also to erect a liberty-pole—the most hateful object of that 
 day in the eyes of the loyalists. Among the leaders of the 
 Whigs on that occasion, were Sampson Sammons, an opulent 
 farmer residing in the neighbourhood, and two of his sons, 
 Jacob and Frederick. Before they had accomplished their 
 purpose of raising the emblem of rebellion, the proceedings 
 were interrupted by the arrival of Sir John Johnson, accompa¬ 
 nied by his brothers-in-law, Colonels Claus and Guy Johnson, 
 together with Colonel John Butler, and a large number of their 
 retainers, armed with swords and pistols. Guy Johnson mount¬ 
 ed a high stoop and harangued the people at length, and with 
 
 * The County of Tryon then included all the Colonial settlements West and 
 South-west of Schenectady. It was taken from Albany County in 1772, and named 
 in honour of William Tryon, then Governor of the Province. In 1784 the name 
 was changed to Montgomery. When formed, it embraced all that part of the 
 State lying West of a line running North and South, nearly through the centre of 
 the present County of Schoharie. It was divided into five districts, which were 
 again subdivided into smaller districts or precincts. The first, beginning at the 
 East, was the Mohawk district, embracing Fort Hunter, Caughnawaga, Johnstown, 
 and Kingsborough. Canajoharie district, embracing the present town of that 
 name, with all the country South, including Cherry Valley and Harpersfield, Pala¬ 
 tine district North of the river, and including the country known by the same name, 
 with Stone Arabia, &.C., and German Flatts and Kingsland Districts, being then 
 the most Western settlements, and the former now known by the same name. The 
 county buildings were at Johnstown, where, as before mentioned, was the residence 
 of Sir William Johnson.— Campbell’s rfnnals. 
 
MEETINGS OF THE PEOPLE. 
 
 53 
 
 1775 .] 
 
 great vehemence. He dwelt upon the strength and power of 
 the King, and attempted to show the folly of opposing his offi¬ 
 cers or revolting against the authority of his crown. A single 
 ship, he said, would be sufficient to capture all the navy which 
 could be set afloat by the Colonies ; while on the frontiers, the 
 Indians were under his Majesty’s control, and his arms were 
 sustained by a chain of fortified posts, extending from the Gulf 
 of the St. Lawrence to the Mississippi. He was very virulent 
 in his language toward the disaffected, causing their blood to 
 boil with indignation. But they were unarmed, and for the 
 most part unprepared, if not indisposed, to proceed to any act 
 of violence. The orator at length became so abusive, that 
 Jacob Sammons, no longer able to restrain himself, imprudently 
 interrupted his discourse by pronouncing him a liar and a vil¬ 
 lain. Johnson thereupon seized Sammons by the throat, and 
 called him a d—d villain in return. A scuffle ensued between 
 them, during which Sammons was struck down with a loaded 
 whip: On recovering from the momentary stupor of the blow, 
 Sammons found one of Johnson’s servants sitting astride of his 
 body. A well-directed blow relieved him of that incumbrance, 
 and, springing upon his feet, he threw off his coat and prepared 
 for fight. Two pistols were immediately presented to his 
 breast, but not discharged, as Sammons was again knocked 
 down by the clubs of the loyalists, and severely beaten. On 
 recovering his feet once more, he perceived that his Whig 
 friends had all decamped, with the exception of the families of 
 the Fondas, Yeeders, and Yisschers.* The loyalists also drew 
 off, and Jacob Sammons returned to his father’s house, bearing 
 upon his body the first scars of the Revolutionary contest in the 
 County of Tryon. 
 
 One of the largest and most spirited of these meetings took 
 place in Cherry Yalley. It was held in the church, and the 
 people entered into the subject with so much enthusiasm, that 
 they took their children to the assembly, that they might im¬ 
 bibe lessons of patriotism, as it were at the altar—thus hallow¬ 
 ing the cause in which they were about to engage, with the 
 
 * Narratives of Jacob and Frederick Sammons, furnished to the author; repeated 
 references to both of which will be made hereafter. 
 
54 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1775 . 
 
 impressive sanctions of religion. The orator of the occasion 
 was an Indian interpreter by the name of Thomas Spencer; 
 he was rude of speech, but forcible; and, warming with his 
 theme, spoke with such power and effect, that the story of his 
 eloquence yet lives in the annals of tradition.* The result of 
 this meeting was the adoption of a strong counter-declaration, 
 condemning the proceedings of the loyalists at Johnstown, and 
 approving, in the most unequivocal and solemn terms, of the 
 proceedings of the Continental Congress. 
 
 These proceedings took place early in May. But from a letter 
 addressed to the Committee of Safety of Albany, by the Commit¬ 
 tee of the Palatine district, on the 18th of that month, it appears 
 that the Johnsons and their powerful confederates in the Mo¬ 
 hawk district succeeded, by threats, intimidation, and an array 
 of military strength, in preventing the adoption of a correspond¬ 
 ing declaration by the Whigs. “ This County,” says the Pa¬ 
 latine Committee, “ has for a series of years been ruled by one 
 11 family, the several branches of which are still strenuous in 
 “ dissuading the people from coming into Congressional mea- 
 “ sures, and have even, last week, at a numerous meeting of 
 “ the Mohawk district, appeared with all their dependents armed 
 “ to oppose the people considering of their grievances: their 
 u number being so large, and the people unarmed, struck terror 
 “ into most of them, and they dispersed.” The Committee far¬ 
 ther notified their friends in Albany, that Sir John Johnson 
 was fortifying the Baronial Hall, by planting several swivels 
 around it; and he had paraded parts of the regiment of militia 
 which he commanded, on the day previous, for the purpose 
 of intimidation, as it was conjectured. It was likewise reported 
 that the Scotch Highlanders, settled in large numbers in and 
 about Johnstown, who were Roman Catholics, had armed 
 themselves to the number of one hundred and fifty, ready to 
 aid in the suppression of any popular outbreaks in favor of 
 the growing cause of Liberty. 
 
 Strong suspicions were early entertained that the Johnsons, 
 Butlers, and Colonel Claus, were endeavouring to alienate the 
 good-will of the Indians from the Colonists, and prepare them, 
 in the event of open hostilities, to take up the hatchet against 
 
 * And also in Campbell’s Annals 
 
1775.] INTRIGUES WITH THE INDIANS. 55 
 
 them. Thayendanegea, alias Joseph Brant, as heretofore men¬ 
 tioned, was now the secretary of Colonel Guy Johnson, the 
 superintendent, and his activity was ceaseless. Notwithstand¬ 
 ing his former friendship for Mr. Kirkland, the faithful mis¬ 
 sionary to the Oneidas, Thayendanegea was apprehensive that 
 his influence would be exerted to alienate the Indians from the 
 interests of the Crown, and attach them to those of the Colo¬ 
 nists. The wily chief accordingly attempted to obtain the re¬ 
 moval of Mr. Kirkland from his station ; and at his instigation 
 a dissolute sachem of the Oneidas preferred charges against the 
 minister to Guy Johnson, the superintendent. A correspon¬ 
 dence took place between Johnson and Mr. Kirkland upon the 
 subject, in which the latter sustained himself with force and 
 dignity. The Oneida nation, moreover, rallied to his support, 
 almost to a man; so that the superintendent was obliged, for 
 the time being, to relinquish the idea of his forcible removal.* 
 Justice, however, both to Brant and Guy Johnson, requires it 
 to be stated that the vigilant eyes of the Bostonians had already 
 been directed to the importance of securing an interest among 
 the Indians of the Six Nations, in anticipation of whatever 
 events were to happen. To this end a correspondence was open¬ 
 ed through Mr. Kirkland, even with the Mohawks, by the Pro¬ 
 vincial Congress of Massachusetts, before the affair of Lexington 
 and Concord.f The following is a copy of the letter addressed 
 to the missionary by the Provincial Congress :— 
 
 To the Rev. Samuel Kirkland. 
 
 “ Concord , April Ath , 1775. 
 
 “Sir, 
 
 “ The Provincial Congress have thought it necessary to ad¬ 
 dress the sachem of the Mohawk tribe, with the rest of the Six 
 Nations, upon the subject of the controversy between Great 
 Britain and the American Colonies. We are induced to take 
 this measure, as we have been informed that those who are 
 inimical to us in Canada have been tampering with those na¬ 
 tions, and endeavouring to attach them to the interest of those 
 who are attempting to deprive us of our inestimable rights and 
 
 * The correspondence referred to in this passage was discovered by the author 
 among the unpublished papers of Mr. Kirkland—obligingly loaned for his use br 
 President Kirkland‘of Boston. 
 
 f Sparks’s Life and Cor. of Washington, vol. iii. Appendix. 
 
 12 
 
56 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 r 1 
 
 [ 1 < / o. 
 
 privileges, and to subjugate the Colonies to arbitrary power, 
 
 From a confidence in your attachment to the cause of liberty 
 
 and your country, we now transmit to you the enclosed address, 
 
 and desire you will deliver it to the sachem of the Mohawk 
 
 tribe, to be communicated to the rest of the Six Nations ; and 
 
 that you will use your influence with them to join with us in 
 
 the defence of our rights ; but if you cannot prevail with them 
 
 to take an active part in this glorious cause, that you will at 
 
 least engage them to stand neuter, and not by any means to 
 
 aid and assist our enemies: and as we are at a loss for the 
 % 
 
 name of the sachem of the Mohawk tribe, we have left it to you 
 to direct the address to him, in such way as you may think pro¬ 
 per.” 
 
 There were at that time dwelling at Stockbridge, in the 
 western part of Massachusetts, a remnant of the Mohickanders, 
 or “ River Indians ” as they were usually called during the 
 greater portion of the last century, but latterly Stockbridge In¬ 
 dians, from their locality. These Indians were the remains of 
 the Muhhekaneew* of the Hudson river, at the time of the dis¬ 
 covery. They came originally, according to their own tradi¬ 
 tions, from the far West—even beyond the great lakes. That 
 such was their original location is supported by the fact, that 
 their language was radically different from that of the Narra- 
 gansetts and New England Indians generally, and also from 
 the language of the Five Nations. Its affinities were- allied to 
 the Shawanese and Chippewa, affording farther evidence that 
 they had emigrated from the West, crossing the country of the 
 Delawares, and establishing themselves on the banks of the Hud¬ 
 son, or Mohickannittuck as the North River was called. They 
 were a powerful tribe at the time of the discovery, numbering 
 a thousand warriors, and inhabiting the country between the 
 
 * This is the orthography of Dr. Edwards, who was long a missionary among 
 them at Stockbridge. Heckewelder says their proper name was Mahicanni. It is 
 one of the most difficult things in the world to arrive at any thing like system or 
 certainty in regard to Indian names of persons, places, or things. For instance, 
 the author has papers before him at the time of writing, in which the River Indians 
 are called Moheagans , Mourigans, or Makingans, (French,) Muhickanders, (Dutch,) 
 Mohiccons, (English,) Mohuccans, Mahickinders, Schaticooks, Wabingas, Muhheak- 
 unnuks, and the Moheakounucks; indeed, it has been the practice of writers of dif¬ 
 ferent, and of even the same nations, to spell more by the ear than by rule, until our 
 Indian names have been involved in almost inextricable confusion. 
 
THE RIVER INDIANS. 
 
 57 
 
 1775.] 
 
 Upper Delaware and the Hudson, together with portions of 
 territory now included in Massachusetts and Vermont. They 
 dwelt mostly in little towns and villages, their chief seat being 
 the site of the present city of Albany—called by them Pempo- 
 towwuthut-Muhhecanneuw, or the Fire-place of the Nation. Be¬ 
 coming feeble and dispersed as the white population increased 
 around and among them—although their numbers had been 
 partially recruited by refugees from the Narragansetts and 
 Pequods, on the conquest of those nations—the Muhhekaneew 
 were collected together at Stockbridge, in 1736, under the care 
 of the Rev. John Sergeant, who, and his son after him, were 
 long the spiritual guides of the tribe. They were ever faithful 
 to the English, having been actively employed by General 
 Shirley to range the country between Lake George and Mon¬ 
 treal, during the French war ending in the conquest of Ca¬ 
 nada.* 
 
 * Brown, in his pamphlet History of Schoharie, gives a singular tradition in re¬ 
 gard to the kings of the Mohawks, of which I have found no other mention. The 
 Mohawks and River Indians were once bitter enemies, the former becoming the 
 scourge and terror of the latter. Brown states that the last battle between the Mo- 
 hegans and Mohawks took place on Wanton Island, in the Hudson River, not far 
 from Catskill. The question between them was, which should have the honour of 
 naming their king, or which should have the preference in the kingly honours. Both 
 nations collected their utmost strength upon that island, for the purpose of a final 
 decision, and fought a pitched battle, which continued during the whole day. To¬ 
 ward night the Mohawks, finding that the Mohegans were likely to prove an over¬ 
 match for them, deemed it necessary to resort to stratagem, for which purpose they 
 suddenly took to flight, and gained another island in the evening. They here 
 kindled a great number of fires, and spread their blankets on some bushes, gathered 
 and disposed around them for that purpose, as though they themselves had encamped 
 by their fires as usual. The Mohegans following on, landed upon the island in the 
 depth of night, and were completely taken in by the deception. Supposing that the 
 Mohawks were sleeping soundly beneath their blankets, after their fatigue, the Mo¬ 
 hegans crept up with the greatest silence, and pouring a heavy fire upon the blank¬ 
 ets, rushed upon them with knives and tomahawks in hand, making the air to ring 
 with their yells as they fell to cutting and slashing the blankets and bushes instead 
 of Indians beneath them. Just at the moment of their greatest confusion and exul¬ 
 tation, the Mohawks, who had been lying in ambush flat upon the ground at a little 
 distance, poured a murderous fire upon their foes, whose figures were rendered dis¬ 
 tinctly visible by the light of their fires, and rushing impetuously upon them, killed 
 the greater part and made prisoners of the residue. A treaty was then concluded, 
 by which the Mohawks were to have the king, and the Mohegans were to hold them 
 in reverence, and call them “ Uncle.” Hendrick was the king first named such by 
 the Mohawks, after this decisive victory, “ who lived to a great age,” says Brown, 
 “and was killed at the battle of Lake George underSir William Johnson.”— Jluthor. 
 
58 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1775 . 
 
 The relations of the Stockbridge Indians with the Oneidas 
 had become intimate, and it is very possible that the negotiations 
 had even then commenced between the two tribes, which a few 
 years afterward resulted in the removal of the Stockbridge In¬ 
 dians to the Oneida. Be that, however, as it may, when the 
 troubles began to thicken, the Provincial Congress of Massa¬ 
 chusetts sent a message to the Stockbridge Indians, apprising 
 them of the gathering tempest, and expressing a desire to culti¬ 
 vate a good understanding between them. The Indians, in 
 return, dispatched Captain Solomon Ahhaunnamvaumut, their 
 chief saqhem, to the Congress, to make a reply, and on the 11th 
 of April he delivered the following speech : 
 
 “ Brothers : We have heard you speak by your letter—we 
 thank you for it—we now make answer. 
 
 “Brothers : You remember when you first came over the 
 great waters, I was great and you was little, very small. I then 
 took you in for a friend, and kept you under my arms, so that 
 no one might injure you ; since that time we have ever been true 
 friends ; there has never been any quarrel between us. But 
 now our conditions are changed. You are become great and 
 tall. You reach to the clouds. You are seen all around the 
 world, and I am become small, very little. I am not so high 
 as your heel. Now you take care of me, and I look to you for 
 protection. 
 
 “ Brothers : I am sorry to hear of this great quarrel be¬ 
 tween you and Old England. It appears that blood must soon 
 be shed to end this quarrel. We never till this day understood 
 the foundation of this quarrel between you and the country 
 you came from. 
 
 “ Brothers : Whenever I see your blood running, you will 
 soon find me about to revenge my brother’s blood. Although 
 I am low and very small, I will gripe hold of your enemy’s 
 heel, that he cannot run so fast, and so light, as if he had no¬ 
 thing at his heels. 
 
 “ Brothers : You know I am not so wise as you are, there¬ 
 fore I ask your advice in what I am now going to say. I have 
 been thinking, before you come to action, to take a run to the 
 westward, and feel the mind of my Indian brethren, the Six 
 Nations, and know how they stand—whether they are on your 
 
STOCKBRIDGE AND ONEIDAS. 
 
 59 
 
 1775 .] 
 
 side or for your enemies. If I find they are against you, I 
 will try to turn their minds. I think they will listen to me, for 
 they have always looked this way for advice, concerning all 
 important news that comes from the rising of the sun. If they 
 hearken to me, you will not be afraid of any danger behind 
 you. However their minds are affected, you shall soon know 
 by me. Now I think I can do you more service in this way, 
 than by marching off immediately to Boston, and staying there ; 
 it may be a great while before blood runs.* Now, as I said, you 
 are wiser than I; I leave this for your consideration, whether I 
 come down immediately or wait till I hear some blood is spilled. 
 
 “ Brothers : I would not have you think by this that we 
 are falling back from our engagements. We are ready to do 
 any thing for your relief, and shall be guided by your counsel. 
 
 “ Brothers : One thing I ask of you, if you send for me 
 to fight, that you will let me fight in my own Indian way. I 
 am not used to fight English fashion, therefore you must not 
 expect I can train like your men. Only point out to me where 
 your enemies keep, and that is all I shall want to know.” 
 
 Two days afterward the Congress directed the following re¬ 
 ply to be made to the Moheakounnuck tribe, through their 
 chieftain : 
 
 “ Brothers : We this day, by the delegate from Stock- 
 bridge, first heard of your friendly answer to our speech to you 
 by Captain William Goodrich, which answer we are told you 
 made to us immediately by a letter, which we have not yet re¬ 
 ceived. We now reply: 
 
 “Brothers : You say that you were once great, but that 
 you are now little ; and that we were once little and are now 
 great. The Supreme Spirit orders these things. Whether we 
 are little or great, let us keep the path of friendship clear, which 
 our fathers made, and in which we have both travelled to this 
 time. The friends of the wicked counsellors of our King fell 
 upon us, and shed some blood soon after we spake to you last 
 by letter. But we, with a small twig, killed so many, and 
 
 * A company of minute-men, composed of the Stockbridge Indians, was organ¬ 
 ized by the Massachusetts Congress before the battle of Lexington. They were 
 retained in service some time after the war began, and came down and joined the 
 camp at Cambridge.— Sparks. 
 
60 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1 / to. 
 
 frightened them so much, that they have shut themselves up in 
 our great town, called Boston, which they have made strong. 
 We have now made our hatchets, and all our instruments of 
 war, sharp and bright. All the chief counsellors, who live on 
 this side the great water, are sitting in the grand Council 
 House in Philadelphia; when they give the word, we shall all 
 as one man, fall on, and drive our enemies out of their strong 
 fort, and follow them till they shall take their hands out of our 
 pouches, and let us sit in our council-house, as we used to do, 
 and as our fathers did in old times. 
 
 “Brothers: Though you are small, yet you are wise. 
 Use your wisdom to help us. If you think it best, go and 
 smoke your pipe with your Indian brothers toward the setting 
 of the sun, and tell them of all you hear and all you see ; and 
 let us know what their wise men say. If some of your young 
 men should have a mind to see what we are doing, let them 
 come down and tarry among our warriors. We will provide 
 for them while they are here. 
 
 “ Brothers : When you have any trouble, come and tell it 
 to us, and we will help you.” 
 
 11 To Captain Solomon Ahhaunnauwaumut , chief Sachem of 
 the Moheakounnuck Indians.” 
 
 These documents have been thus incidentally introduced, 
 not only as being connected with the main history, and also as 
 being interesting in themselves, but in justice to Guy Johnson ; 
 since, in regard to his own measures of defensive preparation, 
 he is entitled to the benefit of all the facts, going to warrant his 
 suspicions that an extraneous influence was exerting over the 
 subjects of his general superintendency; and it can hardly be 
 supposed that he was kept altogether in ignorance, either of 
 the correspondence with Mr. Kirkland or of that with the Stock- 
 bridge Indians, through whom, probably, the Bostonians were 
 at the same time holding intercourse with the Six Nations. 
 These circumstances could not but awaken a lively jealousy, in 
 regard to the movements of the white people among the In¬ 
 dians under his charge, and especially in regard to Mr. Kirk¬ 
 land. Accordingly, although in the month of February the 
 superintendent had not been able to effect the removal of Mr. 
 Kirkland from his station among the Oneidas, he nevertheless 
 
1775.] STOCKBRIDGE AND ONEIDAS. . 61 
 
 accomplished that object in the course of the Spring, as appears 
 by a letter from the missionary himself, addressed from Cherry 
 Valley to the Albany Committee : 
 
 Mr. Kirkland to the Committee of Albany. 
 
 “ Cherry Valley , Jan. 9, 1775. 
 
 11 Gentlemen, 
 
 “I am much embarrassed at present. You have doubtless 
 heard that Colonel Johnson has orders from Government to 
 remove the dissenting missionaries from the Six Nations, till 
 the difficulties between Great Britain and the Colonies are set¬ 
 tled ; in consequence of which he has forbidden my return to 
 my people at Oneida. He has since given encouragement that 
 I may revisit them after the Congress is closed ; but to be plain, 
 I have no dependence at all on his promises of this kind. He 
 appears unreasonably jealous of me, and has forbidden my 
 speaking a word to the Indians, and threatened me with con¬ 
 finement if I transgress. All he has against me I suppose to 
 be a suspicion that I have interpreted to the Indians the doings 
 of the Continental Congress, which has undeceived them, and 
 too much opened their eyes for Colonel Johnson’s purposes. I 
 confess to you, gentlemen, that I have been guilty of this, if it 
 be a transgression. The Indians found out that I had received 
 the abstracts of said Congress, and insisted upon knowing the 
 contents. I could not deny them, notwithstanding my cloth, 
 though in all other respects I have been extremely cautious not 
 to meddle in matters of a political nature. I apprehend that 
 my interpreting the doings of the Congress to a number of 
 their sachems, has done more real good to the cause of the 
 country, or the cause of truth and justice, than five hundred 
 pounds in presents would have effected.” 
 
 Mr. Kirkland no doubt spoke the honest truth in this letter. 
 His influence was great among the Oneidas, and deservedly so. 
 Hence, had he undertaken the task, he might, beyond all 
 doubt, and easily, have persuaded the Indians of his forest- 
 charge to espouse the cause of the Colonies. But he did no 
 such thing; or, at least, he avoided the exertion of any farther 
 influence than to persuade them to the adoption of a neutral 
 policy. This determination, probably, was an act of their 
 own volition, after listening to the interpretation of the pro- 
 
62 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1775 . 
 
 ceedings of Congress. It was made known to the people of 
 New England by the following address, transmitted by the 
 Oneidas to Governor Trumbull, of Connecticut, with a request 
 that he would cause it to be communicated to the four New 
 England Colonies: 
 
 The Oneida Indians to Governor Trumbull. 
 
 “ As my younger brothers of the New England Indians, who 
 have settled in our vicinity, are now going down to visit their 
 friends, and to move up parts of their families that were left 
 behind—with this belt by them, I open the road wide, clearing 
 it of all obstacles, that they may visit their friends and return 
 to their settlements here in peace. 
 
 “We Oneidas are induced to this measure on account of the 
 disagreeable situation of affairs that way; and we hope, by the 
 help of God, they may return in peace. We earnestly recom¬ 
 mend them to your charity through their long journey. 
 
 “ Now we more immediately address you, our brother, the 
 Governor, and the chiefs of New England. 
 
 “ Brothers : We have heard of the unhappy differences 
 and great contention between you and Old England. We 
 wonder greatly, and are troubled in our minds. 
 
 “ Brothers : Possess your minds in peace respecting us In¬ 
 dians. We cannot intermeddle in this dispute between two 
 brothers. The quarrel seems to be unnatural. You are two 
 brothers of one blood. We are unwilling to join on either 
 side in such a contest, for we bear an equal affection to both you 
 Old and New England. Should the great king of England apply 
 to us for aid, we shall deny him; if the Colonies apply, we 
 shall refuse. The present situation of you two brothers is new 
 and strange to us. We Indians cannot find, nor recollect in the 
 traditions of our ancestors, the like case, or a similar instance. 
 
 “ Brothers : For these reasons possess your minds in peace, 
 and take no umbrage that we Indians refuse joining in the 
 contest. We are for peace. 
 
 “ Brothers : Was it an alien, a foreign nation, who had 
 struck you, we should look into the matter. We hope, through 
 the wise government and good pleasure of God, your distresses 
 may be soon removed and the dark clouds be dispersed. 
 
 “ Brothers : As we have declared for peace, we desire you 
 
1775.} LETTER TO THE ONE I DAS. 63 
 
 S 
 
 will not apply to our Indian brethren in New England for their 
 assistance. Let us Indians be all of one mind, and live with 
 one another ; and you white people settle your own disputes 
 between yourselves. 
 
 “ Brothers : We have now declared our minds ; please to 
 write to us, that we may know yours. We, the sachems and war¬ 
 riors, and female governesses of Oneida , send ourlove to you, 
 brother governor, and all the other chiefs in New England.”* 
 
 Of an Indian foe the inhabitants of Tryon County enter¬ 
 tained a special dread. In the communication of the Palatine 
 Committee to that of Albany, therefore, cited a few pages 
 back, it was suggested whether it would not be expedient to 
 prevent the sending of powder and ammunition into the Mo¬ 
 hawk Valley, unless consigned to the Committee, to be sold under 
 their inspection. In conclusion, the Committee declared, that, 
 although few in number, they were determined to let the world 
 see who were, and who were not, attached to the cause of Ame¬ 
 rican liberty; and they closed by avowing their fixed deter¬ 
 mination, “ to carry into execution every thing recommended 
 “ by the Continental Congress, and to be free or die.” 
 
 Three days after making this communication to their Albany 
 brethren, that is to say on the 21st of May, the question 
 whether Guy Johnson was or was not tampering with the In¬ 
 dians in anticipation of hostilities, was solved by an inter¬ 
 cepted communication from Thayendanegea to the chiefs of the 
 Oneida tribe. The letter, written in the Mohawk language, 
 was found in an Indian path, and was supposed to have been 
 lost by one of their runners. The following is a translation, 
 being the earliest specimen extant of the composition of Brant. 
 
 u Written at Gay Johnson's , May , 1775. 
 
 “ This is your letter, you great ones or sachems. Guy John¬ 
 son says he will be glad if you get this intelligence, you Onei- 
 das, how it goes with him now; and he is now more certain 
 
 * The translation of this Oneida proclamation of neutrality was made by Mr. 
 Kirkland, for Gordon’s History of the Revolution. It was signed by William 
 Sunoghfis, Nickldsha Watshaledgh, William Kanaghquaesed, Peter Thayebeare, 
 Jimmy Tekayabeare, Kickbis Jlghsenbare, i. e. garter; Thomas Yoghtanowea, i. e. 
 spreading of the dew ; Mam Ohonwano, Quedellis Jlgwerondongwas, i. e. breaking 
 of the twigs ; Handerebeks Tegahsweahdyen, i. e. a belt (of wampum) extended ; 
 Johnko ’ Skeanendon, Thomas Teondeatha, i. e. a fallen tree. 
 
 13 
 
64 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1775 . 
 
 concerning the intention of the Boston people. Guy Johnson 
 is in great fear of being taken prisoner by the Bostonians. We 
 Mohawks are obliged to watch him constantly. Therefore we 
 send you this intelligence, that you shall know it; and Guy 
 Johnson assures himself, and depends upon your coming to his 
 assistance, and that you will without fail be of that opinion. 
 He believes not that you will assent to let him suffer. We 
 therefore expect you in a couple of days time. So much at 
 present. We send but so far as to you Oneidas, but afterward 
 perhaps to all the other nations. We conclude, and expect that 
 you will have concern about our ruler, Guy Johnson, because 
 we are all united. 
 
 “ (Signed) u Aren Kannenzaron, 
 
 “ Johannes Tegarihoge, 
 
 {{ Deyagodeaghnaweagh.” 
 
 “ Joseph Brant 
 
 “ Guy Johnson's Interpreter .” 
 
 The surface of this intercepted despatch discloses nothing 
 more than a desire, on the part of Guy Johnson, to strengthen 
 his domestic forces for the protection of his person, in the event 
 of any attempt to seize and carry him away. But the inhabit¬ 
 ants allowed him no credit for sincerity. Information had 
 been received from Canada, through the emissaries sent thither 
 by the revolutionary leaders in Massachusetts, that secret agents 
 of the Crown had been sent among the Six Nations, to stir them 
 up against the Colonies.* Hence the correspondence of the 
 Massachusetts Congress with Mr. Kirkland and the Indians, 
 already given; and hence, also, the increasing apprehension of 
 the people, that the Indians were to be inflamed and let loose 
 upon them. Such, consequently, was their distrust of Johnson, 
 that they neither believed there was any design against his per¬ 
 son, nor that he was laboring under any apprehension of the 
 kind. There is no reason to doubt, however, that Guy John¬ 
 son did feel his position to be critical. General Schuyler had 
 his eye upon him; and, beyond question, his every motion was 
 so closely watched as to make him feel very uncomfortable.t 
 
 * Sparks. 
 
 t “ Watch the movements of the Indian agent, Colonel Guy Johnson, and prevent, 
 so far as you can, the effect of his influence, to our prejudice, with the Indians.”— 
 Letter from Washington to Gen. Schuyler, June, 1775. 
 
COL. GUY JOHNSON. 
 
 65 
 
 1775 .] 
 
 Evidence, indisputable, that such was the fact, is afforded in 
 the correspondence annexed. The following letter was ad¬ 
 dressed, at about the same time, by Guy Johnson to the magis¬ 
 trates of the Upper Mohawk settlements :— 
 
 “ Guy Park, May 2C )th, 1775. 
 
 “ Gentlemen, 
 
 “ I have lately had repeated accounts that a body of New 
 Englanders, or others, were to come to seize and carry away 
 my person and attack our family, under colour of malicious 
 insinuations that I intended to set the Indians upon the people. 
 Men of sense and character know that my office is of the 
 highest importance to promote peace amongst the Six Nations, 
 and prevent their entering into any such disputes. This I ef¬ 
 fected last year, when they were much vexed about the attack 
 made upon the Shawanese, and I last winter appointed them to 
 meet me this month to receive the answer of the Virginians. 
 All men must allow, that if the Indians find their council fire 
 disturbed, and their superintendent insulted, they will take a 
 dreadful revenge. It is therefore the duty of all people to pre 
 vent this, and to satisfy any who may have been imposed on, 
 that their suspicions, and the allegations they have collected 
 against me, are false, and inconsistent with my character and 
 office. I recommend this to you as highly necessary at this 
 time, as my regard for the interest of the country, and self-pre¬ 
 servation, has obliged me to fortify my house, and keep men 
 armed for my defence, till these idle and ridiculous reports are 
 removed. 
 
 “ You may lay this letter before such as are interested in 
 these matters. 
 
 “ I am, Gentlemen, 
 
 “ Your Humble Servant, 
 
 “ To the magistrates and others “ G. Johnson.” 
 
 of Palatine, Canajoharie, and 
 the Upper Districts.”* 
 
 In view of these letters—the intercepted despatch from Jo¬ 
 seph Brant and others to the Oneidas, and Johnson’s letter to 
 the Committee—the latter body adopted a series of resolu- 
 
 * This letter is transcribed from the original in the author’s possession. 
 
66 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1775 . 
 
 tions, renewing their expressions of sympathy for the suffer¬ 
 ings of their brethren in Massachusetts and the other Colonies; 
 declaring their approbation of the proceedings of the New 
 England Colonies in the existing crisis ; denouncing the con¬ 
 duct of Colonel Johnson in keeping an armed force constantly 
 about him, and stopping travellers upon the King’s highway, 
 “ as arbitrary, illegal, oppressive, and unwarrantable and de¬ 
 claring their determination “ never to submit to any arbitrary 
 “ acts of any power under heaven, or to any illegal and unwar¬ 
 rantable action of any man or set:of men” whatever. 
 
 In addition to the before-mentioned intercepted letter, it was 
 ascertained that already expresses had actually been sent to the 
 upper tribes of the Six Nations, to invite them down to Guy 
 Johnson’s house. His own domestic army amounted to five 
 hundred men, and he had now cut ofF all free communication 
 between the upper Mohawk settlements and Albany. And al¬ 
 though the districts of Palatine, Canajoharie, and the German 
 Flatts were sanctioning the proceedings of the Continental 
 Congress with much unanimity, they were in a great measure 
 unarmed and destitute of ammunition—not having more than 
 fifty pounds of powder in the districts. Under these circum¬ 
 stances, the Committee wrote an urgent letter to Albany, repre¬ 
 senting their situation, and suggesting whether it might not be 
 expedient to open the communication through the lower dis¬ 
 tricts of the valley by force. They also advised the sending of 
 two trusty messengers, well acquainted with the Indian lan¬ 
 guage, to the upper nations, to dissuade them, if possible, from 
 obeying the summons of Guy Johnson, and to enlighten them 
 in respect of the true nature and causes of the quarrel with the 
 King’s government. 
 
 This letter was despatched by express, and the Albany Com¬ 
 mittee replied on the following day, advising their friends of 
 the upper districts that they had no ammunition to spare, and 
 dissuading them from any attempt to re-open the communica¬ 
 tion by force. That project was accordingly abandoned ; but 
 the Committee sent four of its members to Albany, to gain 
 information as to the condition of the country generally, and 
 with instructions to procure a quantity of powder and lead— 
 the Committee holding itself responsible for the purchase mo¬ 
 ney. Meantime they pushed their measures of internal orga- 
 
SPIRIT OF THE PEOPLE. 
 
 67 
 
 1775 .] 
 
 nization with great energy and success, establishing sub-com¬ 
 mittees wherever it was expedient, and assuming the exercise of 
 legislative, judicial, and executive powers. Secret articles for 
 mutual succour and defence were prepared, and very generally 
 signed by the Whigs ; and threats having been uttered by Guy 
 Johnson, that unless the Committees desisted from the course 
 they were pursuing, he would seize and imprison certain of 
 their number, they solemnly bound themselves to rescue any 
 who might thus be arrested, by force, “ unless such persons 
 “ should be confined by legal process, issued upon a legal 
 “ ground, and executed in a legal manner.” 
 
 It is here worthy, not only of special note, but of all admira¬ 
 tion, how completely and entirely these border-men held them¬ 
 selves amenable, in the most trying exigencies, to the just 
 execution of the laws. Throughout all their proceedings, the 
 history of the Tryon Committees will show that they were 
 governed by the purest dictates of patriotism, and the highest 
 regard to moral principle. Unlike the rude inhabitants of 
 most frontier settlements, especially under circumstances when 
 the magistracy are, from necessity, almost powerless, the fron¬ 
 tier patriots of Tryon County were scrupulous in their devotion 
 to the supremacy of the laws. Their leading men were like¬ 
 wise distinguished for their intelligence; and while North 
 Carolina is disputing whether she did not in fact utter a 
 declaration of independence before it was done by Congress, by 
 recurring to the first declaration of the Palatine Committee, 
 noted in its proper place, the example may almost be said to 
 have proceeded from the Valley of the Mohawk. 
 
 Simultaneously with his letter to the magistracy of the up¬ 
 per districts, Guy Johnson had despatched another of the same 
 purport, but entering more into detail, to the Mayor, Aldermen, 
 and Commonalty of the cities of Albany and Schenectady, of 
 which the following is a copy. The date is wanting :— 
 
 “ Gentlemen, 
 
 “ As the peace and happiness of the country are objects which 
 every good man should have at heart, I think it highly neces¬ 
 sary to acquaint you that for a few days I have been put to the 
 great trouble and expense of fortifying my house, and keeping 
 a large body of men for the defence of my person, &c.; having 
 
68 LIFE OF BRANT. [1775. 
 
 received repeated accounts that either the New Englanders, or 
 some persons in or about the city of Albany or town of Sche¬ 
 nectady, are coming up, to a considerable number, to seize and 
 imprison me on a ridiculous and malicious report that I intend 
 to make the Indians destroy the inhabitants, or to that effect. 
 The absurdity of this apprehension may easily be seen by men 
 of sense; but as many credulous and ignorant persons may be 
 led astray, and inclined to believe it, and as they have already 
 sent down accounts, examinations, &c. from busy people here, 
 that I can fully prove to be totally devoid of all foundation, it 
 has become the duty of all those who have authority or influ¬ 
 ence, to disabuse the public, and prevent consequences which I 
 foresee with very great concern, and most cordially wish may 
 be timely prevented. Any difference in political ideas can ne¬ 
 ver justify such extravagant opinions ; and I little imagined that 
 they should have gained belief amongst any order of people, 
 who know my character, station, and the large property I have 
 in the country, and the duties of my office, which are to pre¬ 
 serve tranquility among the Indians, hear their grievances, &c. 
 and prevent them from falling upon the trade and frontiers. 
 These last were greatly threatened by the Indians, on account 
 of the disturbances last year between the Virginians and the 
 Shawanese, during which my endeavours prevented the Six 
 Nations from taking a part that would have possibly affected 
 the public ; and I appointed last Fall that the Six Nations should 
 come to me this month, in order to receive, amongst other 
 things, final satisfaction concerning the lands said to be invaded 
 by the Virginians, who have now sent me their answer. In the 
 discharge of this duty, I likewise essentially served the public ; 
 but should I neglect myself and be tamely made prisoner, it is 
 clear to all who know any thing of Indians, they will not sit still 
 and see their council fire extinguished, and superintendent dri¬ 
 ven from his duty, but will come upon the frontiers in revenge, 
 with a power sufficient to commit horrid devastation. It is, 
 therefore, become as necessary to the public as to myself, that 
 my person should be defended; but as the measures I am ne¬ 
 cessitated to take for that purpose may occasion the propagation 
 of additional falsehoods, and may at last appear to the Indians 
 in a light that is not for the benefit of the public, I should 
 heartily wish, gentlemen, that you could take such measures 
 
COL. GUY JOHNSON. 
 
 69 
 
 1775 .] 
 
 for removing these apprehensions, as may enable me to dis¬ 
 charge my duties, (which do not interfere with the public,) 
 without the protection of armed men and the apprehension of 
 insult; and as the public are much interested in this, I must 
 beg to have your answer as soon as possible. 
 
 “ I am, Gentlemen, 
 
 11 Your most humble Servant, 
 
 “ G. Johnson.”* 
 
 “ To the Magistrates and Committee 
 of Schenectady, and to the Mayor, 
 
 Corporation, &c. of Albany. To 
 be forwarded by the former.” 
 
 To this letter the municipality of Albany promptly replied, 
 expressing their conviction that the reports were utterly ground¬ 
 less, and that they had been originated for the purpose of 
 awakening hostile feelings in the minds of the Indians. They 
 also gave the Colonel an admonitory hint that he need be ap¬ 
 prehensive of no indignity upon his person, or injury to his 
 property, so long as he studied to promote the peace and wel¬ 
 fare of the country, by executing his duties as superintendent 
 of the Indians “ with an honest heart.” In conclusion, they 
 exhorted him to use all means in his power to tranquilize the 
 Indians, by assuring them that the reports were without any 
 just foundation, and “ that nothing would afford his Majesty’s 
 u subjects in general a greater satisfaction than to be, and con- 
 11 tinue with them, on the strictest terms of peace and friendship.” 
 
 On the whole, however, there is no good reason to doubt 
 that Guy Johnson was, in reality, apprehensive of a clandestine 
 visit from the Yankees, and possibly of an abduction. The 
 great influence of his official station, and his equivocal conduct, 
 had created universal distrust; and the affair of the “ Tea 
 Party ” had taught the loyalists, that the Bostonians were as 
 adroit and fearless in stratagem as in deeds of open daring and 
 bold emprise. Before the receipt of the preceding letters, more¬ 
 over, it was well understood that he had arrested and searched 
 the persons of two New Englanders, suspicious, as it was 
 
 * This letter has been copied from the original, found by the author among the old 
 papers in the office of the Secretary of State, Albany. 
 
70 LIFE OF BRANT. [1775. 
 
 inferred, and probably not without reason, that they had been 
 despatched on a mission to the Indians, with whom it was 
 policy to prevent any communication, save through his own 
 interposition. Nor cou.d ne be ignorant of the fact, that at that 
 critical conjuncture, the possession of his person might be of 
 as much consequence to those who were on the verge of 
 rebellion, as of detriment to the service in which his predilec¬ 
 tions would probably induce him to engage 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Council of the Mohawk chiefs at Guy Park—A second council called by Johnson 
 at Cosby’s Manor—Proceeds thither with his retinue—First full meeting of Tryon 
 County Committee—Correspondence with Guy Johnson—No council held— 
 Johnson proceeds farther West, accompanied by his family and most of the In¬ 
 dians—Consequent apprehensions of the people—Communication from Massa¬ 
 chusetts Congress—Ticonderoga and Crown Point taken by Ethan Allen—Skenes- 
 borough and St. Johns surprised—Farther proceedings in Massachusetts—Battle 
 of Bunker Hill—Death of Warren—Council with the Oneidas and Tusearoras at 
 German Flatts—Speech to the Indians—Subsequent council with the Oneidas— 
 Conduct of the people toward Guy Johnson—Speech to, and reply of Oneidas— 
 Guy Johnson moves westwardly to Ontario—His letter to the Provincial Congress 
 of New-York—Holds a great Indian council at the West—Unfavourable influence 
 upon the dispositions of the Indians—Causes of their partiality for the English— 
 Great, but groundless alarm of the people—Guy Johnson, with Brant and the 
 Indian warriors, descends the St. Lawrence to Montreal—Council there—Sir Guy 
 Carleton and Gen. Haldimand complete the work of winning the Indians over to 
 the cause of the Crown. 
 
 A council of the Mohawk chiefs was held at Guy Park,* 
 on the 25th of May, which was attended by delegates from Al¬ 
 bany and Tryon Counties. The records of this council are 
 very scanty and unsatisfactory. The principal chief of the 
 Mohawk tribe at that time was Little Abraham \—a brother 
 of the famous Hendrick who fell at Lake George, in the year 
 1775. The council having been opened for business, Little 
 Abraham addressed them as follows :— 
 
 “ He said he was glad to meet them, and to hear the reports 
 concerning taking Guy Johnson, their superintendent, were 
 false. That the Indians do not wish to have a quarrel with the 
 inhabitants. That during Sir William Johnson’s lifetime, and 
 since, we have been peaceably disposed; that the Indians are 
 alarmed on account of the reports that our powder was stopped. 
 We get our things from the superintendent. If we lived as 
 you do, it would not be so great a loss. If our ammunition is 
 stopped, we shall distrust you. We are pleased to hear you say, 
 you will communicate freely, and we will at all times listen to 
 what you say in presence of our superintendent.” 
 
 * Guy Park: a beautiful situation immediately on the bank of the Mohawk. 
 The elegant stone mansion is yet upon the premises, giving the best evidences of 
 substantial building. 
 
 f Little Abraham seems rather to have been a leading chief at the Lower Castle 
 of the Mohawks—not the principal War Chief. 
 
 14 
 
72 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1775 . 
 
 After a consultation with each other, the deputations from 
 the two County Committees replied, in substance, that “ They 
 were glad to hear them expressing a desire to maintain the an¬ 
 cient friendship which had subsisted between their fathers. 
 They assured the chiefs that the reports of evil designs against 
 their superintendent were false. They farther promised the 
 chiefs, that whenever they had any business to transact with 
 them, they would meet them at their own council fires, and in 
 presence of their superintendent.” 
 
 To which the Mohawk speaker responded to the following 
 effect:— 
 
 “ The Indians are glad that you are not surprised that we 
 cannot spare Col. Johnson. The love we have for the memory 
 of Sir William Johnson, and the obl igations the whole Six Na¬ 
 tions are under to him, must make us regard and protect every 
 branch of his family. We will explain these things to all the 
 Indians, and hope you will do the same to your people.” 
 
 This council having been but thinly attended, and only by 
 one tribe of the Indians, the superintendent immediately direct¬ 
 ed the assembling of another in the western part of the county, 
 to attend which he proceeded to the German Flatts, with his 
 whole family and retinue. His quarters were at the house of 
 a Mr. Thompson, on Cosby’s manor, a few miles above the 
 flatts. It has been alleged that this second council was con¬ 
 voked because of the superintendent’s dissatisfaction with the 
 first—a conclusion not unlikely, from the absence of the west- 
 tern Indians, who had been invited. 
 
 On the 2d of June there was, for the first time, a full meet¬ 
 ing of the Tryon County Committee—the loyalists having 
 previously prevented the attendance of delegates from the 
 lower, or Mohawk district.* This Committee addressed a 
 strong and patriotic letter to the superintendent, formally noti- 
 
 * It may be interesting to some to give the names of this body of men, who had 
 so often professed their willingness to peril their lives and property in defence of the 
 liberties of their country. (From Palatine district)—Christopher P. Yates, John 
 Frey, Andrew Fink, Andrew Reeber, Peter Waggoner, Daniel McDougal, Jacob 
 Klock, George Ecker, Jun., Harmanus Van Slyck, Christopher W. Fox, Anthony 
 Van Veghten. (Canajoharie district)—Nicholas Herkimer, EbenezerCox, William 
 Seeber, John Moore, Samuel Campbell, Samuel Clyde, Thomas Henry, John 
 Pickard. (Kingsland and German Flatts districts)—Edward Wall, William 
 
COL. GUY JOHNSON. 
 
 73 
 
 11 o.j 
 
 fying him of the purposes of their organization. After 
 adverting to the oppressions of the mother country, in repeat¬ 
 ed attempts to enforce unconstitutional enactments of Parlia¬ 
 ment, and asserting their principles on the subject of taxation 
 without representation—principles which they declared to be 
 undeniable—they avowed their object to be, to consult as to the 
 best methods of saving the country from devastation and ruin ; 
 ” which object, with the assistance of Divine Providence, it 
 il was their fixed determination and resolution to accomplish 
 adding, with emphasis, “ and if called upon, we shall be fore- 
 i: most in sharing the toil and danger of the field.” They 
 once more adverted to the distressed situation of the people of 
 New England in the common cause; and declared that they 
 should be wanting in duty to their country and to themselves, 
 were they longer to refrain from announcing their determina¬ 
 tion to the world. After repelling the charges promulgated 
 against them, of having compelled people to join their Com¬ 
 mittees, and of having drunk treasonable toasts, they proceeded 
 to discuss matters more directly personal to the superintendent 
 himself. The following is an extract from this portion of the 
 letter:— 
 
 “ We are not ignorant of the very great importance of your 
 office as superintendent of the Indians, and therefore it is no 
 more our duty than inclination to protect you in the discharge 
 of the duty of your proper province ; and we meet you with 
 pleasure in behalf of ourselves and our constituents, to thank 
 you for meeting the Indians in the upper parts of the County, 
 which may be the means of easing the people of the remainder 
 of their fears on this account, and prevent the Indians com¬ 
 mitting irregularities on their way down to Guy Park. And 
 we beg of you to use your endeavours with the Indians, to dis¬ 
 suade them from interfering in the dispute with the mother 
 country and the Colonies. We cannot think that, as you and 
 your family possess very large estates in this County, you are 
 
 Petry, John Petry, Augustine Hess, Frederick Orendorf, George Wentz, Michael 
 Ittig, Frederick Fox, George Herkimer, Duncan McDougal, Frederick Helmer, 
 John Frink. (Mohawk district)—John Morlett, John Bliven, Abraham Van 
 Horne, Adam Fonda, Frederick Fisher, Sampson Sammons, William Schuyler, 
 Volkert Veeder, James McMaster, Daniel Line—42. Christopher P. Yates was 
 chosen chairman of this body.— Campbell's Annals. 
 
74 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1775. 
 
 unfavourable to American freedom, although you may differ 
 with us in the mode of obtaining a redress of grievances. 
 Permit us farther to observe, that we cannot pass over in si¬ 
 lence the interruption which the people of the Mohawk district 
 met in their meeting ; which, we are informed, was conducted in 
 a peaceable manner; and the inhuman treatment of a man, 
 whose only crime was being faithful to his employers, and re¬ 
 fusing to give an account of the receipt of certain papers, to 
 persons who had not the least colour of right to demand any 
 thing of that kind. We assure you that we are much con¬ 
 cerned about it, as two important rights of English subjects are 
 thereby infringed—to wit, a right to meet, and to obtain all the 
 intelligence in their power.” 
 
 Colonel Nicholas Herkimer and Edward Wall were deput¬ 
 ed to deliver the letter to the superintendent, for which purpose 
 they proceeded to Cosby’s Manor, and discharged their trust. 
 The following was Colonel Johnson’s reply—manly and direct; 
 and with which, if sincere, certainly no fault could be found, 
 bating the lack of courtesy in its commencement:— 
 
 11 Thompson's, Cosby's Manor , June 5th, 1775. 
 
 “ Gentlemen, 
 
 “ I have received the paper signed Chris. P. Yates, Chair¬ 
 man, on behalf of the districts therein mentioned, which I am 
 now to answer, and shall do it briefly, in the order you have 
 stated matters. As to the letter from some Indians to the 
 Oneidas, I really knew nothing of it till I heard such a thing 
 had been by some means obtained from an Indian messenger, 
 and from what I have heard of its contents, I can’t see any 
 thing materia] in it, or that could justify such idle apprehen¬ 
 sions ; but I must observe that these fears among the people 
 were talked of long before, and were, I fear, propagated by some 
 malicious persons for a bad purpose. 
 
 “ As to your political sentiments, on which you enter in the 
 next paragraph, I have no occasion to enter on them or the 
 merits of the cause. I desire to enjoy liberty of conscience and 
 the exercise of my own judgment, and that all others should 
 have the same privilege ; but, with regard to your saying you 
 might have postponed the affair, if there had been the least 
 kind of probability that the petition of the General Assembly 
 
COL. GUY JOHNSON. 
 
 75 
 
 1775.] 
 
 would have been noticed, more than that of the delegates, I 
 must, as a true friend to the country, in which I have a large 
 interest, say, that the present dispute is viewed in different 
 lights according to the education and principles of the parties 
 affected ; and that, however reasonable it may appear to a con¬ 
 siderable number of honest men here, that the petition of the 
 delegates should merit attention, it is not viewed in the same 
 light in a country which admits of no authority that is not con¬ 
 stitutionally established ; and I persuade myself you have that 
 reverence for his Majesty, that you will pay due regard to the 
 royal assurance given in his speech to Parliament, that when¬ 
 ever the American grievances should be laid before him by 
 their constitutional assemblies, they should be fully attended 
 to. I have heard that compulsory steps were taken to induce 
 some persons to come into your measures, and treasonable 
 toasts drank ; but I am not willing to give too easy credit to 
 flying reports, and am happy to hear you disavow them. 
 
 “ I am glad to find my calling a Congress on the frontiers 
 gives satisfaction; this was principally my design, though I 
 cannot sufficiently express my surprise at those who have, 
 either through malice or ignorance, misconstrued my inten¬ 
 tions, and supposed me capable of setting the Indians on the 
 peaceable inhabitants of this country. The interest our family 
 has in this country and my own, is considerable, and they 
 have been its best benefactors ; any malicious charges, there¬ 
 fore, to their prejudice, are highly injurious, and ought to be 
 totally suppressed. 
 
 “ The office I hold is greatly for the benefit and protection 
 of this country, and on my frequent meetings with the Indians 
 depends their peace and security; I therefore cannot but be 
 astonished to find the endeavours made use of to obstruct me 
 in my duties, and the weakness of some people in withholding 
 many things from me, which are indisputably necessary for 
 rendering the Indians contented; and I am willing to hope 
 that you, gentlemen, will duly consider this and discounte¬ 
 nance the same. 
 
 “ You have been much misinformed as to the origin of the 
 reports which obliged me to fortify my house and stand on my 
 defence. I had it, gentlemen, from undoubted authority from 
 Albany, and since confirmed by letters from one of the Com- 
 
76 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1775. 
 
 mittee at Philadelphia, that a large body of men were to make 
 me prisoner. As the effect this must have on the Indians 
 might have been of dangerous consequences to you, (a circum¬ 
 stance not thought of,) I was obliged, at great expense, to take 
 these measures. But the many reports of my stopping travel¬ 
 lers were false in every particular, and the only instance of 
 detaining any body was in the case of two New England men, 
 which I explained fully to those of your body who brought 
 your letter, and wherein I acted strictly agreeable to law, and as 
 a magistrate should have done. 
 
 £ ‘ I am very sorry that such idle and injurious reports meet 
 with any encouragement. I rely on you, gentlemen, to exert 
 yourselves in discountenancing them; and I am happy in this 
 opportunity of assuring the people of a country I regard, that 
 they have nothing to apprehend from my endeavours, but that 
 
 I shall always be glad to promote their true interests. 
 
 “ I am, Gentlemen, your humble Servant, 
 
 “ G. Johnson.” 
 
 This reply of Colonel Johnson, together with a written re¬ 
 port of the proceedings of himself and colleague, and their in¬ 
 terview with Johnson, was transmitted to the County Com¬ 
 mittee by Mr. Wall. In his letter to the Committee, Mr. Wall 
 indulged in some complaints, in regard to the reprehensible 
 conduct of the people—probably toward Johnson and his follow¬ 
 ers, who were looked upon with increasing distrust. But the 
 character of the irregularities complained of is not distinctly 
 set forth in Mr. Wall’s communication. 
 
 Guy Johnson did not remain long at Cosby’s Manor, nor did 
 he hold the Indian council there which had been notified, but 
 departed immediately farther west. His removal from Thomp¬ 
 son’s was thus announced to the Committee of Palatine by Mr. 
 Wall, on the 8th of June :—“ Our people are greatly alarmed 
 
 II at Colonel Johnson’s motions, and cannot understand his rea- 
 11 sons for the same. We dare say, that before now you have 
 “ been [made] acquainted that he has removed with his retinue 
 “ from Mr. Thompson’s to Fort Stanwix, and there are rumors 
 “ that he intends to move yet farther. We leave you to con- 
 “ jecture what may be his reasons.” 
 
 These apprehensions were certainly not unreasonable. For 
 
COL. GUY JOHNSON. 
 
 77 
 
 1775.] 
 
 although Colonel Johnson’s letters were plausible, and apparent¬ 
 ly frank and sincere, when the people saw him setting his face 
 thus to the west, and moving up through the valley, not only 
 with his own family, but accompanied by a large retinue of his 
 dependents and the great body of the Mohawk Indians—who 
 left their own delightful country at this time, never more peace¬ 
 ably to return—it is not strange that suspicions, as to his ulte¬ 
 rior designs, were excited. 
 
 This feeling was not diminished by the reception, just at 
 this time, of the following communication from the Provincial 
 Congress of Massachusetts, through that of New-York :— 
 
 “ In Provincial Congress, 
 
 “ Wcitertoivn, June 13 th, 1775. 
 
 “ To the Honourable Delegates of the Congress of the Pro¬ 
 vince of New- York: 
 
 “ Gentlemen, 
 
 “ Considering the exposed state of the frontiers of the Colo¬ 
 nies, the danger that the inhabitants of Canada may possibly 
 have disagreeable apprehensions from the military preparations 
 making in several of the Colonies, and the rumors that there 
 are some appearances of their getting themselves in readiness 
 to act in a hostile way—this Congress have made application to 
 the Honourable Continental Congress, desiring them to take such 
 measures as to them shall appear proper, to quiet and conciliate 
 the minds of the Canadians, and to prevent such alarming ap¬ 
 prehensions. We also have had the disagreeable accounts of 
 methods taken to fill the minds of the Indian tribes adjacent to 
 these Colonies with sentiments very injurious to us ; particu¬ 
 larly we have been informed that Col. Guy Johnson has taken 
 great pains with the Six Nations, in order to bring them into a 
 belief that it is designed by the Colonies to fall upon them and 
 cut them off. We have, therefore, desired the Honourable 
 Continental Congress that they would, with all convenient 
 speed, use their influence in guarding against the evil intended 
 by this malevolent misrepresentation ; and we desire you to 
 join with us in such application. 
 
 “ Jos. Warren, President.” 
 “Attest, Samuel Freeman, Sec’y.” 
 
78 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 1775. 
 
 Immediately after the receipt of this communication, a letter 
 was addressed to Colonel Johnson, by the Congress of New- 
 York, disclaiming, in the most unqualified terms, the designs 
 imputed to the Provincial authorities in regard both to the In¬ 
 dians and himself, as had been repeatedly done before. But 
 Johnson would never allow himself to be persuaded that evil 
 had not been meditated against him by the Whigs; and by 
 persisting in his opinion, it is not unlikely that his efforts to 
 prejudice the Indians—those, especially, who were the most 
 warmly attached to him—against the Colonists and their cause, 
 were the more successful. 
 
 The affair of Lexington had, of course, been the signal for 
 war throughout the Colonies. The forts, magazines, and ar¬ 
 senals were everywhere seized. Troops were raised, and 
 money for their support; and it was not many weeks before an 
 army of thirty thousand men appeared in the environs of 
 Boston, under the command of General Putnam—a veteran of 
 the old French war, in whom the people had great confidence. 
 Early in May, Colonel Ethan Allen, a hardy leader of the 
 settlers upon the New Hampshire grants, (now Yermont,) con¬ 
 certed an expedition against Ticonderoga and Crown Point. 
 About forty volunteers from Connecticut were of the expedi¬ 
 tion, which, with the forces collected for the object at Castleton, 
 made up the number of two hundred and thirty. Allen was 
 unexpectedly joined by Colonel Benedict Arnold, who had 
 planned the same enterprise. They readily agreed to act in 
 concert; and so admirably was the project carried into execu¬ 
 tion, that the Americans actually entered the fortress by the 
 covered way just at daylight, formed upon the parade ground 
 within, and awoke the sleeping garrison by their huzzas. A 
 slight skirmish ensued, and the commander, De La Place, sur¬ 
 rendered to the novel summons of Allen—“ I demand a sur- 
 “ render in the name of the great Jehovah and the Continental 
 “ Congress.” Colonel Seth Warner was sent thence to Crown 
 Point, which was easily taken—the garrison consisting of only 
 a dozen men, commanded by a sergeant. Arnold proceeded 
 Northward to St. Johns, and succeeded in capturing a sloop of 
 war by surprise ; while, at the same time, the pass of Skenesbo- 
 rough, at the southern end of Champlain, was taken possession of 
 •—Col. Skene and a small number of troops being made prisoners, 
 
1775.] TICONDEROGA AND BUNKER HILL. 79 
 
 and several pieces of cannon taken. Thus, by a sudden blow, 
 and without the loss of a man, was the command of Lakes 
 George and Champlain obtained. 
 
 The next act in the grand drama then unfolding, was the 
 battle of Bunker Hill. Toward the close of May reinforce¬ 
 ments of troops from England had arrived at Boston, with 
 Generals Howe, Burgoyne, and Clinton, all of whom were 
 officers of reputation. The Provincial Congress of Massachu¬ 
 setts had,- early in that month, renounced General Gage as 
 Governor of the Colony, declared him an enemy of the country, 
 and forbidden obedience to his orders. On the other hand, 
 General Gage had issued his proclamation, promising a gracious 
 pardon to all who would lay down their arms and return to the 
 duties of peaceable subjects, excepting only Samuel Adams 
 and John Hancock, whose offences were declared to be of u too 
 “ flagitious a nature to admit of any other consideration tha? 
 <£ that of condign punishment.” By the same instrument 
 Massachusetts was declared to be under martial law. General 
 Gage was also preparing, in other respects, for more energetic ac¬ 
 tion ; but every measure he took, and every moment that pass¬ 
 ed, served only to unite and embolden the Whigs, and increase 
 the audacity with which they now, in action if not in words 
 contemned the royal authority. The Provincial troops began 
 to assemble in force around Boston, and were throwing up de¬ 
 fences, when the battle of Bunker Hill, at once and for ever 
 severed the tie that bound the Colonies to the parent country. 
 The fighting on this occasion was of such a determined charac¬ 
 ter, as to show the enemy that it was no pastime upon which 
 they had entered. One of the British officers, in writinghome 
 to a friend, declared that “ the rebels fought more like devils 
 “ than men.” The loss of the British, in killed and wounded, 
 was 1054. That of the Provincials, 139 killed and 314 
 wounded. The great calamity of the day was the fall of the 
 brave and accomplished Warren, who was shot through the 
 head early in the action. 
 
 It is not to be supposed, that, with the evidence before them, 
 of Colonel Johnson’s exertions to excite the Indians against the 
 Provincial cause, the friends of the latter were by any means 
 inactive. On the contrary, they left no fair and honorable 
 means untried so far to win upon their favour, as at least to 
 
 15 
 
80 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1775. 
 
 secure their neutrality in the contest; nor were they wholly 
 unsuccessful, although the majority of the Six Nations ulti¬ 
 mately threw themselves into the opposite scale. Disappointed 
 in not meeting a fuller and more general council at Guy Park 
 in May, a conference was arranged with the Oneidas and Tus- 
 caroras, through the agency of their friend, the Rev. Mr. Kirk¬ 
 land, which took place at the German Flatts on the 28th of 
 June. The Indians were met by the inhabitants of that dis¬ 
 trict, and also by a deputation from Albany. The minutes of 
 that meeting were not preserved at large among the papers of 
 the Tryon County Committee. The following was the address 
 of the inhabitants to the Indians :— 
 
 “ Brothers : We are glad to have you here to return you 
 thanks. We should have been much pleased to have spoken 
 with you at the appointed place ; that is, by your superintend 
 ent, where of late you kept your council fire; but since his 
 removing so far from us, we do not think it wrong or imprudent 
 to communicate our sentiments of peace to you here. It is at 
 this place, Brothers, it has often been done ; and here again we 
 renew it, and brighten the old chain of peace and brotherly 
 love. 
 
 “ Brothers : We cannot see the cause of your late council 
 fire, or superintendent going away from among us. We did 
 him no harm, and you well know that none of us ever did, 
 and you may depend on it, there was no such thing meant 
 against him. He told our people he was going up to Thomp¬ 
 son’s (Cosby’s Manor) to hold a council fire with our brothers, 
 the Five Nations, there. We helped him to provisions to sup¬ 
 port you there, and every thing we had that he wanted. But 
 he is gone away from among us, and told some of our people, 
 that he would come back with company which would not 
 please us; which, if true, it is certain his intentions are bad, 
 and he may depend, that whatever force he may or can bring, 
 we regard not. 
 
 “ Brothers : Our present meeting does not arise from any 
 unfriendly thoughts we entertain of you, or from any fear of 
 ourselves. It is purely on account of the old friendship which 
 has so long been kept up between us ; that friendship we want 
 to retain. It is that friendship which will be an equal benefit to 
 us. It is as much wanted on your side as ours. 
 
INDIAN NEGOTIATIONS. 
 
 81 
 
 1775.] 
 
 “Brothers : We cannot too much express our satisfaction 
 of your conduct toward us by your late proceedings with the 
 superintendent at the carrying place, for which we are also 
 obliged to you, and do not doubt but that your conduct will be 
 blessed with greater benefits than any other of those who will 
 hurry themselves into mischief; which can never be of any 
 other benefit to them, but sorrow for the innocent blood shed on 
 an occasion wherewith they have no concern. 
 
 “ Brothers : We look to you particularly to be men of 
 more understanding than others, by the benefits you have re¬ 
 ceived in learning; wherefore we confide and trust more freely 
 in you, that you can communicate to the other tribes and na¬ 
 tions the error they want to lead you in, and cannot doubt but 
 your wisdom and influence with the other nations will be 
 attended with that happy success, which will hereafter be a 
 blessing to you and your posterity. 
 
 “ Brothers : What we have said is supposed to be sufficient 
 to convince you that our meaning is for our joint peace and 
 friendship ; in which we hope that we and our children may 
 continue to the end of time.” 
 
 The answer of the Indians to this address has not been pre¬ 
 served. The result of the council, however, was, to obtain a 
 pledge of neutrality from the greater portion of the Indians 
 assembled. The efforts of Mr. Kirkland had uniformly been 
 directed to the same humane design. 
 
 Colonel Guy Johnson, as we have already seen, had pre¬ 
 viously left the lower district of the Mohawk Valley. He was 
 a man of too much discernment, holding the opinions he did, 
 to remain at Johnstown an inactive spectator of events, the 
 inevitable tendency of which could only be very soon to rouse 
 the whole thirteen Colonies to arms against the British power, 
 and he had prudently anticipated the battle of Bunker Hill in 
 his departure. But his movements had thus far been pacific, 
 or rather not openly belligerent; and it is probable that an excit¬ 
 ed and jealous people may not have treated him, during his 
 hegira, with all their wonted respect. Indeed, the complaint of 
 Mr. Wall, of the objectionable conduct of the people, has al¬ 
 ready been noted at a previous page. But it is not stated in 
 what respect they had been offending. Some light, however, 
 
82 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1775 
 
 may perhaps be thrown upon the subject, by the following notes 
 of a council between the inhabitants of the Upper, or Kings- 
 land district, and the Oneida Indians; from which it will be 
 seen that the inhabitants had cut off the supplies provided by 
 Colonel Johnson for his journey :* 
 
 “ Kingsland District. At a council held upon desire of the 
 
 Oneidas, July 1 st, 1775, the following speeches were deli¬ 
 vered ; 
 
 To the Oneidas. 
 
 11 Brothers : The reason of stopping the provisions from 
 Mr. Thompson to Colonel Johnson, is, that we suppose him to 
 be our enemy; and for all that he gets as much from Niagara 
 as he wants; and we believe he is only getting intelligence, 
 from this place, how matters run. We have done for him and 
 his retinue what was in our power for his supply. We believe 
 he should have held his council fire at Mr. Thompson’s, or, 
 furthest, at Fort Stanwix. But you have heard, Brothers, 
 that he would bring a force along with him which we would 
 not like, That was the reason that we stopped his provisions. 
 But on your request, as you think it was not well done, 
 we will hear your sentiments about it. Not being laid to your 
 or our charge, we shall then let pass all that is brought to him.” 
 
 Answer of the Oneidas. 
 
 11 Brothers : It is Sunday to-day, and the Lord gave six 
 days for work and the seventh for rest. But since occasion 
 happens, we give you our positive answer. 
 
 11 Brothers : We have consulted about stopping the pro¬ 
 visions at Mr. Thompson’s, and we don’t think it proper to do it. 
 If it should have been for his own use, we should not have 
 mentioned it; but we know that he calls up the Five Nations, 
 and may be they will suffer by it. So, therefore, let him have 
 it. All that we have said we can be answerable for, but this 
 act we cannot. 
 
 “ Brothers : If we should assent to these things, we are 
 jointly brothers ; we should be left alone, and may be both would 
 be disappointed. We are obliged to have a care over our 
 brothers of the Five Nations, as well as for you, so that we 
 
 * These notes are quite imperfectly written, by a very incompetent scribe. The 
 author has endeavoured to arrive at the true import, preserving as much of the lan¬ 
 guage as possible. 
 
FLIGHT OF GUY JOHNSON. 
 
 83 
 
 1775.] 
 
 may get no blame afterward for it. Then we don’t know what 
 Colonel Johnson’s design is. Let us first have proof, and as 
 soon as we have found out something, we shall assemble to¬ 
 gether and consider of it. 
 
 “ Brothers : We ought to do as we want to have done to 
 us by others ; and it is better to suffer than to do amiss. 
 
 “ Brothers : As long as we are brothers, don’t let us then suf¬ 
 fer in provisions, if they are to be got, (without your loss.) While 
 we belong to the Five Nations, we shall help one another as 
 much as does lie in our power, so that nobody is wronged by it. 
 
 “ Brothers : You did leave this to us, though you consent¬ 
 ed not to leave us to bear this burden quite alone upon our own 
 shoulders. If you can find a fault in our speech, you may 
 speak about it.” 
 
 Rejoinder. 
 
 “ Brothers : As we have heard your speech, and well con¬ 
 sidered it, and as we find that our other brothers may suffer 
 by it, we are resolved that all the flour and other provision 
 which is really brought for Colonel Johnson, may be sent 
 thither without being molested. But considering that it may 
 not be employed for the use proposed, we desire the favour of 
 you to acquaint us of the fact, that we may take the necessary 
 measures for our own welfare. 
 
 “Brothers: We are greatly obliged for your brotherly 
 love showed to us, and that you have told us, out of the bottom 
 of your heart, your sense of this matter. We confess it is an 
 evidence of sincere friendship, which we hope will ever be 
 maintained between us.” 
 
 Making a very brief sojourn at Fort Stanwix, Guy Johnson 
 hastened as far west as Ontario, there to hold a grand council 
 with the Indians, remote from the white settlements; and where, 
 as he alleged, their action might be independent and unem¬ 
 barrassed by the interference of the Colonists. It was at On¬ 
 tario that he received the letter from the Provincial Congress of 
 
 c? 
 
 New-York, already adverted to as having been written at the 
 solicitation of the Congress of Massachusetts. He replied to 
 it on the 8th of July, in a letter glowing with loyalty, and 
 complaining bitterly of the malcontents, and those in opposi¬ 
 tion to regular governments; who, as the reader will ol> 
 
LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 84 
 
 [1775 
 
 serve, he again repeated, were exciting the Indians against him. 
 The letter is inserted entire :— 
 
 Guy Johnson to Peter Yan Brugh Livingston. 
 
 u Ontario , July the 8th, 1775. 
 
 “ Sir, 
 
 “ Though I received your letter from the Provincial Con¬ 
 gress several days ago, I had not a good opportunity to answer 
 it till now. I suppose, however, this will reach you safe, not¬ 
 withstanding all the rest of my correspondence is interrupted 
 by ignorant impertinents. 
 
 “ As to the endeavour you speak of, to reconcile the unhappy 
 differences between the Parent State and these Colonies, be as¬ 
 sured I ardently wish to see them; as yet, I am sorry to say, I 
 have not been able to discover any attempt of that kind, but 
 that of the assembly, the only true legal representatives of the 
 people ; and as to the individuals who you say officiously in¬ 
 terrupt (in my quarter) the mode and measures you think ne¬ 
 cessary for these salutary purposes, I am really a stranger to 
 them. If you mean myself, you must have been grossly im¬ 
 posed on. I once, indeed, went, with reluctance, at the request 
 of several of the principal inhabitants, to one of the people’s 
 meetings, which I found had been called by an itinerant New 
 England leather-dresser, and conducted by others, if possible, 
 more contemptible. I had, therefore, little inclination to revisit 
 such men or attend to their absurdities. And, although I did 
 not incline to think that you, Gentlemen, had formed any de¬ 
 signs against me, yet it is most certain that such designs were 
 formed. Of this I received a clear account by express, from a 
 friend near Albany, which was soon corroborated by letters 
 from other quarters, particularly one from a gentleman of the 
 Committee at Philadelphia, a captain in your levies, who was 
 pretty circumstantial; and since, I have had the like from many 
 others. I have, likewise, found that mean instruments were 
 officiously employed to disturb the minds of the Indians, to in¬ 
 terrupt the ordinary discharge of my duties, and prevent their 
 receiving messages they had long since expected from me. To 
 enter into a minute detail of all the falsehoods propagated and 
 all the obstructions I met with, though it could not fail astonish¬ 
 ing any gentlemen disposed to discountenance them, would far 
 
GUY JOHNSON AT THE WEST. 
 
 85 
 
 1775 .] 
 
 exceed the limits of a letter or the time I have to spare, as I 
 am now finishing my Congress, entirely to my satisfaction, 
 with 1340 warriors, who came hither to the only place where 
 they could transact business or receive favours without inter¬ 
 ruption ; and who are much dissatisfied at finding that the goods 
 which I was necessitated to send for to Montreal, were obliged 
 to be ordered back by the merchant, to prevent his being in¬ 
 sulted, or his property invaded by the mistaken populace. 
 That their ammunition was stopped at Albany—the persons on 
 this communication employed in purchasing provisions for the 
 Congress insulted, and all my letters, as well as even some 
 trifling articles for the use of my own table, stopped. And this 
 moment the Mayor of Albany assured me that he was the 
 other day roused out of his bed, at a certain Mr. Thompson’s 
 above the German Flatts, by one Herkimer and fifteen others, 
 who pursued him to search for any thing he might have for me. 
 You may be assured, Sir, that this is far from being agreeable 
 to the Indians—that it might have produced very disagreeable 
 consequences long since, had not compassion for a deluded peo¬ 
 ple taken place of every other consideration; and that the im¬ 
 potent endeavours of a missionary (who has forfeited his ho¬ 
 nour, pledged to me,) with part of one of their tribes, is a cir¬ 
 cumstance that, however trifling, increases their resentment. 
 
 “ I should be much obliged by your promises of discounte¬ 
 nancing any attempts against myself, &c. did they not appear 
 to be made on conditions of compliance with Continental or 
 Provincial Congresses, or even Committees formed or to bo 
 formed, many of whose Resolves may neither consist with my 
 conscience, duty, or loyalty. I trust I shall always manifest 
 more humanity, than to promote the destruction of the innocent 
 inhabitants of a Colony to which I have been always warmly 
 attached, a declaration that must appear perfectly suitable to the 
 character of a man of honour and principle, who can, on no 
 account, neglect those duties that are consistent therewith, 
 however they may differ from sentiments now adopted in so 
 many parts of America. 
 
 “ I sincerely wish a speedy termination to the present trou¬ 
 bles, and I am, “ Sir, 
 
 “ Your most humble Servant, 
 
 “ P. Y. B. Livingston, Esq. G. Johnson.” 
 
86 LIFE OF BRANT. [1775 
 
 li I shall have occasion to meet the Indians of my depart¬ 
 ment in different quarters this season.”* 
 
 Colonel Johnson was accompanied in his departure by Jo¬ 
 seph Brant; or Thayendanegea, his secretary, and by Colonel 
 John Butler and his son Walter. By the preceding letter, the 
 reader will have seen that they succeeded in convening a very 
 large council at Ontario. The greater portion of the Indians 
 attending, however, were probably Cayugas and Senecas. 
 These were now far the most numerous of the Six Nations, al¬ 
 though the Mohawks yet stood in rank at the head of the con¬ 
 federacy. Formerly the last-mentioned tribe had been the 
 most numerous and powerful of the Cantons ; but at an early day 
 after the planting of the Colony of New-York, the French had 
 succeeded in seducing a large section of the Mohawks to return 
 to Canada, whence they originally came, after breaking the 
 vassalage in which they had been held by the Algonquins. 
 Their proximity to the whites, moreover, had been attended by 
 the effect, invariable and seemingly inevitable, in regard 
 to their race, of diminishing their numbers. Added to all 
 which, their warlike character, and their daring ferocity, expos¬ 
 ing them to more frequent perils than were encountered by 
 their associated Cantons, had contributed still farther to this un¬ 
 equal diminution, t 
 
 It is not known that any record of this council was preserved, 
 although the speeches interchanged were doubtless written, 
 since that was the universal practice in the conduct of Indian 
 intercourse. But no doubt exists as to the fact, that the super¬ 
 intendent succeeded in still farther alienating the affections of 
 the great majority of the Indians from the Americans, if they did 
 not immediately join the ranks of the invaders. Nor, when all 
 
 * This letter was copied by the author from the original, in the State Department, 
 Albany. 
 
 t Among the manuscripts of Sir William Johnson, I have found a cjensus of the 
 Northern and Western Indians, from the Hudson river to the great Lakes and the 
 Mississippi, taken in 1763. The Mohawk warriors were then only 160; the 
 Oneidas, 250; Tuscaroras, 140; Onondagas, 150; Cayugas, 200; Senecas, 1050. 
 Total, 1950. According to the calculation of a British agent, several of the tribes 
 must have increased between the close of the French war and the beginning of the 
 American Revolution, as it was computed that, during the latter contest, tlie 
 English had in service 300 Mohawks, 150 Oneidas, 200 Tuscaroras, 300 Ononda¬ 
 gas, 230 Cayugas, and 400 Senecas.— Author. 
 
1775.] DISPOSITION OF THE INDIANS. 87 
 
 the circumstances of their case and position are dispassionately 
 considered, is it surprising that their inclinations were favorable 
 to the Crown. On the contrary, the wonder is that Colonel John¬ 
 son did not succeed in carrying with him the Oneidas and Tusca- 
 roras also; and he probably would have done so, but for the salu¬ 
 tary though indirect influence of Mr. Kirkland, and their noble 
 chief, the sagacious Schenandoah—always the warm and un¬ 
 wavering friend of the Colonists. With regard to these Indians, 
 it must be considered that they had then been in alliance with 
 Great Britain during a period of more than one hundred years. 
 In all their wars with their implacable enemies the Algonquins, 
 acting in alliance with the French, the Six Nations had been 
 assisted by the English, or fighting side by side with them. 
 For a long series of years Sir William Johnson had been their 
 counsellor and friend. His family was to a certain extent 
 allied with the head canton of the confederacy, and he was 
 consulted by them in all affairs of business or of high emer¬ 
 gency, as an oracle. They had drawn their supplies through 
 him and his agents, and it was natural that, upon his decease, 
 their affection for him should be transferred to his successor in 
 office, who was also his son-in-law. Miss Molly, moreover, 
 was a woman of vigorous understanding and of able manage¬ 
 ment. And, as we have already seen, she and Colonel Guy 
 himself, were sustained by the powerful aid of Thayendanegea, 
 who united the advantages of education with the native saga¬ 
 city of his race. Added to all which, the cause was considered, 
 if not desperate, at least of doubtful issue ; while the unenlight¬ 
 ened Indians had been taught to hear the name of the king 
 with great reverence, and to believe him all-powerful. They 
 considered the officers of the Crown their best friends; and it 
 was but natural that they should hold on upon the great chain 
 which they had so long laboured to keep bright between them. 
 
 It has already been remarked, that, thus far, Colonel Guy 
 Johnson had committed no act of actual hostility. While this 
 council was holding in Ontario, however, the whole valley of 
 the Mohawk was filled with alarm, by reports that he was pre¬ 
 paring an expedition to return upon them, and lay the country 
 waste by fire and sword. On the 11th of July, Colonel Her¬ 
 kimer wrote from Canajoharie to the Palatine Committee, that 
 he had received credible intelligence that morning, that Guy 
 
88 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1775 . 
 
 Johnson was ready to march back upon them with a body of 
 eight or nine hundred Indians, and that the attack would be 
 commenced from the woods below the Little Falls, on the 
 northern side of the river. He therefore proposed sending to 
 Albany immediately for a corresponding number of men. An 
 urgent letter was forthwith despatched by the Committee to 
 Schenectady and Albany, for the amount of assistance mention¬ 
 ed, to prevent these barbarous enterprises,” and to enable them 
 “ to resist their inhuman enemies with good success—that they 
 “ might not be slaughtered, like innocent and defenceless sheep 
 “ before ravaging wolves.” 
 
 From the positive character of the intelligence, and the mys¬ 
 terious movements of Guy Johnson and his followers, the 
 inhabitants had good cause of alarm; more especially as Sir 
 John Johnson * remained at the Hall in Johnstown, having at 
 his beck a large body of loyalists, making his castle (for the 
 Hall was now fortified,) their headquarters,—who, in the event 
 of such a movement by his brother-in-law from the west, 
 would doubtless be prepared to join the Indians in the enter¬ 
 prise, and between them both, be able to whelm the settlements 
 in destruction at a single blow. Every possible preparation 
 was therefore made for their defence, but the alarm proved to 
 be without foundation ; and after Guy Johnson had completed 
 his business at Ontario, he returned to Oswego, where he very 
 soon afterward convened another council and held a treaty, at 
 which he succeeded in still farther estranging the Indians from 
 the Colonies. The particulars of this council have never 
 transpired in writing; but some interesting references to it will 
 occur in an Indian speech a few pages onward.t 
 
 From Oswego, Guy Johnson crossed into Canada, and thence 
 
 * Sir John Johnson held a commission as Brigadier-general of militia. 
 
 t The following passage from Ramsay’s History of the Revolution, seems to refer 
 to this Indian convocation at Oswego. There was no other meeting during that year, 
 to which this notice of Ramsay could refer. “ Colonel Johnson had repeated con¬ 
 ferences with the Indians, and endeavoured to influence them to take up the hatchet, 
 but they steadily refused. In order to gain their co-operation, he invited them to a 
 feast on a Bostonian, and to drink his blood. This, in the Indian style, meant no 
 more than to partake of a roasted ox and a pipe of wine at a public entertainment, 
 which was given on design to influence them to co-operate with the British troops. 
 The Colonial patriots affected to understand it in its literal sense. It furnished, in 
 their mode of explication, a convenient handle for operating on the passions of the 
 people.” 
 
TIIK CHIEFS VISIT MONTREAL. 
 
 89 
 
 1775 .] 
 
 descended the St. Lawrence to Montreal, accompanied by a 
 large number of the chiefs and warriors of the Six Nations, 
 who were invited to an interview with Sir Guy Carleton and 
 Sir Frederick Haldimand—both those distinguished officers 
 being in that city at the time—and were induced by them to 
 embark in the cause of the King. 
 
 It has often been asserted, especially by British historians, 
 that Sir Guy Carleton was opposed to the employment of the 
 Indians in the contest, from principles of humanity. Such, 
 however, was not the fact. Brant repeatedly asserted in after¬ 
 life, in speeches delivered by him, copies of which are yet ex¬ 
 tant, that on their first arrival in Montreal, General Carleton 
 proposed to them to enter the service. In a speech delivered 
 by the Chief in the year 1803, recapitulating the history of the 
 services of the Mohawks in that war, the following passages 
 occur, touching the point now under discussion :—“ We were 
 “ living at the former residence of Guy Johnson, when the 
 “ news arrived that war had commenced between the king’s 
 “ people and the Americans. We took but little notice of this 
 “ first report; but in a few days we heard that five hundred 
 “ Americans were coming to seize our superintendent. Such 
 w news as this alarmed us, and we immediately consulted to- 
 “ gether as to what measures were necessary to be taken. We 
 “ at once reflected upon the covenant of our forefathers as allies 
 “ to the King, and said, £ It will not do for us to break it, let 
 “ what will become of us.’ Indeed, it is a long time since the 
 “ Governor (Sir Guy Carleton) said to us : ‘I exhort you to 
 “ continue your adherence to the King, and not to break the 
 “ solemn agreement made by your forefathers ; for your own 
 “ welfare is intimately connected with your continuing the 
 « allies of his Majesty.’ He also said a great deal more to the 
 “ same purport; and on this our minds were the more firmly 
 “ fixed, for we acknowledged that it would certainly be the 
 « best in the end, for our families and ourselves to remain under 
 « the King’s protection, whatever difficulties we might have to 
 “ contend with. ****** a council was next convened at 
 “ Montreal, in July, 1775, at which the Seven Nations, (or 
 “ Caughnawagas,) were present, as well as ourselves the Six Na- 
 «tions. On this occasion General Haldimand told us what 
 “ had befallen the King’s subjects, and said, now is the time for 
 
90 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1775 . 
 
 “ you to help the King. The war has commenced. Assist the 
 “ King now, and you will find it to your advantage. Go now 
 “ and fight for your possessions, and whatever you lose of 
 “ your property during the war, the King will make up to you 
 “ when peace returns. This is the substance of what General 
 “ Haldimand said. The Caughnawaga Indians then joined 
 “ themselves to us. We immediately commenced in good 
 “ earnest, and did our utmost during the war.” 
 
 The speech of Brant, from which the preceding extract is 
 taken, was written in the Mohawk language, and never, by him, 
 rendered into English. It is an important document, develop¬ 
 ing a new fact in regard to the conduct of Sir Guy Carleton, 
 and has accordingly been translated for the present work. Strict 
 historical accuracy is often of slow attainment; but, after all de¬ 
 ductions from the merits of General Carleton, afterward Lord 
 Dorchester, enough that is truly excellent and great will remain 
 to leave him a reputation of which most public men might well 
 be proud. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 Meeting of the second Continental Congress—Measures of defence—Declaration— 
 National fast—Organization of an Indian department—Address to the Six Na¬ 
 tions—Council called at Albany—Preliminary consultation at German Flatts— 
 Speeches of the Oneidas and others—Adjourn to Albany—Brief interview with 
 the commissioners—Conference and interchange of speeches with the Albanians— 
 Proceedings of the grand council—Speeches of the commissioners—Replies of the 
 Indians—Conclusion of the grand council—Resumption of the conference with 
 the Albanians—Speech of the Albany Committee—Reply of the Indians—Dis¬ 
 closures of Guy Johnson’s proceedings at Oswego—Close of the proceedings— 
 Epidemic among the Indians—Small benefit resulting from the council—Proceed¬ 
 ings in Tryon County resumed—Doubtful position of New-York—Symptoms of 
 disaffection to the cause of the people—Sir John Johnson—Sheriff White deposed 
 by the people—The royal authorities superseded by appointments from the peo¬ 
 ple—Affray at Johnstown—First gun fired at Sampson Sammons—White recom¬ 
 missioned by Tryon—His flight—Labors of the Committee—Opposition of the 
 Tories—Designs of Sir John Johnson and Sir Guy Carleton—Letter and depu¬ 
 tation to Sir John—Prisoners for political offences sent to gaol—Letter from Pro¬ 
 vincial Congress—Mohawks commence fighting at St. Johns—Speech of the Ca- 
 najoharies in explanation—Indians apply for release of prisoners—Review of the 
 progress of the Revolution in other parts of the Colonies—Proceedings of Parlia¬ 
 ment—Burning of Falmouth—Descent upon Canada—Ethan Allen taken—Ar¬ 
 nold’s expedition—Siege of GLuebec—Fall of Montgomery—Caughnawaga and 
 Delaware Indians. 
 
 The second Continental Congress, composed of delegates, 
 assembled at Philadelphia on the 10th of May. Hostilities hav¬ 
 ing actually commenced, and it being well understood that 
 large reinforcements of the British army were on their way 
 from England, no time was lost in preparing for the public de¬ 
 fence. Protesting that they “ wished for a restoration of the 
 harmony formerly subsisting between the mother country and 
 the Colonies,” they resolved again to present “ a humble and 
 dutiful petition to his Majesty prepared addresses to the peo¬ 
 ple of Great Britain ; to those of Canada ; and to the assembly 
 of Jamaica; voted for the immediate equipment of 20,000 men ; 
 voted to raise three millions on bills of credit for the prosecution 
 of the war ; and, on the nomination of John Adams, commis¬ 
 sioned George Washington, of Virginia, as Commander-in- 
 Chief. On the 4th of July Congress denounced the two acts 
 of Parliament of the preceding session, restraining the trade and 
 commerce of the Colonies, as “unconstitutional, oppressive, 
 and crueland on the 6th they agreed to a manifesto, “ setting 
 forth the causes and necessity of their taking up arms.” After 
 a spirited but temperate preamble, presenting a historical view 
 
92 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1775 . 
 
 of the origin, and progress, and conduct of the Colonies, and of 
 the measures of the British government since the peace of 1763 ; 
 and after an eloquent recapitulation of the grievances which 
 had produced the collision, and proclaiming their confidence of 
 obtaining foreign aid if necessary, and of ultimate success ; dis¬ 
 avowing, moreover, any intention to dissolve the connexion 
 between the parent country and the Colonies; the declaration 
 proceeded—“ We most solemnly, before God and the world, 
 “ declare, that, exerting the utmost energy of those powers 
 “ which our beneficent Creator hath bestowed upon us, the 
 “ arms we have been compelled by our enemies to assume, we 
 “ will, in defiance of every hazard, with unabating firmness 
 “ and perseverance, employ for the preservation of our liberties ; 
 “ being with one mind resolved to die free-men rather than 
 “ live slaves.” They protested that they would lay down 
 their arms when hostilities should cease on the part of the 
 aggressors, and not before. Reposing their confidence in the 
 mercy of the Impartial Judge and Ruler of the Universe, and 
 imploring his goodness to protect and carry them through the 
 conflict, they appointed the 20th of July to be observed as 
 a day of public humiliation, fasting, and prayer with that view. 
 It was generally observed, and was the first national fast ever 
 proclaimed in the New World.* 
 
 But amidst all the arduous duties demanding the attention of 
 Congress, the importance of keeping a watchful eye upon the 
 Indians was universally conceded. The position of the Six 
 Nations, as well as their power to do mischief, could not but 
 strike the observation of all. They had served as an useful 
 barrier between the English settlements and the French in 
 Canada, in former wars, and were often actively engaged as 
 auxiliaries. Their position, and their utility, would be now 
 precisely the same between the Americans and the English 
 in Canada. It was therefore deemed of the first consequence, 
 if possible, to prevent them from taking sides with the English—■ 
 not, however, with a view to their employment in arms by our¬ 
 selves ; since, notwithstanding the disposition manifested by the 
 Congress of Massachusetts to employ the Indians, and the ac¬ 
 tual engagement of the Stockbridge Indians as auxiliaries, it was, 
 
 * Holmes’s Annals. 
 
1775.] ADDRESS TO THE SIX NATIONS. 93 
 
 nevertheless, the anxious desire of the Congress to keep them in 
 a position of neutrality as between England and the Colonies, 
 and at peace among themselves, and with all. For the pur¬ 
 pose of closer observation and more efficient action in respect 
 to the Indian relations of the country, therefore, an Indian De¬ 
 partment, with three sub-divisions, Northern, Middle, and 
 Southern, was established on the 12thof July, and Commissioners 
 were appointed for each—“ with power to treat with the In- 
 “ dians in their respective departments, to preserve peace and 
 “ friendship, and to prevent their taking any part in the present 
 “ commotions.” The Commissioners of the Northern Depart¬ 
 ment were, Major General Philip Schuyler, Major Joseph 
 Hawley, Mr. Turbot Francis, Mr. Oliver Wolcott, and Mr. 
 Yolkert P. Douw. The form of an address to the several 
 tribes of Indians, in all the departments, was agreed upon, to be 
 altered as occasion might require for local adaptation. This 
 address was framed after the manner of Indian speeches, and 
 contained a summary history of the Colonies, and of the rise 
 and progress of the difficulties between them and the parent 
 country. In the course of the address, the Indians were in¬ 
 formed of the nature and objects of the contest then begun, 
 and were strongly advised to the preservation of neutrality. 
 The Congress said—“ We desire you will hear and receive 
 “ what we have now told you, and that you will open a good 
 “ ear, and listen to what we are now going to say. This is a 
 “ family quarrel between us and Old England. You Indians 
 “ are not concerned in it. We do not wish you to take up the 
 “ hatchet against the King’s troops. We desire you to remain 
 “ at home, and not join on either side, but keep the hatchet 
 “ buried deep. In the name and behalf of all our people, we 
 “ ask and desire you to love peace and maintain it, and to love 
 u and sympathise with us in our troubles ; that the path may 
 “ be kept open with all our people and yours, to pass and repass 
 “ without molestation.” In conclusion, the Congress said— 
 “ Let us both be cautious in our behaviour toward each other 
 “ at this critical state of affairs. This island now trembles : 
 “ the wind whistles from almost every quarter * * * let us 
 “ fortify our minds, and shut our ears against false rumors * * * 
 “ let us be cautious what we receive for truth, unless spoken by 
 “ wise and good men. If any thing disagreeable should ever 
 
94 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1775 . 
 
 “ fall out between us, the Twelve United Colonies, and you, 
 “ the Six Nations, to wound our peace, let us immediately seek 
 “ measures for healing the breach. From the present situation 
 “ of our affairs, we judge it wise and expedient to kindle up a 
 “ small council fire at Albany, where we may hear each other’s 
 “voice, and disclose our minds more fully to one another.”* 
 
 Such were a few of the points only of the address, which 
 was an honest and earnest attempt to prevent the savages from 
 taking any part in the contest whatever. No time was lost by 
 the Commissioners of the Northern department, in the adoption 
 of measures pursuant to its wise spirit and policy. For this 
 purpose a treaty was appointed to be held with the Six Na¬ 
 tions at Albany, in the month of August, and the tribes were 
 all invited to attend. Previous to the day of meeting, two of 
 the Commissioners, Mr. Douw and Colonel Francis, met a 
 number of the chiefs and warriors in a preliminary council at 
 the German Flatts, which was not well attended. This con¬ 
 ference was holden on the 15th and 16th days of August. 
 Colonel Francis opened the council by stating the objects for 
 which the twelve United Colonies had invited the proposed 
 general meeting at Albany, which they now solicited all the 
 Six Nations and their allies to attend. They added—“ When 
 “ we meet you, our brethren of the Six Nations, and your 
 “ allies, at Albany, we will rekindle the council fire which our 
 “ancestors and yours formerly kindled up at that place, and 
 “ there sit down and converse together upon the present situa- 
 “ tion of the twelve United Colonies, and disclose to you their 
 “ minds thereon. We have important matters to communicate 
 “ to you, our brethren of the Six Nations, and your allies, 
 “ which cannot be disclosed until the council fire be kindled up 
 “ at Albany, and we are in full assembly.” Observing that the 
 council was thinly attended, Colonel Francis urged them in his 
 speech to send a general invitation to all the Six Nations to ap¬ 
 pear at Albany; and he proposed that they should also send 
 belts of invitation to the Caughnawagas in the neighborhood 
 of Montreal, together with the Indians of the Seven Nations on 
 the St. Lawrence. Colonel Francis concluded his “ talk ” as 
 follows :— 
 
 “ Brothers : As many mischievous and evil-disposed per- 
 
 * The address to the Indians is long, and will be found in the Appendix. 
 
1775.] COUNCIL AT GERMAN FLATTS. 95 
 
 sons may attempt to raise up in your minds sentiments that 
 are unfriendly to your brethren of the twelve United Colo¬ 
 nies, we beg you will shut your ears and fortify your minds 
 against any such evil and false reports ; and if any such 
 liars and deceivers should appear among you, and endeavour 
 to poison your minds, be assured they are as much your ene¬ 
 mies as the enemies of your brethren of the twelve United 
 Colonies together, and which is now going to be made strong¬ 
 er at Albany.” A Belt. 
 
 To this Kanaghquaesa , an Oneida sachem, replied :— 
 
 “ Brothers : You have now opened your minds. We 
 have heard your voices. Your speeches are far from being 
 contemptible. But as the day is far spent, we defer a reply 
 until to-morrow, as we are weary from having sat long in 
 council. We think it time for a little drink: and you must 
 remember that the twelve United Colonies are a great body.” 
 
 The council having adjourned over to the 16th, Tiahog- 
 wando , an Oneida sachem, made the following reply to the 
 speech of the Commissioners :— 
 
 “Brother Solihoany,* and our Albany Brothers, attend! 
 We are now assembled at the German Flatts, at which place 
 you kindled up a council fire, and yesterday called us together, 
 and acquainted us from whence you came, and by whose au¬ 
 thority—namely, by that of the twelve United Colonies—and 
 you opened your business to us. 
 
 “ Brothers : Now attend. Through the mercy of God 
 we are brought to this day, and the Six Nations are now in full 
 assembly at this place ,where we smoke a pipe in friendship and 
 love. We are glad to hear your voices. You are come to in¬ 
 vite us down to Albany, to a council fire of peace. 
 
 “ Brothers : We thank you for this invitation. It meets 
 with our entire approbation. Here we are, of every tribe in 
 the Six Nations. It shall be done as you have said. 
 
 “Brothers: You have desired that all our confederates 
 should receive this invitation. This cannot be done short of 
 one year, as we extend very far, and could not possibly call the 
 extremities of our confederacy to this intended meeting. But 
 possess your minds in peace. When this Congress is over, 
 and the council fire is raked up, we shall acquaint all our allies 
 
 ♦ The name bestowed upon Colonel Francis by the Indians. 
 
 1 * 
 
LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 96 
 
 [ 1775 . 
 
 with what has passed. This is the answer of all the Six Na¬ 
 tions who are now here represented from every tribe. 
 
 “Brothers, attend! Yesterday you said you were sen¬ 
 sible our confederacy extended to Caughnawaga, and you de¬ 
 sired our assistance to forward this your belt of invitation to 
 the Caughnawagas and the seven tribes in that quarter. 
 
 “Brothers: Possess your minds in peace. We, the Six 
 Nations, are put to difficulty to grant this request. We are 
 much embarrassed, for this reason. The man is now there who 
 will vex your minds, and never consent to their coming down, 
 and will draw hard upon their minds another way.* He is of 
 your own blood. 
 
 “ Brothers : Possess your minds in peace. We, of the 
 Six Nations, have the minds of the Caughnawagas and the 
 seven tribes in that quarter. At our central council-house, 
 when this took place, they addressed us of the Six Nations in 
 the following manner:—‘You are better capable of maintain- 
 ‘ ing peace than we are ; therefore we deliver up our minds to 
 ‘ you.’ For these reasons we advise you to reconsider your 
 petition to us, seeing we are so embarrassed we cannot grant 
 it. Perhaps you will say to us, when your intended council 
 fire shall be over, ‘ Brothers, do you of the Six Nations ac- 
 ‘ quaint all your confederates and allies of what has passed at 
 ‘ this council-fire of peaceand this we shall do with great 
 care and exactness. Now, Brothers, you see how we are em¬ 
 barrassed, and therefore give you this advice.” Belt returned. 
 
 To this Colonel Francis made answer :— 
 
 “ Brethren of the Six Nations : It gives us a great deal 
 of uneasiness to find that you cannot at present convey this 
 belt to our friends in Canada. We have heard your reasons, 
 and are sorry to find that one of our blood is already there, 
 endeavouring to draw their minds from us when we mean no¬ 
 thing but peace towards them. As there are a great many 
 Englishmen in Canada, we know not who you mean. We 
 shall therefore be glad to have the particular man pointed out.” 
 
 To this request, the Mohawk sachem, Little Abraham, replied : 
 
 “ Brothers : We take it for granted that you all know the 
 very man we mean. We said he was of your blood. We see 
 no necessity of pointing him out more explicitly.” 
 
 + Guy Johnson was doubtless the man referred to. 
 
COUNCIL AT ALBANY. 
 
 97 
 
 I mrmrir “1 
 
 / to. ] 
 
 The times being critical, and the people of the valley being 
 exceedingly suspicious of the movements of the Indians, the 
 latter were not altogether without apprehension that some evil 
 might befal them in their course to Albany. Tiahogwando 
 therefore addressed the council upon that point as follows:— 
 
 “ Brother Solihoany, and our Albany Brother: We take 
 it for granted you have called us to a council of peace and en¬ 
 tire friendship ; and you have taken us by the hand. As there 
 are men of different minds, and some of them may be ill dis¬ 
 posed, we desire you will admonish your own people that they 
 offer us no abuse in the way down to your council-fire of peace. 
 If this caution should be neglected, some misfortune might 
 happen ; as all people do not meet so much like brothers as for¬ 
 merly, on account of the present situation of affairs. It would 
 be unhappy if our council-fire should be crushed by any mis¬ 
 chief-makers. We have given you this caution, that while we 
 are marching along in peace and quietness, we might not be 
 alarmed by a blow struck in our rear. We therefore desire you 
 would begin, even at this council-lire, to publish your admo¬ 
 nitions to unwise and ungovernable people. By this belt we 
 declare to you, our Brothers, that the road is open for passing 
 and repassing, and free from all embarrassments, through the 
 Six Nations, as it has been for a long time. Therefore we de¬ 
 sire that we may have the same open road down to your in¬ 
 tended council-fire at Albany.”* 
 
 Colonel Francis replied :— 
 
 “Brethren of the Six Nations: By this belt you de¬ 
 sire that we may clear the road to Albany, that none of our 
 people may injure you. The road shall be as clear for you to 
 go to Albany, as it is for us to go to the country of the Six Na¬ 
 tions. The twelve United Colonies have given us great 
 power over the white people. We will appoint white men, 
 who speak your language and love your nations, to see you 
 safe down to Albany, and to provide provisions for you on the 
 way. We shall set out for Albany to-morrow morning, to pre¬ 
 pare matters for kindling up the great council-fire there.” 
 
 The Board of Commissioners for the Northern Department 
 met at Albany, on the 23d of August, (with the exception of 
 
 * As Mr. Kirkland was in attendance upon this council, the Indian speeches were 
 doubtless interpreted by him. 
 
98 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1775 . 
 
 Major Hawley, who had delined his appointment in conse¬ 
 quence of ill health,) and made the necessary arrangements for 
 holding the treaty. An invitation was given to the civil au¬ 
 thorities of Albany, to pay the sachems and warriors a compli¬ 
 mentary visit in company with the Commissioners, which was ac¬ 
 cepted. A committee of the principal gentlemen of Albany was 
 likewise appointed, to join in the complimentary visit on the 
 24th. On reaching the quarters of the chiefs, they were ad¬ 
 dressed as follows:— 
 
 “Brethern of the Six Nations: —We, the deputies 
 appointed by the twelve United Colonies, the descendants of 
 Qmedar, and the gentlemen of the city of Albany, congratulate 
 you on your arrival here. They are glad to see you well, and 
 thank the Great God that he suffers us to meet.” 
 
 In the course of this interview, the sachems intimated a de¬ 
 sire to have a consultation with the municipal officers of the 
 city of Albany before they met the commissioners in formal 
 council. It appears that there had been some diplomatic pas¬ 
 sages between the Oneida Indians and the Albanians, and an 
 interchange of messengers ; and the chiefs were now desirous 
 of having a conference with them. The commissioners, 
 anxious to humor the Indians, assented to the request; and 
 the Albanians appointed a committee, consisting of Walter 
 Livingston, Jeremiah Van Rensselaer, and Samuel Stringer, 
 to make the arrangements. The interview took place the 
 same evening, when JSeaghnagerat, an Oneida chief, opened 
 the proceedings with a speech of very unusual length for an In¬ 
 dian. He commenced by an expression of his gratification that, 
 on opening the ashes to rekindle the old council-fire, they had 
 found some of the sparks remaining. He next referred to the 
 proceedings of a previous consultation at the German Flatts, 
 touching the conduct of Guy Johnson in removing their mis¬ 
 sionaries, and other matters. The meeting referred to seems 
 to have been a partial council, to which the Albanians had sent 
 a deputation, the object of which was, by the exhibition of some 
 ancient belts, to remind the Indians of a former covenant of 
 peace with duedar, and to dissuade them from engaging in 
 the existing quarrel. What had been said by the Albany de¬ 
 puties, at the conference referred to, but of which no record 
 seems to have been preserved, was now repeated in substance 
 
COUNCIL AT ALBANY. 
 
 99 
 
 1775.] 
 
 by the Oneida chief, after the Indian manner of conducting 
 their councils. He then proceeded to reply seriatim; from 
 which circumstance it is probable that the former council-fire 
 had been raked up, before its proceedings were brought to a 
 close. The reply now made was decidedly and strongly paci¬ 
 fic. The chief admitted that “ evil birds ” had been busy in 
 circulating unpleasant rumors, and that efforts had been made 
 to make them swerve from their neutrality by Guy Johnson 
 or his agents—at least, such was the inference from the speech ; 
 but he over and over again protested the determination of the 
 Six Nations to avoid interfering with the controversy, and only 
 exhorted the Colonists to keep the path into their country 
 open, so that they could pass and repass without molestation. 
 In regard to the removal of their missionary, the chiefs said 
 Guy Johnson had done it pursuant to “ a belt ”* received from 
 Governor Gage. He expressed the greatest respect for Mr. 
 Kirkland; but at the same time, under the circumstances of 
 the case, suggested whether it would not on the whole be bet¬ 
 ter for Mr. K. to leave them for the present, until the storm 
 should be over and gone. 
 
 The speech having been ended, the Albanian Committee 
 thanked them for it, and promised a reply after the grand coun¬ 
 cil with the Commissioners of the Twelve Colonies should be 
 terminated. 
 
 That council commenced its sittings on the day following— 
 August 25th. The Oneida speaker of the preceding evening 
 opened the council very appropriately, after which the Com¬ 
 missioners, before proceeding formally to business, proposed that 
 they should all sit down and smoke the pipe of peace together. 
 The suggestion was acceded to, and the calumet passed round. 
 This ceremony having been ended, the Commissioners opened 
 their mission by a very appropriate and effective speech, remind¬ 
 ing the Indians of some ancient covenants of friendship with 
 the Colonists, and repeating to them a portion of the speech of 
 Can?iassateego, an old and popular sachem of the Six Nations, 
 whose name and character were held in great reverence by 
 them, delivered thirty years before at a great council held in 
 
 * An order. 
 
LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 100 
 
 [ 1775 . 
 
 Lancaster.* The exhortation was, to union among themselves, 
 and peace and friendship with the Colonists. 
 
 The council was then adjourned to the 26th, when the 
 Commissioners presented the address from the Congress, of 
 which particular mention has been made on a preceding page. 
 The deliberations of Indian councils are slow procedures. 
 Their language is composed of long and intricate compounds, 
 and the necessity of deliberate and thorough interpretations, so 
 that the matter spoken and explained be fastened upon the 
 memories of the Indians, who possess not the advantage of 
 written language, renders the process tedious. The entire sit¬ 
 tings of two days were therefore required for the delivery and 
 interpretation, by Mr. Kirkland, of the Congressional “ talk” 
 with which the Commissioners were charged. At the close, 
 one of the chiefs declared that the address contained “nothing 
 “ but what was pleasant and good.” But, as the matters pro¬ 
 posed were of high importance, they requested the next day for 
 separate deliberation among themselves, promising on the suc¬ 
 ceeding day, August 27th, to make their reply. It was not, 
 however, until the 31st of August that the Indians were rea¬ 
 dy to make known the results of their own secret councils. 
 Their answer was delivered by Little Abraham , the Mohawk 
 sachem of the Lower Castle. It was an able speech, thoroughly 
 pacific. But there was one declaration which it is difficult to 
 reconcile with the admitted veracity of the Indians, since it 
 was inconsistent with the well-known course of Guy Johnson, 
 and the covenant which had then already been made by Brant 
 and his followers, with Sir Guy Carleton and General Haldi- 
 mand at Montreal. We allude to the declaration of Little 
 Abraham, that Johnson had advised them to assume and pre¬ 
 serve a neutral position at the recent Oswego council. The 
 proceedings of Brant and Guy Johnson at Montreal had not 
 then probably transpired in the Mohawk Yalley. Still Guy 
 Johnson must have dissembled, or spoken with a c: forked 
 tongue,” to those Indians whom he supposed friendly to the 
 Colonies, or so great a mistake could not have been made by 
 Little Abraham. 
 
 * A brother of Cannassatcego wa r present on this occasion, and well remem¬ 
 bered his words. 
 
COUNCIL AT ALBANY. 
 
 101 
 
 1775 .] 
 
 In the course of their speech, the chiefs expressed a strong at¬ 
 tachment for Sir John Johnson as the son of their old friend, Sir 
 William, who was bom among them, and of Dutch extraction 
 by his mother/ They desired that whatever might be the 
 cause of the war, Sir John might be left unmolested. The 
 same request was also interposed in behalf of their missionary, 
 the Rev. Mr. Stewart, who, they said, had been sent to them 
 by the King ; and also because he never “ meddled with civil 
 affairs,” but was intent only on “ instructing them in the way to 
 heaven.” 
 
 In the conclusion of his speech, Abraham took occasion to 
 refer to some domestic matters between themselves and the 
 people of Albany. He charged them with having taken two 
 pieces of land from the Mohawks, without paying therefor so 
 much even as a pipe. These lands the Indians desired the 
 Twelve Colonies to restore, and put them into peaceable pos¬ 
 session again. “ If you refuse to do this,” said he, “ we shall 
 “ look upon the prospect as bad; for if you conquer, you will 
 “ take us by the arm and pull us all off.” In thus saying, he 
 spoke with the spirit of prophecy ! 
 
 When little Abraham had ended, Tiahogwando , an Onei¬ 
 da, made a short speech on the subject of the then pending 
 bloody and bitter controversy between Connecticut and Penn¬ 
 sylvania, respecting the territory of Wyoming, of which' a full 
 account will follow in its proper place. The Indians avowed 
 that the land had been conveyed by them to Penn, as a free 
 gift—the Great Spirit not allowing them to sell that country. 
 In the course of their speeches, the chiefs requested that the 
 Indian trade might be re-opened with them, both at Albany and 
 Schenectady, and that somebody might be appointed to guard 
 the tree of peace at Albany, and keep the council fire burning. 
 
 On the 1st of September the Commissioners made their re¬ 
 ply, conciliatory in its character, and acceding to the principal 
 requests of the Indians. They also informed the chiefs that 
 they had appointed General Schuyler and Mr. Douw to keep 
 the fire burning. Thus ended the council with the agents of 
 the Colonies. The “unfinished business” with the Alba¬ 
 nians was resumed on the next day—September 2d—for which 
 
 * The mother of Sir John was a German lady, but in the Mohawk Valley the 
 Germans are usually called E Uich to this day. 
 
102 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1775 . 
 
 purpose a council was formed in the Presbyterian church. 
 The Commissioners of the United Colonies were likewise in at¬ 
 tendance. After the preliminaries of form had been gone 
 through with, the Indians were addressed at length by the 
 Albany Committee. In the course of their speech, they ad¬ 
 verted particularly to the council at Oswego and the proceed¬ 
 ings of Guy Johnson at that place, respecting which, they said, 
 they had received no certain advices, and of which they wished 
 to be fully and explicitly informed. In regard to the land 
 question interposed by the Indians, the Committee said they pre¬ 
 sumed reference was had to the lands at Ticonderoga. That 
 was a question between the Indians and the corporation of Al¬ 
 bany ; whereas they were a committee from the people, and 
 could not entertain the question. They reminded the Indians, 
 however, that the question had been agitated before, and set¬ 
 tled by the Colonial Assembly. They also gave them to un¬ 
 derstand that the Indians were not the party having cause of 
 complaint in that matter. 
 
 The reply of the Indians was delivered by Little Abraham. 
 Waiving the land question, he proceeded to answer the ques¬ 
 tions put to them concerning the Oswego council. “ We look 
 “ upon it,” said he, “ that God will punish us should we conceal 
 “ any thing from you.” The following passages are quoted from 
 the reply of Abraham :— 
 
 “Brothers: The transactions of that treaty were very 
 public. The Shawanese were there, and some from Detroit. 
 Mr. Johnson told us that the fire kindled there was a fire of 
 peace; that all the white people were the King’s subjects, 
 and that it seemed they were intoxicated. He said the white 
 people were all got drunk, and that God’s judgment hung over 
 them ; but he did not know on which side it would fall. Mr. 
 Johnson further told us, that the present council fire was kin¬ 
 dled on account of the present dispute, and desired us not to 
 interfere, as they were brothers ; and begged us to sit still and 
 maintain peace. This is what Colonel Johnson told us at that 
 council-fire. He also said he had his eye on Mr. Kirkland: 
 that he was gone to Philadelphia, and along the sea-coast: that 
 he was become a great soldier and a leader. “ Is this your 
 “ minister ?” says he ; “ do you think your minister minds your 
 11 souls ? No. By the time he comes to Philadelphia, he will 
 
1775.] COUNCIL AT ALBANY. 103 
 
 “ be a great warrior, and when he returns, he will be the chief 
 “ of all the Five Nations.” 
 
 “ Brothers : There were present five people of Detroit, 
 five from Caughnawaga, and two of the Shawanese. Colonel 
 Johnson told them that, by the time he returned from Canada, 
 they should have all their men there, and he would then kin¬ 
 dle a council-fire ; and he would also desire them not to take 
 any part in this dispute, as it was a quarrel between brothers. 
 He also told them that he was going to the Governor of Cana¬ 
 da, who was of a different opinion from him, but would talk 
 with him. And he further said that he would tell the Caugh¬ 
 nawaga Indians the same that he told us, and for that purpose 
 desired that two of each nation might go along and hear it. 
 He likewise desired us to consider which way we would have 
 our trade—whether up this river or from Canada. He at the 
 same time assured us that we should not suffer from want of 
 goods, as we were not concerned, nor had any hand, in the 
 present dispute. He also said something about the council- 
 fires. He said there were two fires which you should keep 
 your eyes upon; and if they call you down to Albany, do not 
 you go ; for they will deceive you, and tell you a great many 
 fine stories. We are very glad that your language and Colo¬ 
 nel Johnson’s so well agrees.” 
 
 This report of the proceedings of Guy Johnson at Oswego 
 was certainly unexpected, and entirely at variance with the 
 tenor of his conduct previous to his departure from the Mohawk 
 Valley, and during his progress to the west. It is barely possi¬ 
 ble that he had not fully made up his mind as to the course he 
 might ultimately pursue, and that his purpose was not definitive¬ 
 ly determined upon, until after his meeting with Carleton and 
 Haldimand at Montreal. And it is abundantly certain that his 
 notions of Indian neutrality, even had he entertained them, 
 were very speedily abandoned. 
 
 With the delivery of Abraham’s last-mentioned speech, how¬ 
 ever, the council was closed; and although Schuyler and 
 Douw had been appointed to keep the council fire burning, yet 
 the ashes were soon raked up—never to be opened again at 
 Albany, for that was the last grand Indian council ever held in 
 that city.* 
 
 * As mentioned in the Introduction to the present volume, the interesting pro- 
 
 18 
 
101 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1 
 
 f*ty *> 
 
 I i o. 
 
 The result was highly satisfactory to the Commissioners, and 
 apparently so to the Indians, who had been well provided for 
 during the three weeks occupied at the German Flatts and 
 Albany. On their departure, moreover, they were handsomely 
 supplied with presents, and they took their leave with mani¬ 
 festations of great good-will. 
 
 Most unfortunately, however, soon after their return from 
 Albany, an epidemic disorder appeared among them, in the 
 form of a highly malignant fever. It was a disease which they 
 had never seen, and by it great numbers were swept away. 
 The Schoharie canton of the Mohawks, in particular, suffered 
 very severely. Indeed, they were almost exterminated.* The 
 small number who survived, imbibed the impression that the 
 Great Spirit had sent the pestilence upon them in anger for not 
 having taken sides with the King. They, therefore, followed 
 their brethren from the Mohawk Valley, who had escaped to 
 Canada with Guy Johnson. In the subsequent invasions of 
 the Tryon County settlements, these Schoharie Indians, who 
 thus deserted by an impulse of superstition, were among the 
 most forward and cruel.t It should also be borne in mind, 
 that, after all, the council comprised but an inadequate and par¬ 
 tial representation of the Six Nations, with the exception of the 
 Oneidas and the lower clan of the Mohawks. The great body 
 of the Mohawk warriors, headed by Thayendanegea, had left 
 the country; and the most influential of the Onondagas, Cay- 
 ugas, and Senecas, had also accompanied Brant and Guy 
 Johnson to Montreal; and events, at no very distant day, proved 
 that the Albany treaty had been held to very little purpose. It 
 is not consistent with the nature or habits of Indians to re¬ 
 main inactive in the midst of war. 
 
 Still, for the time being, those proceedings were not without 
 benefit to the cause of the country. The people of Tryon 
 
 ceedings of which a mere outline has been given in the text, have never before been 
 published complete. Their importance—their intrinsic interest—and the fact that 
 it was the last grand council of the confederacy ever holden in Albany, had induced 
 the author originally to arrange the whole in the text. But their great length, it was 
 thought, would too seriously obstruct the narrative. Hence they have been trans¬ 
 ferred to the Appendix. It was the first design of the author to abridge the 
 speeches, but an attempt soon proved that their force and spirit would be lost in 
 the process. See Appendix. 
 
 * Letter of John M. Brown, on the early history of Schoharie. f Idem. 
 
SIR JOHN JOHNSON. 
 
 105 
 
 1775 .] 
 
 County were relieved, by the stipulations of peace and neutral¬ 
 ity, from apprehensions of immediate danger from without; 
 and the Committee of Safety was consequently enabled to direct 
 their attention, not only to the more efficient organization of 
 the settlements for defence, but to the civil government of the 
 county. 
 
 But, notwithstanding the fine spirit manifested thus far by a 
 majority of the people in the interior, and that too under all 
 the disadvantages we have been contemplating—notwithstand¬ 
 ing the decisive tone of the language used in denouncing the op¬ 
 pressions of the Crown,—it was not yet exactly certain that the 
 Colony of New-York would range itself against the royal au¬ 
 thority. Governor Tryon, who was popular in the Colony, 
 had recently been recalled from North Carolina, and again ap¬ 
 pointed Governor of New-York; and he was exerting his utmost 
 powers to detach her from the cause of the Union—seconded 
 by the Asia, man of war, then lying in the harbour, and com¬ 
 manding the city of New-York by her guns. The captain of 
 the Asia had threatened to destroy the town should General 
 Lee, who was then approaching with an army from the east, 
 be allowed to enter it; and such were the prevalence of terror 
 and the power of intrigue, that disaffection to the cause of the 
 Union began to exhibit itself openly in the Provincial Congress. 
 Indeed, avowals of a design to place themselves under the royal 
 standard were unequivocally uttered. These untoward ap¬ 
 pearances were rendered the more threatening by the discovery 
 of a secret correspondence, from which it was ascertained that 
 the parent government was preparing to send a fleet into the 
 Hudson, and to occupy both New-York and Albany with its 
 armies.* Of these designs Sir John Johnson was probably 
 well aware, and the hope of their accomplishment may have in¬ 
 duced him to linger behind, watching the signs of the times, 
 after the departure of his brother-in-law and his army of fol¬ 
 lowers. Sir John had also a numerous tenantry, who were 
 mostly loyalists ; and the Scotch colonists, settled in large num¬ 
 bers in Johnstown and its neighbourhood, of whom mention 
 has formerly been made, being loyalists likewise, constituted for 
 him a respectable force upon which he could rely in a case of 
 emergency. 
 
 * Marshall’s Life of Washington. 
 
106 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1775 . 
 
 The Dutch and German population of the valley, however, 
 were chiefly Whigs ; as also, by this time, were a decided ma¬ 
 jority of the entire white population, not only of the Mohawk 
 Valley, but of Schoharie, Cherry Valley, and the other settle¬ 
 ments in the southern part of that widely-extended county. 
 The general Committee executed their functions with equal 
 diligence and vigour. The inhabitants were enrolled and or¬ 
 ganized into militia; the Committee deposed the sheriff, Alex ■ 
 ander White,* and caused Colonel John Frey to be appointed 
 in his place ; and, in one word, they took upon themselves both 
 the civil and military jurisdiction of the large section of coun¬ 
 try, over which they had provisionally assumed the govern¬ 
 ment. White had rendered himself particularly odious to the 
 Whigs from the first. Under some trifling pretext, he had ar¬ 
 rested a Whig by the name of John Fonda, and committed him 
 to prison. His friends, to the number of fifty men, under the 
 conduct of Sampson Sammons, went to the jail at night and 
 released him by force. From the prison they proceeded to the 
 lodgings of the sheriff, and demanded his surrender. White 
 looked out from the second story window, and probably recog¬ 
 nizing the leader of the crowd, inquired—■“ Is that you, Sam¬ 
 mons?” “Yes,” was the prompt reply; upon which White 
 discharged a pistol at the sturdy Whig, but happily without 
 injury. The ball whizfced past his head, and struck in the 
 qill of the door. This was the first shot fired in the war of the 
 Revolution west of the Hudson. It was immediately returned 
 by the discharge of some forty or fifty muskets at the sheriff, 
 but the only effect was a slight wound in the breast—just suf¬ 
 ficient to draw blood. The doors of the house were broken, 
 and White would have been taken, but at that moment a gun 
 was fired at the hall by Sir John. This was known to be a 
 signal for his retainers and Scotch partisans to rally in arms ; 
 and as they would muster a force of five hundred men in a 
 very short time, the Whigs thought it most prudent to disperse. 
 They collected again at Caughnawaga, however, and sent a 
 deputation to Sir John, demanding that White should be given 
 up to them.t This demand, of course, was not complied with. 
 
 * The first liberty pole erected in the Mohawk Valley was at the German Flatts, 
 and White, with a band ofloyalists, had cut down the emblem of rebellion. 
 
 J MS. narrative of Jacob Sammons. 
 
1775 .] DEPOSITION OF SHERIFF WHITE. 107 
 
 After his dismissal, as already mentioned, by an act of the peo¬ 
 ple “ in their sovereign capacity,” White was re-commissioned 
 by Governor Tryon; but the County Committee would not 
 suffer him to re-enter upon the duties of the office. On the con¬ 
 trary, so high was the popular indignation against him, that he 
 was obliged to fly—setting his face toward Canada, accompa¬ 
 nied by a white man named Peter Bone, and two or three In¬ 
 dians. He was pursued to Jessup’s landing on the Hudson 
 River, where the house in which he lodged was surrounded, 
 and the fugitive sheriff taken prisoner. From thence he was 
 taken to Albany and imprisoned.* Shortly afterward he was 
 released on his parole, and left the country. 
 
 The exigencies of the times required prompt and vigorous 
 action ; and the Committee seems to have been composed of ex¬ 
 actly the right description of men. They arrested suspicious 
 persons, tried them, fined some, imprisoned more, and executed 
 others. Their duties also involved the preservation of the 
 peace in a critical period, among a mixed population of border- 
 men, ever more or less disposed to impatience under legal re¬ 
 straint, and of course requiring the controlling power of 
 a strong arm. And yet these high duties were generally dis¬ 
 charged with great satisfaction to the public—the loyalists ex¬ 
 cepted, of course—and their resolutions and decrees were submit¬ 
 ted to by their constituents with alacrity. Their influence was 
 likewise successfully exerted in winning friends to the popular 
 cause, by deciding the wavering and confirming the irresolute.! 
 
 Added to these multifarious duties, was the necessity of 
 keeping a vigilant watch over the motions of Sir John John¬ 
 son, whose position and conduct were alike equivocal, and the 
 numerous loyalists by whom he was surrounded. By these 
 people every possible obstacle was thrown in the way of the 
 Committee, and no method of annoying and embarrassing 
 them left untried. They laboured to destroy the confidence of 
 the people in the Committee; called public meetings them¬ 
 selves, and chose counter-committees ; now attempted to cover 
 the Whig Committees with ridicule, and now again charged 
 them with illegal and tyrannical conduct.! The consequence 
 was, mutual exasperation—sometimes between near neighbours; 
 
 * Narrative of Jacob Sammons. f Campbell’s Annals. J Idem. 
 
108 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1775. 
 
 and the reciprocal engendering of hostile feelings between 
 friends, who ranged themselves under opposing banners. These 
 incipient neighbourhood quarrels occasioned, in the progress ot 
 the contest that ensued, some of the most bitter and bloody 
 personal conflicts that ever marked the annals of a civil war. 
 Several members of the Committee subsequently acted a dis¬ 
 tinguished part in the field ; many of them sacrificed their es¬ 
 tates ; and some of them fell. Among them, Christopher 
 P. Yates, the first Chairman, accompanied General Mont¬ 
 gomery as a volunteer to Ticonderoga and Canada, and after¬ 
 ward raised and commanded a corps of rangers.* The fate 
 of Nicholas Herkimer is well known, though his death will 
 be invested with new and additional interest in the progress of 
 this narrative.! 
 
 In regard to Sir John, matters were now fast approaching to 
 a crisis. On the 7th of September the Committee wrote to the 
 Provincial Congress in New-York, denouncing his conduct 
 and that of his associates—particularly the Highlanders, who, 
 to the number of two hundred, were said to be gathered about 
 him, and by whom the Whigs “ were daily scandalized, pro- 
 “ voked, and threatened.” They added—“ We have great sus- 
 u picions, and are almost assured, that Sir John has a continual 
 u correspondence with Colonel Guy Johnson and his party.”! 
 
 No sooner had the Congress of The Twelve United 
 Colonies agreed to the Declaration, or manifesto, mentioned 
 in the beginning of the present chapter, proclaiming to the 
 world the causes, and the necessity of their appeal to arms, 
 than it was felt, on all hands, even by the timid and hesitating, 
 that England and the Colonies now stood, not in the relation 
 
 * Campbell’s Annals. 
 
 f The following extract is from a letter of the State Committee of Safety, under 
 date of December, 1775, signed by John M’Kesson, Clerk of the Provincial Con¬ 
 gress:—“I was directed by this Congress to assure you of the high esteem and 
 “ respect they have for your vigilant, noble-spirited County Committee.” The follow¬ 
 ing was from General Schuyler in the summer of 1776:—“The propriety of your 
 “ conduct, and your generous exertions in the cause of your country, entitle you to the 
 “ thanks of every one of its friends; please to accept of mine most sincerely.” 
 Campbell’s Jlnnals. 
 
 | It was afterward ascertained that such a correspondence was carried on 
 through the Indians, who conveyed letters in the heads of their tomahawks and in 
 the ornaments worn about their persons. The Indians also brought powder across 
 from Canada.— Campbell’s Jnnals. 
 
SIR JOHN JOHNSON. 
 
 109 
 
 1775 .] 
 
 of parent and children, but in the attitude of two nations legal¬ 
 ly at war. Hence the patriots of Tryon County began to look 
 more closely, and with greater assurance, to the deportment of 
 Sir John, of whose designs, as has been seen, they had from the first 
 entertained strong suspicions. The movements of Sir Guy Carle- 
 ton, moreover, Governor-general of Canada, who had been com¬ 
 missioned to muster and arm all persons within that province, 
 and to wage war by land and sea against “ all enemies, pirates, or 
 “ rebels, either in or out of the province,” to “ take them and 
 “ put them to death, or preserve them alive, at his discretion,” 
 were now creating great uneasiness on the northern frontier, 
 from which quarter they were apprehending a formidable inva¬ 
 sion. The management of the northern department having 
 been committed to Generals Schuyler and Montgomery, who 
 were now directing a force upon Montreal and Quebec, the 
 Tryon County Committee determined to probe the intentions of 
 Sir John Johnson at once and to the bottom. For this pur¬ 
 pose, on the 26th of October, they addressed him the following 
 letter :— 
 
 “ Tryon County Committee Chamber , 
 
 Oct. 26, 1775. 
 
 “ Honorable Sir, 
 
 “ As we find particular reason to be convinced of your 
 opinion in the questions hereafter expressed, we require you, 
 that you’ll please to oblige us with your sentiments thereupon 
 in a few lines by our messengers, the bearers hereof, Messrs. 
 Ebenezer Cox, James McMaster, and John James Klock, mem¬ 
 bers of our Committee. 
 
 « We want to know whether you will allow that the inhabit¬ 
 ants of Johnstown and Kingsborough may form themselves 
 into companies, according to the regulations of our Continent¬ 
 al Congress, for the defence of our country’s cause; and 
 whether your Honor would be ready himself to give his per¬ 
 sonal assistance to the same purpose. 
 
 “ Also, whether you pretend a prerogative to our County 
 court-house and gaol, and would hinder or interrupt the Com¬ 
 mittee, to make use of the same public houses, to our want 
 and service in the common cause ? 
 
110 LIFE OF BRANT. [1775. 
 
 “ We don’t doubt you will comply with our reasonable re¬ 
 quests, and thereby oblige, 
 
 “ Honorable Sir, 
 
 “ Your obedient and humble Servants. 
 
 “ To the “ By order of the Committee, 
 
 Honorable Sir John Johnson , “ Nicholas Herkimer, 
 
 Johnson Flail? “ Chairman.” 
 
 The deputation named in the letter waited upon Sir John 
 in person, to receive his answer—the substance of which they 
 reported to the Committee verbally as follows, viz :— 
 
 “ 1. By perusing our letter, Sir John replied that he thinks 
 our requests very unreasonable, as he never had denied the 
 use either of the court-house or gaol to any body, nor would 
 yet deny it, for the use which these houses have been built for; 
 but he looks upon it that the court-house and gaol are his pro¬ 
 perty till he is paid £700—the amount of which being out of 
 his pocket for the building of the same. 
 
 “ 2. In regard of embodying his tenants into companies, he 
 never did forbid them, neither should do it, as they may use 
 their pleasure; but we might save ourselves the trouble, he 
 being sure that they would not. 
 
 “ 3. Concerning himself, he said, that before he would sign 
 any association, or would lift his hand up against his King, he 
 would rather suffer that his head shall be cut off. 
 
 “ Further he replied, that if we should make any unlawful 
 use of the gaol, he would oppose it, and also he mentions, that 
 there have many unfair means been used for increasing the as¬ 
 sociation and uniting the people ; for he was informed by credi¬ 
 ble gentlemen in New-York that they were obliged to unite, 
 otherwise they could not live there; and that he was informed 
 by good authority, that likewise two thirds of the Canajoharie 
 and German Flatts people have been forced to sign the articles ; 
 and in his opinion the Boston people are open rebels, and the 
 other Colonies have joined them.” 
 
 Immediately on receiving this report, the Committee deter¬ 
 mined to bring the question of the occupancy of the gaol to an 
 issue. They therefore directed that two of their prisoners, 
 named Lewis Clement and Peter Bowen,* who had been sen- 
 
 * A subsequent document induces the belief that these prisoners were Indians, 
 though it is not so distinctly stated. 
 
SIR JOHN JOHNSON. 
 
 Ill 
 
 1775.] 
 
 « _ 
 
 tenced to certain periods of confinement for political offences, 
 
 should be forthwith conveyed to the prison, under a guard com¬ 
 manded by Captain Jacob Seeber, with instructions, that 
 should the gaoler refuse to receive them into close confinement 
 for the time specified, or should they be opposed by Sir John, 
 then Captain Seeber was to bring them to the house of “ our 
 “ voted and elected new high sheriff, John Frey, Esq. who shall 
 ‘■'immediately inform thereof our chairman for further direc- 
 “ dons.” 
 
 Sir John did not allow the Committee to take possession of 
 the gaol, and they were obliged to fit up a private house as a 
 temporary prison ; while some of their prisoners were sent to 
 Albany, and others as far as Hartford for safe keeping.* The 
 Committee apprised the Provincial Congress of their proceed¬ 
 ings in this matter, from which body they received the follow¬ 
 ing communication in reply:— 
 
 “ Dec. 9th. The Congress have this day entered into the 
 consideration of your letter of the 28th of October, and are of 
 opinion that your application to Sir John Johnson, requesting 
 an answer from him whether he would allow his tenants to 
 form themselves into companies, and associate with their 
 brethren of your County, according to the resolves of the Con¬ 
 tinental Congress, for the defence of our liberties, was impro¬ 
 per with respect to him, and too condescending on your part, 
 as it was a matter that came properly within your province: 
 and to which we doubt not but you are competent, as you have 
 a line of conduct prescribed to you by Congress. With respect 
 to your second question, whether he would take any active part 
 in the controversy at present existing between Great Britain 
 and her Colonies, we conceive it to be very proper, and thank 
 you for information on that head. 
 
 “ As to the third question, we conceive that he has no claim 
 nor title to the court-house and gaol in the County, as we are cre¬ 
 dibly told that his father, Sir William Johnson, did in his lifetime 
 convey the same to two gentlemen in trust for the use of your 
 County. However, as an attempt to use the same for the pur¬ 
 pose of confining persons inimical to our country may be pro¬ 
 ductive of bad consequences, we beg leave to recommend to you, 
 
 * Campbell’s Annals. 
 
 19 
 
112 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1775 . 
 
 to procure some other place which may answer the end of a 
 gaol. And give you our advice not to molest Sir John as long 
 as he shall continue inactive, and not impede the measures ne¬ 
 cessary to be carried into execution from being completed. 
 
 “ We are extremely sorry that Mr. White has, by his impru¬ 
 dent conduct, rendered himself justly offensive to you. The 
 best advice we can give you in this unpleasant affair is, that if you 
 are of opinion that his continuing in his office will be danger¬ 
 ous to your liberties, then that you permit the office to be ex¬ 
 ercised by his deputies. And that you draw up a petition, get 
 as many persons of your County to sign it as possible, and pre¬ 
 sent it to the Governor of the Colony, setting forth that it is 
 very disagreeable to the people in general that he should exe¬ 
 cute that office, and praying that he may be displaced, and his 
 place supplied by a person who would be acceptable to the peo¬ 
 ple of your County. 
 
 “ We are respectfully, 
 
 “ Gentlemen, 
 
 11 To Nicholas Herkimer , Esq. “ Your most obedient 
 
 Chairman , and the > u humble Servants, 
 
 Committee of Tryon County. ) “ By order, 
 
 Nathl. Woodhull, Pres.” 
 
 The first act of positive hostility on the part of the Indians, 
 during this bitter and bloody contest, was committed in the 
 Autumn of the present year. General Schuyler having been 
 obliged temporarily to leave the northern army in consequence 
 of ill health, the command devolved upon General Montgome¬ 
 ry, who had advanced a second time upon St. Johns and cap¬ 
 tured the fortress—Sir Guy Carleton having been repulsed by 
 Colonel Warner at Longueil, in his attempt to cross the St. 
 Lawrence and advance to its succor. It appears that, either 
 in the first or second attack upon St. Johns, or in both, the 
 Americans had been opposed by some of the Mohawk Indians 
 —those, doubtless, who had accompanied Guy Johnson to Ca¬ 
 nada. Hence, on the 27th of October, the Tryon County 
 Committee “unanimously resolved, that a letter should be 
 “ sent to the sachems of the Canajoharie Castle, in regard to 
 “ the return and present abiding of some Indians in their 
 “ Castle from Canada, who have acted inimically against us, 
 
HOSTILITY OP THE INDIANS. 
 
 113 
 
 1775 .] 
 
 “ and fought against our united forces near the fort St. John, 
 “ not to give shelter to such real enemies among them.” 
 
 No copy of the letter written pursuant to this resolution has 
 been preserved. It is noted among the papers of the Commit¬ 
 tee, however, that the sachems and warriors of Canajoharie 
 Castle appeared before them in person, and made the following 
 answer to their epistle of remonstrance :— 
 
 “ Brothers: We are thankful to you that you opened to 
 us your hearts, and we comprehend to be all true what you 
 wrote to us. We live together, Gentlemen, and we shall do our 
 endeavour to answer you upon all the contents of your letter, 
 as much as we can remember thereof. 
 
 “ Brothers : We have not yet forgotten our agreement 
 made in Albany. It is not such a long time ago, we can re¬ 
 member it yet. Although we have not put it in writing, it is 
 yet in our memory. We can remember very well that there 
 have been twelve Governors with whom we agreed, and we made 
 a level road to the Six Nations, to Boston, and to Philadelphia. 
 
 “ Brothers : We have, as well as the Senecas and others 
 of the Six Nations, been very glad to make that road, where 
 we went and shall go. It is all peace and very good. The 
 Nations have been very glad for the making of that good road, 
 and it is all peaceable. But we are afraid you make the first 
 disturbance on the sea-side—because you are a fighting already. 
 They have made that good road, but they will not hope that 
 we should spill blood upon it. You said in your letter that 
 you cannot keep your young people back, but we think you are 
 masters of them, and could order them. Some of our young 
 people are now in Canada, and perhaps they are killed ; but if 
 so be, our hearts will not be sore about it. 
 
 “ There are some young people, among them here, whom 
 we could persuade to stay and not to meddle themselves with 
 the fighting of the white people ; but some went yet away, and 
 we are glad to see them back again, because they have been 
 debauched to go away. 
 
 “ Brothers : The Six Nations are now speaking about that 
 good road, and are glad ; but if they shall perhaps pass that road 
 and see some blood spilled upon it, then they would be surprised. 
 
 “ Brothers : We have made a very strong agreement of 
 friendship together, and we beg you will not break it for sake 
 
LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 114 
 
 [ 1775 . 
 
 of some wrong done by some, who have been debauched. You 
 will drop it, we hope, for the present.” 
 
 The Committee replied to them in substance, that if those of 
 their young men who had first spilt the blood of their white 
 brethren, had come back repenting of their conduct, they 
 should first have gone to the Committee, and manifested their 
 sorrow to them. Far from doing so, however, one of them, 
 named William Johnson, had, on the contrary, boasted of his 
 hostile proceedings, and spoken boldly against the cause of the 
 Americans. 
 
 On the 30th of October, at the request of some of the chiefs 
 of the Mohawk Castle, John Marbatt was deputed to hold a 
 conference with them, in reference to the imprisonment of Cle¬ 
 ment and Bowen. Marbatt says, in his letter to General Herki¬ 
 mer, Chairman of the Committee :—■ 
 
 “ The heads of the Mohawk Castle met me at Abraham 
 Quackenbush’s, and made a speech to me. They said we 
 were all brothers, and all brought up together, and hoped that 
 we might remain so. They said they were very sorry for their 
 two brothers, Lewis Clement and Peter Bowen, and desired 
 that they might be discharged. It was so hard for them to see 
 their brethren in confinement that they could not rest. Where¬ 
 on I told them there was a law ; and if any of our brothers 
 transgressed the law, they must expect to be punished by the 
 law. I told them that any one that behaved [well] should not be 
 disturbed at all. But they begged that as they had transacted 
 this, [offended] before the law took effect, they might be dis¬ 
 charged ; and if ever they transgressed again, they had nothing 
 to say against punishing them. They told me that they want- 
 ted to go a hunting, and could not go from home contented 
 until this matter was settled. They desired me to give them an 
 answer against next Saturday. Gentlemen, I hope you will 
 settle this matter for peace’s sake. Your compliance will much 
 oblige your friend and humble servant,” &c. 
 
 The speech from the Canajoharie Indians, just recited, 
 if closely scrutinised, might appear somewhat equivocal. 
 Still, it was not belligerent; and, when taken in connexion 
 with the preceding letter, the presumption is reasonable, that 
 the Mohawks remaining about their ancient castles, had not 
 yet determined to swerve from their engagement of neutrality. 
 
PROGRESS OF EVENTS. 
 
 115 
 
 1775 .] 
 
 Such was the progress of the Revolution, in the County of 
 Tryon, down to the close of 1775. A rapid glance at contem¬ 
 poraneous events not already noted, occurring elsewhere, will 
 close the history of the year. The battle of Bunker Hill had 
 aroused all New England to arms ; and by the time of Gene¬ 
 ral Washington’s arrival to assume the command, during the 
 first week in July, the British forces were so effectually shut up 
 in Boston, as to be obliged to send out small vessels to a distance 
 for supplies. To cut up this species of coast-wise commerce, 
 the Colonies of Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Connecticut 
 each fitted out two small cruisers, before Congress had made a 
 suggestion respecting a naval armament. The first avowal of 
 offensive hostility against the mother country, was contained 
 in the act of the Massachusetts Congress for fitting out a naval ar¬ 
 mament ; and among the first fruits was the capture, by Captain 
 Manly of Marblehead, of a large British ordnance brig, laden 
 with several elegant brass pieces of artillery, a large supply of 
 small arms, tools and utensils of all warlike descriptions, &c. 
 Three days afterward Captain Manly captured three more 
 British ships laden with military stores. South Carolina was 
 at the same time making vigorous preparations for war, but 
 had not exceeding 3,000 lbs of gunpowder within the province. 
 By fitting out a fast sailing vessel, however, they were ena¬ 
 bled to intercept a supply vessel off St. Augustine, and obtain 
 a large and timely addition to their stores—15,000 pounds of 
 gunpowder alone. Meantime the affairs of the Colonies con¬ 
 tinued to form the leading and most exciting topic of debate in 
 the British Parliament. Lord North, who, it is now known, 
 acted throughout this great struggle more in obedience to the 
 positive requisitions of the King, than in accordance with his 
 own private wishes, insisted upon the strongest measures of 
 compulsion. General Conway, Colonel Lutterell, Mr. James 
 Grenville, the Duke of Grafton, and Lord Lyttleton, spoke in 
 favor of concession to the Colonies, and argued in favor of re¬ 
 pealing every enactment respecting the matters in dispute with 
 the Colonies, subsequent to the year 1763. The ministers con¬ 
 tended that they might as well acknowledge the independence 
 of the Colonies at once. Mr. Burke, during this season, made 
 his great speech on American affairs, and introduced his con¬ 
 ciliatory bill, proposing “ a renunciation of the exercise of tax- 
 
116 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1775 . 
 
 “ ation, without at all interfering with the question of right. 
 “ It preserved the power of levying duties, for the regulation of 
 “ commerce ; but the money so raised was to be at the disposal 
 u of the several general assemblies. The tea duty was to be 
 “ repealed, and a general amnesty granted.” This proposition, 
 though regarded with more favor than the others, was rejected ; 
 and the Administration was sustained in the policy of sending a 
 large sea and land force against the Colonies, accompanied with 
 offers of mercy upon a proper submission.* The Continental 
 Congress, however, still continued its efforts to prevent a final 
 separation; and another address to the King was adopted, be¬ 
 seeching the interposition of his royal authority to afford relief 
 from their afflicting fears and jealousies, and restore harmony by 
 the adoption of such measures as would effect a permanent recon¬ 
 ciliation. This petition, signed by John Hancock, was presented 
 in Parliament on the 7th of December, and gave rise to several 
 motions for a pacification—all of which were rejected.! 
 
 The military operations of the Autumn were chiefly confined 
 to the expedition against Canada. Lord Dunmore, it is true, 
 had given several additional impulses to the Revolutionary 
 spirit in Virginia, by the manner of his opposition; and the 
 enemy had still farther exasperated the people of New England 
 by burning the town of Falmouth, in the north-eastern part of 
 Massachusetts. Having timely notice, the people fled from the 
 town, which was furiously bombarded, and 139 dwelling- 
 houses and 278 warehouses were burnt. The invasion of Ca¬ 
 nada, by Generals Schuyler and Montgomery, has already been 
 incidentally mentioned. General Schuyler had issued a suitable 
 proclamation to the inhabitants of Canada, on entering that ter¬ 
 ritory ; but he was obliged by ill health to relinquish the com¬ 
 mand to General Montgomery. St. John’s surrendered on the 
 3d of November; but while the siege was pending, Colonel 
 Ethan Allen, with thirty-eight of his Green Mountain boys, 
 was captured, and sent to England in irons.f Allen deserved 
 his fate, however, for his rashness and disobedience of orders. 
 Still, he was very near capturing Montreal with the small 
 party he had led in advance, as was subsequently admitted by 
 one of the British officers. 
 
 The fort at Chamblee fell into the hands of Montgomery, 
 
 * Holmes’s Annals, Par. Register. 
 
 f Idem. 
 
 { Idem. 
 
CAMPAIGN IN CANADA. 
 
 117 
 
 1775.] 
 
 together with a large quantity of military stores, which were 
 of great use ; among them were three tons of powder. Montreal 
 was next taken by the Provincials—General Garleton es¬ 
 caping in a boat with muffled oars to Three Rivers, from 
 whence he hastened to Quebec. Montgomery, with his little 
 army, was swift to follow him thither; where his arrival had 
 been anticipated by Colonel Arnold, with upward of 700 New 
 England infantry and riflemen, with whom he had performed the 
 incredible service of traversing the unexplored forest, from the 
 Kennebec to the mouth of the Chaudiere. Uniting the forces 
 of Arnold with his own, Montgomery laid siege to Quebec on 
 the 1st of December. His artillery, however, was too light to 
 make any impression upon its walls, and it was at length de¬ 
 termined, if possible, to carry the town by a combined assault 
 from two directions—one division to be led by Montgomery and 
 the other by Arnold. The enterprise was undertaken on the 
 31st of December, and the year closed by the repulse of both 
 divisions and the fall of Montgomery. 
 
 The success which had marked the American arms in the 
 early part of the Canadian campaign, made a strong impres¬ 
 sion upon the Caughnawaga Indians. The Canadians, gene¬ 
 rally, were exceedingly averse to engaging in the unnatural 
 contest,* and were strongly inclined to favor the cause of the 
 Colonies ; and, notwithstanding the descent of Brant and the 
 Mohawks to Montreal, and the solicitations of Governor Carle- 
 ton, the Caughnawagas sent a deputation to General Washing¬ 
 ton, at Cambridge, as early as the month of August, avowing 
 their readiness to assist the Americans in the event of an ex¬ 
 pedition into Canada.! This assurance was fulfilled. In a 
 letter from Sir Guy Carleton to General Gage, written in 
 August, which was intercepted, the Canadian Governor said— 
 “ Many of the Indians have gone over to them (the Americans), 
 11 and large numbers of the Canadians are with them.” “ I had 
 “ hopes of holding out for this year, though I seem abandoned 
 “ by all the world, had the savages remained firm. I cannot 
 “ blame these poor people for securing themselves, as they see 
 “ multitudes of the enemy at hand, and no succour from any 
 “ part, though it is now four months since their operations 
 “ against us first began.”}: The subsequent reverses of the 
 
 * Letter of Washington to the president of Congress, Aug. 4th, 1775. 
 
 f Letter of Washington to Gen. Schuyler. { Sparks. 
 
118 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1775 . 
 
 Americans, however, changed the masters of those Indians, and 
 they were ere long found warring in the ranks of the Crown. 
 
 But all the Indians did not join the British standard. Not¬ 
 withstanding that the Delawares had been engaged in the Cre- 
 sap war, the year before, they refused the solicitations of the 
 British emissaries and the Senecas to take up the hatchet with 
 them in this contest. A meeting of Indians was held in Pitts¬ 
 burgh, to deliberate upon the question, at which a select depu¬ 
 tation of the Senecas attended. Captain White Eyes , a sensi¬ 
 ble and spirited warrior of the Lenape, boldly declared that he 
 would not embark in a war, to destroy a people born on the 
 same soil with himself. The Americans, he said, were his 
 friends and brothers, and no nation should dictate to him or 
 his tribe the course they should pursue.* 
 
 Hecliewelder. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Lord Dunmore—Glance at the South—Suspicious conduct of Sir John Johnson— 
 Conduct of the Tories in Tryon County—Gen. Schuyler directed by Congress 
 to march into that County and disarm the Tories—Preliminary mission to the 
 Lower Mohawks—Message to them—Their displeasure and reply—March of 
 Schuyler—Meets the Indians at Schenectady—Interview and speeches—Advance 
 of Schuyler—Letter to Sir John Johnson—Interview—Negotiations of capitula¬ 
 tion—Terms proposed—Schuyler advances to Caughnawaga—Joined by Tryon 
 County Militia—Farther correspondence with Sir John—Interview with the In¬ 
 dian mediators—Terms of surrender adjusted—Schuyler marches to Johns¬ 
 town—Sir John, his household, and the Highlanders, disarmed—Troops scour 
 the country to bring in the loyalists—Disappointment as to the supposed Tory 
 Depot of warlike munitions—Return of Schuyler to Albany—Resolution of Con¬ 
 gress—Additional trouble with Sir John—Preparations for his seizure—Expedi¬ 
 tion of Col. Dayton—Flight of the Baronet and his partisans to Canada—Their 
 sufferings—And subsequent conduct—How the violation of his parole was con¬ 
 sidered. 
 
 The dawn of the New Year was lighted up by the confla¬ 
 gration of Norfolk, by order of Lord Dunmore, the royal Go¬ 
 vernor of Yirginia. His Lordship had previously retired with 
 his "adherents to the fleet; and this act of Vandalism was di¬ 
 rected by way of retaliating upon the Whigs of that borough, 
 for having refused supplies to the Liverpool man of war. The 
 people themselves destroyed the buildings nearest the water, 
 in order to deprive the ships even of those sources of supply. 
 After cruising for a time on the coast of Virginia, and being 
 every where repulsed—some of his ships having been driven on 
 shore, and their crews captured and imprisoned by the Colonists 
 —his Lordship was obliged to destroy those of his vessels which 
 were not sea-worthy, and seek refuge himself in Florida and 
 the West Indies. Another incident adverse to the royal arms, 
 was the defeat, by the Provincials under General Moore, of 
 General M’Donald, (commissioned by Governor Martin,) in his 
 attempts to bring North Carolina to obedience. The battle re¬ 
 sulting in this defeat was gallantly fought at Moore’s Creek 
 Bridge, by Colonels Caswell and Lillington, commanding 
 about 1000 minute men and militia. A large quantity of arms 
 fell into the hands of the Provincials ; and the defeat, equally 
 unexpected and decisive, greatly depressed the spirits of the 
 loyalists in that quarter. 
 
 Resuming the history of the Mohawk Valley: although the 
 
 20 
 
120 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1776 . 
 
 Autumn of the preceding year had passed quietly away in that 
 region, yet no small degree of uneasiness was created, early in 
 the winter, by the suspicious conduct of Sir John Johnson ; 
 heightened, as will appear in the sequel, by false representa¬ 
 tions sent forth by a man who, in the end, proved to be an im¬ 
 postor. Such were the spirit of the times moreover, and the 
 jealousies mutually entertained, that it is more than probable 
 the measures of Sir John were concerted in consequence of 
 apprehensions honestly indulged, and in all likelihood awaken¬ 
 ed by the same or a kindred imposture. At all events Sir John 
 was actively engaged in defensive preparations, with a view, as 
 it was believed, of throwing up fortifications around the baro¬ 
 nial hall. His adherents, as we have seen, were numerous, 
 particularly among the Scotch Highlanders, by several hun¬ 
 dreds of whom he was surrounded ; and reports became rife, 
 that, in addition to these, the works he was erecting were to be 
 garrisoned by three hundred Indians, to be let loose upon the 
 settlements as opportunities might occur. 
 
 It was undoubtedly true that the Tories of that region were 
 preparing actively to espouse the royal cause, and enlistments 
 for the King’s service, it is very likely, were secretly making. 
 Information to this effect was laid before Congress in Decem¬ 
 ber. It was also declared, b Y a man named Connell, that a 
 considerable quantity of arms and ammunition, and other war¬ 
 like articles, had been collected and concealed by the Tories at 
 Johnstown, to be used when the proper moment for action ar¬ 
 rived. The facts disclosed by Connell were supported by his 
 deposition ; whereupon a resolution was adopted by Congress, 
 directing General Schuyler to be informed of these circum¬ 
 stances, and requesting him to adopt the most speedy and effec¬ 
 tual measures for securing the said arms and military stores; 
 for disarming the loyalists, apprehending their leaders, and 
 taking such measures in general as might be judged necessary 
 to ensure the tranquility of the frontier.* This resolution was 
 received by General Schuyler at Albany early in January, and 
 no time was lost in concerting measures for its execution. 
 
 * The sum of forty dollars was appropriated by Congress for this object; and 
 the Special Committee having the subject in charge, were directed to count the gold 
 and silver in the treasury, and forward the same to General Schuyler under a guard ! 
 — Vide Jour. Con. 
 
1776.] EXPEDITION TO TRYON COUNTY. 121 
 
 General Schuyler having at that time no troops at his disposal, 
 was under the necessity of communicating with the sub-com¬ 
 mittee of safety of Albany County, for which purpose, in order 
 that a knowledge of the business with which he was charged 
 might not transpire, he previously administered to them the 
 oath of secrecy. They were at first embarrassed in devising a 
 pretext for the preparations it was necessary to make for the 
 expedition ; but the opportune arrival of a letter and an affida 
 vit, (probably from Connell,) from Tryon County, containing 
 accounts exactly suited to the emergency, afforded ample rea¬ 
 sons for a call upon the militia. General Schuyler at first 
 supposed that a force of three hundred men, with the assistance 
 they would be certain to receive from the Whigs of Tryon 
 County, would be amply sufficient. It was determined, how¬ 
 ever, in order to produce a deeper effect upon the loyalists 
 against whom they were proceeding, to march with a force of 
 seven hundred men. 
 
 Nevertheless, in order to preserve the good-will of the Indians 
 of the Lower Mohawk Castle,* and guard against taking them 
 by surprise or giving them unnecessary alarm, Mr. Bleecker, 
 the Indian interpreter, residing at Albany, was despatched to 
 the Castle on the 15th, charged with a belt and the following 
 message to the Indians:— 
 
 “ Brothers : I am sent by the Commissioners of the United 
 Colonies, to acquaint you that the brethren of Albany have 
 received information that several persons in and about Johns 
 town are busy in enlisting men to cut our throats, and are ma¬ 
 king other hostile preparations to assist in enslaving this coun 
 try, and to prevent and stop up the road of communication to 
 the Westward. Your Albany Brothers, on this alarming occa¬ 
 sion, have collected their warriors, and are now sending them 
 up the river in order to inquire into the truth of the report, and 
 act thereupon as they may judge needful. 
 
 “ Brothers : Be not alarmed at these preparations ; nothing 
 is intended against you; our own safety and liberty impel us 
 to this measure ; you can rest perfectly satisfied that we will 
 invariably pursue our friendly disposition towards you, and ex- 
 
 * The Mohawks of the Lower Castle, with Little Abraham, had not been drawn 
 away by Thayendanegea and Guy Johnson. 
 
LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 122 
 
 [1 
 
 / / o. 
 
 pect that you will, agreeable to the promises you made us at 
 Albany, take no part in the present struggle. 
 
 “ Brothers : We promised you last Summer that Sir John 
 and his family should not be molested while he took no mea-' 
 sures against us. We are yet of that mind ; and if he has acted 
 as an honest man, he need not fear any danger. 
 
 “ Brothers : Lest the preparations and march into your 
 country should alarm the Six Nations, we desire that you \yill 
 send some of your young men with this speech to the end of 
 the House of the Six Nations, that no uneasiness may take 
 place in their minds.” 
 
 The Indians were by no means pleased with the proposed 
 invasion of the Valley ; anticipating, probably, an injurious ef¬ 
 fect upon their own people, and perhaps injury to Sir John, to 
 whom they were sincerely attached. After due deliberation, 
 Mr. Bleecker was sent back with a belt containing the follow¬ 
 ing reply to the Commissioners, or, in other words, to General 
 Schuyler :— 
 
 “ Brothers : This belt we present to the Commissioners of 
 the twelve United Colonies and our Brothers of Albany, and 
 desire them that the troops that were coming up should not 
 come up so speedily ; that perhaps a mode might be pointed 
 out to have it settled in an easier manner ; that perhaps, in case 
 the troops came up, it might be a means to stop up the road, 
 and perhaps create an uneasiness in their minds, as they and 
 Sir John were, as it were, one blood; and that the General 
 should do all in his power to have it settled without the troops 
 going up ; that he was a wise man, and should set his thoughts 
 a thinking to have it settled, by appointing three or four per¬ 
 sons to treat with Sir John about it; that they would retain 
 the belt sent by the Commissioners till such time as they heard 
 from the Commissioners, and in case the troops did not come, 
 then they would send the belt forward to the other nations; 
 but if they came up, then they would keep the same in their 
 hands; that three of their nation should immediately go 
 to Sir John, and desire him to remain silent and be at peace ; 
 and that in case there were any in Johnstown that were 
 Tories, they would settle them, and make them remain peace¬ 
 able. That all the uneasiness in the minds of Sir John, and 
 t'ne others in Johnstown, originates from accounts that they 
 
1776.] INTERVIEW WITH THE INDIANS. 123 
 
 receive from people in Albany; that they daily have accounts 
 from thence that the New England people are coming up to de¬ 
 stroy Sir John and his possessions.” 
 
 Accompanying this message, the Squaws also took the sub¬ 
 ject in hand, and charged the interpreter with a belt with the 
 following message on their own behalf:— 
 
 “ Brothers, the Commissioners of the United Colonies and 
 the people of Albany: This belt we present you, and hereby 
 renew the covenant that was made last summer ; and we beg 
 that no disturbance shall be made up here, and that the said 
 covenant may not thereby be broken : that in case the troops 
 were to come up, it might create great uneasiness, as they and 
 Sir John were of one blood ; and that in case Sir John was dis¬ 
 turbed, it might touch their blood, and we beg some other mode 
 may be pointed out whereby this uneasiness may be settled.” 
 
 General Schuyler, however, did not wait for the return of 
 his messenger from the Indians, but proceeded to Schenectady 
 on the 16th, at the head of a strong division of militia, and ac¬ 
 companied by General Ten Broeck, Colonel Varick, and se 
 veral other officers. The militia turned out with great alacrity, 
 notwithstanding the severity of the weather and the badness of 
 the roads. On the evening of his arrival at Schenectady, 
 General Schuyler was met by a deputation of the Mohawks, 
 headed by Little Abraham, who, in a very haughty tone,* ad¬ 
 dressed him as follows :— 
 
 “ We intended to have gone down to Albany in order to 
 speak to you ; but thank God that he has given us an oppor¬ 
 tunity to meet you here, as we have some matters to commu¬ 
 nicate to you.” 
 
 To which General Schuyler replied with corresponding bre¬ 
 vity :— 
 
 “ I am very glad to see you here, and I shall be glad to hear 
 what the Brothers have to say, as my ears are always open to 
 them.” 
 
 Whereupon Abraham proceeded to address the General and 
 his associates as follows :— 
 
 * General Schuyler’s official report, from which document the whole narrative of 
 this expedition is drawn. This document, it is believed, has never yet been pub¬ 
 lished entire, and has only recently been discovered at Washington, by Peter 
 Force, Esq. who obligingly favored the author with the use of it. 
 
124 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1776. 
 
 tc Brothers : You lately sent to our place four men, who ar¬ 
 rived to us last Sunday morning.* They told us they were 
 sent up to us by you to inform us of those military preparations 
 which were making down in this quarter. By them you let 
 us know that you thought it not prudent to send armed men 
 amongst us without previously notifying us. Likewise, Bro¬ 
 thers, your messengers informed us of the reasons of your com¬ 
 ing in this manner. You informed us that you had heard that 
 there were a number of men embodied at Sir John’s, about 
 Johnstown. You told us likewise, that as soon as they had 
 completed their body, they intended to destroy the settlements 
 up and down the river. You informed us that you were com¬ 
 ing up to inquire into the truth of the report, and who it was 
 that gave out commissions, and what were their designs. At 
 the same time you assured us that no harm was intended 
 against us, the Six Nations, as we had last summer publicly en¬ 
 gaged that we would take no part against you in your dispute 
 with the great King over the Great Water. 
 
 “ Brothers : You told us that you would come to search 
 into the truth of the report, and you assured us also that you 
 would not be the first aggressor, and that it should be our own 
 fault if any blood was spilt. You told us that you would ac¬ 
 quaint the Lower Castle first of the design, that they should send 
 up to the Upper Castle, and they to the Oneida, and they to 
 Onondaga, and so through the whole Six Nations. 
 
 “ Brothers : We thanked your messengers for the speech 
 delivered to us, and we would consider of it for some time to 
 return them an answer accordingly. Brothers, a small number 
 of us who take care of the news met in council on this occa¬ 
 sion. We thanked your messengers for informing us first 
 of your designs. We said we knew the agreement which was 
 entered into with the whole twelve United Colonies. At that 
 meeting you remember it was agreed to remove all obstacles 
 out of the way of the path of peace, to keep it so that we might 
 pass and repass without being annoyed. 
 
 “ Brothers : you told us that you came to inquire into the 
 
 * The Mohawk chief seems here to refer to an embassy to their castle a few 
 days previous to that performed by Mr. Bleecker, not mentioned by General Schuy¬ 
 ler. Or, perhaps, a wrong date was given to the message transmitted by the inter¬ 
 preter. . 
 
1776.] SPEECH OP LITTLE ABRAHAM. 125 
 
 truth of the report, which might be done by 4 or 6 without 
 any danger in making the inquiry. We proposed your send¬ 
 ing up six persons to inquire into the truth of this matter, as it 
 would be a shame to interrupt them, as no person would be so 
 mean to give them any obstruction. As for sending your belt 
 forward, we thought to retain it until we had heard whether 
 our proposal had been accepted or no. And we desire that you ' 
 would consider of this matter, and keep your troops at home, 
 and let us know your mind ; and if, after considering of our pro¬ 
 posals, you do not agree to them, that you will then let us know 
 what you intend to do. They likewise sent word to you that 
 when they had heard from you, whether you accepted of our 
 proposals, we would then do as you desire in sending up 
 the news. 
 
 “ Brothers : We expected an answer to our proposals; 
 but none arrived until we were informed by a woman who 
 returned from Albany, that those preparations were actually 
 making, and that troops were actually marching in the country. 
 We then, Brothers, took the matter into consideration, and de¬ 
 termined it was best for a party to meet you, and you see us 
 this day, Brothers, arrived. We come, Brothers, to beg of you 
 that you take good care and prudence of what you are going 
 about. We beg of you, Brothers, to remember the engagement 
 which was made with the twelve United Colonies at our inter¬ 
 view last summer, as we then engaged to open the path of 
 peace, and to keep it undefiled from blood. At the same time 
 something of a different nature made its appearance. You as¬ 
 sured us, Brothers, that if any were found in our neighborhood 
 inimical to us, you would treat them as enemies. The 
 Six Nations then supposed that the son of Sir William was 
 pointed at by that expression. We then desired particularly 
 that he might not be injured, as it was not in his power to in¬ 
 jure the cause ; and that therefore he might not be molested. 
 The Six Nations then said they would not concern themselves 
 with your operations in other parts, but particularly desired that 
 this path might be free from blood. And now, Brothers, we 
 repeat it again ; we beg of you to take good care and not to spill 
 any blood in this path, and the more especially, Brothers, as it 
 is but of this day that the Six Nations had so agreeable an in¬ 
 terview with the Colonies, and our chiefs are now hunting in 
 
LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 126 
 
 [1776. 
 
 the woods, and not dreaming that there is any prospect that 
 this path is or will be defiled with blood. 
 
 u We informed you, Brothers, that we had heard of a woman, 
 that you were advancing, and that you had cannon. We then 
 took it into consideration. We thought it strange that cannon 
 should be brought into the country, as the twelve United Colo¬ 
 nies had so lately opened the path of peace. As you will re¬ 
 member that this path was opened last Spring, and the Six Na¬ 
 tions agreed to keep it open. We then thought what could in¬ 
 fluence the twelve United Colonies to open this path, and from 
 the present appearance it is as if with a design that the cannon 
 should pass free from all obstruction. 
 
 “ Brothers, attend ! It was your request, and a matter 
 agreed upon by the twelve United Colonies, that we should 
 mind nothing but peace ; therefore, Brothers, as we mean to 
 observe that agreement, we have expressed ourselves as above, 
 and as Brothers : we mind nothing but peace. We look upon 
 ourselves as mediators between the two parties : therefore, 
 Brothers, as your messengers declared that you would not be 
 the aggressors, we informed Sir John of this, and earnestly 
 begged of him not to be the aggressor, or the means of spilling 
 blood ; and at the same time assured him, that if we found that 
 he should be the aggressor, we would not pay any farther at¬ 
 tention to him; and likewise told him, that if our Brothers of 
 the United Colonies were the aggressors, we should treat them 
 in the same manner. This is what we told Sir John, as we 
 look upon ourselves to be the mediators between both parties, 
 and, as we have said before, desired him not to be the aggressor. 
 To which Sir John replied, that we knew his disposition very 
 well, and that he had no mind to be the aggressor. He assured 
 us that he would not be the aggressor, but if the people came 
 up to take away his life, he would do as well as he could, as 
 the law of nature justified every person to stand in his own 
 defence. 
 
 “ According to the news we have heard, it is as though Sir 
 John would shut up the path of peace in that quarter ; but it 
 s impossible he should do it, as he had but a mere handful of 
 friends; but, Brothers, if this company, who now are passing 
 by, should go up, and any thing bad should happen, we shall 
 look on you as shutting up the path. 
 
SPEECH OF LITTLE ABRAHAM. 
 
 127 
 
 1776.] 
 
 “ It has been represented to you, Brothers, that it seems that 
 Sir John is making military preparations, and that he is making 
 a fort round his house; but, Brothers, as we live so near him, 
 we should certainly know it if any thing of that nature 
 should be done, especially as we go there so frequently on ac¬ 
 count of our father, the minister, who sometimes performs di¬ 
 vine service at that place. We have never seen any hostile 
 preparations made there ; there is no cannon, or any thing of 
 that kind, and all things remain in the same situation it was in 
 the lifetime of Sir William. 
 
 “ Brothers : We would not conceal any thing from you. 
 It would not be right to use deceit, neither do we mean to do 
 it. The minds of our counsellors are very much grieved; and 
 aggrieved at that part of the disposition of those whom we may 
 call our warriors ; there are some among us o,f different minds, 
 as there are among you, Brothers. Our counsellors, remem¬ 
 bering the covenant we last Summer made with our Brethren, 
 the Twelve Colonies, have all along strongly urged our war¬ 
 riors to peace, and have checked them when a contrary dispo¬ 
 sition appeared. Our minds are very much aggrieved to find 
 any of our warriors of different sentiment. We have hitherto 
 been able to restrain them, and hope still to be able to do it, for 
 matters are not now carried to extremity; but if they are, our 
 warriors will not be restrained, because they will think them¬ 
 selves deceived if this military force comes into the country. 
 
 “ We have declared to you, Brothers, that we would not de¬ 
 ceive. and that we mean to declare our minds to you openly 
 and freely. We, the sachems, have all along inculcated to the 
 warriors sentiments of peace, and they have hitherto been 
 obedient to us, though there have been frequent rumours that 
 they should be disturbed ; yet we have hitherto been able to 
 calm their minds. But now, Brothers, so large a party coming, 
 alarms the minds of our warriors. They are determined, Bro¬ 
 thers, to go and be present at your interview with Sir John, 
 and determined to see and hear every thing that should be 
 there transacted ; and if it shall then appear that this party shall 
 push matters to extremes, we then cannot be accountable for 
 any thing that may happen. But as for us, Brothers, the 
 counsellors are fully determined ever to persevere in the path of 
 peace. 
 
 21 
 
128 
 
 l 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1776. 
 
 “ Brothers, attend ! Though I have finished what I had 
 purposed to say, yet I will add one thing more. When the 
 news of your approach arrived at our town, it caused great 
 confusion ; some were ready to take to their arms, observing 
 that those reports respecting the unfriendly disposition of the 
 Colonies were now verified. I begged of them, Brothers, to 
 possess their minds in peace for a few days. I told them that 
 1 myself would go to Albany, and inquire into the truth of the 
 matter ; I was so conscious of my own innocency, that no hos¬ 
 tile appearance could deter me, however formidable. I there¬ 
 fore desired them to sit still until my return, which might be in 
 two days if I went to Albany. This, Brothers, is the present 
 situation of our people. They are waiting to see what news I 
 bring.” 
 
 “ Brothers : When 1 made this request to the warriors that 
 they should sit still till my return, they told me that they 
 would, which they are now in expectation of, and will do no¬ 
 thing till I get back. But, Brothers, after my return I will re¬ 
 peat to them the speech you will now make to me, and if any 
 of our people should still persist to be present at your inter 
 view with Sir John, we hope, Brethren, you will not think 
 hard of us as counsellors, as it. is not in our power to rule them 
 as we please. If they should go , and any thing evil should 
 happen , we beg to know , Brothers , what treatment we may 
 expect ivho remain at home in peace. 
 
 “ Brothers : This is all we have to say. This is the bu¬ 
 siness which has brought us down, and we now expect an an¬ 
 swer to carry home to our people.” 
 
 To which General Schuyler delivered the following answer: 
 
 “ Brothers of the Mohawk Nation : We, the Commis¬ 
 sioners appointed by the Congress, and your Brothers of Albany 
 and Schenectady, have paid great attention to the speech you 
 have delivered us. We now desire you to open your ears, and 
 attentively listen to what we have to say in answer. 
 
 “ Brothers : It pleased us to hear you declare that you 
 would speak your minds freely. We assure you that we shall 
 do the same, and hide nothing from you of what is in our 
 thoughts. 
 
 “ Brothers : We were in hopes that the message which we 
 sent you by Mr. Bleecker would have eased your minds, and 
 
gen. schuyler’s reply. 
 
 129 
 
 1776.] 
 
 have convinced you that no hostile intentions existed against 
 you or any other Indians; for if they had, we would not have 
 sent you that message, neither would we have supplied you 
 with powder, as we did last Summer and again the other day. 
 
 “Brothers: We are extremely sorry that you have not 
 complied with our request, to send the speech which we sent 
 you by Mr. Bleecker, to the Six Nations in the manner which 
 we required. 
 
 “ Brothers : You told us that five or six men would have 
 been sufficient to go to Johnstown and inquire what was trans¬ 
 acting there, and that these people would be in no danger, as 
 it would be a shame to interrupt them. We acknowledge, 
 Brothers, that it would have been a shame if we had sent them 
 and they had been interrupted; but we have full proofs that 
 many people in Johnstown, and the neighbourhood thereof, 
 have for a considerable time past made preparations to carry 
 into execution the wicked designs of the King’s evil coun¬ 
 sellors. 
 
 Brothers : It is very true that last Summer the United 
 Colonies promised that the path to the Indian country should 
 be kept open. They again repeat that promise ; and although 
 it is by the special order of Congress that this body of troops 
 are now marching up, yet it is not to shut the path, but to keep 
 it open, and to prevent the people in and about Johnstown from 
 cutting off the communication between us and our brethren of 
 the Six Nations, and our other brethren living up the river. 
 
 “ Brothers : Although we have before observed that the 
 people living in and about Johnstown are making hostile pre¬ 
 parations against us, yet we will not shed a drop of their blood 
 unless they refuse to come to an agreement by which we may 
 be safe, or unless they oppose us with arms. We do not mean 
 that any of our warriors should set their foot on any of the 
 lands you possess, or that of the Six Nations, unless our ene¬ 
 mies should take shelter there; for those we are resolved to 
 follow wherever they go. We again repeat, that we have no 
 quarrel with you, and we do expect that you will not interfere 
 in this family contest, but stand by as indifferent spectators, 
 agreeable to the engagement of the Six Nations made to us last 
 Summer at their own request. 
 
 “ Brothers : We assured you last Summer, that as we had 
 
130 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1776. 
 
 no quarrel with any Indians, we would not touch a hair of their 
 heads; yet when our warriors were at St. Johns, they were at¬ 
 tacked by Indians. Two of your tribe, and some others, were 
 killed. You have never blamed us for it, because you well 
 knew that our lives are dear to us ; we have a right to kill any 
 man who attempts to kill us. You ought, therefore, not to be 
 surprised if we take every precaution to prevent being destroyed 
 by the friends of the King’s evil counsellors. 
 
 “ Brothers : In a little time we may be called upon to go 
 and fight against our enemies to the eastward, who are em¬ 
 ployed by the King’s evil counsellors ; and can you think it 
 prudent that we should leave a set of people who are our ene¬ 
 mies, in any part of the country, in such a situation as to be 
 able to destroy our wives and children, and burn our houses 
 in our absence ? Would you leave your wives and children in 
 such a situation ? The wisdom by which you have conducted 
 your affairs convinced us that you would not; and yet so cau¬ 
 tious are we that no blood may be shed, that we shall send a 
 letter to Sir John, inviting him to meet us on the road between 
 this place and his house, which if he does, we make no doubt 
 but every thing will be settled in an amicable manner ; and that 
 he may be under no apprehensions, we do now assure you that 
 if we do not come to an agreement, he will be permitted safely 
 to return to his own house. 
 
 “Brothers : We thank you that you have concealed no¬ 
 thing from us, and we assure you that we scorn deceit as much 
 as you do ; and therefore we shall now speak our minds freely 
 on what you have said respecting the conduct which your 
 warriors mean to hold. We have no objection, nay, we wish 
 that you and they should be present, to hear what we shall pro¬ 
 pose to Sir John and the people in and about Johnstown who 
 are our enemies ; but we beg of you to tell your warriors, that 
 although we have no quarrel with them, yet if we should be 
 under the disagreeable necessity of fighting with our enemies, 
 and your warriors should join them and fight against us, that 
 we will do as we did at St. Johns, repel force by force. 
 
 “Brothers : You have asked us, if your warriors should 
 go and if any thing evil should happen, what treatment you 
 may expect who remain at home in peace ? 
 
 “ Brothers : In the treaty held at Albany last Summer, you 
 
gen. schuyler’s reply. 
 
 131 
 
 1776.] 
 
 and your warriors were present, and you and they jointly 
 promised to remain neuter and not to interfere in this quarrel. 
 Should your warriors, therefore, now take up arms against us, 
 we must consider it as a breach of the treaty so far as it re¬ 
 spects the lower Mohawk Castle ; of which breach we shall 
 complain to our Brethren, the other nations, and at the same 
 time lay the matter before our great council at Philadelphia, 
 whose determination thereupon will be our future guide. 
 
 “ Brothers : We are surprised that the least doubt should 
 remain on your minds with respect to our friendly intentions 
 towards you, after the many instances we have given you of 
 our love and friendship; but we must impute it to the wicked 
 insinuations of our mutual enemies, who wish for nothing so 
 much as to see the ancient covenant which has so long subsist¬ 
 ed between us broken. 
 
 “ Brothers : You have observed that you would pay no 
 regard to that party that should be the first aggressor. We 
 cannot be the aggressors; for if our enemies in and about 
 Johnstown had had no evil intentions against us, we should never 
 have even come thus far with an army. Whoever takes up arms 
 against another, although he has not yet struck, must be consider¬ 
 ed as the aggressor, and not he who tries to prevent the blow. 
 
 “ Brothers : We have now freely and fully disclosed to you 
 our minds. We hope you will remember what we have said, 
 and repeat it to your Brothers, counsellors, and warriors ; and, 
 lest you should not be able to recollect every part of this 
 speech, you may have your Brothers Ka-ragh-qua-dirhon, and 
 Ti-ze-de-ron-de-ron, [Deane and Bleecker,] interpreters, to at¬ 
 tend you if it be agreeable to you. 
 
 “ Brothers : Your women have sent us a belt. We beg 
 you to assure them of our regard, and to entreat them to pre¬ 
 vent your warriors from doing any thing that would have the 
 least tendency to incur our resentment, or interrupt that har¬ 
 mony which we wish may subsist to the end of time.” 
 
 To this the Indians made the following brief reply :— 
 
 “ Brother Schuyler the Great Man, attend ! We 
 have this evening heard what you have to say, and we are glad 
 of it, and thank you for it. 
 
 “ Every thing that has been said to us, Brother, has been 
 perfectly agreeable to us. 
 
132 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1776. 
 
 “ I shall not attempt, Brother, to make a particular reply to 
 every thing that has been said to us. Indeed, it would not be 
 proper at this time. 
 
 “ We are very glad, Brother, that you have determined to 
 write to Sir John, requesting an interview with him in hopes of 
 an amicable agreement. 
 
 “ Brother : You mention that it would be agreeable to you 
 that the warriors and counsellors, or sachems, should attend. 
 
 “ Brother : We, the sachems, will attend, though we should 
 do it at the risk of our lives, 
 
 “ Brother : We should be glad if you would inform us of 
 the time and place of your interview with Sir John. You 
 likewise told us, that if it was agreeable to us, that your inter¬ 
 preters should attend to recapitulate the speech you have made, 
 which likewise is agreeable to us ; and we desire that they may 
 go with us, for by that means all mistakes may be prevented. 
 
 “ Brother : You may depend on it that we will use our 
 utmost influence with our warriors to calm their minds. You 
 may depend on it, likewise, that our sisters will use their ut¬ 
 most influence for the same purpose.” 
 
 General Schuyler assured them again of his pacific inten¬ 
 tions, and that nothing unpleasant should happen to them. He 
 also informed them, that if they desired to attend the expedition 
 to Johnstown, or to be present at the intended interview with 
 Sir John, as mediators, they should be protected in that charac¬ 
 ter. With this understanding they took their departure the 
 same night. A letter, of which the following is a copy, was 
 at the same time despatched to Sir John Johnson :— 
 
 General Schuyler to Sir John Johnson. 
 
 “ Schenectady, Jan. 16, 1776. 
 
 “ Sir, 
 
 ct Information having been received that designs of the most 
 dangerous tendency to the rights, liberties, property, and even 
 lives of those of his Majesty’s faithful subjects in America who 
 are opposed to the unconstitutional measures of his ministry, 
 have been formed in a part of the County of Tryon, I am or¬ 
 dered to march a body of men into that County, to carry into 
 execution certain resolutions of my superiors, and to contravene 
 those dangerous designs. 
 
1776.] CORRESPONDENCE WITH SIR JOHN. 133 
 
 “ Influenced. Sir, by motives of humanity, I wish to comply 
 with my orders in a manner the most peaceable, that no blood 
 may be shed. I therefore request that you will please to meet 
 me to-morrow, at any place on my way to Johnstown, to which 
 I propose then to march. For which purpose I do hereby give 
 vou my word of honour, that you, and such persons as you 
 may choose should attend you, shall pass safe and unmolested 
 to the place where you may meet me, and from thence back to 
 the place of your abode. 
 
 “ Rutgers Bleecker and Henry Glen, Esqrs. are the bearers 
 hereof, gentlemen who are entitled to your best attention, which 
 I dare say they will experience, and by whom I expect you 
 will favour me with an answer to this letter. 
 
 “ You will please to assure Lady Johnson, that whatever 
 may be the result of what is now in agitation, she may rest 
 perfectly satisfied that no indignity will be offered her. 
 
 “ I am, Sir, 
 
 “ To “ Your humble Servant, 
 
 “ Sir John Jolmson, Baronet .” “ Ph. Schuyler.” 
 
 General Schuyler resumed his march on the morning of the 
 17th—his forces constantly increasing, until before nightfall 
 they numbered upward of three thousand. Having proceeded 
 about sixteen miles from Schenectady, the expedition was met 
 by Sir John, attended by several of his leading friends among 
 the Scotchmen, and two or three others. The result of the in¬ 
 terview was the proffer, by General Schuyler, of the following 
 terms to Sir John and his retainers:— 
 
 “ Terms offered by the Honourable Philip Schuyler, Esq., 
 Major-general in the army of the thirteen United Colonies, and 
 commanding in the New-York department, to Sir John John¬ 
 son, Baronet, and all such other persons in the County of Try- 
 on as have evinced their intentions of supporting his Majesty’s 
 ministry, to carry into execution the unconstitutional measures 
 of which the Americans so justly complain, and to prevent 
 which they have been driven to the dreadful necessity of having 
 recourse to arms. 
 
 “ First: That Sir John Johnson shall, upon his word of 
 honour, immediately deliver up all cannon, arms, and other 
 military stores, of what kind soever, which may be in his own 
 
134 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1776. 
 
 possession, or which he has caused to be delivered into the 
 possession of any persons whatsoever, either directly or indi¬ 
 rectly, or that to his knowledge may be concealed in any part 
 of the said County : That he shall distinguish all such mili¬ 
 tary stores of what kind soever as belong to the Crown, or 
 were furnished with the design of arming the Indians or the 
 inhabitants of Tryon County, from those which may be private 
 property, in order that a proper inventory may be taken of the 
 last articles, that the same may be restored, or the value of 
 them refunded, when this unhappy contest shall be over. 
 
 “ Secondly : General Schuyler, out of personal respect for 
 Sir John, and from a regard to his rank, consents that Sir John 
 shall retain for his own use a complete set of armor, and as 
 much powder as may be sufficient for his domestic purposes. 
 
 “ Thirdly : That Sir John Johnson shall remain upon his 
 parole of honour in any part of Tryon County which he may 
 choose, to the eastward of the district of unless it 
 
 should appear necessary to the Honourable the Continental 
 Congress to remove him to some other part of this, or any 
 other Colony; in which case he is immediately to comply with 
 such orders as they may think proper to give for that purpose. 
 
 “ Fourthly : That the Scotch inhabitants of the said County 
 shall, without any kind of exception, immediately deliver up 
 all arms in their possession, of what kind soever they may be; 
 and that they shall each solemnly promise that they will not at 
 any time hereafter, during the continuance of this unhappy 
 contest, take up arms without the permission of the Continent¬ 
 al Congress, or of their general officers ;—and for the more 
 faithful performance of this article, the General insists that they 
 shall immediately deliver up to him six hostages of his own 
 nomination. 
 
 “ Fifthly: That such of the other inhabitants of Tryon 
 County as have avowed themselves averse to the measures of 
 the United Colonies, shall also deliver up their arms, of what 
 kind soever they may be, and enter into the like engagement 
 as is stipulated in the .preceding article, both with respect to 
 their future conduct and the number of hostages. 
 
 “ Sixthly: That all blankets, strouds, and other Indian arti¬ 
 cles belonging to the Crown, and intended as presents to the 
 Indians, shall be delivered up to a commissary appointed by 
 
1776.] NEGOTIATIONS WITH SIR JOHN. 135 
 
 General Schuyler, in the presence of three or more of the Mo¬ 
 hawk chiefs, in order that the same may be dispensed amongst 
 the Indians, for the purpose of cementing the ancient friendship 
 between them and their brethren of the United Colonies, for 
 which sole purpose they ought to have been furnished. 
 
 “ Seventhly: If Sir John Johnson, and the people referred to 
 in the aforegoing articles, shall justly abide by, and perform 
 what is thereby required of them, the General, in behalf of the 
 Continental Congress, doth promise and engage, that neither 
 Sir John Johnson nor any of those people shall be molested by 
 any of the other inhabitants of the said County, or by any of 
 the inhabitants of the thirteen United Colonies ; but that, on the 
 contrary, they will be protected in the quiet and peaceable en¬ 
 joyment of their property:—the sole intent of this treaty being 
 to prevent the horrid effects of a civil and intestine war betwixt 
 those who ought to be brethren. That all the arms which 
 shall be delivered up in consequence of the preceding articles 
 shall be valued by sworn appraisers. That if the Continental 
 Congress should have occasion for them, they may be taken. 
 If not, they will be delivered to the respective proprietors when 
 this unhappy contest shall be at an end.” 
 
 In the course of the interview, Sir John assured General 
 Schuyler that the Indians would support him, and that numbers 
 of them were already at Johnson Hall for that purpose. He 
 was assured, in return, that though averse to the shedding of 
 blood, if the proffered terms were not acceded to, force would 
 be opposed to force without distinction of persons, and that the 
 consequences of resistance would be of the most serious descrip¬ 
 tion. In conclusion, Sir John begged until the evening of the 
 following day to consider of the propositions, which request 
 was granted, and the Baronet took his leave. 
 
 In about an hour after his departure, Abraham, and another 
 of the Mohawks, made their appearance at General Schuyler’s 
 quarters. On being informed of what Sir John had said re¬ 
 specting the Indians being in arms at the Hall for his defence, 
 Abraham pronounced the story untrue, and repeated his assur¬ 
 ances that the Mohawks would interfere in no other way than 
 as mediators. The General replied that he hoped they would 
 not, but he at the same time assured them with emphasis, that 
 
 22 
 
LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 136 
 
 [ 1776 . 
 
 if they should do so. he should not hesitate a moment in de¬ 
 stroying every one who opposed him in arms. 
 
 On the following day, (the 18th,) General Schuyler moved 
 forward to Caughnawaga, four miles from Johnstown, where he 
 was joined by Colonel Herkimer and the Tryon County mili¬ 
 tia. At about 6 o’clock in the afternoon Sir John’s answer to 
 the terms proposed to him was received, as follows 
 
 “ Terms proposed by Sir John Johnson, Baronet, and the 
 people of Kingsborough and the adjacent neighborhood, to the 
 Honorable Philip Schuyler, Esq. Major General in the army 
 of the thirteen United Colonies, and commanding in the New- 
 York Department. 
 
 “ First: That Sir John Johnson and the rest of the gentle¬ 
 men expect that all such arms of every kind as are their own 
 property may remain in their possession; all the other arms 
 shall be delivered up to such person or persons as may be ap¬ 
 pointed for that purpose ; as to military stores belonging to the 
 Crown, Sir John has not any. 
 
 “ Secondly : Answered in the first. 
 
 “ Thirdly : Sir John expects that he will not be confined to 
 any certain County, but be at liberty to go where he pleases. 
 
 “ Fourthly: The Scotch inhabitants will deliver up their 
 arms of what kind soever they may be, and they will each 
 solemnly promise that they will not at any time hereafter, during 
 the continuance of this unhappy contest, take up arms without 
 the permission of the Continental Congress or of their general 
 officers. Hostages they are not in a capacity to give—no one man 
 having command over another, or power sufficient to deliver 
 such. Therefore this part of the article to be passed over, or the 
 whole included—women and children to be required, being a re¬ 
 quisition so inhuman as we hope the General will dispense with.” 
 
 “ Fifthly : Answered in the fourth. 
 
 “ Sixthly : Sir John has not any blankets, strouds, or other 
 presents, intended for the Indians. 
 
 “ Seventhly : If the above proposals are agreed to and signed 
 by the General, Sir John and the people referred to will rely on 
 the assurances of protection given by the General. 
 
 [Signed] “ John Johnson, 
 
 “ Allan M‘Donell.” 
 
 “ To the Hon. Philip Schuyler., Major-general .” 
 
1776.] NEGOTIATIONS WITH SIR JOHN. 137 
 
 This answer was in all respects unsatisfactory, as will appear 
 by the annexed letter from General Schuyler in reply:— 
 
 General Schuyler to Sir John Johnson, Baronet. 
 
 “ Caughnawaga, Jan. 18th, 8 o’clock, P. M., 1776. 
 
 1 Gentlemen, 
 
 “ Messrs. Adams and M‘Donell have delivered me your an 
 swer to my proposals of yesterday’s date. The least attention 
 to the articles I offered, when compared with yours, must con¬ 
 vince you that you omitted replies to several of them, and con ■ 
 sequently that what you have sent me is very imperfect, and 
 also unsatisfactory. I waive pointing out some of the inconsis¬ 
 tencies in your proposals, as the whole are exceptionable except¬ 
 ing the last. 
 
 “ I must therefore obey my orders, and again repeat, that, in 
 the execution of them, I shall strictly abide by the laws of hu¬ 
 manity ; at the same time assuring you, that if the least resist¬ 
 ance is made, I will not answer for the consequences, which 
 may be of a nature the most dreadful. 
 
 “ If Lady Johnson is at Johnson Hall, I wish she would re¬ 
 tire, (and therefore enclose a passport,) as I shall march my 
 troops to that place without delay. 
 
 “ You may, however, still have time to reconsider the 
 matter, and for that purpose I give you until 12 o’clock this 
 night—after which I shall receive no proposals; and I have 
 sent you Mr. Robert Yates, Mr. Glen, and Mr. Duer, to receive 
 the ultimate proposals you have to make. This condescension 
 I make from no other motive than to prevent the effusion of 
 blood, so far as it can be effected without risking the safety of 
 the County, or being guilty of a breach of the positive orders 
 I have received from the Honorable Continental Congress. 
 
 “ I am, Gentlemen, 
 
 11 With due respect, 
 
 1 Your humble Servant, 
 
 “ Ph. Schuyler.” 
 
 u To Sir John Johnson and Mr. Allan M-DoneUP 
 
 Immediately after the preceding letter had been despatched 
 to the Hall, the sachems of the Lower Castle, with all their 
 warriors and several from the Upper Castle, called upon Ge- 
 
138 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1776. 
 
 neral Schuyler, having come to his quarters directly from the 
 residence of the Baronet. They informed the General that 
 Sir John had related to them the substance of the terms of 
 surrender that had been proposed. Sir John, they said, had 
 declared to them that all he desired was protection for his fami¬ 
 ly and friends from insult and the outrages of riotous people, 
 and protested that he had no unfriendly intentions against the 
 country. The Indians therefore begged the General to accept 
 the terms as offered by Sir John. The General told the chiefs 
 that he could not accept of those terms, and pointed out the ob¬ 
 jections. He likewise informed them of the tenor of the letter 
 he had just transmitted to the Hall. The Indians were appa¬ 
 rently contented with those reasons and with the course adopt¬ 
 ed, but begged that, should the answer of Sir John be still un¬ 
 satisfactory, the General would give him until 4 o’clock in the 
 morning, that they might have time to go and “ shake his 
 head,” as they expressed it, “ and bring him to his senses.” 
 They likewise begged it as an additional favor, that General 
 Schuyler would not remove Sir John out of the country. 
 They apologized for the threats of their own warriors, alleg¬ 
 ing that it was attributable to the circumstance of their not 
 being present at the treaty of Albany; and again repeated the 
 assurance that they would never take arms against the Colo¬ 
 nies. In reply, General Schuyler complimented the Indians for 
 their pacific intentions, and informed them that he should ac¬ 
 cede to their request, although the conduct of Sir John had 
 been so censurable that he should be justified in holding him a 
 close prisoner. His reasons for granting the request, the Gene¬ 
 ral told them, were two-fold :—first, to show the love and 
 affection of the Americans for the Indians, and to convince 
 them that they could obtain, by asking as a favor, that which 
 they could not obtain by demanding as a right. Secondly, that 
 by leaving Sir John amongst them, they might, by their exam¬ 
 ple and advice, induce him to alter his conduct. 
 
 The extension of the time until 4 o’clock was unnecessary 
 however, the following answer from Sir John having been re¬ 
 ceived at 12 o’clock, at midnight:— 
 
 “ Answers to the terms proposed by the Honorable Philip 
 Schuyler, Esq. Major-general in the army of the thirteen 
 United Colonies, and commanding in the New-York Depart- 
 
177G.] NEGOTIATIONS WITH SIR JOHN. 139 
 
 mentj to Sir John Johnson, Baronet, the inhabitants of Kings- 
 borough, and the neighborhood adjacent. 
 
 “ First and second articles agreed to, except a few favorite 
 family arms. 
 
 “ Third : Sir John Johnson having given his parole of honor 
 not to take up arms against America, and conceiving the design 
 of this military operation to be with no other view than that of 
 removing the jealousies of which his countrymen are unhap¬ 
 pily and unjustly inspired with against him, can by no means 
 think of submitting to this article in its full latitude, though, 
 for the sake of preserving peace and removing any suspicions 
 of undue influence, he consents not to go to the westward of the 
 German Flatts and Kingsland Districts. To every other part 
 of the continent to the southward of this County, he expects the 
 privilege of going. 
 
 “ Fourthly: Agreed to, excepting that part of the article 
 which respects the giving hostages. After the Scotch inhabit¬ 
 ants have surrendered arms, the General may take any six 
 prisoners from amongst them as he chooses, without resistance. 
 They expect, however, that the prisoners so taken, will be 
 maintained agreeable to their respective ranks, and that they 
 may have the privilege of going to any part of the province of 
 New Jersey or Pennsylvania, which the General, or the Conti¬ 
 nental Congress may appoint. They likewise expect, from the 
 General’s humanity, that provision will be made for the main¬ 
 tenance of the prisoner’s wives and children, agreeable to their 
 respective situations in life. Yet, for the sake of promoting the 
 harmony of the country, they will not break off this treaty 
 merely on that account, provided the General thinks he can¬ 
 not exert a discretionary power in this matter ; in which case , 
 they rely upon the General’s influence with the Continental 
 Congress, which they cannot persuade themselves will be inat¬ 
 tentive to the voice of humanity, or to the feelings of parents 
 who may be torn from their families. Those to whose lot it 
 may fall to be taken prisoners, it is expected will be allowed a 
 few days to settle their business, and, if gentlemen, to wear their 
 side arms. 
 
 “ Fifth: Neither Sir John Johnson nor the Scotch gentle¬ 
 men, can make any engagement for any other persons than 
 those over whom they may have influence. Neither can they 
 
140 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1776 . 
 
 possibly know the names of all such persons who have shown 
 themselves averse to the measures of the United Colonies. 
 They give their word and honor, that, so far as depends on 
 them, the inhabitants shall give up their arms, and enter into 
 the like engagement with the Scotch inhabitants. The Gene¬ 
 ral has it more in his power to discover those who are obnoxious, 
 and to make as many as he pleases prisoners. Neither shall 
 they adopt the quarrel of any such persons as their own. 
 
 “ Sixth : Sir John gives his word of honor that he has no 
 blankets, strouds, or other presents, belonging to the Crown, 
 intended for the Indians; and therefore this requisition cannot 
 be complied with. 
 
 “ Seventh : If the above proposals are agreed to, and signed 
 by the General, Sir John and the people referred to will rely on 
 the assurances of protection given by the General. But as it 
 will be impossible for the arms to be collected till Saturday 
 next at twelve o’clock, all the men referred to in the above 
 articles will be then paraded in Johnstown, and ground their 
 arms in the presence of such troops as the General may 
 appoint.” 
 
 [Signed.] “ John Johnson, 
 
 “ Allan M'Donell.” 
 
 “ Johnson Hall, January 18th, 1776.” 
 
 The Indians were yet present at the quarters of General 
 Schuyler when this despatch was received from Sir John, and, 
 on being informed that matters were likely to terminate amica¬ 
 bly, they retired with warm expressions of gratification. The 
 following letter was thereupon despatched to the Hall:— 
 
 General Schuyler to Sir John Johnson. 
 
 “ Caughnawaga, January 19, 1776. 
 
 « General Schuyler’s feelings as a gentleman induce him to 
 consent that Sir John Johnson may retain the few favorite fa¬ 
 mily arms—he making a list of them. 
 
 “ The General will also consent that Sir John Johnson may 
 go as far to the westward as the German Flatts and Kingsland 
 Districts in this County, and to every other part of this Colony 
 to the Southward and Eastward of said Districts, provided he 
 does not go into any seaport town. The General, however, 
 
THE TORIES DISARMED. 
 
 141 
 
 L77G.] 
 
 believes, that if Sir John’s private business should require his 
 going to any of the other ancient English Colonies, he will be 
 permitted the indulgence by applying to Congress for leave. 
 
 “ The General will take six of the Scotch inhabitants prison¬ 
 ers, since they prefer it to going as hostages. It has been the 
 invariable rule of Congress, and that of all its officers, to treat 
 prisoners with the greatest humanity, and to pay all due defer¬ 
 ence to rank. He cannot ascertain the places to which Con¬ 
 gress may please to send them. For the present they will go 
 to Reading or Lancaster in Pennsylvania. Nor can he make 
 any promises with respect to the maintenance of the women 
 and children. His humanity will certainly induce him to 
 recommend to Congress an attention to what has been request¬ 
 ed on that head. General Schuyler expects that all the Scotch 
 inhabitants, of whatsoever rank, who are not confined to their 
 beds by illness, will attend with their arms, and deliver them on 
 Saturday at 12 o’clock. If this condition be not faithfully per¬ 
 formed, he will consider himself as disengaged from any en¬ 
 gagements entered into with them. 
 
 “ General Schuyler never refused a gentleman his side-arms. 
 
 “ The prisoners that may be taken must be removed to Al¬ 
 bany immediately, where the General will permit them to re¬ 
 main a reasonable time to settle their family affairs. 
 
 “If the terms General Schuyler has offered on the 17thinst. 
 are accepted with the above qualifications, fair copies will be 
 made out and signed by the parties, one of which will be de¬ 
 livered to Sir John and Mr. M £ Donell, signed by the General. 
 To prevent a waste of time, the General wishes Sir John and 
 Mr. M‘Donell immediately to send an answer. 
 
 “ He remains, with due respect, 
 
 “ Sir John’s and Mr. M‘Donell’s humble Servant, 
 
 “Ph. Schuyler.” 
 
 These terms were acceded to by Sir John, and on the same 
 day General Schuyler marched to Johnstown—having pre¬ 
 viously detailed several detachments of his troops to scour the 
 country, and bring in the disaffected not comprehended in the 
 arrangements with the Baronet. On the same afternoon Sir 
 John delivered up the arms and ammunition in his possession—- 
 the quantity of both being much smaller than was expected. 
 
142 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1776. 
 
 On Saturday, the 20th, General Schuyler paraded his tfoops at 
 12 o’clock at noon, to receive the surrender of the Highlanders, 
 who, to the number of between two and three hundred, 
 marched to the front and grounded their arms. These having 
 been secured, the Scotchmen were dismissed with an exhorta¬ 
 tion to remain peaceable, and with an assurance of protection 
 if they did so. 
 
 The General’s attention was next directed to the discovery 
 and capture of the secret depot of arms and ammunition, of 
 which information had been given by Connell. Two of the 
 persons named in his affidavit were taken, but they denied, 
 most unequivocally, all knowledge upon the subject. Connell 
 was then produced to confront them ; but they still persisted in 
 maintaining their innocence, and denounced him as a perjured 
 villain. Connell was then sent with a number of officers to 
 point out the spot, where, as he alleged, the arms were con¬ 
 cealed. He conducted them to a pond of water, containing a 
 small island, or mound, in the middle, within which he declared 
 the arms were buried. The snow and ice were forthwith re¬ 
 moved, and the mound dug down. Connell had particularly 
 described the manner in which the arms had been deposited 
 under ground ; but it was soon discovered that the earth had 
 not recently been disturbed, if ever; and in the end it was 
 ascertained, to the satisfaction of all, that the fellow was a base 
 impostor. General Schuyler returned to Caughnawaga that 
 evening. On the two following days upward of a hundred 
 Tories were brought in from different parts of the country. 
 Colonel Herkimer was left in charge to complete the disarming 
 of the disaffected and receive the hostages, and the General, 
 with his miscellaneous army, marched back to Albany. In his 
 letters to Congress, and also to General Washington, he spoke 
 of the anxiety and trouble he had experienced in preventing 
 so large a body of men, collected on the sudden, without dis¬ 
 cipline, and withal greatly exasperated, from running into ex¬ 
 cesses. In these efforts, however, he succeeded much better 
 than, under the circumstances, was reasonably to have been 
 anticipated. Before his return, Mr. Dean, the Indian interpre¬ 
 ter, was despatched by the General with a belt and a talk to 
 the Six Nations, which has not been preserved. Thus ended 
 the expedition to Johnstown. 
 
FLIGHT OF SIR JOHN. 
 
 143 
 
 1776.] 
 
 General Schuyler transmitted a full report of his proceedings 
 to Congress, by whom a special resolution was passed, thank¬ 
 ing him for the fidelity, prudence, and expedition with which 
 he had performed such a meritorious service. A second reso¬ 
 lution was also adopted, so curiously constructed, and containing 
 such an ingeniously-inserted hint to the officers and militia-men 
 accompanying General Schuyler on this expedition, as to render 
 it worthy of preservation. It was in the words following:— 
 
 “ Resolved , That the cheerfulness and ready assistance of 
 those who accompanied General Schuyler in his march to the 
 County of Tryon, and their useful services in that expedition, 
 discovered such a patriotic spirit, that it is hoped none of them 
 will allow their countrymen to entertain a suspicion that any 
 ignoble motive actuated them, by requiring a pecuniary reward, 
 especially when they were employed in suppressing a mischief 
 in their own neighborhood.” 
 
 The resolutions were enclosed to General Schuyler in a flat¬ 
 tering letter from President Hancock, in which, among other 
 things, he says :—“ It is with great pleasure I inform you that 
 the prudence, zeal, and temper, manifested in your late expedi¬ 
 tion, met with the warmest approbation of Congress.” 
 
 For some unexplained reason, Sir John Johnson did not ob¬ 
 serve the compact of neutrality, nor the obligations of his pa¬ 
 role. Or, if he kept himself within the letter, his conduct was 
 such as to re-awaken the suspicions of the people, and was con¬ 
 sidered by General Schuyler a virtual violation of the spirit of 
 the parole he had given, to take no part against the Colonies. 
 In fact, the information received by General Schuyler con¬ 
 vinced him that Sir John was secretly instigating the Indians 
 to hostilities, and was thus likely to produce much mischief on 
 the frontiers. To prevent such a calamity, it was thought ad¬ 
 visable by Schuyler to secure the person of Sir John, and once 
 more to quell the rising spirit of disaffection in the neighbor¬ 
 hood of Johnstown, especially among the Highlanders. For 
 this purpose, in the month of May following the events already 
 narrated in the present chapter, Colonel Dayton, with a part of 
 his regiment then on its way to Canada, was dispatched by 
 General Schuyler to prosecute this enterprise.* There were, 
 
 ♦ Sparks’s Life and Writings of Washington Note in vol. iv. p. 409—410. 
 
 23 
 
144 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [177G. 
 
 however, large numbers of loyalists in Albany, with whom 
 Sir John was then and subsequently in close correspondence. 
 It is therefore not surprising that he received timely notice 
 of these preparations for his second arrest, in anticipation of 
 Dayton’s arrival. Such was the fact; and, hastily collecting 
 a large number of his tenants and others, disaffected toward the 
 cause of the Colonists, the Baronet was prepared for instant 
 flight on the approach of the Continentals. This purpose was 
 successfully executed. Colonel Dayton arrived at Johnstown 
 in the evening, whereupon Sir John and his retainers imme¬ 
 diately took to the woods by the way of the Sacandaga.* Not 
 knowing whether his royalist friends were in possession of 
 Lake Champlain or not, the fugitives dared not venture upon 
 that route to Montreal; and Sir John was accordingly obliged 
 to strike deeper into the forests between the head waters of the 
 Hudson and the St. Lawrence. Having but a brief period of 
 preparation for their flight, the party was but ill supplied for 
 such a campaign. Their provisions were soon exhausted; 
 their feet became sore from travelling; and several of their num¬ 
 ber were left from time to time in the wilderness, to be picked 
 up and brought in afterward by the Indians sent out for that 
 purpose. 
 
 After nineteen days of severe hardship, the Baronet and his 
 partisans arrived at Montreal in a pitiable condition—having 
 encountered all of suffering that it seemed possible for man to 
 endure. Such was the precipitation of his departure from the 
 parental hall, and such his deficiency of the means of transpor¬ 
 tation, that an iron chest, containing the most valuable of his 
 family papers, was hastily buried in the garden. The family 
 Bible, containing the only record of the marriage of his father 
 and mother, and of course the only written evidence of his own 
 legitimacy, was also left behind.t Such of the papers as were 
 
 * There is some reason to suppose that an expedition, led by the Mohawk In¬ 
 dians, was sent from Montreal on purpose to bring Sir John away, or rescue him 
 from the espionage of the Americans. In one of Brant’s speeches, delivered long 
 afterward, when rehearsing the exploits of the Mohawks in the Revolutionary war, 
 the following passage occurs :—“We then went in a body to a town then in the 
 “ possession of the enemy, and rescued Sir John Johnson, bringing him fearlessly 
 “ through the streets.” Brant, at the time of this rescue, as will presently be seen, 
 was himself in England—as also was Guy Johnson. 
 
 1 After the confiscation of the property of Sir John, the furniture of the hall was 
 sold by auction at Fort Hunter. The late Lieut. Governor of New-York, John 
 
1776.] COMMISSIONED IN THE BRITISH ARMY. 145 
 
 found, were examined by Colonel Dayton, in compliance with 
 his orders ; “ and Lady Johnson was removed to Albany, where 
 “ she was retained as a kind of hostage for the peaceable con- 
 “ duct of her husband. She wrote to General Washington, 
 “ complaining of this detention, and asking his interference for 
 “ her release ; but the Commander-in-Chief left the matter with 
 “General Schuyler and the Albany Committee.”* Colonel 
 Dayton was stationed several weeks at Johnstown with his 
 troops, and for the time being secured the tranquillity of the 
 country. 
 
 Sir John was immediately commissioned a Colonel in the 
 British service, and raised a command of two battalions, com¬ 
 posed of those who accompanied him in his flight, and othei 
 American loyalists who subsequently followed their example. 
 They were called the Royal Greens. In the month of January 
 following, he found his way into New-York, then in posses¬ 
 sion of the British forces. From that period he became not 
 only one of the most active, but one of the bitterest foes of his 
 own countrymen of any who were engaged in that contest— 
 and repeatedly the scourge of his own former neighbors. He 
 was unquestionably a loyalist from principle, else he would 
 scarcely have hazarded, as he did, and ultimately lost, domains 
 larger and fairer than probably ever belonged to a single pro¬ 
 prietor in America, William Penn only excepted. But the im¬ 
 mediate cause of his breaking his pledge of honor is not known. 
 Unexplained as it ever has been, the act has always been re¬ 
 garded as a stain upon the Baronet’s character. It was held as 
 such by the Provincial Congress of New-York, as will be seen 
 by the annexed extract from a letter addressed by that body to 
 General Washington immediately after his flight:—“ We ap- 
 “ prehend no doubt can exist whether the affair of Sir John 
 
 Taylor, purchased several articles of the furniture; and among other things, the 
 Bible mentioned in the text. Perceiving that it contained the family record, which 
 might be of great value to Sir John, Mr. Taylor wrote a civil note to Sir John, offer¬ 
 ing its restoration. Some time afterward, a messenger from the Baronet called for 
 the Bible, whose conduct was so rude as to give offence. “ I have come for Sir 
 William’s Bible,” said he, “and there are the four guineas which it cost.” The 
 Bible was delivered, and the runner was asked what message Sir John had sent. 
 The reply was—“ Pay four guineas, and take the book !”—Letter of John Taylor 
 Cooper (grandson of the Lt. Governor ) to the author. 
 
 * Sparks. 
 
146 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1776. 
 
 11 Johnson is within your immediate cognizance. He held a 
 “ commission as Brigadier-General of the militia, and, it is said, 
 “ another commission as Major-General. That he hath shame- 
 “ fully broken his parole is evident, but whether it would be 
 C£ more proper to have him returned or exchanged, is entirely 
 “ in your Excellency’s prudence.” His estates were, of course, 
 confiscated by the Provincial Congress of New-York, and in 
 due time sold under the direction of the Committee of that body 
 having such matters in charge. 
 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 History of Brant resumed—Advanced to the chieftaincy of the Confederacy—Mode 
 of appointing chiefs and sachems—Embarks for England—Arrives in London— 
 Received with marked consideration—Becomes acquainted with James Boswell 
 and others—Agrees to espouse the Royal cause, and returns to America—Steals 
 through the country to Canada—Curious supposed letter to President Wheelock 
 -Battle of the Cedars—Cowardice of Major Butterfield—Outrages of the In¬ 
 dians— Story of Capt. M‘Kinstry, who was saved from the stake by Brant—In¬ 
 dignation of Washington, the people, and Congress—Resolutions of retaliation 
 —Mutual complaints of treatment of prisoners—Murder of Gen. Gordon—In¬ 
 dignation at the outrage—Indian deputation at Philadelphia—Speech to them— 
 Congress resolves upon the employment of an Indian force—Schuyler opposed— 
 Review of the incidents of the war elsewhere—Destitution of the Army—Eva¬ 
 cuation of Boston by the English—Disastrous termination of the Canadian cam¬ 
 paign—Deplorable condition of the army—Humanity of Sir Guy Carleton— 
 --Glance at the South—Declaration of Independence—Spirit of Tryon County 
 —Cherry Valley—Fortifications at Fort Stanwix—American army moves to 
 New-York—Arrival of the British fleet and army—Battle of Long-Island— 
 Washington evacuates New-York—Battle of White Plains—Retreats across 
 New-Jersey—Followed by Cornwallis—Defeat of Arnold on Lake Champlain 
 •—Fall of Rhode Island—Battle of Trenton. 
 
 The progress of events renders it necessary again to intro¬ 
 duce the Indian hero of the war of the Revolution more promi¬ 
 nently upon the stage of action. Thayendanegea had now been 
 advanced to the situation of principal war-chief of the confede¬ 
 racy *—an officer, according to the ancient usages of the Six 
 Nations, uniformly taken from the Mohawks.t How, or in 
 what manner, Brant arrived at that dignity, history does not 
 inform us. Hendrick, the last of the Mohawk chiefs who 
 bore the royal title of King, fell under Sir William Johnson 
 at Lake George twenty years before. He was succeeded by 
 Little Abraham, whose name has frequently occurred in the 
 preceding pages, and who has been designated by some writers 
 as the brother of Hendrick. But whether such was the fact 
 or not, no farther mention of his name occurs in the history of 
 the war. He was uniformly friendly to the Colonists ; and 
 
 * I am aware that the dignity of “Principal Chief” has been denied to Captain 
 Brant by several writers, and expressly by the Rev. Mr. Stewart, who says he was 
 not a war-chief by birth, and not so often in command as has been supposed. It 
 will be seen, however, toward the close of this work, from the speech of a Seneca 
 chief, that Thayendanegea was the head chief of the confederacy—Mr. S. to the 
 contrary notwithstanding. 
 
 f David Cusick’s sketches of the Ancient History of the Six Nations. Cusick 
 was himself an Indian of the Tuscarora tribe. 
 
148 LIFE OF BRANT. [1776. 
 
 as lie refused to leave the valley with Thayendanegea and the 
 majority of the nation who accompanied Guy Johnson in his 
 flight—preferring to remain with the tribe at the Lower Castle 
 —it is not improbable that Brant assumed the superior chief 
 taincy from the force of circumstances. Sir William Johnson 
 informs us, that the sachems of each tribe of the Six Nations 
 were usually chosen in a public assembly of the chiefs and 
 warriors, whenever a vacancy happened by death or otherwise. 
 They were selected from among the oldest warriors for their 
 sense and bravery, and approved of by all the tribe—after 
 which they were selected as sachems. Military services were 
 the chief recommendations to this rank ; but in some instances 
 a kind of inheritance in the office was recognized.* We have 
 seen that Thayendanegea was descended from a family of 
 chiefs, and his birth may have contributed to his elevation. 
 His family and official connexion with the Johnsons, whose 
 name continued so potent with the Indians, likewise, without 
 doubt, facilitated his advancement. But Mr. Stewart, denying 
 that the family of Thayendanegea was remarkable for any pre¬ 
 eminence in their village, represents his influence to have been 
 acquired by his uncommon talents and address as a counsellor 
 and politician ; by which means he subdued all opposition and 
 jealousy, and at length acquired such an ascendancy that, even 
 in the hour of action and danger, he was enabled to rule and 
 direct his warriors as absolutely as if he had been born their 
 General. 
 
 This inquiry, however, is of no great importance. The 
 fact that he had now become the chief sachem is unquestion¬ 
 able ; and from this point of the present history, Joseph Thay¬ 
 endanegea becomes one of the principal personages engaged in 
 its progress. He was ordinarily called by his other name of 
 Joseph Brant, or “Captain Brant”—the title of “Captain” 
 being the highest military distinction known to the Indians; 
 and that, moreover, being the military rank actually conferred 
 upon him in the army of the Crown. In much of his correspond¬ 
 ence, when wishing to be formal and writing to distinguished 
 men, he was accustomed to write his name “ Joseph Brant— 
 Thayendanegea the latter being his legitimate Indian name. 
 
 * Letters of Sir William Johnson to Arthur Lee—vide London Philosophical 
 Transactions. 
 
1776.] HIS FIRST VISIT TO ENGLAND. 149 
 
 \ 
 
 It has been seen, in a preceding chapter, that Thayenaanegea 
 had accompanied Guy Johnson from the Mohawk Yalley, 
 first, westwardly to Ontario, thence back to Oswego, and thence 
 to Montreal, where his services, and those of his warriors, were 
 courted by Generals Carleton and Haldimand, and an agree¬ 
 ment was speedily made that they were to take up the hatchet in 
 the cause of the King. For the prosecution of a border war¬ 
 fare, the officers of the Crown could scarcely have engaged a 
 more valuable auxiliary. Distinguished alike for his address, 
 his activity, and his courage—possessing, in point of stature 
 and symmetry of person, the advantage of most men even 
 among his own well-formed race—tall, erect, and majestic, 
 with the air and mien of one born to command,*—having, as 
 it were, been a man of war from his boyhood,t—his name was 
 a tower of strength among the warriors of the wilderness. Still 
 more extensive was his influence rendered, by the circumstance 
 that he had been much employed in the civil service of the In¬ 
 dian department, under Sir William Johnson, by whom he was 
 often deputed upon embassies among the tribes of the confe¬ 
 deracy, and to those yet more distant, upon the great lakes and 
 rivers of the north-west, by reason of which his knowledge of 
 the whole country and people was accurate and extensive. 
 
 Wffiether, after the compact with Sir Guy Carleton, the chief 
 again visited the Indian country of the Six Nations during the 
 summer of 1775, is unknown. Probably not; since, in the au¬ 
 tumn of that year or early in the following winter, he embarked 
 on his first visit to England. What was the precise object of this 
 visit does not appear. It is very probable, however, that, not¬ 
 withstanding the agreement so hastily formed at Montreal, the 
 sagacious chieftain may have judged it prudent to pause, before 
 committing himself too far by overt acts of hostility against 
 the Colonies. The Oneidas were evidently inclining to es¬ 
 pouse the Colonial side of the controversy, if any; the River 
 Indians had already ranged themselves on the same side; 
 Captain White-Eyes of the Delawares, had determined upon 
 neutrality ; and the Caughnawagas, or at least some of their 
 leading chiefs, were in the camp with Washington. To all 
 
 * Letter of General P. B. Porter to the author. 
 
 | He was but thirteen years old when in the battle of Lake George. 
 
150 LIFE OF BRANT. [1776. 
 
 which may be added the fact, that at that time the American 
 arms were carrying every thing before them in Canada. 
 These circumstances were certainly enough to make the chief¬ 
 tain hesitate as to the course dictated by true wisdom. His 
 predilections, doubtless, from the first, inclined him to espouse 
 the cause of the King. Nay, he maintained through life, that 
 the ancient covenants of his people rendered it obligatory upon 
 him so to do. In addition to which were the strong ties of 
 blood, of association, and of gratitude, by which he was bound 
 to the family and the interests of the Johnsons. Still, the bril¬ 
 liant successes with which the Americans had opened the cam¬ 
 paign in Canada presented another view of the case, which 
 was certainly entitled to grave consideration. Thus situated, 
 the chief may have found his position so embarrassing as to 
 induce him to visit the parent country, and go himself into the 
 presence of “ The Great King,” as the British monarch was 
 styled by the Indians, before he should finally determine 
 whether actually to take the field or not. By making the voy¬ 
 age, he would have the additional advantage of studying the 
 resources and the power of the parent country, and would 
 thereby be the better able to determine for himself whether 
 success was likely to crown his Majesty’s arms in the end, or 
 whether, by an over-scrupulous observance of an ancient sti¬ 
 pulation of alliance, he should not, with his people, be rushing 
 upon certain destruction. 
 
 But whether he thus reasoned or not, it is certain that he 
 sailed for England toward the close of the year 1775, and 
 reached London early in 1776, accompanied by Captain Tice, 
 an officer of English extraction, born in America, who had re¬ 
 sided in the neighborhood of the Mohawk nation. 
 
 Only a very brief account of this, his first visit to England, 
 has been found.* It has always been said, however, that he 
 was not only well received, but that his society was courted by 
 gentlemen of rank and station—statesmen, scholars, and di¬ 
 vines. He had little of the savage ferocity of his people in his 
 countenance ; and when, as he ordinarily did, he wore the 
 European dress, there was nothing besides his color to mark 
 wherein he differed from other men. Upon his first arrival in 
 
 * London Magazine for July, 1776. 
 
1776.] HIS FIRST VISIT TO ENGLAND. 151 
 
 the British capital, he was conducted to the inn called “ The 
 Swan with two Necks” Other lodgings were soon provided for 
 him, more suitable to his rank as an Indian king; but he said 
 the people of the inn had treated him with so much kindness 
 and civility, that he preferred remaining there during his stay 
 in London ; and he accordingly did so. 
 
 Although he was dressed in the European habit, he was not 
 unprovided with a splendid costume after the manner of his 
 own nation, in which he appeared at Court, and upon visits of 
 state and ceremony. James Boswell was at that period in his 
 glory, and an intimacy appears to have been contracted between 
 him and the Mohawk chief, since the latter sat for his picture 
 at the request of this most interesting of egotists. He also sat, 
 during the same visit, to Romney, one of the most distinguished 
 artists of his day, for the Earl of Warwick. He was, of 
 course, painted in his native dress, and the picture was greatly 
 prized.* The tomahawk worn by him in London, was a very 
 beautiful article, polished to the highest degree; upon which 
 was engraved the first letter of his Christian name, with his 
 Mohawk appellation, thus :—“ J. Tliayendanegea” 
 
 He did not remain in England many months, but, in com¬ 
 pany with Captain Tice, sailed on his return toward the close 
 of March or early in April,! and arrived on the coast near the 
 harbor of New-York after a very short passage. Having fully 
 determined to fulfil his stipulations with General Carleton, and 
 take up the hatchet in the cause of the Crown, he was cau¬ 
 tiously and privately landed somewhere in the neighborhood of 
 New-York, whence he performed a very hazardous journey to 
 Canada—having, of course, to steal his way through a hostile 
 population, until he could hide himself in the forests beyond 
 Albany. He had taken the precaution, however, in England, 
 to provide evidence of the identity of 'his body in case of dis¬ 
 aster, or of his fall in any of the battles he anticipated, by pro¬ 
 curing a gold finger ring, with his name engraven thereon at 
 length, t 
 
 \ 
 
 * The frontispiece of the present volume is from the last-mentioned picture. 
 
 f The London Universal Magazine for July of 1776, states that he embarked for 
 America in May. But there must have been a mistake in the date, since Brant, as 
 will soon appear, was in the battle of the Cedars, above Montreal, in that month. 
 
 J This ring he wore until his death. It was kept as a precious relic by his widow 
 
152 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1776. 
 
 What were the particular arguments addressed to the Mo¬ 
 hawk in the British capital, or by what process he became im¬ 
 pressed with the idea that the arms of the King would, in the 
 end, be victorious in the Colonies, is not known. It is certain, 
 however, that whatever doubts he might have entertained, were 
 most effectually dispelled ; since, on taking leave, it was under¬ 
 stood that he pledged himself heartily to embrace the Royal 
 cause, and promised to take the field with three thousand war¬ 
 riors of his race.* 
 
 It is no more than justice, however, to allow Captain Brant 
 to speak for himself, in regard to the principle by which he was 
 governed in his decision. In a letter written by him to Sir 
 Evan Nepean, the Under Secretary of State, when in England 
 after the peace of 1783, he said :—“ When I joined the English 
 “ in the beginning of the war, it was purely on account of my 
 “ forefathers’ engagements with the King. I always looked 
 11 upon these engagements, or covenants between the King and 
 “ the Indian nations, as a sacred thing: therefore I was not to 
 “ be frightened by the threats of the rebels at that time ; I as- 
 “ sure you I had no other view in it, and this was my real case 
 “ from the beginning.” 
 
 By u threats ” in this letter to the Under Secretary, Brant 
 probably meant no more than the efforts made by the Ameri¬ 
 cans to prevent his joining the Royal standard, and to preserve 
 the neutrality of the Indians. In connexion with these efforts, 
 there is a scrap of unwritten history, which, whether true or 
 not, is characteristic of the shrewdness and dry sarcastic humor 
 
 for four years, when it was lost. Strange as it may seem, however, during the last 
 Summer, (1836,) the identical ring was found by a little girl in a ploughed field 
 near Wellington Square, while the venerable Indian queen was on a visit to her 
 daughter, the accomplished lady of Colonel Kerr. The aged widow of the old 
 chief was overjoyed at once more possessing the memento, after it had been lost si* 
 and twenty years. 
 
 * It appears that Colonel Guy Johnson must have visited England at the same 
 time, or nearly the same time, with Brant. Perhaps they went together, although 
 Johnson did not return so soon. General Washington announced his arrival at 
 Staten Island, from England, on the 6th of August, 1776, in a letter written to the Pre¬ 
 sident of Congress on the 8th. In Dunlap’s History of the American Stage, Guy 
 Johnson’s name is given, in 1778, as one of the managers of the old Theatre Royal, 
 John-street. The players were all amateurs, officers of the British army; and the 
 avails of their performances were appropriated for benevolent purposes. The un¬ 
 fortunate Major Andre was one of the actors and the scene painter. A drop-cur¬ 
 tain, painted by him, was used many years after his death. 
 
BATTLE OP THE CEDARS. 
 
 153 
 
 1776.] 
 
 of the chief. It is related, that during the early part of the year 
 1775, while it was yet considered doubtful which side the Mo¬ 
 hawks would espouse, and when it was of course very desira¬ 
 ble to ascertain the views of Brant upon the subject, President 
 Wheelock was applied to as a medium of communication with 
 his former pupil. The Doctor, according to the tradition, wrote 
 him a long epistle upon the aspect of the times, and urged 
 upon Brant those considerations which appeared most likely to 
 win him over, or rather to secure his neutrality, if not his 
 friendship, to the Colonists. Brant replied very ingeniously. 
 Among other things, he referred to his former residence with 
 the Doctor—recalled the happy hours he had passed under his 
 roof—and referred especially to his prayers and the family 
 devotions, to which he had listened. He said he could never 
 forget those prayers; and one passage, in particular, was so 
 often repeated, that it could never be effaced from his mind. It 
 was, among other of his good preceptor’s petitions, “ that they 
 “ might be able to live as good subjects —to fear God, and ho- 
 “ nor the King.” 
 
 If doubt had existed among the Colonists before, as to the di¬ 
 rection of the channel in which ran his inclinations, there was 
 surely none after the perusal of this letter. But scenes of a 
 more stirring character now demand the attention. 
 
 Toward the close of the memorable Canadian campaign,— 
 so brilliantly commenced, so successfully prosecuted for many 
 months, and yet so disastrously terminated,—while the shatter¬ 
 ed remains of the American forces were retiring before the 
 troops of Sir Guy Carleton, the former experienced a sad dis¬ 
 aster at “the Cedars,” a point of land extending far into the St. 
 Lawrence, about forty miles above Montreal, which was occu¬ 
 pied by Colonel Bedell with three hundred and ninety Provin¬ 
 cial troops and two field-pieces. General Carleton directed a 
 descent upon this post from the British station at Oswegatchie, 
 under the command of Captain Forster, at the head of one 
 company of regular troops and a body of Indians numbering 
 nearly six hundred. The latter were led by Thayendanegea. 
 On the appearance of the enemy before the American works, 
 Colonel Bedell repaired immediately to Montreal for assistance, 
 leaving the Cedars in charge of Major Butterfield. Colonel 
 (afterward General) Arnold, who was then in command of 
 
154 LIFE OF BRANT. [1776. 
 
 Montreal—not yet evacuated by the Americans—forthwith de¬ 
 tached Major Sherburne with one hundred men, to proceed to 
 the Cedars, and prepared to follow himself with a much larger 
 force. Meantime, however, Major Butterfield, who, it was be¬ 
 lieved, might have easily defended the position, was intimidated 
 by a threat from the enemy, that, should the siege continue and 
 any of the Indians be slain, in the event of an eventual sur¬ 
 render it would be impossible for the British commander to 
 prevent a general massacre, and consented to a capitulation, by 
 which the whole garrison became prisoners of war. Major 
 Sherburne approached on the day following, without having 
 received any information of the change of circumstances un¬ 
 til within four miles of the post, where, on the 20th of May, 
 he was attacked by the Indians, and after a sharp conflict com¬ 
 pelled to -surrender at discretion. No sooner had Arnold re¬ 
 ceived information of these events, than he marched against 
 the foe, then at Yaudreuil, at the head of seven hundred men, 
 with a view of chastising the enemy and recovering the prison¬ 
 ers. “ When preparing for an engagement, he received a flag 
 “ accompanied by Major Sherburne, giving him the most posi- 
 “ tive assurances that if he persisted in his design, it would be 
 “ entirely out of the power of Captain Forster to prevent his 
 “ savages from pursuing their horrid customs, and disencum- 
 <£ bering themselves of their prisoners by putting every man to 
 u death. This massacre was already threatened, and Major 
 “ Sherburne confirmed the information. Under the influence 
 “ of this threat, Arnold desisted from his purpose, and con- 
 “ sented to a cartel, by which the prisoners were delivered up 
 “ to him ; he agreeing, among other things, not only to deliver 
 ££ as many British soldiers in exchange for them, but also that 
 “ they should immediately return to their homes.”* 
 
 This disaster, or, perhaps, more correctly speaking, the con¬ 
 duct of the officers to whose cowardice it was imputed, was a 
 source of deep mortification to General Washington, and he 
 gave utterance to his vexation in several letters written soon 
 afterward. Nor was Butterfield alone blamed—Colonel Bedell 
 being placed in the same category of condemnation.! The 
 
 * Marshall’s Life of Washington. 
 
 f “ If the accounts of Colonel Bedell’s and Major Butterfield’s conduct be true, they 
 have certainly acted a part deserving the most exemplary notice. I hope you will 
 
155 
 
 1776.] CASE OF col. m'kinstry. 
 
 Commander-in-Chief was likewise incensed at the conduct of 
 Captain Forster, in resorting to deceptive and very unjustifia¬ 
 ble means, to procure hostages for ratifying a treaty of exchange. 
 
 The name of Captain Brant is not mentioned in any of the 
 books, in connexion with these transactions at the Cedars. 
 There is positive evidence, however, that he was not only 
 there, but that he exerted himself efficiently after the surrender 
 of Major Sherburne, to control the Indians and prevent the 
 massacre of the prisoners. Among these latter, was Captain John 
 M'Kinstry,* who commanded a company on that occasion. 
 From his account of the battle, Major Sherburne fell into an 
 ambuscade, and the fighting was severe. Captain M‘Kinstry’s 
 command was engaged sharply with a body of Indians, before 
 whom his troops were several times compelled to retire. Ral 
 lying, however, with spirit, the Indians were repeatedly driven 
 back in turn; and the respective parties were thus successively 
 driven by each other, back and forth, according to the doubt¬ 
 ful and varying fortunes of the hour, until the Americans were 
 overpowered by numbers, and compelled to surrender ; Captain 
 M'Kinstry, being wounded, fell by the side of a tree, and was 
 there taken. He subsequently ascertained that he had been 
 marked as a victim by the Indians, who had actually made the 
 usual preparations for putting him to death by the torture of 
 fire ; and that he was rescued by the personal exertions of Cap¬ 
 tain Brant, who, in connexion with some humane English offi¬ 
 cers, made up a purse, and purchased an ox, which the Indians 
 roasted for their carousal instead of the gallant prisoner. Cap¬ 
 tain M‘Kinstry was treated with kindness while a prisoner, and 
 contracted an intimacy with Brant which continued until the 
 chieftain’s death. Brant never visited the Hudson, after the 
 Revolution, without spending a few days with Colonel M‘Kin- 
 stry at the Manor ;t and at the time of his last visit, about the 
 year 1805, in company with his friend, who, like himself, was 
 a member of the brotherhood, he attended the Freemason’s 
 
 take proper measure?, and have good courts appointed to bring them, and every 
 other officer, that has been, or shall be, guilty of misconduct, to trial; that they may 
 be punished according to their offences. Our misfortunes at the Cedars were occa¬ 
 sioned, as it is said, entirely by their base and cowardly behavior, and cannot be as¬ 
 cribed to any other cause .”—Letter of Washington to General Schuyler, June 10, 1776. 
 
 * Late Colonel M'Kinstry, of Livingston’s Manor. 
 
 f Letter to the author, from George M‘Kinstry, Esq. of Claverack. 
 
LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 156 
 
 [1776. 
 
 Lodge in the city of Hudson, where his presence attracted great 
 attention. 
 
 But to return. The conduct of Major Butterfield at the Ce¬ 
 dars was likewise severely denounced in Congress, and his 
 capitulation pronounced by resolution “ a shameful surrender.” 
 Due credit was at the same time awarded to Major Sherburne, 
 for the bravery displayed by himself and his troops, who only 
 “ surrendered at last on absolute necessity.” Notwithstanding, 
 moreover, the interposition of Captain Brant to prevent a mas¬ 
 sacre, and the rescue of Captain M'Kinstry, such outrages were 
 reported to Congress as to call forth a series of indignant reso¬ 
 lutions upon the subject. In the preamble to these resolutions, 
 it was stated that, immediately after the surrender, the prisoners 
 were delivered over to the Indians ; their baggage plundered, 
 their clothes taken from them, and several of their number 
 killed ; and one of them, who had only been wounded, roasted 
 alive. From the circumstance that Captain M‘Kinstry had 
 been wounded, and designated for the torture, though rescued, 
 as we have already seen, by Captain Brant, it is quite probable 
 that Congress was misinformed as to the actual consummation 
 of such a purpose in the person of any prisoner. Assuming 
 the fact, however, the enemy’s conduct was denounced in the 
 strongest terms—Congress asserting the right of demanding 
 indemnification for the wrongs inflicted upon the prisoners in 
 their persons and property; and in regard to the murder of 
 prisoners by the Indians, requiring that the authors of those 
 murders be delivered into their hands for condign punishment, 
 as a condition precedent to an exchange of prisoners. In re¬ 
 gard to the torturing of prisoners, a resolution was also adopted, 
 denouncing, “ as the sole means of stopping the progress of 
 human butchery,” a retaliation of punishment, of the same kind 
 and degree, to be inflicted upon a like number of prisoners of 
 the enemy, in every case of outrage thereafter to occur. 
 
 These resolutions were, in effect, a refusal to confirm the 
 treaty for the exchange of prisoners entered into by General 
 Arnold, and were so considered, by the commanding officers in 
 Canada. The consequence was, the indulgence of much crimi¬ 
 nation and recrimination, on the .part both of the American 
 and British commanders. Indeed, complaints of the cruel 
 treatment of the prisoners falling into their hands had been 
 
CRUELTY TO PRISONERS. 
 
 157 
 
 L77G/J 
 
 preferred against the enemy several months before, particularly 
 in the case of Colonel Ethan Allen and his fellow-captives. 
 Allen had been captured by General Prescott, by whom, in ad¬ 
 dition to other indignities, he had been heavily ironed, and sent 
 like a common felon to England. Prescott was afterward 
 taken by the Americans and treated with considerable rigor, 
 in retaliation for the ill-usage of Allen. This produced a re¬ 
 monstrance from General Howe, who, on being reminded of 
 the case of Allen, disclaimed any responsibility in regard to 
 that transaction, inasmuch as it was an occurrence in a district 
 beyond the boundaries of his particular command. The af¬ 
 fair of the Cedars excited the strongest feelings of indignation, 
 not only in Congress and among the people, but in the army. 
 “ The inhuman treatment of the whole, and murder of part, of 
 “ our people, was certainly a flagrant violation of that faith, 
 “ which ought to be held sacred by all civilized nations, and 
 “was founded in the most savage barbarity.”* Soon after¬ 
 ward the account was in part balanced, by a diabolical outrage 
 committed by an American scouting party in the neighbor¬ 
 hood of St. John’s. It was the deliberate assassination, by the 
 lieutenant at the head of the party, of Brigadier-General Gor¬ 
 don of the British army. General Gordon was riding alone, 
 and in full uniform, from Laprairie to St. John’s. The lieu¬ 
 tenant and his party were in ambush within the British lines, 
 and as the General passed, the former wantonly and barbarously 
 shot him through the body. Although the wound was mortal, 
 the General rode on, and speedily reached St. John’s, where he 
 expired.! This painful incident aroused as warm a burst of 
 indignation among the British officers, as the affair of the Ce¬ 
 dars had done among the Americans. General Carleton 
 availed himself of the occurrence to issue a violent, though art¬ 
 ful proclamation, which was pronounced by Washington, in a 
 letter to the President of Congress, to be “ highly unbecoming 
 “ the character of a soldier and gentleman.” Although the 
 prisoners were not exchanged, under the arrangement made 
 with Arnold, yet Carleton set the American captives at liberty, 
 on condition of their returning to their own homes, there to re¬ 
 main as prisoners. Each of the prisoners was furnished with 
 a copy of his insidious proclamation. 
 
 * Letter of Washington to the President of Congress, July 15, 1776. 
 
 f Note in vol. iv. of Sparks’s Life and Correspondence of Washington. 
 
158 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1776. 
 
 It was not supposed that any considerable numbers of the 
 Indians of the Six Nations participated in the battle of the 
 Cedars, other than the Mohawks and their kindred tribe, the 
 Caughnawagas, or the Seven Nations of Canada, as they chose 
 to call themselves. Indeed, the Six Nations were at that stage 
 of the contest far from being unanimous in opposition to 
 the Colonies ; and at the very time of these occurrences, a de¬ 
 putation from four of the nations was at Philadelphia, on a 
 peaceable mission to Congress. The arrival of this deputation 
 was announced to that assembly on the 24th of May. On the 
 11th of June they were presented to the House, preparatory to 
 their departure, and addressed by the President as follows: — 
 
 “Brothers: We hope the friendship that is between you 
 and us will be firm, and continue as long as the sun shall 
 shine and the waters run, that we and you may be as one people, 
 and have but one heart, and be kind to one another as brethren. 
 
 “ Brothers : The King of Great Britain, hearkening to the 
 evil counsel of some of his foolish young men, is angry with 
 us, because we will not let him take away from us our land, 
 and all that we have, and give it to them; and because we will 
 not do every thing that he bids us ; and hath hindered his peo¬ 
 ple from bringing goods to us, but we have made provision for 
 getting such a quantity of them, that we hope we shall be able 
 to supply your wants as formerly. 
 
 “Brothers: We shall order all our warriors and young 
 men not to hurt you or any of your kindred; and we hope you 
 will not suffer any of your young men to join with our enemies, 
 or to do any wrong to us, that nothing may happen to make 
 any quarrel between us. 
 
 “Brothers: We desire you to accept a few necessaries, 
 which we present you with, as tokens of our good-will toward 
 you.” 
 
 The presents having been delivered, the Indian deputies 
 expressed a desire to give a name to the President of Congress 
 Permission for that purpose having been granted, a chief of tho 
 Onondagas arose, and saluted the President by the name of 
 Ka-ran-dua-an, or the Great Tree ; by which name John Han¬ 
 cock was afterward known among the Six Nations. 
 
 Although it would appear upon the surface of these resolu¬ 
 tions, that Congress was yet persevering in the humane policy 
 of keeping the Indians in a state of neutrality, yet candor and 
 
EMPLOYMENT OF INDIANS. 
 
 159 
 
 1776 .] 
 
 truth require a different record. Much as sound moralists had 
 condemned the employment of this species of force in civilized 
 warfare, and strongly as Congress had exerted its influence the 
 preceding year to prevent the Indians from taking the field in 
 behalf of either of the combatants, that policy was abandoned. 
 On the 25th of May, 1776, the Congress resolved “that it was 
 “ highly expedient to engage the Indians in the service of the 
 “ United Colonies and they empowered the Commander-in- 
 Chief to employ, in Canada and elsewhere, a number not ex¬ 
 ceeding two thousand, offering them “ a reward of one hun- 
 “ dred dollars for every commissioned officer, and thirty dollars 
 “ for every private soldier of the King’s troops, that they should 
 “ take prisoner in the Indian country, or on the frontiers of 
 “ these Colonies.” The Congress also authorized General 
 Washington to employ the Indians of Penobscot, St. John’s, 
 and Nova Scotia, who had proffered their services, and were 
 to receive the same pay as the Continental soldiers.* 
 
 Whether any of those Eastern Indians were ever actually 
 engaged in the American service, is not known. In regard to 
 the employment of the Northern Indians, Washington forth¬ 
 with entered into a correspondence with General Schuyler up¬ 
 on the subject, and pressed him to carry the resolutions into ef¬ 
 fect. The latter, however, was averse to the measure—as 
 much so as at the first. He disliked to employ such a force 
 under any circumstances, contending that they were too fickle 
 and uncertain to allow any well-founded reliance to be placed 
 upon them at the moment of emergency. At that particular 
 conjuncture, especially when our troops, broken and dispersed, 
 were flying like fugitives from Canada, he thought the chances 
 of obtaining Indian auxiliaries exceedingly slender ; and as to 
 the number prescribed, (two thousand,) the General intimated 
 in one of his letters to the Commander-in-Chief, that it would 
 have been well if Congress had condescended to inform him 
 where so many Indian warriors, not already in the service 
 
 * Sparks’s Life and Cor. of Washington, vol. iv., Appendix. [Mr. Sparks seems 
 to have fallen into an error as to the immediate motive of Congress in changing its 
 Indian policy at this time. He leaves his readers to infer, that the measure was 
 one of retaliation for the conduct of the British and Indians at the Cedars. But such 
 could not have been the fact. The battle of the Cedars was fought on the 20th of 
 May, and these resolutions were passed on the 25th—before the news, in those days, 
 could possibly have reached Philadelphia.! 
 
160 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1776 . 
 
 of the enemy, were to be found. In short, General Schuyler’s 
 opinion was correct from the beginning - , that the Colonies could 
 expect no essential aid from the Indians; and whatever aid 
 they might receive, would be sure to cost more than it would 
 come to. So the event proved. But, although the British 
 profited most by the employment of the Indians, they are not 
 alone to blame for using them. So far, certainly, as principle 
 and intention are concerned, the Americans are equitably enti¬ 
 tled to a due share of the censure.* 
 
 In recurring to coincident events transpiring in other parts of 
 the country, it must be remarked, that the Commander-in- 
 Chief was often placed in circumstances not the most promis¬ 
 ing. On his first arrival at the camp before Boston, the pre¬ 
 ceding year, he had found only “ the materials for a good 
 “ army ”—not the organized army itself. The troops were 
 mostly undisciplined; and having taken arms to fight for li¬ 
 berty, it was no easy matter to bring them into those habits of 
 subordination, which necessarily render a soldier a mere ma¬ 
 chine to be moved at the will of his commander. The first 
 object of General Washington, therefore, was to bring the 
 troops into a state of discipline. But another difficulty pre¬ 
 sented itself in the fact, that, owing to the short periods of en¬ 
 listment, the times of service of the greater portion of the 
 army were to expire in November and December. To which 
 was added the embarrassing discovery, that all the powder at 
 his command was barely sufficient to supply nine rounds of 
 cartridges per man. There was, moreover, a general want of 
 camp equipage and clothing, and indeed of every thing neces¬ 
 sary alike to the comfort and the efficiency of an army. But 
 Heaven, in its mercy, seemed to have devolved the command 
 upon the man of all others best calculated to meet the emer¬ 
 gency and overcome it. His destitution of ammunition was 
 artfully and effectually concealed from the enemy; and al¬ 
 though, on the discharge of those of his troops who would not 
 re-enlist, at the close of December, (1775,) he had no more 
 than 9650 men left, he yet contrived to sustain himself and 
 keep the enemy beleaguered in Boston during the whole winter. 
 “It is not in the pages of history, perhaps,” he wrote to 
 
 * Sparks. 
 
GENERAL PROGRESS OF THE WAR. 
 
 161 
 
 1776 .] 
 
 Congress, “ to furnish a case like ours. To maintain a post 
 “ within musket shot of the enemy for six months together, 
 “ without ammunition , and at the same time to disband one 
 “ army and recruit another, within that distance of twenty odd 
 “ British regiments, is more, probably, than was ever at- 
 “ tempted.”* 
 
 The Continental Congress had been induced by the influence 
 of the Commander-in-chief to resolve upon the raising of an 
 army of 75,000 men, to be enlisted for the term of three years, or 
 during the war. It was not until January, however, that they 
 could be induced to offer bounties for enlistments; and even 
 then the ranks were not rapidly filled. At the close of February, 
 the whole effective force of the Americans was no more than 
 14,000 men, exclusive of 6000 of the Massachusetts militia. 
 An assault upon Boston had been meditated in February by 
 General Washington ; but the opinion of his principal officers, 
 as expressed in a council of war, being strongly against such 
 a movement, the enterprize was reluctantly abandoned. Wearied 
 by inaction, the next project of the American commander was 
 to take possession of Dorchester Heights—a position command¬ 
 ing the town of Boston, the occupation of which would compel 
 General Howe either to attempt its dispossession by the Ameri¬ 
 cans, or to evacuate the town. The enterprize was so well 
 planned, as to be executed by General Thomas with complete 
 and brilliant success, on the night of the 4th of March. 
 Having diverted the attention of the enemy by a bombardment 
 of his lines in another direction, the movement was unper¬ 
 ceived. The weather being mild, the American troops were 
 enabled to labor with energy in throwing up defences, which, 
 on the following morning, struck the General of the British 
 army with astonishment, from their sudden appearance and 
 their magnitude. A heavy atmosphere contributed to magnify 
 the height of the works, and increase the wonder of the foe. 
 Sir William Howe made immediate preparations to drive the 
 Americans from their new, and, to him, dangerous position ; 
 for which purpose two thousand choice troops were embarked 
 to cross over the same evening ; but a severe tempest frustrated 
 his design. On the following morning General Howe con- 
 
 * Holmes’s Annals. 
 
162 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1776 . 
 
 vened a council of war, at which it was resolved to evacuate 
 the town as soon as possible. This determination was carried 
 into execution on the 17th, by the embarkation of the whole 
 British army, and the sailing of the fleet—first to Halifax—but 
 ultimately, as the event proved, for New-York. On the same 
 day General Washington entered Boston in triumph, and was 
 hailed by the universal acclaim of the people as their deliverer. 
 Thus was the town which first raised the standard of rebellion, 
 the first to rejoice at the final retreat of its oppressors. Nor was 
 it the fortune of the invaders ever to set foot there again. 
 
 In the North, the operations of the Provincial army had been 
 far less propitious. The conquest of Canada was a favorite 
 project with Congress, and every possible effort within the 
 slender means of the Colonies was made to that end. But the 
 fall of Montgomery had thrown a gloom over the enterprise 
 which was never dissipated. Colonel, now General Arnold, 
 had maintained himself before Quebec during the winter, and 
 until late in the spring, with but a handful of men—number¬ 
 ing, at one time, not more than five hundred effectives. But 
 the reinforcements were slow in arriving; the Canadians, from 
 a variety of causes—the principal of which, beyond doubt, 
 was bad treatment from an undisciplined soldiery—became 
 less friendly to the Americans than at first, notwithstanding the 
 mission of Messrs. Franklin, Chase, and Carroll, accompanied 
 by a Catholic priest, to conciliate them ; and on the arrival of 
 General Wooster at his quarters, about the 1st of April, Arnold 
 obtained leave of absence, and took the command at Montreal. 
 General Thomas, who had been assigned to the command of 
 the army in Canada, after the exploit of Gloucester Heights, 
 arrived before Quebec on the 1st of May, where he found an 
 army of nineteen hundred men, less than one thousand of 
 whom were effective, and three hundred of these, being entitled 
 to their discharge, refused to perform duty. They had but one 
 hundred and fifty barrels of powder, and six days’ provisions. 
 Well knowing that with the opening of the navigation, Sir 
 Guy Carleton’s expected reinforcements would arrive, the cir¬ 
 cumstances in which he was placed were altogether so un¬ 
 promising, that General Thomas, with the concurrence of a 
 council of war, determined to raise the siege on the 5th of 
 May, and assume a more eligible position farther up the river. 
 
EVACUATION OF CANADA. 
 
 163 
 
 1776 .] 
 
 It was the intention of the American commander to remove 
 the sick to Three Rivers ; but on the 6th, before the arrange¬ 
 ments for retreating were all concerted, a British fleet, with 
 reinforcements, arrived. General Carleton immediately made 
 a sortie at the head of one thousand men ; to oppose whom, 
 General Thomas had not more than three hundred available 
 troops. No other course remained, therefore, but a preci¬ 
 pitate retreat for all who could get away—leaving the sick 
 and the military stores to the enemy. General Thomas led his 
 little band back to the mouth of the Sorel, where he was 
 seized with the small-pox, and died. Large reinforcements 
 joined the fugitive army at that place, under General Sullivan. 
 Before General Carleton moved from Quebec, an expedition 
 was undertaken from Sorel to the Three Rivers, against Gene¬ 
 ral Frasier, under the direction of General Thompson and 
 Colonel St. Clair. It was unsuccessful; from which time dis¬ 
 aster followed disaster, until, owing to the combined causes of 
 defeat, sickness, and insubordination, the Americans found 
 themselves, on the 18th of June, driven entirely out of Canada ; 
 the British army following so closely upon their heels, as im¬ 
 mediately to occupy the different posts as they were successive¬ 
 ly evacuated. 
 
 The Americans, however, still retained the control of Lake 
 Champlain, and occupied the fortifications upon its shores, 
 the command of which had now been assigned by Congress 
 to General Gates, with great and manifest injustice toward Ge¬ 
 neral Schuyler/ Gates at first established his head-quarters at 
 Crown Point, but soon afterward withdrew his forces from that 
 post, and fell back upon Ticonderoga. This step was taken 
 
 * The appointment of Gates to the command of this department, was from the 
 first unacceptable to the officers of New-York, nor was his own course very concili¬ 
 atory toward them. In the course of the present Summer, it was reported to Lieu¬ 
 tenant-Colonel Gansevoort, a brave and deservedly popular officer, belonging to the 
 regiment of Colonel Van Schaick, and then in command of Fort George at the head 
 of the lake of that name, that the General had spoken disrespectfully of that regi¬ 
 ment, and also of the regiments of Colonels Wynkoop and Fisher. His letters to 
 Col. Gansevoort were unnecessarily harsh and pragmatical sc much so as justly to 
 give offence. Irritated by such treatment, Gansevoort wrote a spirited letter to 
 Gates, referring to several matters in which he had been aggrieved by the letters and 
 conversation of that officer. He requested a Court of Inquiry, and avowed his de¬ 
 termination, with the leave of Gen. Schuyler, to relinquish the command of the 
 post.— MS. letters of Gates and Col. Gansevoort in the author's possession. 
 
164 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1776 . 
 
 by the advice and concurrence of a board of general officers, 
 but contrary to the wishes of the field officers. The Comman¬ 
 der-in-chief was exceedingly dissatisfied with this movement of 
 Cates, believing that the relinquishment of that post, in its conse¬ 
 quences, would be equivalent to an abandonment of Lakes 
 George and Champlain, and all the advantages to be derived 
 therefrom.* In reply to the concern that had been expressed 
 by Washington on the occasion, General Gates contended that 
 Crown Point was untenable with the forces then under his 
 command, nor could it be successfully defended even with the 
 aid of the expected reinforcements. These reinforcements, 
 moreover, the General added, could not be allowed to approach 
 nearer to Crown Point than Skenesborough, since “ it would 
 “ be only heaping one hospital upon another.”! The annals 
 of disastrous war scarce present a more deplorable picture than 
 that exhibited by the Americans escaping from Canada. In 
 addition to the small pox, the army had been afflicted by other 
 diseases, generated by exposure, destitution, and laxity of dis¬ 
 cipline. Fleets of boats came up the lake, freighted with the 
 sick and dying ; and even those reported from day to day fit 
 for duty, presented but the appearance of a haggard skele¬ 
 ton of an army. “ Every thing about this army,” said Gene¬ 
 ral Gates in the letter already cited, “ is infected with the pes- 
 “ tilence; the clothes, the blankets, the air, and the ground 
 “ they walk upon. To put this evil from us, a general hospi- 
 “ tal is established at Fort George,! where there are now be- 
 “ tween two and three thousand sick, and where every infected 
 “ person is immediately sent. But this care and caution have 
 “ not effectually destroyed the disease here; it is, notwithstand- 
 “ ing, continually breaking out.” 11 
 
 Such was the deplorable condition in which an army, so re- 
 
 * Letter of Washington to Gen. Gates, July 19, 1776. 
 
 f Letter of Gen. Gates to Washington in reply, July 28. The small pox, which 
 had been so fatal to the troops in Canada, had now broken out at Crown Point and 
 Ticonderoga—the pestilence having been purposely introduced by a villain calling 
 himself Doctor Barker. This fact is stated in a letter from the Adjutant-General of 
 the Northern Department to Colonel Gansevoort, dated from Ticonderoga, July 24. 
 “The villain,” says the letter, “by private inoculations in the army, has caused, in 
 a great degree, the misery to which we are reduced by that infectious disorder.” 
 Barker was arrested, and sent to Albany.— MS. letter of Colonel Trumbull to Col. 
 Gansevoort. 
 
 I At the head of Lake George. 
 
 11 Sparks. 
 
GENERAL PROGRESS OF THE WAR. 
 
 165 
 
 1776.] 
 
 cently victorious, had been driven back from what was in fact 
 a conquered country, lost entirely through mismanagement, 
 and the want of an army upon the basis of permanent enlist¬ 
 ment. Added to which, was another difficulty lying beneath 
 the surface. Many prisoners had fallen into the hands of the 
 enemy at Quebec and during the subsequent retreat. Toward 
 all these, the conduct of Sir Guy Carleton had been most poli¬ 
 tic. They had been treated with the greatest care and human¬ 
 ity, and so much of the subtle poison of flattery, mingled with 
 kindness, had been poured into their ears, that their return on 
 parole, which was presently allowed by the British commander, 
 was regarded with apprehension.* On one occasion, a large 
 number of prisoners arriving at Crown Point from St. John’s, in 
 a vessel provided by Sir Guy Carleton, were visited, before land¬ 
 ing, by Colonel John Trumbull, the Adjutant-General for the 
 Northern Department. From the feelings they manifested, and 
 the tenor of their conversation, Colonel Trumbull saw at once 
 that it would not be prudent to allow them to land, or hold the 
 least intercourse with the suffering troops of the garrison. He 
 immediately reported the fact to the General, and advised that the 
 said prisoners should be sent directly forward to Skenesborough, 
 and despatched to their respective homes, without allowing 
 
 * “ Although General Carleton had acquiesced in the harsh treatment of Ethan 
 Allen, yet the prisoners who fell into his hands met with usage in every respect as 
 good as that of the British soldiers, except in the necessary restraints of confinement. 
 This was declared in a letter to Washington from Major Meigs, when he returned 
 on his parole the Summer following. The soldiers were confined in the Jesuits’ 
 College, and the officers in the Seminary. The latter, after the siege was raised, 
 had permission to walk in a large garden adjoining their quarters. Major Meigs 
 left three hundred prisoners in CLuebec about the middle of May. When they were 
 released for exchange, General Carleton supplied them with articles of clothing, in 
 which they were deficient. It was said, that when some of his officers spoke to him 
 of this act, as an unusual degree of lenity toward prisoners of war, he replied,— 
 “ Since we have tried in vain to make them acknowledge us as brothers, let us at 
 least send them away disposed to regard us as first cousins.” Having been in¬ 
 formed that many persons suffering from wounds and various disorders were con¬ 
 cealed in the woods and obscure places, fearing that if they appeared openly they 
 would be seized as prisoners and severely treated ; he issued a proclamation com¬ 
 manding the militia officers to search for such persons, bring them to the general 
 hospital, and procure for them all necessary relief at the public charge. He also 
 invited all such persons to come forward voluntarily, and receive the assistance they 
 needed; assuring them, “ that as soon as their health should be restored, they should 
 “ have free liberty to return to their respective provinces.”— Sparks. 
 
I 
 
 166 LIFE OF BRANT. [ 1776 . 
 
 them to mingle with the troops at that place. The suggestion 
 was adopted.* 
 
 Nor were the difficulties enumerated, all which the officers 
 had to encounter. The spirit of disaffection was far more ex¬ 
 tensive than those who are left to contemplate the scenes 
 through which their fathers passed, and the discouragements 
 against which they were compelled to struggle, have been wont 
 to suppose. The burden of many of General Schuyler’s let¬ 
 ters, and also the letters of other officers, during the whole of 
 this season, was the frequency of desertions to the ranks of the 
 enemy. 
 
 Glancing for a moment at the situation of affairs at the 
 south, the gloom of the picture is somewhat relieved. The 
 expedition of General Clinton and Sir Peter Parker, for the re¬ 
 duction of Charleston, had signally failed. The defence of the 
 fort bearing his own name, by Colonel Moultrie, was one of 
 the most gallant exploits of the whole contest, and served to 
 lighten the despondency that had been produced by the disas¬ 
 ters we have been sketching at the north. It was at this place 
 that the celebrated Sergeant Jasper signalized himself, when 
 the flag-staff was shot away, by leaping from the parapet of the 
 fort upon the beach, seizing the flag, and, amid the incessant 
 firing of the fleet, mounting, and again placing it on the ram- 
 part.f 
 
 But the grand event of the year, the transactions of which 
 are now under review, was the Declaration of Indepen¬ 
 dence, a motion for which was submitted in Congress by 
 Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia, on the 7th of June, and the 
 Declaration itself solemnly adopted on the 4th of July. This 
 measure at once cut off all hope of reconciliation with the pa¬ 
 rent country, and all prospect of a termination of the war, un¬ 
 less by the complete triumph in arms of one party or the other. 
 Such a declaration was an event not originally anticipated, 
 even if desired, by the mass of the people; although it had un¬ 
 questionably, and from the first, entered into the calculations of 
 the daring master spirits of the movement in Boston. It had 
 furthermore been greatly accelerated by the conduct of the 
 
 ♦ Conversations of the author with the venerable Colonel Trumbull, while these 
 pages were under revision. 
 
 I Garden’s Anecdotes of the American Revolution. 
 
AFFAIRS IN TRYON COUNTY. 
 
 167 
 
 1776 .] 
 
 British government itself, during the preceding session of Par¬ 
 liament, by act of which the Americans had been declared out 
 of the Royal protection ; so widely mistaken had been the Con¬ 
 gress of the preceding year, which had adjourned with strong 
 hopes that the differences between the two countries would 
 soon be adjusted to their mutual satisfaction.* At the same 
 time the parent government was putting forth its utmost ener¬ 
 gies to crush the Colonies at a blow. For this purpose, 25,000 
 British troops were to be employed, in addition to 17,000 Ger¬ 
 man mercenaries purchased from the Landgrave of Hesse 
 Cassel, the Duke of Brunswick, and the Count of Hanau. 
 These troops, together with the Canadian recruits, the American 
 loyalists, and the Indians, it was intended should constitute an 
 invading force of 55,000 men. With such preparations in 
 prospect against them, it was no time for inactivity on the part 
 of the Colonists ; and having by the Declaration thrown away 
 the scabbard of the sword that had been drawn fifteen months 
 before, there was no alternative but resistance to the end. 
 
 Recurring, for a brief space, to the history proper of the 
 Mohawk Valley, it may be assumed, in behalf of its patriotic 
 population, that the new attitude of the country was neither 
 unexpected nor unwelcome. On the contrary, having been 
 among the earliest to propose a separation, the great act of the 
 4th of July was nowhere more cordially received than by the 
 Whigs of Tryon County. Nor did they falter in their purposes 
 of sustaining the cause in which the country had embarked, 
 amid all the disasters of the early part of the season or those 
 that followed. In their own section of country, however, the 
 flight of Sir John Johnson and his retainers was the only im¬ 
 portant incident occurring during that memorable year. Still, 
 there was no relaxation of vigilance, or of preparation for the 
 worst, should the storm of war, so long muttering in the dis¬ 
 tance, actually break upon those settlements. The frontiers 
 were at all times liable to the sudden irruptions of savages, and 
 it was necessary to keep scouting parties continually upon 
 the alert. Cherry Valley being the principal settlement south 
 of the Mohawk, and lying directly in the line of communica¬ 
 tion between the Mohawk Castles and the Indian post at Ogh- 
 
 Marshall’s Life of Washington, Vol. I. Chap. iv. 
 26 
 
168 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [mo. 
 
 kwaga,* was particularly exposed. Early in the present Sum¬ 
 mer, therefore, a company of rangers was organized under the 
 command of Captain Robert M‘Kean. The public service re¬ 
 quiring the Captain and his little corps elsewhere, the in¬ 
 habitants strongly remonstrated with the Committee of Safety 
 against the removal of that corps, but without effect. They 
 next addressed themselves to the Provincial Congress of New- 
 York, and by a forcible and eloquent appeal, obtained another 
 company of rangers to be stationed among them under the 
 command of Captain Winn.t These papers were written with 
 ability, and with the energy of men in earnest. They had 
 even then received, through their missionaries, intimations that 
 Sir John Johnson and Colonel John Butler were instigating 
 the Indians to make a descent upon them ; and already were 
 the scattered settlers in other and newer locations coming in to 
 Cherry Valley for protection. Apprehending, also, sudden ir¬ 
 ruptions of scalping parties, the aged, and such as from other 
 causes were exempt from military service, now organized 
 themselves into a company for the protection of the settlement. 
 
 In the course of the season General Schuyler was directed 
 by Congress to cause Fort Stanwix to be strengthened, and 
 other fortifications to be erected at proper places along the Mo¬ 
 hawk river. Colonels Van Schaick and Dayton had previously 
 been stationed in Tryon County with detachments of regular 
 troops—the former at Johnstown and the latter at German Flatts. 
 Upon Colonel Dayton was imposed the duty of carrying for¬ 
 ward the works at Fort Stanwix, for which purpose the Tryon 
 County militia were ordered to his assistance. The site of 
 that military defence had early been improved, as one of the 
 most important inland posts of the Colonies. It was originally 
 built early in 1758, during the French war of 1755—61, 
 by General Stanwix, for the purpose of commanding the car¬ 
 rying-place between the Mohawk River and Wood Creek, 
 leading into the Oneida Lake, and thence into Lake Ontario, 
 
 * As with most other Indian names, there is difficulty respecting the correct or¬ 
 thography of this place. It is spelt Oquaga, Oghquaga, and sometimes Oneaquaga. 
 Brant and John Norton, however, were wont to spell it Oghkwaga. I have adopted 
 the latter method, as supported by the best authorities.— Author. 
 
 f The names of the Cherry Valley Committee who took the lead in these mat¬ 
 ters, were, John Moore, Samuel Clyde, Samuel Campbell, Samuel Dunlop, James 
 Scott, Robert Wells, James Richey, an 1 James Moore. 
 
177G.] GENERAL PROGRESS OP THE WAR. ' 169 
 
 by the Oswego river.* There were several other fortifications 
 at different points of the narrow strip of land between the two 
 streams already mentioned, such as Fort Bull and Fort New¬ 
 port ; the former commanding the Creek, about three miles 
 distant. These were strong redoubts; but Fort Stanwix wascom- 
 paratively a formidable work, having its bomb-proofs, its sally¬ 
 port, and a covered way to the spring brook. Altogether 
 these works formed an ample defence of the key from Upper 
 Canada to the Mohawk Valley, and were likewise of signal 
 service for the protection they afforded to the Indian trade. 
 But, although the principal fortress had been erected at the 
 great expense—enormous in those times—of 266,400 dollars, 
 yet the commencement of the war of the Revolution found 
 the whole in ruins. Colonel Dayton appears to have made but 
 little progress in re-building the fort, since it will be found 
 that other officers had the works in charge early in the follow¬ 
 ing year, and they were far from complete when subsequently 
 invested by the motley forces of General St. Leger. Colonel 
 Dayton, however, thought proper to change its name in honor 
 of the General commanding the Northern department, and it 
 was subsequently known as Fort Schuyler during the residue 
 of the war.t 
 
 A rapid glance at the other warlike events of the season 
 will close the history of the year. Anticipating, on the evacu¬ 
 ation of Boston by General Howe, that his next point of attack 
 would be New-York, General Lee was detached by the Com¬ 
 mander-in-chief with a portion of the army, to put Long 
 Island and the harbor of New-York in a posture of defence. 
 Washington followed soon afterward himself, and established 
 his head-quarters in the city. Having been joined by his 
 brother, Lord Howe, as commander of the fleet at Halifax, Ge¬ 
 neral, afterward Sir William Howe, with his reinforcements, 
 arrived off Sandy Hook—the latter on the 25th of June and 
 the former on the 12tli of July. General Clinton arriving at 
 
 * The reconstruction of this work was early pointed out, and strongly urged upon 
 General Schuyler, by Washington. 
 
 f There was another Fort Schuyler, built on the present site of Utica during the 
 old French war, and named thus in honor of Colonel Schuyler, an uncle of General 
 Phiiip Schuyler of the Revolution. The two are often confounded in history, and 
 the change in the name of Fort Stanwix was alike unnecessary and unwise. 
 
170 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1776 . 
 
 about the same time from the unsuccessful enterprise against 
 Charleston, with Admiral Hothain, the combined forces of the 
 enemy now amounted to about 24,000 men, including the 
 Hessians. 
 
 Lord and Sir William Howe were clothed with powers, as 
 Commissioners, to treat with the Colonies for a reconciliation. 
 Their pacific errand was proclaimed before hostilities were re¬ 
 commenced, and promises of pardon were proffered to all who 
 would avail themselves of the Royal clemency, and return to 
 their allegiance and duty. Their proposals, however, were 
 considered too exceptionable, both in matter and form, to re¬ 
 ceive the least attention. 
 
 On the 22d of August the British army was landed upon 
 Long Island, at Gravesend. The American army at this time 
 consisting of 15,000 men, under General Sullivan, was en¬ 
 camped in the neighborhood of Brooklyn. The battle of Long 
 Island, which was severely, though ineffectually, contested by 
 the American forces under Sullivan and Lord Stirling, was 
 fought on the 27th of August. In this action, the loss of the 
 enemy was differently reported at from 300 to 450. The loss 
 of the Americans was far more considerable. General Wash¬ 
 ington admitted it to be 1000, but is believed only to have re¬ 
 ferred to the loss of the regular troops. General Howe claim¬ 
 ed 1097 prisoners, among whom were Generals Sullivan, 
 Stirling, and Woodhull. On the 30th, the Americans effected 
 a masterly retreat across the East river to New-York.* The 
 enemy made immediate dispositions for attacking New-York; 
 and so prompt and skilful were his movements, that, in a coun¬ 
 cil of general officers, an evacuation forthwith was deemed the 
 only means of saving the army. The British fleet was divided 
 into two squadrons, one of which entered the East and the 
 other the North river. Under cover of the former, Sir Henry 
 Clinton crossed from Long Island, and landed at Kipp’s Bay, 
 with such celerity that the Americans fled in disorder. Indeed, 
 
 * During the operations upon Long Island and New-York, Captain Brant con¬ 
 trived to pass from Canada and join the King’s forces. He was with Governor 
 Tryon at Flatbush. The late Mr. John Watts, a brother-in-law of Sir John 
 Johnson, used to speak of taking a walk with Gov. Tryon, Colonel Asgill, and 
 Brant, through an orchard in that village. During their stroll, Brant plucked a 
 crude crab-apple from a tree, which, on tasting it, he threw away—screwing his 
 face, and exclaiming;—A*It’s as bitter as a Presbyterian!” 
 
177G.] GENERAL PROGRESS OF THE WAR. 171 
 
 the evacuation resembled rather a flight than a retreat; all the 
 heavy artillery, military stores, baggage, and provisions, falling 
 into the hands of the enemy. A large portion of the Ameri¬ 
 can forces, at that time, consisted of militia, the conduct of 
 which was scandalous beyond endurance. They deserted, not 
 only in small numbers, but in companies and squadrons, when¬ 
 ever they could ; and their conduct in the face of the enemy, 
 or rather when running from the faces of the enemy, was most 
 cowardly. So disorderly was their demeanor, and so like pol¬ 
 troons did they behave when flying from Sir Henry Clinton, 
 that even Washington himself lost his patience, and was ex¬ 
 cited to a degree of hot exasperation. In writing from Har- 
 laem Heights to a friend, General Greene said that two bri¬ 
 gades of militia ran away from about fifty men, leaving the Com¬ 
 mander-in-chief on the ground -within eighty yards of the 
 enemy, so vexed with the conduct of his troops, that he sought 
 death rather than life.* His attempts to stop them were fruit¬ 
 less. He drew his sword, and threatened to run them through, 
 and cocked and snapped his pistols.t But all his exertions 
 were to no purpose. In a letter upon the subject of this infa¬ 
 mous conduct of the militia, to the President of Congress, the 
 Commander-in-chief declared that, were he called to give his 
 opinion upon oath, he should say that the militia did more in¬ 
 jury to the service than good. 
 
 General Greene had strongly urged the destruction of the city 
 by fire—a measure afterward so effectively adopted by Count Ros- 
 topchin, Governor of the ancient capital of Muscovy, to arrest 
 the career of Napoleon—that the enemy might be deprived of the 
 advantage of establishing their winter-quarters therein. His rea¬ 
 sons for this measure were sound, and it ought, doubtless, to have 
 been adopted. Washington was believed to be of the same opi¬ 
 nion, especially as two thirds of the property which it was pro¬ 
 posed to destroy,belonged to undisguised loyalists. But Congress 
 would not allow the sacrifice ;t and, on the 15th of September, 
 trie city was in full possession of the enemy—General Wash¬ 
 ington having retired with the army to Kingsbridge. From 
 
 » i 
 
 * Sparks f Gordon. 
 
 + Washington’s letter to the President of Congress, and also a letter from Gen. 
 Greene.—Vide Sparks. 
 
17 & LIFE OF BRANT. [ 1776 . 
 
 the superiority in numbers and discipline of the British and 
 German troops, the Americans were unable to meet them in 
 the field, and the policy of evacuating and retreating was 
 adopted. A succession of movements, manoeuvres, and en¬ 
 gagements, followed in Westchester, terminating, for the mo¬ 
 ment, in the drawn battle of White Plains on the 18th of 
 October.* Washington then divided his army, and crossed 
 into New Jersey with a portion, leaving 7500 troops at North 
 Castle, under General Lee. The next disaster to the American 
 arms was the fall of Fort Washington, on the 16th of Novem¬ 
 ber, after a brave defence by Colonel Magaw, notwithstanding 
 the refusal of a portion of his troops to man the lines.f That 
 fortress was attacked with great gallantry at four points, led by 
 Generals Knyphausen, Matthews, Cornwallis, and Lord Percy. 
 The regiment of Colonel Rawlings, on that occasion, behaved 
 with great spirit; nor would Colonel Magaw have given up 
 the post but for the conduct of the disaffected.! After the fall 
 of Fort Washington, Lord Cornwallis crossed into New Jersey 
 with 6000 men, for the purpose of attacking Fort Lee, of 
 which General Lee was then in command. But the means of 
 this skilful officer were not adequate to the defence of the post 
 against a force of such unequal strength ; the people of New 
 Jersey were at that time intent rather to make terms with the 
 enemy, than to afford efficient assistance ;|| and the garrison 
 was saved by an evacuation. General Washington had taken 
 post at Newark ; but the fall of Forts Washington and Lee, 
 together with the diminution of his own strength by the expi¬ 
 ration of the term of service of his men, obliged him to retreat 
 rapidly across New Jersey to the other side of the Delaware, 
 
 * The Stockbridge Indians were engaged with the Americans in this battle. 
 They fought bravely, and suffered severely. 
 
 f Letter of Washington to his brother, John Augustine Washington, dated 
 from Hackensack, Nov. 19,1776. 
 f Idem. 
 
 || “The conduct of the Jerseys has been most infamous. Instead of turning out 
 to defend their country and affording aid to our army, they are making their sub¬ 
 missions as fast as they can. If the Jerseys had given us any support, we might 
 have made a stand at Hackensack, and after that at Brunswick ; but the few militia 
 that were in arms disbanded themselves, and left the poor remains of an army to 
 make the best we could of it .”—Letter of Washington to Ids brother, John Augustine 
 Washington, Nov. IS, 1776. 
 
1776.] GENERAL PROGRESS OF THE WAR. 173 
 
 followed so closely by Lord Cornwallis, that the van of the 
 pursuers was often engaged with the rear of the pursued. 
 
 In addition to this succession of disasters, Sir Guy Carleton 
 had appeared upon Lake Champlain with a flotilla, superior to 
 that of the Americans under General Arnold, and which 
 seemed to have been called into existence as if by enchantment. 
 Two naval engagements followed, on the 11th and 13th of 
 October, contested with undaunted bravery,* but resulting in the 
 defeat of Arnold, the annihilation of his flotilla, and the pos¬ 
 session of the Lake and Crown Point by the foe. Early in 
 December Rhode Island also fell into his hands. The forces 
 of the Commander-in-chief at the same time numbered only 
 from two to three thousand men ; and scarcely a new recruit 
 supplied the places of those whose terms of service were expir 
 ing. And even those recruits that were furnished, were so 
 badly supplied with officers, as almost to extinguish the hope 
 of forming an army from which any efficient services were to 
 be expected, t 
 
 Worse than all, a spirit of disaffection was rife in the Slates 
 of New-York and New Jersey, which not only thwarted the 
 purposes of the Commander-in-chief, but threatened the most 
 lamentable consequences to the cause. Although there were 
 many stanch Whigs in Albany and its vicinity, there were 
 many vigilant loyalists in that region, who continued to keep in 
 correspondence with the enemy during nearly the whole contest. 
 In the Summer of this year, General Schuyler had detected a 
 dangerous plot in the neighborhood of Albany, and apprehended 
 some of the ringleaders. During the operations of the army 
 in the Autumn, in New-York and its neighborhood, it was only 
 with the utmost difficulty that large portions of the fluctuating 
 army could be kept in the line of duty, while other large por¬ 
 tions either went off in masses, or proved unfaithful while they 
 remained. The conduct of the militia at Fort Washington, 
 
 * Gen. Gates wrote to Col. Ten Eyck, from Ticonderoga, on the 13th of Octo¬ 
 ber—“ The engagement began on the 11th, and continues to this day. The enemy’s 
 fleet is much superior to ours, and we maintain a running fight. All our officers 
 behave with the greatest spirit.”— J\1S. letter in the author's possessicm. 
 
 f “ The different States, without regard to the qualifications of an officer, quar¬ 
 relling about the appointments, and nominating such as are not fit to be shoe-blacks, 
 from the local attachments of this or that member of Assembly .”—Letter from Wash¬ 
 ington to his brother, 1 9lh November, 1776. 
 
 O « 
 
174 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [177G. 
 
 has been noted. General Greene wrote on the 5th of Novem¬ 
 ber, that the New-York militia, under Colonel Hawkes Hay, 
 actually refused to do duty. They said General Howe had 
 promised them peace, liberty, and safety; and that was all they 
 wanted.* 
 
 These are but a few of the discouragements under which the 
 Commander-in-chief was laboring. To borrow his own ex¬ 
 pressive language in the private letter to his brother cited in 
 a preceding note, 11 You can form no idea of the perplexity of 
 “ my situation. No man, I believe, ever had a greater choice of 
 “ difficulties, and less means to extricate himself from them.” 
 Nevertheless, the last sun of that year did not sink behind so 
 deep a cloud of gloom as had been anticipated. In the north, 
 General Carleton, who had occupied Crown Point after the 
 defeat of Arnold’s flotilla, had returned to Canada without at¬ 
 tempting any thing farther ; and before the close of the year 
 the Commander-in-chief had the satisfaction to announce, that 
 instead of imitating the bad example of others, the Continental 
 regiments from the Eastern States had agreed to remain six 
 weeks beyond the term of their enlistment.! In addition to 
 which were the bold return of Washington upon Trenton, and 
 his brilliant victory over the Hessian forces at that place, on the 
 morning of the 26th of December. “ This well-judged and 
 “ successful enterprise revived the depressed spirits of the Colo- 
 “ nists, and produced an immediate and happy effect in re- 
 “ cruiting the American army.” + 
 
 * Sparks—Life and Cor. of Washington. 
 
 f Letter from Washington to the commander at Morristown, Dec. 30. 
 
 I Holmes’s Annals. 
 
CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Continuation of movements in New Jersey~-Extinguishment of the council-fire at 
 Onondaga—Tryon County—Colonel Harper’s mission to Oghkwaga—The Har¬ 
 per family—Adventure at the Johnstone settlement—Capture of Good Peter and 
 his party—Thayendanegea crosses from Canada to Oghkwaga—Interview with 
 the Rev. Mr. Johnstone—Doubtful course of Brant—Feverish situation of the 
 people—Expedition of General Herkimer to Unadilla—Remarkable meeting be¬ 
 tween Herkimer and Brant—Meditated act of treachery—Wariness of the 
 chief—Meeting abruptly terminated—Ended in a storm—Brant, draws off to Os¬ 
 wego—Grand council there—The Indians generally join the Royal standard— 
 Approach of Brant upon Cherry Valley—How defeated—Death of Lieutenant 
 Wormwood. 
 
 Having secured his prisoners on the Pennsylvania side of 
 the Delaware, General Washington established himself at 
 Trenton. But he was not long permitted its undisturbed pos¬ 
 session. Collecting his forces, Cornwallis advanced rapidly up¬ 
 on the capital of New Jersey, where he arrived on the 2d of Ja¬ 
 nuary. Some skirmishing ensued toward evening,butbotharmies 
 encamped for the night without coming to a general engagement 
 —being separated only by Assumpinck Creek—and apparently 
 both expecting a battle in the morning. The force of the en¬ 
 emy, however, was too great to render it safe for the American 
 Commander-in-chief to hazard an action. By an adroit and 
 masterly movement, therefore, leaving his fires burning, Gene¬ 
 ral Washington succeeded in getting away unperceived, and 
 throwing himself into the enemy’s rear. The battle and vic¬ 
 tory of Princeton followed, and the American army moved to 
 Morristown, while Cornwallis hastened back to New Bruns¬ 
 wick and thence to New-York—the different detachments of 
 British troops, which had been scattered through New Jersey, 
 being at all points discomfited. 
 
 Returning from this digression to the Indian relations of 
 New-York, there is one event to be noted, the character of 
 which cannot be explained. Among the manuscripts preserved 
 in the family of the hero of Oriskany,* is a speech from the 
 Oneida chiefs to Colonel Elmore, the officer who, at the com¬ 
 mencement of the present year, was in the command of Fort 
 Schuyler, announcing the final extinguishment of the great 
 
 ♦ Colonel, afterward General Herkimer. 
 
 27 
 
176 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1777. 
 
 council-fire of the Six Nations at Onondaga. As the central 
 nation of the confederacy, their general councils, time imme¬ 
 morial, had been holden at the Onondaga Castle, at which, in 
 their own figurative language, their council-fire was ever kept 
 burning. These councils assembled annually to discuss the 
 exterior relations, and all matters of national concernment. 
 They were composed of chiefs delegated from each member of 
 the federative republic, and sometimes numbered as many as 
 eighty sachems in the assembly.* By what means the event 
 had been accomplished—whether the calamity was the result 
 of pestilence or war—the speech of the Oneidas does not in¬ 
 form us ; although it announces the fall of a large number of 
 the Onondaga warriors, in connexion with the catastrophe. 
 Still, the transaction is veiled in darkness so thick as to baffle 
 investigation. The following is the speech 
 
 “ Fort Schuyler, Jan. 19th, 1777. 
 
 “ Speech of the Oneida Chiefs to Col. Elmore. 
 
 “ Brother : We are sent here by the Oneida chiefs, in con¬ 
 junction with the Onondagas. They arrived at our village 
 yesterday. They gave us the melancholy news that the grand 
 council-fire at Onondaga was extinguished. We have lost out 
 of their town by death ninety, among whom are three princi 
 pal sachems. We, the remaining part of the Onondagas, do now 
 inform our brethren that there is no longer a council-fire at 
 the capital of the Six Nations. However, we are determined 
 to use our feeble endeavors to support peace through the con¬ 
 federate nations. But let this be kept in mind, that the 
 council-fire is extinguished. It is of importance to our well¬ 
 being that this be immediately communicated to General 
 Schuyler, and likewise to our brothers the Mohawks. In order 
 to effect this, we deposite this belt with Tekeyanedonhotte, 
 Colonel Elmore, commander at Fort Schuyler, who is sent 
 here by General Schuyler to transact all matters relative to 
 
 * “ The national council took cognizance of war and peace, of the affairs of the 
 tributary nations, and of their negotiations with the French and English Colonies. 
 All their proceedings were conducted with great deliberation, and were distinguish¬ 
 ed for order, decorum, and solemnity. In eloquence, in dignity, and in all the 
 characteristics of profound policy, they surpassed an assembly of feudal barons, and 
 were perhaps not far inferior to the great Amphyctionic council of Greece .”—De 
 Witt Clinton. 
 
1777.] ONONDAGA COUNCIL-FIRE. 177 
 
 peace. We therefore request him to forward this intelligence 
 in the first place to General Herkimer, desiring him to commu¬ 
 nicate it to the Mohawk Castle near to him, and then to Major 
 Fonda, requesting him to immediately communicate it to the 
 Lower Castle of Mohawks. Let the belt then be forwarded to 
 General Schuyler, that he may know that our council-fire is 
 extinguished, andean no longer burn.”* 
 
 This singular document is worthy of preservation, not only 
 as the authentic, but as the only account of the occurrence re¬ 
 corded. It contains a mystery, however, which cannot now be 
 solved. Still, as no belligerent events are known to have been 
 enacted in the Onondaga country during that winter, the most 
 plausible conjecture would attribute the mortality indicated by 
 the speech to some pestilential disorder, which might have 
 swept over them, as with the Schoharie Canton eighteen 
 months before. 
 
 In the County of Tryon, which now demands our chief at¬ 
 tention, great uneasiness was again awakened among the inha¬ 
 bitants, toward the close of the winter, especially in the remoter 
 settlements south of the Mohawk, by the reported gathering of 
 the Indians at Oghkwaga. The fact that their numbers were 
 increasing at that point having been satisfactorily ascertained, 
 Colonel John Harper, of Harpersfield, was despatched thither 
 by the Provincial Congress of New-York to ascertain their in¬ 
 tentions. Taking every necessary measure of precaution to 
 guard against surprise, and to be ready for any emergency, by 
 having the officers of his militia regiment on the qui vive, 
 Colonel Harper departed upon his mission, accompanied only 
 by a single white man and one Indian. He arrived on the 27th 
 of February, and was well received by the Indians, who mani¬ 
 fested a perfectly friendly disposition toward himself, and also 
 toward the settlements. So far from exhibiting any belligerent 
 intentions, they expressed their sorrow for the troubles of the 
 country, and declared their determination to take no part in the 
 controversy. Satisfied as to the sincerity of their professions, 
 although subsequent events proved that they must have been 
 
 * Transcribed by the author from the original draught, as furnished to General 
 Herkimer by Colonel Elinore. 
 
178 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1777. 
 
 dissembling, Colonel Harper supplied the means of a festival, 
 and presented them with an ox, which was roasted for the oc¬ 
 casion.* 
 
 Colonel John Harper was one of four brothers—William, 
 John, Alexander, and Joseph Harper, who, with eighteen 
 others, planted themselves down upon a tract of country, in 
 17G8, which was subsequently named Harpersfield. After bis 
 return from this mission, he was for a time in command of one 
 of the little forts in Schoharie. On one occasion, in March or 
 April of this year, he took a circuit alone from Schoharie 
 through the woods to Harpersfield, and thence, when returning, 
 struck farther to the westward, toward the head waters of the 
 Susquehanna. While ascending a hill, he suddenly saw a 
 company of Indians approaching. As they had discovered 
 him, any attempt to fly would have been vain. They would 
 have shot him down. Having a great coat over his military 
 dress, he made no attempt to avoid a meeting, and in passing, 
 the Colonel and the Indians exchanged salutations. In one of 
 the Indians he recognized Peter, a Mohawk whom he had 
 formerly seen at Oghkwaga. They did not recognize him, 
 however ; but from his manner of speech supposed him to be 
 a loyalist, and under that impression communicated to him the 
 fact that their destination was to cut off i: the Johnstone settle¬ 
 ment,” a small Scotch Colony on the eastern shore of the Sus¬ 
 quehanna, near Unadilla, or Anaquaqua, as that place was 
 sometimes called. Having obtained this information, he 
 changed his course, and hurrying back to Harpersfield, collect¬ 
 ed fifteen resolute men, with whom he gave chase to the ma¬ 
 rauders. In addition to their arms, the Colonel caused each 
 man of his little band to provide himself with two days’ pro¬ 
 visions and a rope. In the course of the following night, in 
 descending the valley of the Charlotte river, they descried the 
 fire where the Indians were encamped. Halting for a while to 
 refresh and prepare for the contest, the Colonel and his men 
 now stole upon the foe with the utmost caution. It was al¬ 
 most day-light, and the Indians were in a profound slumber—• 
 their arms being stacked in the middle of their little encamp¬ 
 ment. These were carefully removed by Harper and his party, 
 
 * Annals of Tryon County, 
 
1777.] COLONEL HARPER—THE TORIES. 179 
 
 as a measure of precaution. The moment for action having 
 arrived, singling each his man, the cords were made ready, 
 and every Indian, ere he was well awake, found himself bound 
 and in the grasp of a foe. The sleeping Gulliver was not 
 more thoroughly secured by the vexatious net-work of the 
 Lilliputians. But Peter and his companions were not secured 
 by Lilliputian ties, and they had to deal with a different race of 
 men. When it became light in the morning, Peter discovered 
 his captor. “ Ugh !” he exclaimed—“ Colonel Harper !—Why 
 did I not know you yesterday V The gallant Colonel pro¬ 
 ceeded to Albany with his prisoners, and surrendered them to 
 the commanding officer of the station. It was a bold and well- 
 executed achievement—and all the better that it was bloodless. 
 
 Although, as we have seen, Colonel Harper had parted from 
 the Indians at Oghkwaga upon the most amicable terms, yet 
 indications of a different temper were soon afterward mani¬ 
 fested by this fickle people, of which the movement of Peter, 
 so opportunely discovered and intercepted, was the first out¬ 
 break. Thayendanegea, likewise, appeared among them in 
 the course of the Spring, having separated from Guy Johnson, 
 between whom and himself some difficulty had occurred. In¬ 
 telligence of the chieftain’s departure from Canada, and march 
 across the country to Oghkwaga with a large body of warriors, 
 was received by the Tryon County Committee early in May 
 from Fort Schuyler, and communicated to the Provincial Con¬ 
 gress bv its chairman, Isaac Paris. Not a little additional un- 
 easiness was also occasioned at the same time by the spirit 
 discernible among the Tories. Many of those loyalists, who 
 had taken their departure the preceding year with Sir John 
 Johnson, had, nevertheless, left their wives and children in the 
 remote settlements, with whom they were evidently in commu¬ 
 nication ; while scouting parties, both of Tories and Indians, 
 were hovering on the northern outskirts of the county.* 
 
 The presence of the crafty chieftain at Oghkwaga did not 
 improve the pacific disposition of the natives, as will appear in 
 the sequel; although Brant himself had not thus far committed 
 any act of hostility within the province of New-York. The 
 fact of his having borne a part in the battle of the Cedars seems, 
 moreover, not to have been known in the Mohawk Valley, since 
 
 • MS. documents in the office of the Secretary of State, Albany. 
 
LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 180 
 
 [1777. 
 
 they were yet uncertain whether it was his intention to raise 
 the hatchet in the contest or not. 
 
 But these uncertainties were not of long duration. In the 
 month of June, 1777, the chief of the Mohawks ascended the 
 Susquehanna from Oghkwaga to Unadilla,* attended by 
 seventy or eighty of his warriors, and requested an interview 
 with the Rev. Mr. Johnstone and the officers of the militia of 
 the neighborhood. He stated that the object of his visit was 
 to procure provisions, of which his people were greatly in want. 
 And such were their necessities, that if peaceable means would 
 not answer, the Indians must obtain them by force. 
 
 Advantage was taken of the interview to sound the chief as 
 to his future intentions—whether he was for peace or for war - , 
 and his answers were far less difficult of solution than the rid¬ 
 dle of the Sphynx. He complained of the ill-treatment which, 
 as he alleged, some of the Mohawks, who had remained be¬ 
 hind on the flight of the majority of the nation, had received 
 at the hands of the Whigs. The Mohawks, he said, were as 
 free as the air they breathed, and were determined to remain 
 so; and they could not brook it that any of their brethren 
 should be seized and imprisoned, as had been the case at the 
 Castle.t These, he demanded, should be set at liberty, and suf¬ 
 fered to remove from the country. In regard to the question 
 of peace or war, he said the Mohawks were always warriors— 
 that their agreement with the King was very strong, and they 
 were not such villains as to break their covenant. 
 
 The visit continued two days, during which time the Indians 
 were well supplied with provisions, and on their departure 
 permitted to take away some live cattle and sheep. The in¬ 
 habitants, however, scattered and few, and quite remote from 
 any considerable settlement, no longer feeling themselves safe 
 in their houses, sought protection in places of greater security— 
 principally in Cherry Valley, the place of their first location, 
 whence they had removed, a few years before, into the vale of 
 the Susquehanna. Some of the scattered settlers in the Una¬ 
 dilla region fled to the German Flatts, and others, probably, to 
 the older towns upon the Hudson. 
 
 * Tunadilla was the Indian name of this place, nor does the propriety of the al¬ 
 teration appear. 
 
 | Probably on suspicion of maintaining correspondence with the enemy. 
 
181 
 
 1777.] herkimer’s expedition to unadilla. 
 
 The Indian forces of Captain Brant continuing to increase 
 at Oghkwaga, and the anxiety of the people becoming greater 
 with every report from that quarter, General Herkimer* deter¬ 
 mined to repair thither, and obtain an interview. For this 
 purpose the General dispatched a messenger to that place, and 
 invited the chief to meet him at Unadilla—moving forward 
 himself at the same time, at the head of about three hundred of 
 the local militia, from the regiments of Colonels Cox, Klock, 
 and Isenlord, well armed and provided. The precise object of 
 the General, in seeking this interview with Brant, remains to 
 this day more a matter of conjecture than of certainty. The 
 few scattered fragments of Herkimer’s correspondence which 
 have fallen into the hands of the writer, show that it was no 
 sudden movement; but, on the contrary, that General Schuyler, 
 Colonel Yan Schaick, Colonel Harper, and others, were con¬ 
 sulted upon the subject. On the application of Herkimer, Co¬ 
 lonel Van Schaick was detached to his assistance on the 15th 
 of June, with one hundred and fifty men, with which force he 
 repaired to Cherry Valley, but could proceed no farther for 
 want of provisions. General Schuyler was also to repair 
 thither in person, in the event of his presence being deemed 
 necessary.! Ostensibly, the expedition was one of peace ; t but 
 the extent of the preparations, and the physical strength of the 
 expedition, imparted an equivocal character to the movement; 
 not more so, however, than was the conduct of Brant during 
 the whole Spring, since his proceedings were such as to keep 
 the minds of the people in a state of feverish excitement and 
 ceaseless uncertainty. Thus, on the 10th of June, Colonel 
 Harper wrote urgently to General Herkimer for a supply of 
 ammunition, in the expectation of an immediate hostile irrup¬ 
 tion of Brant into the Valley of the Schoharie Kill. On the 
 13th, the Cherry Valley Committee wrote to the General a still 
 
 * In the Autumn of 1776, three Brigadier-Generals, of the militia were commis¬ 
 sioned by the Provincial Congress of New-York, of whom Colonel Nicholas Her¬ 
 kimer was one. The Herkimer family was one of the first to settle at the German 
 Flatts, and the name is among those of the original patentees—not Herkimer, how¬ 
 ever, which is a corruption—but Ergemore, which was the true German name.— Let¬ 
 ter of L. Ford to the author. 
 
 f MS. letters of Colonels Yan Schaick, Tupper, and others, among Gen. Herki¬ 
 mer’s papers. 
 
 J Letter of L. Ford, Esq. to the author. 
 
182 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1777. 
 
 more alarming lettei. Brant, according to this statement, in 
 connexion with some of the loyalists of Unadilla, had marked 
 a path directly through the forest to iEsopus, by which route 
 the Tories of Ulster and Orange Counties were to join his forces 
 at Oghkwaga; at which place the chief had vaunted that 
 shortly he would not fear the approach of three thousand men.* 
 On the other hand, Major Fonda wrote, on the 19th of June, 
 that an embassy of chiefs and sachems of the Cayuga and 
 Seneca nations, having repaired to Oghkwaga to remonstrate 
 with Thayendanegea against farther hostilities, the latter had 
 determined to listen to their councils, and withdraw into the 
 Cayuga country. In pursuance of this policy, it was added, on 
 what was esteemed good authority, that the Mohawk chief had 
 released a prisoner with his own hands, telling the captors that 
 they had acted wrong.t 
 
 Such was the uncertain condition of things when the expe¬ 
 dition under consideration was commenced. Brant and Herki¬ 
 mer had been near neighbors and personal friends, before the 
 troubles came on,+ and it is possible the General still cherished 
 a belief that he might yet detach the dusky warrior from the 
 cause he had embraced, but nevertheless might not be disin¬ 
 clined to relinquish. Perhaps he designed nothing more than 
 to drive him from his equivocal position. Perhaps, also, should 
 opportunity be presented, it was his intention to seize his per¬ 
 son. But be these suppositions as they may, it will be seen 
 that there was at least one moment in which he contemplated 
 a more decisive course. 
 
 It was a full week after the arrival of General Herkimer at 
 Unadilla before Captain Brant made his appearance. He came 
 to the neighborhood of the General’s encampment, accompanied 
 by five hundred warriors. Having halted, he dispatched a 
 
 * MS. letter from Samuel Clyde to General Herkimer. 
 
 f MS. letter of Major Jelles Fonda, among the Herkimer papers. 
 
 1 The residence of General Herkimer was a short distance below the Little Falls 
 of the Mohawk, near the river. His mansion, built of brick, is yet standing. 
 Brant’s farm, on which he was residing when the Revolutionary storm arose, was 
 near the Upper Indian Castle, about three miles below the house of Herkimer. The 
 farm lies directly upon the river, and is now very valuable. I visited the place in 
 the Autumn of 1835. No other memorials of its last noble possessor remained than 
 the cellar of his house, and the apple-trees which stood before his door. These were 
 vigorous, and in full bearing.— Author. 
 
EXPEDITION TO UNADILLA. 
 
 183 
 
 1777.] 
 
 runner to General Herkimer, with a message, desiring to be 
 informed of the object of his visit. General Herkimer replied 
 that he had merely come to see and converse with his brother, 
 Captain Brant. The quick-witted messenger inquired if all 
 those men wished to talk to his chief too ? However, he said 
 to the General that he would carry his talk back to his chief, 
 but he charged him that he must not cross the field upon the 
 margin of which they were standing, and departed. But 
 an arrangement was soon made, through the agency of mes¬ 
 sengers, by which a meeting was effected. The scene exhi¬ 
 bited at this interview, as related by those who were present 
 at it, was novel and imposing. The hostile parties were now 
 encamped within the distance of two miles from each other. 
 About midway between their encampments, a temporary shed 
 was erected, sufficiently extensive to allow some two hundred 
 persons to be seated. By mutual stipulation their arms were 
 to be left in their respective encampments.* Soon after the 
 adjustment of the preliminaries and the completion of the fix¬ 
 tures above mentioned, the chief of the Mohawks himself ap¬ 
 peared in the edge of the distant forest, and approached the 
 place designated, already in the occupation of Herkimer, some¬ 
 what warily, accompanied by Captain Bull, (a Tory,) William 
 Johnson, (son of Sir William, by Brant’s sister Mary,) a subor¬ 
 dinate chief of the Mohawks, an Indian woman, and also by 
 about forty warriors. After some little parleying, a circle was 
 formed by General Herkimer, into which Brant and the Gene¬ 
 ral entered, together with the other Indian chief and two of 
 Herkimer’s officers. After the interchange of a few remarks, 
 the chieftain, keeping an eagle-eye upon his visitor, inquired 
 the reason of his being thus honored. General Herkimer re¬ 
 plied, as he had done to the avant-courier, that he had come to 
 see him on a friendly visit. “ And all these have come on a 
 friendly visit, too ?” replied the chief. “All want to seethe 
 poor Indians ; it is very kind,” he added, with a sarcastic curl 
 of the lip. General Herkimer expressed a desire to go forward 
 to the village, but the chief told him he was quite near enough, 
 and that he must not proceed any farther. 
 
 The General next endeavored to enter into a conversation 
 with the Mohawk touching the difficulties with England, in or- 
 
 * MS. statement of facts collected by L. Ford, Esq. 
 
 28 
 
184 LIFE OF BRANT. [1777. 
 
 der to ascertain his feelings and intentions. The conference now 
 became earnest and animated, although the chief at first gave 
 Herkimer evasive and oracular answers. To a question, how¬ 
 ever, put to him directly, he finally replied :—“ That the In- 
 “ dians were in concert with the King, as their fathers had 
 “ been : That the King’s belts were yet lodged with them, and 
 “ they could not violate their pledge : That General Herkimer 
 “ and his followers had joined the Boston people against their 
 “ sovereign : That although the Boston people were resolute, 
 “ yet the King would humble them : That General Schuyler 
 “ was very smart on the Indians at the treaty of German Flatts,* 
 “ but at the same time was not able to afford the smallest arti- 
 “ cle of clothing : And finally, that the Indians had formerly 
 <£ made war on the white people when they were all united ; 
 “ and as they were now divided, the Indians were not fright- 
 “ ened.”f 
 
 Colonel Cox, who was in the suite of General Herkimer, 
 then made a few remarks, the substance of which was, that if 
 such was the fixed determination of the Indians, nothing far¬ 
 ther need be said. But his manner, or some of the expressions 
 uttered by the Colonel, which have not been preserved, gave 
 offence to the chief. He was exceedingly irritated and by a 
 signal to the warriors attending him at a short distance, they 
 ran back to their encampment, and soon afterward appeared 
 again with their rifles, several of which were discharged, while 
 the shrill war-whoop rang through the forest. Meantime, 
 however, by explanations or otherwise, the chief was soothed 
 and his warriors were kept at a proper distance, although the 
 demand of General Herkimer for the surrender of sundry Tories 
 was peremptorily refused. The conference ended by an agree¬ 
 ment between the parties to meet again at 9 o’clock the fol¬ 
 lowing morning. General Herkimer and his forces, forbidden 
 to advance any farther, encamped as before.§ 
 
 The next morning General Herkimer called one of his most 
 trusty men aside, Joseph Waggoner by name, for the purpose 
 of communicating to him, in confidence, a matter of great 
 importance, respecting which the most profound secrecy was 
 
 * Adjourned to Albany. f Annals of Tryon County. 
 
 I Manuscript statement of Joseph Waggoner, in the author’s possession. 
 
 § Idem. 
 
ATTEMPT UPON HIS LIFE. 
 
 185 
 
 1777 .] 
 
 enjoined. He then informed Waggoner that he had selected 
 him and thre others to perform a high and important duty, re¬ 
 quiring promptness, courage, and decision. His design, the 
 General said, was to take the lives of Brant and his three at¬ 
 tendants, on the renewal of their visit that morning. For this 
 purpose he should rely upon Waggoner and his three associates, 
 on the arrival of the chief and his friends within the circle as 
 on the preceding day, each to select his man, and, at a concert¬ 
 ed signal, shoot them down upon the spot. There is something 
 so revolting—so rank and foul—in this project of meditated 
 treachery, that it is difficult to reconcile it with the known 
 character of General Herkimer. And yet it is given on the 
 written authority of Waggoner himself, whose character was 
 equally respectable. The patriotic veteran, in devising such a 
 scheme, had probably reasoned himself into the belief that the 
 intended victims were only Indians, and that in the emergency 
 of the country, it would be justifiable to do evil that good might 
 come. It was, however, a most reprehensible scheme—scarce¬ 
 ly less defensible than the murder, by Catharine de Medicis, of 
 some of the Huguenot chiefs, who were invited to Paris under 
 the guise of friendship, on the eve of the Bartholomew massa¬ 
 cre, and treacherously taken off by poison ; and equal in its 
 purposed atrocity, though upon a smaller scale, to the subse¬ 
 quent treachery of Ali Pacha of Egypt, in regard to the 
 Mamelukes, whom he caused to be decoyed into the strong-hold 
 of Cairo, and slaughtered. Indian that he was, there is no 
 known act of perfidy chargeable upon Brant; and he had met 
 Herkimer on his own invitation. A betrayal of his confidence, 
 under those circumstances, would have brought a stain upon 
 the character of the Provincials, which all the waters of the 
 Mohawk could not have washed away. 
 
 Fortunately, however, the design was not carried into exe¬ 
 cution. Whether the wary chieftain entertained any suspi¬ 
 cions of foul play, is not known. But, certain it is, that his 
 precaution and his bearing, when he arrived at Herkimer’s 
 quarters, were such as to frustrate the purpose. As he entered 
 the circle, attended as before, he drew himself up with dignity, 
 and addressed General Herkimer as follows:—“ I have five 
 “ hundred warriors with me, armed and ready for battle. You 
 “ are in my power; but as we have been friends and neigh- 
 
186 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 in. 
 
 “ bors, I will not take the advantage of yon.”* Saying which, 
 at a signal, a host of his armed warriors darted forth from the 
 contiguous forest, all painted and ready for the onslaught, as 
 the well-known war-whoop but too clearly proclaimed. The 
 chief continued the discourse by advising the General to go 
 back to his own home—thanked him for his civility in coming 
 thus far to see him, and told him that perhaps he might one 
 day return the compliment. Meantime, he said, he would go 
 back to his village, and for the present the General might rest 
 assured that no hostilities should be committed by the Indians. 
 He then requested that the Rev. Mr. Stuart, the English mis¬ 
 sionary at Fort Hunter, might be permitted to retire into Cana¬ 
 da, as also the wife of Colonel Butler. To these requests Ge¬ 
 neral Herkimer assented, although the latter was not complied 
 with. He then presented the Indians with ten or a dozen 
 heads of cattle, which they fell upon and slaughtered inconti¬ 
 nently.! Brant himself turned proudly away, and buried 
 himself in the forest; while General Herkimer struck his tents, 
 and retraced his steps to the valley of the Mohawk. 
 
 Thus terminated this most singular conference. “ It was 
 “ early in July, and the morning was remarkably clear and 
 “ beautiful. But the echo of the war-whoop had scarcely died 
 “ away, before the heavens became black, and a violent storm 
 “ obliged each party to seek the nearest shelter. Men less su- 
 “ perstitious than many of the unlettered yeomen, who, leaning 
 “ upon their arms, were witnesses of the events of this day, 
 11 could not fail in after-times to look back upon the tempest, if 
 u not as an omen, at least as an emblem of those bloody mas- 
 “ sacres with which these Indians and their associates afterward 
 “ visited the inhabitants of this unfortunate frontier.”! 
 
 This was the last conference held with the hostile Mohawks. 
 Their chief very soon afterward drew off his warriors from the 
 Susquehanna, and united them to the forces of Sir John John¬ 
 son and Colonel John Butler, who were concentrating the tories 
 and refugees at Oswego. It was at about the same period 
 that the officers of the British Indian department had sum¬ 
 moned a general council of the Six Nations, to be held at that 
 place ; and it is probable that Brant arrived at the post with his 
 
 * Waggoner’s manuscript. 
 
 t Idem. 
 
 J Annals of Tryon County. 
 
GREAT COUNCIL AT OSWEGO. 
 
 187 
 
 1777 .] 
 
 warriors for that occasion. According to Ramsay, the invita¬ 
 tions to this council were sent forth by Guy Johnson, the In¬ 
 dians being requested to assemble u to eat the flesh and drink 
 the blood of a Bostonian.” This language was understood 
 figuratively, however,—the roasting of an ox and a banquet be¬ 
 ing: intended. 
 
 The council having assembled,* the business was opened by 
 the British Commissioners, who informed the chiefs that their 
 object in calling the meeting was to engage their assistance in 
 subduing the rebel Colonies, the people of which had risen up 
 against the good King their master, and were about to rob him 
 of a great part of his wealth and possessions. As an induce¬ 
 ment to enter the service, they were promised an ample reward. 
 Tire chiefs in reply, or rather those of them who were averse 
 to joining in the war, informed the British officers of the treaty 
 of German Flatts and Albany, in which they had bound them¬ 
 selves to take no part in the contest, and the parties to that 
 compact repeated their determination to abide by the treaty, and 
 not take up the hatchet against their white neighbors. 
 
 The discussions were protracted, nor were the entreaties of 
 the Commissioners of any avail against the resolution of the 
 Indians to maintain their good faith, until they addressed their 
 avarice, “ by telling them that the people of the Colonies were 
 “ few in number, and would be easily subdued ; and that on 
 ££ account of their disobedience to the King, they justly merited 
 “ all the punishment that it was possible for white men and 
 “ Indians to inflict upon them. The King,” they said, “ was 
 “ rich and powerful, both in money and subjects. His rum 
 “ was as plenty as the water in Lake Ontario, and his men as 
 “ numerous as the sands upon its shore; and the Indians were 
 “ assured, that if they would assist in the war, and persevere 
 
 * The only account of this great Indian council, (farther than the mere statement 
 that such a council was held,) which the author has been able to discover, is that 
 given in the life of Mary Jemison, a white woman, who, being taken captive near 
 Pittsburgh in 1755, when a child, after her parents w r ere killed, was raised by the 
 Indians, and became in fact one of them, in every thing but her birth and complex¬ 
 ion. She married an Indian, and lived to a very advanced age, and died among 
 them. She was present at this council; and from the fact that the truth of other 
 portions of her interesting narrative is sustained by other authorities, her statement 
 may be received as substantially correct. The life of this remarkable woman, who 
 died but a few' years since, was published by James D. Bemis, of Canandaigua. 
 There will be several occasions of referring to it hereafter. 
 
188 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1777 . 
 
 “ in their friendship for the King until its close, they should 
 “never want for goods or money.”* Overcome by their per¬ 
 severing importunities, and by more direct and palpable appeals 
 to their senses, in a rich display of tawdry articles calculated 
 to please their fancies, the Indians proved recreant to their 
 plighted faith to the Colonies, and concluded a treaty of alliance 
 with Great Britain—binding themselves to take up the hatchet 
 against the rebels, and continue in his Majesty’s service until 
 they were subdued. 
 
 At the close of the treaty, each Indian was presented with a 
 suit of clothes, a brass kettle,f a gun, a tomahawk and scalping- 
 knife, a quantity of ammunition, a piece of gold, and the pro¬ 
 mise of a bounty upon every scalp they should bring in. 
 “ Thus richly clad and equipped, the Indians returned to their 
 “ respective homes, after an absence of about two weeks, full 
 “ of the fire of war, and anxious to encounter their (new-made) 
 “ enemies.” 
 
 From that day Thayendanegea was the acknowledged chief 
 of the Six Nations, and he soon became one of the master¬ 
 spirits of the motley forces employed by Great Britain in her 
 attempts to recover the Mohawk Valley, and to annoy the other 
 settlements of what then constituted the North-western frontier. 
 Whether in the conduct of a campaign or of a scouting-party, 
 in the pitched battle or the foray, this crafty and dauntless 
 chieftain was sure to be one of the most efficient, as he was 
 one of'the bravest, of those who were engaged. Combining 
 with the native hardihood and sagacity of his race the advan¬ 
 tages of education and of civilized life,—in acquiring which, he 
 had lost nothing of his activity or his power of endurance—he 
 became the most formidable border foe with whom the Provin¬ 
 cials had to contend, and his name was a terror to the land. 
 His movements were at once so secret and so rapid, that he 
 seemed almost to be clothed with the power of ubiquity. 
 
 The first of his hostile demonstrations within the Colony of 
 New-York is believed to have been made in the month of May 
 preceding the interview with General Herkimer; although 
 
 * Life of Mary Jemison, written in 1823. 
 
 f The brass kettles received at Oswego by the Senecas, (to which tribe Mary be- 
 lonsed,) on the occasion mentioned in the text, were yet in use in that nation, so late 
 as 1823. 
 
1777.] 
 
 AFFAIRS AT CHERRY VALLEY. 
 
 1S9 
 
 from the semi-pacific intercourse maintained with him lor seve¬ 
 ral weeks longer, the fact was not then certainly known. The 
 settlement of Cherry Valley was commenced in 1739 ; and in 
 consequence of some threatened Indian troubles, a detachment 
 of troops had been stationed there as early as 1763. But no 
 military works were erected, and the breaking out of the war 
 of the Revolution found the place defenceless. While Brant 
 was collecting his warriors at Oghkwaga, however, the inha¬ 
 bitants bethought themselves of the necessity of defences. But 
 not having the means to undertake the erection of any formid¬ 
 able work, the house of Colonel Samuel Campbell was selected 
 as the largest, strongest, and most eligibly situated for military 
 purposes. A rude embankment of logs and earth was thrown 
 up around this building, so extended in its dimensions as like¬ 
 wise to include two large barns. These buildings were all 
 strengthened, and provided with doors and window-shutters 
 bullet-proof. Small block-houses were also erected within 
 the enclosure ; and to this place, in moments of peril and alarm, 
 the inhabitants fled for protection. Martial law was proclaim¬ 
 ed, and no persons were allowed either to enter or leave the 
 settlement without permission. 
 
 Toward the close of May, and soon after these precautionary 
 measures had been executed, Brant conceived the idea of 
 making a descent upon the settlement, for the purpose of either 
 killing, or making captive, the principal inhabitants, especially 
 the vigilant members of the Committee. It has been stated in 
 a former page, that among the precautionary measures adopted 
 the preceding year, the exempts from military duty had orga¬ 
 nized themselves into a volunteer company. The martial fever 
 ol course descended from sire to son ; and as the population 
 had been considerably augmented by the arrival of distant set¬ 
 tlers for safety, a goodly number of boys were collected, who* 
 formed a corps of cadets, with no better armor than wooden 
 swords and guns. These juvenile soldiers happened to be 
 parading upon the esplanade in front of Colonel Campbell’s 
 house at the very hour, one bright sunny morning, when 
 Brant and his party of warriors, who had secretly arrived from 
 Oghkwaga, were reconnoitering the post under shelter of a 
 tangled^ thicket skirting the brow of a hill about a mile distant. 
 His vision being somewhat obstructed by the intercepting 
 
190 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1777. 
 
 shrubbery, the chief mistook the lads for bona fide soldiers. 
 Observing the semblance of a .fortification before described, 
 Captain Brant moved his party to a convenient lurking-place 
 near the road leading to the Mohawk river, and there lay in 
 ambush for the purpose of obtaining such information as might 
 chance to come in his way. A short distance from where the 
 chief lay ensconced behind a large rock, “ the road wound 
 “ along near the edge of a cliff, overhanging a rocky glen of 
 “ one hundred and fifty feet deep. This chasm was shaded by 
 “ evergreens, and the whole scene was shadowy and almost 
 “ dark, even at mid-day. The wildness of the place was in- 
 “ creased by the dashing of a mountain-torrent into the gloomy 
 “ abyss, called, by the Indians, the falls of Tekaharawa.”* 
 
 It chanced, that on the morning of that day, Lieutenant 
 Wormwood, a promising young officer from Palatine, of an 
 opulent family, had been despatched to Cherry Yalley, with in¬ 
 formation to the authorities that a detachment from Colonel 
 Klock’s regiment of militia was to march to their defence on 
 the following day. It was toward evening that Lieut. Worm¬ 
 wood started on his return to the Mohawk, accompanied by 
 the bearer of some despatches, named Peter Sitz. As he mounted 
 his horse in the village, he threw down his portmanteau, re¬ 
 marking that he needed not to take it, as he should return on 
 the next morning with his company. He was well-mounted, 
 and richly dressed “ in a suit of ash-colored velvet, which at¬ 
 tracted much attention during his stay;” and many persons 
 remained at the door, looking at the noble bearing of the young 
 patriot, until he disappeared behind the crest of the hill in the 
 direction of the Tekaharawa. Scarcely, however, had the 
 clattering of hoofs died away upon their ears, before a discharge 
 of musketry resounded from the glen—the startling report being 
 speedily followed by the soldier’s horse, returning at full speed, 
 the saddle crimsoned with blood. Suspicions of the most pain¬ 
 ful description at once flashed upon the minds of the people, 
 and a party was immediately despatched to investigate the cir¬ 
 cumstances. They returned without success that night, but 
 on the following morning the body of Wormwood was found 
 behind the rock heretofore described, scalped and lifeless. It 
 
 ♦ Annals of Tryon County. 
 
MURDER OF CORNSTOCIv. 
 
 191 
 
 1777.] 
 
 afterward appeared, that as Wormwood and Sitz approached 
 the rock, they were hailed, but instead of answering, they put 
 spurs to their horses and endeavored to pass. Being fired upon, 
 Lieutenant Wormwood fell wounded, as did the horse of Sitz. 
 The Indians rushed forth from their ambuscade, and Sitz was 
 made prisoner ; while the gallant officer was scalped by Brant’s 
 own hand. The chief is said to have lamented the death of 
 this young man. They were not only acquaintances, but 
 friends ; and he had been fired upon under the supposition that 
 he was an officer of the Continental army.* The despatches 
 carried by Sitz were double, and it was fortunate that he had 
 sufficient presence of mind to destroy the genuine, and deliver 
 the delusive papers to his savage captors. Deceived thereby 
 as to the real strength at Cherry Yalley, Brant retired without 
 committing any farther act of hostility. Colonel Klock arrived 
 at Cherry Yalley on the following morning, accompanied by 
 the afflicted father of the slaughtered officer, who was mourned 
 and wept by all who knew him. 
 
 Another coincident event, forming an appropriate conclusion 
 to the present chapter, was the tragic death of the great Shawa- 
 nese chief, Comstock , with his gallant son, Ellinipsico ; both of 
 whom will be remembered as among the brave Indian leaders 
 at the battle of the Kanhawa, the last action of the Cresap war, 
 in 1774 ; and both of whom were now as basely murdered by 
 white men, as were the family of Logan. The circumstances 
 attending this foul transaction were these :—Comstock, after the 
 defeat of his warriors at Point Pleasant, and his subsequent treaty 
 of peace with Lord Dunmore, had become sincerely and truly 
 the friend of the Colonies ; and while the Indians of the North¬ 
 west, generally, were preparing to take up arms with the English, 
 he exerted himself to the utmost to prevent his own nation from 
 any participation in the contest. But the influence of the Bri¬ 
 tish agents, and the example of the surrounding Indian nations, 
 were so powerful upon the minds of the Shawanese, that Corn- 
 stock perceived his pacific efforts were likely to prove futile. 
 Thus circumstanced, he repaired to the fort which had been 
 erected at Point Pleasant after the battle of the Kanhawa, to 
 lay the matter before the officer in command—Captain Ar- 
 
 4.nnals of Tryon County. 
 
 29 
 
192 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1777 
 
 buckle—and take his advice. He was accompanied on this 
 mission by a young Delaware chief named Redhawk , who had 
 also fought by his side in the Cresap war. Having made a full 
 developement of the state of Indian affairs in the North-west, 
 and frankly admitted that, from the causes already indicated, 
 he should be unable to prevent the Shawanese from taking up 
 the hatchet in the cause of the Crown, the commander of the 
 fort deemed it expedient to detain the old chief, with his Dela¬ 
 ware companion, as hostages for the good conduct of their 
 people. Nor did they remain unwillingly—little anticipating 
 the fate that awaited them—and giving all the information re¬ 
 specting the Indians and their country, that could be desired by 
 the Americans. 
 
 Uneasy at the protracted absence of his father, Ellinipsico, 
 his son, went in pursuit, and traced him to the fort, where they 
 had an affectionate meeting. Unfortunately, the day after the 
 arrival of the young warrior at Point Pleasant, two white men 
 having crossed the Kanhawa on a hunting expedition, were 
 fired upon by some straggling Indians, and one of them, whose 
 name was Gilmore, was killed. The other escaped. No sooner 
 was the event of Gilmore’s death known, than the cry of re¬ 
 venge was raised, and a party of ruffians assembled, under the 
 command of a Captain Hall—not to pursue and punish the 
 perpetrators of the murder—but to fall upon the friendly and 
 peaceable Indians in the fort. Arming themselves, and cocking 
 their rifles, they proceeded directly to the little garrison, menac¬ 
 ing death to any or all who should oppose their nefarious de¬ 
 signs. Some friend of the hostage-chiefs attempted to apprise 
 them in advance of the approaching danger; but the savage 
 mob were probably too close upon the heels of the messenger 
 to allow of their escape. At the sound of the clamor without, 
 Ellinipsico is said to have been somewhat agitated. Not so the 
 veteran Comstock. He had too often grappled with death on 
 the war-path to fear his approaches now. Perceiving the emo¬ 
 tion of his son, he calmly observed :—“ My son , the Great 
 “ Spirit has seen Jit that we should die together , and has se?it 
 “ you to that end. It is his will , and let us submit” The 
 infuriated mob had now gained the apartment of the victims ; 
 Comstock fell, perforated with seven bullets, and died without 
 a struggle. The son. after the exhortation of his father, met 
 
MURDER OP CORNSTOCK. 
 
 193 
 
 I '****** T 
 
 / / / . J 
 
 liis fate with composure, and was shot on the seat upon which 
 lie was sitting. Red-hawk, the young Delaware, died with 
 less fortitude. He hid himself away, but was discovered and 
 slain. Another friendly Indian, in the fort at the time, was 
 likewise killed, and his body mangled by the barbarians in a 
 manner that would have disgraced savages of any other com¬ 
 plexion. “ Thus,” says an Indian Chronicler,* “ perished the 
 “ mighty Comstock, sachem of the Shawanese, and king ot 
 “ the Northern confederacy, in 1774—a chief remarkable for 
 “ many great and good qualities. He was disposed to be at all 
 times the friend of white men, as he was ever the advocate 
 t: of honorable peace. But when his country’s wrongs sum- 
 “ moned him to the battle, he became the thunderbolt of war, 
 “ and made his enemies feel the weight of his arm. His noble 
 “ bearing, his generous and disinterested attachment to the 
 “ Colonies, his anxiety to preserve the frontier of Virginia from 
 “ desolation and death, all conspired to win for him the esteem 
 “ and respect of others ; while the untimely and perfidious man- 
 “ ner of his death caused a deep and lasting feeling of regret 
 “ to pervade the bosoms, even of those who were enemies to 
 “ his nation, and excited the just indignation of all toward his 
 u inhuman murderers.” 
 
 It argues a sad deficiency of military discipline, that such a 
 foul transaction could have occurred at any regularly establish¬ 
 ed post. The command of Arbuckle, however, must have 
 been small, inasmuch as he was not only opposed to the com¬ 
 mission of the outrage, but sallied forth, in company with ano- 
 other captain, named Stuart, for the purpose of intercepting the 
 ruffians, and preventing the execution of their purpose. But 
 all remonstrance was vain. The enraged assailants, pale, and 
 quivering with fury, presented their rifles to the breasts of those 
 officers, threatening them with instant death if they stood in 
 their way. It has been said that Comstock felt a presentiment 
 of his death on the morning of its occurrence. A council had 
 been summoned for the consideration of some business of im¬ 
 portance, connected, probably, with Indian affairs, since the old 
 chief bore a part in the deliberations. In the course of one of 
 his speeches delivered on that occasion, he said, with emphasis, 
 
 * Withers’s Indian Chronicles, as quoted by Drake. 
 
194 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1777. 
 
 to the council:—“ When I was young, every time I went to 
 “ war, I thought it likely that I might return no more ; but 
 “ I still lived ; I am now in your hands ; you may kill me if 
 u you choose. I can die but once, and it is alike to me whe- 
 11 ther I die now or at another time. v * 
 
 The Indian biography of our country supplies but few addi¬ 
 tional facts concerning the life of this brave and just man. He 
 had a son, known among the whites as The Wolf, whose name 
 was somewhat conspicuously associated with the earlier events 
 of the Revolution. The Wolf, with three others, was a hostage 
 at Williamsburgh, Yirginia, at the time of Lord Dunmore’s em¬ 
 barkation on board of the British fleet. After the escape of his 
 Lordship, he solicited and obtained an interview with The 
 Wolf and his associates on board of his ship ; during which he 
 explained to them the causes of his flight, and urged them to 
 flee also, as the only means of escaping the fury of the revolu¬ 
 tionists. Adopting this counsel, they took to the woods on re¬ 
 turning to the shore. The night following came on excessive¬ 
 ly dark. One of The Wolf’s companions separated from his 
 fellows, and was lost. The others soon afterward returned to 
 Williamsburgh, where they were well received by the inhabit- 
 tants. What farther befel The Wolf, or the house of Comstock, 
 is not known. 
 
 * Doddridge’s Indian Wars, pp. 233—240. 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 British preparations for the prosecution of the war—Indications at the North—Doubt¬ 
 ful position and conduct of General Howe—Embarrassing to the Americans—In¬ 
 tercepted correspondence—General Howe sails to the Chesapeake—Enters Phila¬ 
 delphia in triumph—Burgoyne approaches from the North—Indian policy—Sir 
 Gu v Carleton—False estimates of the strength of Ticonderoga—Burgoyne arrives 
 at Crown Point—Feasts the Indians—Invests Ticonderoga—Carries the out¬ 
 works—Fortifies Sugar Hill—The fortress evacuated by St. Clair—Retreat of the 
 Americans—Battles near Skenesborough and at Fort Ann—Burgoyne enters the 
 valley of the Hudson—Schuyler, without means, retreats from Fort Edward— 
 Terror of the people—Cruelties of the Indians—Story of Miss M'Crea—General 
 flight of the population—Mrs. Ann Eliza Bleecker—Heroism of Mrs. Schuyler— 
 Attempted assassination of General Schuyler. 
 
 Having failed in their efforts to extinguish the rebellion dur¬ 
 ing the preceding year, the government of the parent country 
 resolved to put forth still greater energies during the present. 
 For this purpose a powerful force was organized in Canada, 
 the command of which was transferred from Sir Guy Carle- 
 ton—the ablest British General, by the way, at that time or 
 subsequently in America—and conferred upon General Bur¬ 
 goyne—an officer, also, of unquestioned merit—whose spirit of 
 enterprise and thirst for military glory could not be exceeded. 
 It was the aim of this Northern army to open a communication 
 between Canada and New-York—thus cutting off New-Eng- 
 land, which the ministry justly considered the hot-bed of the 
 Revolution, from all communication with the Middle States; 
 while Sir William Howe, with an army of 16,000 men, was to 
 withdraw from New Jersey, and move round simultaneously 
 to the Chesapeake, and take possession of the Middle States ; 
 and thus, as it was hoped, compel the whole to return to their 
 allegiance. 
 
 Doubts, however, for several months hung over the intentions 
 of the enemy, whose designs were so skilfully veiled as for a 
 long time almost to paralyze the exertions of the Americans. 
 The retreat of Carleton from Lake Champlain, the preceding 
 Autumn, even after the lake was in his power and Crown 
 Point in his possession, suggested a doubt whether a serious 
 invasion was meditated from that quarter. On the contrary, 
 the impression was general that the expedition of Burgoyne 
 was destined against Boston; and that Sir William Howe, whose 
 
196 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1777. 
 
 movements in New Jersey were enigmatical to perplexity, was 
 to co-operate in an effort to re-subjugate New England. The 
 British government itself, as it is believed, contributed to the 
 distractions of Congress and the American commander, by 
 causing reports to be circulated that Boston was to be the next 
 point of attack. Arthur Lee, being then in Bordeaux, was 
 thus confidentially advised, and he lost no time in communi¬ 
 cating such supposed intention to the Secret Committee of 
 Congress, who in turn gave the like information to the Com¬ 
 mander-in-chief, and also to the Legislature of Massachusetts. 
 The consequence of these distractions was unfortunate for 
 the Americans. Less attention was paid to preparations for 
 the defence of the North than otherwise would have been o-iven ; 
 while Massachusetts, apprehending that all her strength would 
 be required for her own defence, set about raising troops for 
 her own protection, at the expense of the main army, from 
 which its quota of recruits was withheld.* 
 
 Before the close of June, however, the designs of the enemy 
 in regard to the North became obvious. A person from Cana¬ 
 da, arrested as a spy, and brought before General Schuyler, 
 stated on his examination, “ that the British forces were ap- 
 “ proaching St. Johns, and were to advance through Lake 
 “ Champlain under General Burgoyne ; and also that adetach- 
 “ ment of British troops, Canadians and Indians, was to pene- 
 “ trate the country by the way of Oswego and the Valley of the 
 “ Mohawk. He added many particulars, respecting the strength 
 “ and arrangements of the British army, which turned out in 
 “ the end to be nearly accurate, but of which no intelligence 
 “ had before been obtained, or by many anticipated.” t 
 
 The movements of General Howe were still equivocal, even 
 after Burgoyne had commenced his descent upon the North— 
 thus adding to the embarrassments of Washington. And in 
 order the more certainly to mislead the American commander 
 as to his real intentions, General Howe wrote a feigned des- 
 
 o 
 
 patch to Burgoyne, on the subject of ascending the Hudson to 
 join him, the bearer of which fell purposely into the hands of 
 the Americans, while pretending to be on his way to Canada. 
 Unable, therefore, to determine whether such might not be his 
 
 * Letters of Washington, during the months of May, June, and July, 1777. 
 
 { Sparks—Note in Life and Cor. of Washington, vol. iv. 
 
MANOEUVRES OF GENERAL HOWE. 
 
 197 
 
 1777.] 
 
 design, (although the intercepted despatch was regarded with 
 strong suspicion,) or whether, on the other hand, it might not 
 be the purpose of Howe to pass round to the Chesapeake and 
 thence strike at Philadelphia, the American General was com¬ 
 pelled to remain inactively watching his motions, strengthening, 
 in the mean time, to the utmost of his power, his positions in 
 the highlands—without being able to detach any large number 
 of troops to the assistance of General Schuyler, then command¬ 
 ing the Northern Department. And even after General Howe 
 had embarked his troops and dropped down to Sandy Hook—• 
 having evacuated New Jersey on the 30th of June*—Washing¬ 
 ton was still in doubt whether it might not yet be his intention 
 to return with the tide, and pass up the river in the night.f 
 Such, however, was no part of the plan of the British com¬ 
 mander. His destination, on leaving the harbor of New-York, 
 was the Chesapeake and Philadelphia ; and the latter branch 
 of the campaign indicated in the opening of the present chapter, 
 was so far successful, that after a series of victories over the 
 forces of General Washington, commencing at Brandywine 
 and ending at Germantown, General Howe took possession of, 
 and established himself in, the capital of Pennsylvania. 
 
 * It is a pleasing evidence of the sound religious views of Washington, that he 
 was a firm believer in the immediate interpositions of Providence in directing and 
 controlling the affairs of men. His letters abound in passages that might be cited, 
 showing his quickness to discern the finger of Providence, and his readiness to make 
 the acknowledgment. Thus, in regard to the departure from New Jersey by Gene¬ 
 ral Howe, he says:—“ The evacuation of Jersey at this time seems to be a peculiar 
 mark of Providence, as the inhabitants have an opportunity of securing their har¬ 
 vests of hay and grain, the latter of which would in all probability have undergone 
 the same fate with many farm-houses, had it been ripe enough to take fire.”— Letter 
 of Washington to Maj. Gen. Armstrong , July 4, 1777. 
 
 f “If we were certain Gen. Burgoyne were approaching Ticonderoga with his 
 whole army, I should not hesitate a moment in concluding that it is in consequence 
 of a preconcerted plan with Gen. Howe, and that the latter is to co-operate with him 
 by pushing his whole force up the North River, and aiming a stroke in the first in¬ 
 stance and immediately at the Highlands.”— Letter of Washington to the President of 
 Congress, Jidy 2. Again, in several successive letters, after the embarkation of 
 General Howe’s army from Staten Island, Washington spoke of the perplexity in 
 which he was kept by the shifting manoeuvres of the fleet. On the 22d of July he 
 wrote—“ I cannot give you any certain account of General Howe’s operations. His 
 conduct is puzzling and embarrassing beyond measure; so are the informations which 
 I get. At one time the ships are standing up toward the North River ; in a little 
 while they are going up the Sound ; and in one hour after, they are going out of the 
 Hook.”— Letter to General Schuyler, The fleet actually sailed for the Capes of Vir¬ 
 ginia on the 23d of July. 
 
198 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1777. 
 
 But a far different fortune attended the arms of Burgoyne. 
 The regular troops of his command, English and German, 
 amounted to above seven thousand men, added to which were 
 large numbers of American and Canadian loyalists, together 
 with many hundred Indians ; a species of force, which, it has 
 been held by British historians, Sir Guy Carleton was reluctant 
 to employ, while General Burgoyne, it has been alleged, enter¬ 
 tained no such scruples. It has ever been claimed as a virtue 
 on the part of Carleton, and carried to the credit of his hu¬ 
 manity, that, rather than employ the Indians, he submitted to 
 the injustice of having the command of this expedition, pro¬ 
 perly belonging to him, conferred upon an officer who was not 
 entitled to lead the enterprise. It is perhaps true, from his 
 more intimate knowledge of the Indian character, that he had 
 formed such an estimate of their services as to render him 
 somewhat less sanguine than others as to their value. His ex¬ 
 perience could not but have taught him the extent of their 
 inutility in war, the capriciousness of their character, their in¬ 
 tractableness and inconstancy. He must have known that 
 their ideas of war were totally different from those of civilized 
 nations; by reason of which, notwithstanding their ferocity, 
 and the incredible examples of passive valor which they some¬ 
 times afford in cases adapted to their own opinions, they were 
 nevertheless utterly regardless of, and looked with contempt 
 upon, those belligerent usages which are considered as honora¬ 
 ble, generous, and fair in the modern service of civilized men. 
 He could not have been ignorant of the fact, that the object 
 and design of most of the wars in which the Indians enframe, 
 are not so much to conquer by manly and open battle, as to 
 murder and destroy after their own peculiar fashion. In one 
 word, that accomplished officer very well knew the services of 
 the Indians to be uncertain; their rapacity to be insatiable ; 
 their faith at all times doubtful; and their action cruel to bar¬ 
 barity. Still, as we have already shown beyond contradiction, 
 he was among the first to court the alliance and obtain the ser¬ 
 vices of Brant and his Mohawks, on their descent to Montreal 
 in 1775. The commendations, therefore, that have been be¬ 
 stowed upon Sir Guy Carleton upon this subject, at the expense 
 of Burgoyne, were as undeserved by the one as unjust toward 
 the other. True, the march of Burgoyne was tracked with 
 
CARLETON AND BURGOYNE. 
 
 199 
 
 in.] 
 
 blood, which a high-souled officer should scorn in such man¬ 
 ner to shed ;* but the footsteps of Carleton might have been 
 equally sanguine had the command been entrusted to him. 
 
 Never, probably, at the time, had there been an army of 
 equal numbers better appointed than that of Burgoyne. The 
 train of brass artillery, in particular, was perhaps the finest that 
 had ever been allotted to an army not far exceeding the present 
 in numerical strength, and for a time victory seemed to perch 
 upon his ensigns. 
 
 General Carleton, it will be remembered, had made himself 
 master of Lake Champlain, and the fortifications at Crown 
 Point the Autumn before. The first object for attack present¬ 
 ing itself to General Burgoyne, therefore, was Ticonderoga— 
 situated in the mountain gap through which the waters of 
 Lake George fall into Lake Champlain. This fortress was 
 then in command of General St. Clair, and was supposed by 
 the Americans to be a post of great security. The principal 
 fortress, the ruins of which are yet standing in frowning and 
 rugged strength, was situated on an angle of land which is sur¬ 
 rounded on three sides by water filled with rocks. A great part 
 of the south side was covered by a deep morass ; and where 
 that failed, in the north-west quarter, the old French lines 
 served as a defence. These lines had been strengthened by 
 additional works and a block-house. The Americans had 
 other defences and block-houses in the direction of Lake George, 
 together with two new block-houses and some other works to 
 the right of the French lines. Still greater pains had been 
 taken in fortifying the high circular hill on the eastern shore 
 of the inlet opposite, known as Mount Independence. On the 
 summit of this mountain, which is table-land, the Americans 
 had erected a star-fort, enclosing a large square of barracks, 
 well fortified, and supplied with artillery. The foot of the 
 mountain, on the west side projecting into the water, was 
 strongly entrenched to its edge, and the entrenchment lined 
 
 * It is but just to this gallant but unfortunate officer, however, to state, that he 
 did all in his power to restrain the excesses and barbarities of the Indians. At the 
 council and war-feast, which he gave them near Crown Point, he endeavored to ex¬ 
 plain to them the laws of civilized war; and charged them that they must only kill 
 those opposing them in arms ; that old men, women, children, and prisoners, must 
 be held sacred from the knife or hatchet, even in the heat of battle. But it did no 
 good. 
 
 30 
 
200 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1777. 
 
 with heavy artillery. These lower works were sustained and 
 covered by a battery, about half-way up the side of the moun¬ 
 tain, and were connected by a bridge across the inlet, which had 
 been constructed at great labor and expense.* These, and 
 other works of defence, had been judged sufficient to render 
 the post secure. The Commander-in-chief himself, although 
 indeed the works had not fallen under his own inspection, had 
 formed a very erroneous opinion of their strength, or perhaps, 
 to speak more correctly, of the natural advantages of the posi¬ 
 tion, and of the defensibility of the works, f Such, in fact, was 
 his confidence in the post, that the idea of its loss seems from 
 his correspondence scarce to have entered his mind. 
 
 But in all their labors, the American engineers had overlooked 
 the high peak, or mountain, called Sugar Hill, situated south 
 of the bridge, on the point of land at the confluence of the 
 waters of Lakes George and Champlain. Originally it had 
 been supposed, and taken for granted, that the crest of Sugar 
 Hill was not only inaccessible, but too distant to be of any 
 avail in covering the main fortress. This opinion was an er¬ 
 ror, to which the attention of the officers had been called the 
 preceding year by Colonel John Trumbull, then Adjutant- 
 General for the Northern Department. When Colonel Trum¬ 
 bull made the suggestion, he was laughed at by the mess; but 
 he soon proved the greater accuracy of his own vision, by 
 throwing a cannon shot to the summit; and subsequently 
 clambered up to the top, accompanied by Colonels Wayne and 
 Arnold.t It was a criminal neglect, on the part of the Ameri¬ 
 cans, that the oversight was not at once corrected, by the con¬ 
 struction of a work upon that point, which would have com¬ 
 manded the whole post. 
 
 + London Universal Magazine, April, 17S2. 
 
 f “lam pleased to find, by your letter to Congress, that a strong supply of pro¬ 
 visions has been thrown into Ticonderoga. Since that is the case, I see no reason 
 for apprehending that it can possibly fall into the hands of the enemy in a short time, 
 even were they to bring their whole force to a point; but if they have divided it to 
 make the different attacks that you mention, General St. Clair will, in all probability, 
 have an opportunity of acting on the defensive; and should he not be quite success¬ 
 ful, he may damage them so considerably, that they will not be able to attack him in 
 his works; to which, I dare say, he will always secure a retreat in case of accident.”— 
 Letter of Washington to General Schuyler, July 2, 1777. 
 
 J Conversations of the author with Colonel John Trumbull, and also his unpub¬ 
 lished memoirs, to which the author has had access. 
 
WORKS AT TICONDEROGA. 
 
 201 
 
 1777.] 
 
 General Burgoyne arrived at Crown Point on the 21st of 
 June ; and after meeting and feasting the Indians, and attempt¬ 
 ing to instruct them in the rules and principles of civilized war, 
 and making other necessary preparations—not forgetting to send 
 forth a manifesto which he supposed would spread terror 
 through the Northern Colonies—he advanced with great cau¬ 
 tion to the investment of Ticonderoga, where he arrived on the 
 2d of July. Most unaccountably, the Americans immediately 
 abandoned all their works in the direction of Lake George—set¬ 
 ting fire to the block-houses and saw-mills ; and without sally 
 or other interruption, permitted the enemy, under Major Gene¬ 
 ral Phillips, to take possession of the very advantageous post 
 of Mount Hope, which, besides commanding their lines in a 
 dangerous degree, totally cut off their communication with 
 Lake George. The only excuse for such an early abandon¬ 
 ment of this important point, was found in the fact that General 
 St. Clair had not force enough to man all his defences. 
 
 One of the first objects that attracted the attention of the 
 British commander, was the unoccupied point of Sugar Hill. It 
 was forthwith examined, and its advantages were found to be so 
 great, that immediate dispositions were made for its occupation. 
 A winding road was cut to its summit, a battery commenced, 
 and cannon to serve it transported thither. Under these cir¬ 
 cumstances, finding himself invested on all sides, and batteries 
 ready to be opened upon him not only from around, but above, 
 and having, moreover, not half troops enough to man his works— 
 St. Clair hastily convened a council of war on the 5th of July, 
 and an evacuation was unanimously decided upon as the only 
 alternative for the emergency.* 
 
 * “The evacuation of Ticonderoga and Mount Independence is an event of 
 chagrin and surprise, not apprehended nor within the compass of my reasoning. I 
 know not upon what principle it was founded, and I should suppose it still more 
 difficult to be accounted for, if the garrison amounted to five thousand men, in high 
 spirits, healthy, well supplied with provisions and ammunition, and the Eastern mi¬ 
 litia marching to their succor, as you mentioned in your letter of the 9th to the 
 Council of Safety of New-York .”—Letter of Washington to General Schuyler, July 
 15, 1777. The truth, however, is, that the actual force and condition of St. Clair’s 
 army had been universally over-estimated—as well by the officers at a distance as 
 by the public. The eyes of the nation were turned upon that post; and when the 
 news of the retreat went abroad, the disappointment was extreme; and the loud 
 voice of complaint and censure, against the unfortunate General, was reiterated from 
 one end of the continent to the other. But, notwithstanding the “chagrin’’and 
 
202 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1777. 
 
 Following up such a promising advantage, the British com¬ 
 mander pushed forward upon the retiring army, with such a 
 degree of vigor that the retreat became almost a rout. The 
 Americans, however, made a stand between Skenesborough and 
 Fort Anne in a well-contested battle ; but after much hard 
 fighting, were again compelled to retreat. Another engagement 
 ensued at Fort Anne, with a like result; and the victorious 
 Briton entered the valley of the Hudson, and took possession of 
 Fort Edward, which, weak and unprovided, had likewise been 
 evacuated on his approach by General Schuyler. 
 
 These movements by the British commander had been made 
 with equal vigor and celerity; and such was the confusion of 
 the Americans in their flight, that no advices of the disaster 
 were forwarded by express to General Schuyler, to prepare him 
 for the approach of the victors. Indeed, that officer was suf¬ 
 fered to remain several days without intelligence from St. Clair 
 of any description, excepting some vague flying rumors of the 
 evacuation.* During this suspense, General Schuyler wrote to 
 the Commander-in-chief upon the subject, who, in turn, ex¬ 
 pressed his amazement at the mystery which seemed to hang 
 over the affairs of the fortress. At one moment Washington 
 was led to believe that St. Clair and the whole garrison had 
 been made prisoners, and at another that the rumor of the 
 evacuation was wholly untrue ; and that the silence, for which 
 it baffled conjecture to account, arose from the circumstance 
 that the Americans were shut up in their works.t But this 
 doubt did not continue long. Notwithstanding that the advance 
 of the enemy was repulsed at Fort Anne, Colonel Long, who 
 was in command of that post, immediately evacuated it, con¬ 
 trary to the express orders of General Schuyler; and Schuyler 
 
 “surprise,” so keenly felt by the Commander-in-chief at the loss of this important 
 post, his strong sense of justice interposed to shield the unfortunate commander 
 from condemnation unheard. He wrote to General Schuyler on the 13th of July, 
 that General St. Clair owed it to himself to insist upon an opportunity of giving his 
 reasons for evacuating Ticonderoga, but he at the same time said—“I will not con¬ 
 demn, or even pass censure upon, an officer unheard.” Time, however, proved that 
 he had acted the part of a judicious, and skilful officer; but the excitement of the 
 moment was so great, caused by chagrin on the one hand and alarm on the other, 
 that all eyes were blind, and all ears deaf, to the true reasons of the case, and even to 
 the palliating circumstances.”— Sparks's Life of Gouverneur Morris. 
 
 * Letter from General Schuyler to General Washington, July 9, 1777. 
 
 | Letter from General Washington in reply. 
 
1777.1 VICTORIOUS ADVANCE OF BURGOYNE. 203 
 
 himself, at the head of only fifteen hundred men at Fort Ed¬ 
 ward, “ without provision, with little ammunition, not above 
 “ five rounds to a man, having neither balls, nor lead to make 
 “ any—and the country in the deepest consternation,”* was 
 obliged also to fall back in the direction of Albany. The blow 
 was a severe one ; but the Commander-in-chief possessed a 
 soul equal to every crisis. No undue elevation of spirit fol¬ 
 lowed his successes ; neither did the clouds of adverse fortune, 
 so frequently darkening the prospect of the American arms, 
 sink him into despondency.t Indeed, each succeeding calami¬ 
 ty was but another test of his moral greatness, for he rose above 
 them all. 
 
 Nothing, however, could exceed the terror which these 
 events diffused among the inhabitants, not only of Northern 
 New-York, but of the New England States. The consterna¬ 
 tion was, moreover, increased by the reported murders and the 
 cruelties of the savages—since all the efforts of General Burgoyne 
 to dissuade them from the perpetration of their cruel enormities 
 were ineffectual. Restrain them he could not; and it was ad¬ 
 mitted by the British writers of that day, that the friends of the 
 Royal cause, as well as its enemies, were equally victims to 
 their indiscriminate rage. It was even ascertained that the 
 British officers were deceived by their treacherous allies, into 
 the purchase of the scalps of their own comrades. 
 
 Among other instances of cruelty, the well-known murder of 
 Miss Jane M ; Crea, which happened in the early part of the 
 campaign, filled the public mind with horror. Every circum¬ 
 stance of this unnatural and bloody transaction—around which 
 there lingers a melancholy interest to this day—served to 
 heighten alike its interest and its enormity. Many have been 
 the versions of this bloody tale. General Gates, who had 
 at this juncture been most unjustly directed to supersede Gene- 
 
 * Letter of Schuyler to Washington. 
 
 f “This stroke is severe indeed, and has distressed us much. But, notwithstand¬ 
 ing things at present have a dark and gloomy aspect, I hope a spirited opposition 
 will check the progress of General Burgoyne’s army, and that the confidence de¬ 
 rived from his success, will hurry him into measures that will, in their consequences, 
 be favorable to us. We should never despair. Our situation has before been un¬ 
 promising, and has changed for the better; so, I trust, it will again. If new diffi¬ 
 culties arise, we must only put forth new exertions, and proportion our efforts to the 
 exigency of the times .”—Letter of Washington to General Schuyler, July 15, 1777. 
 
204 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 r 1 
 
 [1 in. 
 
 ral Schuyler in the command of the Northern Department, 
 assailed General Burgoyne in the newspapers with great viru¬ 
 lence upon the subject of these outrages. After charging the 
 British commander with encouraging the murder of prisoners, 
 and the massacre of women and children, by paying the In¬ 
 dians a stipulated price for scalps, Gates, in a letter addressed 
 to General Bnrgoyne, thus spoke of the case now specially un¬ 
 der consideration :—“ Miss M‘Crea, a young lady, lovely to the 
 “ sight, of virtuous character and amiable disposition, engaged 
 “ to an officer of your army, was, with other women and chil- 
 “ dren, taken out of a house near Fort Edward, carried into the 
 “ woods, and there scalped and mangled in the most horrid 
 u manner. Two parents, with their six children, were treated 
 “ with the same inhumanity, while quietly resting in their own 
 “ happy and peaceful dwelling. The miserable fate of Miss 
 “ M'Crea was particularly aggravated, by being dressed to re- 
 “ ceive her promised husband; but met her murderer, employed 
 “ by you. Upward of one hundred men, women, and children, 
 “ have perished by the hands of the ruffians to whom, it is as- 
 “ serted, you have paid the price of blood.” 
 
 General Burgoyne replied, and repelled with indignation the 
 charge of encouraging, in any respect, the outrages of the In 
 dians. He asserted that from the first he had refused to pay 
 for scalps, and had so informed the Indians at their council. 
 The only rewards he gave them were for prisoners brought in, 
 and by the adoption of this course he hoped to encourage a 
 more humane mode of warfare on their part. In this letter 
 Burgoyne said :—“ I would not be conscious of the acts you 
 “ presume to impute to me, for the whole continent of America, 
 “ though the wealth of worlds was in its bowels and a paradise 
 “ upon its surface.”* In regard to the hapless fate of Miss 
 M £ Crea, General Burgoyne remarked :— <£ Her fall wanted not 
 “ the tragic display you have labored to give it, to make it as 
 “ sincerely abhorred and lamented by me as it can be by the 
 
 * While these pages are passing through the press, the author has fallen upon a 
 letter written from Montreal, and published in the Remembrancer for 1777, in which 
 it was stated that a party of the Indians had returned to Montreal in a high state of 
 dissatisfaction, because of the severity of Burgoyne’s discipline toward them, and 
 his refusal to tolerate their mode of warfare, or pay them their accustomed bounty 
 for scalps. It was further stated that they waited upon Sir Guy Carleton with their 
 complaints—liking their old “Father” much better than their new. 
 
1777.] 
 
 STORY OF MISS M ( CREA. 
 
 205 
 
 “ tenderest of her friends. The act was no premeditated bar- 
 c: barity. On the contrary, two chiefs, who had brought her off 
 “ for the purpose of security, not of violence to her person, 
 “ disputed which should be her guard, and in a fit of savage 
 “ passion in one, from whose hands she was snatched, the un- 
 “ happy woman became the victim. Upon the first intelligence 
 “ of this event, I obliged the Indians to deliver the murderer 
 “ into my hands; and though to have punished him by our 
 “ laws, or principles of justice, would have been perhaps un- 
 “ precedented, he certainly should have suffered an ignominious 
 u death, had I not been convinced, from my circumstances and 
 “ observations, beyond the possibility of a doubt, that a pardon 
 “ under the terms which I presented and they accepted, would 
 u be more efficacious than an execution, to prevent similar 
 “ mischiefs. The above instance excepted, your intelligence 
 “ respecting the cruelty of the Indians, is false.”* 
 
 The British commander doubtless labored to make the best 
 of his case, and in respect to Miss M‘Crea, his statement was 
 much nearer to the truth than that of General Gates. The 
 actual circumstances of the case, stripped of its romance, were 
 these :—Miss M‘Crea belonged to a family of loyalists, and had 
 engaged her hand in marriage to a young refugee named 
 Jones, a subordinate officer in the British service, who was ad¬ 
 vancing with Burgoyne. Anxious to possess himself of his 
 bride, he despatched a small party of Indians to bring her to 
 the British camp. Her family and friends were strongly op¬ 
 posed to her going with such an escort; but her affection over¬ 
 came her prudence, and she determined upon the hazardous 
 adventure. She set forward with her dusky attendants on 
 horseback. The family resided at the village of Fort Edward, 
 from whence they had not proceeded more than half a mile 
 before her conductors stopped to drink at a spring. Meantime 
 the impatient lover, who deserved not her embrace for confiding 
 her protection to such hands, instead of going himself, had des¬ 
 patched a second party of Indians upon the same errand. The 
 Indians met at the spring; and before the march was resumed, 
 they were attacked by a party of the Provincials. At the close 
 of the skirmish the body of Miss M £ Crea was found among the 
 slain—tomahawked, scalped, and tied to a pine tree, yet stand- 
 
 * Vide Marshall’s Life of Washington, Vol. I. Appendix. 
 
206 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [L777. 
 
 ing by the side of the spring, as a monument of the bloody trans¬ 
 action. The name of the young lady is inscribed on the tree, 
 the trunk of which is thickly scarred with the bullets it received 
 in the skirmish. It also bears the date 1777. “ Tradition re- 
 
 “ ports that the Indians divided the scalp, and that each party 
 “ carried half of it to the agonized lover.”* The ascertained 
 cause of her murder was this. The promised reward for bring¬ 
 ing her in safety to her betrothed, was a barrel of rum. The 
 chiefs of the two parties sent for her by Mr. Jones, quarrelled 
 respecting the anticipated compensation. Each claimed it ; 
 and, in a moment of passion, to end the controversy, one of them 
 struck her down with his hatchet. 
 
 The tale was sufficiently painful according to the simple 
 facts of the case, and its recital produced a thrill of horror 
 wherever it came—enlarged and embellished, as it was sure to 
 be in its progress, by every writer who could add to the elo¬ 
 quence of the narrative or the pathos of its catastrophe. 
 
 As the invader advanced, the inhabitants fled in the wildest 
 consternation. The horrors of war, however mitigated by the 
 laws and usages of civilization, are at all times sufficiently 
 terrific; but when to these the fierce cruelties of a cloud of 
 savages are superadded, those only who have been familiar with 
 an American border warfare can form an adequate opinion 
 of its atrocities. Among the fugitives driven from their 
 peaceful abodes on the present occasion, was Mrs. Ann Eliza 
 Bleecker, a lady who has been somewhat celebrated as one 
 of the early poets of our country. She was the daughter of 
 Mr. Brandt Schuyler of the city of New-York, and the wife 
 of John J. Bleecker, Esq., of New Rochelle, whose enterprise, 
 together with his lady’s love for the wild scenery of the forest, 
 had induced him to exchange a residence among the busy 
 haunts of men for a solitary plantation in the vale of the Tom- 
 hanic—a mountain stream flowing into the Hoosic river, about 
 twenty miles from Albany. Mr. Bleecker’s residence lay di¬ 
 rectly in the march of Burgoyne, on whose approach he 
 hastened to Albany to provide accommodations for his family. 
 But a few hours after his departure, Mrs. Bleecker, as she sat at 
 
 * Silliman’s Tour from Hartford toduebec. Vide, also, Marshall, Gordon, and 
 others. 
 
1777.] MRS. BLEECKER-MRS. SCHUYLER. 207 
 
 table, received intelligence that the enemy, with tomahawk and 
 brand, was within two miles of her residence. Instant flight 
 was the only alternative. Taking one of her children in her 
 arms, and seizing the other by the hand, she started off on foot, 
 attended only by a young mulatto girl, and leaving her house 
 and all its contents a prey to the Indians. The roads were en¬ 
 cumbered by carriages, loaded with women and children, each 
 intent upon his or her own safety ; so that no assistance could be 
 obtained, and her only recourse was to mingle in the fugitive 
 throng, and participate in the common panic and common dis¬ 
 tress. Having travelled about five miles on foot, however, she 
 succeeded in obtaining a seat for the children in a waggon, 
 which served to facilitate her march. On the following 
 morning she was met by her husband, who conducted her to 
 Albany, and from thence down the Hudson as far as Red Hook, 
 one of her children dying by the way.* 
 
 Amid this scene of desolation and affright, there was yet 
 one woman whose proud spirit was undaunted. It was the 
 lady of General Schuyler. The General’s country-seat was 
 upon his estate in Saratoga, standing upon the margin of the 
 river. On the approach of Burgoyne, Mrs. Schuyler went up 
 to Saratoga, in order to remove their furniture. Her carriage 
 was attended by only a single armed man on horseback. When 
 within two miles of her house, she encountered a crowd of 
 panic-stricken people, who recited to her the tragic fate of Miss 
 M‘Crea, and representing to her the danger of proceeding 
 farther in the face of the enemy, urged her to return. She had 
 yet to pass through a dense forest, within which even then 
 some of the savage troops might be lurking for prey. But to 
 these prudential councils she would not listen, “ The Gene¬ 
 ral’s wife,” she exclaimed, “ must not be afraid !” And pushing 
 forward, she accomplished her purpose.t 
 
 Before the mansion was evacuated, however, the General 
 
 * The facts of this incident in the life of Mrs. Bleecker are taken from Kettell’s 
 biographical sketches of American poets. The memoirs of Mrs. B. together with 
 her poems, were published many years ago, but I have sought in vain among the li¬ 
 braries and the Bleeckers to obtain a copy.— Author. 
 
 f I have derived this incident, and also that respecting the General, which fol¬ 
 lows in the text, from Mrs. James Cochran of Oswego, who was the youngest 
 daughter of General Schuyler.— Author. 
 
 31 
 
208 LIFE OF BRANT. [ 1777 . 
 
 himself had a narrow escape from assassination by the hand of 
 a savage, who had insinuated himself into the house for that 
 purpose. It was at the hour of bed-time, in the evening, and 
 while the General was preparing to retire for the night, that a 
 female servant, in coming in from the hall, saw a gleam of light 
 reflected from the blade of a knife, in the hand of some person 
 whose dark outline she discerned behind the door. The ser¬ 
 vant was a black slave, who had sufficient presence of mind 
 not to appear to have made the discovery. Passing directly 
 through the door into the apartment where the General was 
 yet standing near the fire-place, with an air of unconcern she 
 pretended to arrange such articles as were disposed upon the 
 mantel-piece, while in an-undertone she informed her master of 
 her discovery, and said, aloud, u I will call the guard.” The 
 General instantly seized his arms, while the faithful servant hur¬ 
 ried out by another door into a long hall, upon the floor of which 
 lay a loose board which creaked beneath the tread. By the noise 
 she made in trampling rapidly upon the board, the Indian—for 
 such he proved—was led to suppose that the Philistines were 
 upon him in numbers, sprang from his concealment and fled. 
 He was pursued, however, by the guard and a few friendly In¬ 
 dians attached to the person of General Schuyler, overtaken, and 
 made prisoner. Exasperated at his treachery, the friendly In¬ 
 dians were resolved to put him to death, and it was with much 
 difficulty that they were diverted from their purpose by the Ge¬ 
 neral. 
 
 The effect of the incidents we have been detailing, and other 
 recitals of savage cruelties, not all, as General Burgoyne re¬ 
 presented, without foundation, was extensive and powerful. The 
 cry of vengeance was universal; and a spirit was aroused 
 which proved of speedy and great advantage to the American 
 arms. 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 Expedition against the Mohawk Valley from Oswego—Despondency of the people 
 in Tryon County—Letter of John Jay—Arrest of several of the disaffected— 
 Flight of others to Canada—Schuyler’s complaints of the cowardice of the people 
 —Great discouragements—Proclamation of General Herkimer—Letter from 
 Thomas Spencer—St. Leger’s approach—Caution and plan of his march—Diary 
 of Lieut. Bird—Fort Stan wix invested—Colonel Gansevoort takes command—Its 
 deplorable condition—Gansevoort joined by Willett—Story of Captain Gregg— 
 Situation of the garrison—Arrival of St. Leger—His proclamation—Burgoyne’s 
 affairs becoming critical— Affair of Bennington—General Herkimer, with the 
 Tryon County militia, advances to the relief of Gansevoort—Battle of Oriskany— 
 Bloody upon both sides—Unexampled bravery of Captain Gardenier—Major 
 Watts—Dissatisfaction of the Indians—Sortie and success of Colonel Willett— 
 Death and character of General Herkimer. 
 
 Contemporaneously with the descent of Burgoyne upon 
 Northern New-York, Colonel Barry St. Leger had been des¬ 
 patched from Montreal, by the way of the St. Lawrence and 
 Lake Ontario, to Oswego, there to form a junction with the In¬ 
 dians and loyalists under Sir John Johnson and Captain Brant. 
 From Oswego, St. Leger was to penetrate by the way of Oneida 
 Lake and Wood Creek to the Mohawk river, with a view of 
 forming a junction from that direction with Burgoyne, on his 
 arrival in Albany. The alarm everywhere felt on the approach 
 of Burgoyne from the North, was greatly increased in Tryon 
 County, on receiving intelligence of the contemplated invasion 
 by the Indians and loyalists from the West. The news of this 
 movement was first brought to the inhabitants by an Oneida 
 half-breed sachem named Thomas Spencer, who came there¬ 
 with direct from Canada, whither he had gone as a secret 
 emissary to obtain information. Spencer stated that he had 
 been present at a council held at the Indian castle of Cassassen- 
 ny, at which Colonel Claus presided.* According to Thomas’s 
 relation, Colonel Claus strongly urged the Indians to join in 
 the expedition into the Mohawk Valley by the Western ap¬ 
 proach ; boasting of the strength of the army under Burgoyne, 
 which had gone against Ticonderoga, and the number of In¬ 
 dians with them, and before whom he assured them Ticonde¬ 
 roga would fall. “ Yes,” said Colonel Claus, “ Ticonderoga is 
 
 * Colonel Daniel Claus, a brother-in-law of Sir John Johnson, had either supersed¬ 
 ed Guy Johnson as Indian Superintendent in Canada, or been appointed a Deputy, 
 
212 
 
 LTFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1 
 
 / / /, 
 
 contain paragraphs for the public. We are silent because we 
 have nothing to say ; and the people suspect the worst because 
 we say nothing. Their curiosity must be constantly gratified, 
 or they will be uneasy. Indeed, I do not wonder at their im¬ 
 patience, the late Northern events having been such as to have 
 occasioned alarm and suspicion. I have not leisure to add 
 any thing more, than that I am, very sincerely, yours, &c. 
 
 “ John Jay.” 
 
 As early as the 10th of April, Colonel Robert Van Rensselaer 
 wrote to a friend, that the Chairman of the County Committee 
 had applied to him for the assistance of his militia, to quell an 
 insurrection of the loyalists in Ballston ; but such was the con¬ 
 dition of his own regiment, that he was obliged to decline the 
 request. The spirit of disaffection had become so prevalent 
 among his men, that numbers of them had taken the oath of 
 secrecy and allegiance to Great Britain. However, he added 
 that seventeen of the villains had been arrested by the vigilance 
 of the officers, and were then in confinement; and a hope was 
 indulged of being able to detect the whole.* Early in the fol¬ 
 lowing month the residue of the Roman Catholic Scotch set¬ 
 tlers in the neighborhood of Johnstown ran off to Canada, to¬ 
 gether with some of the loyalist Germans—all headed by two 
 men named McDonald, who had been permitted by General 
 Schuyler to visit their families. The fact that the wives and 
 
 so great an obstacle to the success of their arms. A narrow sectional prejudice ex¬ 
 isted against him in New England. The failure of the Canadian campaign had 
 been most wrongfully attributed to him in 1776, and with equal injustice the fall 
 of Ticonderoga was now charged to his remissness by his own countrymen. The 
 enemy were not slow to avail themselves of these prejudices and groundless impu¬ 
 tations, and through the agency of the Tories, the most artful and insidious means 
 were employed to destroy the public confidence in his integrity and capacity. The 
 flame of suspicion was fanned by them until it became general, and was openly 
 avowed. Committees, towns, and districts, assembled, and passed resolves express¬ 
 ing their distrust in him, and both Congress and the Provincial Legislature of New- 
 York were addressed upon the subject. General Schuyler, than whom there was 
 not a truer patriot, nor a more earnest or active in the public service, was well 
 aware of these movements. To a Committee of the Provincial Congress, who had 
 formally communicated the charges to him, he returned an answer worthy of a brave 
 and magnanimous soldier. The character of this answer will be understood from 
 this single sentence :—“We must bear with the caprice, jealousy, and envy of our 
 misguided friends, and pity thpm.” 
 
 * MS. documents in the Department of State, Albany. 
 
1777.] FALTERING IN TRYON COUNTY. 213 
 
 families of the absconding loyalists were holding communica¬ 
 tion with them, and administering to their subsistence on the out¬ 
 skirts of the settlements, had suggested their arrest, and removal 
 to a place of safety, to the number of four hundred—a measure 
 that was approved by General Herkimer and his officers.* 
 Alarming reports of various descriptions were continually in 
 circulation, and the inhabitants were harassed beyond mea¬ 
 sure by the necessity of performing frequent tours of military 
 duty—acting as scouts and reconnoitring parties; and stand¬ 
 ing, some of them, as sentinels around their fields, while others 
 did the labor. No neighborhood felt secure, and all were ap¬ 
 prehensive that the whole country would be ravaged by the 
 Indians ; while parties of the disaffected were continually steal¬ 
 ing away to augment the ranks of the enemy. Thus circum¬ 
 stanced, and at the very moment when they were called upon to 
 reinforce Fort Schuyler, the Committees both of Palatine and 
 Schoharie, feeling that they were not strong enough even for 
 self-defence, were calling upon the Council of Safety at Albany 
 to send additional forces for their protection. Mr. Paris wrote 
 repeatedly upon the subject. The Schoharie Committee, on the 
 17th of July, wrote very frankly, that “ the late advantages 
 “ gained by the enemy had such an effect, that many who had 
 “ been counted as friends of the State were drawing back. 
 “ Our situation,” he added, “is deplorable—excepting those 
 “ who have sought protection from the enemy. We are en- 
 “ tirely open to the Indians and Tories, whom we expect every 
 “ hour to come upon us. Part of our militia are at Fort Ed- 
 “ ward ; and of the few that are here, many are unwilling to 
 “take up arms to defend themselves, as they are unable to 
 “ stand against so many enemies. Therefore if your honors 
 “ do not grant us immediate relief to the amount of about five 
 “ hundred men, we must either fall a prey to the enemy, or take 
 “protection also.”t On the 18th of July, General Schuyler 
 wrote to the Hon. Pierre Van Courtlandt, from Saratoga, and 
 again on the 21st from Fort Edward, to the same effect. “ I am 
 “ exceedingly chagrined,” he says, “ at the pusillanimous spirit 
 “ which prevails in the County of Tryon. I apprehend much 
 “ of it is to be attributed to the infidelity of the leading persons 
 
 * MS. documents in the Department of State, Albany—Letter of Isaac Paris. 
 
 f MS. correspondence of the Provincial Congress—Secretary’s office, Albany. 
 
214 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1777. 
 
 “ of that quarter.” “ If I had one thousand regular troops, in ad¬ 
 dition to those now above and on the march, I should ven- 
 “ ture to keep only every third man of the militia, and would 
 11 send them down.” “ The substance of Colonel Harper’s in¬ 
 formation had been transmitted about a month ago.' In con- 
 “ sequence whereof, I sent Colonel Van Schaick into Tryon 
 “ County with as many troops as I could collect. After the 
 “ improper agreement made by General Herkimer,* these troops 
 “ were marched back; but as soon as I was informed of the 
 11 march, I ordered them to remain in Tryon County, where 
 “ they are still, and I have sent up Colonel Wesson’s regiment 
 “ to reinforce them. But if I may be allowed to judge of the 
 “ temper of General Herkimer and the Committee of Tryon 
 “ County, from their letters to me, nothing will satisfy them un- 
 “ less I march the whole army into that quarter. With defer- 
 “ ence to the better judgment of the Council of Safety, I cannot 
 “ by any means think it prudent to bring on an open rupture 
 “ with the savages at the present time. The inhabitants of 
 “ Tryon County are already too much inclined to lay down their 
 “ arms, and take whatever terms the enemy may please to af- 
 “ ford them. Half the militia from this (Tryon) County, 
 “ and the neighboring State of Massachusetts, we have been 
 “ under the necesity of dismissing ; but the whole should go.” 
 “I enclose you the proceedings of a council of General officers, 
 “held at this place on the 20th instant. You will perceive 
 “ that we have been driven to the necessity of allowing some 
 “ of the militia to return to their plantations. The remainder 
 “ have promised to remain three weeks longer—that is to say, 
 “ unless they choose to return sooner, which will doubtless be 
 “ the case, and for which they have many reasons.” t 
 
 The complaints of General Schuyler were not without just 
 foundation, as the reader has already seen. Indeed, both regu¬ 
 lars and militia in Tryon County, seemed for the moment to 
 have lost all the high qualities of soldiers or citizens. Of two 
 hundred militiamen ordered to muster and join the garrison of 
 Fort Schuyler, only a part obeyed ; while two companies of 
 regular troops, receiving the like orders, entered upon the ser¬ 
 vice with great reluctance, and not without urging various ex- 
 
 * Probably referring to the interview between Herkimer and Brant at Unadilla. 
 
 t MS. Cor. Council of Safety—Secretary’s office, Albany. 
 
1777 .] Herkimer’s proclamation. 215 
 
 cuses—complaining that service in scouting parties had unfitted 
 them for garrison duty.* Under - circumstances of such dis¬ 
 couragement, it was a time of peculiar trial to the officers and 
 Committees of Safety. Tryon County had early espoused the 
 cause of freedom, and apparently with greater unanimity than 
 any other county in the State ; and the extensive defection, or 
 criminal apathy, which we have just been contemplating, was 
 altogether unexpected. But a crisis was approaching, which 
 necessity soon obliged them to meet. Accordingly, on the 17th 
 of July, General Herkimer issued a patriotic proclamation to 
 the inhabitants of the county, announcing the gathering of 
 the enemy at Oswego, “ Christians and Savages,” to the num¬ 
 ber of two thousand strong, with the intention of invading the 
 frontier, and calling upon the people en masse, to be ready at a 
 moment’s warning to repair to the field, with arms and accou¬ 
 trements, on the approach of the enemy. Those in health, from 
 16 to 60 years of age, were designated for actual service; while 
 those above 60 years of age, or invalids, were directed to arm 
 for the defence of the women and children at whatever place 
 they might be gathered in for safety. Concerning the disaffected, 
 and those who might refuse to obey the orders, it was directed 
 in the proclamation that they should be arrested, their arms se¬ 
 cured, and themselves placed under guard to join the main 
 body. All the members of the Committee, and all those who, 
 by reason of having formerly held commissions, had become ex¬ 
 empts from service, were invited to repair to the rendezvous, 
 and aid in repulsing the foe : ££ not doubting that the Almighty 
 ££ Power, upon our humble prayers, and sincere trust in Him, 
 ££ will then graciously succour our arms in battle for our just 
 ££ cause, and victory cannot fail on our side.” 
 
 The Oneida Indians, who were sincerely disposed to favor 
 the cause of the United States, but who, pursuant to the hu¬ 
 mane policy of Congress and the advice of General Schuyler, 
 had determined to preserve their neutrality, beheld the ap¬ 
 proaching invasion from Oswego with no small degree of ap¬ 
 prehension. The course they had marked out for themselves, 
 as they were well aware, was viewed with displeasure by their 
 Mohawk brethren, while the other members of their confedera- 
 
 * Annals of Tryon County. 
 
 32 
 
216 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1777 . 
 
 c.y were obviously inclined to side with their “ Uncle.”* Liv¬ 
 ing, moreover, in the immediate neighborhood of Fort Schuy¬ 
 ler, where St. Leger’s first blow must be struck, they were not 
 a little troubled in the prospect of what might happen to them¬ 
 selves. The watchful Thomas Spencer, therefore, despatched 
 the following letter to the Committee on the 29th of July, 
 which was received on the 30th :— 
 
 “ At a meeting of the chiefs, they tell me that there is but 
 four days remaining of the time set for the king’s troops to 
 come to Fort Schuyler, and they think it likely they will be 
 here sooner. 
 
 “ The chiefs desire the commanding officers at Fort Schuy¬ 
 ler not to make a Ticonderoga of it; but they hope you will be 
 courageous. 
 
 “ They desire General Schuyler may have this with speed, 
 and send a good army here; there is nothing to do at New- 
 York ; we think there is men to be spared—we expect the road 
 is stopped to the inhabitants by a party through the woods; 
 we shall be surrounded as soon as they come. This may be 
 our last advice, as these soldiers are part of those that are to 
 hold a treaty. Send this to the Committee—as soon as they 
 receive it, let the militia rise up and come to Fort Schuyler. 
 
 “ To-morrow we are a-going to the Three Rivers t to the 
 treaty. We expect to meet the warriors, and when we come 
 there and declare we are for peace, we expect to be used with 
 indifference and sent away. 
 
 “ Let all the troops that come to Fort Schuyler take care on 
 their march, as there is a party of Indians to stop the road be¬ 
 low the fort, about 80 or 100. We hear they are to bring their 
 cannon up Fish Creek. We hear there is 1000 going to meet 
 the enemy. We advise not—the army is too large for so few 
 men to defend the Fort—we send a belt of 8 rows to confirm the 
 truth of what we say. 
 
 “ It looks likely to me the troops are near—hope all friends 
 to liberty, and that love their families, will not be backward, 
 but exert themselves ; as one resolute blow would secure the 
 
 * In the Six Nations, the Mohawks—the head tribe—were called “Uncle.” The 
 Oneidas were “ the elder brother,” &c. 
 
 f The junction of the Oneida, Seneca, and Oswego rivers—not “ Three Rivers’' 
 in Canada. 
 
THE ENEMY AT OSWEGO. 
 
 217 
 
 1777 .] 
 
 friendship of the Six Nations, and almost free this part of the 
 country from the incursions of the enemy.”* 
 
 The certainty that the invaders were thus approaching, the 
 earnestness of the appeals of the Committee to the patriotism of 
 the people, the influence of the proclamation of the German 
 General, who was a much better man than officer, save only in 
 the single attribute of courage ; and, above all, the positive 
 existence of a common danger from which there was no es- 
 cape ; were circumstances, together, not without their effect. 
 And although the eleventh hour had arrived, yet the militia, 
 and all unon whom the call to arms had been made, now began 
 to move with a degree of alacrity and an exhibition of spirit 
 that went far to atone for the unpatriotic, if not craven, symp¬ 
 toms already noticed. 
 
 Meantime, having completed his organization at Oswego, 
 General St. Leger commenced his march upon Fort Schuyler, 
 moving by the route already indicated, though with great cir¬ 
 cumspection. The name of this place of rendezvous has al¬ 
 ready recurred more than once, or twice, in the preceding 
 pages. Its position was important, and it had been a place of 
 renown in the earlier wars of the Colony. The river bearing 
 the same name, which here pours Northwardly into Lake On¬ 
 tario, is the outlet both of the Oneida and Seneca rivers, through 
 which, and their tributary streams, it is connected with the 
 chain of small lakes bearing the names of Oneida, Cazenovia, 
 Skaneateles, Owasco, Cayuga, Seneca, and Canandaigua. Its 
 estuary, of course, forms the natural opening into the rich 
 district of country surrounding those lakes, which, down 
 to the period of the present history, contained the principal 
 towns of four of the Five Nations of Indians. During the 
 wars between the French and Five Nations, Oswego was re¬ 
 peatedly occupied by the armies of the former. It was here 
 that Count Frontenac landed, on his invasion of the Onondaga 
 country in 1692, at which time, or subsequently, a considera¬ 
 ble military work was erected on the western side of the river. 
 During the war with France, which was closed in America by 
 the conquest of Canada, it was in the occupancy of the Provin- 
 
 * MS. letter among the papers of General Gansevoort. Thomas Spencer was a 
 blacksmith, who had resided among the Cavugas, and was greatly beloved by the 
 Indians .—Letter from General Schuyler to Colonel Dayton—G msevoorl papers. 
 
218 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1777 
 
 cials and English. The expedition destined to descend the 
 St. Lawrence upon Montreal, was assembled at this point in 
 L759, after the fall of Niagara, under General Shirley and Sir 
 William Johnson. The army was encamped here several 
 weeks, and finally broke up without attempting its main object 
 —owing, as Sir William Johnson intimates in his private 
 diary, to a want of energy on the part of Shirley. After the 
 fall of Quebec and Montreal into the hands of the English, a 
 battalion of the 55th regiment was stationed at Oswego, under 
 Major Duncan, a brother of the naval hero of Camperdown. 
 A new and far more formidable work was constructed upon the 
 Eastern or North-eastern promontory, formed by the embouchure 
 of the river into the lake. The new position was far better 
 chosen for a fortress than the old ; and, ultimately, before the 
 Britons were dispossessed of it by the Americans, it became a 
 work of somewhat formidable strength and dimensions. The 
 situation is one of the most beautiful that can be imagined ; 
 and during the two or three years in which Major Duncan was 
 in command, by the cultivation of a large garden, the laying 
 out and improving of a bowling-green and other pleasure- 
 grounds, it was rendered a little paradise in the wilderness.* 
 
 All told, the army of St. Leger consisted of seventeen hun¬ 
 dred men—Indians included. These latter were led by Thay- 
 endanegea. The order of their march, as beautifully drawn 
 and colored, was subsequently taken, with the escritoire of the 
 commanding General, and will be found on the subsequent 
 page, accurately copied and engraved. The advance of the 
 main body, it will be seen, was formed of Indians, marching in 
 five Indian columns ; that is, in single files, at large distances 
 from each other, and four hundred and sixty paces in front of the 
 line. From these columns of Indians, files were stretched at a 
 distance of ten paces from each other, forming a line of com¬ 
 munication with the advanced guard of the line, which was 
 one hundred paces in front of the column. The right and left 
 flanks were covered by Indians at one hundred paces, forming 
 likewise lines of communication with the main body. The 
 King’s regiment moved from the left by Indian file, while the 
 34th moved in the same order from the right. The rear-guard 
 
 * See Mrs. Grant’s delightful book—“ Memoirs of an American Lady,” chap¬ 
 ters xliv. to xlvii. inclusive. 
 
219 
 
 ST. leger’s order of march. 
 
220 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1777 . 
 
 was formed of regular troops; while the advance guard, com 
 posed of sixty marksmen, detached from Sir John Johnson’s 
 regiment of Royal Greens, was led by Sir John’s brother-in-law, 
 Captain Watts. Each corps was likewise directed to have ten 
 chosen marksmen in different parts of its line, in case of at¬ 
 tack, to be pushed forward to any given point as circumstances 
 might require.* 
 
 From these extraordinary precautions, it may well be inferred 
 that General St. Leger, who probably acted much under the 
 advice of Sir John Johnson and the refugee Provincials, who 
 must have been best acquainted with the country and the cha¬ 
 racter of the enemy they were going to encounter, was not a 
 little apprehensive of an attack by surprise while on his march. 
 
 In addition to the arrangements already indicated, a detach¬ 
 ment from the 8th regiment, with a few Indians, was sent a 
 day or more in advance, under the command of Lieutenant 
 Bird. This officer pushed forward with spirit, but was some¬ 
 what annoyed by the insubordination and independent action 
 of his allies. The following extracts from his private diary t 
 will not only disclose his own embarrassments, but illustrate 
 the character of Indian warriors acting in concert with regular 
 troops :— 
 
 “ Tuesday , 28 th July , 1777.—After going two miles, and no 
 savages coming up, waited two hours for them. Sixteen Sene¬ 
 cas arriving, proceeded to the Three Rivers +—waited there 
 two hours—seventy or eighty Messesaugues coming up, I pro¬ 
 posed moving forward. They had stolen two oxen from the 
 drove of the army, and would not advance, but stayed to feast. 
 I advanced without Indians seven miles farther—in all nine¬ 
 teen miles. Posted four sentinels all night from a sergeant’s 
 guard of twelve men—relieved every hour—visited every half 
 hour. All fires put out at 9 o’clock. 
 
 “ Wednesday —Set off next morning at six, having waited 
 for the savages till that time, though none arrived. Ordered 
 the boats to keep seventy rods behind each other—half the men 
 keeping their arms in their hands, while the other half rowed. 
 Ordered, on any of the boats being fired upon, that the men 
 
 * MS. directions found among the captured papers of St. Leger. 
 
 | MS. Diary of Lt. Henry Bird, captured from Gen. St. Leger by Col. Gansevocrt. 
 
 | The junction of the Oneida, Seneca, and Oswego rivers. 
 
DIARY OF LIEUT. BIRD. 
 
 221 
 
 1777 .] 
 
 should jump ashore. The rest to support them with all expe¬ 
 dition. Rowed all night. Encamped at Nine Mile Point. 
 
 “ Thursday , July 30.—With twenty-seven Senecas and 
 nine Messesaugues joined Mr. Hair’s party.* Many savages be¬ 
 ing with us, proceeded to Wood Creek, a march of fifteen 
 miles. * * ******* 
 
 “ Friday .—The savages hinted an intention to send parties 
 to Fort Stanwix, but to proceed in a body no farther. I called 
 a council of the chiefs—told them I had orders to approach 
 near the fort—that if they would accompany me, 1 should be 
 content; but if they would not go, I should take the white peo¬ 
 ple under my command, and proceed myself. The Messesau¬ 
 gues said they would go with me. The Senecas said I had 
 promised to be advised by their chiefs—that it was their way 
 to proceed with caution. I answered, that I meant only as to 
 fighting in the bush, but that I had communicated my inten¬ 
 tions to them in the former camp, of preventing them [the 
 Americans meaning] from stopping the creek,t and investing 
 their fort. But since I had promised to be advised by them, 
 I would take it so far as to wait till next morning—and would 
 then certainly march by daybreak. After some counselling, 
 they seemed pleased with what I had said, and said they would 
 send out large scouts to prepare the way. Accordingly eight- 
 teen or twenty set off this evening.” 
 
 On the 2d of August, however, Bird wrote back to his Gene¬ 
 ral that no savages would advance with him except Henriques, 
 a Mohawk, and one other of the Six Nations, an old acquaint¬ 
 ance of his. The letter continues :—“ Those two, Sir, I hope 
 “ to have the honor to present to you; A savage, who goes by 
 “ the name of Commodore Bradley, was the chief cause of their 
 “ not advancing to-day. Twelve Messesaugues came up two 
 “ or three hours after my departure. Those, with the scout of 
 “ fifteen I had the honor to mention to you in my last, are suf- 
 " ficient to invest Fort Stanwix, if you favor me so far as not 
 u to order to the contrary.f 
 
 St. Leger received this letter on the same day, at Nine 
 
 * Lieut. Hair—afterward killed. 
 
 | General Schuyler had directed the commanding officer of Fort Stanwix to ob¬ 
 struct the navigation of Wood Creek by felling trees therein. 
 
 £ MS. of the original letter, among the Gansevoort papers. 
 
222 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. [ 1777 . 
 
 Mile Point, whence he immediately despatched the following 
 reply:— 
 
 General St. Leger to Lieut. Bird. 
 
 11 Nine Mile Point , Aug. 2, 1777. 
 
 “ Sir, 
 
 “ I this instant received your letter containing the account 
 of your operations since you were detached, which I with great 
 pleasure tell you have been sensible and spirited; your resolu¬ 
 tion of investing Fort Stanwix is perfectly right; and to ena¬ 
 ble you to do it with greater effect, I have detached Joseph 
 [Thayendanegea] and his corps of Indians to reinforce you. 
 You will observe that I will have nothing but an investiture 
 made; and in case the enemy, observing the discretion and 
 judgment with which it is made, should offer to capitulate, you 
 are to tell them that you are sure I am well disposed to listen 
 to them : this is not to take any honor out of a young soldier’s 
 hands, but by the presence of the troops to prevent the barba¬ 
 rity and carnage which will ever obtain where Indians make 
 so superior a part of a detachment; I shall move from hence 
 at eleven o’clock, and be early in the afternoon at the entrance 
 of the creek. 
 
 “ I am, Sir, your most obt. and humble ser’t. 
 
 “Barry St. Leger.” 
 
 “ Lieut. Bird , 8 tli reg't 
 
 The investment of the fort was made by Lieut. Bird forth¬ 
 with—Brant arriving to his assistance at the same time. 
 But the result of the siege that followed proved that the British 
 commander had grievously miscalculated the spirit of the garri¬ 
 son of Fort Stanwix, in his anticipations of a speedy capitulation. 
 Still, his prudential order, the object of which was to prevent 
 an unnecessary sacrifice of life at the hands of his Indian allies, 
 calculating, of course, upon an easy victory, was not the less 
 commendable on that account. 
 
 The situation of Fort Stanwix itself—or rather Fort Schuy¬ 
 ler, as it must now be called—next demands attention. At the 
 beginning of the year, as we have already seen, the post was 
 
 * MS. of Llie original letter, among the Gansevoort papers.—Vide, also, Camp¬ 
 bell’s Annals. 
 
1777.] SITUATION OF FORT SCHUYLER. 223 
 
 commanded by Colonel Elmore of the State service. The 
 term of that officer expiring in April, Colonel Peter Gansevoort, 
 also of the State troops, was designated as Colonel Elmore’s 
 successor, by an order from General Gates, dated the 26th ot 
 that month. Notwithstanding the labors of Colonel Drayton, 
 in repairing the works, the preceding year, Colonel Gansevoort 
 found them in such a state of dilapidation, that they were not 
 only indefensible, but untenable. A brisk correspondence 
 ensued between that officer and General Schuyler upon the 
 subject, from which it is manifest that, to say nothing of the 
 miserable condition of his defences, with the prospect of an in¬ 
 vasion from the West before him, his situation was in other 
 respects sufficiently deplorable. He had but a small number 
 of men, and many of those were sick by reason of destitution.* 
 Added to all which was the responsibility of the Indian relations 
 confided to him by special order of General Schuyler on the 
 9th of June.t 
 
 Colonel Marinus Willett was soon afterward directed to join 
 the garrison at Fort Schuyler with his regiment, and most 
 fortunate was the selection of such an officer as Willett to co¬ 
 operate with such another as Gansevoort; since all the skill, 
 and energy, and courage of both were necessary for the situa¬ 
 tion. The work itself was originally a square fort, with four 
 bastions, surrounded by a ditch of considerable width and 
 depth, with a covert way and glacis around three of its angles ; 
 the other being sufficiently secured by low, marshy ground. 
 In front of the gate there had been a drawbridge, covered 
 by a salient angle raised in front of it on the glacis. In the cen¬ 
 tre of the ditch a row of perpendicular pickets had been erected, 
 with rows of horizontal pickets fixed around the ramparts un¬ 
 der the embrasures. But since the conclusion of the French 
 war, the fort had fallen into decay ; the ditch was filled up, and 
 
 * Letters among the Gansevoort papers. 
 
 f “You will keep up a friendly intercourse with the Indians, and suffer no 
 speeches to be made to them by any person not employed in the Indian Depart¬ 
 ment; and when you have occasion to speak to them, let your speech be written, 
 and a copy transmitted to me, that the Commissioners may be informed of every 
 transaction with those people.”— Schuyler’s letter to Colonel Gansevoort. Colonel 
 G. lost no time in holding a council with such of the chiefs and warriors as yet re¬ 
 mained friendly, and he seems to have fully acquired their confidence. He delivered 
 a sensible speech on the occasion, but it contains nothing requiring farther note. 
 
224 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1777 . 
 
 the pickets had rotted and fallen down ;* nor had any suitable 
 progress been made in its reparation. Immediate exertions, 
 energetic and unremitting, were necessary to repair, or rather 
 to renew and reconstruct, the works, and place them in a pos¬ 
 ture of defence, should the long anticipated invasion ensue 
 from that quarter. A more correct idea of the wretched condi¬ 
 tion of the post, even down to the beginning of July, may be 
 found from the annexed letter :— t 
 
 Colonel Gansevoort to General Schuyler. 
 
 “ Fort Schuyler , July Ath, 1777. 
 
 “ Sir, 
 
 “ Having taken an accurate review of the state of the garri¬ 
 son, I think it is incumbent on me to inform your Excellency 
 by express of our present circumstances. Every possible as¬ 
 sistance is given to Captain Marquizee, to enable him to carry 
 on such works as are deemed absolutely necessary for the de¬ 
 fence of the garrison. The soldiers are constantly at work— 
 even such of them as come off guard are immediately turned 
 out to fatigue. But I cannot conceal from your Excellency 
 the impossibility of attending fully to all the great objects 
 pointed out in the orders issued to the commanding officer on 
 the station, without farther assistance. Sending out sufficient 
 parties of observation, felling the timber into Wood Creek, 
 clearing the road from Fort Dayton, which is so embarrassed, 
 in many parts, as to be impassable, and prosecuting, at the 
 same time, the internal business of the garrison, are objects of 
 the greatest importance, which should, if possible, be imme¬ 
 diately considered. But while no exertions compatible with 
 the circumstances we are in, and necessary to give your Ex¬ 
 cellency satisfaction with respect to all these interesting matters, 
 shall be omitted, I am very sensible it is not in our power to 
 get over some capital obstructions without a reinforcement. 
 The enclosed return, and the difficulties arising from the in¬ 
 creasing number of hostile Indians, will show to your Excel¬ 
 lency the grounds of my opinion. One hundred and fifty men 
 would be needed speedily and effectually to obstruct Wood 
 Creek ; an equal number will be necessary to guard the men at 
 
 * Willett’s Narrative. 
 
 f MS. copy, preserved among General Gansevoort’s papers. 
 
1777 .] SITUATION OP FORT SCHUYLER. 225 
 
 work ill felling and hauling of timber. Such a deduction 
 from our number, together with smaller deductions for scouting 
 parties, would scarcely leave a man in the garrison, which 
 might therefore be easily surprised by a contemptible parly of 
 the enemy. The number of inimical Indians increases. On 
 the affair of last week only two made their appearance. Yes¬ 
 terday a party of at least forty, supposed to be Butler’s emissa¬ 
 ries, attacked Ensign Sporr with sixteen privates, who were out 
 on fatigue, cutting turf about three quarters of a mile from the 
 fort. One soldier was brought in dead and inhumanly man¬ 
 gled ; two were brought in wounded—one of them slightly 
 and the other mortally. y Six privates and Mr. Sporr are 
 missing. Two parties were immediately sent to pursue the 
 enemy, but they returned without being able to come up with 
 them. This success will, no doubt, encourage them to send 
 out a greater number ; and the intelligence they may possibly 
 acquire, will probably hasten the main body destined to act 
 against us in these parts. Our provision is greatly diminished 
 by reason of the spoiling of the beef, and the quantities that 
 must be given from time to time to the Indians. It will not 
 hold out above six weeks. Your Excellency will perceive, in 
 looking over Captain Savage’s return of the state of the artillery, 
 that some essential articles are very scarce. As a great num¬ 
 ber of the gun-bullets do not suit the fire-locks, some bullet- 
 moulds of different sizes for casting others, would be of great 
 advantage to us. Our stock of powder is absolutely too little ; a 
 ton, in addition to what we have, is wanted as the lowest propor¬ 
 tion for the shot we have on hand. We will, notwithstanding 
 every difficulty, exert ourselves to the utmost of our power ; and 
 if your Excellency will be pleased to order a speedy reinforce¬ 
 ment, with a sufficient supply of provision and ammunition to 
 enable us to hold out a siege, we will, I hope, by the blessing 
 of God, be able to give a good account of any force that will 
 probably come against us.” 
 
 The picture is gloomy enough ; and was rendered the more 
 so from the mistakes of the engineer, a Frenchman, who had 
 been employed by General Schuyler, and whom it was ulti¬ 
 mately found necessary to arrest and send back to head-quarters.* 
 
 * Willett’s Narrative. 
 
226 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1777 . 
 
 Colonel Willett had from the first doubted the capacity of 
 Marquizee, and after his dismissal the work proceeded for the 
 most part under his own immediate direction. 
 
 The garrison had likewise other difficulties to encounter. 
 With the gathering of St. Leger’s motley forces at Oswego, pre¬ 
 paratory to his descent upon the Mohawk, the Indians, as has 
 already been seen by Gansevoort’s letter, began to appear in 
 scouting parties in the circumjacent forests. The utmost cau¬ 
 tion was therefore necessary on leaving the fort, even for a short 
 distance. It was during this critical period that the familiar 
 incident of Captain Gregg and his faithful dog occurred, 
 of which the following brief account was given by Colonel 
 Gansevoort:— 
 
 Col. Gansevoort to Gen. Schuyler, (Extract.) 
 
 “ Fort Schuyler , June 26, 1777. 
 
 u I am sorry to inform your Honor that Captain Gregg and 
 Corporal Madison, of my regiment, went out a gunning yester¬ 
 day morning, contrary to orders. It seems they went out just 
 after breakfast, and at about 10 o’clock Corporal Madison was 
 killed and scalped. Captain Gregg was shot through his back, 
 tomahawked and scalped, and is still alive. He informs me 
 that the misfortune happened about ten o’clock in the morning. 
 He looked at his watch after he was scalped. He saw but two 
 Indians. He was about one mile and a half from the fort, 
 and was not discovered until two o’clock in the afternoon. I 
 immediately sent out a party and had him brought into the 
 fort, just after three o’clock ; also the corpse of Madison. Gregg 
 is perfectly in his senses, and speaks strong and hearty, not¬ 
 withstanding that his recovery is doubtful.”* 
 
 There was little of romance in Colonel Gansevoort, and he 
 related the incident with military brevity. The story, how¬ 
 ever, has often been told, with a variety of amplifications, par¬ 
 ticularly in regard to the wounded soldier’s faithful dog, to 
 whose affectionate sagacity he is said to have been indebted for 
 his discovery, if not his life. According to the narrative of 
 President Dwight, it appears that Gregg and his companion 
 had been seduced into a fatal disobedience of orders, by the 
 
 * MS. of the original draught, among Col. Gansevoort’s papers. 
 
STORY OF CAPTAIN GREGG. 
 
 227 
 
 1777 .] 
 
 clouds of pigeons appearing in the adjoining woods. Imme¬ 
 diately upon their fall, the Indians rushed upon them for their 
 scalps, which they took—giving each a simultaneous cut upon 
 the head with their tomahawks. The corporal had been killed 
 by the shot, but Captain Gregg was only wounded.* Feign¬ 
 ing death, however, he had the presence of mind, and the for¬ 
 titude, to submit to the subsequent torture without betraying 
 himself by a groan or the quivering of a muscle. The Indians 
 departing immediately, Captain Gregg crawled to his lifeless 
 companion, and pillowed his head upon his body; while his 
 faithful dog ran to a place at no great distance thence, where 
 two men were engaged in fishing, and by his imploring looks 
 and significant actions, induced them to follow him to the spot 
 where lay his wounded master. Hastening to the fort, the fish¬ 
 ermen reported what they had seen, and a party of soldiers be¬ 
 ing forthwith despatched to the place, the bodies of the wounded 
 and the dead were speedily brought into the garrison, as we 
 have seen from the Colonel’s official account. Captain Gregg 
 was severely wounded, independently of the scalping ; and his 
 case was for a long time critical. 
 
 The friendly Indians, then chiefly, if not exclusively, Onei- 
 das. though still acting and speaking in the name of the Six 
 Nations, presented an address of condolence to Colonel Ganse- 
 voort on this occasion, to which the latter made a suitable reply, 
 which alone has been preserved, and reads as follows 
 
 “ Brother Warriors of the Six Nations : I thank you 
 for your good talk. 
 
 “ Brothers: You tell us you are sorry for the cruel usage 
 of Captain Gregg, and the murder of one of our warriors ; that 
 you would have immediately pursued the murderers, had not 
 General Schuyler, General Gates, and the French General, de¬ 
 sired you not to take any part in this-war ; and that you have 
 obeyed their orders, and are resolved to do so. I commend 
 your good inclination and intention. 
 
 “ Brothers: You say you have sent a runner to the Six 
 
 * It has been asserted in history, that St. Leger encouraged these isolated mur¬ 
 ders by large bounties for scalps. Twenty dollars is said to have been the price he 
 paid ; but his despatch to Lieut. Bird, before cited, does not corroborate the charge 
 of such inhumanity. That despatch was a private document, moreover, not written 
 for the light, or for effect, and must therefore be received as true. It was found 
 among Col. Gansevoort’s papers. 
 
228 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1777 . 
 
 Nations, to inform them of what has happened, and that you 
 expect some of your chiefs will look into the affair, and try to 
 find out the murderers. You have done well. I shall be glad 
 to smoke a pipe with your chiefs, and hope they will do as they 
 speak. 
 
 “ Brothers : I hope the mischief has been done, not by any 
 of our good friends of the Oneida nation, but by the Tories, 
 who are enemies to you as well as to us, and who are ready to 
 murder yourselves, your wives, and children, if you will not be 
 as wicked as themselves. 
 
 “ Brothers : When your chiefs shall convince me that In¬ 
 dians of the Six Nations have had no hand in this wicked thing, 
 and shall use means to find out the murderers and bring them 
 to justice, you may be assured that we will strengthen the 
 chain of friendship, and embrace you as our good brothers. I 
 will not suffer any of our warriors to hurt you.” 
 
 The address contained two or three additional paragraphs 
 in reference to other subjects. Captain Gregg recovered, 
 and resumed his duties; and having served to the end of the 
 war, lived many years afterward. 
 
 Another tragic incident occurred at nearly the same time. 
 About noon, on the 3d of July, the day being perfectly clear, 
 Colonel Willet was startled from his siesta by the report of 
 musketry. Hastening to the parapet of the glacis, he saw a 
 little girl running with a basket in her hand, while the blood 
 was trickling down her bosom. On investigating the facts, it 
 appeared that the girl, with two others, was picking berries, not 
 two hundred yards from the fort, when they were fired upon 
 by a party of Indians, and two of the number killed. Happily, 
 she who only was left to tell the tale, was but slightly wounded. 
 One of the girls killed, was the daughter of an invalid, who had 
 served many years in the British artillery. He was entitled to 
 a situation in Chelsea Hospital, but had preferred rather to re¬ 
 main in the cultivation of a small piece of ground at Fort Stan- 
 wix, than again to cross the ocean.* 
 
 By the middle of July, the Indians hovering about the fort 
 became so numerous, and so bold, as to occasion great annoy¬ 
 ance. Large parties of soldiers could only venture abroad on 
 the most pressing emergencies ; and even one of these was at- 
 
 * Willett’s Narrative. 
 
1777.] COMMENCEMENT OF THE SIEGE. 229 
 
 tacked, several of its numbers killed and woun ed, and the 
 officer in command taken prisoner. The force of the garrison, 
 at this time, consisted of about five hundred and fifty men—ill- 
 supplied, as we have already seen, both with provisions and 
 munitions of war. Fortunately, however, on the 2d of August, 
 the very day of the investiture of the fort by the advance of St. 
 Leger’s army under Thayendanegca and Bird, Lieutenant 
 Colonel Mellon, of Colonel Weston’s regiment, arrived with 
 two hundred men, and two batteaux of provisions and military 
 stores. Not a moment was lost in conveying these opportune 
 supplies into the fort. Delay would, indeed, have been danger¬ 
 ous ; for at the instant the last loads arrived at the fort, the ene¬ 
 my appeared on the skirt of the forest, so near to the boats, that 
 the captain who commanded them became their prisoner.* 
 
 The command of Colonel Gansevoort now consisted of seven 
 hundred and fifty men, all told: and upon examination it was 
 ascertained that they had provisions for six weeks—with fixed 
 ammunition enough for the small arms. But for the cannon 
 they were lamentably deficient—having barely enough for nine 
 rounds per diem during the period specified. A besieging 
 army was before the fort, and its garrison was without a flag! 
 But as necessity is the mother of invention, they were not long 
 thus destitute. Stripes of white were cut from ammunition 
 shirts; blue from a camblet cloak captured from the enemy; 
 while the red was supplied from such odds and ends of clothes 
 of that hue as were at hand.t And, thus furnished, commenced 
 the celebrated defence of Fort Schuyler. 
 
 Such was the condition of Fort Schuyler at the commence¬ 
 ment of the memorable siege of 1777—an event, with its attend¬ 
 ing circumstances, forming an important feature in the'Northern 
 border warfare of the Revolution. Colonel St. Leger £ himself 
 arrived before the fort on the 3d of August, with his whole 
 force—a motley collection of British regulars, Hessian auxilia- 
 
 * Willett’s Narrative. 1 Idem. 
 
 J It is difficult, from the books, to determine what was at that time the precise 
 rank of St. Leger. He has usually been called a Brigadier General. By some 
 contemporary writers he was called Colonel St. Leger. But in General Burgoyne’s 
 despatches to Lord George Germaine, of August 20, 1777, he is repeatedly deno¬ 
 minated Lieutenant-Colonel St. Leger. He is also called Colonel St. Leger by Bis- 
 sett. But he, nevertheless, signed his name as a Brigadier-General in a letter toCoL 
 Gansevoort, on the 9th of August. 
 
230 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 ri — 
 
 [ 1 / I (. 
 
 ries, Ncw-York loyalists, usually denominated “ Johnson’s 
 Greens,” together with numbers of the Canadians, and the In¬ 
 dians under Thayendanegea. Sir John Johnson, and Colonels 
 Claus and Butler,* were also engaged with him in the expe¬ 
 dition. A flag was sent into the fort on the morning of that 
 day, with a copy of a rather pompous proclamation from St. 
 Leger, which, it was probably supposed, from its vaunting 
 threats and lavish promises, might produce a strong impression 
 upon the garrison. “ The forces intrusted to my command 
 “ are designed to act in concert, and upon a common principle, 
 “ with the numerous armies and fleets which already display, 
 “ in every quarter of America, the power, the justice, and, when 
 “ properly sought, the mercy of the King.” So commenced the 
 proclamation. After denouncing “ the unnatural rebellion ” 
 as having already been made the “ foundation for the com- 
 “ pletest system of tyranny that ever God in his displeasure suf- 
 “ fered for a time to be exercised over a froward and stubborn 
 “ generation,” and charging that “ arbitrary imprisonment, 
 “ confiscation of property, persecution and torture, unprece- 
 “ dented in the inquisitions of the Roman church, were among 
 “ the palpable enormities that verified the affirmation ”—and 
 after denouncing “ the profanation of religion,” and other 
 “ shocking proceedings ” of the civil authorities and commit¬ 
 tees in rebellion, the proclamation proceeded —“ animated by 
 “ these considerations; at the head of troops in the full powers 
 “ of health, discipline, and valor ; determined to strike where 
 “ necessary, and anxious to spare when possible, I, by these 
 “ presents, invite and exhort all persons in all places where the 
 “ progress of this army may point, and by the blessing of God 
 “ I will extend it far, to maintain such a conduct as may justify 
 “ me in protecting their lands, habitations, and families.” The 
 object of his address was to hold forth security, and not depre¬ 
 dation ; he offered employment to those who would join his 
 standard ; security to the infirm and industrious; and payment 
 in coin for all the supplies the people would bring to his camp. 
 In conclusion, he said—“ If, notwithstanding these endeavors, 
 
 * At the breaking out of the war, John Butler was Lieutenant-Colonel of a regi¬ 
 ment of the Tryon County militia, of which Guy Johnson was the Colonel and 
 Jelles Fonda the Major. Sir John had been commissioned a General after the de¬ 
 cease of his father. 
 
*• #-i f f #■ w & 
 
 References 
 
 -f Fort i V//y/v//y/ 
 
 R / Lay. i'ta/C. ? rtuiis 
 
 C X. West 4 d'i 
 
 I) X X/.v/ ,2 d/l. 
 
 E S East l d° . 
 
 F Powder Magazine. 
 
 G Laboialary 
 H Barracks 
 I Horn work- begun 
 
 J Draw bridge _ 
 
 K Covet'd way _ 
 
 I. Glacis _ _ 
 
 .M Sally port 
 S Commandants Q rs 
 0 Willetts a ft art 
 
 Redoubts Batteries 
 ot British Army .... 
 
 1 Battery of 3 Guns 
 
 2 Bondi d u 4 Mortem 
 
 3 d° 3 Gu ns _ 
 
 IRedoubts to rover 
 I the batteries _ __ 
 
 5 Line i>C approaches. . 
 G British enrttuijuneid . 
 
 7 Loyalists ._ _ 
 
 8 Indians .. _ 
 
 I 9 Ruins of Fori Newport 
 
 e;. GseGl 
 
 sate 
 
1777 .] PROGRESS OF THE SIEGE. 231 
 
 “ and sincere inclinations to effect them, the frenzy of hostility 
 “ should remain, I trust I shall stand acquitted in the eyes of 
 “ God and men, in denouncing and executing the vengeance 
 “ of the State against the wilful outcasts. The messengers of 
 “justice and of wrath await them in the field; and devastation, 
 “ famine, and every concomitant horror that a reluctant, but 
 «indispensable prosecution of military duty must occasion, 
 “ will bar the way to their return.”* 
 
 This manifesto, however, produced no effect, then or after¬ 
 ward. The siege had been anticipated, and the brave garrison, 
 officers and men, had counted the cost and determined to defend 
 the fortress to the last. Accordingly, hostilities commenced 
 actively on the morning of the following day. The Indians, 
 concealing themselves behind clumps of shrubbery and stumps 
 of trees, annoyed the men who were employed in raising the 
 pavapets not a little with their rifles. Several were wounded ; 
 and it was found necessary immediately to station sharp¬ 
 shooters at suitable points, to watch opportunities, and fire in re¬ 
 turn. The 5th was spent in much the same manner, with the 
 addition of the throwing of a few shells by the enemy—several of 
 which fell within the fort, and some in the barracks. “ On the 
 “ evening of this day, soon after it was dark, the Indians, who 
 “ were at least one thousand in number, spread themselves 
 “ through the woods, completely encircling the fort, and com- 
 “ menced a terrible yelling, which was continued at intervals 
 “ the greater part of the night.”t 
 
 Having thus commenced his operations, Colonel St. Leger 
 found means of conveying the intelligence to General Bur- 
 goyne—not for a moment anticipating the distressing circum¬ 
 stances in which the Northern Commander-in-chief already 
 found himself involved, though but mid-way in the career of 
 victory. Harassed incessantly by the foes he had vanquished ; 
 unable to obtain supplies, except by sending back for them to 
 Fort George, in which service his troops were already greatly 
 fatigued ; not one third of his horses arrived from Cana¬ 
 da ; the roads excessively bad, and rendered all but impassa- 
 
 * For the proclamation, entire, see Appendix No. III. It is a copy, or nearly eo, 
 of the proclamation almost simultaneously issued by General Burgoyne, announcing 
 his approach from Lake Champlain. 
 
 t Willett’s Narrative. 
 
 34 
 
232 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1777 . 
 
 ble by a deluge of rain ; with only four days of provisions on 
 hand; the vaunting General, who had boasted in the British 
 capital that, with ten thousand men, he could march through 
 the whole rebel country at pleasure, already found himself in 
 an unenviable situation. But on learning the advance of Ge¬ 
 neral St. Leger, he instantly and justly considered that a rapid 
 movement forward, at this critical juncture, would be of the 
 utmost importance. If the retreating Americans should pro¬ 
 ceed up the Mohawk with a view of relieving Fort Schuyler, 
 in the event of St. Leger’s success against that place they 
 would place themselves between two fires ; or perhaps Bur- 
 goyne supposed that were such a movement to be made on the 
 part of the Americans, he might yet throw his army between 
 them and Albany, and thus compel them either to stand a ge¬ 
 neral engagement or to strike off to the right, and by recrossing 
 the Hudson higher up, secure a retreat into New England. If, 
 on the other hand, the Americans should abandon Fort Schuyler 
 to its fate, and themselves fall back upon Albany, he argued 
 that the Mohawk country would of course be entirely laid open 
 to him ; his junction with St. Leger established, and the com¬ 
 bined army be at liberty to select its future line of operation * 
 But his supplies were inadequate to such an extensive opera¬ 
 tion, and his army was too weak to allow him to keep up such 
 a chain of posts as would enable him to bring them up daily 
 from the depot at Lake George. With a view, therefore, of 
 obtaining immediate relief, and of opening anew source of sup¬ 
 ply, especially of cattle, from the upper settlements of New 
 England, the expedition to Bennington, the place of deposite of 
 provisions for the Provincial forces, was planned, and committed 
 to a detachment of the Hessian troops, under Colonel Baum, for 
 execution. The signal failure of this expedition was calculated 
 still farther both to embarrass and depress the invaders ; while 
 the brilliant success of the militia under General Starke on 
 that occasion, proving, as it had done, that neither English 
 nor German troops were invincible, revived the drooping spirits 
 of the disheartened ; re-inspired the people with confidence of 
 ultimate success ; and was the source of universal exultation. 
 
 The progress of events brings us back to the lower Valley of 
 
 * London Universal Magazine. 
 
1777.] ADVANCE OF GENERAL HERKIMER. 233 
 
 the Mohawk. No sooner was the advance of St. Leger upon 
 Fort Schuyler known to the Committee and officers of Tryon 
 County, than General Herkimer, in conformity with the pro¬ 
 clamation heretofore cited, summoned the militia of his com¬ 
 mand to the field, for the purpose of marching to the succor of 
 the garrison. Notwithstanding the despondency that had pre¬ 
 vailed in the early part of the Summer, the call was nobly re¬ 
 sponded to, not only by the militia, but by the gentlemen ol 
 the County, and most of the members of the Committee, who 
 entered the field either as officers or private volunteers. The 
 fears so generally and so recently indulged seemed all to have 
 vanished with the arrival of the invader, and the General soon 
 found himself at the head of between eight hundred and a 
 thousand men, all eager for action and impatient of delay. 
 Their place of rendezvous was at Fort Dayton, (German Flatts,) 
 in the upper section of the Mohawk Yalley—and the most 
 beautiful. The regiments were those of Colonels Klock, 
 Yisscher, Cox, and one or two others, augmented by volunteers 
 and volunteer officers, who were pushing forward as though de¬ 
 termined at all hazards to redeem the character of the county. 
 Indeed, their proceedings were by far too impetuous, since they 
 hurried forward in their march without order or precaution, 
 without adequate flanking parties, and without reconnoitring 
 the ground over which they were to pass. They moved from 
 Fort Dayton on the 4th, and on the 5th reached the neighbor¬ 
 hood of 0 risk any,* where they encamped. From this point 
 an express t was sent forward by General Herkimer to apprise 
 Colonel Gansevoort of his approach, and to concert measures of 
 co-operation. The arrival of the express at the fort was to be 
 announced by three successive discharges of cannon, the re¬ 
 port of which, it was supposed, would be distinctly heard at 
 Oriskany—only eight miles distant. Delays, however, inter¬ 
 vened, so that the messengers did not reach the fort until ten or 
 eleven o’clock on the following morning; previous to which 
 the camp of the enemy being uncommonly silent, a portion of 
 their troops had been observed by the garrison to be moving 
 along the edge of the woods down the river, in the direction of 
 
 * Probably the site of Whitestown. One of the MS. narratives in the author’s 
 possession says they crossed the river at old Fort Schuyler (now Utica.) 
 
 f Adam Helmer accompanied by two other men. 
 
234 
 
 FIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1777 . 
 
 the Oriskany Creek.* * * § The concerted signals were immediate¬ 
 ly fired ;t and as the proposition of Herkimer was to force a 
 passage to the fort, arrangements were immediately made by 
 Colonel Gansevoort to effect a diversion of the enemy’s atten¬ 
 tion, by making a sally from the fort upon the hostile camp, 
 for which purpose two hundred men were detailed, consisting 
 one half of Gansevoort’s, and one half of the Massachusetts 
 troops, and one field-piece—an iron three pounder. The exe¬ 
 cution of tiie enterprise was entrusted to Colonel Willett.! 
 
 It appears that on the morning of that day, which was the 
 6th of August, General Herkimer had misgivings as to the pro¬ 
 priety of advancing any farther without first receiving reinforce¬ 
 ments. His officers, however, were eager to press forward. A 
 consultation was held, in which some of the officers manifested 
 much impatience at any delay, while the General still urged 
 them to remain where they were until reinforcements could 
 come up, or at least until the signal of a sortie should be re¬ 
 ceived from the fort. High words ensued, during which 
 Colonels Cox and Paris, and many others, denounced their 
 commander to his face as a Tory and coward. The brave old 
 man calmly replied that he considered himself placed over 
 them as a father, and that it was not his wish to lead them into 
 any difficulty from which he could not extricate them. Burn¬ 
 ing, as they now seemed, to meet the enemy, he told them 
 roundly that they would run at his first appearance.§ But his 
 remonstrances were unavailing. Their clamor increased, and 
 their reproaches were repeated, until, stung by imputations of 
 cowardice and a want of fidelity to the cause,II and somewhat 
 irritated withal, the General immediately gave the order— 
 
 * Letter of Colonel Willett to Governor Trumbull of Connecticut. 
 
 + MS. of Captain Henry Seeber, in the author’s possession. See, also, Willett’s 
 Narrative. 
 
 J Willett’s letter to Governor Trumbull. The officers serving in this detach¬ 
 ment were Captain Van Benschoten and Lieutenant Stockwell, who led the ad¬ 
 vance guard ; Captains Allen, (of Massachusetts,) Bleecker, Johnson, and Swart- 
 wout; Lieutenants Diefendorf, Conyne, Bogardus, M’Clenner, and Ball; Ensigns 
 Chase, Bailey, Lewis, Denniston, Magee, and Ament. The rear-guard was com¬ 
 manded by Major Badlam. 
 
 § Travels of President Dwight, vol. iii. p. 192. 
 
 || MS. statement of George Walter, in possession of the author; also of Henry 
 Seeber. 
 
BATTLE OF OR I SKA NY. 
 
 235 
 
 1777 .] 
 
 “ March on !”* * * § The words were no sooner heard than the 
 troops wave a shout, and moved, or rather rushed forward. 
 They marched in files of two deep, preceded by an advanced 
 guard and keeping flanks upon each side.! 
 
 Having, by 10 o’clock, proceeded rapidly forward to the dis¬ 
 tance of only two or three miles,{ the guards, both front and 
 flanks, were suddenly shot down, the forest rang with the war- 
 whoops of a savage foe, and in an instant the greater part of 
 the division found itself in the midst of a formidable ambuscade. 
 Colonel St. Leger, it appeared, having heard of the advance of 
 General Herkimer, in order to prevent an attack in his intrench- 
 ments, had detached a division of Sir John Johnson’s regiment 
 of Greens, under Sir John’s brother-in-law, Major Watts, Colo¬ 
 nel Butler with his Rangers, and Joseph Brant with a strong 
 body of Indians, to intercept his approach.§ With true Indian 
 sagacity, Thayendanegea had selected a position admirably fit¬ 
 ted for his purpose, which was, to draw the Americans, whom 
 he well knew to be approaching in no very good military array, 
 into an ambuscade. The locality favored his design. There 
 was a deep ravine crossing the path which Herkimer with his 
 undisciplined array was traversing, “ sweeping toward the 
 “ East in a semi-circular form, and bearing a Northern and 
 “ Southern direction. The bottom of this ravine was marshy, 
 “ and the road crossed it by means of a causeway. The ground, 
 “ thus partly enclosed by the ravine, was elevated and level. 
 “ The ambuscade was laid upon the high ground west of the 
 “ ravine.”ll 
 
 The enemy had disposed himself adroitly, in a circle, leav¬ 
 ing only a narrow segment open for the admission of the ill- 
 starred Provincials on their approach. The stratagem was 
 
 * Statement of Adam Miller, in possession of the author. 
 
 t It has been charged by most writers that even these ordinary precautions were 
 not observed. Miller and Walter, however, both assert the fact. 
 
 J The battle ground is about two miles west of Oriskany, and six from Whites- 
 borough. 
 
 § In every account of this battle which has fallen under the author’s observation, 
 excepting that of Colonel Willett, Sir John Johnson is made the British commander 
 at this battle. He was not in it at all, as will appear a few pages forward. Even the 
 cautious and inquisitive President Dwight falls into the error, and carries it through 
 his whole account. 
 
 || Campbell’s Annals, 
 
236 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1777 . 
 
 successful. Unconscious of the presence of the foe, Herkimer, 
 with his whole army excepting the rear-guarcl, composed of 
 Colonel Yisscher’s regiment, found himself encompassed at 
 the first fire—the enemy closing up the gap at the instant of 
 making himself known. By thus early completing the circle, the 
 baggage and ammunition waggons, which had just descended 
 into the ravine, were cut off and separated from the main body, 
 as also was the regiment of Colonel Yisscher, yet on the Eastern 
 side of the ravine; which, as their general had predicted, 
 instantly and ingloriously fled, leaving their companions to 
 their fate. They were pursued, however, by a portion of the 
 Indians, and suffered more severely, probably, than they would 
 have done, had they stood by their fellows in the hour of need, 
 either to conquer or to fall. 
 
 Being thrown into irretrievable disorder by the suddenness of 
 the surprise and the destructiveness of the fire, which was 
 close and brisk from every side, the division was for a time 
 threatened with annihilation. At every opportunity the sa¬ 
 vages, concealed behind the trunks of trees, darted forward 
 with knife and tomahawk to ensure the destruction of those 
 who fell; and many and fierce were the conflicts that ensued 
 hand to hand. The veteran Herkimer fell, wounded, in the 
 early part of the action—a musket ball having passed through 
 and killed his horse, and shattered his own leg just below the 
 knee.* The General was placed upon his saddle, however, 
 against the trunk of a tree for his support, and thus continued 
 to order the battle. Colonel Cox, and Captains Davis and Yan 
 Sluyck, were severally killed near the commencement of the 
 engagement; and the slaughter of their broken ranks, from the 
 rifles of the Tories and the spears and tomahawks of the Indians, 
 was dreadful. But even in this deplorable situation the 
 wounded General, his men dropping like leaves around him, 
 and the forest resounding with the horrid yells of the savages, 
 ringing high and wild over the din of battle, behaved with the 
 most perfect firmness and composure. The action had lasted 
 about forty-five minutes in great disorder, before the Provincials 
 formed themselves into circles in order to repel the attacks ot 
 the enemy, who were concentrating, and closing in upon them 
 
 * Walton’s MS. account. 
 
BATTLE OF ORISKANY. 
 
 237 
 
 1777 .] 
 
 from all sides.* * * § From this moment the resistance of the Pro¬ 
 vincials was more effective, and the enemy attempted to charge 
 with the bayonet. The firing ceased for a time, excepting the 
 scattering discharges of musquetry from the Indians ; and as 
 the bayonets crossed, the contest became a death struggle, hand 
 to hand and foot to foot. Never, however, did brave men stand 
 a charge with more dauntless courage, and the enemy for the 
 moment seemed to recoil—-just at the instant when the work 
 of death was arrested by a heavy shower of rain, which sud¬ 
 denly broke upon the combatants with great fury. The storm 
 raged for upward of an hour, during which time the enemy 
 sought such shelter as might be found among the trees at a 
 respectful distance ; for they had already suffered severely, not¬ 
 withstanding the advantages in their favor. 
 
 During this suspension of the battle, both parties had time to 
 look about, and make such new dispositions as they pleased 
 for attack and defence, on renewing the murderous conflict. 
 The Provincials, under the direction of their General, were so 
 fortunate as to take possession of an advantageous piece of 
 ground, upon which his men formed themselves into a circle, 
 and as the shower broke away, awaited the movements of the 
 enemy. In the early part of the battle, the Indians, whenever 
 they saw a gun fired by a militia-man from behind a tree, rushed 
 upon and tomahawked him before he could re-load. In order 
 to counteract this mode of warfare, two men were stationed 
 behind a single tree, one only to fire at a time—the other re¬ 
 serving his fire until the Indians ran up as before.! The fight 
 was presently renewed, and by the new arrangement, and the 
 cool execution done by the fire of the militia forming the main 
 circle, the Indians were made to suffer severely; so much so, 
 that they began to give way, when Major Watts f came up with 
 a reinforcement, consisting of another detachment of Johnson’s 
 Greens.§ These men were mostly loyalists, who had fled from 
 
 * The first movement of this kind was made by Jacob Seeber, without orders, ac¬ 
 cording to the narrative of Henry Seeber. 
 
 f Campbell’s Annals. 
 
 | Brother of the late venerable John Watts, of New-York. 
 
 § Campbell. Ths enemy, as on the march from Oswego, had posted a line of 
 sentinels at short distances from each other, extending from St. Leger’s intrench- 
 ments to the scene of action; so that communications could be interchanged rapidly, 
 and at pleasure. 
 
238 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1777 . 
 
 Tryon County, now returned in arms against their former 
 neighbors. As no quarrels are so bitter as those of families, so 
 no wars are so cruel and passionate as those called civil. Many 
 of the Provincials and Greens were known to each other; and 
 as they advanced so near as to afford opportunities of mutual 
 recognition, the contest became, if possible, more of a death 
 struggle than before. Mutual resentments, and feelings of hate 
 and revenge, raged in their bosoms. The Provincials fired 
 upon them as they advanced, and then springing like chafed 
 tigers from their covers, attacked them with their bayonets and 
 the butts of their muskets, or both parties in closer contact 
 throttled each other and drew their knives; stabbing, and 
 sometimes literally dying in one another’s embrace. 
 
 At length a firing: was heard in the distance from the fort, a 
 sound as welcome to the Provincials as it was astounding to 
 the enemy. Availing themselves of the hint, however, a ruse- 
 de-guerre was attempted by Colonel Butler, which had well- 
 nigh proved fatal. It was the sending, suddenly, from the di¬ 
 rection of the fort, a detachment of the Greens disguised as 
 American troops, in the expectation that they might be received 
 as a timely reinforcement from the garrison. Lieutenant Jacob 
 Sammons was the first to descry their approach, in the direction 
 of a body of men commanded by Captain Jacob Gardenier—an 
 officer who, during that memorable day, performed prodigies 
 of valor. Perceiving that their hats were American, Sammons 
 informed Captain Gardenier that succors from the fort were 
 coming up. The quick eye of the Captain detected the ruse, 
 and he replied—“ Not so : they are enemies : don’t you see 
 their green coats !”* They continued to advance until hailed 
 by Gardenier, at which moment one of his own soldiers, ob¬ 
 serving an acquaintance, and supposing him a friend, ran to 
 meet him, and presented his hand. It was grasped, but with no 
 friendly gripe, as the credulous fellow was dragged into the 
 opposing line, and informed that he was a prisoner. He did not 
 yield without a struggle; during which Gardenier, watching 
 the action and the result, sprang forward, and with a blow from 
 his spear levelled the captor to the dust and liberated his man.t 
 Others of the foe instantly set upon him, of whom he slew the 
 
 * Manuscript narrative of William Gardenier, in the possession of the author, 
 t Idem, 
 
1777 .] BATTLE OF ORISKANY. 239 
 
 second and wounded a third. Three of the disguised Greens 
 now sprang upon him, and one of his spurs becoming en¬ 
 tangled in their clothes, he was thrown to the ground. Still 
 contending, however, with almost super-human strength, both 
 of his thighs were transfixed to the earth by the bayonets of 
 two of his assailants, while the third presented a bayonet to 
 his breast, as if to thrust him through. Seizing this bayonet 
 with his left hand, by a sudden wrench he brought its owner 
 down upon himself, where he held him as a shield against the 
 arms of the others, until one of his own men, Adam Miller,* 
 observing the struggle, flew to his rescue. As the assailants 
 turned upon their new adversary, Gardenier rose upon his seat ; 
 and although his hand was severely lacerated by grasping the 
 bayonet which had been drawn through it, he seized his spear 
 lying by his side, and quick as lightning planted it to the barb 
 in the side of the assailant with whom he had been clenched. 
 The man fell and expired—proving to be Lieutenant M ; Don- 
 ald, one of the loyalist officers from Tryon County. All this 
 transpired in far less time than is necessarily occupied by the re¬ 
 lation. While engaged in the struggle, some of his own men 
 culled out to Gardenier—“ for God’s sake, Captain, you are 
 killing your own men !” He replied—“ they are not our men— 
 they are the enemy—fire away!” A deadly fire from the Pro¬ 
 vincials ensued, during which about thirty of the Greens fell 
 slain, and many Indian warriors. The parties once more 
 rushed upon each other with bayonet and spear, grappling and 
 fighting with terrible fury; while the shattering of shafts and 
 the clashing of steel mingled with every dread sound of war and 
 death, and the savage yells, more hideous than all, presented a 
 scene which can be more easily imagined than described.! 
 The unparalleled fortitude and bravery of Captain Gardenier in¬ 
 fused fresh spirits into his men, some of whom enacted won¬ 
 ders of valor likewise. It happened during the melee : in 
 
 * The same whose private narrative has already been cited, 
 f MS. of William Gardenier. It was in reference to these individual deeds of 
 prowess, that the eloquent Gouvemeur Morris thus spoke in his address before 
 the New-York Historical Society:—“Let me recall, gentlemen, to your recollec¬ 
 tion, that bloody field in which Herkimer fell. There was found the Indian and 
 the white man born on the banks of the Mohawk, their left hand clenched in each 
 other’s hair, the right grasping in a gripe of death, the knife plunged in each other’s 
 bosom j thus they lay frowning.” 
 
 3 r» 
 
240 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1777 . 
 
 which the contending parties were mingled in great confusion, 
 that three of Johnson’s Greens rushed within the circle of the 
 Provincials, and attempted to make prisoner of a Captain Dil- 
 lenback. This officer had declared he would never be taken 
 alive, and he was not. One of his three assailants seized his 
 gun, but he suddenly wrenched it from him, and felled him 
 with the butt. He shot the second dead, and thrust the third 
 through with his bayonet.* But in the moment of his triumph 
 at an exploit of which even the mighty Hector, or either of the 
 sons of Zeruiah might have been proud, a ball laid this brave 
 man low in the dust. 
 
 Such a conflict as this could not be continued longr; and the 
 Indians, perceiving with what ardor the Provincials maintained 
 the fight, and finding their own numbers sadly diminished, now 
 raised the retreating cry of “ Oonah /” and fled in every direc¬ 
 tion, under the shouts and hurrahs of the surviving Provincials 
 and, a shower of bullets. Finding, moreover, from the firing at 
 the fort, that, their presence was necessary elsewhere, the 
 Greens and Rangers now retreated precipitately, leaving the 
 victorious militia of Try on County masters of the field.t 
 
 Thus ended one of the severest, and, for the numbers en¬ 
 gaged, one of the most bloody battles of the Revolutionary 
 war. Though victorious, the loss of the Provincials was very 
 heavy ; and Tryon County long had reason to mourn that day. 
 Colonel Paris was taken prisoner by the enemy, and afterward 
 murdered by the Indians. Several other prisoners were also 
 killed by the savages, after they had been brought into Colonel 
 Butler’s quarters; and, as it was said, by the Colonel’s own 
 tacit consent, if not permission in terms. But the general cha¬ 
 racter of that officer forbids the imputation. + Major John Frey, 
 of Colonel Klock’s regiment, was likewise wounded and taken ; 
 
 * George Walter relates this incident, in his narrative, in the possession of the 
 author. Walter was himself a witness of the fact, while lying wounded with two 
 balls, by the side of General Herkimer. 
 
 j It is an extraordinary fact, that every historian who has written of the battle of 
 Oriskany, has recorded it as a defeat of the Provincials, from Marshall and R.amsay 
 down, to say nothing of the British chroniclers. Such was also the author’s im¬ 
 pression until he undertook the present investigation. Captain Brant himself, in 
 conversation with Samuel Woodruff, Esq. admitted that they were the victors; and 
 all the written statements which the author has been able to procure from the surviv¬ 
 ors of that battle, bear the same testimony. 
 
 1 The late Doctor Moses Younglove, of Hudson, Columbia County, was the 
 
BATTLE OF OR I SIC AN V. 
 
 241 
 
 1777 .] 
 
 and to show the more than savage fury burning in the bosoms 
 of the men brought into conflict on this occasion, the disgrace¬ 
 ful fact may be added, that his own brother, who was in the 
 British service, attempted to take his life after he had arrived in 
 Butler’s camp. The Major saw his brother approaching in a 
 menacing manner, and called out—“ Brother, do not kill me ! 
 Do you not know meBut the infuriated brother rushed 
 forward, and the Major was only saved by the interposition of 
 others/ The whole number of the Provincial militia killed 
 was two hundred, exclusive of wounded and lost as prisoners. 
 Such, at least, was the American report. The British state¬ 
 ments claimed that four hundred of the Americans were killed, 
 and two hundred taken prisoners/ 
 
 Retaining possession of the field, the survivors immediately 
 set themselves at work in constructing rude litters, upon which 
 to bear off the wounded. Between forty and fifty of these, 
 among whom was the commanding General, were removed in 
 this manner. The brave old man, notwithstanding the impru¬ 
 dence of the morning—imprudence in allowing a premature 
 movement at the dictation of his subordinates—had nobly vin¬ 
 dicated his character for courage during the day. Though 
 wounded, as we have seen, in the onset, he had borne himself 
 during the six hours of conflict, under the most trying circum¬ 
 stances, with a degree of fortitude and composure worthy of all 
 admiration. Nor was his example without effect in sustaining 
 his troops amid the perils by which they were environed. At 
 one time during the battle, while sitting upon his saddle raised 
 
 surgeon of General Herkimer’s brigade. He was taken prisoner in this battle by a 
 sergeant of Sir John Johnson’s regiment. After his release he made a deposition 
 setting forth many grievous barbarities committed, both by the Indians and Tories, 
 upon the prisoners who fell into their hands that day. They were cruelly tortured, 
 several of them murdered ; and, as the Doctor had reason to believe, some of them 
 were subsequently taken to an island in Lake Ontario, and eaten. This is scarcely 
 to be believed. See Deposition of Dr. Younglove, Appendix No. IV. 
 
 * MS. statement of Jacob Timmerman, in the author’s possession, 
 t “ On the 5th I learned, from discovering parties on the Mohawk river, that a body 
 of one thousand militia were on their march to raise the siege. On the confirmation 
 of this news, I moved a large body of Indians, with some troops, the same night, to 
 lay in ambuscade for them on their march. They fell into it. The completest vic¬ 
 tory was obtained. Above four hundred lay dead on the field, amongst the number 
 of whom were almost all the principal movers of rebellion in that, country.”— Letter 
 of Colonel Si. Lrger to General Burgoyne , .lug. 11 , 1777. 
 
LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ L / / /. 
 
 upon a little hillock, being 1 advised to select a less exposed situa¬ 
 tion, he replied—“ I will face the enemy.” Thus, “ surrounded 
 “ by a few men, he continued to issue his orders with firmness. 
 “ In this situation, and in the heat of the onslaught, he delibe- 
 “ rately took his tinder-box from his pocket, lit his pipe, and 
 “ smoked with great composure.”* At the moment the soldiers 
 were placing him on the litter, while adjusting the blankets to 
 the poles, three Indians approached, and were instantly shot 
 down by the unerring rifles of three of the militia. These 
 were the last shots fired in that battle.f 
 
 The loss of the enemy in this engagement was equally, if 
 not more severe, than that of the Americans. The Greens and 
 Rangers of Sir John Johnson and Colonel Butler must have 
 suffered badly, although no returns were given in the contem¬ 
 poraneous accounts. Major Watts was severely wounded and 
 left on the field, as was supposed, among the slain. His death 
 was reported by Colonel Willett, in his letter to Governor 
 Trumbull, and by other authorities. But such was not the 
 fact. Reviving from faintness produced by loss of blood, some 
 hours after the action, he succeeded in crawling to a brook, 
 where, by slaking his thirst, he was preserved from speedy 
 death, and in the course of two or three days was found by 
 
 * Campbell. An officer, who was in the general staff at the battle of Leipzig, has 
 related to the author a very similar incident in the conduct of old Blucher. He was 
 not wounded ; but he sat upon a hillock, issuing his orders and smoking his pipe, 
 while the cannon balls were ploughing up the earth about him. 
 
 f Narrative of Jacob Sammons, MS. The officers of the Tryon County militia 
 killed or wounded in this battle were as follows:—In Colonel Frederick Visscher’s 
 regiment, Captains John Davis and Samuel Pettingill, killed; Major Blauvelt and 
 Lieut. Groat taken prisoners and never heard of afterward ; Captain Jacob Garde- 
 nier and Lieut. Samuel Gardenier wounded. In Colonel Jacob Klock’s regiment, 
 Major John Eisenlord, and Major Van Sluyck, and Captain Andrew Dillenback, 
 killed; Captains Christopher Fox and John Breadbeg, wounded; Brigade Major 
 John Frey, wounded and taken prisoner. In Colonel Peter Bellinger’s regiment, 
 Major Enos Klepsattle, Captain Frederick Helmer, and Lieut. Petrie, were killed. 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Frederick Bellinger and Henry Walradt' were taken prisoners. 
 In Colonel Ebenezer Cox’s regiment, Colonel Cox and Lieut. Col. Hunt were 
 killed ; Captains Henry Diefendorf, and Robert Crouse, and Jacob Bowman, kill¬ 
 ed. Captain Jacob Seeber and Lieut. William Seeber mortally wounded. The 
 surgeon, Moses Younglove, was taken prisoner. Among the volunteers not be¬ 
 longing to the militia, who were killed, were Isaac Paris, (then a member of the 
 Legislature,) Samuel Billington, John Dygert, and Jacob Snell, members of the 
 Committee of Safety. There was likewise a Captain Graves who fell, but to which 
 regiment he belonged the author has not ascertained. 
 
BATTLE OF ORISKANY. 
 
 243 
 
 1777.] 
 
 some Indian scouts, and brought into St. Leger’s camp.* * * § But 
 the Indians were the most roughly handled, they having lost 
 nearly one hundred warriors, several of whom were sachems in 
 great favor. Frederick Sammons, who had been detached up¬ 
 on a distant scout previous to the battle, returning some days 
 afterward, crossed the battle-field, where, he says—“I beheld 
 “ the most shocking sight I had ever witnessed. The Indians 
 “ and white men were mingled with one another, just as they 
 “ had been left when death had first completed his work, 
 “ Many bodies had also been torn to pieces by wild beasts. 5 ’! 
 
 It has been affirmed that the Indians were persuaded to join 
 in this battle only with great difficulty, and not until they had 
 been induced to sacrifice their reason to their appetites. It was 
 very manifest that during the action many of them were intox¬ 
 icated. The consequence was, that they suffered more severely 
 than ever before.! According to the narrative of Mary Jemison, 
 the Indians, (at least the Senecas,) were deceived into the cam¬ 
 paign. “ They were sent for to see the British whip the rebels. 
 “ They were told that they were not wanted to fight, but merely 
 “ to sit down, smoke their pipes, and look on. The Senecas 
 “ went to a man ; but, contrary to their expectation, instead of 
 “ smoking and looking on, they were obliged to fight for their 
 ‘ lives ; and in the end of the battle were completely beaten, 
 “ with a great loss of killed and wound ed.”§ 
 
 The whole Indian force was led by Thayendanegea in 
 
 * This statement respecting Major Watts was derived from the late Mr. John 
 Watts, of New-York, his brother. As mentioned in the text, St. Leger, in his offi¬ 
 cial report, did not state the number of his own killed and wounded. Colonel But¬ 
 ler, however, wrote to SirGuy Carleton—“ Of the New-Yorkers, Captain M’Donald 
 was killed, Captain Watts dangerously wounded, and one subaltern. Of the Ran¬ 
 gers, Captains Wilson and Hare killed, and one private wounded. The Indians 
 suffered much, having thirty-three killed and twenty-nine wounded ; the Senecas lost 
 seventeen, among whom were several of their chief warriors, and had sixteen 
 wounded. During the whole action the Indians showed the greatest zeal for his 
 Majesty’s cause; and had they not been a little too precipitate, scarcely a rebel of 
 the party would have escaped. Most of the leading rebels are cut off in the action, 
 so that any farther attempts from that quarter are not to be expected. Captain 
 Watts, of the Royal New-Yorkers, whose many amiable qualities deserved a better 
 fate, lay wounded in three places upon the field two days before he was found.”— 
 Parliamentary Register. 
 
 f MS. narrative of Frederick Sammons, in the author’s possession. 
 
 J Jo i nil of General Lincoln. 
 
 § Life of Mary Jemison. 
 
244 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1777. 
 
 person—“ the great Captain of the Six Nations,” as lie was 
 then called—and as the Cayugas had now likewise joined the 
 Mohawks in alliance with the arms of England—the Ononda- 
 gas adopting a doubtful policy, but always, in fact, acting 
 against the Provincials—he must have had a large force in the 
 field. Of the Senecas alone thirty-six were killed and a great 
 number wounded. Captain Brant was accustomed, long years 
 afterward, to speak of the sufferings of his “ poor Mohawks” in 
 that battle. Indeed, the severity with which they were handled 
 on that occasion, rendered them morose and intractable during 
 the remainder of the campaign ; and the unhappy prisoners 
 were the first to minister with their blood to their resentment.* 
 “ Our town,” says Mary Jemison, “ exhibited a scene of real 
 “ sorrow and distress when our warriors returned and recount- 
 “ ed their misfortunes, and stated the real loss they had sus- 
 “ tained in the engagement. The mourning was excessive, 
 11 and was expressed by the most doleful yells, shrieks, and 
 “ howlings, and by inimitable gesticulations.” 
 
 It was unfortunate that General Herkimer formed his line of 
 march with so little judgment that, when attacked, his men 
 were in no situation to support each other ; and more unfortu¬ 
 nate still, that he marched at all, so long before he could expect 
 to hear the concerted signal for the diversion to be made in 
 his favor by the sortie of Colonel "Willett. The heavy rain¬ 
 storm, moreover, which caused a suspension of the battle, had 
 likewise the effect of delaying the sally for nearly an hour. It 
 was made, however, as soon as it was practicable, and was not 
 only completely successful, but was conducted with such abili¬ 
 ty and spirit by the gallant officer to whom it was confided, as 
 
 * In Mr. Samuel Woodruff’s memoranda of his conversations with Brant, refer¬ 
 red to in the introduction, it is noted as the admission of the latter, that “ he and his 
 Mohawks were compelled to flee in a dispersed condition through the woods, all 
 suffering from fatigue and hunger before they arrived at a place of safety. Their 
 retreat began at nightfall. They were pursued by a body of Oneidas, who fought 
 with General Herkimer. The night was dark and lower}'. Exhausted by the la¬ 
 bors of the day, and fearful he might be overtaken by the pursuing Oneidas, Brant 
 ascended a branching tree, and planting himself in the crotch of it, waited somewhat 
 impatiently for daylight.” There is evidently somewhat of error in this statement. 
 The field of battle was not more than five miles from St. Leser’s entrenchments, 
 and the battle was ended at 2 o’clock P. M. Judge W. p.obablv confounded this 
 battle with another—perhaps that of the Chemung. 
 
SORTIE OF COLONEL WILLETT. 
 
 245 
 
 1777.] 
 
 to win for him the applause of the foe himself/ In addition 
 to the two hundred men detailed for this service, under Colo¬ 
 nel Willett’s command, as before stated, fifty more were added 
 to guard the light iron three pounder already mentioned. With 
 these troops, and this his only piece of mounted ordnance, Co¬ 
 lonel Willett lost not a moment, after the cessation of the rain, 
 in making the sally. The enemy’s sentinels being directly 
 in sight of the fort, the most rapid movements were necessary. 
 The sentinels were driven in, and his advanced guard attacked, 
 before he had time to form his troops. Sir John Johnson, whose 
 regiment was not more than two hundred yards distant from 
 the advanced guard, it being very warm, was in his tent, di¬ 
 vested of his coat at the moment, and had not time to put it on 
 before his camp was assailed. Such, moreover, were the cele¬ 
 rity of Willett’s movement and the impetuosity of the attack, 
 that Sir John could not bring his troops into order, and their 
 only resource was in flight. The Indian encampment was 
 next to that of Sir John, and in turn was carried with equal 
 rapidity. The larger portion of the Indians, and a detachment 
 from the regiment of Sir John, were, at the very moment of this 
 unexpected assault upon their quarters, engaged in the battle 
 of Oriskany. Those who were left behind now betook them¬ 
 selves,—Sir John and his men to the river,—and the Indians 
 to their natural shelter, the woods—the troops of Colonel Wil¬ 
 lett firing briskly upon them in their flight. The amount of 
 spoil found in the enemy’s camp was so great, that Willett was 
 obliged to send hastily to the fort for waggons to convey it 
 away. Seven of these vehicles were three times loaded and 
 discharged in the fort, while the brave little Provincial band 
 held possession of the encampments. Among the spoils thus 
 captured, consisting of camp equipage, clothing, blankets, stores, 
 &c. were five British standards, the baggage of Sir John 
 Johnson, with all his papers, the baggage of a number of other 
 officers, with memoranda, journals, and orderly books, contain¬ 
 ing all the information desirable on the part of the besieged.t 
 
 * London Universal Magazine, 1782. 
 
 t “ Among other things taken from the enemy, were several bundles of papers, 
 and a parcel of letters belonging to our garrison, which they had taken from our 
 militia, but not yet opened. Here I found one letter for myself: there were like¬ 
 wise papers belonging to Sir John Johnson, and several others of the enemy’s offi- 
 
246 LIFE OF BRANT. [1777. 
 
 While Colonel Willett was returning to the fort, Colonel St. 
 Leger, who was on the opposite side of the river, attempted a 
 movement to intercept him. Willett’s position, however, ena¬ 
 bled him to form his troops so as to give the enemy a full fire 
 in front, while at the same time he was enfiladed by the fire of 
 a small field-piece. The distance was not more than sixty 
 yards between them; and although St. Leger was not back¬ 
 ward in returning the fire, his aim was nevertheless so wild as to 
 be entirely without effect. The assailants returned into the for¬ 
 tress in triumph, without having lost a man—the British flags 
 were hoisted on the flag-staff under the American—and the men, 
 ascending the parapets, gave three as hearty cheers as were 
 ever shouted by the same number of voices. Among the pri¬ 
 soners brought off by the victors, was Lieutenant Singleton, 
 of Sir John Johnson’s regiment. Several Indians were found 
 dead in their camp, and others were killed in crossing the 
 river. The loss to the enemy, particularly in stores and bag¬ 
 gage, was great; while the affair itself was of still more im¬ 
 portance, from the new spirit of patriotic enthusiasm with 
 which it inspired the little garrison.* For this chivalrous ex¬ 
 ploit Congress passed a resolution of thanks, and directed the 
 Commissary General of military stores to procure an elegant 
 sword, and present the same to Colonel Willett in the name of 
 the United States. 
 
 General Herkimer did not long survive the battle. He was 
 conveyed to his own house t near the Mohawk river, a few 
 miles below the Little Falls; where his leg, which had been 
 shattered five or six inches below the knee, was amputated 
 about ten days after the battle, by a young French surgeon in 
 the army of General Arnold, and contrary to the advice of the 
 General’s own medical adviser, the late Doctor Petrie. But 
 the operation was unskilfully performed,! and it was found im- 
 
 cers, with letters to and from General St. Leger, the commander. These letters 
 have been of some service to us .”—Colonel Willett’s letter to Governor Trumbull. 
 
 * In this account of the sortie, the author has adopted almost the very language 
 of the brave Colonel himself, in his Narrative. As he led the affair, and was of 
 course the best qualified to describe it, the author could do no better than take his 
 own words. In tracing the progress of the siege, it will be often necessary to draw 
 from the same indisputable source. 
 
 | Yet standing, 1837. 
 
 | Col. Roff s statement—MS. in possession of the author. 
 
1777.1 DEATH OF GENERAL HERKIMER. 247 
 
 possible by his attendants to stanch the blood. Colonel Wil¬ 
 lett called to see the General soon after the operation. He was 
 sitting- up in his bed, with a pipe in his mouth, smoking, and 
 talking in excellent spirits. He died the night following that 
 visit. His friend, Colonel John RofF, was present at the am¬ 
 putation, and affirmed that he bore the operation with uncom¬ 
 mon fortitude. He was likewise with him at the time of his 
 death. The blood continuing to flow—there being no physi¬ 
 cian in immediate attendance—and being: himself satisfied that 
 the time of his departure was nigh, the veteran directed the 
 Holy Bible to be brought to him. He then opened it and read, 
 in the presence of those who surrounded his bed, with all the 
 composure which it was possible for any man to exhibit, the 
 thirty-eighth psalm—applying it to his own situation.* He 
 soon afterward expired ; and it may w«fl be questioned whether 
 the annals of man furnish a more-striking example of Christian 
 heroism—calm, deliberate, and firm in the hour of death—than 
 is presented in this remarkable instance. Of the early history 
 of General Herkimer but little is known. It has been al¬ 
 ready stated that his family was one of the first of the Ger¬ 
 mans who planted themselves in the Mohawk Yalley. And 
 the massive stone mansion, yet standing at German Flatts, 
 bespeaks its early opulence. He was an uneducated man— 
 with, if possible, less skill in letters, even than General Put¬ 
 nam, which is saying much. But he was, nevertheless, a 
 man of strong and vigorous understanding—destitute of some 
 of the essential requisites of generalship, but of the most 
 cool and dauntless courage. These traits were all strik¬ 
 ingly disclosed in the brief and bloody expedition to Oriska- 
 ny. But he must have been well acquainted with that most 
 important of all books —The Bible. Nor could the most 
 learned biblical scholar, lay or clerical, have selected a portion 
 of the Sacred Scriptures more exactly appropriate to the situa¬ 
 tion of the dying soldier, than that to which he himself spon¬ 
 taneously turned. If Socrates died like a philosopher, and 
 Rousseau like an unbelieving sentimentalist, General Herkimer 
 died like a Christian Hero. Congress passed a resolution 
 requesting the Governor and Council of New-York to erect a 
 
 * Statement of Colonel RofF, in possession of the author. 
 
 30 
 
248 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1777. 
 
 monument, at the expense of the United States, to the memory 
 of this brave man, of the value of five hundred dollars. This 
 resolution was transmitted to the Governor of New-York, 
 George Clinton, in a letter from which the following passage 
 is quoted :—“ Every mark of distinction shown to the memory 
 “ of such illustrious men as offer up their lives for the liberty 
 “ and happiness of their country, reflects real honor on those 
 “ who pay the tribute ; and by holding up to others the pros- 
 “ pect of fame and immortality, will animate them to tread in 
 “ the same path.” Governor Clinton thus wrote to the Com¬ 
 mittee of Try on County on the occasion :—“ Enclosed you 
 “ have a letter and resolves of Congress, for erecting a monu- 
 “ ment to the memory of your late gallant General. While 
 “ with you I lament the cause, I am impressed with a due 
 “ sense of the great and justly merited honor the Continent has, 
 “ in this instance, paid to the memory of that brave man.” 
 Such were the feelings of respect for the services and memory 
 of the deceased entertained by the great men of that day. 
 Sixty years have since rolled away, and the journal of Con¬ 
 gress is the only monument, and the resolution itself the only 
 inscription, which as yet testify the gratitude of the republic to 
 General Nicholas Herkimer. 
 
CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Siege of Fort Schuyler continued—Forced letter from prisoners to Col. Gansevoort 
 —St. Leger summons the garrison to surrender—Refusal of Gansevoort—Appeal 
 of Sir John Johnson to the people ofTryon County—Secret expedition of Colonel 
 Willett and Major Stockwell—Schuyler orders Arnold to the relief of Gansevoort 
 —Willett proceeds to Albany—Arrest of Walter Butler, and others, at German 
 Flatts—Tried and convicted as a spy—Reprieved—Sent to Albany—Escapes— 
 Arnold’s proclamation—Advance of the besiegers—Uneasiness of the garrison— 
 Sudden flight of St. Leger and his forces—Stratagem of Arnold—Story of Hon- 
 Yost Schuyler—Merriment and mischief of the Indians—Arrival of Arnold at the 
 Fort—The spoils of victory—Public estimation of Gansevoort’s services—Ad¬ 
 dress to his soldiers—His promotion—Address of his officers. 
 
 Though in fact defeated at Oriskany, the enemy claimed, as 
 we have seen, a victory. In one sense, it is true, the achieve¬ 
 ment was theirs. They had prevented the advance of the 
 Americans to the succor of the fort; and on their retreat the 
 Americans were unable to pursue. Still the field was won, 
 and retained by them.* Availing himself of his questionable 
 success, however, and well knowing that days must probably 
 elapse before the garrison could become apprised of the whole 
 circumstances of the engagement and its issue, St. Leger lost 
 no time in endeavoring, by false representations, to press the 
 besieged to a capitulation. On the same night of the battle, 
 therefore, at 9 o’clock, Colonel Bellinger and Major Frey, being 
 in St. Leger’s camp as prisoners, were compelled to address a 
 note to Colonel Gansevoort, greatly exaggerating the disasters 
 of the day, and strongly urging a surrender. In this letter 
 they spoke of the defeat at Oriskany, of the impossibility of 
 receiving any farther succor from below—of the formidable 
 force of St. Leger, together with his train of artillery—an¬ 
 nounced the probable fact that Burgoyne and his army were 
 then before Albany, and stated that longer resistance would 
 only result in “ inevitable ruin and destruction.”! The letter 
 
 * It was alleged, in some of the contemporaneous accounts, that the forces en¬ 
 gaged with Herkimer were ordered back in consequence of the sortie of Willett. 
 That circumstance, however, does not alter the essential facts of the case. The 
 victory was the same. 
 
 t See Appendix, No. V. for a copy of this letter, written while under duress. 
 
250 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [i777. 
 
 was transmitted to Colonel Gansevoort by St. Leger’s Adjutant- 
 general, Colonel Butler, who, in delivering it, made a verbal 
 demand of surrender. Colonel Gansevoort replied that he 
 would give no answer to a verbal summons, unless delivered 
 by Colonel St. Leger himself, but at the mouth of his cannon. 
 
 On the following day a white flag approached the garrison, 
 with a request that Colonel Butler, and two other officers, 
 might be admitted into the fort as bearers of a message to the 
 commanding officer. Permission being granted, those officers 
 were conducted blind-folded into the fort, and received by 
 Colonel Gansevoort in his dining-room. The windows of the 
 room were shut, and candles lighted ; a table was also spread, 
 upon which were placed some slight refreshments. Colonels 
 Willett and Mellen were present at the interview, together with 
 as many of the American officers as could be accommodated in 
 the quarters of their commander. After the officers were 
 seated and the wine had been passed around, Major Ancrom, 
 one of the messengers, addressed Colonel Gansevoort in sub¬ 
 stance as follows :— 
 
 “ I am directed by Colonel St. Leger, the officer commanding 
 the army now investing this garrison, to inform the command¬ 
 ant that the Colonel has, with much difficulty, prevailed on the 
 Indians to agree, that if the garrison, without farther resistance, 
 shall be delivered up, with the public stores belonging to it, to 
 the investing army, the officers and soldiers shall have all their 
 baggage and private property secured to them. And in order 
 that the garrison may have a sufficient pledge to this effect, 
 Colonel Butler accompanies me to assure them, that not a hair 
 of the head of any one of them shall be hurt.” (Here turning 
 to Colonel Butler, he said, 1 That, I think, was the expression 
 they made use of, was it not V —to which the Colonel answered, 
 c Yes.’) “ I am likewise directed to remind the commandant, 
 that the defeat of General Herkimer must deprive the garrison 
 of all hopes of relief, especially as General Burgoyne is now in 
 Albany ; so that, sooner or later, the fort must fall into our 
 hands. Colonel St. Leger, from an earnest desire to prevent 
 farther bloodshed, hopes these terms will not be refused ; as in 
 this case it will be out of his power to make them again. It 
 was with great difficulty the Indians consented to the present 
 arrangement, as it will deprive them of that plunder which 
 
1777.] SIEGE OF FORT SCHUYLER. 251 
 
 they always calculate upon on similar occasions. Should, then, 
 the present terms be rejected, it will be out of the power of the 
 Colonel to restrain the Indians, who are very numerous and 
 much exasperated, not only from plundering the property, but 
 destroying the lives, probably, of the greater part of the garri¬ 
 son. Indeed, the Indians are so exceedingly provoked and 
 mortified by the losses they have sustained in the late actions, 
 having had several of their favorite chiefs killed, that they 
 threaten—and the Colonel, if the present arrangements should 
 not be entered into, will not be able to prevent them from exe¬ 
 cuting their threats—to march down the country, and destroy 
 the settlement, with its inhabitants. In this case, not only men, 
 but women and children, will experience the sad effects of 
 their vengeance. These considerations, it is ardently hoped, 
 will produce a proper effect, and induce the commandant, by 
 complying with the terms now offered, to save himself from fu¬ 
 ture regret, when it will be too late.” 
 
 This singular oration was of course delivered extempora¬ 
 neously, as also was the following reply by Colonel Willett, 
 with the approbation of Colonel Gansevoort *:—■ 
 
 “ Do I understand you, Sir ? I think you say, that you 
 come from a British colonel, who is commander of the army 
 that invests this fort; and by your uniform, you appear to be 
 an officer in the British service. You have made a long speech 
 on the occasion of your visit, which, stripped of all its superflui¬ 
 ties. amounts to this—that you come from a British colonel, to 
 the commandant of this garrison, to tell him, that if he does 
 not deliver up the garrison into the hands of your Colonel, he 
 will send his Indians to murder our women and children. 
 You will please to reflect, sir, that their blood will be on your 
 head, not oil ours. We are doing our duty: this garrison is 
 committed to our charge, and we will take care of it. After 
 you get out of it, you may turn round and look at its outside, 
 but never expect to come in again, unless you come a prisoner. 
 I consider the message you have brought, a degrading one for 
 a British officer to send, and by no means reputable for a Bri¬ 
 tish officer to carry. For my own part, I declare, before I 
 would consent to deliver this garrison to such a murdering set 
 as your army, by your own account, consists of, I would suffer 
 my body to be filled with splinters, and set on fire, as you know 
 
LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 252 
 
 [1777. 
 
 has at times been practised, by such hordes of women and 
 children killers as belong to your army.” 
 
 Colonel Willett observes in his narrative, whence these facts 
 are drawn, that in the delivery he looked the British major 
 full in the face ; and that he spoke with emphasis is not doubt¬ 
 ed. The sentiments contained in this reply were received with 
 universal applause by the Provincial officers, who, far from 
 being intimidated by the threats of the messengers, were at 
 once impressed with the idea that such pressing efforts to in¬ 
 duce a capitulation could only be the effect of doubt, on the 
 part of the enemy himself, of his ability either to sustain the 
 siege or carry the works by assault. Before the interview was 
 closed, Major Anc.rom requested that an English surgeon who 
 was with him might be permitted to visit the British wounded 
 in the garrison, which request was granted. Major Ancrom 
 also proposed an armistice for three days, which was likewise 
 agreed to by Colonel Gansevoort—the more readily, probably, 
 because of his scanty supply of ammunition. 
 
 On the 9th of August, Colonel Gansevoort having refused 
 to recognize any verbal messages from the British commander, 
 Colonel St. Leger transmitted the substance of Major Ancrom’s 
 speech in the form of a letter—protesting that no indignity was 
 intended by the delivery of such a message—a message that 
 had been insisted upon categorically by the Indians—and for¬ 
 mally renewing the summons of a surrender—adding, that the 
 Indians were becoming exceedingly impatient, and if the pro¬ 
 position should be rejected, the refusal would be attended with 
 very fatal consequences, not only to the garrison, but to the 
 whole country of the Mohawk river.* 
 
 The reply of Colonel Gansevoort was written with soldierly 
 brevity, in the following words :— 
 
 COL. GANSEVOORT TO COL. ST. LEGER. 
 
 “ Fort Schuyler , Aug. 9 th, 1777. 
 
 “ Sir, 
 
 “ Your letter of this day’s date I have received, in answer to 
 which I say, that it is my determined resolution, with the forces 
 under my command, to defend this fort to the last extremity, in 
 
 * See Appendix, No. VI. 
 
1777.] SECRET EXPEDITION OF WILLETT. 253 
 
 behalf of the United American States, who have placed me 
 here to defend it against all their enemies. 
 
 i: I have the honor to be, Sir, 
 
 “ Your most ob’t. humble serv’t., 
 
 “ Peter Gansevoort, 
 
 “ Col. commanding Fort Schuyler. 
 
 “ Gen. Barry St. Leger 
 
 Failing in these attempts to induce a surrender, the besiegers, 
 four days afterward, had recourse to another expedient. It 
 was the issuing of an appeal to the inhabitants of Tryon 
 County, signed by Sir John Johnson, Colonel Claus, and Colo¬ 
 nel John Butler, similar in its tenor to the verbal and written 
 messages of St. Leger to Colonel Gansevoort. The appeal 
 commenced with strong protestations of a desire for the restora¬ 
 tion of peace, with a promise of pardon, and oblivion for the 
 past, notwithstanding the many and great injuries the signers 
 had received, upon a proper submission by the people. They, 
 too, were threatened with the ravages of a victorious army, and 
 the resentment of the Indians for the losses they had sustained 
 at Oriskany, in the event of rejecting this appeal. In regard 
 to the garrison of Fort Schuyler, its longer resistance was pro¬ 
 nounced “ mulish obstinacy,” and the people of the Mohawk 
 Valley were urged to send up a deputation of their principal 
 men, to oblige the garrison to do at once what they must be 
 forced to do soon—surrender. If they did not surrender, the 
 threat was again repeated that every soul would be put to death 
 by the Indians.t Messengers were despatched with this docu¬ 
 ment into Tryon County, but to no good purpose; while, as 
 will soon appear, some of those messengers were involved in 
 serious difficulty by their errand. 
 
 But if Colonel Willett’s success in the brilliant execution of 
 the sortie on the 6th, entitled him, as it unquestionably did, to 
 the commendations he received, a still more perilous enterprise, 
 undertaken by him a few days afterward, was thought, alike by 
 friends and foes, to entitle him to still greater applause. The 
 
 * Copied, by the author, from the original draft, found among the Gansevoort 
 papers. 
 
 t See Appendix, No. VII. I have found this document only in The Remem¬ 
 brancer for 1777, page 451. 
 
254 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1777 . 
 
 artillery of the besiegers was not sufficiently heavy to make any 
 impression upon the works, and there was every probability that 
 the garrison might hold out until succors should be obtained, 
 could their situation be made known. Colonel Willett was not 
 only well acquainted, but exceedingly popular, in Tryon Coun¬ 
 ty ; and it was supposed that, should he show himself personally 
 among the militia of that district, notwithstanding the extent of 
 their suffering in the late expedition, he might yet rally a force 
 sufficient to raise the siege. The bold project was therefore 
 conceived by him of passing by night, in company with ano¬ 
 ther officer, through the enemy’s works, and, regardless of the 
 danger from the prowling savages, making his way through 
 some forty or fifty miles of sunken morasses and pathless woods, 
 in order to raise the County and bring relief.* Selecting Major 
 Stockwell for his companion, Colonel Willett undertook the 
 expedition on the 10th, and left the fort at ten o’clock that 
 night, each armed with nothing but a spear, and provided only 
 with a small supply of crackers and cheese, a small canteen of 
 spirits, and in all other respects unincumbered, even by a 
 blanket. Having escaped from the sally-port, they crept upon 
 their hands and knees along the edge of a morass to the river, 
 which they crossed by crawling over upon a log, and succeeded 
 in getting off unperceived by the sentinels of the enemy, 
 although passing very near to them. Their first advance was 
 into a deep-tangled forest in which, enveloped in thick darkness, 
 they lost their direction, and found it impossible to proceed. 
 While in this state of uncertainty, the barking of a dog added 
 little to their comfort, inasmuch as it apprized them that they were 
 not far from a new Indian encampment, formed subsequent 
 to the sortie a few days before. They were therefore compelled 
 to stand perfectly still for several hours, and until the morning 
 star appeared to guide their way. Striking first in a Northern di¬ 
 rection for several miles, and then Eastwardly, they traced a 
 zig-zag course, occasionally adopting the Indian method of con¬ 
 cealing their trail by walking in the channels of streams, and 
 by stepping on stones along the river’s edge. In this way they 
 travelled the whole of the ensuing day without making a single 
 halt. On the approach of night they dared not to strike a light, 
 
 * British Universal Magazine. 
 
EXPEDITION OF ARNOLD. 
 
 255 
 
 1777.] 
 
 but lay down to sleep, interlocked in each other’s arms. Pur¬ 
 suing 1 their journey on the 12th, their little stock of provisions 
 being exhausted, they fed upon raspberries and blackberries, of 
 which they found an abundance in an opening occasioned by a 
 windfall. Thus refreshed, they pushed forward with renewed 
 vigor and at an accelerated pace, and arrived at Fort Dayton 
 at three o’clock in the afternoon.* 
 
 The Colonel and his friend received a hearty welcome from 
 Colonel Weston, whose regiment was then in charge of Fort 
 Dayton, and from whom he obtained the agreeable intelligence 
 that, on learning the news of General Herkimer’s disaster, Ge* 
 neral Schuyler had ordered Generals Arnold and Larned, with 
 the Massachusetts brigade, to inarch to the relief of Colonel 
 Gansevoort. Colonel Willett thereupon took horse immediately 
 for Albany to meet General Arnold, who was to command the 
 expedition; and in four days afterward accompanied Arnold 
 back to Fort Dayton, where the troops were assembling. The 
 first New-York regiment had been added to the brigade of 
 General Larned, who was yet in the rear, bringing up the heavy 
 baggage and stores. 
 
 During Willett’s brief absence to Albany, an incident occur-* 
 red in the neighborhood of Fort Dayton, showing that if he had 
 been active in his attempts to bring succors to the fort, the enemy, 
 on the other hand, had not been idle. About two miles above 
 Fort Dayton resided a Mr. Shoemaker, a disaffected gentleman, 
 who had been in his Majesty’s commission of the peace. Hav* 
 ing heard of a clandestine meeting of Tories at the house of 
 that gentleman, Colonel Weston despatched a detachment of 
 troops thither, which came upon the assemblage by surprise, 
 and took them all prisoners. Among them was Lieutenant 
 Waller N. Butler, from St. Leger’s army, who, with fourteen white 
 soldiers and the same number of Indians,t had visited the Ger¬ 
 man Flatts secretly, with the appeal of Sir John Johnson, 
 Claus, and the elder Butler, referred to in a preceding page, for 
 the purpose of persuading the timid and disaffected inhabitants 
 to abandon the Provincial cause, and enrol themselves with the 
 
 * “ So successful was Colonel Willett in all his movements, that the Indians, be¬ 
 lieving him to be possessed of supernatural power, gave to him the name of the 
 Devil.”— Campbell . 
 
 t The Remembrancer for 1777, page 395. 
 
 37 
 
256 
 
 LIFE OF HRANT. 
 
 [ 1777 . 
 
 King’s array before Fort Schuyler. Butler was in the midst 
 of his harangue to the meeting at the moment of the unwelcome 
 surprise. General Arnold ordered a court-martial, and caused 
 him to be tried as a spy.* Of this tribunal Colonel Willett 
 officiated as Judge Advocate. The Lieutenant was convicted, 
 and. received sentence of death ; but at the intercession of a 
 number of officers, who had known him while a student at law 
 in Albany, his life was spared by a reprieve. He was, however, 
 removed to Albany and closely imprisoned until the Spring of 
 the following year. When General the Marquis de Lafayette 
 assumed the command of the Northern department, the friends 
 of the Butler family, in consequence, as it was alleged, of his 
 ill-health, interceded for a mitigated form of imprisonment. 
 He was then removed to a private house and kept under guard, 
 but shortly afterward effected his escape—owing, it was report¬ 
 ed, to treachery—and was subsequently distinguished as one 
 of the severest scourges of the beautiful valley which had given 
 him birth. 
 
 The address of Johnson, Claus, and Butler, having been 
 thus introduced among the people of the County, Arnold issued 
 a proclamation from Fort Dayton for the purpose of counter¬ 
 acting its influence. It was couched in severe language in re¬ 
 gard to St. Leger and his heterogeneous army—denounced 
 those of the people who might be seduced by his arts to enrol 
 themselves under the banner of the king—but promised pardon 
 to all, whether Americans, Savages, Germans, or Britons, who 
 might return to their duty to the States.t 
 
 Meantime Colonel St. Leger was pushing his operations be¬ 
 fore the fort with considerable vigor. Every effort to intimi¬ 
 date the garrison having failed, and the commander exhibiting 
 an unsubmitting spirit, St. Leger “ commenced approaching 
 “ by sap, and had formed two parallels, the second of which 
 “ brought him near the edge of the glacis ; but the fire of mus- 
 “ ketry from the covert way rendered his farther progress very 
 <! difficult.”! The fire of his ordnance producing no effect, his 
 only means of annoying the garrison was by throwing shells; 
 
 * The Remembrancer states that Butler came “on a truce to the inhabitants of 
 the County.” But if he did bear a flag, it could be no protection for such a mission 
 —as it was not. 
 
 t See Appendix, No. VIII. 
 
 J Willett’s Narrative. 
 
RAISING OP THE STEGE. 
 
 257 
 
 1777 .] 
 
 but these proved of so little consequence as to afford a discou¬ 
 raging prospect of success. Having advanced, however, within 
 one hundred and fifty yards; it is not to be denied that some 
 uneasiness began to be manifested within the garrison. Igno¬ 
 rant of the fate of Colonel Willett and Major Stockwell, and 
 entirely cut off from all communication from without, their 
 provisions daily exhausting, and having no certain prospect of 
 relief, some of the officers commenced speaking in whispers of 
 the expediency of saving the garrison from a re-enactment of 
 the Fort William Henry tragedy, by acceding to St. Leger’s 
 proffered terms of capitulation. Not so the commander. After 
 weighing well the circumstances of the case, he came to the 
 deliberate resolve, in the event of obtaining no succor from with¬ 
 out, when his provisions were about exhausted, to make a sally 
 at night, and cut his way through the encampment of the be¬ 
 siegers, or perish in the attempt. 
 
 Fortunately, the necessity of executing the bold determina¬ 
 tion did not arrive. The siege had continued until the 22d of 
 August, when, suddenly, without any cause within the know¬ 
 ledge of the garrison, the besiegers broke up their encampment, 
 and retired in such haste and confusion as to leave their tents, 
 together with a great part of their artillery, camp equipage, and 
 baggage behind. What was the motive for this unexpected 
 flight of a vaunting and all but victorious foe, was a problem 
 they were unable to solve within the garrison, although their 
 joy was not, on that account, the less at their deliverance. It 
 subsequently appeared that the panic which produced this wel¬ 
 come and unexpected change in the situation of the garrison, 
 was caused by a ruse-de-guerre , practised upon the forces of 
 St. Leger by General Arnold, who had been waiting at Fort 
 Dayton several days for the arrival of reinforcements and sup¬ 
 plies.* But, having heard that St. Leger had made his ap- 
 
 * “ I wrote you, the 21st instant, from German Flatts, that from the best intelli¬ 
 gence I could procure of the enemy’s strength, it was much superior to our’s ; at 
 the same time I inclosed you a copy of the resolutions of a council of war, and re¬ 
 quested you to send me a reinforcement of one thousand light troops.”— Letter of 
 Arnold to General Gates, Aug. 23, 1777.—“I have been retarded by the badness of 
 the roads, waiting for some baggage and ammunition, and for the militia, who did 
 not turn out with that spirit which I expected. They are now joining me in great 
 numbers. A few days will relieve you.”— MS. letter from Arnold to Colonel Ganse- 
 voort, Aug. 22, 1777. 
 
258 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1777 . 
 
 proaches to within a short distance of the fort, Arnold, on the 
 22d of August, determined at all events to push forward and 
 hazard a battle, rather than see the garrison fall a sacrifice.* 
 With this view, on the morning of the 23d, he resumed his 
 march for Fort Schuyler, and had proceeded ten miles of the 
 distance from Fort Dayton when he was met by an express 
 from Colonel Gansevoort, with the gratifying intelligence that 
 the siege had been raised. The cause of this sudden movement 
 was yet as great a mystery to the Colonel and his garrison, as 
 was the flight of the host of Ben-hadad from before Samaria to 
 the king of Israel, when the Syrian monarch heard the super¬ 
 natural sound of chariots, and the noise of horses, in the days 
 of Elisha the prophet. Arnold was, of course, less in the dark. 
 The circumstances were these :—• 
 
 Among the party of Tories and Indians captured at Shoe¬ 
 maker’s under Lieutenant Butler, was a singular being named 
 Hon-Yost Schuyler. His place of residence was near the 
 Little Falls, where his mother and a brother named Nicholas, 
 were then residing. Hon-Yost Schuyler was one of the 
 coarsest and most ignorant men in the valley, appearing scarce 
 half removed from idiocy ; and yet there was no small share of 
 shrewdness in his character. Living upon the extreme border 
 of civilization, his associations had been more with the Indians 
 than the whites ; and tradition avers that they regarded him 
 with that mysterious reverence and awe with which they are 
 inspired by fools and lunatics. Thus situated and thus con¬ 
 stituted, Hon-Yost had partially attached himself to the Royalist 
 cause, though probably, like the Cow-boys of West Chester, he 
 really cared little which party he served or plundered ; and 
 had he been the captor of the unfortunate Andre, would have 
 balanced probabilities as to the best way of turning the prize to 
 account. Be these things, however, as they may, Hon-Yost 
 was captured, with Walter Butler, and, like him, was tried for 
 his life, adjudged guilty, and condemned to death. His mother 
 q.nd brother, hearing of his situation, hastened to Fort Dayton, 
 and implored General Arnold to spare his life. The old wo¬ 
 man strongly resembled the gipsey in her character, and the 
 eloquence and pathos with which she pleaded for the life of her 
 
 * Letter aboye cited from Arnold to General Gates. Vide Remembrancer, 1777, 
 page 444. 
 
1777 .] STORY OF HON-YOST SCHUYLER. 259 
 
 son, were long remembered in the unwritten history of the 
 Mohawk Valley. Arnold was for a time inexorable, and the 
 woman became almost frantic with grief and passion on account 
 of her wayward son. Nicholas, likewise, exerted himself to the 
 utmost in behalf of his brother. At length General Arnold 
 proposed terms upon which his life should be spared. The 
 conditions were, that Hon-Yost should hasten to Fort Schuyler, 
 and so alarm the camp of St. Leger as to induce him to raise 
 the siege and fly. The convict-traitor gladly accepted the 
 proposition, and his mother offered herself as a hostage for the 
 faithful performance of his commission. Arnold, however, 
 declined receiving the woman as a hostage, preferring and in¬ 
 sisting that Nicholas should be retained for that purpose. To 
 this the latter readily assented, declaring that he was perfectly 
 willing to pledge his life that Hon-Yost would fulfil his engage¬ 
 ments to the utmost. Nicholas was, therefore, placed in con¬ 
 finement, while Hon-Yost departed for the camp of Colonel St. 
 Leger—having made an arrangement with one of the Oneida 
 Indians, friendly to the Americans, to aid him in the enterprise. 
 Before his departure several shots were fired through Schuyler’s 
 clothes, that he might appear to have had a narrow escape ; and 
 the Oneida Indian, by taking a circuitous route to Fort Schuy¬ 
 ler, was to fall into the enemy’s camp from another direction, 
 and aid Hon-Yost in creating the panic desired. The emissary 
 first presented himself among the Indians, who were in a very 
 suitable state of mind to be wrought upon by exactly such a 
 personage. They had been moody and dissatisfied ever since 
 the battle of Oriskany—neither the success nor the plunder 
 promised them had been won, and they had previously received 
 some vague and indefinite intelligence respecting the approach 
 of Arnold. They had likewise just been holding a pow-wovv, 
 or were actually convened in one, for the purpose of consulting 
 the Manitto touching the dubious enterprise in which they 
 were engaged, when Hon-Yost arrived. Knowing their cha¬ 
 racter well, he communicated his intelligence to them in the 
 most mysterious and imposing manner. Pointing to his riddled 
 garments, he proved to them how narrow had been his escape 
 from the approaching army of the rebels. When asked the 
 number of the troops that Arnold was leading against them, 
 he shook his head mysteriously, and pointed upward to the 
 
260 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1777 . 
 
 leaves of the trees. The reports spread rapidly through the 
 camps, and reaching the ears of the commander, Hon-Yost was 
 sent for to the tent of St. Leger himself. Here he was inter¬ 
 rogated, and gave information that General Arnold, with two 
 thousand men, was so near that he would he upon them within 
 twenty-four hours. He gave St. Leger a pitiable narrative of 
 his captivity, trial, and condemnation to the gallows. It was 
 while on his way to execution, as he alleged, that, finding him¬ 
 self not very closely guarded, he took an opportunity to effect 
 his escape—thinking, at the worst, that he could only die, and 
 it would be as well to be shot as hanged. A shower of bullets 
 had indeed been let fly at him, but fortunately had only wound¬ 
 ed his clothes, as the General might see.* Meantime the 
 Oneida messenger arrived with a belt, and confirmed to the In¬ 
 dians all that Schuyler had said ; adding, that the Americans 
 had no desire to injure the Indians, and were intent only upon 
 attacking the British troops and rangers. While making his 
 way to the camp of the besiegers, the ingenious Oneida had 
 fallen in with some two or three strangling Indians of his ac- 
 quaintance, to whom he communicated his business, and whose 
 assistance in furthering the design he engaged. These saga- 
 cious fellows dropped into the Indian camp at different points, 
 and threw out alarming suggestions—shaking their heads 
 mysteriously, and insinuating that a bird had brought them in¬ 
 telligence of great moment.! They spoke of warriors in great 
 numbers advancing rapidly upon them, and used every indirect 
 method of infusing a panic into the minds of the listeners who 
 gathered around them. The Indians presently began to give 
 signs of decamping, and St. Leger assayed in vain to reassure 
 them. He convened a council of their chiefs, hoping that by 
 the influence of Sir John Johnson, and Colonels Claus and 
 Butler, he should still be able to retain them. Other re¬ 
 ports, of a yet more terrifying tendency, getting afloat, not only 
 among the Indians but in the other camp, the former declared 
 that “ the pow-wow said they must go and a portion of them 
 took their departure before the council broke up. The result 
 was a general and precipitate flight. It has been stated, that in 
 
 * Remembrancer, for 1777—p. 447-44S. 
 
 t Travels of President Dwight, vol. iii. p. 195-197. 
 
MERRIMENT OF THE INDIANS. 
 
 261 
 
 1777 .] 
 
 the commencement of the retreat the Indians made themselves 
 merry at the expense of their white allies, by raising a shout 
 that the Americans were upon them, and then laughing at the 
 groundless terror thus created.* According to the account de- 
 rived by Gordon from the Rev. Mr. Kirkland, an altercation 
 took place between Colonel St. Leger and Sir John Johnson, the 
 former reproaching the latter with the defection of the Indians, 
 while the Baronet charged his commander with but an indif¬ 
 ferent prosecution of the siege. It was in the gray of twilight, 
 when a couple of sachems, standing upon a little eminence not 
 far in the rear, and overhearing the interchange of sharp woj-ds 
 between them, put an end to the unpleasant colloquy by raising 
 the shout —“ they are coming!—they are coming /” Both 
 St. Leger and Sir John recommenced their retreat with all 
 possible expedition upon hearing such an alarm. Their troops 
 were equally nimble of foot on the occasion, throwing away 
 their knapsacks and arms, and disencumbering themselves of 
 every hindrance to the quick-step ; while the Indians, enjoying 
 the panic and confusion, repeated the joke by the way until 
 they arrived at the Oneida Lake. It is believed, however, that 
 it was not the Americans alone of whom St. Leger began to 
 stand in fear, being quite as apprehensive of danger from his 
 own dusky allies as he was of the approaching army of Arnold. 
 There is British authority for stating that the Indians actually 
 plundered several of the boats belonging to their own army; 
 robbing the officers of whatsoever they liked. Within a few 
 miles of the camp, they first stripped off the arms, and afterward 
 murdered, with their own bayonets, all those British, German, 
 and American soldiers who were separated from the main 
 body.f Thus were the threats of savage vengeance sent by 
 Colonel St. Leger to the garrison, in some degree wreaked 
 
 * Travels of President Dwight, vol. iii. p. 195-197. 
 
 + British Universal Magazine. Indeed, St Leger’s report of this disastrous re¬ 
 treat, addressed to General Burgoyne from Oswego, on the 27th of August, cor¬ 
 responds very closely with the American accounts whence the present narrative has 
 been drawn. He states that the Indians fell treacherously upon their friends, and 
 became more formidable than the enemy they had to expect. He leaves no room, 
 however, to suppose that there was any difficulty between Sir John Johnson and 
 himself—calling him “ his gallant coadjutor,” &c. and commending his exertions to 
 induce the Indians again to meet the enemy, as also those of Colonels Claus and 
 Butler. 
 
262 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 9 
 
 [ 1777 . 
 
 upon his own array. Hon-Yost Schuyler accompanied the 
 flying host to the estuary of Wood Creek, where he deserted, 
 threading his way back to Fort Schuyler the same evening— 
 imparting to Colonel Gansevoort his first information of the 
 advance of Arnold.* From Fort Schuyler, Hon-Yost proceeded 
 back to the German Flatts. On presenting himself at Fort 
 Dayton, his brother was discharged, to the inexpressible joy of 
 his mother and their relatives. But he proved a Tory in grain, 
 and embraced the first opportunity subsequently presented, 
 which was in October, of running away to the enemy, with 
 several of his neighbors, and attaching himself to the forces of 
 Sir John Johnson, t 
 
 Immediately on the receipt of Colonel Gansevoort’s despatch 
 announcing St. Leger’s retreat, General Arnold pushed for¬ 
 ward a detachment of nine hundred men, with directions, if 
 possible, to overtake the fugitives, and render their flight still 
 more disastrous. On the day following, Arnold himself arrived 
 at the fort, where he was received with a salute of artillery and 
 the cheers of the brave garrison. He, of course, found that 
 Gansevoort had anticipated his design of harassing the rear of 
 the flying enemy, and had brought in several prisoners, together 
 with large quantities of spoil.+ So great was their panic, and 
 such the precipitancy of their flight, that they left their tents 
 standing, their provisions, artillery, ammunition, their entire 
 camp equipage, and large quantities of other articles enhancing 
 the value of the booty. § 
 
 Thus ended the siege of Fort Schuyler, or Fort Stanwix, as 
 the public have always preferred calling it. St. Leger hastened 
 with his scattered forces back to Oswego, and thence to Mon¬ 
 treal. From that post he proceeded to Lake Champlain, pass¬ 
 ing up the same to Ticonderoga, for the purpose of joining the 
 army of Burgoyne. Finding that the enemy had evacuated the 
 country between the fort and Lake Ontario, and that the post 
 could be in no immediate danger from that direction, Colonel 
 
 * Letter of Colonel Gansevoort to General Arnold. 
 
 | After the close of the contest, Hon-Yost returned to the Mohawk Valley, and 
 resided there until his death—which event occurred about twenty years since. 
 
 t Letter of Arnold to General Gates, Aug. 24, 1777. 
 
 § Among other articles was the escritoire of St. Leger himself, containing his pri¬ 
 vate papers, several of which have been used by the author in writing this and the 
 preceding chapters. 
 
PROMOTION OF GANSEVOORT. 
 
 263 
 
 1777 .] 
 
 Gansevoort took the opportunity of visiting his friends at Alba¬ 
 ny, and at the seat of the State government, then jnst organised 
 at Kingston. His reception was most cordial, as appears not 
 only from contemporaneous accounts, but from the following 
 modest address to his fellow-soldiers of the garrison, on his re¬ 
 turn to resume his command:—■ 
 
 “ I should be wanting in justice to you, if I did not give some 
 testimony of your good conduct during the time you have been 
 in this garrison, and especially while we were besieged by the 
 enemy. Believe me, that I am impressed with a proper sense 
 of the behavior by which you have done essential service to 
 your country, and acquired immortal honor to yourselves. 
 Nothing can equal the pleasure I have experienced since my 
 absence, in hearing and receiving the public approbation of our 
 country for our services, which is, and must be, to every sol¬ 
 dier, a full and ample compensation for the same. Permit me 
 to congratulate you upon the success of the American arms, 
 both to the Southward and Northward. Every day terminates 
 with victory to America ; and I make not the least doubt, but 
 in this campaign we shall effectually establish the Indepen¬ 
 dence of the United States, and thereby secure to ourselves the 
 rights and liberties for which we have so nobly stood forth.”* 
 
 As an evidence of the value placed upon the services of the 
 Colonel in the defence of Fort Schuyler, he was shortly after¬ 
 ward promoted in the State line to the rank of Brigadier Gene¬ 
 ral, while his gallantry was farther rewarded by a Colonel’s 
 commission from Congress in the army of the United States.f 
 
 ♦ Copied by the author from the original manuscript. It was filed away among 
 the Colonel’s papers, with the following inscription:—“ A laconic address to my fel¬ 
 low officers and soldiers after our success at Fort Stanwix.” 
 
 t There seems to have been something peculiar and special in this commission. 
 In a letter which Colonel Gansevoort wrote jointly to William Duer and Gouver- 
 neur Morris, a copy of which is preserved among his papers, he observes:—“Con¬ 
 gress have done me the honor of appointing me Colonel Commandant of Fort Schuy¬ 
 ler. I should esteem it as a favor if you would inform me whether I am to receive 
 any pay for that commission, other than as Colonel of the third regiment of New- 
 Yorkers; and if not, I should be glad if you would endeavor to get something al¬ 
 lowed me, as my present pay will not reimburse my table liquors, which you may 
 well conceive to be something considerable as commanding officer. I am not solici¬ 
 tous to make money by my commission ; but I could wish not to sink by it, as I am 
 obliged to do now. The commission which Congress has sent me as commandant 
 of Fort Schuyler, subjects me as much to the command of my superior officers, as 
 
 38 
 
264 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1777 . 
 
 On leaving his regiment, its officers presented him with an af¬ 
 fectionate letter of congratulation on his promotion, mingled 
 with an expression of their regret at the loss to the regiment of 
 “ so worthy a patron.” To which the Colonel returned an 
 appropriate letter of thanks.* The people of Tryon County 
 were of course rejoiced, that the blow, directed, as the enemy 
 supposed, with unerring certainty against them, had been avert¬ 
 ed. They had suffered severely in the campaign; but there 
 were enough of her sons yet left to swell the ranks of General 
 Gates not a little ; and they pressed ardently to join his standard, 
 although circumstances did not then require them long to re¬ 
 main in the field. 
 
 In October following, when Sir Henry Clinton was ascending 
 the Hudson for the purpose either of succoring, or of co-ope¬ 
 rating with, Burgoyne, Colonel Gansevoort was ordered to 
 Albany by General Gates, to take command of the large force 
 then concentrating at that place. Happily, as will appear in 
 the succeeding chapters, there was no occasion to test his 
 prowess in his new and temporary command. 
 
 any former one. If that was the intention of Congress, the appointment is nugatory. 
 If not, I wish Congress to alter the commission.” 
 
 * The following is a copy of the address referred to in the text:—“Honored Sir; 
 From a just sense of that conduct which has hitherto been so conspicuously shown 
 to advance the third New-York regiment to honor and public notice, we congratu¬ 
 late you that those characteristics which so eminently point out the gentleman and 
 soldier, have by your personal bravery been deservedly noticed by our bleeding coun¬ 
 try. Although we rejoice at your promotion, yet we cannot but regret the loss of so 
 worthy a patron. That the prosperity which has crowned your conduct with victory 
 may still be continued, is the sincere wish and prayer of, honored Sir, your most 
 obedient and very humble servants.” It was signed by twenty-six officers. Colonel 
 Gansevoort replied as follows:—“Gentlemen: Your polite address on my promo¬ 
 tion merits my sincerest thanks. Gratitude, I hope, shall never be wanting in me 
 to the third N. Y. regiment, who have, by their firmness and discipline, been the 
 chief authors of my promotion. Therefore, Gentlemen, please to accept my warmest 
 wishes for the prosperity of the corps, that all their virtuous endeavors in the defence 
 of their bleeding country may be crowned with honor and success, which will always 
 be the earnest prayer of, Gentlemen, your most obliged, humble servant.” 
 
CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Recurrence to the invasion of Burgovne—General Schuyler again superseded by 
 Gates—Causes of this injustice—Battle of Stillwater—Both armies entrench— 
 Battle and victory of Behmus’s Heights—Funeral of General" Frazer—Retreat of 
 Burgoyne—Difficulties increasing upon him—His capitulation—Meeting of Bur- 
 goyne and Gates—Deportment of Gates toward Gen. Washington—Noble con¬ 
 duct of General Schuyler. 
 
 The temporary pacification of the Western part of the 
 State, resulting from the events of which we have just closed 
 the narrative, affords an opportunity for recurring to the inva¬ 
 sion of Burgoyne, who was left in the mid career of victory, 
 checked, it is true, by unexpected and increasing difficulties, 
 until brought to a stand by the serious affair of Bennington, 
 heretofore incidentally disposed of. On shifting the scene, 
 however, from the head waters of the Mohawk to the upper 
 districts of the Hudson, General Gates is again found in com¬ 
 mand of the Northern Department—General Schuyler, to 
 whose wise measures and indefatigable exertions the country 
 was mainly indebted for arresting the progress of Burgoyne, 
 and during whose command the victory of Bennington had 
 been won by General Stark—having been most unjustly su¬ 
 perseded by express resolution of Congress. There had, during 
 the present year, been a very unwise, unworthy, and capricious 
 interference, on the part of Congress, with the command of this 
 department. On the 25th of March, without a reason assigned, 
 General Gates had superseded General Schuyler, his superior 
 officer, by order of Congress ; and on the 22d of May, without 
 any expressed motive, General Schuyler was restored to the 
 command of that department.* Again, on the 1st of August, it 
 was resolved by Congress that General Schuyler should repair 
 to head-quarters, while the Commander-in-chief was, by the 
 same resolution, directed to order such general officer as he 
 should think proper, to assume the command in Schuyler’s 
 place. The day after the passage of that resolution, General 
 Washington received a letter from the New England delegation 
 in Congress, suggesting the name of General Gates, as the offi- 
 
 * Memoirs of General Wilkinson, vol. i. p. 1G3. 
 
266 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 \lm. 
 
 cer who would be most likely to restore harmony, order, and 
 discipline, and to relieve our affairs in that quarter.* We have, 
 in a former chapter, referred to the prejudices existing against 
 General Schuyler, and the causes of them. These had now 
 become so strong, and the Eastern States, in particular, were 
 so hostile to his longer continuance in the command, that even 
 his friends acquiesced in the expediency, though not in the 
 justice, of his removal.t General Schuyler himself, however, felt 
 acutely the discredit of being recalled at the most critical and 
 interesting period of the campaign ; when the labor and activity 
 of making preparations to repair the disasters of it had been 
 expended by him ; and when an opportunity was offered, as he 
 observed, for that resistance and retaliation which might bring 
 glory upon our arms.f 
 
 The Commander-in-chief paid no heed to the advisory epistle 
 from the New England delegates, but in a respectful letter to 
 the President of Congress, declined the honor of making the 
 selection. § Had he not thus excused himself, it is not presump- 
 
 * Sparks’s Life and Cor, of Washington, vol. v. p. 14. The original of this letter 
 to Washington is in the hand-writing of Samuel Adams, and is signed by the fol¬ 
 lowing names, in the order in which they here stand, viz: John Adams, Nathaniel 
 Folsom, Samuel Adams, Henry Marchant, Elbridge Gerry, Eliphalet Dyer, Wil¬ 
 liam Williams. 
 
 t Marshall. 
 
 f Address of Chancellor Kent before the New-York Historical Society, Dec. 1S2S. 
 The calumnies directed against St. Clair and Schuyler, in regard to the fall of Ticon- 
 deroga, were so gross as to exceed belief in their propagation. These officers were de¬ 
 nounced as traitors to the country, acting in concert with the enemy, and the ignorant 
 and credulous were led to believe that they had received an immense treasure in silver 
 balls, fired by Burgoyneinto St. Clair’s camp, and by his order picked up, and trans¬ 
 mitted to Schuyler at Fort George. Wilkinson, who was Gates’s Adjutant General, 
 avers that respectable people questioned him with much gravity as to the fact! 
 These slanders were, for factious purposes, countenanced bv respectable men, and 
 the consequence was, general defection and desertion, in the early part of the Summer, 
 so that, at one time, the Northern army was reduced to less than three thousand, 
 and the militia to less than thirteen hundred—and these subject to no effectual re¬ 
 straint. 
 
 § “At the same time that I express my thanks for the high mark of confidence 
 which Congress has been pleased to repose in me by their resolve, authorising me to 
 send an officer to command the Northern army, I should wish to be excused from 
 making the appointment. For this, many reasons might be mentioned, which, I am 
 persuaded, will occur to Congress on reflection. The Northern Department in a 
 great measure has been considered as separate, and more peculiarly under their di¬ 
 rection ; and the officers commanding there always under their nomination. I have 
 never interfered farther than merely to advise, and to give such aids as were within 
 
burgoyne’s campaign. 
 
 267 
 
 1777 .] 
 
 I 
 
 i 
 
 i 
 
 tion to intimate, that, influenced by the peculiar attitude which 
 Gates had even then begun to assume, and acting, as Washing¬ 
 ton ever did, under the stern behests of conscience, he would 
 have made a different selection from that proposed to him by 
 the Eastern representatives, and which ultimately prevailed. 
 
 General Gates, however, did not join the Northern army 
 until the 19th of August; and as the time was not specified 
 within which he was required to report himself at head-quar¬ 
 ters, General Schuyler was allowed to remain at the North, 
 with the approbation both of Congress and the Commander-in- 
 chief, until after the campaign had been closed by the surren¬ 
 der of the British commander and his army. Nor were his 
 exertions the less active, or his counsels the less freely proffered, 
 in the cause of his country, because of the injustice by which 
 liis pride had been wounded.* 
 
 After the evacuation of Fort Edward,! as mentioned in a 
 former chapter, General Schuyler fell down the river to Still¬ 
 water, on the 3d of August, and began to entrench his camp 
 there on the 4th. Burgoyne’s ill-conceived expedition to Ben¬ 
 nington, under Colonel Baum, deprived him of one-sixth of his 
 effective force on the 16th. It was not until near a month 
 afterward, during which period the American army had been 
 greatly strengthened at Stillwater, that Burgoyne was again 
 prepared to advance. Having at length, by dint of almost in¬ 
 credible labor, brought up from Fort George a supply of pro¬ 
 visions for thirty days, and thrown a bridge of boats over the 
 Hudson, the British commander with his army crossed on the 
 13th and 14th of September, and encamped on the heights and 
 plains of Saratoga. On the night of the 17th, Burgoyne en¬ 
 camped within four miles of the American army; and about 
 
 my power, oti the requisitions of those officers. The present situation of that depart¬ 
 ment is delicate and critical, and the choice of an officer to the command may in¬ 
 volve very interesting and important consequences .”—Letter of Washington to the 
 President of Congress, Aug. 3, 1777. 
 
 * “The zeal, patriotism, perseverance, and salutary arrangements of General 
 Schuyler, had roused the spirit of the country, and vanquished the prejudices excited 
 against him by artifice, intrigue, and detraction.”— Wilkinson's Memoir 8* 
 
 t It was during a skirmish before Fort Edward, when the Americans were flying 
 from a party of thirty or forty Indians, that the late General Matthew Clarkson, of 
 New-York—then Major Clarkson and aid to General Arnold—was wounded by a 
 ball which passed through the muscular integuments of the throat. The wound was 
 supposed to be fatal at the time, but he soon recovered. 
 
268 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1777 . 
 
 noon on the 19th, advanced in full force against it—the latter 
 having, in the mean time, advanced toward the enemy threa 
 miles above Stillwater. Burgoyne commanded his right wing* 
 in person, covered by General Frazer and Colonel Breyman, 
 with the grenadiers and light-infantry, who were posted along 
 some high grounds on the right. The front and flanks were 
 covered by Indians, Provincials, and Canadians. The enemy’s 
 left wing and artillery were commanded by Generals Phillips 
 and Riedesel, who proceeded along the great road. Colonel 
 Morgan, who was detached to observe their motions, and to 
 harass them as they advanced, soon fell in with their pickets 
 in advance of their right wing, attacked them sharply and 
 drove them in. A strong corps was immediately detached by 
 the enemy against Morgan, who, after a brisk engagement, was 
 in turn compelled to give way. A regiment being ordered to 
 the assistance of Morgan, whose riflemen had been sadly scat¬ 
 tered by the vigor of the attack, the battle was renewed at about 
 one o’clock, and was maintained with spirit, though with occa¬ 
 sional pauses, for three hours—the commanders on both sides 
 supporting and reinforcing their respective parties. By four 
 o’clock the battle became general, Arnold, with nine Continen¬ 
 tal regiments and Morgan’s corps, having completely engaged 
 the whole right wing of the enemy* The contest, accidentally 
 commenced, in the first instance, now assumed the most obsti¬ 
 nate and determined character. It was maintained four hours 
 longer—the soldiers being often engaged hand to hand. The 
 approach of night terminated the battle—the Americans retreat¬ 
 ing to their encampment, but not from other necessity than 
 the darkness. The enemy were provided with artillery, but 
 the ground occupied by the Americans would not allow the 
 
 * Holmes, who follows Stedman. General Wilkinson denies that Arnold shared 
 much in this battle. He says:—“Not a single general officer was on the field of 
 battle on the 19th, until evening, when General Lamed was ordered out. About 
 the same time Generals Gates and Arnold were in front of the centre of the camp, 
 listening to the peal of small arms, when Colonel Morgan Lewis, deputy quarter¬ 
 master General, returned from the field, and being questioned by the General, he 
 reported thffundecisive progress of the action—-at which Arnold exclaimed, ‘ by G — 
 
 I will'put an end to it,' and clapping spurs to his horse, galloped off at full speed. 
 Colonel Lewis immediately observed to General Gates, ‘ You had better order him 
 back, the action is going well, and he may by some rash act do mischief.’ 1 was 
 instantly despatched, overtook, and remanded Arnold to camp."— Memoirs, vol. i. 
 Chap. vi. 
 
burgoyne’s campaign. 
 
 269 
 
 1777 .] 
 
 use of field-pieces. The fluctuations of the battle were frequent 
 during the day, and although the British artillery fell into the 
 Tiands of the Americans at every alternate charge, the latter 
 could neither turn them upon the enemy nor bring them off. 
 “ The wood prevented the last, and the want of a match the 
 “ first, as the lint-stock was invariably carried away, and the 
 “ rapidity of the transitions did not allow the Americans time 
 “ to provide one.”* 
 
 General Wilkinson, at that time Adjutant General, who was 
 himself in the battle, and whose account of it is the best 
 that has been written, sustains the remark made above, that the 
 engagement was perfectly accidental; neither of the opposing 
 Generals meditating an attack at that time, and yet, by a mu¬ 
 tual misconception of each other’s purposes, they were kept the 
 whole day acting upon the defensive ; confining themselves to 
 the ground occupied at first by accident, “ and neither attempt- 
 ing a single manoeuvre during one of the longest, warmest, 
 “ and most obstinate battles fought in America. General Gates 
 believed that his antagonist intended to attack him, and cir- 
 “ cumstances seemed to justify the like conclusion on the part 
 “ of Burgoyne ; and, as the thickness and depth of an inter- 
 “ vening wood concealed the position and movements of either 
 “ army from its adversary, sound caution obliged the respective 
 “ commanders to guard every assailable point. Had either of 
 “ the Generals been properly apprised of the dispositions of his 
 “ antagonist, a serious blow might have been struck either on 
 “ the left of the American army, or on the enemy’s rightbut 
 although the combatants changed ground a dozen times in the 
 course of the day, the contest was terminated by the darkness, 
 on the spot where it began.t Few actions have been more re¬ 
 markable than this, both for vigor of attack and obstinacy of 
 resistance.! 
 
 Both armies remained in the same positions until the begin¬ 
 ning of October—each entrenching itself within lines and re- 
 
 * Memoirs of General Wilkinson, vol. i. chapter vi. 
 t Idem. 
 
 J Stedman. The loss on the part of the Americans, in killed and wounded, was 
 between three and four hundred. Among the former were Colonels Colburn and 
 Adams, and several other valuable officers. The loss of the British was from six 
 hundred to a thousand, killed, wounded, and taken. 
 
270 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1777. 
 
 doubts, which, in the most eligible positions, were strengthened 
 with batteries. The engineer having the direction of the 
 American works at Behmus’s Heights, was the celebrated Polish 
 patriot, Thaddeus Kosciusko, who had also served in the same 
 capacity at Ticonderoga. 
 
 The action of the 19th of September had again essentially 
 diminished the strength of Burgoyne, added to which were the 
 great and increasing difficulties of obtaining supplies, and the 
 perpetual annoyances to which he was subjected by the Ameri¬ 
 can scouts, and still larger detachments, who were attacking 
 his pickets, hanging upon his flanks, and cutting off his 
 foraging parties. By the 4th of October his supplies were so 
 far reduced that the soldiers were placed upon short allowance, 
 and his position was in other respects becoming so critical, 
 that, hearing nothing from Sir Henry Clinton, for whose co¬ 
 operation from New-York he had been waiting since the battle 
 of the 19th, the idea of advancing was relinquished, and instead 
 thereof, discussions were held respecting the practicability of 
 a retreat. This could only be done by first dislodging the 
 Americans, whose forces, disciplined and undisciplined, now far 
 out-numbered his own, from their posts on the heights. On 
 the 4th of October, Burgoyne sent for Generals Phillips, 
 Riedesel, and Frazer, to consult with them on the best measures 
 to be taken. His project was to attack and attempt to turn the 
 left wing of the Americans at once; but the other Generals 
 judged that it would be dangerous to leave their stores under 
 so feeble a protection as eight hundred men, according to the 
 proposition of their commander. A second consultation was held 
 on the 5th, at which General Riedesel positively declared that 
 the situation of the army had become so critical, that they must 
 either attack and force the entrenchments of Gates, and thus 
 bring about a favorable change of affairs, or recross the Hudson, 
 and retreat upon Fort George. Fraser approved of the latter 
 suggestion, and Phillips declined giving an opinion. General 
 Burgoyne, to whom the idea of retreating was most unwelcome, 
 declared that he would make, on the 7th, a reconnoisance as 
 near as possible to the left wing of the Americans, with a view 
 of ascertaining whether it could be attacked with any prospect of 
 success. He would afterward either attack the army of Gates, 
 
BATTLE OF SARATOGA. 
 
 271 
 
 1777.] 
 
 or retreat by the route in the rear of Battenkill. This was his 
 ,final determination, and dispositions were made accordingly.* 
 Early in the afternoon of the 7th, General Burgoyne drew 
 out fifteen hundred men for the purpose of making his proposed 
 reconnoisance, which he headed himself, attended by Generals 
 Phillips, Riedesel, and Frazer. They advanced in three 
 columns toward the left wing of the American positions, enter¬ 
 ed a wheat-field, displayed into line, and then began cutting up 
 the wheat for forage. The movement having been seasonably 
 discovered, the centre advanced guard of the Americans beat 
 to arms ; the alarm was repeated throughout the line, and 
 the troops repaired to the alarm posts. Colonel Wilkinson 
 being at head-quarters at the moment, was despatched to as¬ 
 certain the cause of the alarm. He proceeded to within sixty or 
 seventy rods of the enemy, ascertained their position, and return¬ 
 ed ; informing General Gates that they were foraging ; attempt¬ 
 ing also to reconnoitre the American left, and likewise, in his 
 opinion, offering battle. After a brief consultation, Gates said 
 he would indulge them; and Colonel Morgan, whose rifle corps 
 was formed in front of the centre, was directed “ to begin the 
 game.”! At his own suggestion, however, Morgan was allowed 
 to gain the enemy’s right by a circuitous course, while Poor’s 
 brigade should attack his left.+ The movement was admirably 
 executed ; the New-York and New Hampshire troops attacked 
 the enemy’s front and left wing with great impetuosity ; while, 
 true to his purpose, Morgan, just at the critical moment, poured 
 down like a torrent from the hill, and attacked the enemy’s 
 right in front and flank. The attack was soon extended along 
 the whole front of the enemy with great determination. Major 
 Ackland, at the head of the grenadiers, sustained the attack of 
 Poor with great firmness. § But on his right the light infantry, 
 in attempting to change front, being pressed with ardor by Co¬ 
 lonel Dearborn, were forced to retire under a close fire, and in 
 great disorder. They were re-formed by the Earl of Balcarras 
 
 * Memoirs of Madame the Baroness de Riedesel. 
 
 f General Burgoyne afterward stated to Wilkinson, in conversation, that his 
 purpose on that day was only to reconnoitre and obtain forage, and that in half an 
 hour, had his motives not been penetrated by Wilkinson and he not been attacked, 
 he should have finished his observations and returned to his camp. 
 
 J Wilkinson’s Memoirs. § Holmes. 
 
 39 
 
272 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1777 . 
 
 behind a fence in the rear of their first position ; but, being 
 again attacked with great audacity in front and flanks by su-^ 
 perior numbers, resistance became vain, and the whole line* 
 commanded by Burgoyne in person, gave way, and made a 
 precipitate and disorderly retreat to his camp.* The right of 
 Burgoyne had given way first, the retreat of which was covered 
 by the light infantry and a part of the 24th regiment. The 
 left wing in its retreat would inevitably have been cut to pieces, 
 but for the intervention of the same troops, performing in its 
 behalf the same service that, a few moments before, they had 
 done for the right. This retreat took place in exactly fifty-two 
 minutes after the first shot was fired—the enemy leaving two 
 twelve and six six pounders on the field, with the loss of more 
 than four hundred officers and men, killed, wounded, and cap¬ 
 tured, and among them the flower of his officers, viz: General 
 Frazer, Major Ackland,t Sir Francis Cook, and many others. 
 
 * Memoirs of General Wilkinson. 
 
 t Idem. General Wilkinson gives an interesting incident respecting Major Ack- 
 land. While pursuing the flying enemy, passing over killed and wounded, he heard a 
 voice exclaim—“Protect me, sir, against this boy!” Turning his head, he saw a lad, 
 thirteen or fourteen years of age, deliberately aiming at a wounded officer, lying in 
 the angle of a worm-fence. The purpose of the boy was arrested—the officer 
 proved to be the brave Ackland who had commanded the grenadiers, and was 
 wounded in both legs. He was immediately sent to head-quarters. The story of 
 Major Ackland has been rendered familiar to all, even before escaping the nursery', 
 by the interesting narrative of Lady Harriet, his wife, who was with the army, and 
 who, two days after the battle, came to the American camp, under a flag, to join her 
 husband. The incident, from the embellishments it received, was touching and ro¬ 
 mantic. When divested of its poetry, however, and reduced to the plain matter of 
 fact, according to the statement of the late General Dearborn, which he authorized 
 Wilkinson to publish in his memoirs, the affair was not so very extraordinary that 
 it might not have been enacted by any other pretty woman under the same circum¬ 
 stances, who loved her husband. Major Ackland had already been sent down to 
 Albany, when Lady Harriet arrived at the camp of General Gates. She was 
 treated with all possible courtesy, and permitted to follow and join him. Major 
 Ackland was a gallant officer and a generous foe. While in New-York, on his 
 parole, he did all in his power to favor the treatment of distinguished American 
 prisoners. After his return to England, he sacrificed his life in defence of American 
 honor. Having procured a regiment, at a dinner of military men, the courage of 
 the Americans was questioned. He repelled the imputation with decision. High 
 words ensued, in the course of which Ackland gave the lie direct to a subordinate offi¬ 
 cer named Lloyd. A meeting was the consequence, in which he was shot through the 
 head. Lady Harriet lost her senses, and continued deranged two years; after which 
 she married a gentleman named Brudenell, who had accompanied her from the camp 
 of Burgoyne, at Saratoga, to that of Gates, in search of her wounded husband. 
 
BATTLE OF SARATOGA. 
 
 273 
 
 1777.] 
 
 The British troops had scarcely entered their lines, when the 
 Americans, led by General Arnold, pressed forward, and, under 
 a tremendous fire of grape-shot and musketry, assaulted their 
 works throughout their whole extent from right to left. To¬ 
 ward the close of the day, the enemy’s intrenchments were 
 forced by the left of the Americans, led by Arnold in person, 
 who, with a few of his men, actually entered the works ; but 
 his horse being killed, and the General himself badly wounded 
 in the leg, they were forced to retire, and the approach of dark¬ 
 ness induced them to desist from the attack.* Meantime, on 
 the left of Arnold’s detachment, the Massachusetts troops, under 
 Colonel Brooks, had been still more successful—having turned 
 the enemy’s right, and carried by storm the works occupied by 
 the German reserve. Colonel Breyman, their commander, was 
 killed ; and his corps, reduced to two hundred men, and hotly 
 pressed on all sides, was obliged to give way. This advan¬ 
 tage was retained by the Americans ; and darkness put an end 
 to an action equally brilliant and important to the Continental 
 arms. Great numbers of the enemy were killed, and two hun¬ 
 dred prisoners taken. The loss of the Americans was incon- 
 siderable.t 
 
 On the morning of the 8th, before daybreak, the enemy left 
 his position and defiled into the plain where his provisions 
 were ; but was obliged to halt until the evening, because his 
 hospital could not be sooner removed.! The Americans im- 
 
 * Subsequent to the battle of the 19th September, and previous to that now under 
 review, Arnold had had some difficulty with Gates. A sharp correspondence en 
 sued, in the course of which the former demanded permission to join the Com- 
 mander-in-chief in Pennsylvania. The consequence was, that Arnold found him¬ 
 self without any command on the 7th. He was exceedingly chafed at his position ; 
 but, orders or no orders, he could not be kept from the field. His conduct was very 
 strange, and he has been charged by Wilkinson and others with intoxication that 
 day. Be it so or not, before the action was over, he was in the hottest of it, and ex¬ 
 ercising command. He exposed himself foolishly and presumptuously in front of 
 the German division ; and it was without orders that he collected a few desperate 
 followers, with whom he entered the enemy’s intrenchment, where he received his 
 wound. 
 
 ■f Holmes. 
 
 | Memoirs of the Baroness de Riedesel. Of this lady, General Wilkinson says— 
 “ I have more than once seen her charming blue eyes bedewed with tears at the recital 
 of her sufferings. With two infant children she accompanied her husband, Major 
 General the Baron de Riedesel from Germany to England, from England to Canada, 
 and from the last place to the termination of General Burgoyne’s campaign, in which 
 
274 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1777 
 
 mediately moved forward, and took possession of the aban¬ 
 doned camp. Burgoyne having condensed his force upon some 
 heights which were strong by nature, and covered in front by 
 a ravine running parallel with the entrenchment of his late 
 camp, a random fire of artillery and small arms was kept up 
 through the day—particularly on the part of the enemy’s sharp¬ 
 shooters and Provincials, who were stationed in coverts of the 
 ravine, which rendered their fire annoying to every person 
 crossing their line of vision.* It was by a shot from one of 
 these lurking parties, that General Lincoln, late in the day, 
 received a severe wound in the leg while riding near the line. 
 
 The gallant Frazer, who had been mortally wounded the 
 day before, died at 8 o’clock on the morning of the 8th. On 
 the evening of his fall, when it was rendered certain that he 
 could not recover, he sent for General Burgoyne, and requested 
 that he might be buried at 6 o’clock the following evening, on 
 the crest of a hill upon which a breastwork had been con¬ 
 structed. It was a subject of complaint against Burgoyne, that 
 in order to comply with this request, he delayed his retreat, and 
 thus contributed to the misfortunes of his army. Be that as it 
 may, the dying soldier’s request was observed to the letter. At 
 the hour appointed the body was borne to the hill that had 
 been indicated, attended by the Generals and their retinues; 
 the funeral service was read by the Chaplain ; and the corpse 
 interred, while the balls of the American cannon were flying 
 around and above the assembled mourners.f 
 
 she suffered more than the horrors of the grave in their most frightful aspect.” Her 
 Memoirs were published in Berlin in 1800. They are full of interest. Some of 
 the distressing scenes which attended the close of Burgoyne’s campaign are so 
 graphically told by the Baroness, and afford such striking illustrations of the horrors 
 of war, that the author has ventured to transfer a few pages to the Appendix of the 
 present volume. See Appendix, No. IX. 
 
 * Memoirs of General Wilkinson. 
 
 f The Baroness Riedesel, from whose spirited Memoirs the circumstances of this 
 funeral are drawn, states that General Gates protested afterward that had he known 
 what was going on, he would have stopped the fire immediately. It must have been 
 a solemn spectacle, and General Burgoyne himself described it with his usual elo¬ 
 quence and felicity cf expression :—“ The incessant cannonade during the solem¬ 
 nity ; the steady attitude and unaltered voice with which the chaplain officiated, 
 though frequently covered with dust, which the shot threw up on all sides of him ; 
 the mute but. expressive mixture of sensibility and indignation upon every counte¬ 
 nance ; these objects will remain to the last, of life upon the mind of every man who 
 \yas present. The growing duskiness added to the scenery, and the whole marked 
 
buugoyne’s campaign. 
 
 275 
 
 1777 .] 
 
 It was evident from the movements in the enemy’s camp, 
 that he was preparing to retreat; but the American troops, 
 having in the delirium of joy consequent upon their victory, 
 neglected to draw and eat their rations—being withal not a 
 little fatigued with the two davs’ exertions, fell back to their 
 camp, which had been left standing in the morning. Retreat 
 was. indeed, the only alternative remaining to the British com¬ 
 mander, since it was now quite certain that he could not cut 
 his way through the American army, and his supplies were 
 reduced to a short allowance for live days. He accordingly com¬ 
 menced his retreat that night, but lingered by the way ; so that 
 on the 10th he was yet near Saratoga, where he took up a po¬ 
 sition. During this retreat he ordered the farm-houses to be 
 burnt by the way, among which was the elegant mansion of 
 General Schuyler, with its mills and out-buildings. This con¬ 
 duct on the part of the British commander was viewed as 
 alike disreputable and unnecessary.* 
 
 Well knowing that a farther retreat, with a view, if possible, 
 of reaching his depdt at Fort George, and escaping through the 
 lakes, was now the only movement to which Burgoyne could 
 have recourse to save the shattered remains of his army, Gates 
 lost no time in throwing several strong detachments of troops 
 into his rear. A division of fourteen hundred was stationed on 
 the heights opposite the ford at Saratoga; two thousand in his 
 rear, to prevent his retreat upon Fort Edward ; and- fifteen 
 hundred at a ford yet higher up. Apprehensive that he should 
 be entirely penned up, Burgoyne sent forward a corps of artifi¬ 
 cers to repair the bridges ; but these, though strongly guarded, 
 were driven precipitately back. His thoughts were next di¬ 
 rected to the opening of a passage by the way of Fort Ed¬ 
 ward ; but the Americans had already re-possessed themselves 
 
 a character of that juncture, that would make one of the finest subjects for the pencil 
 of a master that the field ever exhibited. To the canvass, and to the faithful page 
 of a more important historian, gallant friend! I consign thy memory. There may 
 thy talents, thy manly virtues, their progress and their period, find due distinction ; 
 and long may they survive, long after the frail record of my pen shall be forgotten!’’ 
 —State of the Expedition from Canada, fyc. fyc. p. 169. 
 
 * “The cruelties wliich mark the retreat of your army, in burning the gentle¬ 
 men’s and farmers’ houses as it passed along, are almost, among civilized nations, 
 without precedent; they should not endeavor to ruin those they could not conquer; 
 their conduct betrays more of the vindictive malice of the monk than the generosity 
 of a soldier .”—Letter of Gates to Burgoyne, Oct. 12, 1777. 
 
276 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1777 . 
 
 of that work, and were well provided with artillery. Thus 
 environed with difficulties, which were increasing every hour, 
 his effective force reduced to less than three thousand five hun¬ 
 dred men,—the American army increasing every moment, 
 and now forming an almost entire circle around him,—harassed 
 at all points, especially by the sharp-shooters who hovered 
 about him,—Burgoyne was driven to the necessity of entering 
 into a convention with General Gates, which was done by the 
 unanimous consent of a general council of his officers. The 
 preliminaries were soon adjusted ; and on the 17th of October, 
 the royal army surrendered prisoners of war. At the opening 
 of the campaign, the army of Burgoyne numbered nine thou¬ 
 sand two hundred and thirteen men. The number that laid 
 down their arms, was five thousand seven hundred and fifty- 
 two. His Indian allies had all, or nearly all, abandoned him 
 several days before. 
 
 On the same day that the articles of capitulation were car¬ 
 ried into effect, Burgoyne, with his general officers, was re¬ 
 ceived in the quarters of General Gates, and entertained by him 
 at dinner. They were received with the utmost courtesy, and 
 with the consideration due to brave but unfortunate men. 
 The conversation was unrestrained, affable, and free.* Indeed, 
 the conduct of Gates throughout, after the terms of the surren¬ 
 der had been adjusted, was marked with equal delicacy and 
 magnanimity, as Burgoyne himself admitted in a letter to the 
 Earl of Derby. In that letter, the captive General particularly 
 mentioned one circumstance which, he said, exceeded all he 
 had ever seen or read of on a like occasion. It was the fact, 
 that when the British soldiers had marched out of their camp 
 to the place where they were to pile their arms, not a man of 
 the American troops ioas to be seen —General Gates having 
 ordered his whole army out of sight, that not one of them 
 
 * Memoirs of the Baroness do Riedesel. The first meeting of Burgoyne with Gates 
 is thus described by Wilkinson :—“ General Gates, advised of Burgoyne’s approach, 
 met him at the head of his camp—Burgoyne in a rich royal uniform, and Gates in a 
 plain blue frock; when they had approached nearly within sword’s length, they 
 reined up and halted. I then named the gentlemen, and General Burgoyne, raising 
 his hat most gracefully, said—‘The fortune of war, General Gates, has made me 
 your prisonerto which the conqueror, returning a courtly salute, promptly replied 
 —‘I shall always be ready to bear testimony that it has not been through any fault 
 of your Excellency.’ ” 
 
1777 .] close of burgoyne’s campaign. 277 
 
 should be a spectator of the humiliation of the British troops, 
 nor otfer the smallest insult to the vanquished. This was a re¬ 
 finement of delicacy, and of military generosity and politeness, 
 reflecting the highest credit upon the conqueror; and was 
 spoken of by the officers of Burgoyne in the strongest terms of 
 approbation.* 
 
 It was, perhaps, no fault of General Gates, that he had been 
 placed in command at the North just at the auspicious mo¬ 
 ment when the discomfiture of Burgoyne was no longer pro¬ 
 blematical. He was ordered by Congress to the station, and 
 performed his duty well. But it is no less true that the laurels 
 won by him ought to have been harvested by Schuyler. Ge¬ 
 neral (then Colonel) Wilkinson, who was not only an active of¬ 
 ficer in that campaign, but a member of Gates’s own military 
 family, has placed this question in its true aspect. He main¬ 
 tains that not only had the army of Burgoyne been essentially 
 disabled by the loss of a heavy detachment, artillery and bag¬ 
 gage, and by the defeat of the Hessians at Bennington, before 
 the arrival of Gates, but that the repulse of St. Leger at Fort 
 Schuyler had deranged his plans, while safety had been restored 
 to the western frontier, and the panic thereby caused to subside. 
 He likewise maintains that after the reverses at the North, no 
 wise in justice attributable to him, and before the arrival of 
 Gates, the zeal, patriotism, and salutary arrangements of Gene¬ 
 ral Schuyler had vanquished the prejudices excited against 
 him ; that by the defeat of Baum and St. Leger, Schuyler had 
 been enabled to concentrate and oppose his whole Continental 
 force against the main body of the enemy ; and that by him, 
 also before the arrival of Gates, the friends of the Revolution 
 had been re-animated and excited to manly resistance, while 
 the adherents of the royal cause were intimidated, and had 
 shrunk into silence and inactivity. From these premises, which 
 are indisputable, it is no more than a fair deduction to say, 
 “ that the same force which enabled Gates to subdue the Bri- 
 
 * Remembrancer of 1777, pages 482, 83. A letter published in that repository 
 of the events of the American Revolution, at the same time, stated that “some few 
 of the New England men desired to have Burgoyne in their hands for half an hour. 
 Being asked for what purpose, they said they would do him no manner of harm; 
 they would only tar and feather him, and make him stand on the head of one of his 
 own empty heef-harrels, and read his own proclamation.”— >t>. 4S1, 82.. If made 
 at all, the suggestion must have been merely the sportive sally of a wag. 
 
278 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1777 . 
 
 tc tish army, would have produced a similar effect under the 
 “ orders of General Schuyler ; since the operations of the cam¬ 
 paign did not involve a single instance of professional skill, 
 11 and the triumph of the American arms was accomplished by 
 “ the physical force and valor of the troops, under the pro¬ 
 jection AND DIRECTION OF THE GoD OF BATTLES.”* 
 
 Flushed with his fortuitous success, or rather with the suc¬ 
 cess attending his fortuitous position, Gates did not wear his 
 honors with any remarkable meekness. On the contrary, his 
 bearing even toward the Commander-in-chief was far from 
 respectful. He did not even write to Washington on the occa¬ 
 sion, until after a considerable time had elapsed. In the first 
 instance Wilkinson was sent as the bearer of despatches to 
 Congress, but did not reach the seat of that body until fifteen 
 days after the articles of capitulation had been signed ; and 
 three days more were occupied in arranging his papers before 
 they were presented.t The first mention which Washington 
 makes of the defeat of Burgoyne, is contained in a letter written 
 to his brother on the 18th of October—the news having been 
 communicated to him by Governor Clinton. He spoke of the 
 event again on the 19th, in a letter addressed to General Put¬ 
 nam. On the 25th, in a letter addressed to that officer, he 
 acknowledges the receipt of a copy of the articles of capitulation 
 from him —adding, that that was the first authentic intelligence 
 he had received of the affair, and that he had begun to grow 
 uneasy, and almost to suspect that the previous accounts were 
 premature. And it was not until the 2d of November that 
 Gates deigned to communicate to the Commander-in-chief a 
 word upon the subject, and then only incidentally, as though it 
 were a matter of secondary importance.! 
 
 * Wilkinson’s Memoirs, vol. i. chap. v. 
 
 f Sparks. “It was on this occasion that one of the members made a motion in 
 Congress, that they should compliment Colonel Wilkinson with the gift of a pair of 
 spurs.” 
 
 | Idem. All that Gates said upon the subject in the letter referred to, was 
 comprised in these few words:—“ Congress having been requested immediately to 
 transmit copies of all my despatches to them, I am confident your Excellency has 
 long ago received all the good news from this quarter.” Two days before this, in a 
 letter directed to Gates, Washington had administered one of those mild and digni¬ 
 fied rebukes so very like himself. In this letter, written in reference to a special 
 mission of Colonel Hamilton to the North, the Commander-in-chief said :—“ By 
 this opportunity I do myself the pleasure to congratulate you on the signal success 
 
1777.] NOBLE CONDUCT OF SCHUYLER. 279 
 
 General Schuyler was in the camp with Gates at the time of 
 the surrender, though without any personal command ; and 
 when Burgoyne, with his general officers, arrived in Albany, 
 they were the guests of Schuyler, by whom they were treated 
 with great hospitality. The Baroness de Riedesel speaks with 
 great feeling of the kindness she received from General Schuy¬ 
 ler on her first arrival in the camp of General Gates, and after¬ 
 ward at the hands of Mrs. Schuyler and her daughters in Alba¬ 
 ny. The urbanity of his manners, and the chivalric magna¬ 
 nimity of his character, smarting as he was under the extent 
 and severity of his pecuniary losses, are attested by General 
 Burgoyne himself, in his speech in 1778, in the British House 
 of Commons. He there declared that, by his orders, “ a very 
 “ good dwelling-house, exceeding large store-houses, great saw- 
 “ mills, and other out-buildings, to the value altogether perhaps 
 “ of £10,000 sterling,” belonging to General Schuyler, at Sara¬ 
 toga, were destroyed by fire a few days before the surrender. 
 He said farther, that one of the first persons he saw, after the 
 convention was signed, was General Schuyler ; and when ex¬ 
 pressing to him his regret at the event which had happened to 
 his property, General Schuyler desired him “ to think no more 
 “ of it, and that the occasion justified it, according to the prin- 
 “ ciples and rules of war. He did more,” said Burgoyne ; “ he 
 “sent an aid-de-camp* to conduct me to Albany, in order, as 
 “ he expressed it, to procure better quarters than a stranger 
 “ might be able to find. That gentleman conducted me to a 
 “ very elegant house, and, to my great surprise, presented me 
 “ to Mrs. Schuyler and her family. In that house I remained 
 “ during my whole stay in Albany, with a table of more than 
 “ twenty covers for me and my friends, and every other possi- 
 “ ble demonstration of hospitality.”! 
 
 of the army under your command, in compelling General Burgoyne and his whole 
 force to surrender themselves prisoners of war.” * * * * “At 
 
 the same time I cannot but regret that a matter of such magnitude, and so interest¬ 
 ing to our general operations, should have reached me by report only, or through the 
 channel of letters not bearing that authenticity which the importance of it required, and 
 which it would have received by a line under your signature, stating the simple 
 facts .”—Letters of Washington, vol. v. pages 104, 112, 113, 124, 125. 
 
 * The late Colonel Richard Varick, then the military secretary of Gen. Schuyler, 
 t Parliamentary History, vol. xix. p. 1182—as quoted by Chancellor Kent in his 
 address before the New-York Historical Society. 
 
 40 
 
CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Sir Henry Clinton’s attempt to co-operate with Eurgoyne—Storming of Forts Clin¬ 
 ton and Montgomery—Burning of iEsopus—Review of military operations else¬ 
 where—Expedition to Peekskill—Of Gov. Tryon to Danbury—Progress of Sir 
 William Howe in Pennsylvania—Battle of Brandywine—Massacreof the Paoli— 
 Battle of Germantown—Death of Count Donop—Murder of Captain Deitz and 
 family at Berne—John Taylor—Lady Johnson ordered to leave Albany—Exas¬ 
 peration of Sir John—Attempts to abduct Mr. Taylor—An Indian and white man 
 bribed to assassinate General Schuyler—Fresh alarms in Tryon County—Ad¬ 
 dress of Congress to the Six Nations—The appeal produces no effect—Articles 
 of confederation—Close of the year 
 
 Simultaneously with the events rapidly sketched in the 
 preceding chapter, an expedition from New-York to the North 
 was undertaken by Sir Henry Clinton, to which an incidental 
 reference has already been made. The obvious intention of 
 Sir Henry was to relieve General Burgoyne ;* but it was un¬ 
 dertaken at too late a period to render him any assistance ; a 
 fact admitted by Sir Henry himself, who excused the delay by 
 stating that he could not attempt it sooner without leaving the 
 defences of New-York too feebly guarded. This expedition 
 consisted of about three thousand men, convoyed by a fleet un¬ 
 der Commodore Hotham, who proceeded up the Hudson river 
 early in October, and was destined, in the first instance, against 
 Forts Montgomery and Clinton, near the Southern boundary of 
 the highlands. These fortresses had been constructed chiefly for 
 the purpose of preventing the ships of the enemy from ascend¬ 
 ing the river, and were not defensible in the rear. They 
 were commanded by Governor Clinton, with the assistance of 
 General James Clinton, his brother. 
 
 The troops of the enemy were landed at Stoney Point, 
 twelve miles below the forts. A small advanced party of the 
 Americans was met and attacked at about 10 o’clock in the 
 morning of the 6th of October, when within two and a half 
 miles of the fort. This party was of course driven in, having 
 returned the enemy’s fire.t When arrived within a mile of 
 the forts, Sir Henry divided his troops into two columns ; the 
 one, consisting of nine hundred men under Lieutenant Colonel 
 
 * Letter from Washington to General Putnam, Oct. 19, 1777. 
 f Letter from Governor Clinton to the Committee of Safety, Oct. 7, 1777. 
 
1777.] FORTS CLINTON AND MONTGOMERY. 281 
 
 Campbell, was destined for the attack on Fort Montgomery; 
 the other, under the immediate command of Sir Henry Clinton, 
 was to storm the stronger post of Fort Clinton.* Ascertaining 
 that the enemy were advancing to the west side of the moun¬ 
 tain, to attack his rear, Governor Clinton ordered a detachment 
 of upward of one hundred men, under Col. Lamb, together with 
 a brass field-piece and fifty men more, to take a strong position 
 in advance. They were soon sharply engaged, and another de¬ 
 tachment of an equal number was sent to their assistance. They 
 kept their field-piece sharply playing upon the enemy’s advanc¬ 
 ing column, and were only compelled to give way by the point 
 of the bayonet—spiking their field-piece before they relinquish¬ 
 ed it. In this preliminary encounter the loss of Sir Henry 
 was severe. 
 
 Pressing rapidly onward, both forts were in a few minutes 
 attacked with vigor upon all sides. The fire was incessant 
 during the afternoon until about five o’clock, when a flag ap¬ 
 proaching, Lieutenant Colonel Livingston was ordered to re¬ 
 ceive it. The officer was the bearer of a peremptory summons 
 to surrender, as he alleged, to prevent the effusion of blood. 
 Nor would he treat, unless upon the basis of a surrender of the 
 garrison as prisoners of war, in which case he was authorised 
 to assure them of good usage. The proposition being rejected 
 “ with scorn,”f in about ten minutes the attack was renewed, 
 and kept up until after dark, when the enemy forced the 
 American lines and redoubts at both forts, and the garrisons, 
 determined not to surrender, undertook to fight their way out. 
 The last attack of the enemy was desperate; but the Ameri 
 cans, militia as well as regulars, resisted with great spirit, 
 and, favored by the darkness, many of them escaped. Govern¬ 
 or Clinton himself escaped by leaping a precipice in the dark, 
 and jumping into a boat, in which he was conveyed away. 
 His brother was wounded and taken prisoner. Of the British 
 forces, Lieutenant Colonel Campbell and Count Grabouski, a 
 Polish nobleman, engaged as a volunteer under Sir Henry, 
 were slain. The loss of the Americans, killed, wounded, and 
 missing, was stated at two hundred and fifty. The British loss 
 
 * Holmes. 
 
 + Letter of Governor Clinton to the Council of Safety, from which the facts of 
 this affair are chiefly drawn. 
 
LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 282 
 
 [177 7 
 
 was stated at two hundred, but was believed to have been much 
 more than that of the Americans.* * * § 
 
 On the 7th, a summons to surrender, signed jointly by Sir 
 Henry Clinton and Commodore Hotham, was sent to Fort Con¬ 
 stitution ;f but the flag was fired upon, and returned. To 
 avenge the insult, an attack was immediately determined upon, 
 but on arriving at the fort on the following day, there was no 
 enemy to assault—an evacuation having taken place, so preci¬ 
 pitate as to leave considerable booty to the conqueror .t Sir 
 Henry Clinton proceeded no farther, but a strong detachment 
 of his army, under General Vaughan, pursued the enter¬ 
 prise, with Commodore Hotham, as far north as iEsopus,§ de¬ 
 stroying several vessels by the way. At iEsopus Creek there 
 were two small batteries and an armed galley, mounting, how¬ 
 ever, in all, but six or seven guns. These were easily silenced. 
 General Vaughan then effected a landing, marched to the 
 town, and laid it in ashes. Large quantities of stores had been 
 accumulated at this place, which were of course destroyed. 
 Disappointed, however, by the disastrous termination of the 
 campaign of Burgoyne, Sir Henry Clinton made an expeditious 
 return to the city. 
 
 But the war was this year fruitful in military events in 
 other parts of the confederation, some of the principal of which 
 may appropriately be passed in review at this stage of the pre¬ 
 sent chapter. In the month of March, after the return of the 
 British troops from their bootless expedition through the Jer- 
 
 * “I believe, from the bravery of the garrison of Fort Montgomery, Sir Henry 
 Clinton purchased victory at no inconsiderable expense. General Campbell was 
 certainly killed. This they mention in their own official account, but call him 
 Lieutenant Colonel of the fifty-second regiment. He was a General on the Ameri¬ 
 can establishment, so declared in one of the orderly books which fell into our 
 hands .”—Letter of Washington to General Putnam. [Sparks corrects the Com¬ 
 mander-in-chief upon this point—believing that General Campbell was another per¬ 
 son, who was at Staten Island at the time in question.] 
 
 t Situated at West Point. 
 
 I Letter of Commodore Hotham to Sir William Howe. “ The whole number of 
 cannon taken in the three forts amount to sixty-seven, with a large quantity of pro¬ 
 visions, ammunition, and stores of all kinds.” 
 
 § The ancient Dutch name of Kingston, the present shire town of the County of 
 Ulster, N. Y. It was a large and wealthy inland town, built almost entirely of 
 stone, upon a rich and beautiful plain about three miles from the river. The naked 
 walls of many of the houses destroyed by General Vaughan, were standing, unre¬ 
 paired, until within five or six years. 
 
PROGRESS OF THE WAR. 
 
 2S3 
 
 1 / / / .J 
 
 sies, to New-York, Colonel Bird was detached against Peek- 
 skill, with five hundred men, for the purpose of destroying 
 the American stores deposited at that place. General M £ Dou- 
 gall, commanding a small guard at the depdt, on the approach 
 of a force which he had not the power to resist, set fire to the 
 stores and retreated. A similar expedition, for the same object, 
 was directed against Danbury toward the close of April, con¬ 
 sisting of two thousand men under the conduct of Major Gene¬ 
 ral Tryon. Landing at Compo Creek, between Norwalk and 
 Fairfield, the march of Governor Tryon to the point of his des¬ 
 tination was almost unopposed. A large quantity of provi¬ 
 sions—beef, pork, and flour—had been collected by the Ameri¬ 
 cans at that place, which were guarded only by about one 
 hundred militia and Continental troops. Not being able to op¬ 
 pose the enemy, Colonel Huntington retired to a neighboring 
 height, and awaited reinforcements. The town of Danbury 
 and the stores were burnt on the 26th of April.* During the 
 afternoon and the following night Generals Wooster, Arnold, 
 and Silliman collected such militia forces as they could, for the 
 purpose of harassing the retreat of the enemy the next morning. 
 With three hundred men, Wooster gallantly attacked his rear 
 at 11 o’clock on the 27th, while Arnold, with five hundred 
 more, awaited his arrival at Ridgeway. Wooster fell, mortally 
 wounded, and his troops were obliged to give way. At Ridge¬ 
 way, Arnold skirmished with the enemy for about an hour, but 
 could not make a stand, or prevent them from remaining at 
 that place over night. On the 28th, the march of the enemy 
 was resumed, as also was the skirmishing; by General Arnold, 
 which was continued until 5 o’clock in the afternoon ; when, as 
 they approached their ships, the Americans charged with in¬ 
 trepidity, but were repulsed and broken. Embarking immedi¬ 
 ately, Governor Tryon returned to New-York, with a loss of 
 one hundred and seventy men. The loss of the Americans 
 was one hundred. These predatory excursions were retaliated 
 by the Americans under Colonel Meigs, who made a brilliant 
 expedition against Sag Harbor, where the enemy had collected 
 
 * The property destroyed consisted of eighteen houses ; eight hundred barrels of 
 pork and beef; eight hundred barrels of flour; two thousand bushels of grain, and 
 seventeen hundred tents. 
 
284 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1777. 
 
 a quantity of stores. The guard was taken by surprise—the 
 place carried by the bayonet—the stores destroyed, including 
 twelve transport vessels—and Colonel Meigs re-crossed the 
 Sound to Guilford without the loss of a man. 
 
 After the return of the British forces from New Jersey, Sir 
 William Howe suffered them to remain upon Staten Island un¬ 
 til near midsummer, when, as the reader has seen in a previous 
 chapter, he embarked with sixteen thousand men, and sailed 
 for the Chesapeake Bay. On the 24th of August he landed at 
 Elkton, whence, after being joined by Generals Grant and 
 Knyphausen, he directed his march upon Philadelphia. Anti¬ 
 cipating the design of the British commander, Washington 
 threw himself, with his whole disposable force, between Sir 
 William and Philadelphia, for the purpose of intercepting and 
 bringing him to a general engagement. The disastrous battle 
 of Brandywine was fought on the 11th of September. The 
 loss of the Americans was three hundred killed and six hun¬ 
 dred wounded and taken prisoners. That of the enemy was 
 about one hundred killed and four hundred wounded. While 
 General Washington with the main army retreated across 
 the Schuylkill, General Wayne was left at the Paoli with fif¬ 
 teen hundred men, for the purpose of gaining and harassing 
 the enemy’s rear. But, notwithstanding the wonted vigilance 
 of this officer, he was surprised in the course of the night, and 
 routed, by General Gray, who had been detached for that pur¬ 
 pose with two regiments of the enemy’s line and a body of 
 light troops. General Wayne had attempted to conceal him¬ 
 self upon an elevated piece of woodland, having an opening of 
 a few acres upon which his troops bivouacked for the night, 
 in perfect security, as was supposed. The approach of the 
 enemy was so cautious as to take the Americans completely 
 by surprise. Guided by the light of their fires, the enemy 
 succeeded in cutting off their outposts and pickets without 
 noise, and then rushed upon the sleeping camp without firing 
 a gun, and depending alone upon the bayonet. Three hun¬ 
 dred were slain, many of whom were transfixed with bayonets 
 as they lay sleeping in their tents. But, though surprised, 
 General Wayne was cool and self-possessed ; and, as the enemy 
 himself acknowledged, “ by his prudent dispositions” in the 
 
PROGRESS OF THE WAR. 
 
 285 
 
 1777.] 
 
 moment of alarm, succeeded in bringing off the remainder of 
 his troops.* 
 
 General Washington had taken post on the Eastern bank of 
 the Schuylkill, about sixteen miles from Germantown. General 
 Howe marched upon Germantown with his main army, where 
 he arrived on the 26th of September. On the 27th Lord Corn¬ 
 wallis took possession of Philadelphia without resistance. On 
 the 4th of October, the battle of Germantown was fought, in 
 which it was claimed by the enemy that the Americans were 
 defeated, although it was, in fact, a drawn battle. This action 
 was produced by an attempt of the Commander-in-chief to ef¬ 
 fect something by way of surprise. Having ascertained the 
 situation of the enemy, the Americans marched all night, and 
 arrived at Germantown at daylight. The enemy was attacked 
 upon two quarters, in both of which the Americans were suc¬ 
 cessful. Indeed, the enemy, as it was afterward ascertained, 
 were thrown into such a state of tumult and disorder, and so 
 panic-stricken, that a retreat to Chester had been resolved upon. 
 But the morning was so excessively dark and foggy, that nei¬ 
 ther the advantages gained by the Americans, nor the confusion 
 
 * Some twenty years ago, the citizen soldiers of the neighborhood of the Paoli 
 piously collected the remains of such of the brave men who were slain on that occa¬ 
 sion as could be found, and interred them on the field of the massacre. A small 
 mound was raised over them, which is walled in, and surrounded by a plain marble 
 monument—a square block, with an urn at the top, bearing inscriptions upon each 
 of the sides, in the following words :— 
 
 First : “ Sacred to the memory of the patriots, who, on this spot, fell a sacrifice 
 to British barbarity, during the struggle for American Independence, during the 
 night of the 20th of September, 1777.” 
 
 Second : “ Here repose the remains of fifty-three American soldiers, who were 
 the victims of cold-blooded cruelty in the well-known massacre of the Paoli, while 
 under the command of Gen. Anthony Wayne, an officer, whose military conduct, 
 bravery, and humanity, were equally conspicuous throughout the Revolutionary 
 war.” 
 
 Third : “The atrocious massacre, which this stone commemorates, was perpe¬ 
 trated by British troops under the immediate command of Maj. Gen. Gray.” 
 
 Fourth: “This memorial in honor of Revolutionary patriotism, was erected 
 September 20, 1817, by the Republican Artillerists of Chester County, aided by the 
 contributions of their fellow-citizens.” 
 
 An annual military parade is held upon this interesting field. The name —The 
 Paoli —is derived from a celebrated tavern, at two miles distance, on the Great 
 Lancaster Road, which was established contemporaneously with the Corsican strug¬ 
 gle for independence, and named in honor of the unfortunate chieftain of that enter¬ 
 prise. It bears the same name still .—Journal of a Visit to the field of Brandywine, 
 by the author. 
 
286 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1777. 
 
 of the enemy, could be perceived. This circumstance, by con¬ 
 cealing from the Americans the true situation of the enemy, 
 obliged the Commander-in-chief to act with more caution and 
 less expedition than he could have wished ; and, what was 
 still more unfortunate, it served to keep the different divisions 
 of the Americans in ignorance of each other’s movements, and 
 prevent their acting in concert. It also occasioned them to 
 mistake one another for the enemy. In this situation, it was 
 considered unsafe to push too far through a strong village, 
 while enveloped in a haze so thick as to border upon positive 
 darkness. The consequence was a retreat, by the Americans at 
 the very instant when victory was declaring in their favor. 
 The action lasted two hours, and the fighting was severe—the 
 loss of the Americans being about one hundred men, killed, 
 wounded, and missing. Among the slain was the brave Gene¬ 
 ral Nash, of North Carolina. Severe, however, as the action 
 was, the enemy were rendered nothing better by the event; 
 while the result was regarded by Washington t£ as rather un¬ 
 fortunate than injurious.”* 
 
 But all the advantages thus gained by the enemy, had been 
 more than counterbalanced by the reverses of St. Leger, and 
 the nearly simultaneous capture of Burgoyne and his well-ap¬ 
 pointed army at the North. Another circumstance, gratifying 
 to the friends of the American arms, was the repulse of Count 
 
 * This brief account of the battle of Germantown is drawn from Washington’s 
 letters to the President of Congress, his brother, and Governor Trumbull. General 
 Washington attributed the successes of Sir William Howe in Pennsylvania, and 
 his own consequent disasters, to the apathy and disaffection of the people of that 
 State. In one of his letters upon the subject, he says :—“The Norlhern army, be¬ 
 fore the surrender of General Burgoyne, was reinforced by upward of twelve hun¬ 
 dred militia, who shut tire only door by which Burgoyne could retreat, and cut off all 
 his supplies. How different our case 1 The disaffection of a great part of tire in¬ 
 habitants of this State, the languor of others, and the internal distraction of the whole, 
 have been among the great and insuperable difficulties which I have met with, and 
 have contributed not a little to my embarrassments this campaign.”— Letter oj 
 Washington to London Carter, Oct. 27, 1777. Many other letters from the Com¬ 
 mander-in-chief, written during the winter and spring of 1778, complain of the con¬ 
 duct of the people of Pennsylvania, in supplying the enemy in Philadelphia with pro¬ 
 visions—particularly from Bucks County. In a letter to Maj. General Armstrong, 
 of that State, dated at Valley Forge, March 27th, he says :—“ The situation of mat¬ 
 ters in this State is melancholy and alarming. We have daily proof that a majority 
 of the people in this quarter are only restrained from supplying the enemy with 
 horses and every kind of necessary, through fear of punishment; and, although I 
 have made a number of severe examples, I cannot put a stop to the intercourse.” 
 
IMXJIIDER OF THE DEITZ FAMILY. 
 
 287 
 
 1777 .] 
 
 Donop, at Red Bank. The Count, a brave and experienced 
 officer, fell, mortally wounded ; and about 400 of his troops were 
 killed.* The laurels won by Colonel Christopher Greene, the 
 American commander, on that occasion, were not the less 
 creditably worn because of the necessity which compelled him 
 subsequently to abandon the post, on the approach of Cornwal¬ 
 lis with a greatly superior force. 
 
 But neither the fall of Burgoyne, nor the flight of St. Leger, 
 relieved the border settlements beyond Albany from their ap¬ 
 prehensions. Though in less danger of a sweeping invasion, 
 yet the scouts and scalping parties of the Tories and Indians 
 were continually hovering upon their outskirts ; and so crafty 
 were the foe, and so stealthy their movements, that no neighbor¬ 
 hood, not even the most populous villages, felt themselves secure 
 from those sudden and bloody irruptions which mark the annals 
 of Indian warfare. Very soon after the capture of Burgoyne, 
 there was an occurrence in the neighborhood of Albany, of a 
 highly painful description. Previous to the commencement of 
 the war, a militia company had been organized in the town of 
 Berne, comprising eighty-five men, commanded by Captain 
 Ball. On the breaking out of hostilities, the Captain, with 
 sixty-three of his men, went over to the enemy. Thus deserted 
 by their leader, the command of the residue of the company 
 devolved upon the ensign, Peter Deitz. These all embraced 
 the cause of the country, and for the safety of their settlement 
 threw up a little picketed fort, at a place now called the Beaver 
 Dam. Deitz was soon afterward commissioned a captain, and 
 his brother. William Deitz, his lieutenant. On the approach 
 of Burgoyne they marched to Saratoga, and joined the army of 
 Gates. Here the Captain was killed by the accidental dis¬ 
 charge of the gun of one of his own men. William Deitz im- 
 mediately succeeded to the vacancy ; and rendered such good 
 service in the campaign as specially to incur the vengeance of 
 the Tories and Indians. Availing themselves of an early op¬ 
 portunity to glut their hate, a party of them stole into the set- 
 
 * Count Donop died of his wounds three days after the action, at a house near the 
 fort. A short time before his death, he said to Monsieur Duplessis, a French offi¬ 
 cer who constantly attended him in his illness, “It is finishing a noble career early. 
 
 I die the victim of my ambition, and of the avarice of my sovereign .”—Travels of 
 the J\larqv,is Chastellux. 
 
 41 
 
288 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1777. 
 
 tlement of Berne, where they surprised and made prisoner of 
 the Captain in his own house. They next brought him forth 
 into the court, bound him to the gate-post, and then succes¬ 
 sively brought out his father and mother, his wife and children, 
 and deliberately murdered them all before his eyes! The 
 Captain was himself carried a prisoner to Niagara, where he 
 ultimately fell a sacrifice to their cruelty.* An instance of 
 more cool and fiend-like barbarity does not occur in the annals 
 of this extraordinary contest. It was only equalled by the con¬ 
 duct of the Tories afterward at Wyoming, and transcended by 
 the refinement of cruelty practised by a French officer, during 
 one of the earlier wars of the Indians, upon an unhappy 
 prisoner among the remote tribe of the Dionondadies, as relat¬ 
 ed by La Potherie.t 
 
 Other incidents occurred at Albany and in its neighborhood, 
 at about the same period, which are deemed worthy of note. 
 At the time of Sir John Johnson’s flight from Johnstown, his 
 lady had remained behind, and was removed immediately, or 
 soon afterward, to Albany. It was in this year that Mr. John 
 Taylor,! after having performed several important confidential 
 services under the direction of General Schuyler, was appoint¬ 
 ed a member of the Albany Council of Safety. He was a man 
 of great shrewdness and sagacity, deliberate in the formation of 
 his purposes, and resolute in their execution when matured. 
 The Whigs of Albany were greatly annoyed during the whole 
 contest by the loyalists resident among them; many of whom, it 
 was discovered from time to time, must have been in corres¬ 
 pondence with the enemy. The duties of the Council of 
 Safety were consequently the more arduous, requiring sleepless 
 vigilance and unwearied activity ; together with firmness and 
 energy in some cases, and great delicacy in others. A watch¬ 
 ful though general surveillance was necessarily enforced over 
 
 * Albany Monthly Magazine, conducted by the late Horatio G. SpafFord, 1S15. 
 
 | Vide Colden’s Canada, and Smith’s History of New-York. 
 
 { The gentleman here referred to was much in the civil service, and occasionally 
 as a volunteer in the military, during the war of the Revolution, and was almost 
 constantly in public life, afterward in the councils of the State, until within a few 
 years of his death. He was nine years Lieutenant-Governor, and for a time the 
 acting Governor of the State; to which station he was first chosen in 1813. His 
 life was rather useful than brilliant; but he was a sound patriot, and died the death 
 of a Christian in 1829—aged 87. 
 
JOHN TAYLOR AND LADY JOHNSON. 
 
 289 
 
 1777.] 
 
 the community at large, while an eye of closer scrutiny was 
 kept upon the character and conduct of great numbers of indi¬ 
 viduals composing that community. Mr. Taylor was in every 
 respect equal to the station, and was singularly fortunate both 
 in detecting and defeating the evil machinations of the adhe¬ 
 rents of the Crown. 
 
 Among his early discoveries was the important circumstance 
 that Lady Johnson was in active and frequent correspondence 
 with her husband, and that the facilities derived from confi¬ 
 dential agents and her powerful connexions, enabled her to 
 keep the enemy on either side—in New-York and Canada— 
 correctly advised, not only of the movements and designs of 
 each other, but likewise of the situation of American affairs. 
 Under these circumstances Mr. Taylor proposed a resolution 
 to the Council, directing her removal forthwith from that part 
 of the country. The proposition was received with disfavor, 
 and encountered much opposition in the Council. Some of 
 the members seemed to lack the firmness necessary to adopt 
 such a resolution, anticipating the resentment and probable 
 vengeance of the Baronet, on hearing that his lady had been 
 treated with any thing bordering upon harshness ; while others, 
 probably, thought the precaution either would be useless, or 
 that it was scarce worth while thus to wage war upon a 
 woman. Convinced, however, of the danger of her longer 
 presence in that section of the country, Mr. Taylor urged her 
 removal so strenuously as at length to prevail; taking upon 
 himself the execution of the order. 
 
 Sir John, greatly exasperated at the measure, availed himself 
 of a flag to admonish the mover of the resolution, that should 
 the chances of war throw that gentleman into his possession, 
 he should be instantly delivered over to the fury of the savages. 
 The reply of the Councillor was characteristic of the man :— 
 “ If Mr. Taylor should be so fortunate as to have Sir John 
 “ Johnson in his power, he should most assuredly be treated as 
 “ a gentleman.” Several attempts were subsequently made by 
 the enemy, probably under the direction of Sir John, to make 
 a captive of that gentleman. It being his custom to ride fre¬ 
 quently on horseback for exercise, and often on the road lead¬ 
 ing toward Schenectady, in company, generally, with his inti¬ 
 mate friend through life, Major Popham, who was then in the 
 
290 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1777. 
 
 military family of General James Clinton, a small scout of In¬ 
 dians, under the direction of Captain Brant, was on one occa¬ 
 sion planted in ambush upon that road, at a point where it was 
 supposed he would be sure to pass. Providentially, however, 
 and for reasons never explained, and perhaps not known to 
 themselves, on the morning referred to the friends shortened 
 their ride, and wheeled about without passing the ambuscade, 
 though approaching it within striking distance. One of the 
 Indians, afterward taken prisoner, stated that Mr. Taylor might 
 easily have been shot, but that their orders were to take him 
 alive. 
 
 Another, and a yet bolder scheme was subsequently adopted 
 to effect the capture of the sagacious Committee-man, for which 
 purpose a party of the enemy were actually introduced not 
 only into the city of Albany, but into the loft of Mr. Taylor’s 
 own stable, standing in the rear of his house and upon the 
 margin of the river. In order, moreover, to facilitate their 
 flight with the intended captive, a canoe had been procured 
 and moored at the water’s edge. Their design was to enter 
 the house in the night, and seize and bear him silently away. 
 One of the servants happening to step into the yard after the 
 family had retired to rest, the lurking foes thought the time for 
 a rush had arrived. But in their preparations to spring for¬ 
 ward they alarmed the servant too soon, and he was enabled to 
 get back into the house, bolt the door, and give timely warn¬ 
 ing. The insidious purpose was of course frustrated/ 
 
 Nor were these the only hostile attempts directed, at about 
 the same period, against individuals at Albany; General 
 Schuyler was again selected for a victim even of assassination. 
 Smarting under their disappointment in the overthrow of Bur- 
 goyne, to which discomfiture the energy and efforts of Schuyler 
 had so essentially contributed, a conspiracy was formed either 
 to capture or destroy him. For this purpose the Tories cor¬ 
 rupted a white man, who had been patronised by the General, 
 and who was even then in his employment, to do the foul deed, 
 and also one of the friendly Indians, whose clan had for years 
 
 * The facts in this statement respecting Lady Johnson and Mr. Taylor, have 
 been derived from an extended biographical sketch of the latter, written by his sur¬ 
 viving friend, the venerable Major William Popham, and also from a letter ad¬ 
 dressed to the author by General John T. Cooper. 
 
1777.] FRESH ALARMS IN TRYON COUNTY. 291 
 
 been in the habit of hunting upon his premises in Saratoga, 
 during the fishing season at Fish Creek, which ran through his 
 farm, and in which immense quantities of fish were then taken.* 
 To effect their object, the two assassins took their station un¬ 
 der a covert, in a valley about half a mile from the General’s 
 premises, and by which they had previously ascertained he was 
 shortly to pass. They soon descried his approach on horseback. 
 As he advanced, they took deliberate aim ; when, with a sudden 
 movement, the Indian struck up his associate’s gun with the 
 exclamation —“ I cannot kill him : I have eaten his bread too 
 often /”t 
 
 Early in the Autumn, the inhabitants of Unadilla and the 
 contiguous settlements in that direction, were again imploring 
 the commander of Fort Schuyler for a detachment of troops to 
 protect them from another expedition, which, the Oneidas had 
 informed them, Colonels Johnson and Butler were getting on 
 foot at Oswego. The project, according to the news obtained 
 from the Oneidas, contemplated a simultaneous descent of the 
 Tories and Indians upon five different points, comprehending 
 all the principal settlements west of Schenectady. These un¬ 
 pleasant tidings were in some degree confirmed, by the disco¬ 
 very of a large scouting party of the enemy on the Sacondaga, 
 at the north of Johnstown. 
 
 The alarm was increased, toward the close of October, by 
 the arrival of an express at the Canajoharie Castle, announcing 
 that within a few days Sir John Johnson would return to Os¬ 
 wego, with six hundred regular troops and a large body of In¬ 
 dians. It was stated that Sir John had succeeded in raising 
 twenty-two Indian nations in arms against the Colonists. They 
 were about sending a belt to the Oneidas, and in the event of 
 their refusal to take up the hatchet with their brethren in be¬ 
 half of the King, they were themselves to be attacked as the 
 first measure of the invasion. These facts were immediately 
 communicated to General Schuyler by a letter dated October 
 25th, announcing also the flight, to the ranks of Sir John 
 
 * The herring fishery was considerable at Fish Ceeek at the period referred to. 
 The Indians took them in large quantities—dried and pounded them into powder, 
 which they mixed with corn-meal, and packed away in boxes made of bark, for future 
 consumption. 
 
 t Facts communicated to the author by Mrs. James Cochran of Oswego. 
 
292 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1777. 
 
 Johnson, of Hon-Yost Schuyler, and twelve or fourteen of his 
 neighbors at Fall Hill and in that vicinity, as heretofore stated. 
 The letter contained a strong appeal for an additional force to 
 defend the valley—with an assurance, that in the event of re¬ 
 ceiving no farther means of security, the greater part of the 
 inhabitants had become so discouraged that they would proba¬ 
 bly lay down their arms ;* in other words, throw themselves 
 upon the protection of the King. 
 
 But, after all the alarm, nothing very serious resulted from 
 these threatening indications during the residue of the year 1777. 
 Still the Congress was unwilling that the year should close 
 without making one more effort to win back the Six Nations 
 from the British service, at least to a state of neutrality, if no¬ 
 thing more. With this view, on the 3d of December the fol¬ 
 lowing address to the Indians of those Nations was reported by 
 the Committee on Indian affairs, and adopted. It is inserted at 
 length in this order, on account of its eloquence, and its sur¬ 
 passing excellence among the documents connected with the 
 Indian diplomacy of the republic :— 
 
 Address of the Congress to the Six Nations. 
 
 “Brothers, Sachems, and Warriors: The great coun¬ 
 cil of the United States call now for your attention. Open 
 your ears that you may hear, and your hearts that you may 
 understand. 
 
 “ When the people on the other side of the great water, with¬ 
 out any cause, sought our destruction, and sent over their ships 
 and their warriors to fight against us, and to take away our 
 possessions, you might reasonably have expected us to ask for 
 your assistance. If we are enslaved, you cannot be free. For 
 our strength is greater than yours. If they would not spare 
 their own brothers of the same flesh and blood, would they 
 spare you ? If they burn our houses and ravage our lands, 
 could yours be secure ? 
 
 u But, Brothers, we acted on very different principles. 
 Far from desiring you to hazard your lives in our quarrel, we 
 advised you to remain still in ease and at peace. We even en¬ 
 treated you to remain neuter: and under the shade of your 
 
 * MS. letter to General Schuyler—Secretary’s office, Albany. 
 
1777.] ADDRESS TO THE SIX NATIONS. 293 
 
 trees and by the side of your streams, to smoke your pipe iti 
 safety and contentment. Though pressed by our enemies, and 
 when their ships obstructed our supplies of arms and powder 
 and clothing, we were not unmindful of your wants. Of what 
 was necessary for our own use, we cheerfully spared you a 
 part. More we should have done, had it been in our power. 
 
 “ Brothers, Cayugas, Senecas, Tuscaroras, and Mo¬ 
 hawks : Open your ears and hear our complaints. Why have 
 you listened to the voice of our enemies ? Why have you suf¬ 
 fered Sir John Johnson and Butler to mislead you ? Why 
 have you assisted General St. Leger and his warriors from the 
 other side of the great water, by giving them a free passage 
 through your country to annoy us; which both you and we 
 solemnly promised should not be defiled with blood ? Why 
 have you suffered so many of your nations to join them in 
 their cruel purpose ? Is this a suitable return for our love and 
 kindness, or did you suspect that we were too weak or too 
 cowardly to defend our country, and join our enemies that you 
 might come in for a share of the plunder ? What has been 
 gained by this unprovoked treachery ? what but shame and dis¬ 
 grace ! Your foolish warriors and their new allies have been 
 defeated and driven back in every quarter ; and many of them 
 justly paid the price of their rashness with their lives. Sorry 
 are we to find that our ancient chain of union, heretofore so 
 strong and bright, should be broken by such poor and weak 
 instruments as Sir John Johnson and Butler, who dare not 
 show their faces among their countrymen ; and by St. Leger, a 
 stranger whom you never knew ! What has become of the 
 spirit, the wisdom, and the justice of your nations ? Is it pos¬ 
 sible that you should barter away your ancient glory, and 
 break through the most solemn treaties, for a few blankets or a 
 little rum or powder? That trifles such as these should prove 
 any temptation to you to cut down the strong tree of friendship, 
 by our common ancestors planted in the deep bowels of the 
 earth at Onondaga, your central council-fire ? That tree which 
 has been watered and nourished by their children until the 
 branches had almost reached the skies ! As well misfit we have 
 expected that the mole should overturn the vast mountains of 
 the Alleghany, or that the birds of the air should drink up the 
 waters of Ontario! 
 
294 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1777. 
 
 “Brothers, Cayugas, Senecas, Onondagas, and Mo¬ 
 hawks : Look into your hearts, and be attentive. Much are 
 you to blame, and greatly have you wronged us. Be wise in time. 
 Be sorry and mend your faults. The great council, though the 
 blood of our friends, who fell by your tomahawks at the German 
 Flatts, cries aloud against you, will yet be patient. We do not 
 desire to destroy you. Long have we been at peace; and it 
 is still our wish to bury the hatchet, and wipe away the blood 
 which some of you have so unjustly shed. Till time should 
 be no more, we wish to smoke with you the calumet of friend¬ 
 ship around your central fire at Onondaga. But, Brothers, 
 mark well what we now tell you. Let it sink deep as the bot¬ 
 tom of the sea, and never be forgotten by you or your children. 
 If ever again you take up the hatchet to strike us—if you join 
 our enemies in battle or council—if you give them intelligence, 
 or encourage or permit them to pass through your country to 
 molest or hurt any of our people—we shall look on you as our 
 enemies, and treat you as the worst of enemies, who, under a 
 cloak of friendship, cover your bad designs, and like the con¬ 
 cealed adder, only wait for an opportunity to wound us when 
 we are most unprepared. 
 
 “ Brothers : Believe us who never deceive. If, after all 
 our good counsel and all our care to prevent it, we must take 
 up the hatchet, the blood to be shed will lie heavy on your 
 heads. The hand of the thirteen United States is not short. 
 It will reach to the farthest extent of the country of the Six 
 Nations ; and while we have right on our side, the good Spirit, 
 whom we serve, will enable us to punish you, and put it out 
 of your power to do us farther mischief. 
 
 “Brothers, Oneidas and Tuscaroras : Hearken to 
 what we have to say to you in particular. It rejoices our 
 hearts that we have no reason to reproach you in common 
 with the rest of the Six Nations. We have experienced your 
 love, strong as the oak, and your fidelity, unchangeable as 
 truth. You have kept fast hold of the ancient covenant chain, 
 and preserved it free from rust and decay, and bright as silver. 
 Like brave men, for glory you despised danger; you stood 
 forth in the cause of your friends, and ventured your lives in 
 our battles. While the sun and moon continue to give light 
 to the world, we shall love and respect you. As our trusty 
 
1777 .] ADDRESS TO THE SIX NATIONS. 295 
 
 friends, we shall protect you, and shall at all times consider your 
 welfare as our own. 
 
 “ Brothers of the Six Nations : Open your ears and 
 listen attentively. It is long ago that we explained to you our 
 quarrel with the people on the other side of the great water. 
 Remember that our cause is just; you and your forefathers 
 have long seen us allied to those people in friendship. By our 
 labor and industry they flourished like the trees of the forest, 
 and became exceedingly rich and proud. At length nothing 
 would satisfy them, unless, like slaves, we would give them the 
 power over our whole substance. Because we would not yield 
 to such shameful bondage, they took up the hatchet. You have 
 seen them covering our coasts with their ships, and a part of 
 our country with their warriors ; but you have not seen us dis¬ 
 mayed ; on the contrary, you know that we have stood firm 
 like rocks, and fought like men who deserved to be free. You 
 know that we have defeated St. Leger, and conquered Burgoyne 
 and all their warriors. Our chief men and our warriors are 
 now fighting against the rest of our enemies, and we trust that 
 the Great Spirit will soon put them in our power, or enable us 
 to drive them all far beyond the great waters. 
 
 “Brothers : Believe us that they leel their own weakness, 
 and that they are unable to subdue the thirteen United States. 
 Else why have they not left our Indian brethren in peace, as 
 they first promised and we wished to have done ? Why have 
 they endeavored, by cunning speeches, by falsehood and mis¬ 
 representations, by strong drink and presents, to embitter the 
 minds and darken the understandings of all our Indian friends 
 on this great continent, from the North to the South, and to en¬ 
 gage them to take up the hatchet against us without any pro¬ 
 vocation? The Cherokees, like some of you, were prevailed 
 upon to strike our people. We carried the war into their coun¬ 
 try, and fought them. They saw their error, they repented, 
 and we forgave them. The United States are kind and merci¬ 
 ful, and wish for peace with all the world. We have, therefore, 
 renewed our ancient covenant chain with their nation. 
 
 “ Brothers : The Shawanese and Delawares give us daily 
 proofs of their good disposition and their attachment to us, and 
 are ready to assist us against all our enemies. The Chicka- 
 saws are amony the number of our faithful friends. And the 
 
 o 
 
296 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT 
 
 [1777. 
 
 Choctaws, though remote from us, have refused to listen to the 
 persuasions of our enemies, rejected all their offers of corrup¬ 
 tion, and continue peaceable. The Creeks are also our steady 
 friends. Oboylaco, their great chief, and the rest of their 
 sachems and warriors, as the strongest mark of their sincere 
 friendship, have presented the great council with an eagle’s 
 tail and rattle trap. They have desired that these tokens might 
 be shown to the Six Nations and their allies, to convince them 
 that the Creeks are at peace with the United States. We have 
 therefore directed our commissioners to deliver them into your 
 hands. Let them be seen by all the nations in your alliance, 
 and preserved in your central council house at Onondaga. 
 
 “Brothers, Sachems and Warriors of the Six Na¬ 
 tions : Hearken to our counsel. Let us who are born on the 
 same great continent, love one another. Our interest is the 
 same, and we ought to be one people, always ready to assist 
 and serve each other. What are the people who belong to the 
 other side of the great waters to either of us ? They never come 
 here for our sakes, but to gratify their own pride and avarice. 
 Their business now is to kill and destroy our inhabitants, to 
 lay waste our houses and farms. The day, we trust, will soon 
 arrive, when we shall be rid of them forever. Now is the time 
 to hasten and secure this happy event. Let us then, from this 
 moment, join hand and heart in the defence of our common 
 country. Let us rise as one man, and drive away our cruel 
 oppressors. Henceforward let none be able to separate us. If 
 any of our people injure you, acquaint us of it and you may 
 depend upon full satisfaction. If any of yours hurt us, be you 
 ready to repair the wrong or punish the aggressor. Above all, 
 shut your ears against liars and deceivers, who, like false mete¬ 
 ors, strive to lead you astray, and to set us at variance. Believe 
 no evil of us till you have taken pains to discover the truth. 
 Our council-tire always burns clear and bright in Pennsylvania. 
 Our commissioners and agents are near your country. We 
 shall not be blinded by false reports or false appearances. 
 
 “ Brothers : What may be farther necessary at this time 
 for our common good you will learn from our commissioners, 
 who sit round our council-fire at Albany. Hear what they 
 say, and treasure it up in your hearts. Farewell.” 
 
 This appeal produced no effect. It was one of the misfor- 
 
CLOSE OF THE YEAR. 
 
 297 
 
 1777.] 
 
 tunes incident to the poverty of the country at that crisis, that 
 Congress was unable to conciliate the friendship of the Indians, 
 by such a liberal dispensation of presents as they had been in 
 the habit of receiving from the superintendents of the crown, 
 and as they were yet enabled to receive from the British go¬ 
 vernment at or by the way of Montreal. Thayendanegea, ear¬ 
 ly in the preceding year, had taunted General Herkimer, at 
 Unadilla, with the poverty of the Continental government, 
 which, he said, was not able to give the Indians a blanket. 
 The fact was but too true; and the officers of the crown were 
 not slow in availing themselves of it, not only by appeals to 
 their cupidity, but by a more lavish bestowment of presents 
 than ever. Thus Guy Johnson, in one of his speeches to the 
 Six Nations at the West, put the significant questions to them : 
 “ Are they,” (the rebels, as he probably called them) “ able to 
 “ give you any thing more than a piece of bread and a glass of 
 “rum? Are you willing to go with them, and suffer them to 
 “ make horses and oxen of you, to put you to the wheelbar- 
 “ rows, and to bring us all into slavery ?” While, therefore, 
 the Americans were unable to furnish the Indians with those 
 necessaries of life, for a supply of which they had become ac¬ 
 customed to rely upon the white man, they found an abundance 
 of stores at Montreal, wide open at their approach. And under 
 these circumstances, with the single exceptions of the Oneidas, 
 and the feeble band of the Tuscaroras, all the efforts of Con¬ 
 gress to conciliate their friendship, or even to persuade them to 
 neutrality, proved unavailing. 
 
 Thus ended the military operations of the year 1777. At the 
 close of the Pennsylvania campaign, the British army went into 
 winter quarters in Philadelphia, and the American at Yalley 
 Forge. On the 15th day of November, what are now called the 
 old “ Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union,” between 
 the thirteen Colonies, were adopted by Congress; and on the 22d 
 of the same month, it was resolved that all proposals for a trea¬ 
 ty between the United States and Great Britain, inconsistent 
 with the independence of the former, should be rejected. It was 
 likewise farther resolved, that no conference should be held 
 with any commissioners on the part of Great Britain, unless, as 
 a measure preliminary, the fleets and armies of that power 
 were withdrawn. 
 
CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Treaty of alliance with France—Policy of France—Incidents of the Winter—Pro¬ 
 jected expedition against St Johns—Lafayette appointed to the command of the 
 North—Failure of the enterprise for lack of means—Disappointment and chagrin 
 ofLafayette—Unpleasant indications respecting the Western Indians—Indian 
 council at Johnstown—Attended by Lafayette—Its proceedings—And result— 
 Reward offered for Major Carleton—Letter of Lafayette—He retires from the 
 Northern Department—Return of the loyalists for their families—Unopposed— 
 Their aggressions—Prisoners carried into Canada—Their fate—Re-appearance 
 of Brant at Oghkwaga and Unadilla—Anecdote of Brant—Comparative cruelty of 
 the Tories and Indians—Murder of a family—Exposed situation of the people— 
 Captain McKean—Sends a challenge to Brant—Burning of Springfield—First 
 battle in Schoharie. 
 
 The opening of the year 1778 was marked by an event 
 that diffused universal joy among the people. It had been 
 rightly judged by American statesmen, that, smarting under the 
 loss which France had experienced by the war ending in 1763, 
 of her broad North American possessions, the government of 
 that country would be nothing loth to aid in the infliction of a 
 like dismemberment of territory upon Great Britain. With a 
 view, therefore, of cultivating friendly relations with France, 
 and deriving assistance from her if possible, Commissioners 
 had been despatched to the Court of Versailles, in 1776, with 
 the plan of a treaty of amity and commerce to be submitted to 
 that government. Still, more than a year had elapsed, during 
 which the Commissioners * had been exerting themselves to the 
 utmost, to obtain a recognition of the Independence of the 
 United States without success. It was evident that France 
 looked upon the revolt of the American Colonies with secret 
 satisfaction ; but she had been so much weakened by the 
 former contest, that time was needed for repose and recovery of 
 her strength. Hence, from the arrival of the Commissioners in 
 the French capital, in December 1776, to the close of 1777, 
 they had been living upon “ hope deferred.” It is true that 
 the Americans received great assistance from the French, in 
 supplies of arms and ammunition ; and although not openly al¬ 
 lowed, yet means were found by the American privateers, se- 
 
 * The Commissioners were, Benjamin Franklin, Silas Deane, and Arthur Lee. 
 Mr. Jefferson had been originally designated as one of the Commissioners; but, 
 declining the appointment, Mr. Lee was selected in his stead. 
 
1778.] 
 
 ALLIANCE WITH FRANCE. 
 
 299 
 
 cretly to dispose of their prizes in French ports. Still, the 
 government was lavish in its professions of friendship for 
 England, even though confidentially giving the Americans 
 strong assurances of sympathy and ultimate assistance. The 
 untoward result of Burgoyne’s campaign, intelligence of which 
 was received in Paris early in December, was the opportune 
 means of ending this vascillating policy on the part of the 
 Court of Versailles. The feelings of the French people toward 
 England could no longer be disguised ; since the news occa¬ 
 sioned as much general joy as though the victory had been 
 achieved by their own arms.* The consequence was, that, on 
 the 6th of February, the French government entered into treaties 
 of amity, commerce, and alliance, with the United States, on 
 principles of the most perfect reciprocity and equality. The 
 French cabinet clearly foresaw that this measure would soon 
 produce a war between themselves and England, and acted in 
 the expectation of such a consequence. Indeed, M. Girard, 
 one of the French Secretaries of State, in his conferences with 
 the American Commissioners, had the frankness to avow that 
 they were not acting wholly for the sake of the United States, 
 but because they thought the moment a favorable one for hum¬ 
 bling their haughty rival, by aiding in the dismemberment of 
 her empire. Hence the King had not only determined to acknow¬ 
 ledge the Independence of the United States, but to support it 
 —without the expectation of compensation.! 
 
 The news of the treaty with France was not received in the 
 United States until late in the Spring.! Meantime other cir- 
 
 * Letter of the Commissioners. t Marshall. 
 
 ! The event was commemorated in the American camp, on the 7th of May, in a 
 style corresponding with its importance—a general order for the celebration having 
 been issued by the Commander-in-chief. It began as follows:—“ It having pleased 
 the Almighty Ruler of the Universe to defend the cause of the United American 
 States, and finally to raise us up a powerful friend among the princes of the earth, to 
 establish our liberty and independency upon a lasting foundation; it becomes us to 
 set apart a day for gratefully acknowledging the divine goodness, and celebrating the 
 important event, which we owe to his divine interposition.” The pageant was 
 strictly military, and is described by the letters of that day as exceedingly brilliant 
 The joy manifested was unfeigned and unspeakable. The Commander-in-chief 
 dined in public with all the officers of his army. “ When his Excellency took his 
 leave, there was a universal clap, with loud huzzas, which continued until he had 
 proceeded a quarter of a mile, during which time there were a thousand hats tossed 
 in the air. His Excellency turned round with his retinue, and huzzaed several 
 times .”—Letter of an officer. 
 
300 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1778. 
 
 cumstances occurred during the Winter, in the Northern part 
 of New-York, deserving of note in the present narrative. First 
 among these, was the notable project of General Gates for a 
 second descent, in mid-winter, upon Canada. In November fol¬ 
 lowing the defeat of Burgoyne, on the reorganization of the 
 Board of War, Gates, in the first flush of his popularity, was 
 placed at its head as president. He had not been long at 
 Yorktown,* where Congress was then in session, before he 
 conceived the project of directing an irruption into Canada 
 across the ice upon Lake Champlain, for the purpose of de¬ 
 stroying the stores and shipping of the enemy at St. Johns; 
 and, possibly, of striking a sudden blow upon Montreal. It 
 was subsequently but too well ascertained that the condition of 
 the Northern army, with which Gates certainly ought to have 
 been acquainted, was by no means such as to warrant the un¬ 
 dertaking of any offensive enterprise. Still the victorious com¬ 
 mander of the North had the address to obtain a vote of 
 Congress directing the expedition,! the conduct of which was 
 entrusted to the Marquis de Lafayette. This gallant young 
 nobleman had been burning with a desire to distinguish him¬ 
 self in a separate command, and this project opened to him the 
 prospect of realizing the object dearest to his heart. 
 
 But, neither in the inception nor in the maturing of the en¬ 
 terprise, had the Commander-in-chief been consulted ; and the 
 first knowledge he possessed of the project was derived from a 
 letter from General Gates, inclosing another to the Marquis, 
 informing him of his appointment to the command.! The dis¬ 
 respect to the Commander-in-chief, to whom the youthful 
 soldier was bound by the strongest ties of friendship and respect, 
 was so manifest, that the Marquis at first hesitated in accepting 
 
 * York, in Pennsylvania. f Journals of Congress, vol. iv. p. 48. 
 
 { “ I am much obliged by your polite request of my opinion and advice on the 
 expedition to Canada and other occasions. In the present instance, as I neither 
 know the extent of the objects in view, nor the means to be employed to effect them, 
 it is not in my power to pass any judgment upon the subject. I can only sincerely 
 wish that success may attend k, both as it may advance the public good, and on 
 account of the personal honor of the Marquis de Lafayette, for whom I have a very 
 particular esteem and regard .”—[Letter of Washington to Gates, Jan. 27, 1778.] 
 “ I shall say no more of the Canada expedition, than that it is at an end. I never 
 was made acquainted with a single circumstance relating to it.”— Letter of Wash* 
 ington to General Armstrong, of Pennsylvania. 
 
1778 .] PROPOSED CAMPAIGN AGAINST CANADA. 301 
 
 the command. Nor was his reluctance lessened by the suspi¬ 
 cious circumstance that General Conway, the base instrument 
 of the Gates faction in the conspiracy against Washington, had 
 been assigned as his second in command. Soaring above all 
 selfish considerations, however, Washington advised the Mar¬ 
 quis to accept the trust confided to him by Congress. Lafayette, 
 therefore, repaired from the camp at Yalley Forge to York town, 
 to be more particularly advised as to the object and the details 
 of the enterprise. The plan of organizing a light but efficient 
 force, to make a sudden dash upon St. Johns, and destroy the 
 flotilla which gave the enemy the command of Lake Champlain, 
 and to inflict such farther injury as might be effected in a rapid 
 campaign, was fully unfolded to him. Ample supplies of men 
 and means were promised by Gates ; and, after securing the 
 services of the Baron de Kalb to the expedition—an officer 
 older in rank than Conway, who would necessarily be his se¬ 
 cond in command—the Marquis accepted the appointment. 
 
 Full of high hopes, a brilliant enterprise before him, and 
 panting for an opportunity to signalize himself in a separate 
 command, the Marquis pushed forward to Albany, amid all the 
 rigors of winter, to enter at once upon the service, and appa¬ 
 rently with as much confidence as though he had achieved the 
 exploit. Sad, however, was his disappointment at the posture 
 of affairs on his arrival at Albany. Conway, who had arrived 
 there three days before him, at once assured him that the expe¬ 
 dition was quite impossible. Such, likewise, was the opinion 
 of Generals Schuyler, Lincoln, and Arnold, the latter two of 
 whom were detained at Albany by the unhealed wounds re¬ 
 ceived upon the fields of Saratoga. Indeed, he was not long in 
 ascertaining, from the quarter-master, commissary, and cloth¬ 
 ier-generals, that there was a lamentable deficiency of almost 
 every necessary of which he had been led to expect an abun¬ 
 dant supply. The number of troops was altogether inadequate. 
 Three thousand effective men were believed to be the smallest 
 force that would suffice, and that number was promised. But 
 scarcely twelve hundred could be mustered fit for duty, and the 
 greater part of these were too naked even for a Summer cam¬ 
 paign.* Their pay was greatly in arrear ; and officers and 
 
 * Letter of Lafayette to General Washington, dated Albany, Feb. 19. 1778. 
 
302 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1778. 
 
 men were alike indisposed to the service.* Originally it had 
 been intended to confide the proposed expedition to General 
 Stark, whose prowess at the battle of Bennington had rendered 
 him exceedingly popular with the people ; and it was supposed 
 that he could at once bring into the field a sufficient number of 
 his mountaineers to strike the blow with success.! Stark was 
 invited to Albany, and James Duane was sent thither from Con¬ 
 gress to confer with him upon the subject. But the induce¬ 
 ment offered by Congress being in the form of a bounty, con¬ 
 tingent only upon success, was thought not sufficient; and 
 when a representation of the circumstances was made by Mr. 
 Duane to that body, the scheme was changed and enlarged, at 
 the suggestion of General Gates, according to the plan which 
 the Marquis was to execute. 
 
 Having attentively examined the situation of affairs, and the 
 means within his control, and consulted with the several able 
 captains at Albany, the young soldier saw with inexpressible 
 chagrin that the obstacles were insuperable. In the language 
 of another, amounting to a bitter satire, whether thus intended 
 or not—“ the Generals only were got in readiness and the 
 gallant Marquis was compelled to relinquish the enterprise, 
 without even the poor privilege of making an attempt. He cer¬ 
 tainly had great reason, not only for vexation, but disgust— 
 advised, as he had been, to announce to his court the degree of 
 confidence reposed in him by Congress, in thus confiding to 
 him a separate command of such importance—not, of course, 
 
 * On the 19th of February James Duane wrote to Governor Clinton respecting 
 the impracticability of the enterprise, since the Marquis could find neither the troops 
 nor the preparations. In the course of his letter, Mr. Duane said of the Marquis :— 
 “ His zeal for this country, of which he has given marks even to enthusiasm, and his 
 ardent desire of glory, lead him to wish the expedition practicable; but he is too 
 considerate to pursue it rashly, or without probable grounds of a successful issue. 
 I must mention to your Excellency a circumstance which shows the liberality of his 
 disposition. He determined, on his entering into Canada, to supply his army 
 through his own private bills on France to the amount of five or six thousand 
 guineas, and to present that sum to Congress as a proof of his love to America and 
 the rights of human nature.” 
 
 f “ I was to find General Stark with a large body, and indeed General Gates told 
 me ‘ General Stark will have burnt the fleet before your arrival .’ Well: the first let¬ 
 ter I receive in Albany is from General Stark, who wishes to know ‘ what number of 
 men, from where, for what time, and for what rendezvous, I desire him to raise.’ ” 
 —Letter from Lafayette to Washington.. 
 
 J Marshall. 
 
THE PROJECT ABANDONED. 
 
 303 
 
 1778 .] 
 
 suspecting, for a moment, that General Gates could have been 
 so ignorant of the actual situation of the department from which 
 he had been so recently transferred.* 
 
 The Marquis wrote to his greatest and best friend, the Com¬ 
 mander-in-chief, upon the subject of what he called his “ dis¬ 
 tressing and ridiculous situation,” in the bitterness of his spirit. 
 “ I am sent,” said he, “ with a great noise, at the head of an 
 “ army, to do great things. The whole continent, France, and, 
 “ what is the worst, the British army, will be in expectation. 
 “ How far they will be deceived, how far we shall be ridiculed, 
 “you may judge by the candid account you have got of the 
 “state of our affairs.” It is quite evident, from the tenor of the 
 letter we are quoting, that the Marquis suspected that he had 
 been purposely detached from the company of Washington 
 with some sinister design :—“ There are things, I dare say, in 
 “ which I am deceived. A certain Colonel is not here for no- 
 “thing.” * * * “I am sure a cloud is drawn before my eyes. 
 “ However, there are points I cannot be deceived in.” * * * 
 “ They have sent me more than twenty French officers. I do 
 “ not know what to do with them. I am at a loss to know 
 “ how to act, and indeed I do not know for what I am here rny- 
 “ self.” And again, toward the close of the letter, he says :—“ I 
 “ fancy the actual scheme is, to have me out of this part of the 
 “ continent, and General Conway as chief under the immedi- 
 “ ate direction of General Gates. How they will bring it about 
 “ I do not know, but be certain something of that kind will ap- 
 “ pear. You are nearer than myself, and every honest man in 
 “ Congress is your friend ; therefore you may foresee and pre- 
 “ vent the evil a hundred times better than I can.”t 
 
 The true position of affairs at Albany having been made 
 known to Congress, it was resolved to instruct the Marquis to 
 suspend the expedition, and at the same time to assure him 
 “ that Congress entertained a high sense of his prudence, acti- 
 “ vity, and zeal; and that they were fully persuaded nothing 
 “ would have been wanting on his own part, or on the part of 
 
 * The history of this abortive project has been drawn chiefly from a long MS. 
 letter from James Duane to Governor Clinton, in the author’s possession. On his 
 way to Albany, the Marquis visited Mr. Duane, and was accompanied by him thither. 
 
 | Letter from Lafayette to Washington, dated Albany, Feb. 23, 177S.—Vide 
 Sparks, Cor. of Washington, vol. v.—Appendix. 
 
 43 
 
304 LIFE OF BRANT. [1778. 
 
 “ the officers who accompanied him. to give the expedition the 
 
 utmost possible effect.” * 
 
 But, to return to the Indian affairs of the Mohawk Yalley. 
 Early in the year, various unpleasant symptoms were percepti¬ 
 ble, indicating the design of a renewed and more extensive In¬ 
 dian war than had been anticipated at any previous moment. 
 Information was received from the remote West, of a general 
 disposition among the nations in the region of the great lakes, 
 and the upper Mississippi, to join the Mohawks, Cayugas, 
 Onondagas, and Senecas, against the United States. The 
 master-spirit of those threatened movements was Joseph Brant, 
 whose winter-quarters were at the central and convenient point 
 of Niagara. Nor were Sir John Johnson and his associates, 
 Claus and Butler, inactive; while the British commander at 
 Detroit, Colonel Hamilton, was at the same time exercising a 
 powerful influence over the surrounding nations of the forest. 
 On the opening of the .year, therefore, great fears were enter¬ 
 tained for the security of the frontiers from the Mohawk to the 
 Ohio. Still, with the Six Nations, Congress resolved to make 
 yet another effort of conciliation—to secure their neutrality, if 
 nothing farther. Accordingly, on the 2d of February, resolu¬ 
 tions were passed, directing a council to be held with these 
 nations at Johnstown, in the County of Tryon. General 
 Schuyler and Volkert P. Douw were appointed commissioners 
 for that purpose, and Governor Clinton was requested to de¬ 
 signate a special commissioner to be present on the occasion. In 
 pursuance of this solicitation, James Duane was appointed for 
 that duty. The resolutions of Congress instructed the com¬ 
 missioners “ to speak to the Indians in language becoming the 
 u representatives of free, sovereign, and independent States, and 
 “ in such a tone as would convince them that they felt them- 
 11 selves to be so.”t It was left to the discretion of the com¬ 
 missioners to determine whether it would be prudent to insist 
 upon their taking up arms in behalf of the States, or whether to < 
 content themselves with efforts to secure their neutrality. 
 
 The directions were, that the council should be holden be¬ 
 tween the 15th and 20th of February; but so slow or reluc¬ 
 tant were the Indians in assembling, that the proceedings were 
 
 * Secret Journal, March 2d, cited by Sparks. 
 
 t Journals of Cong. vol. iv. page 63. 
 
1778.] INDIAN COUNCIL AT JOHNSTOWN. 305 
 
 not commenced until the 9th of March. Whether General 
 Schuyler attended, is not known. The Marquis de Lafayette, 
 who was then temporarily in command of the Northern De¬ 
 partment, accompanied Mr. Dnane to Johnstown, and was pre¬ 
 sent at the council. More than seven hundred Indians were 
 collected at the treaty, consisting of Oneidas, Tuscaroras, 
 Onondagas, a few Mohawks, and three or four Cayugas; but 
 not a single Seneca, which was by far the most powerful na¬ 
 tion. On the contrary, they had the boldness to send a mes ■ 
 sage, affecting great surprise, “ that while our tomahawks were 
 “ sticking in their heads, their wounds bleeding, and their eyes 
 “ streaming with tears for the loss of their friends at German 
 “ Flatts,* the commissioners should think of inviting them to a 
 “ treaty!” 
 
 The proceedings were opened by an address from Congress, 
 framed in accordance with the spirit of the resolutions already 
 cited, asserting the power of the United States, and their magna¬ 
 nimous conduct toward the Six Nations—and charging them 
 distinctly with the ingratitude, cruelty, and treachery, with 
 which their pacific advances had been requited, and for which 
 reparation was demanded. From this charge of treachery, 
 the Oneidas and Tuscaroras were not only honorably excepted, 
 but, on the contrary, were applauded for their firmness and in¬ 
 tegrity, and assured of friendship and protection. 
 
 An Onondaga chief spoke in behalf of the guilty tribes. He 
 exculpated himself and his brother sachems, casting the blame 
 on the young and head-strong warriors, who, he said, would not 
 listen to prudent councils—illustrating their own internal diffi¬ 
 culties by those occasionally existing among the people of the 
 States, which it was at times found impossible to repress. He 
 also spoke of the difficulty they were obliged to encounter, in 
 withstanding the influence of Butler and others in the service 
 of the Crown, acquired by bribery and other kindred artifices. 
 
 An Oneida chief answered for his own nation and the Tus¬ 
 caroras, with a spirit and dignity which would not have dis¬ 
 graced a Roman senator. He pathetically lamented the dege¬ 
 neracy of the unfriendly tribes; predicted their final destruc¬ 
 tion ; and declared the fixed and unalterable resolution of the 
 
 * Oriskany, meaning. The quotation is from a manuscript letter of James 
 Duane. 
 
306 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1773. 
 
 tribes which he represented, at every hazard, to hold fast the 
 covenant chain with the United States, and be buried with 
 them in the same grave, or with them to enjoy the fruits of 
 victory and peace. He fully evinced the sincerity of these pro¬ 
 fessions, by desiring that the United States would erect a for¬ 
 tress in their country, and station a small garrison within it 
 for their defence. A promise to this effect having been given, 
 the Oneida concluded with a solemn assurance, that the two 
 nations for whom he spoke would at all times be ready to co¬ 
 operate with the United States against all their enemies. 
 
 In a private interview afterward, the Oneidas warned the 
 Commissioners against trusting to the Onondagas, whom they 
 considered as enemies to the United States, notwithstanding 
 their seeming contrition for the past. The Oneidas declared 
 that they had not the least doubt that the Onondagas, Cayu- 
 gas, and Senecas would renew their hostilities early in the 
 Spring; that Colonel Butler would again be in possession of 
 Oswego, which he would more strongly fortify ; and for these 
 events they entreated the Commissioners to be prepared. 
 
 In their reply to the Indians, the Commissioners again ap¬ 
 plauded the Oneidas and Tuscaroras for their fidelity and 
 courage. The other nations, they said, were not sufficiently 
 represented to warrant the holding of a treaty with them. But 
 they, nevertheless, directed that another council for those tribes 
 should be held in Onondaga, at some subsequent day, at which 
 the demand of the United States of satisfaction for past wrongs 
 should be publicly made, and an explicit answer exacted. 
 They were admonished that the cause of the United States was 
 just; that the hand of the United States could reach the re¬ 
 motest corner of the country of the Senecas; and that they 
 trusted that the Good Spirit whom they served, would enable 
 them to punish all their enemies, and put it out of their power 
 to do them farther injury.* 
 
 The inhabitants of Tryon County, many of whom were 
 spectators at the council, were highly gratified with the pro¬ 
 ceedings ; and it was supposed that the moral effect would be 
 .good, not only in regard to the Oneidas, but also upon the 
 
 * Unpublished letter of James Duane to Governor Clinton, giving a report of liis 
 mission, in the author’s possession. 
 
1778.] CHERRY VALLEY AND SCHOHARIE. 307 
 
 Onondagas—those tribes being closely connected by intermar¬ 
 riages : but the Commissioners left the council under the full 
 persuasion that from the Senecas, Cayugas, and the greater 
 part of the Mohawks, nothing but revenge for their lost friends 
 and tarnished glory at Oriskany and Fort Schuyler was to be 
 anticipated ; more especially since the enemy was so plentifully 
 supplied with the means of corruption, while it was not in the 
 power of the United States so much as to furnish their best 
 friends with the necessaries of life, even in the course of trade.* 
 Still, in order, as far as possible, to regain some of their lost as¬ 
 cendancy over the Indians, by means of traffic, the Commission¬ 
 ers of that department were shortly afterward authorized by 
 Congress to open a trading establishment at Fort Schuyler. 
 But the inadequacy of the provision must be evident from the 
 fact, that the slender exchequer of the government allowed an 
 appropriation of no greater sum for that important object, than 
 ten thousand dollars.f 
 
 While at Johnstown during this visit, the Marquis de La¬ 
 fayette was waited upon by Colonel Campbell and others, 
 for the purpose of calling his attention to the exposed situation 
 of Cherry Valley. The consequence was an order for the 
 erection of a fort at that place. An engineer was detailed upon 
 that duty, and detachments,of troops ordered both to that place 
 and Schoharie. Three slight fortifications had been built 
 in the valley of the Schoharie-kill during the preceding year, 
 called the Upper, Middle, and Lower Forts. These works 
 were merely circumvallations of earth and wood, thrown up 
 around some strong dwelling-houses constructed of stone, 
 within which the women and children were placed in moments 
 of peculiar danger. The church was the citadel of the Lower 
 Fort, and all were manned by small companies of soldiers, having 
 each a single brass field-piece. The Marquis likewise directed 
 the erection of a fort in the Oneida country, pursuant to the 
 request of the Indians of that nation. 
 
 It was but too evident, from the reports borne upon every 
 western breeze, that all these measures of precaution in that di¬ 
 rection were necessary. To the Johnsons and their adherents 
 the recovery of the Valley of the Mohawk was an object of the 
 
 * Unpublished letter of James Duane to Governor Clinton, heretofore cited. 
 
 j Journals of Congress, vol. iv. p. 256. 
 
308 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1778 . 
 
 first importance; and they watched every opportunity of 
 moving in that quarter, which promised even a possible chance 
 of success. Even while the Marquis was present with the 
 Indian Commissioners at Johnstown, no less a personage than 
 a British Colonel, a nephew of Sir Guy Carleton, and bearing 
 the same honorable name, was well understood to be lurking in 
 that vicinity as a spy. Every effort was made for his arrest; 
 and, as an inducement to the militia and Indians to be on the 
 alert, the Marquis offered a reward of fifty guineas from his own 
 purse, as will appear by the annexed letter to Col. Gansevoort •— 
 
 The Marq.uis de Lafayette to Col. Gansevoort. 
 
 “ Johnstown , the 9 tli March , 1778. 
 
 “Sir. 
 
 / 
 
 “ As the taking of Colonel Carleton is of the greatest import¬ 
 ance, I wish you would use every exertion in your power to 
 have him apprehended. I have desired Colonel Livingston, 
 who knows him, to let you have any intelligence he can give, 
 and join to them those I have got by one other spy, about the 
 dress and figure of Carleton. You may send as many parties 
 as you please, and every where you’ll think proper, and do 
 every convenient thing for discovering him. I dare say he 
 knows we are after him, and has nothing in view but to escape, 
 which I beg you to prevent by all means. You may promise, 
 in my name, fifty guineas hard money , besides every money 
 they can find about Carleton, to any party of soldiers or Indians 
 who will bring him alive. As every one knows now what we 
 send for, there is no inconvenience to scatter in the country 
 which reward is promised, in order to stimulate the Indians. 
 
 “ I have the honor to be, Sir, 
 
 “ Your most obedient servant, 
 
 “ The Mqs. de Lafayette.” 
 
 “ Col. Gansevoort, ComJt. Fort Schuyler.”* 
 
 The condition contained in this letter, that, to entitle the cap- 
 tor to the promised reward, Carleton must be brought in alive, 
 comports with the well-known humanity, through life, of the 
 illustrious friend of human liberty who wrote it. But the 
 search was fruitless. Carleton was an active and efficient 
 partisan officer, and was never taken. The Marquis retained 
 
 * This letter has been copied from the original, among the Gansevoort papers. 
 
A TORY INVASION. 
 
 309 
 
 1778.] 
 
 the command at the North only until the middle of April, when 
 he was ordered to head-quarters, and Gates again assumed the 
 command of the department. 
 
 In the month of June, the loyalists who had fled to Canada 
 with Sir John Johnson, to the number of one hundred and up¬ 
 ward, performed an exploit equally bold and remarkable, which 
 naturally suggests the inquiry, where were the Whigs of Tryon 
 County at that time ; and in what were they engaged ? The 
 incident to which reference is had, was the return of those self¬ 
 same loyalists for their families, whom they were permitted to 
 collect together, and with whom they were suffered to depart 
 into the country, and the active service of the enemy. Nor 
 was this all. Not only was no opposition made to their pro¬ 
 ceedings, but on their way they actually committed acts of 
 flagrant hostility, destroyed property, and took several prisoners. 
 Having completed their arrangements, they moved northward 
 from Fort Hunter, through Fonda’s Bush—making four prison¬ 
 ers on their way thither,* * * § and at Fonda’s Bush five others.t 
 From this place they proceeded across the great marsh to Sir 
 William Johnson’s fish-house, on the Sacondaga, capturing a 
 man named Martin, and another named Harris, on the way, 
 and at the fish-house taking a brave fellow named Solomon 
 Woodworth and four others.t They burnt the house and out¬ 
 buildings of Godfrey Shew at this place, and departed with 
 their prisoners, leaving the women and children houseless. 
 Embarking on the Sacondaga in light canoes, previously 
 moored at that place for the purpose, they descended twenty- 
 five miles to the Hudson, and thence, by the way of Lakes 
 George and Champlain, proceeded to St. Johns in safety. The 
 day after his capture, Woodworth succeeded in making his 
 escape. At St. Johns, John Shew and four others were given 
 up to the Indians, by whom they were taken to their village in 
 Canada. They were neither considered nor treated exactly as 
 prisoners of war ; and Shew, with three of his companions, soon 
 afterward escaped and returned home.§ From St. Johns, the 
 
 * Mr. Cough and his son, and Mr. Marinus and his son. 
 
 t John Putnam, Jr., Mr. Salisbury, Mr. Rice, Mr. Joseph Scott, and Mr. 
 Bowman. 
 
 | Godfrey Shew, and his three sons, John, Stephen, and Jacob. 
 
 § In the Autumn of 1780 young Shew was again captured by a scouting parly of 
 
310 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1778 . 
 
 loyal party proceeded down the St. Lawrence to Quebec, where 
 the residue of the prisoners were kept in close confinement 
 about four months. Some of the number died, and the remain¬ 
 der were sent to Halifax, and thence exchanged by the way of 
 Boston. This movement of the Tories back in a body to their 
 deserted homes, and its success, form one of the most extraordi¬ 
 nary incidents, though in itself comparatively unimportant, 
 which transpired during the wars of the Mohawk country.* 
 
 With the opening of the season for active operations—though 
 he was himself never inactive—Thayendanegea had again re¬ 
 turned to his former haunts on the Susquehanna—Oghkwaga 
 and Unadilla. He soon proved himself an. active and dreaded 
 partisan. No matter for the difficulties or the distance, where- 
 ever a blow could be struck to any advantage, Joseph Brant 
 was sure to be there. Frequent, moreover, were the instances in 
 which individuals, and even whole families in the outskirts of 
 the settlements, disappeared, without any knowledge on the part 
 of those who were left, that an enemy had been near them. 
 “ The smoking ruins of their dwellings, the charred bones of 
 the dead,” and the slaughtered carcasses of the domestic ani¬ 
 mals, were the only testimonials of the cause of the catastrophe, 
 until the return of a captive, or the disclosures of some prisoner 
 taken from the foe, furnished more definite information.! But 
 there is no good evidence that Brant was himself a participator 
 in secret murders, or attacks upon isolated individuals or fami¬ 
 lies ; and there is much reason to believe that the bad feelings 
 of many of the loyalists induced them to perpetrate greater 
 enormities themselves, and prompt the parties of Indians whom 
 they often led, to commit greater barbarities than the savages 
 would have done had they been left to themselves. 
 
 In support of the foregoing opinion of Captain Brant, the 
 following incident, occurring in the Summer of the present 
 year, may be adduced. A lad in Schoharie County, named 
 William M’Kown, while engaged in raking hay alone in a 
 
 Indians and Tories, in the woods in the neighborhood of Ballston, and at the insti¬ 
 gation of one of the latter, named John Parker, was immediately murdered. Parker 
 was himself soon afterward taken as a spy by Captain Bemett of the militia— 
 carried to Albany, tried, convicted, and executed. 
 
 * The facts respecting this expedition have been collected and furnished to the 
 author by John J. Shew, of Northampton, N. Y. 
 
 t Campbell’s Annals. 
 
MASSACRE IN SCHOHARIE. 
 
 311 
 
 1778 .] 
 
 meadow, happening to turn round, perceived ail Indian very- 
 near him. Startled at his perilous situation, he raised his rake 
 for defence, but his fears were instantly dissipated by the 
 savage, who said—“ Do not be afraid, young man ; I shall not 
 “ hurt you.” He then inquired of the youth for the residence 
 of a loyalist named Foster. The lad gave him the proper di¬ 
 rection, and inquired of the Indian whether he knew Mr. 
 Foster ? “I am partially acquainted with him,” was the reply, 
 “ having once seen him at the Half-way Creek.”* The Indian 
 then inquired the lad’s name, and having been informed, he 
 added—“ You are a son of Captain M’Kown who lives in the 
 “ north-east part of the town, I suppose : I know your father 
 “ very well: he lives neighbor to Captain M’Kean: I know 
 “ M’Kean very well, and a very fine fellow he is, too.” Em 
 boldened by the familiar discourse of the Indian, the lad ven¬ 
 tured to ask his name in turn. Hesitating for a moment, his 
 rather unwelcome visiter replied :—“ My name is Brant!” 
 “ What! Captain Brant ?” eagerly demanded the youth. “ No : 
 “ I am a cousin of his,” was the rejoinder ; but accompanied by 
 a smile and a look that plainly disclosed the transparent de¬ 
 ception. It was none other than the terrible Thayendanegea 
 himself, f 
 
 On the other hand, the following tragic circumstance, given 
 on the same indisputable authority, sustains the assertion that 
 the Tories were oftentimes more cruel than their savage asso¬ 
 ciates. While a party of hostiles were prowling about the 
 borders of Schoharie, the Indians killed and scalped a mother, 
 and a large family of children. “ They had just completed the 
 “ work of death, when some loyalists of the party came up, and 
 “ discovered an infant breathing sweetly in its cradle. An In- 
 “ dian warrior, noted for his barbarity, approached the cradle 
 “ with his uplifted hatchet. The babe looked up in his face, 
 “ and smiled ; the feelings of nature triumphed over the ferocity 
 “ of the savage; the hatchet fell with his arm, and he was 
 “ about stooping down to take the innocent in his arms, when 
 <•' one of the loyalists, cursing him for his humanity, thrust it 
 t; through with his bayonet, and, thus transfixed, held it up 
 
 ♦ Bowman’s Creek, half way between Cherry Valley and the Mohawk River, 
 t Annals of Tryon County. 
 
 44 
 
312 LIFE OF BRANT. [1778. 
 
 11 struggling in the agonies of death, as he exclaimed — 1 this, 
 £t 1 too, is a rebel /’ ” 
 
 To guard against these painful transactions, nothing short of 
 the most exemplary watchfulness would suffice. Not only 
 their habitations, but those who labored in the fields, were 
 guarded, being themselves armed at their ploughs, like the la¬ 
 borers of the prophet in rebuilding the walls of Jerusalem. Nor 
 was this vigilance confined to any particular location. The 
 inhabitants around the whole border, from Saratoga, north of 
 Johnstown, and west to the German Flatts, thence south 
 stretching down to Unadilla, and thence eastvvardly crossing 
 the Susquehanna, along the Charlotte river to Harpersfield, 
 and thence back to Albany-—were necessarily an armed yeo¬ 
 manry, watching for themselves, and standing sentinels for 
 each other in turn ; harassed daily by conflicting rumors ; 
 now admonished of the approach of the foe in the night by 
 the glaring flames of a neighbor’s house; or compelled sud¬ 
 denly to escape from his approach, at a time and in a direction 
 the least expected. Such was the tenure of human existence 
 around the confines of this whole district of country, from the 
 Spring of 1777 to the end of the contest in 1782. 
 
 The first movement of Brant himself, this season, (1778,) was 
 upon the settlement of Springfield, a small town at the head of 
 Otsego Lake, lying directly west of Cherry Valley, about ten 
 miles. Those of the men who did not fly, were taken prison¬ 
 ers. The chieftain then burnt the entire settlement, with the 
 exception of a single house, into which he collected all the 
 women and children, and left them uninjured. 
 
 It was reported in the month of June, that Brant, whose 
 forces were increasing at Unadilla, was fortifying that post; 
 and Captain M>Kean was despatched with a small patrol in 
 that direction, by the people of Cherry Valley, to make obser¬ 
 vations. Arriving at a house about twenty-five miles from that 
 place, M‘Kean was informed that Brant had been there 
 with fifty men, that day, and would probably return in the even¬ 
 ing. M‘Kean was at first disposed to take possession of the 
 house, and attempt its defence—his force consisting of but five 
 men, exclusive of himself. But, ultimately forming a more 
 prudent resolution, he withdrew “his forces” before nightfall, 
 and returned home without having reconnoitred the chieftain’s 
 
BATTLE AT COBLESKILL. 
 
 313 
 
 1778 .] 
 
 position at Unadilla. In the course of his journey, he wrote a 
 letter to Brant, upbraiding him for the predatory system of war¬ 
 fare in which he was engaged, and challenging him either to 
 single combat, or to meet him with an equal number of men 
 and have a pitched battle—” adding, that if he would come to 
 Cherry Valley, they would change him from a Brant to a 
 11 goose.” This chivalrous missive was fastened to a stick, 
 and placed in an Indian path. No modem post-office could 
 have transmitted the letter with greater speed or safety. The 
 £t contents ” were “ noted ” by Brant in a letter addressed to 
 Mr. Parcifer Carr, a loyalist living some fifteen or twenty miles 
 north, upon the Unadilla settlement, to whom the chief wrote 
 for provisions. He also solicited Mr. Carr to allow two or 
 three of his men to join him, and likewise to send him a few 
 guns, with some ammunition—adding, ” I mean now to fight 
 the cruel rebels as well as I can.” In a postscript, he intimated 
 that the people of Cherry Valley, though very bold in words, 
 would find themselves mistaken in calling him a “ goose.” 
 Whether the challenge of Captain M‘.Kean, and the pun upon 
 the chieftain’s name, had any influence upon his subsequent 
 conduct in that section of the country, is not known. 
 
 On the 2d of July a smart engagement took place, on the 
 upper branch of the Cobleskill, between a party of regular 
 troops and Schoharie militia under Captain Christian Brown, 
 and a large body of Indians. There were twenty-two militia¬ 
 men and thirty regulars, the latter under charge of a lieutenant 
 whose name has not been preserved. The Indians, by their 
 own account, were four hundred and fifty strong. They were 
 victorious—the Americans retreating with a loss of fourteen 
 killed, eight wounded, and two missing. The Indians burnt 
 several houses, killed and destroyed all the horses and cattle 
 which they could not drive away, and took considerable plun¬ 
 der besides. They remained in the woods adjoining the battle¬ 
 ground. one day and two nights, dressing the wounded, and 
 packing up their booty, with which they retired unmolested.* 
 Thenceforward, until the close of the war, the settlements of 
 
 * The only account of this battle which the author has been able to discover, is 
 contained in John M. Brown’s pamphlet history of Schoharie. He states it to have 
 taken place on the day preceding the massacre of Wyoming, but dates it in 1776, 
 instead of 1778, which was doubtless the true date. 
 
314 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 1778 . 
 
 Schoharie were perpetually harassed by the strolling bands of 
 the enemy, until at length they were entirely laid waste by a for¬ 
 midable invasion. The principal of these settlements was the 
 vale of the Schoharie-kill—doubly inviting from the beauty of 
 its scenery and the fertility of its soil—which was even then 
 thickly inhabited. But, although frequently doomed to suffer 
 from the savage tomahawk, justice nevertheless demands 
 the admission, that the first blood was drawn in that valley, 
 and the first act of barbarity committed, by the white man, 
 upon the body of an Indian sachem. 
 
 The circumstances leading to the outrage were these : At an 
 early stage of the contest, the officers of the Crown made a 
 very strenuous effort to control the popular feeling, and pre¬ 
 serve the loyalty of the people of Schoharie. For this purpose, 
 not only the regular militia of the settlements, but all the male 
 population capable of bearing arms, were required to meet the 
 King’s Commissioners at the house of Captain George Mann, 
 a loyalist of great wealth and influence, to take the oath of alle¬ 
 giance. They assembled in arms, and were kept on parade, 
 day after day, as they slowly gathered at the place of rendez¬ 
 vous in obedience to the requisition. Those who were loyal¬ 
 ists at heart readily took the oath ; but great reluctance was 
 manifested on the part of those whose predilections ran with 
 the Whigs. These, however, were threatened with the pains 
 and penalties of arrest, confiscation, and death, in case of re¬ 
 fusal ; so that for the most part they complied with the demand 
 of the Commissioners, and took the oath of fidelity to the Crown. 
 Immediately on taking the oath, the hat of the subject was de¬ 
 corated with a piece of scarlet cloth ; while some of those most 
 strongly desirous of manifesting their loyalty, wore scarlet caps. 
 Prominent among the latter class, were Lodwig Snyder, of the 
 Duanesbnrg settlement,* and a Mohawk sachem named Peter 
 Nickus, who gave offence to the Whigs by brandishing his 
 tomahawk and occasionally sounding the war-whoop. 
 
 But there were a few bold spirits upon whom neither the 
 threats of his Majesty’s officers, nor the menaces of the Indians 
 in their company, had any effect. They refused peremptorily 
 to take the oath. Chief among these were Nicholas Sternberg 
 
 * Snyder afterward abjured the Royal cause, and discharged his duty faithfully as 
 a Whig. 
 
A SCENE IN SCHOHARIE. 
 
 315 
 
 1778 .] 
 
 and William Deitz, who left the parade on the evening of the 
 first or second day, and returned to their homes—bitterly de¬ 
 nounced as rebels and traitors by the Royalists, and threatened 
 with a visit of Tories and Indians during the night. To avoid 
 an arrest, Sternberg took to the woods at evening, leaving his 
 family in great anxiety, although the slaves, of whom he pos¬ 
 sessed a large number, volunteered to defend their mistress and 
 the children. But there was no pursuit, and the recusants both 
 returned to the parade on the following day—determined, of 
 course, to render all proper obedience to the laws yet in force, 
 but equally determined not to take the oath of allegiance; 
 although Mrs. Sternberg besought her husband, with tears, not 
 to jeopard his own safety, and the lives of his family, by longer 
 refusal. Nay, she went farther ; and appealing to the Bible, the 
 good woman showed him the passage in which all men are en¬ 
 joined u to fear God and honor the King.” But it was with 
 Sternberg as with the Puritans. He believed that “ opposition 
 to tyrants was obedience to God,” as implicitly as did the re¬ 
 gicides who engraved that immortal sentiment upon the New 
 Haven rock ; and he was inflexible in his purpose. 
 
 Fortunately, however, in the course of the day affairs took 
 quite a different turn. It was at about the middle of the after¬ 
 noon that Captain Mann mustered those who had taken the 
 oath and received the red badge. They numbered one hun¬ 
 dred and upward, and were paraded before the Captain’s own 
 house to perform their martial exercise, when their attention 
 was arrested by the sound of steeds trampling in the dis¬ 
 tance. A moment longer, and a cloud of horsemen came gal¬ 
 loping along the highway from the direction of Albany, with 
 drawn swords flashing brightly in the sun. These unexpected 
 visiters proved to be Captain Woodbake, and two hundred 
 cavalry, the object of whose approach was to disperse the Royal 
 gathering and proclaim the government of the republic. 
 Their arrival was exceedingly inopportune for Captain Mann, 
 who was cut short in the midst of a loyal oration, in which he 
 was commending his citizen-soldiers for their loyalty, and 
 threatening those who refused the badge of their sovereign, 
 with vengeance, swift and inevitable. As the cavalry ap¬ 
 proached, Captain Mann took to his heels and fled; while his 
 loyal followers, many of whom had assumed the before-men- 
 
316 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1778 
 
 tioned insignia, and signed the royal muster-roll on compul¬ 
 sion, either followed his example or threw away their red caps, 
 and tore off the scarlet patches from their hats, with the utmost 
 possible expedition. Orders were immediately issued by Cap¬ 
 tain Woodbake that Mann should be taken and brought to 
 him—alive, if possible, but if not—not. Numbers started in 
 pursuit, while those who remained upon the ground were col¬ 
 lected into line, and a proclamation was read to them by Captain 
 Woodbake, declaring the Royal authority at an end—pronounc¬ 
 ing the acts of the King’s Commissioners null and void—and 
 absolving the people from the oath of allegiance just taken, 
 upon the ground that, by the laws neither of God nor man, are 
 oaths binding which have been taken upon compulsion. Com¬ 
 mending those who had refused to take the oath for their 
 patriotism, he informed them that a Committee of Safety must 
 be appointed, who would temporarily be invested with the civil 
 and military authority of the district, and until, by elections and 
 otherwise, the government could be organized in a more regular 
 manner. Nicholas Sternberg and William Deitz were there¬ 
 upon nominated by Woodbake to serve as said Committee, and 
 invested orally with all necessary power for the government of 
 the district; and the people were enjoined to obedience. 
 
 The affairs of the government having thus been settled, all 
 hands were ordered in pursuit of Captain Mann, and sentinels 
 were posted at different points of observation. Among these 
 was Mr. Sternberg’s eldest son Lambert, who was stationed by 
 the side of a wheat-stack, sheltered by a roof of thatch upon 
 four posts.* The orders were strict, that if Mann would not 
 surrender, he must be shot. Toward evening, on the approach 
 of a thunder-gust, young Sternberg, who was a lad of only 
 sixteen years, climbed to the top of the wheat-stack for shelter, 
 where, to his great surprise, he stumbled upon the loyal cap¬ 
 tain. The youth informed him at once that he must surrender 
 or be shot. The Captain implored for mercy—declaring that 
 he dared not to surrender himself to Woodbake, because his 
 life would be taken. The youth repeated that his orders were 
 explicit, and he must surrender or be shot. But Mann had 
 
 * These structures in new countries, where barns are not large enough to shelter 
 the produce, are called barracks. 
 
A SCENE IN SCHOHARIE. 
 
 317 
 
 1778 .] 
 
 lived a neighbor to his father—had ever been kind to him—and 
 his heart failed at the thought of taking his life. He then pro¬ 
 posed to the Captain to fire his musket by way of alarm, that 
 others might come and take him. But this was objected to by 
 Mann with equal earnestness. It now thundered and lighten¬ 
 ed fearfully, while the rain descended in torrents. Watching 
 his opportunity, therefore, and availing himself of the conflict 
 of the elements, and that, also, which was working in the bo¬ 
 som of his young neighbor so suddenly placed in hostile array 
 against him, Mann contrived to spring from his hiding-place, 
 and by sliding down upon one of the barrack-posts, effected his 
 escape into a corn-field and thence into the woods. The 
 stripling soldier fired, as in duty bound, but doubtless rejoiced 
 that the shot was without effect. 
 
 On the next day, information having been received that a 
 body of Indians were lurking in the neighborhood of Middle- 
 burg, a few miles farther up the valley, Captain Woodbake pro¬ 
 ceeded thither with his squadron of horse. The only Indian 
 seen was the before-mentioned sachem, Peter Nickus, who was 
 discovered in a thicket of hazel bushes, and immediately brought 
 to the ground by a shot that broke his thigh. Several pistols 
 were simultaneously snapped at him, but without effect; the 
 troops then dismounted, and running upon the wounded Indian, 
 inhumanly hacked him to pieces with their swords. Peter 
 Nickus was therefore the first victim of the Revolution in the 
 Valley of the Schoharie-kill, nor does it appear that he had 
 himself been guilty of any act of positive hostility. 
 
 All search for Captain Mann was for the time fruitless. He 
 succeeded in escaping to the mountains, where he remained 
 fifteen days; but at length was induced to surrender through 
 the intervention of friends, on condition that he should receive 
 no personal injury. He was thereupon taken to Albany, and 
 kept in confinement to the end of the war.* 
 
 * The property of Captain Mann was not confiscated, and he was suffered to 
 return and repossess himself of his estate, where he lived and died a faithful citizen 
 of the republic. All the families named in this narrative were of great respectability, 
 and their descendants are still in that section of country. The author has derived 
 the facts of the four last preceding pages from a written narrative by the son of 
 Nicholas Sternberg. It was thrown out of its proper chronological order, because 
 not received until after this chapter was in the hands of the printer. 
 
 
CHAPTER XV. 
 
 The story of Wyoming—Glance at its history—Bloody battle between the Shawa- 
 nese and Delawares—Count Zinzendorf—Conflicting Indian claims and titles— 
 Rival land companies of Connecticut and Pennsylvania—Murder of Tadeusund 
 --The first Connecticut Colony destroyed by the Indians—Controversy respecting 
 their titles—Rival Colonies planted in Wyoming—The civil wars of Wyoming— 
 Boid adventure of Captain Ogden—Fierce passions of the people—The Connecti¬ 
 cut settlers prevail—Growth of the settlements—Annexed toConnecticut—Break- 
 ingout of the Revolution—The inhabitants, stimulated by previous hatred, take sides 
 —Arrest of suspected persons in January—Sent, to Hartford—Evil consequences 
 —The enemy appear upon the outskirts of the settlements in the Spring—Inva¬ 
 sion by Colonel John Butler and the Indians—Colonel Zebulon Butler prepares 
 to oppose them—Two of the forts taken—Colonel Z. Butler marches to encounter 
 the enemy—Battle of Wyoming—The Americans defeated—The flight and mas¬ 
 sacre—Fort Wyoming besieged—Timidity of the garrison—Zebulon Butler’s 
 authority not sustained—He escapes from the fort—Colonel Denniston forced to 
 capitulate—Destruction of the Valley—Barbarities of the Tories—Brant not in the 
 expedition—Catharine Montour—Flight of the fugitives—Expedition of Colonel 
 Hartley up the Susquehanna—Colonel Zebulon Butler repossesses himself of Wyo¬ 
 ming, and rebuilds the fort—Indian skirmishes—Close of the History of Wyoming. 
 
 The melancholy story of Wyoming stands next in chrono¬ 
 logical order. It does not, indeed, appertain directly to the 
 history of the Mohawk Yalley ; but it is nevertheless connected 
 intimately with that history, while it has ever been regarded as 
 one of the most prominent events in the border history of the 
 Revolutionary contest. Its importance, moreover, as a section 
 of the Indian portion of that contest, is such as to warrant the 
 episode, if such it must be called. Many were the battles du¬ 
 ring that struggle, of far greater importance than the affair of 
 Wyoming, both in regard to their magnitude and their results ; 
 and many were the scenes characterised by equal if not greater 
 atrocity. But from a variety of circumstances, as well ante¬ 
 cedent as subsequent to the battle, it has happened that no event 
 connected with the aboriginal wars of our country stands out 
 in bolder relief than that. Sixty years have elapsed since the 
 tragedy of Wyoming was enacted ; the actors themselves are 
 no more; and yet the very mention of the event sends a chill 
 current to every youthful heart, while the theatre of the action 
 itself has been rendered classic as well as consecrated, by the 
 undying numbers of one of the most gifted bards of the age. 
 So long as English poetry exists, will the imaginary tale of 
 Gertrude of Wyoming be read, admired, and wept; and 
 
1778 .] 
 
 HISTORY OF WYOMING. 
 
 319 
 
 thousands, in every generation to come, will receive the beau¬ 
 tiful fiction for truth, while the details of fact by the faithful 
 historian, rejecting the exaggerations of Ramsay and Gordon, 
 and their associate writers of the revolutionary era, together 
 with compilers more modern, who have taken no pains to inquire 
 for the truth, may be regarded as too common-place and unim¬ 
 portant for attention. 
 
 Wyoming is the name of a beautiful section of the vale of 
 the Susquehanna, situated in the north eastern part of the State 
 of Pennsylvania. It is twenty-five miles in length, by about 
 three in breadth, lying deep between two parallel ranges of 
 mountains, crested with oak and pine. The scenery around is 
 wild and picturesque, while the valley itself might be chosen 
 for another paradise.* 
 
 The possession of this valley has not been an object of the 
 white man’s ambition or cupidity alone. It has been the subject 
 of controversy, and the fierce battle-ground of various Indian 
 tribes, within the white man’s time, but before his possession ; 
 and from the remains of fortifications discovered there, so an¬ 
 cient that the largest oaks and pines have struck root upon the 
 ramparts and in the entrenchments, it must once have been the 
 seat of power, and perhaps of a splendid court, thronged by 
 chivalry, and taste, and beauty—of a race of men far different 
 from the Indians, known to us since the discovery of Columbus. 
 It was here that the benevolent Count Zinzendorf pitched his 
 tent, on commencing his Christian labors among the Shawanese, 
 and where he was saved from assassination by the providential 
 intervention of a poisonous reptile. Originally it lay within 
 the territory of the Lenni Lenape, or Delaware Indians; but 
 it was claimed by the Six Nations by right of conquest. In 
 1742 a grand council of the chiefs and warriors of the Six 
 Nations and Delawares was held in Philadelphia, in conse¬ 
 quence of difficulties touching the title to certain lands lying 
 within the forks of the Delaware, which the proprietaries of 
 
 * Wyoming is a corruption of the name given to the place by the Delaware In- 
 o.ans, who called it Maughwauwame. The word is a compound; Maughwau 
 meaning large or extensive, and loame plains or meadows ; so that the name may 
 be translated “ The Large Plains .” In the language of the Six Nations, Wyoming 
 was called Sgahontowano, or “ The Large Flalts.” ’Gahonto meaning, in their lan¬ 
 guage, a large piece of ground without trees— Chapman's History of Wyoming. 
 
320 
 
 life of brant. 
 
 [ 1778 . 
 
 Pennsylvania alleged that William Penn had purchased of 
 the Delawares, but which the Delawares yet retained in pos¬ 
 session, while at the same time the Six Nations claimed the 
 ownership. The Governor of Pennsylvania having explained 
 the state of the case to the council, reminded the chiefs of the 
 Six Nations that, inasmuch as they had always required the 
 government of Pennsylvania to remove such whites as intruded 
 upon their lands, so now the government expected the Six 
 Nations to remove the Indians from the lands which it had 
 purchased.* Old Cannassateego was the master spirit of the 
 Iroquois delegation on thisoccasion ; and, after due consideration, 
 he pronounced the decision of his associate chiefs. He rebuked 
 the Delawares in the sharpest terms for their dishonesty and 
 duplicity, in first selling land which did not belong to them, 
 and even then retaining possession of it themselves. He 
 taunted them for their degraded condition, as having been con¬ 
 quered and made women of by his people, and after an indig¬ 
 nant philippic, ordered them to leave the disputed territory, and 
 remove to Wyoming or Shamokin. 
 
 The commands of the Six Nations were neither to be ques¬ 
 tion nor disregarded, by the surrounding Indian nations, at that 
 stage of their history, and the clan of the Delawares occupying 
 the land in dispute, forthwith removed to Wyoming, then in 
 the partial occupancy of a clan of the Shawanese. But the 
 latter were friendly to the Six Nations at that time, and were 
 suffered to retain possession of the west side of the river, while 
 the Delawares planted themselves down upon the east, and 
 built their town of Maughwauwame—the original of Wyoming. 
 
 But the close proximity of the two clans or parts of nations, 
 was no addition to their happiness. Mutual jealousies were 
 entertained ; and no long period of time elapsed before their 
 animosities were sharpened into actual hostilities upon the 
 smallest provocation. At length there was cause for more sub¬ 
 stantial war. On the breaking out of hostilities between the 
 French and American Colonies, in what is now called the old 
 French war, the Shawanese espoused the side of the French, 
 while the Six Nations and Delawares adhered to the English. 
 Still the two Indian communities in Wyoming did not actually 
 take up arms in that contest, until the occurrence of an inci- 
 
 * Chapman’s History of Wyoming. 
 
HTSTORY OF WYOMING. 
 
 321 
 
 1778 .] 
 
 dent which, it is believed, may be set down for the smallest cause 
 of war as yet recorded in history. It happened one day, while 
 the Delaware warriors were upon the chase among the moun¬ 
 tains, that their women and children were gathering fruit along 
 the margin of the river below their town. While thus engaged, 
 a party of the .Shawanese women and children paddled their 
 canoes across the river and joined them. In the course ol the 
 morning a Shawanese child caught a large grasshopper—the 
 species, probably, having parti-colored wings—and a quarrel 
 arose among the children for the possession of the insect. In 
 this quarrel the mothers soon began to participate, and an 
 Amazonian battle was the consequence. The Delaware squaws 
 contended that the Shawanese had no right to trespass upon 
 their side of the river; and after several had been killed upon 
 both sides, the latter, who were the weaker party, were driven 
 to the canoes, and their own homes. 
 
 Upon the return of the warriors of the respective tribes, both 
 prepared to avenge the wrongs of their wives and children. 
 The Shawanese were the invaders ; but they were met at the 
 river’s brink by the Delawares, nothing averse to the combat, 
 who obstinately opposed their landing from their canoes. 
 Great numbers were killed, chiefly of the Shawanese, before 
 they gained the shore. Succeeding in this however, a battle, 
 furious and bloody, was fought about a mile below the Dela¬ 
 ware town, in which several hundreds were killed on both 
 sides. The Shawanese, whose forces had been greatly weak¬ 
 ened at the landing, were at length overpowered, and obliged 
 to escape as best they could, with the loss of half their number. 
 The consequence of this defeat was the immediate evacuation 
 of the valley, which they left, to join the greater body of their 
 nation on the Ohio.* To the Delawares, who had been op¬ 
 pressed and denationalized by the Iroquois or Six Nations, the 
 victory was of great importance—re-establishing, as it did, their 
 character as brave warriors, although it was not until many 
 years afterward that the sentence of being considered women 
 was revoked by their former conquerors. 
 
 Still, at the time when Count Zinzendorf commenced the 
 mission of the United Brethren in that valley, the jurisdiction 
 
 * Chapman’s History of Wyoming. 
 
322 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1778 . 
 
 was conceded to belong to the Six Nations ; and a formal per¬ 
 mission was given to the count by the latter, to preach the Gos¬ 
 pel among them. He was met by a numerous embassy of their 
 chiefs, from whom he received a speech of welcome, which at 
 once laid the foundation of a good understanding between 
 them.* But, notwithstanding this admitted superiority of the 
 Iroquois in the time of Sir William Johnson, the rival and con¬ 
 flicting Indian claims of title were the cause of rival negotia- 
 tions between the white land-speculators and both nations of 
 Indians, which in the end were the cause of many and very 
 sore evils, as will presently appear. 
 
 The first movement toward the planting of a white colony 
 in the Wyoming Yalley was made by Connecticut in 1753. It 
 was justly held that this section of country belonged originally 
 to the grant of James I., in 1620, to the old Plymouth Company. 
 The Earl of Warwick and his associates having purchased the 
 right of the Plymouth Company to the territory of Connecticut 
 and the lands beyond New Jersey, west, “ from sea to sea,” 
 within certain limits, Connecticut claimed under that grant. 
 But no sooner was a company formed to plant a colony in 
 Wyoming—called the Susquehanna Company —than Penn- 
 
 * Heckewelder. The incident of the serpent, referred to in a preceding page, 
 was as follows:—Jealous of the Count’s intentions in coming among them, 
 some of the Indians had resolved upon Iris death. “ Zinzendorf was alone in his 
 tent, seated upon a bundle of weeds composing his bed, and engaged in writing, 
 when the assassins approached to execute their bloody commission. It was night, 
 and the cool air of September had rendered a fire necessary to his comfort A blanket 
 curtain was the only guard to the entrance of his tent. The heat of his fire had 
 drawn forth a large rattlesnake from the contiguous brake ; and the reptile, to enjoy 
 the genial warmth, had crawled slowly into the tent, and passed over one of the holy 
 man’s legs unpereeived. Without, all was still and quiet, except the distant sound 
 of the river at the rapids a mile below. At this moment the Indians softly approached 
 the door of his tent, and gently removing the curtain, contemplated the venerable 
 man, too deeply engaged in the subject of his thoughts to observe either their ap¬ 
 proach or the serpent which lay extended before him. At a sight like this, even the 
 heart of the savages shrank from the idea of committing the barbarous act, and they 
 hastily returned to their lodge, and informed their companions that the Great Spirit 
 protected the stranger, for they had found him with no door but a blanket, and had 
 seen a large rattlesnake crawl over his legs without attempting to injure him.” 
 This circumstance wrought as great a change as did the incident of the viper, after 
 the shipwreck, in the fortunes of Paul. The Count soon acquired the confidence of 
 the Indians; and the occurrence probably contributed essentially toward inducing 
 many of them subsequently to embrace the Christian religion.— Chapman's His. 
 Wyoming. 
 
HISTORY OP WYOMING. 
 
 323 
 
 1778.] 
 
 sylvania preferred a claim to the same territory, under a grant 
 lrom Charles II. to William Penn, in 1681, covering the whole 
 claim of Connecticut; and a rival association, called the Dela- 
 icare Company, was organised in like manner to settle it. 
 The strife of each, at first, was to circumvent the other in pur¬ 
 chasing the Indian title. At this time it was conceded that the 
 aboriginal proprietaries were the Six Nations ; and, though beset 
 on all sides, old King Hendrick refused for a time to dispose of 
 the territory to either party. Ultimately, however, the Six 
 Nations sold to the Susquehanna Company ; and in 1755 the 
 Connecticut Colony was commenced. But by reason of the 
 French and Indian wars, their settlers were compelled to re¬ 
 turn to Connecticut, and the obstacles became so numerous, that 
 it was not until 1762 that they were enabled to obtain a foot¬ 
 hold. 
 
 The Pennsylvanians immediately prepared to oppose the 
 settlers from Connecticut. A case was made up and trans¬ 
 mitted to England, on which Mr. Pratt, the Attorney General, 
 (afterward Lord Camden,) gave an opinion in favor of the suc¬ 
 cessors of Penn. Connecticut likewise sent over a case, and 
 on her part obtained a like favorable opinion from eminent 
 counsel. In this position of the controversy, a catastrophe be- 
 fel the infant settlement, which put an end to the enterprise for 
 several years. Thus far the relations between the Colonists 
 and the Indians had been of the most pacific character. The 
 old Delaware chief Tadeuskund, who had embraced the Chris¬ 
 tian religion, was, with his people, their friend. But he had 
 given offence to some of the Six Nations in 1758, a party of 
 whom came among the Delawares, under the guise of friend¬ 
 ship, in April, 1763, and murdered the venerable chief by set¬ 
 ting fire to his dwelling, in which he was consumed.* The 
 murder was charged by the Indians upon the adventurers from 
 Connecticut. But the emigrants, unconscious that a storm was 
 
 * Tadeuskund was a Delaware chief of note. Previous to the year 1750, he was 
 known among the English by the name of Honest John. He was baptized by the 
 Moravians, but was wavering and inconstant. He was too fond of the war-path to 
 become a consistent follower of the pacific Moravians. When he saw opportunities 
 of signalizing himself as a warrior, therefore, he left his faith, to re-embrace it as 
 might suit his policy. He inclined to the French in the war; but assisted in con¬ 
 cluding a peace among several Indian nations in 1758, which gave umbrage to the 
 Six Nations. 
 
324 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1778 . 
 
 rising against them, remained in fancied security. They had 
 given no offence; and in order to allay any suspicions that 
 might otherwise be awakened among the Indians, they had 
 even neglected to provide themselves with weapons for self- 
 protection. The consequence was the sudden destruction of 
 their settlement by a party of Delaware Indians, on the 15th 
 of October. The descent was made upon the town while the 
 men were at work in the fields. About twenty persons were 
 killed, and several were taken prisoners. Those who could, 
 men, women, and children, fled to the woods and the moun¬ 
 tains, from whence they were compelled to behold the sad 
 spectacle of their dwellings in flames, and the Indians making 
 off with the remains of their little property. Their flight 
 through a trackless forest to the Delaware, unprovided with 
 food, and unprotected by suitable clothing against the searching 
 weather of Autumn, was painful to a degree. But even then 
 their journey was not ended, as they had yet to proceed back 
 to Connecticut, destitute, and on foot. 
 
 In 1668 the Delaware Company took advantage of a treaty 
 holden at Fort Stanwix, and purchased of the same Six Nations, 
 who had sold to the Connecticut Company, the same territory 
 of Wyoming. The Pennsylvanians entered upon immediate 
 possession ; and when, on the opening of the ensuing Spring, 
 the Connecticut Colonists returned with recruits, they found 
 others in the occupancy of the lands, with a block-house erected, 
 and armed for defence, under the direction of Amos Ogden 
 and Charles Stewart, to whom a lease of a section of land in 
 the heart of the valley had been granted by John Penn, for 
 the express purpose of ousting the Connecticut claimants. 
 Here was a new and unexpected state of things. Some of the 
 leading men of the Connecticut Colony were decoyed into the 
 block-house, arrested, and sent off to a distant prison. But re¬ 
 cruits coming on from Connecticut, they in turn built works of 
 defence, and proceeded with their colonial labors. 
 
 In the Summer of 1769, the Governor of Pennsylvania made 
 preparations to dispossess the intruders, as they considered the 
 Connecticut people, by force ; and a detachment of armed men, 
 to the number of two hundred, was sent into the territory. 
 The Colonists prepared for a siege; but one of their leaders 
 having been taken prisoner, and sent to gaol in Philadelphia, 
 
HISTORY OF WYOMING. 
 
 325 
 
 1778.] 
 
 after a show of resistance, and having no weapons of defence 
 but small arms, they capitulated, and agreed to leave the ter¬ 
 ritory, with the exception of seventeen families, who were to 
 remain and secure the crops. But no sooner had the Colonists 
 departed, than the Pennsylvanians, led by Ogden, plundered 
 the whole colony, destroying their fields of grain, killing their 
 cattle, and laying the whole settlement in ruin ; so that the 
 seventeen families were compelled to fly from starvation. 
 
 In the month of Feburary, 1770, the Connecticut Colonists 
 rallied, and marched upon Wyoming, under a man named La 
 zarus Stewart. They took Ogden’s house and his piece of ar¬ 
 tillery, during his absence. But on his return he collected his 
 friends, and hostilities ensued between the two parties, which 
 were prosecuted with varying success for several weeks. 
 During this time, an engagement occurred, in which several 
 were killed and wounded on both sides. Ogden’s house, which 
 had been fortified, was besieged, and finally taken—after several 
 days’ cannonading, and the destruction of one of his block¬ 
 houses, containing his supplies, by fire. In the terms of capi¬ 
 tulation the Connecticut party allowed Ogden to leave six men 
 in charge of his remaining property. But the conduct of Og¬ 
 den the preceding year had not been forgotten, and the lex ta- 
 lionis was rigidly and speedily executed. 
 
 In September following, a force of one hundred and fifty men 
 was sent against the Connecticut settlers, under the command 
 of Captain Ogden, as he was now called. He took the settle¬ 
 ment entirely by surprise, while the laborers were in the fields 
 at work, and the women and children in the fort. Many of 
 the men, nevertheless, reached the fort, and prepared to defend 
 it; but it was carried by assault in the night—the women and 
 children were barbarously trampled under foot—and the whole 
 settlement plundered and destroyed the following day, with 
 more than Indian rapacity. The Colonists were made prisoners, 
 and sent off to distant gaols. Thus was the settlement again 
 broken up. But the triumph of Ogden was brief. In Decem¬ 
 ber the fort was again surprised and carried by Captain Stew¬ 
 art, at the head of some Lancastrians united with the late Co¬ 
 lonists. A few of the men fled naked to the woods; but the 
 greater portion, together with the women and children, residing 
 for security in houses built within the ramparts, were taken 
 
LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 326 
 
 [1778. 
 
 prisoners. These, having been deprived of their property, were 
 driven from the valley. 
 
 The parties to these controversies, which could not but en¬ 
 gender all the bitterest passions in the nature of man—render¬ 
 ing what might have been a second Eden, a theatre of strife, 
 discord, and “ hell-born hate,”—fought, of course, as they pre¬ 
 tended, under the jurisdiction of the respective States to which 
 they assumed to belong. The civil authorities of Pennsylva¬ 
 nia frequently interposed; and after the burning of Ogden’s 
 block-house, attempts were made to arrest several of the Con¬ 
 necticut party for arson. Stewart was apprehended, but was 
 soon afterward rescued. 
 
 After the capture of the fort in December, the Supreme 
 Court of Pennsylvania once more issued a writ for his arrest, 
 and the sheriff was sent with the posse at his heels ; but the 
 garrison would not admit him. The fort was fired upon by 
 the posse, under the direction of the sheriff, and in returning 
 the fire, one of the Ogdens (Nathan) was killed. The sheriff 
 thereupon drew off his forces for the night. But it was no 
 sooner dark, than Stewart and forty of his men withdrew from 
 the fortress, leaving a garrison of only twelve persons, who ca¬ 
 pitulated on the following morning. Three hundred pounds 
 reward was offered by the Governor of Pennsylvania for the 
 arrest of Stewart. The fort was left in charge of Amos Ogden, 
 who induced most of his former associates to return with him. 
 
 In July following, this important post was again doomed to 
 change hands. The Colony was invaded by Captain Zebulon 
 Butler, with upward of seventy men. These being joined by 
 Stewart and his party, they immediately took possession of the 
 lands, while Ogden with his people, to the number of eighty- 
 two, retired into the new fort of Wyoming, which they had just 
 built, and prepared for resistance. The contest was now as¬ 
 suming greater importance than ever. Butler and Stewart at 
 once invested the fortress, and recruits arriving from Connecti¬ 
 cut, they were enabled to throw up redoubts, and open en¬ 
 trenchments for a regular siege. This new fort was planted 
 directly upon the bank of the river. Perceiving himself thus 
 completely shut in, Ogden formed the bold enterprise of leaving 
 his garrison in the night, and floating down the river, past the 
 works and the sentinels of the enemy, in order to repair to Phila- 
 
HISTORY OF WYOMING. 
 
 327 
 
 1778.] 
 
 delphia for succors. For the purpose of better securing his es¬ 
 cape, by means of a cord he caused a bundle to be floated along 
 in the river following him, which, being the most perceptible 
 object, would naturally attract the attention and receive the 
 fire of the enemy, if discovered. The ruse de guerre was 
 completely successful. The deceptive object did attract the 
 attention of the besiegers and received their fire; although 
 Ogden himself was in immediate peril, since his hat and clothes 
 were riddled with bullets. He nevertheless escaped to Phila¬ 
 delphia, and is entitled to the credit of performing one of the 
 boldest and most difficult individual exploits on record. 
 
 In consequence of these tidings, the government ordered a 
 force of one hundred men to be sent to the relief of Fort Wyo¬ 
 ming, commanded by Colonel Asher Clayton. These were to 
 be separated into two divisions, and marched to the fort from 
 different directions. Captain Dick, with one division, proceed¬ 
 ed toward the fort with pack-horses of provisions for one hun¬ 
 dred men. When in its neighborhood, however, he was am¬ 
 buscaded by the troops of Butler and Stewart, and thrown into 
 confusion by the fire. Twenty-two of the party succeeded in 
 getting into the fort, and the remainder, with four pack-horses 
 of provisions, fell into the hands of Butler. The siege conti¬ 
 nued, and was prosecuted with great vigor until the 14th of 
 August, when, his supplies being exhausted, Colonel Clayton, 
 the assailant, capitulated—stipulating that his troops, together 
 with Ogden and his party, should withdraw from Wyoming. 
 Ogden was wounded during the siege, and a second shot killed 
 another officer, named William Ridyard, upon whom the 
 former was leaning, being faint from loss of blood. 
 
 The president of the Pennsylvania proprietaries complained 
 of the conduct of the Connecticut people in these hostilities, 
 and Governor Trumbull disclaimed any connexion with the 
 affairs of Wyoming on the part of the State over which he 
 presided. But as the Connecticut people continued to pour 
 reinforcements into the settlement, the Pennsylvanians with¬ 
 drew their forces, and for a season made no farther attempts 
 upon the territory. 
 
 The settlers now claimed the protection of Connecticut, the 
 government of which attempted a mediation between the peo¬ 
 ple of Wyoming and the government of Pennsylvania—but 
 
 4(> 
 
328 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1778 . 
 
 without success. Meantime the people of the Colony proceed¬ 
 ed to organize a government, and to exercise almost all the 
 attributes of sovereignty. The general laws of Connecticut 
 were declared to be in force; but for their local legislation, 
 they organized a pure democracy—the people of all their towns 
 and settlements meeting in a body, as in Athens of old, and 
 making their laws for themselves. The legislature of Connec¬ 
 ticut extended its broad aegis over them, framed a new county 
 called Westmoreland, and attached it to the county of Litch¬ 
 field in the parent State. Zebulon Butler and Nathan Dennis- 
 ton were appointed justices of the peace, and the people sent 
 one representative to the Legislature of Connecticut. The 
 governments of Connecticut and Pennsylvania kept up a war 
 of proclamations and edicts upon the subject, while the settle¬ 
 ment advanced in population and extent with unexampled 
 rapidity. 
 
 Thus matters proceeded until the year 1775, when, just after 
 hostilities had been commenced between the Colonies and the 
 British troops at Lexington, the old feuds between the settlers 
 of the rival companies suddenly broke forth again. A new 
 settlement of the one was attacked by the militia of the other, 
 one man was killed, several were wounded, and others made 
 prisoners, and carried ofF to a distant jail. Other outrages 
 were committed elsewhere, and of course all the angry pas¬ 
 sions—all the bitter feelings of hatred and revenge between the 
 rival parties claiming the soil and the jurisdiction—broke out 
 afresh. The settlements of each had become extended durino- 
 
 O 
 
 the five years of peace, which of course had multiplied the 
 parties to the contest; so that, as the men of Wyoming flew to 
 arms, a more formidable civil war than ever was in prospect, at 
 the moment when every arm should have been nerved in the 
 common cause of the whole country.* 
 
 Congress being now in session, interposed its authority by 
 way of mediatorial resolutions. But to no purpose. The in- < 
 terposition was repeated, and again disregarded. In the mean- 
 
 * At this time the settlements consisted of eight townships, viz: Lackawana, 
 Exeter, Kingston, Wilkesbarre, Plymouth, Nanticoke, Huntington, and Salem; 
 each containing five miles square. The six townships were pretty full of inhabit¬ 
 ants ; the two upper ones had comparatively few, thinly scattered.— Jllmon's Re¬ 
 membrancer, for 1778. 
 
HISTORY OF WYOMING. 
 
 329 
 
 1778.] 
 
 time the Pennsylvanians brought seven hundred men into the 
 field, who were marched against Wyoming under the direction 
 of Colonel Plunkett. But in ascending the west bank of the 
 Susquehanna, on coming to a narrow defile, naturally defended 
 by a rocky buttress, their march was suddenly arrested by a 
 volley of musketry. An instant afterward the invaders dis¬ 
 cerned that the rocky parapets were covered with men bristling 
 in arms—prepared for a Tyrolese defence of tumbling rocks 
 down upon the foe, should their fire-arms prove insufficient to 
 repel him. Taken thus suddenly and effectively by surprise, 
 Plunkett retreated with his forces behind a point of rocks, for 
 consultation. He next attempted to cross the river, and resume 
 his march on the other side. But here, too, the people of 
 Wyoming had been too quick for him. The invaders were 
 so hotly received by a detachment in ambuscade on the other 
 side, that they were constrained to retreat, nor did they attempt 
 to rally again. 
 
 Thus terminated the last military demonstration of the Pro¬ 
 vincial government of Pennsylvansa against the valley of Wy¬ 
 oming. Never, however, had a civil war raged with more 
 cordial hatred between the parties—not even during the bloody 
 conflicts between the Guelphs and the Ghibellines—than was 
 felt between the adherents of the respective land companies, in 
 the collisions just passed under review. Most unfortunate was 
 it, therefore, that the quarrel broke out afresh at the precise 
 moment when the services of all were alike wanted for the com¬ 
 mon defence—especially on a border exposed to the daily irrup¬ 
 tions of the Indians. 
 
 Nor was this the only evil. There being a wide difference 
 of opinion between the people in almost every section of the 
 country, on the great question at issue between the parent 
 country and the Colonies, it was natural to anticipate that such 
 of these contending parties as adhered to the Royalist cause, 
 would cherish a twofold enmity toward those republicans who 
 had been previously in arms against them. These feelings of 
 hostility were of course mutual; and as many of the adherents 
 of the Delaware Company, and perhaps some from both fac¬ 
 tions, early escaped to the enemy, and enrolled themselves un¬ 
 der the banners of Sir John Johnson and Colonel John Butler, 
 there can be no difficulty in accounting for the peculiar ferocity 
 
LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 330 
 
 [ 1778 . 
 
 which marked the conduct of such of the refugees as returned 
 in arms against their former belligerent neighbors/ 
 
 The population of the Wyoming settlements, at the com¬ 
 mencement of the war, numbered five thousand souls. Three 
 companies of regular troops were enlisted among them for the 
 service of the United States. Their militia, regularly enrolled, 
 amounted to eleven hundred men capable of bearing arms, and 
 of this force three hundred entered the army ;t so prolific was 
 their, soil, and so industrious were the people, that they were 
 enabled to furnish large supplies of provisions for the army. 
 Three thousand bushels of grain were sent thence to the army 
 in the Spring of the present year. The same plan of watchful¬ 
 ness against the scouts and scalping parties of the enemy was 
 adopted as in other frontier settlements, and the utmost vigi¬ 
 lance was observed ; while regular garrison duty was, in suc¬ 
 cessive turns, performed by the citizen soldiers in the several 
 fortifications which defended their valley. 
 
 Some faint demonstrations were made by straggling parties 
 of Tories and Indians, who prowled about the settlements 
 during the Summer of the preceding year, while St. Leger was 
 besieging Fort Schuyler; but after a few skirmishes with the 
 inhabitants they dispersed, and the latter remained undis¬ 
 turbed during the rest of the year. Still, an impression that 
 some of the Tories, who had been in arms against them, or 
 who had been instrumental in bringing the Indians upon them, 
 were yet lurking in the vicinity, and bent upon mischief, left 
 the people not altogether at ease ; and in the month of January, 
 1778, twenty-seven suspected inhabitants were arrested. Nine 
 of these were discharged on examination, for want of sufficient 
 evidence to warrant their detention ; while the remaining eigh¬ 
 teen were sent to Hartford, in Connecticut, and imprisoned. 
 The nine who were first discharged, immediately fled to the 
 enemy, and were followed thither by such of their suspected 
 associates as were subsequently set at liberty in Connecticut. 
 
 * This sketch of the preliminary history of Wyoming, rapid as it is, has never¬ 
 theless occasioned a longer digression than was intended ; but it has seemed neces¬ 
 sary to the deduction of something like a just hypothesis, by which to judge of the 
 peculiar features of the battle of Wyoming and the massacre that followed. 
 
 t See Chapman’s History of Wyoming—also Memorial to the Connecticut Le¬ 
 gislature. 
 
HISTORY OP WYOMING. 
 
 331 
 
 1778 .] 
 
 It was but natural that these proceedings still more embittered 
 the feelings of these Loyalists against the Whigs, and the 
 effect was soon perceptible in the behavior of the Tories and 
 Indians occasionally patroling their borders. 
 
 For a time, however, the apprehensions thus excited were 
 allayed by several pacific messages from the Indian nations 
 deeper in the interior, who sent parties of runners with assu¬ 
 rances of a desire for peace. But these assurances were 
 deceptive. Instead of being messengers of peace, it was 
 ascertained in March, from one of them while in a state of 
 intoxication, that their business was to amuse the people and 
 allay their fears while preparations were making to attack 
 them. This Indian, with his associate warriors, was imme¬ 
 diately arrested and placed in confinement, while the women of 
 the party were sent back with a flag. The alarm was likewise 
 given to the scattered and remote settlers, some of them living 
 thirty miles up the river, who thereupon immediately sought 
 for greater security in the more populous towns. During the 
 months of April and May, the settlements began to be more 
 considerably annoyed by larger parties of Tories and Indians, 
 who hung upon their borders, and made frequent incursions 
 among them for purposes of plunder—robbing the people, as 
 opportunity afforded, of live stock, grain, and other articles of 
 provisions. Waxing yet more audacious in June, several mur¬ 
 ders were committed. Six of these victims were a mother and 
 her five children, who were doubtless killed under a misappre¬ 
 hension as to her character, since the woman was the wife of 
 one of the Tories who had been arrested in January. The 
 houses and plantations of the slain were of course plundered of 
 every thing of value which the marauders could carry away.* 
 
 Toward the close of June, the British officers in command 
 at Niagara determined to strike a blow upon these settlements; 
 for which purpose about three hundred white men, consisting 
 in part of regular troops, but principally of refugee Loyalists, 
 under the command of Colonel John Butler, together with 
 about five hundred Indians, marched in that direction. Arriv¬ 
 ing at Tioga Point, Butler and the Indian leaders t procured 
 
 * Almon’s Remembrancer, 1778—Second Part. 
 
 f It is difficult to ascertain with certainty from what tribes or nations these In¬ 
 dians were drawn. It will be seen by a note a few pages onward, that there is rea- 
 
332 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1778 . 
 
 floats and rafts, upon which they embarked their forces, and, 
 descending the Susquehanna, landed at a place called the 
 Three Islands, whence they marched about twenty miles, and 
 crossing a wilderness, entered the valley of Wyoming through 
 a gap of the mountain near its northern extremity.* They 
 took possession of two small forts, without opposition, on the 2d 
 of July—the first of which was called the Exeter fort. It was 
 said the garrison consisted chiefly of Tories, who treacherously 
 surrendered it to the enemy. The other was the fort of Lack- 
 awana, where the enemy encountered some resistance. But it 
 was soon carried, a magistrate named Jenkins being killed, to¬ 
 gether with his family, and several others, mostly women and 
 children, made prisoners. One of these forts was burnt.! In 
 the other, the proper name of which was Fort Wintermoot, 
 Colonel John Butler established his head-quarters. 
 
 The inhabitants, on receiving intelligence of the approach of 
 the invaders, assembled within a fortification four miles below, 
 called Fort Forty, from the circumstance of its having been 
 occupied by forty men, at some period of the antecedent 
 troubles of the Colony. Colonel Zebulon Butler, whose name 
 has occurred several times in the preceding summary of the 
 history of Wyoming, was in command of about sixty regular 
 troops, and he now made every exertion to muster the militia 
 of the settlements. But in his official despatch he complained, 
 that as the women and children had fled to the several forts, of 
 which there were seven within the distance of ten miles alono- 
 
 O 
 
 the valley, the men, too many of them, would remain behind 
 to take care of them. Still, he succeeded in collecting about 
 three hundred of the militia, and commenced his march to 
 meet the enemy on the 1st of July, in connexion with the 
 regular troops before mentioned, commanded by Captain Hew- 
 ett. On their first advance, they fell in with a scout of In¬ 
 dians, of whom they killed two. These savages had just mur¬ 
 dered nine men engaged at work in a corn-field.f Not being 
 supplied with provisions, Colonel Zebulon Butler § was obliged 
 
 son to suppose they were from Detroit, and were led by an officer of the British ser¬ 
 vice. Certainly they had no chiefs of any considerable note among them. 
 
 * Marshall’s Life of Washington. t The Remembrancer. 
 
 J Colonel Z. Butler’s letter. 
 
 § It is necessary to repeat the Christian names of both the Butlers, to avoid confu¬ 
 sion—that being the surname of both the opposing commanders. 
 
INVASION OF WYOMING. 
 
 333 
 
 1778 .] 
 
 to fall back upon Fort Forty, while his militia procured sup¬ 
 plies. They mustered again on the 3d, and a council of war 
 was convened. Messengers having been despatched to the 
 head-quarters of General Washington for assistance, immediate¬ 
 ly after the enemy’s movements were known at Wyoming, 
 Colonel Z. Butler was desirous of waiting for reinforcements. 
 But his officers and men were impatient for a trial of strength.* 
 The messengers had already been gone so long, that it was 
 supposed they had been cut off, and consequently that General 
 Washington was ignorant of their situation. In that case no 
 reinforcements could reach them in season to save their valley 
 from being ravaged ; and as the enemy’s forces were daily in¬ 
 creasing, it was held to be the part of wisdom to attack him at 
 once. 
 
 While the question was under debate, five officers arrived 
 from the Continental army, who, on hearing the tidings of the 
 meditated invasion, had thrown up their commissions and 
 hastened home to protect their families. They had heard no¬ 
 thing of the messengers, and intimated that there was no pros¬ 
 pect of speedy assistance.! The discussions were animated; 
 but the apprehension, that in the event of longer delay the ene¬ 
 my would become too powerful for them, and thus be enabled 
 to sweep through their valley and destroy their harvest, was 
 so strong, and the militia were so sanguine of being able to 
 meet and vanquish the enemy, that Colonel Butler yielded, and 
 set forward at the head of nearly four hundred men. Colonel 
 Denniston, his former associate in the commission of the peace, 
 being his second in command. 
 
 It was intended to make a quick movement, and take the 
 enemy by surprise. Having approached within two miles of 
 Fort Win ter moot, f a small reconnoitring party was sent forward 
 
 * Marshall. f Chapman. 
 
 t The fort was thus called after the proprietor of the land whereon it was 
 built, and the adjacent territory—a distinguished Tory named Wintermoot. He 
 was active in bringing destruction upon the valley, and, after doing all the mischief 
 he could to the settlement, removed to Canada. During the war with England in 
 1812-15—while the British were investing Fort Erie, a son of old Mr. Wintermoot, 
 a lieutenant in the enemy’s service, was killed by a volunteer from the neighborhood 
 of Wyoming. Young Wintermoot was reconnoitring one of the American pickets, 
 when he was shot down by the said volunteer, who was engaged in the same ser¬ 
 vice against a picket of the enemy. The volunteer returned into the fort, bringing 
 in the arms and commission of the officer he had slain as a trophy. 
 
334 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT 
 
 [ 1778 . 
 
 for observation. They ascertained that the enemy were ca¬ 
 rousing in their huts in perfect security; but on their return 
 they were so unfortunate as to fall in with an Indian scout, 
 who immediately fired and gave the alarm.* The Provincials 
 pushed rapidly forward; but the British and Indians were pre¬ 
 pared to receive them—“ their line being formed a small dis- 
 “ tance in front of their cam]), in a plain thinly covered with 
 “ pine, shrub-oaks, and undergrowth, and extending from the 
 “ river to a marsh, at the foot of the mountain.”! On coming in 
 view of the enemy, the Americans, who had previously marched 
 in a single column, instantly displayed into a line of equal ex¬ 
 tent, and attacked from right to left at the same time.! The 
 right of the Americans was commanded by Colonel Zebulon 
 Butler, opposed to Colonel John Butler commanding the ene¬ 
 my’s left. Colonel Dennison commanded the left of the Ameri¬ 
 cans, and was opposed by Indians forming the enemy’s rights 
 The battle commenced at about forty rods distance, without 
 much execution at the onset, as the brush-wood interposed ob¬ 
 stacles to the sight. The militia stood the fire well for a short 
 time, and as they pressed forward, there was some giving way 
 on the enemy’s right. Unluckily, just at this moment the ap¬ 
 palling war-whoop of the Indians rang in the rear of the Ame¬ 
 rican left—the Indian leader having conducted a large party 
 of his warriors through the marsh, and succeeded in turning 
 Dennison’s flank. A heavy and destructive fire was simulta¬ 
 neously poured into the American ranks ; and amidst the con¬ 
 fusion, Colonel Dennison directed his men to “fall back,” to 
 avoid being surrounded, and to gain time to bring his men into 
 order again. This direction was mistaken for an order to 
 “ retreat,” whereupon the whole line broke, and every effort of 
 their officers to restore order was unavailing. At this stage of 
 the battle, and while thus engaged, the American officers mostly 
 fell. The flight was general. The Indians, throwing away 
 their rifles, rushed forward with their tomahawks, making 
 dreadful havock—answering theories for mercy with the hatchet 
 —and adding to the universal consternation those terrific 
 yells which invest savage warfare with tenfold horror. So 
 alert was the foe in this bloody pursuit, that less than sixty of 
 
 * Chapman. t Marshall. ] Col. Z. Butler’s letter. § Chapman. 
 
1778 . 
 
 BATTLE OF WYOMING. 
 
 335 
 
 the Americans escaped either the rifle or the tomahawk. Ol 
 the militia officers, there fell one lieutenant-colonel, one major, 
 and ten captains, six lieutenants, and two ensigns. Colonel 
 Durkee, and Captains Hewett and Ransom were likewise killed. 
 Some of the fugitives escaped by swimming the river, and 
 others by flying to the mountains. As the news of the defeat 
 spread down the valley, the greater part of the women and 
 children, and those who had remained behind to protect them, 
 likewise ran to the woods and the mountains ; while those who 
 could not escape thus, sought refuge in Fort Wyoming. The 
 Indians, apparently wearied with pursuit and slaughter, desisted, 
 and betook themselves to secure the spoils of the vanquished. 
 
 On the morning of the 4th, the day after the battle, Colonel 
 John Butler, with the combined British and Indian forces, 
 appeared before Fort Wyoming, and demanded its surrender. 
 The inhabitants, both within and without the fort, did not, on 
 that emergency, sustain a character for courage becoming men 
 of spirit in adversity. They were so intimidated as to give up 
 without fighting; great numbers ran off; and those who re¬ 
 mained, all but betrayed Colonel Zebulon Butler, their com¬ 
 mander.* The British Colonel Butler sent several flags, requir¬ 
 ing an unconditional surrender of his opposing namesake and 
 the few Continental troops yet remaining, but offering to spare 
 the inhabitants their property and effects. But with the Ame¬ 
 rican Colonel the victor would not treat on any terms ; and 
 the people thereupon compelled Colonel Dennison to comply 
 with conditions which his commander had refused.! The 
 consequence was, that Colonel Zebulon Butler contrived to 
 escape from the fort with the remains of Captain Hewett’s com¬ 
 pany of regulars ,X and Colonel Dennison entered into articles 
 of capitulation. By these it was stipulated that the settlers 
 should be disarmed and their garrison demolished ; that all the 
 prisoners and public stores should be given up ; that the property 
 of “ the people called Tories ” should be made good, and they 
 be permitted to remain peaceably upon their farms. In behalf 
 of the settlers it was stipulated that their lives and property 
 should be preserved, and that they should be left in the unmo 
 lested occupancy of their farms.§ 
 
 * Colonel Z. Butler’s letter. f idem. J Idem. § Chapman’s History. 
 
 47 
 
336 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1778 . 
 
 Unhappily, however, the British commander either could 
 not or would not enforce the terms of the capitulation, which 
 were to a great extent disregarded as well by the Tories as 
 Indians. Instead of finding protection, the valley was again 
 laid waste—the houses and improvements were destroyed by 
 fire, and the country plundered. Families were broken up and 
 dispersed, men and their wives separated, mothers tom from 
 their children, and some of them carried into captivity, while 
 far the greater number fled to the mountains, and wandered 
 through the wilderness to the older settlements. Some died of 
 their wounds, others from want and fatigue, while others still 
 were lost in the wilderness, or were heard of no more. Several 
 perished in a great swamp in the neighborhood, which from 
 that circumstance acquired the name of “ The Shades of 
 Death” and retains it to this day.* 
 
 These were painful scenes. But it does not appear that any 
 thing like a massacre followed the capitulation.! Nor, in the 
 events of the preceding day, is there good evidence of the per¬ 
 petration of any specific acts of cruelty, other than such as are 
 usual in the general rout of a battle-field—save only the un¬ 
 exampled atrocities of the Tories, thirsting, probably, for revenge 
 in regard to other questions than that of allegiance to the King.! 
 
 There seems, from the first, to have been an uncommonly 
 large proportion of loyalists in the Wyoming settlements, whose 
 notions of legal restraint, from the previous collisions of the 
 inhabitants, were of course latitudinarian ; nor were their ante¬ 
 cedent asperities softened by the attempts of the Whigs to keep 
 them within proper control, after hostilities had commenced. 
 The greater number of these, as we have already seen, together 
 with those who were arrested, had joined themselves to the 
 enemy. But these were not all the defections. After the ar- 
 
 * Chapman’s History. 
 
 ■f It will be seen, a few pages forward, by a letter from Walter Butler, writing on 
 behalf of his father, Col. John Butler, that a solemn denial is made of any massacre 
 whatever, save the killing of men in arms in the open field. This letter, in vindica¬ 
 tion of the refugee Butlers, would have been introduced here, but for its connexion 
 with the affair of Cherry Valley. 
 
 J Indeed, for cold-blooded cruelty, which may be called murder outright, there was 
 nothing at Wyoming, with the single exception of the fratricide soon to be related, at 
 all comparable to the massacre of the Mexicans at San Jacinto by the soi-disa7it 
 Texan heroes under Houston. 
 
BARBARITIES AT WYOMING. 
 
 337 
 
 1778 .] 
 
 rival of the enemy upon the confines of the settlement, and be 
 fore the battle, a considerable number of the inhabitants joined 
 his ranks, and exhibited instances of the most savage barbarity 
 against their former neighbors and friends.* Nor has it ever 
 been denied, in regard to the battle of Wyoming, that none 
 were more ferocious and cruel—more destitute of the unstrained 
 quality of mercy, than those same loyalists or Tories. An ex¬ 
 ample of the spirit by which they were actuated is found in 
 the following occurrence, which, on account of its Cain-like 
 barbarity, is worthy of repetition. Not far from the battle¬ 
 ground was an island in the Susquehanna, called Monockonock, 
 to which several of the fugitive militia-men fled for security— 
 throwing away their arms, and swimming the river. Here 
 they concealed themselves as they could among the brush-wood. 
 Their place of retreat being discovered, several Tories followed 
 them; and, though obliged to swim, yet so intent were they 
 upon the work of death, that they succeeded in taking their 
 guns with them. Arriving upon the island, they deliberately 
 wiped their gun-locks, recharged their pieces, and commenced 
 searching for the fugitives. Two of these were concealed in 
 sight of each other, but one of them escaped. But it was never¬ 
 theless his lot to behold a scene painful enough to make the 
 most hardened offender weep, and “ blush to own himself a 
 man.” One of the pursuers came upon his companion in par¬ 
 tial concealment, who proved to be his own brother. His salu¬ 
 tation was—“ So, it is you, is it ?” The unarmed and defence¬ 
 less man, thus observed, came forward, and fell upon his knees 
 before his brother, begging for mercy—promising to live with 
 him, and serve him for ever, if he would but spare his life. 
 “ AH this is mighty fine,” replied the unrelenting traitor, “ but 
 
 you are a d-d rebel!”—saying which, he deliberately 
 
 levelled his rifle, and shot him dead upon the spot.f In a do¬ 
 mestic war marked by such atrocitjq even among those claim¬ 
 ing to be civilized, it becomes us to pause before we brand the 
 untutored savage, who fights acording to the usages of his own 
 people, with all that is revolting and cruel.t 
 
 * Chapman. < 
 
 f Chapman’s Hist, of Wyoming. 
 
 J Doctor Thatcher, in his Military Journal, records still greater barbarities as 
 having been perpetrated on this bloody occasion. He says—“ One of the prisoners, a 
 
338 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1778 . 
 
 There is still another important correction to be made, in 
 reference to every written history of this battle extant, not even 
 excepting the last revised edition of the Life of Washington by 
 Chief Justice Marshall. This correction regards the name, 
 and the just fame, of Joseph Brant, whose character has been 
 blackened with all the infamy, both real and imaginary, con- 
 . nected with this bloody expedition. Whether Captain Brant 
 was at any time in company with this expedition, is doubtful; 
 but it is certain, in the face of every historical authority, Bri¬ 
 tish and American, that so far from being engaged in the bat¬ 
 tle, he was many miles distant at the time of its occurrence. 
 Such has been the uniform testimony of the British officers en¬ 
 gaged in that expedition, and such was always the word of 
 Thayendanegea himself. It will, moreover, be seen, toward the 
 close of the present work, that after the publication of Camp¬ 
 bell’s “ Gertrude of Wyoming,” in which poem the Mohawk 
 chieftain was denounced as “ the Monster Brant,” his son re¬ 
 paired to England, and in a correspondence with the poet, suc¬ 
 cessfully vindicated his father’s memory from the calumny.* 
 
 li Captain Badlock, was committed to torture, by having his body stuck full of splin- 
 “ ters of pine knots, and a fire of dry wood made around him, when his two com- 
 ■“ panions, Captains Ransom and Durkee, where thrown into the same fire, and 
 “held down with pitchforks till consumed. One Partial Terry, the son of a man 
 “of respectable character, having joined the Indian party, several times sent his fa- 
 “ther word that he hoped to wash his hands in his heart's blood. The monster with 
 “ his own hands murdered his father, mother, brothers, and sisters, stripped off their 
 “ scalps, and cut off his father's head !! Thomas Terry with his own hands butchered 
 “ his own mother, his father-in-law, his sisters and their infant children, and extermi¬ 
 nated the whole family!!" Upon which the worthy Doctor remarks—“It is only in 
 “ the infernal regions that we can look for a parallel instance of unnatural wicked¬ 
 ness.” It is doubtful whether so great an atrocity was ever committed even there. Cer¬ 
 tainly no such were perpetrated at Wyoming. Dr. Thatcher also states, that when 
 Col. Z. Butler sent a flag to propose terms of capitulation, the reply of Col. John Butler 
 was in two words—“77ie Hatchet." He also remarks, in regard to the moral and 
 social condition of Wyoming, that but for the dissensions produced by the war of 
 the Revolution, “ the inhabitants of this secluded spot might have lived in the en¬ 
 joyment of all the happiness which results from harmony and the purest natural 
 “affection.” Witness the ten years of civil wars sketched in the preceding pages. 
 It was also reported that a man named Thomas Hill with his own hands killed his 
 own mother, his father-in-law, his sisters and their families ! And such is history ! 
 These monstrous exaggerations were the reports of the battle first published at 
 Poughkeepsie on the 20th of July, as derived from the lips of the terrified fugitives 
 who were wending their way back to Connecticut. 
 
 * Since the present chapter was written, and while the work was under revision, 
 the author has received a letter from Mr. Samuel C. Frey, of Upper Canada, a son 
 
CATHARINE MONTOUR. 
 
 339 
 
 1778 .] 
 
 It is related in the unwritten history of this battle, that the 
 celebrated Catharine Montour was present, with her two sons ; 
 and that she ranged the field of blood like a chafed tigress, 
 stimulating the warriors of her adopted race to the onslaught, 
 even in the hottest of the fight. But from the antecedent cha¬ 
 racter of that remarkable woman, the story can hardly be cre- 
 
 of the late Philip R. Frey, Esq. a loyalist of Tryon County, who was an ensign in 
 H. B. M’s Eighth Regiment, and who, with his regiment, was engaged in the cam¬ 
 paign and battle of Wyoming. Philip R. Frey, the ensign spoken of, died at Pala¬ 
 tine, Montgomery (formerly Tryon) County, in 1823. It was his uniform testimony 
 that Brant was not at Wyoming. Mr. Frey writes to the author, that there were 
 no chiefs of notoriety with the Indians on that expedition, and that the Indians them¬ 
 selves were led from Detroit, bv Captain Bird of the Eighth Regiment. Bird had 
 been engaged in a love affair at Detroit, but, being very ugly, besides having a hare¬ 
 lip, was unsuccessful. The affair getting wind, his fellow-officers made themselves 
 merry at his expense, and in order to steep his griefs in forgetfulness, he obtained 
 permission to lead an expedition somewhere against the American frontier. Join¬ 
 ing the Indians placed under him, and a detachment of his regiment, to Butler’s 
 rangers, they concerted the descent upon Wyoming. Ensign Frey stated that he 
 was ill-natured during the whole march, and acted with fool-hardiness at the battle. 
 He farther stated, according to the letter of his son, that the American Colonel chal¬ 
 lenged them to a fair field-fight, which challenge was accepted. “The next morn- 
 “ ing, at about 9 o’clock, the Americans poured out of the fort about three hundred and 
 “ forty in number—the Indians fell back over a hill—the troops on both sides drew up 
 “ in battle array and soon commenced; after a few rounds fired, the American Colo- 
 “nel ordered his drum-major to beat a charge, the drum-major mistook the order and 
 “ beat a retreat, the Americans became disordered immediately, and ran helter-skelter; 
 “ the moment the Indians saw them running, they poured down upon them from their 
 “ hiding places, so that no more than about forty survived out of three hundred and 
 “ forty.” Rarely, indeed, does it happen that history is more at fault in regard to facts 
 than in the case of Wyoming. The remark may be applied to nearly every writer 
 who has attempted to narrate the events connected with the invasion of Colonel 
 John Butler. Ramsay, and Gordon, and Marshall—nay, the British historians them¬ 
 selves—have written gross exaggerations. Marshall, however, in his revised edition, 
 has made corrections, and explained how and by whom he was led into error. My 
 excellent friend, Charles Miner, Esq. long a resident of Wyoming, a gentleman of 
 letters and great accuracy, furnished the biographer of Washington with a true nar¬ 
 rative of the transactions, which he made the basis of the summary account con¬ 
 tained in his revised edition. Other writers, of greater or less note, have gravely re¬ 
 corded the same fictions, adding, it is to be feared, enormities not even conveyed to 
 them by tradition. The grossest of these exaggerations are contained in Thatcher’s 
 Military Journal and Drake’s Book of the Indians. The account of the marching 
 out of a large body of Americans from one of the forts, to hold a parley, by agree¬ 
 ment, and then being drawn into an ambuscade and all put to death, is false; the 
 account of seventy Continental soldiers being butchered, after having surrendered, 
 is also totally untrue. No regular troops surrendered, and all escaped who survived 
 the battle of the 3d. Equally untrue was the story of the burning of houses, bar¬ 
 racks, and forts, filled with women and children. 
 
340 LIFE OF BRANT. [ 1778 . 
 
 dited. She was a native of Canada, a half-breed, her father 
 having been one of the early French governors—probably 
 Count Frontenac, as he must have been in the government of 
 that country at about the time of her birth. During the wars 
 between the Six Nations and the French and Hurons, Catha¬ 
 rine, when about ten years of age, was made a captive, taken 
 into the Seneca country, adopted and reared as one of their 
 own children. When arrived at a suitable age, she was mar¬ 
 ried to one of the distinguished chiefs of her tribe, who signal¬ 
 ized himself in the wars of the Six Nations against the Cataw- 
 bas, then a great nation living south-westward of Virginia. 
 She had several children by this chieftain, who fell in battle 
 about the year 1730, after which she did not again marry. 
 She is said to have been a handsome woman when young, 
 genteel, and of polite address, notwithstanding her Indian as¬ 
 sociations. It was frequently her lot to accompany the chiefs 
 of the Six Nations to Philadelphia, and other places in Penn¬ 
 sylvania, where treaties were holden; and from her character 
 and manners she was greatly caressed by the American ladies— 
 particularly in Philadelphia, where she was invited by the la¬ 
 dies of the best circles, and entertained at their houses. Her 
 residence was at the head of the Seneca Lake.* 
 
 Some of the flying fugitives from Wyoming had not pro¬ 
 ceeded many miles from their desolate homes, before they met 
 a detachment of Continental troops on their way to assist the 
 Colony. It was now too late. But the detachment, neverthe¬ 
 less, remained at Stroudsburg three or four weeks, by which 
 time Colonel Zebulon Butler had collected a force consisting 
 of straggling settlers and others, with whom, and the regular 
 troops just mentioned, he returned, and repossessed himself of 
 Wyoming—the enemy having retired shortly after the battle— 
 Colonel John Butler to Niagara, and the Indians to their 
 homes ; while Thayendanegea moved as he had occasion, from 
 
 * Catharinestown—so named from her. This account of Catharine Montour is 
 chiefly drawn from Witham Marshe’s Journal of a treaty with the Six Nations, held 
 at Lancaster in 1744—Vide Mass. Hist. Coll. In 1758 Sir William Johnson had 
 an Indian interpreter in his service, known as “ Captain Montour.” One of Catha¬ 
 rine’s sons was called “Captain,” and was probably the same. Tradition, at 
 Seneca Lake, holds that Catharine Montour was killed by Sullivan’s men in 1779. 
 But it will hereafter be seen that such was not the fact. 
 
HISTORY OF WYOMING. 
 
 341 
 
 1778 .] 
 
 his old haunts higher up the Susquehanna, at Oghkwaga and 
 Unadilla. 
 
 Immediately on the reception of the disastrous tidings from 
 Wyoming at the Continental head-quarters, Colonel Hartley’s 
 regiment was ordered thither, with instructions from Congress 
 to remain on that frontier until the crops were secured and the 
 enemy should have retreated. He was joined by several mili¬ 
 tia companies, and, among other officers, by Colonel Dennison, 
 who, in the capitulation of Wyoming, had stipulated not again 
 to serve against the King’s troops. He accompanied Colonel 
 Hartley in an expedition against some of the Indian towns up the 
 Susquehanna, in the direction of Oghkwaga, several of which 
 were destroyed. A few prisoners were also taken. It appearing, 
 however, that the enemy were gathering in too much force for 
 him to remain long within their territory, Colonel Hartley 
 was constrained to retreat. An attack was made upon his 
 rear, but the assailants were repulsed. Colonel Dennison 
 doubtless felt himself warranted in breaking the stipulations of 
 Fort Wyoming, by the fact that those stipulations were not 
 strictly observed by the Tories and Indians. But the enemy 
 made no such allowance ; and this expedition, or rather the 
 conduct of Colonel Dennison, was subsequently used as a pre¬ 
 text for some of the incidents connected with the attack upon 
 Cherry Valley. 
 
 Colonel Zebulon Butler built another fort at Wyoming, 
 which he continued to occupy until the next year, when the 
 command of that region devolved upon General Sullivan. In 
 the mean time the outskirts of the settlements were frequently 
 harassed by straggling parties of Tories and Indians, who occa¬ 
 sionally committed an assassination or carried off a few prison¬ 
 ers. The Americans, in turn, despatched every Indian who fell 
 in their way. In March following, the fort was surrounded by 
 a force of two hundred and fifty Indians, and Tories disguised 
 as such. They attacked the fortress, but fled on the discharge 
 of a single piece of artillery—burning whatever buildings had 
 either been re-erected or left standing at the former invasion. 
 The garrison was too weak to allow of a pursuit. A few weeks 
 afterward, as a company of Continental troops were approach¬ 
 ing the fort, under the command of Major Powell, they were 
 fired upon by a party of Indians in ambush, while passing 
 
342 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1778 . 
 
 along a single track through a difficult swamp. In this attack, 
 Captain Davis, Lieutenant Jones, and four privates, were killed. 
 The detachment formed for action with all possible despatch ; 
 but the Indians fled after two or three discharges. Nor did 
 they re-appear afterward, in that immediate neighborhood, in 
 any subsequent stage of the revolutionary contest, although 
 other sections of the Pennsylvania frontier, farther south and 
 west, suffered occasionally from their depredations, particularly 
 in the following year, while Sullivan was preparing to advance 
 into the Seneca country* 
 
 * Thus ends the revolutionary history of Wyoming. But from what has been 
 given in the preceding pages, touching the history of this valley and its feuds before 
 the Revolution, the reader may possibly feel some desire to learn the subsequent 
 progress of the long-pending land quarrel. After the Indians had been chastised, 
 the settlers returned, and the valley and its precincts once more began to flourish. 
 Pennsylvania again interposed her claims ; and a Commission was appointed by 
 Congress, which met in New Jersey, to hear the case and decide the question. It 
 was unanimously decided in favor of Pennsylvania. The people held that this de¬ 
 cision was one of jurisdiction merely, and with this understanding cheerfully ac¬ 
 quiesced in it. But fresh troubles arose. A company of Continental troops was 
 stationed there in 1783, to keep the peace, and this only made matters worse—the 
 soldiers became licentious and overbearing, and the people were exceedingly annoy¬ 
 ed thereat. In the Spring of 1784, by a succession of ice-dams which accumulated in 
 the river, the valley was overflowed, and the inhabitants were compelled to fly to the 
 mountains for safety. When the ice gave way, the floods swept off every thing— 
 leaving the whole valley a scene of greater desolation than ever. Presently after¬ 
 ward the old troubles broke out afresh. The inhabitants refused to obey their new 
 masters. The Connecticut settlers flew to arms—the Pennsylvanians sent troops 
 thither—the Connecticut settlers laid siege to the fort—there were riots and skir¬ 
 mishings, and some killed and wounded. The Connecticut people were taken pri¬ 
 soners by treachery, and sent off to prison. They escaped. Reinforcements of 
 troops were sent by Pennsylvania—there was more blood shed. Various attempts 
 were made to settle the difficulties. Commissioners were appointed upon the sub¬ 
 ject, one of whom was Timothy Pickering. He was forcibly seized, and carried 
 into captivity. His story has been written by himself, and is full of interest. These 
 difficulties continued, with feelings of the bitterest contention, ten years, before 
 matters were compromised between the parties, so that they settled down in peace. 
 It is now a rich and flourishing county, and may be called the Paradise of Penn¬ 
 sylvania. 
 
CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 Evacuation of Philadelphia by Sir Henry Clinton—Followed through New Jersey 
 by Washington—Battle of Monmouth—Conduct and arrest of General Lee— 
 Retreat of the enemy—Arrival of the French fleet—Combined attack of the Ame¬ 
 ricans and French upon the British army of Rhode Island—British fleet escapes 
 from Count D’Estaing—Battle of Rhode Island—Failure of the expedition— 
 Projected campaigns against the Indians—Captains Pipe and White-Eyes— 
 M’Kee and Girty—General M’Intosh ordered against the Sandusky towns— 
 Irruption of Brant into Cobleskill—Of M’Donald into the Schoharie settlements 
 —Pusillanimity of Colonel Vrooman—Bravery of Colonel Harper—His expedi¬ 
 tion to Albany—Captivity of Mr. Sawyer—Slays six Indians and escapes—Colo¬ 
 nel William Butler sent to Schoharie—Morgan’s rifle corps—Daring adventures 
 of Murphy and Elerson—Death of Service, a noted Tory—Murphy’s subsequent 
 adventures—Affairs at Fort Schuyler—Alarming number of desertions—Destruc¬ 
 tion of Andros-town by the Indians—Conflagration of the German Flatts—Ex¬ 
 pedition of Colonel William Butler from Schoharie to Unadilla and Oghkwaga. 
 
 No sooner had Great Britain been apprized of the alliance 
 between France and her revolted Colonies, than it was deter¬ 
 mined to evacuate Philadelphia, and concentrate the Royal 
 army at New-York. Accordingly, on the 18th of June the 
 British troops crossed the Delaware into New Jersey, and 
 commenced their march for New-York, ascending the east bank 
 of the river to Allentown, and thence taking the lower road 
 leading through Monmouth to Sandy Hook. General Wash¬ 
 ington, anticipating this movement, had previously detached a 
 division of the army under General Maxwell, to impede the 
 enemy’s march. It was known that General Gates was ap¬ 
 proaching with the army from the North, and the enemy’s 
 motions were no sooner ascertained, than General Wayne was 
 despatched, with one thousand chosen men, to strengthen the 
 lines. The Marquis de Lafayette was directed to take com¬ 
 mand of the whole force thus sent in advance, while Wash¬ 
 ington himself moved rapidly forward with the main army. 
 It was his design to bring on a general, and, if possible, a de¬ 
 cisive engagement. The result of his movements for that 
 object was,the battle of Monmouth, fought on the 28th of June. 
 The dispositions for this engagement were admirably arranged 
 on the night of the 27tlq the position of the enemy being such 
 as to afford the best advantages for an attack upon his rear the 
 moment he should get in motion. Such being the intentions of 
 the Commander-in-chief, they were communicated to General 
 
 48 
 
344 LIFE OF BRANT. [1778 
 
 Lee, who was ordered to make his dispositions accordingly, 
 and to keep his troops lying upon their arms to be in readiness 
 at the shortest notice. At five in the morning of the 28th, the 
 front of the enemy was observed to be in motion, and orders 
 were instantly despatched to General Lee to move on and 
 attack, “ unless there should be very powerful reasons to the 
 contrary.” Lee was also advised that Washington was himself 
 advancing to support him. After marching about five miles, 
 
 “ to the great surprise and mortification” of the Commander- 
 in-chief, he met the whole advanced corps retreating, by the 
 orders of Lee, “ without having made any opposition, except 
 “ one fire given by a party under Colonel Butler, on their being 
 “ charged by the enemy’s cavalry, who were repulsed.”* Lee 
 was sharply rebuked, and placed in arrest. Hurrying to the 
 rear of the retreating corps, which the Commander-in-chief 
 found closely pressed by the enemy, he arrested their flight, 
 re-formed them, and with the aid of some well-served pieces of 
 artillery, at once checked the enemy’s advance, and gained 
 time for making such dispositions as the unexpected emergency 
 required. The battle soon became general, and was obstinately 
 contested at various points through the whole day, until dark ; 
 Sir Henry Clinton and General Washington heading their 
 respective armies in person. By the misconduct of Lee, how¬ 
 ever, and an error of General Scott in the morning, advantages 
 had been lost which entirely disconcerted the views of the 
 Commander-in-chief, anddeprived the American arms of a victory 
 which was all but certain. Still, the fortunes of the day were 
 so far recovered, that, from being the pursued, “ the Americans 
 “ drove the enemy back over the ground they had followed, 
 
 “ and recovered the field of battle, and possessed themselves of 
 «their dead. But as they retreated behind a morass very diffi- 
 “ cult to pass, and had both flanks secured with thick woods, 
 
 “ it was found impracticable for the Americans, fainting with 
 “ fatigue, heat, and want of water, to do any thing more that * 
 “ night.” t 
 
 Both armies encamped in the field, and lay upon their arms ; 
 Washington himself sleeping in his cloak under a tree in the 
 
 * Letter of Washington to the President of Congress, July 1, 177S. 
 t Letter of Washington to his brother, John Augustine Washington, July 4,1778. 
 
BATTLE OF MONMOUTH. 
 
 345 
 
 1778.] 
 
 midst of his soldiers. His intention was to renew and end the 
 battle on the following morning, not doubting as to the issue. 
 Indeed, the result of that day’s fight was justly considered a 
 victory by the American officers, and but for the conduct of 
 Lee in the morning, it would almost beyond question have been 
 decisive.* But the purpose of the Commander-in-chief to renew 
 the engagement was frustrated by a silent midnight retreat of 
 the enemy—so silent, indeed, that his departure was not known 
 until the morning.t A variety of circumstances concurred to 
 render a pursuit by the Americans unadvisable; among the 
 principal of which were, the extreme heat of the weather, the 
 fatigue of the army from its march through a deep sandy 
 country, almost entirely destitute of water, and the distance the 
 enemy had gained by his midnight march. A pursuit, it was 
 believed, would answer no valuable purpose, and would certain¬ 
 ly be fatal to numbers of the men, several of whom had 
 perished of heat on the preceding day.+ The American com¬ 
 mander thereupon drew off his army to the Hudson, crossed 
 over, and once more established his head-quarters at White 
 Plains. Meantime Sir Henry Clinton proceeded to Sandy 
 Hook, and thence passed his troops over to New-York. The 
 loss of the Americans in this battle was eight officers and sixty- 
 one privates killed, and one hundred and sixty wounded. That 
 
 * In a letter to General Gansevoort from Colonel Willett, who was on a visit to 
 head-quarters at the time of the battle of Monmouth, the Colonel says :—“ 1 have 
 had the pleasure of seeing the A merican army, under the great General Washington, 
 triumph over the haughty British in the battle of Monmouth. The action was 
 grand, and ended gloriously.”— MS. letter of Col. Willett. 
 
 t In his despatches to his government, Sir Henry Clinton stated that he took the 
 advantage of the moonlight in his retreat; when, in reality, he did not begin the re¬ 
 treat until some hours after the moon had set. In the course of a correspondence in 
 the following Spring, between Governor William Livingston and Sir Henry, the 
 Governor taunted him upon this subject of his moonlight retreat. That correspond¬ 
 ence was sharp upon both sides. Governor Livingston wrote to Sir Henry that he 
 had received indisputable evidence, that a British General had offered a large sum of 
 money to an inhabitant of New Jersey to assassinate him, (Governor L.) Sir 
 Henry repelled the imputation in strong terms—declaring that were he “capable of 
 harboring such an infamous idea as that of assassination, he would not blacken 
 himself with so foul a crime to obtain so trifling an end.” Clinton was evidently 
 irritated, and from the coarseness of his language, gave Governor Livingston the de¬ 
 cided advantage in his rejoinder, which was equally dignified and severe.— Vide 
 Mmon's Remembrancer, vol. vi. pp. 279, 281. 
 
 J Letter of Washington to the President of Congress. 
 
346 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 1778 . 
 
 of the enemy was three hundred and sixty-eight in killed, 
 wounded, and missing, and about one hundred taken prisoners. 
 One thousand of their men deserted on their march. Both 
 parties claimed the victory, which was in fact won by neither. 
 The advantages, in the earlier part of the day, were in favor of 
 the British ; in the after-part, of the Americans. The stealthy 
 retreat of the former, moreover, covered by the darkness, left no 
 doubt as to which army was best prepared to renew the conflict 
 with the return of daylight. 
 
 The French fleet, under the Count D’Estaing, consisting 
 of twelve ships of the line and six frigates, having on board 
 four thousand troops, arrived on the coast of Virginia about 
 the 1st of July. The design of the French commander was 
 to engage the British squadron in the Chesapeake. But un¬ 
 fortunately, the latter had sailed for New-York a few days be¬ 
 fore. Thither the Count followed the British admiral, but the 
 bar of the New-York harbor would not allow the entrance 
 of his heavy ships. An attack upon New-York thus proving 
 to be impracticable, by the advice of General Washington it 
 was determined to make an attempt upon Rhode Island, then 
 occupied by six thousand British troops commanded by Major 
 General Sir Robert Pigott. General Sullivan, with an army 
 of ten thousand men, was lying in the neighborhood of Provi¬ 
 dence. Count D’Estaing arrived off Newport on the 25th of 
 July, and arrangements were soon adjusted between General 
 Sullivan and himself for a combined attack upon the town of 
 Newport by land and sea. The assault was to be made on 
 the 9th of August, for which purpose Sullivan moved down 
 to Tiverton, where he was joined by General Greene, and the 
 ships of war entered the channel. But the militia not having 
 joined the regular troops so promptly as was expected, General 
 Sullivan judged it necessary to postpone the attack for a day or 
 two. Meantime Lord Howe appeared off the harbor with the 
 British fleet, and the Count D’Estaing immediately put to sea 
 to engage him. The French fleet having the weather gage, 
 the British admiral weighed anchor and put to sea, followed by 
 the Count. A storm separated the fleets, so that no engage¬ 
 ment took place; and on his return to port on the 19th, Count 
 D’Estaing found it necessary to repair to Boston to refit. Du¬ 
 ring the absence of the Count, however, while in chase of Lord 
 
BATTLE OP RHODE ISLAND. 
 
 347 
 
 1778 .] 
 
 Howe, General Sullivan had crossed over to the island, and on 
 the 15th laid siege to the town of Newport. But when the 
 French admiral departed for Boston, the militia, disappointed 
 and disheartened at being thus abandoned by their allies, left 
 the service in such numbers, that Sullivan was compelled to 
 raise the siege and retire. He was pursued to the distance of 
 a mile north of Quaker Hill, where, on the 29th of August, was 
 fought the battle of Rhode Island. It was a sharp and obstinate 
 engagement of half an hour, at the end of which the enemy 
 gave way and retreated. The loss of the Americans was two 
 hundred and eleven. That of the enemy two hundred and 
 sixty.* Ascertaining, soon afterward, that strong reinforcements 
 were coming from New-York to the aid of General Pigott, a 
 resolution was immediately adopted by Sullivan to evacuate 
 the island. This determination was executed on the night of 
 the 30th—most luckily, as the event proved ; for on the very 
 next day Sir Henry Clinton arrived at Newport with four 
 thousand troops, which reinforcement would doubtless hake 
 enabled the enemy to cut off the retreat of the Americans. 
 
 In September, after the return of the British troops to New- 
 York, strong divisions moved northward on each side of the 
 Hudson river. By a detachment of one of these, under Gene¬ 
 ral Gray, a regiment of American cavalry, commanded by Co¬ 
 lonel Baylor, was surprised while asleep at Tappan, and almost 
 entirely cut off. The enemy rushed upon the sleeping troopers, 
 numbering one hundred and four privates with their bayonets. 
 The loss, killed, wounded, and taken, was sixty-four. This 
 exploit was very similar to that of the Paoli, under the same 
 General, the preceding year. 
 
 In consequence of the hostile spirit very generally and ex¬ 
 tensively manifested by the Indians—the great western tribes 
 becoming more and more restif—early in June, immediately 
 preceding the affair of Wyoming, Congress had determined 
 upon a more enlarged and decisive campaign against them. 
 This had, indeed, become the more necessary from the bellige¬ 
 rent indications among the Delawares and Shawanese, inha¬ 
 biting the territory now forming the State of Ohio. At the 
 
 * One of the most brilliant affairs during this expedition was performed by Colo¬ 
 nel John Trumbull, who was acting as a volunteer under Sullivan at the time—as 
 will be seen by the Colonel’s memoirs when published. 
 
348 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1778 . 
 
 commencement of the war Koquethagaeehlon , the Delaware 
 chief usually known as Captain White-Eyes, a firm friend of 
 the Colonies, had succeeded in preventing his people from taking 
 up the hatchet against them, in opposition to the views of his 
 rival chief. Captain Pipe. But in the Spring of the present 
 year, the policy of the latter had well nigh prevailed, through 
 the revengeful machinations of three celebrated loyalists, named 
 M : Kee : Elliot , and Simon Girty , who had been confined at 
 Pittsburgh as Tories ; but who, effecting their escape, traversed 
 the Indian country to Detroit, proclaiming, as they went, that 
 the Americans had resolved upon their destruction, and that 
 their only chance of safety was to espouse the cause of the 
 Crown, and fight. Availing himself of the excitement created 
 by those fugitives,* Captain Pipe assembled a large number of 
 his warriors, and proclaimed u every one an enemy to his 
 u country who should endeavor to persuade them against fight- 
 “ ing the Americans, and declared that all such ought surely 
 “ to be put to death.” But White-Eyes was by no means in¬ 
 active in his efforts to preserve peace. Collecting the people 
 of his tribe, he addressed them with great earnestness anc" 
 pathos. Observing that some of his warriors were preparing 
 to take up the hatchet, he admonished them strongly against 
 such a course, which, in the end, could only bring upon them 
 sure destruction. Still, if they believed he was wrong—if they 
 were disposed to place more confidence in the tales of those 
 whom he knew to be fugitives, than to himself, they should not 
 go out without him. “ But he would not go out with them 
 “ like the bear-hunter, who sets the dogs on the animal to be 
 u beaten about with his paws while he keeps at a safe distance. 
 c£ No ! He would lead them on, place himself in their front, 
 “ and be the first who should fall. They only had to deter- 
 4{ mine what they meant to do. As for his own mind, it was 
 “ fully made up not to survive his nation. And he would not 
 “ spend the remainder of a miserable life, in bewailing the total 
 “ destruction of a brave people who deserved a better fate.” t 
 The counsel of White-Eyes, supported by a conciliatory mes¬ 
 sage, which was received just in good time, from the Americans, 
 
 * The names of these men will be of frequent recurrence in the subsequent volume 
 of this work, in connexion with the Indian wars of 1789—1794. 
 
 f Drake’s Book of the Indians. 
 
1778 .] DELAWARES AND SHAWANESE. 349 
 
 prevailed for the moment, and the Delawares came to the unani¬ 
 mous determination to follow his advice, and his alone. Avail¬ 
 ing himself of the hour of success, White-Eyes forthwith des¬ 
 patched the following energetic letter to the Shawanese of the 
 Scioto, who had also been visited by M‘Kee, Elliot, and Girty. 
 
 “Grand-children, ye Shawanese: Some days ago a 
 flock of birds, that had come on from the East, lit at Goscho- 
 chking, imposing a song of theirs upon us, which song had nigh 
 proved our ruin. Should these birds, which, on leaving us, 
 took their flight toward Scioto, endeavor to impose a song on 
 you likewise, do not listen to them, for they lie.” 
 
 But the hostile action of these people was only suspended for 
 a short time, and it became necessary for more extended and 
 efficient operations against nearly the whole race.* In the pro¬ 
 ject of Congress already adverted to, it was intended that one 
 expedition should move upon Detroit, while General Gates was 
 
 * Indeed, the Shawanese had not been remarkably quiet antecedent to the visita¬ 
 tion of M‘Kee, Elliot, and Girty, since they had for several years been engaged in a 
 system of predatory warfare against the celebrated Colonel Daniel Boon and his ad¬ 
 venturous companions, almost from the day they made their appearance upon the 
 banks of the Ohio, with their families, in 1773, when the settlement of the present 
 State of Kentucky was commenced. Boon had been engaged with Lord Dunmore 
 in his war against the Shawanese in 1774. In the following year he was attacked 
 in Boonsborough, his principal settlement; and through the entire years of 1776 and 
 1777, hostilities were actively prosecuted by the savages against the advancing Co¬ 
 lonists. In one of the earlier battles Boon had lost a son. A second son fell after¬ 
 ward, and his daughter was taken a captive, but bravely rescued by the chivalrous 
 father. In April, 1777, the Indians so divided their forces as to fall upon all the in¬ 
 fant settlements at once, and their little forts only saved the people from destruction. 
 On the 15th of April, Boonsborough was attacked by one hundred Indians, at which 
 time the inhabitants suffered severely. On the 19th, Colonel Logan’s fort was at¬ 
 tacked by a force of two hundred Indians, but they were repulsed by the garrison, 
 consisting of only thirteen men—two of whom were killed. Reinforcements arriv¬ 
 ing from Virginia, the skirmishes became almost daily. In February of the present 
 year, (1778) Boonsborough was again attacked, and the gallant Colonel himself 
 taken prisoner. He was taken first to Chilicothe, and thence to Detroit, where he 
 was treated with humanity by Colonel Hamilton, the Governor, who offered the In¬ 
 dians £100 if they would surrender him into his hands, that he might liberate him 
 on his parole. But having imbibed a strong affection for their most subtle and suc¬ 
 cessful enemy, the Indians declined the offer. Taking him back to Chilicothe, the 
 Colonel was duly adopted into one of the Shawanese families as a son, to whom his 
 new parents became strongly attached. He soon acquired their confidence to such 
 an extent, that they allowed him to wander of)} and hunt by himself. Ascertaining, 
 haw ever, that they were meditating another descent upon Boonsborough, he ab¬ 
 sconded, and, eluding pursuit, reached his home on the 20th of June. 
 
350 LIFE OF BRANT. [1778. 
 
 instructed by resolution to co-operate with that expedition by 
 carrying the war into the Seneca country, and also to dispos¬ 
 sess the enemy of Oswego, should he be found in the occu¬ 
 pancy of that post. It appears, that at the very moment of the 
 invasion of Wyoming, there was a delegation of Seneca chiefs 
 at Philadelphia; but having taken their departure without com¬ 
 municating with the government, a resolution was passed by 
 Congress, immediately upon the receipt of Colonel Z. Butler’s 
 despatches, instructing the Board of War to send after the chiefs, 
 and ascertain from them in what character, and for what pur¬ 
 poses, they had made the said visit; and also to inquire whether 
 the Seneca warriors had not been engaged in hostilities against 
 the United States. On the 16th of July information was re¬ 
 ceived that the chiefs refused to return, and instructions to 
 General Schuyler were proposed, directing him to intercept and 
 detain them at Albany. The motion was negatived; but on 
 the 25th of July, Congress having ascertained that the Senecas 
 were actually engaged in the invasion of Wyoming, “ aided by 
 u Tories and other banditti from the frontiers of New-York, 
 “New Jersey, and Pennsylvania,” it was resolved that the 
 expedition against the hostiles of the Six Nations should be 
 forwarded with all possible despatch. In the mean time, how¬ 
 ever, from the expensiveness of the undertaking, the expedition 
 against Detroit was reluctantly abandoned ; but in lieu there¬ 
 of, General M‘Intosh, commanding the Western department, 
 was ordered to proceed from Pittsburgh against those of the 
 Indian towns the destruction of which, in his opinion, would 
 tend most effectually to intimidate and chastise them.* M ; In- 
 tosh had been stationed at Pittsburgh early in the Spring, and 
 with a small party of regulars and militia, had descended the 
 Ohio about thirty miles, and erected a fort, which was called by 
 his own name, at Beavertown. It was a small work, built of 
 strong stockades, and furnished with bastions mounting one 
 six pounder each. The situation was well chosen, as a point 
 affording the best facilities for intercepting the war parties of 
 the western Indians, in their frequent hostile incursions the 
 present year. 
 
 This expedition was doubtless judged the more important 
 from the increasing audacity of the Indians on the Ohio border 
 
 * Journals of Congress, vol. iv. pages, 343, 398, 415, 427. 
 
1778 .] 
 
 COLONEL DANIEL BOON. 
 
 351 
 
 c "Virginia, now forming the State of Kentucky. In August, 
 Colonel Boon had led a small band of nineteen men against 
 one of the Indian towns on the Scioto, before reaching which 
 he fell in with and dispersed a party of forty Indians then on 
 their way to Boonsborough. The Colonel found the town at 
 Point Creek deserted ; and learned that their whole force had 
 gone against his own settlement, to the defence of which he 
 was consequently compelled to hasten back. Fortunately he 
 anticipated their arrival by a few hours, and was enabled to 
 prepare his little garrison for defence, On the 8th of August 
 the Indians, to the number of about four hundred and fifty, ar¬ 
 rived before the fort, led, in addition »to their own chiefs, by 
 Captain Duquesne, and eleven other Canadian Frenchmen. 
 The garrison was formally summoned to surrender, which sum¬ 
 mons was peremptorily refused. A treaty was then proposed 
 by the besiegers, and acceded to ; the Indians requiring that 
 nine men should be sent out to them as negotiators. But this 
 movement proved to be an artifice, by means of which they 
 hoped to gain access to the fort. An attempt to grapple with 
 and carry off the nine negotiators, though happily unsuccess¬ 
 ful, disclosed their treacherous design. The besiegers then at¬ 
 tempted a regular approach from the river’s brink by mining ; 
 but finding that the garrison had discovered their purpose, and 
 were engaged in countermining them, the siege was abandoned 
 on the 20th of August. The loss of the enemy was thirty-seven 
 killed and a much larger number wounded. The loss of the 
 garrison was only two men killed and four wounded. 
 
 But, as we have seen, the expedition of General Mdntosh, as 
 authorized by the vote of Congress recently cited, was specially 
 destined against the Sandusky towns. It was commanded by the 
 General himself, and consisted of one thousand men ; but such 
 were the delays in getting it on foot, that the officers, on arriving 
 at Tuscarawa, judged it imprudent to proceed farther at such 
 an advanced season of the year. They therefore halted at that 
 place, and built Fort Laurens, in which M‘Intosh left a gar¬ 
 rison of one hundred and fifty men under the command of Co¬ 
 lonel John Gibson, and returned himself to Fort Pitt for the 
 winter.* 
 
 Connected with these distant Indian operations, of the Sum- 
 
 * Doddridge’s Indian Wars. 
 
 49 
 
352 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [177S 
 
 mer of 1778, was one equally distinguished by the boldness of 
 its conception and the brilliancy of its execution. The increas¬ 
 ing hostility of the remote tribes upon the waters of the Missis¬ 
 sippi and its tributaries, had induced a belief that a powerful 
 influence must have been exerted upon their minds by the set¬ 
 tlements planted long before at Kaskaskias, and in the country 
 of the upper Mississippi, by the French, in connexion with 
 Canada. For the purpose of striking at once at the root of the 
 evil, an expedition was organized early in the season, the object 
 of which was to invade and take possession of those settlements. 
 The command was entrusted to Colonel George Rogers Clarke, 
 of Virginia, a bold and* experienced border officer, and his 
 whole force, destined to penetrate twelve hundred miles through 
 a wilderness, which was in fact the enemy’s country, did not 
 exceed two hundred men. The rendezvous of this little army 
 was at the great Kanhawa, where they were attacked by a 
 superior Indian force before their embarkation. But finding 
 they were not able to make any impression upon the fort, the 
 assailants drew off, having killed but one man and wounded 
 one or two more. Descending to the falls of the Ohio, a small 
 fort was erected at that place, in which a garrison was left of 
 ten or twelve families. Arriving within about sixty miles of 
 the mouth of the Ohio, the troops were landed, and, with only 
 four days’ provisions, marched for the Illinois. They reached 
 the precincts of Kaskaskias at midnight on the sixth day, 
 having marched two days without food, and determined forth¬ 
 with, and unanimously, to take the town or die in the attempt. 
 The town was strongly fortified, and contained about two hun¬ 
 dred and fifty well-built houses ; but the approach of the invaders 
 was unknown ; the people and the garrison were alike slum¬ 
 bering in security ; and both town and fort were taken—the 
 latter being carried by surprise, although the defences were suf- 
 ciently strong to resist a thousand men. The commanding 
 officer, Philip Rocheblave, was made prisoner ; and among his , 
 papers, falling into the hands of Colonel Clarke, were the instruc¬ 
 tions which he had from time to time received from the British 
 Governors of Quebec, Detroit, and Michilimackinack, urging 
 him to stimulate the Indians to war by the proffer of large 
 bounties for scalps. Rocheblave was sent a prisoner to Wil- 
 
353 
 
 1778.] colonel clarke’s expedition. 
 
 liamsburgh in Virginia, and with him were sent the papers 
 taken from his portfolio. 
 
 On the day after the fall of Kaskaskias, Captain Joseph 
 Bowman, at the head of thirty mounted men, was sent to attack 
 three other towns upon the Mississippi, the first of which, 
 called Parraderuski, distant fifteen miles from Kaskaskias, was 
 surprised, and taken without opposition—the inhabitants at 
 once assenting to the terms of the conqueror. The next town 
 was St. Philips, distant nine miles farther up. The force of 
 Captain Bowman was so small, that he wisely determined to 
 make a descent upon St. Philips in the night, that his strength, 
 or rather his weakness, might be concealed. The precaution 
 ensured success ; and the inhabitants, with whom the whole 
 negotiation was conducted in the night, acceded to 4 the terms 
 prescribed. From St. Philips, Captain Bowman directed his 
 course upon the yet more considerable town of Cauhow, distant 
 between forty and fifty miles. This town contained about one 
 hundred families, and was also approached secretly, and entered 
 in the night. Captain Bowman, with his troop, rode directly 
 to the quarters of the commander, and demanded the surrender 
 of himself and the whole town, which was immediately com¬ 
 plied with. Taking possession of a large stone house, well 
 fortfied, the “ bold dragoon ” immediately established his quar¬ 
 ters therein, and awaited the morning’s dawn, which would 
 disclose to the people the diminutive force to which they had 
 surrendered. Enraged at the discovery, one of the enemy 
 threatened to bring a body of one hundred and fifty Indians 
 against the little American squadron, and cut them off. But he 
 was secured, and in the course of ten days upward of three 
 hundred of the inhabitants became so reconciled to their 
 change of masters, as to take the oath of allegiance to the 
 United States. Leaving a small guard at Cauhow, Captain 
 Bowman returned to Kaskaskias.* 
 
 But the enemy on the New-York frontiers were by no means 
 inactive. In addition to the severe affair in the Cobleskill set¬ 
 tlement, in which Captain Christian Brown was the leader of 
 
 * The facts connected with this expedition of Colonel Clarke, are drawn from a 
 letter of Captain Bowman to Colonel John Hite of Virginia. See Almon’s Ameri¬ 
 can Remembrancer, vol. vi. pp. 82, 83. The settlements thus taken were imme¬ 
 diately erected by Virginia into a county, called Illinois. 
 
354 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 (1778. 
 
 the American militia and a small band of regulars, as noted 
 in the last preceding chapter but one, a large band of Indians 
 and Tories, under the conduct of Brant and Barent Frey, broke 
 into the same district at the close of May, and inflicted no 
 small degree of damage by the destruction of both life and 
 property. They were met by Captain Patrick, belonging to 
 Colonel Alden’s regiment, and a handful of troops, who were 
 entirely eut. to pieces. Captain Patrick fell early in the engage¬ 
 ment. His lieutenant, a corporal, and nineteen men, were also 
 killed. The command then devolved upon a sergeant, who 
 fought bravely, as all had done. But they were surrounded 
 by a force greatly superior in numbers, and but four men, ex¬ 
 clusive of the sergeant, escaped—all wounded. The bodies of 
 Patrick and his lieutenant were shockingly mutilated. A por¬ 
 tion of the settlement was burnt, and the settlement of Turlock, 
 in the same vicinity, was also ravaged.* 
 
 Nor was this all. In the course of the Summer, and proba¬ 
 bly at about the time of Colonel Hartley’s expedition into the 
 country above Wyoming, one of the M’Donalds, who had fled 
 from Johnstown, a loyalist officer, distinguished for his activity, 
 made a sudden irruption into the Schoharie settlements, at the 
 head of about three hundred Tories and Indians, burning 
 houses, and killing and making prisoners such of the inhabi¬ 
 tants as came in his way, and were not able to make their 
 escape. The little fortress of Schoharie was occupied by a 
 small garrison, commanded by Colonel Yrooman—one of that 
 class of men who, though officers, are certain never to be called 
 soldiers. They saw the ravages of the enemy—the conflagra¬ 
 tions by night rendering visible the acts of outrage committed 
 by day—but from their own weakness dared not to venture 
 forth, or make a show of opposition. The brave Colonel 
 Harper was in the fort with Yrooman, and was little satisfied 
 with the course of that officer. Leaving the fort, therefore, 
 
 * The only account of this affair which the author has discovered, was found ac¬ 
 cidentally among the papers of General Gansevoort, after the fourteenth chapter had 
 been printed. It is contained in a letter from Colonel Richard Yarick to Colonel 
 Gansevoort, dated Schenectady, June 3, 177S, which states that the invasion took 
 place on the preceding Saturday. Had this letter been sooner discovered, the inci¬ 
 dent would have been inserted in more exact chronological order—since the affair 
 in which Captain Brown was the American commander, occurred, as related in the 
 fourteenth chapter, from Brown’s narrative, more than a month afterward. 
 
1778 .] IRRUPTIONS INTO SCHOHARIE. 355 
 
 himself, he succeeded in making his way through the enemy, 
 mounted his horse, and started express for Albany. His move¬ 
 ment was discovered, and several Tories and Indians were 
 despatched in pursuit. They overtook him in the night at an 
 inn at Fox’s Creek, after he had retired to bed. Hearing the 
 noise below, the Colonel sprang up in full panoply, and as 
 they broke open the door which he had locked, he presented 
 his arms with such earnestness, that they recoiled. Standing 
 upon the watch until the dawn of morning, he again succeeded 
 in getting to horse, and rode off. One of the Indians followed 
 him almost to Albany—the Colonel being obliged frequently to 
 turn upon his dusky pursuer, who as often took to his heels as 
 his pursuit was discovered. Having communicated the situa¬ 
 tion of affairs in the Schoharie valley to Colonel Gansevoort, 
 a squadron of cavalry was forthwith detached to their assist¬ 
 ance. The detachment rode all night, and early on the fol¬ 
 lowing morning, to the great joy of the terrified inhabitants 
 who remained r the tramp of hoofs announced the approach of 
 succors. The spirited light-horse-men had no sooner sounded 
 a charge and made a dash upon the besiegers, led on by Har¬ 
 per, than the troops sallied out from the fort, and a precipitate 
 retreat of the enemy was the consequence.* 
 
 The people of Schoharie had suffered severely from the 
 scouts and scalping parties of the enemy during the Summer; 
 but their bravery in individual contests had amply avenged 
 their wrongs. On one occasion a party of seven Indians made 
 prisoner of a Mr. Sawyer, whom they bound, and marched off 
 into the wilderness. Having proceeded eight or ten miles, 
 they laid themselves down to sleep for the night. But their 
 prisoner had been less effectually secured than they supposed. 
 In the course of the night he succeeded in disengaging his 
 hands, and cautiously taking a hatchet from the girdle of one 
 of the Indians, he despatched six of them in rapid succession, 
 and wounded the seventh, who made his escape. Having thus 
 relieved himself of his keepers, Sawyer returned home in 
 safety, and at his leisure.t 
 
 Soon after the battle of Monmouth, Lieutenant Colonel Wil¬ 
 liam Butler, with one of the Pennsylvania regiments and a 
 detachment of Morgan’s riflemen, was ordered to the North, 
 
 * Letter of Rev. Mr. Fenn, of Harpersfield. f Campbell’s Annals. 
 
356 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1773 . 
 
 and stationed at Schoharie. Butler was a brave and expe¬ 
 rienced officer, especially qualified for the service upon which 
 he was appointed.* His arrival in Schoharie had a salu¬ 
 tary effect, by discouraging the disaffected, and by the presence 
 of a stronger force than had yet been among them, establishing 
 the confidence and reviving the spirits of the people. Several 
 of his scouting parties also returned with good success. At¬ 
 tached to the rifle corps, under Captain Long, were several bold 
 spirits, who signalized themselves so greatly in the partisan 
 warfare in which they were engaged, that many of their ex¬ 
 ploits are freshly remembered among the inhabitants of Scho¬ 
 harie to this day. Of this number were David Elerson, and a 
 Virginian named Murphy. The first expedition of Captain 
 Long was directed to the valley of the Charlotte river—one of 
 the upper tributaries of the Susquehanna, flowing from the 
 mountains south of Schoharie. The object was to arrest and 
 bring to the fort a conspicuous Tory living upon that stream, 
 named Service. His house being a point of rendezvous and 
 supply for the Tory and Indian scouts, it was desirable that it 
 should be broken up. While on his way to the place of desti¬ 
 nation, it was the good fortune of Captain Long to intercept a 
 company of Tories, enlisted for the King’s service, in the neigh¬ 
 borhood of Catskill, by a Captain Smith, who were then on 
 their way to join Sir John Johnson at Niagara. Smith was 
 killed by the simultaneous shots of Elerson and his Captain— 
 they being a few rods in advance at the moment when the Tory 
 leader emerged at the head of his men from a thicket. His 
 followers fled in every direction. They had intended to lodge 
 that night with Service ; but that unfortunate man had guests 
 of quite another character. While unapprised of danger, his 
 house was surrounded by the troops of Long, when in an in¬ 
 stant Murphy and Elerson rushed in, and made him a prisoner. 
 Having been informed that he must accompany them to Scho¬ 
 harie, on leaving his house he seized an axe standing by the 
 door, which he poised, and directed for a blow at the head of 
 Murphy. The latter was too quick-sighted to receive it; but 
 as he sprang aside to avoid the descending weapon, Service fell 
 dead from the rifle of Elerson. 
 
 After his term of enlistment had expired, Murphy remained 
 * Letter of Washington to General Stark. 
 
1778 .] AFFAIRS AT FORT SCHUYLER. 357 
 
 in Schoharie, and made war on his own account. He was as 
 remarkable for his fleetness, as for his courage and great pre¬ 
 cision in firing. He used a double-barrelled rifle ; and the fact 
 of his frequently firing twice in succession, without stopping to 
 load, and always bringing down his man, rendered him a ter¬ 
 ror to the Indians. Not knowing the peculiar construction of 
 his rifle, they were impressed with the belief that it was a 
 charmed weapon, and supposed he could continue firing as 
 long and as often as he pleased without loading at all. He 
 fought the savages after their own fashion—was more than 
 their equal in stratagem or with his heels—and the greater the 
 apparent danger he was encountering, the greater was his de¬ 
 light. When he had opportunity, he took pattern of the In¬ 
 dians in scalping those who fell by his unerring aim; and it 
 was said that lie killed forty of their warriors with his own 
 hands. 
 
 Colonel Gansevoort yet remained in the command of Fort 
 Schuyler, and was continued there during nearly the whole 
 year, although, wearied by inaction, Willett, and others of his 
 officers, made a strong and formal effort to be relieved, that 
 their regiment might have an opportunity to distinguish them¬ 
 selves in the field with the main army. At Fort Schuyler 
 they could have little else to do than observe the motions of the 
 enemy on the lakes and the St. Lawrence, and to watch, and 
 occasionally cut off, a hostile party when venturing too near 
 the garrison. But from the correspondence of the officers, it 
 would appear that the troops of the garrison must have been 
 the severest sufferers from this petty mode of warfare, since the 
 enemy seemed ever to be hovering in the precincts, ready to 
 bring down or carry into captivity such straggling soldiers as 
 ventured beyond musket-shot from the fort.* 
 
 * As an example of these individual murders, the following passage is copied 
 from a MS. letter from Major Robert Cochran to Colonel Gansevoort, dated Sept. 
 8, 1778. During the occasional absences of Colonel Gansevoort, Major Cochran 
 was in command of the post:—“ This morning, Benjamin Acker, of Captain De 
 Witt’s company, who was out in the meadow, was killed and scalped by a party of 
 Indians, who were seen and fired at by the sentinel near Brodack’s house. I heard 
 the firing in my room, and ran to the officer of the guard to know what was the 
 matter. I was informed that a party of Indians had fired upon one of our men who 
 had gone to catch a horse, and that he had either been killed or taken prisoner. I 
 ordered Captain Bleecker to go out immediately, with the guard just parading, to see 
 
358 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 1778 . 
 
 Early in July, Lieutenant M’Clellan, an active and efficient 
 officer, was sent with a small party to destroy the buildings and 
 public works at Oswego, which it was ascertained were not at 
 that moment in the occupation of the enemy. The object of 
 the expedition was accomplished and the buildings where burnt 
 to the ground, together with a quantity of ammunition, pro¬ 
 visions, and other public stores. It seems unaccountable that 
 this post should have been left thus wholly unprotected ; the 
 only occupants found by the American party being a woman 
 and her children, and a lad fourteen years old. The woman 
 and her family, together with her furniture and a suitable 
 supply of provisions, were placed in an out-building, and left 
 without farther molestation. The boy was brought off as a 
 prisoner, and furnished some important information touching 
 the movements of the enemy between their island rendezvous 
 in the St. Lawrence, and Niagara* 
 
 But Colonel Gansevoort had some serious troubles to en¬ 
 counter within the garrison, and some painful duties to execute. 
 Nothwithstanding the high character which the forces consti¬ 
 tuting the garrison had acquired, and the sound patriotism of 
 his officers, the spirit of disaffection appeared among them in 
 the Spring, and the early part of the Summer, to an alarming 
 extent. Distant as was the post of Fort Schuyler from New- 
 York, Sir Henry Clinton had succeeded in the introduction of 
 an emissary within the fort, in the character of a recruit. His 
 name was Samuel Geake. He was an American soldier, and 
 had been corrupted while a prisoner in New-York, whence he 
 was sent forth, in company with Major Hammell, also an Ame¬ 
 rican prisoner, whose virtue yielded to the all-subduing power 
 of gold.t Geake accompanied Hammell to Poughkeepsie, 
 
 if he could find him dead or alive. They found Acker lying dead. He was scalped, 
 and a weapon about two feet and a half long, like this ”—[here Major Cochran gave 
 a drawing of the instrument—a war club, with a blade like the spear of a lance in¬ 
 serted in the side, near the upper end of it,]—“lying near him. This lance-head 
 had been stuck several times in his body. It is supposed to have been left behind 
 on purpose, as there were several marks on it, denoting the number of persons killed 
 and scalps taken by the means of it.”—[Captain Bleecker mentioned in the forego¬ 
 ing extract, is the venerable Leonard Bleecker, yet living at Sing Sing. He was a 
 very active and efficient officer at Fort Schuyler for a long time.] 
 
 * MS. draft of a letter from Colonel Gansevoort to General Stark, July 10,1778. 
 t Hammell was Brigade-major to General James Clinton, and had been taken by 
 Sir Henry Clinton at the storming of Fort Montgomery. According to Geake’s 
 
1778 .] AFFAIRS AT FORT SCHUYLER. 359 
 
 where, in furtherance of his iniquitous designs, he enlisted in 
 Captain Abraham Swartwout’s company,* and was transferred 
 to Fort Schuyler, to join Colonel Gansevoort’s regiment; into 
 which place, for specific objects, he was instructed to insinuate 
 himself by an aid-de-camp of Sir Henry Clinton. After Ham- 
 mell’s arrest, Colonel Varick wrote to Gansevoort. putting him 
 on his guard as to the character of Geake. A sergeant named 
 Kartele was employed by Colonel Gansevoort to ingratiate 
 himself in Geake’s confidence, and, if possible, ascertain his 
 true character, and penetrate his designs. The commission 
 was successfully executed by the sergeant, and the whole cir¬ 
 cumstances of Hammell’s employment by the enemy, and his 
 own, were elicited. Geake was thereupon arrested, but not 
 until he had made great progress in his designs, and was on 
 the eve of desertion, for the purpose of joining the British army 
 in Philadelphia. He was tried by a court-martial, made a full 
 confession, and, with his confederates, was sentenced to death.! 
 The sentence was not carried into execution against Geake, 
 not only because the constitution of the court was irregular, 
 but because of the desire of the Commander-in-chief to spare 
 him as a witness against Hammell, as will presently appear. 
 The following documents will complete this section of the pro¬ 
 ceedings at Fort Schuyler :— 
 
 confession, Hammell was employed in the commissary of prisoners’ department, 
 by the British officers in New-York, before he was sent out upon his mission of 
 treason. General James Clinton, by the way, was not taken at Fort Montgomery, 
 as stated in the text account of that affair. Though wounded, he escaped ; although 
 hiaffirother, the Governor, supposed him to be a prisoner, when he wrote his official 
 account to the Committee of Safety. 
 
 * Captain Swartwout was with Gansevoort at the siege of Fort Schuyler, and 
 gave his cloth cloak to form the blue stripes of the flag spoken of in the account 
 of the siege, as being made up for the occasion. 
 
 f These facts have been gathered from the proceedings of the court-martial, pre¬ 
 served among General Gansevoort’s papers. The president of the court was Cap¬ 
 tain Gregg, who had been shot, tomahawked, and scalped, the year before. Ac¬ 
 cording to Geake’s confession, Hammell was promised a Colonelcy of a new Irish 
 regiment to be raised from deserters from the American army, and such others as 
 they could enlist Geake was to receive a commission as lieutenant. His mission 
 to Fort Schuyler was to acquire accurate knowledge of its strength and the 
 extent of its supplies—to induce as many of the garrison to desert as possible—and 
 to spike the cannon on their departure. 
 
 50 
 
360 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1778 . 
 
 Colonel Gansevoort to General Washington. 
 
 11 Fort Schuyler , August 13, 1778. 
 
 “ Sir, 
 
 “I have the unhappiness to inform your Excellency that 
 desertion has lately been very frequent from this garrison. 
 Since the 26th of last March we have had three sergeants, two 
 corporals, and twenty privates desert from this battalion, besides 
 one bombardier, one gunner, and one other from the artillery. 
 Before the date above mentioned, several soldiers had been 
 tried by a general Court Martial at this garrison for desertion, 
 but never received the punishment due their crimes. The sen¬ 
 tences of these different courts martial were carefully sent to 
 the commanding General of this Department,* but no returns 
 have been ever received. Some time in June last, Colonel 
 Yarick informed me that a recruit, who had just joined our bat¬ 
 talion, was suspected of being a confederate with Major Ham- 
 mell. I ordered his conduct to be narrowly inspected. He 
 was detected in the fact of corrupting and enticing the soldiers 
 to desert. Upon being apprehended, he confessed that he came 
 upon such designs, and was sent by an aid-de-camp of Sir 
 Henry Clinton as a spy—to endeavor to enlist what Irishmen 
 he could from the American army. There was every appear¬ 
 ance of his being a spy. He was immediately tried by a gene¬ 
 ral court martial—the sentence was directly sent down for ap¬ 
 probation, but no answer has been received, and the man still 
 lies confined in irons. 
 
 “ Finding the spirit of desertion to increase, and the men in 
 general to be exceeding uneasy,—probably arising from their 
 being so long stationed on this frontier post. They have been 
 frequently heard in their private conversations to say that they 
 would sooner die than stay here the ensuing winter. My of¬ 
 ficers, as well as myself, were convinced, that unless some ex¬ 
 ample was made, we should not be able to check this growing 
 evil. A party of five men deserted on the 10th of August. 
 They were taken by the Tuscarora Indians, on their way to 
 Canada, fifty miles from this fort. They were brought in on 
 the 13th. A general court martial was convened on the 15th. 
 They were sentenced to die. The officers in a body desired 
 
 * General Stark was then in command at Albany. 
 
AFFAIRS AT FORT SCHUYLER. 
 
 361 
 
 1778.] 
 
 their immediate execution, as the only way effectually to stop 
 the increasing spirit of desertion. 
 
 “ While these men were under sentence of death, a party re¬ 
 turned from the German Flatts, who had been to drive cattle 
 to this garrison. They had lost six men by desertion, who 
 were pursued, but without effect. This, together with the 
 above reasons, and being apprehensive of some design of the 
 enemy, and hearing a report which they had carefully spread 
 among the savages, of having upward of seventy men enlisted 
 in this garrison, who would rise upon their appearance, con¬ 
 vinced me of the necessity of a rigid example, and resolved me 
 to take the advice of my officers by ordering the prisoners to 
 be executed. They were accordingly shot at the head of the 
 regiment on the 17th.* In doing of which, although I could 
 not find that the articles of war gave me the fullest authority, 
 yet, as commanding officer of a frontier post, far distant from 
 the Commander in-chief, and having a separate commission 
 from Congress as commandant of this post, I considered myself 
 fully empowered in a case of such great necessity. I hope 
 your Excellency will be convinced of this necessity, and ap¬ 
 prove of the justness of the execution. Inclosed your Excel¬ 
 lency has a copy of the proceedings of the court martial. I 
 am, &c.” 
 
 General Washington to Colonel Gansevoort. 
 
 “ Head- Quarters, White Plains , ) 
 “ 29th August, 1778. ] 
 
 “Sir. 
 
 “ I have just received your favor of the 13th instant. In¬ 
 closed is a copy of a letter sent you some time ago respecting 
 the court martial you transmitted. 
 
 “ The spirit of desertion which possessed your soldiers, was 
 certainly very alarming, and required a serious check. I hope 
 the intention of the example you have made will be fully an¬ 
 swered ; and although the proceeding was not strictly in the 
 prescribed form, yet the necessity of the case may justify the 
 measure. 
 
 * Notwithstanding this severe example, it is noted in the private diary of Adju¬ 
 tant Hutton, of Colonel Gansevoort’s regiment, that on the same day on which these 
 five men were tried and sentenced to death, six others deserted ; and two others de¬ 
 serted five days after their execution.—Fide Gansevoort's papers. 
 
362 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1778 . 
 
 “ I have spoken to Lieut. Colonel Willett on the application 
 of the officers of the garrison. It is impossible to comply at 
 present with their request, things are so circumstanced—but 
 I shall take steps to relieve it before winter.* 
 
 “1 am, sir, your obedient, humble serv’t. 
 
 11 Geo. Washington.” 
 
 “ Col. Gansevoort.”X 
 
 The position of Fort Schuyler was of the first importance, 
 as the key to the western entrance of the Mohawk country; but 
 it was nevertheless too remote from the upper German settle¬ 
 ments of the valley, to afford them protection from sudden ir¬ 
 ruptions of the enemy avoiding that fortress in their approach. 
 The consequence was, that the work of destruction was actively 
 prosecuted among the settlements referred to, during the Sum¬ 
 mer of this year. The first blow was struck upon a small and 
 rather secluded hamlet, called Andrus-town, situated about six 
 miles south-east of the German Flatts,t on the 18th of July, by 
 a small party of Indians led by Brant in person. This settle¬ 
 ment consisted of seven families, planted upon a lot of one 
 
 * In November following, Gansevoort’s command was relieved by Colonel Guise 
 Van Schaick, whose regiment was assigned to that post. 
 
 f These letters have been copied by the author from the originals. The enclo¬ 
 sure mentioned in the above letter from General Washington reads as follows:— 
 
 [Copy.] 
 
 “ Head-Quarters , White Plains, ) 
 “Jlugust 13, 1778. 5 
 
 * l Sir, 
 
 “ I have received the proceedings of a court-martial held by your order, respecting 
 Samuel Geake. As neither the articles of war, nor any resolves of Congress, au¬ 
 thorise the constituting of general courts-martial by any other than the Commander 
 in-chief, the commanding officer of a separate department, or a general officer com¬ 
 manding in a particular State, I should have been under the necessity of ordering a 
 second trial, and appointing a court for the purpose, if it had been judged expedient 
 to bring Geake to punishment. But as his confession contains information very 
 pointedly against Major Hammell, which concurs with other accounts I have received, 
 I think it of more importance to the public to save Geake, as a witness against Ham¬ 
 mell, than to make an example of him. You will therefore keep him in such a kind 
 of confinement as will effectually prevent his escape, till matters are ripe for the 
 prosecution of Major Hammell, and at the same time will be as little rigorous as the 
 nature of the case will admit. He need, however know nothing of my intention. 
 I am, &c. 
 
 “Geo. Washington.” 
 
 “ Col. Gansevoort .” 
 
 J In the North part of the present town of Warren. 
 
1778.] DESTRUCTION OF GERMAN FLATTS. 363 
 
 thousand acres.* They were in affluent circumstances for 
 borderers, and the object of the invasion was plunder. The 
 settlement was utterly destroyed—every thing of value that 
 could be removed, was carried away—the houses and other 
 buildings were reduced to ashes—an aged man named Bell, with 
 his son and two others, was killed—one other inhabitant 
 perished in the flames of his own house—and the remainder of 
 the little colony were carried into captivity. Advices of this 
 catastrophe had no sooner reached the Flatts, than a party of 
 resolute Whigs determined to pursue the marauders, among 
 whom was John Frank, one of the Committee of Safety.! Ar¬ 
 riving at the scene of desolation, they hastily buried the dead, 
 and continued their march, accompanied by six or seven 
 friendly Indians, to the Little Lakes,! where, also, was a small 
 white colony known as “Young’s Settlement,” from the name 
 of its founder. Here it was discovered that the enemy was so far 
 in advance, that the chase was relinquished. But as Young, 
 the head man of the settlement, was a Tory, as also was his 
 next neighbor, a man named Collyer, the exasperated Whigs 
 avenged, to a small extent, the destruction of Andrus-town, by 
 plundering and burning their habitations. 
 
 But the most considerable event of the season in that vicinity, 
 was the entire destruction of the comparatively extensive and 
 populous settlement of the German Flatts. This settlement, 
 originally called Burnetsfield, from the circumstance that the 
 patent had been granted by Governor Burnet, extended over 
 the richest and most beautiful section of the Mohawk Yalley, 
 comprehending the broad alluvial lands directly beyond the 
 junction of the West Canada creek and the river, and includ¬ 
 ing about ten miles of the valley from east to west. Midway 
 of the settlement, on the south side of the river, yet stands the 
 ancient stone church, the westernmost of the line of those 
 structures built under the auspices of Sir William Johnson. 
 
 * The names of the proprietors were Bell, Frank, Oosterhoudt, Crim, Staring, 
 Lepper, and Hoyer. 
 
 ! John Frank, Esq. yet a resident of German Flatts, very old, but with mental 
 faculties unimpaired. The author has known him these twenty-five years, and in 
 September, 1837, paid him a visit. Most of the information respecting the events 
 now immediately under consideration, is derived from him. 
 
 J Two small lakes in the South-east part of the town of Warren, discharging 
 their waters into Otsego Lake. 
 
364 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1778 . 
 
 A short distance east of the church stood the large and mas¬ 
 sive-built stone mansion of the Herkimer family, which, like 
 the church itself, was used as a fort.* Hence it was called Fort 
 Herkimer. On the north side of the river, upon a gravelly 
 plain, elevated some ten or fifteen feet above the surrounding 
 flatts, stood Fort Day ton. t 
 
 At the time of which we are writing, the settlement on the 
 south side of the river numbered thirty-four dwelling-houses, 
 and there were about an equal number upon the north side, 
 together with as many barns and other out-buildings, and 
 several mills. The population, for the number of houses, was 
 numerous. The lands, rich by nature, and well cultivated, 
 had that year brought forth by handfuls ; so that the barns 
 were amply stored with their products. 
 
 It was at the close of August, or early in the month of Septem¬ 
 ber, that this fine district was laid waste by the Indians under the 
 direction of Brant. Most providentially, however, the invasion 
 was attended with the loss of but two lives—one man being 
 killed outright, and another, named M‘Ginnis, perished in the 
 flames. The particulars of this hostile irruption were these :— 
 Entertaining some suspicions of Brant, who was at Unadilla, 
 a scout of four men had been despatched irfto that vicinity for 
 observation. Three of these men were killed at the Edmeston 
 settlement. The fourth, John Helmer, succeeded in making 
 his escape, and returned to the flatts at half an hour before sun¬ 
 down, just in time to announce that Brant, with a large body 
 of Indians, was advancing, and would, in a few hours, be upon 
 them. All was, of course, terror and alarm through the settle- 
 
 * It was at this place that the first Liberty Pole in the valley was reared, in the 
 Spring of 1775. The sheriff of Tryon County, White, with whose subsequent his¬ 
 tory the reader is already acquainted, came up to the flatts with a large body of 
 militia from Johnstown, and cut it down. White had been a captain in the French 
 war. 
 
 f The present site of the village of Herkimer, in the town of the same name, and 
 one of the most beautiful localities in America. The name of German Flatts was 
 designed for this town, which would have been the most appropriate, as Herkimer 
 would have been for the town on the south side of the river, now called German 
 Flatts, where the flatts are far less extensive, and where the Herkimer family 
 resided. The mistake was made by the legislature when the towns were named. 
 This explanation, together with the geographical description in the text, is necessary 
 to prevent confusion in regard to the localities of Forts Dayton and Herkimer, in 
 the record of subsequent events. 
 
1778 .] 
 
 DESTRUCTION OP GERMAN PLATTS. 
 
 365 
 
 ment; and the inhabitants—men, women, and children—were 
 gathered into Forts Dayton and Herkimer for security. In 
 flying to those defences, they gathered up the most valuable of 
 their stuff, and by means of boats and canoes upon the river, 
 succeeded, in the course of the evening, in collecting a large 
 portion of their best articles of furniture. But they had no 
 time to look after their flocks and herds. 
 
 Early in the evening Brant arrived at the edge of the settle¬ 
 ment, but as the night came on excessively dark and rainy, he 
 halted with his forces in a ravine, near the house of his Tory 
 friend Shoemaker, where the younger Butler and his party 
 were captured the preceding year. Here the chieftain lay 
 with his warriors until the storm broke away toward morning 
 ■—unconscious that his approach had been notified to the peo¬ 
 ple by the scout in season to enable them to escape the blow 
 of his uplifted arm. Before the dawn he was on foot, and his 
 warriors were sweeping through the settlement; so that the torch 
 might be almost simultaneously applied to every building it 
 contained. Just as the day was breaking in the east, the fires 
 were kindled, and the whole section of the valley was speedily 
 illuminated by the flames of houses and barns, and all things 
 else combustible. The spectacle, to the people in the forts, 
 was one of melancholy grandeur. Every family saw the 
 flames and smoke of its own domicil ascending to the skies, 
 and every farmer the whole product of his labor for the season 
 dissolving into ashes. 
 
 Having no fire-arms larger than their rifles, the Indians 
 avoided even a demonstration against the forts, notwithstanding 
 their chagrin that neither scalps nor prisoners were to grace 
 their triumph. But as the light of day advanced, their warriors 
 were seen singly, or in small groups, scouring the fields, and 
 driving away all the horses, sheep, and black cattle that could 
 be found. Nothing upon which they could lay their hands 
 was left; and the settlement, which, but the day before, for ten 
 miles had smiled in plenty and in beauty, was now houseless 
 and destitute.* Happily, however, of human life there was no 
 
 * The Remembrancer states that there were 63 dwelling-houses, 57 bams, 3 
 grist-mills, and two saw-mills burnt, with most of the furniture and grain kept 
 therein; and 235 horses, 229 horned-cattle, 269 sheep, and 93 oxen, taken and car¬ 
 ried away. Judge Frank informed the author that he was upon guard on the morn- 
 
366 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1778 . 
 
 greater sacrifice than has already been mentioned. After the 
 Indians had decamped with their booty, a force of between 
 three and four hundred militia-men collected, and went in pur¬ 
 suit—following as far as Edmeston’s plantation on the Una- 
 dilla river, where the bodies of the three scouts were found and 
 buried. But no other results attended this expedition.* A party 
 of the Oneida Indians was more successful. They penetrated 
 into one of the Unadilla settlements, burnt several houses, retook 
 some of the cattle driven from the German Flatts, and brought 
 off a number of prisoners. The results of this little expedition 
 were communicated to Major Cochran, then in command at 
 Fort Schuyler, on or about the 25th of September, by a depu¬ 
 tation of about one hundred of the Oneida and Tuscarora war¬ 
 riors, in the following speech :— 
 
 “ Brothers : We have now taken the hatchet and burnt 
 Unadilla,t and a place called the Butternuts. We have brought 
 five prisoners from each of those places. Our warriors were 
 particular that no hurt should be done to women and children. 
 We left four old men behind, who were no more able to go to 
 war. We have re-taken William Dygert, who was taken 
 about nine weeks ago by Brant on Fall Hill. We now deliver 
 him to you, so that he may return to his friends. Last year 
 we took up the hatchet at Stillwater, and we will now continue 
 it in our hands. The Grasshopper, one of the Oneida chiefs, 
 took to himself one of the prisoners to live with him in his own 
 family, and has adopted him as a son. 
 
 “ Brothers : We deliver you six prisoners, with whom you 
 are to act as you please. 
 
 mg of the conflagration, standing upon the corner of the fort (Herkimer,) which 
 afforded him the best view of the scene when the flames broke forth. He also saw 
 the dusky swarms of savages rush down the hill-slopes into the meadows after the 
 cattle, as soon as it was sufficiently light to discern objects with tolerable distinct¬ 
 ness. The whole scene, he says, was picturesque and sublime. 
 
 * “ Captain Gilbert Tice came from Niagara a few days before Brant set out with 
 his party to destroy the German Flatts. He had 33 Indians with him, mostly Mo¬ 
 hawks. Brant’s whole party at the German Flatts was 300 Tories, and 152 In¬ 
 dians. There were no regular troops amongst them.”— MS. letter of Major Cochran 
 to Colonel Gansevoort, Sept. 28, 1778. 
 
 f The Indians must have meant one of the upper settlements on the Unadilla, 
 somewhere between the Butternuts and the “ Forks,” about twenty-five miles north 
 of the embouchure of that river into the Susquehanna. The principal town of the 
 Indians was at the mouth of the river, and was destroyed two or three weeks after¬ 
 ward by Colonel Butler, as will presently appear. 
 
1778 .] EXPEDITION OF COLONEL BUTLER. 367 
 
 “ Brothers : You had a man scalped here some time ago. 
 We Oneidas and Tuscaroras have now taken revenge, and 
 have brought you some slaves. We do not take scalps. We 
 hope you are now convinced of our friendship to you and your 
 great cause. The warriors detain two of the prisoners till to¬ 
 morrow morning. The Canasaragas have one in their posses¬ 
 sion. They will bring him to-morrow or the next day.”* 
 
 The Oneidas, with very few exceptions, were ever faithful 
 to the cause of the Whigs, and sometimes fought with great 
 personal bravery. The Oriskany clan of that nation joined 
 Geueral Herkimer on the morning of his disastrous battle, 
 under their chiefs Cornelius and Colonel Honyerry, and sus¬ 
 tained themselves valiantly in that murderous conflicts 
 
 But the acquisitions of booty by the Indians at the German 
 Flatts were more than counterbalanced, a few days afterward, 
 by their losses in their own chief towns, Unadilla and Ogh- 
 kwaga, which were invaded, and in turn laid waste, by Colonel 
 William Butler, with the 4th Pennsylvania regiment, a detach¬ 
 ment of Colonel Morgan’s rifle-men, then recently stationed at 
 Schoharie, as we have already seen, and a corps of twenty 
 rangers. Having marched from Schoharie to the head waters 
 of the Delaware, and descended that stream two days’ march, 
 Colonel Butler struck off thence to the Susquehanna, upon 
 which he emerged in the neighborhood of Unadilla. He ap¬ 
 proached the settlement with great caution ; but the enemy had 
 left the place several days before. Two of the white set¬ 
 tlers, Tories, were made prisoners, however, one of whom was 
 compelled to guide the forces of Butler to Oghkwaga, which 
 service he performed. The town was taken possession of 
 without interruption, the Indians having fled the day before in 
 the greatest confusion—leaving behind a large quantity of com, 
 their dogs, some cattle, and a great part of their household 
 goods. The march of Butler’s troops had been fatiguing, and 
 the vegetables and poultry, which they found here in great 
 abundance, enabled them to fare sumptuously during their 
 
 * MS. report of Major Cochran to Colonel Gansevoort. 
 
 f This fact was derived from Judge Frank, after the chapter containing the ac¬ 
 count of the battle of Oriskany was written. Honyerry, or Hansjurie Tewahon- 
 grahkon, as his name stands in the archives of the war department, was commis¬ 
 sioned a captain by the Board of War in 1779. 
 
 51 
 
368 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1778 . 
 
 stay. The town was uncommonly well built for an Indian settle¬ 
 ment, there being a considerable number of good farm-houses 
 on either side of the river. These were all destroyed, together 
 with the Indian castle three miles farther down the river, as also 
 large quantities of provisions, intended for their winter’s supply. 
 They saw nothing of the enemy, and lost only one man at that 
 place, who was shot by an Indian straggler lurking in ambush. 
 Returning to Unadilla, that settlement, upon both sides of the 
 river, was burnt, as also a grist-mill and saw-mill—the only 
 ones in the Susquehanna valley.* 
 
 But although, so far as fighting was concerned, it was an 
 easy campaign, still the difficulties encountered by the expedi¬ 
 tion were very great, and such as could not have been under¬ 
 gone but by men “ possessing a large share of hardiness, both 
 “ of body and mind. They were obliged to carry their provi- 
 “ sions on their backs ; and, thus loaded, frequently to ford 
 “ creeks and rivers. After the toils of hard marches, they were 
 “ obliged to camp down during wet and chilly nights without 
 “ covering, or even the means of keeping their arms dry.”t 
 They completed their work in sixteen days, and returned to 
 Schoharie. But the Indians were not slow in taking their re¬ 
 venge for this destruction of their towns. An Indian’s ven¬ 
 geance slumbers no longer than until an opportunity is afforded 
 for sating it, as will appear in the ensuing chapter. 
 
 * Letter of Colonel William Butler to General Stark. 
 
 i Ramsay. 
 
CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Walter N. Butler—His flight from Albany, bent on revenge—The Great Tree— 
 Hostile indications among the Senecas and Cayugas—Premonitions of an attack 
 by Butler and Brant upon Cherry Valley—Discredited by Colonel Alden—Scouts 
 sent out and captured—Surprise of the town—Massacre and burning—Death of 
 Colonel Alden—Families of Mr. Wells, Mr. Dunlop, and others—Brutality of the 
 Tories—Family of Mr. Mitchell—The monster Newberry—Departure of the 
 enemy with their captives—A night of gloom—Women and children sent back— 
 Letter of Butler to Gen. Schuyler—Murder of Mrs. Campbell’s mother—Vindi¬ 
 cation of Brant—Interesting incident—Brant’s opinion of Capt. M‘Kean—Colo¬ 
 nel John Butler laments the conduct of his son—Letter of General James Clinton 
 to Walter Butler—Letter of Butler in replv—Molly Brant—Particulars of Mrs. 
 Campbell’s captivity—Feast of thanksgiving for their victory—The great feast of 
 the White Dogs—Return of Walter Butler from Guebec—Colonel Butler negotiates 
 with the Indians for Mrs. Campbell—She goes to Niagara—Catharine Montour 
 and her sons—Mrs. Campbell finds her children—Descends the St. Lawrence to 
 Montreal—Meets Mrs. Butler—Arrives at Albany, and is joined by her husband 
 —Grand campaign projected—Jacob Helmer and others sent privately to Johns¬ 
 town for the iron chest of Sir John—Execution of Helmer—Arrival of British 
 Commissioners—Not received—Exchange of Ministers with France—Incidents 
 of the war elsewhere for the year. 
 
 The arrest of Walter N. Butler, at the German Flatts, in the 
 Summer of 1777 ; his trial, and condemnation to death ; his re¬ 
 prieve ; as also his subsequent imprisonment in Albany, and 
 his escape ; are facts with which the reader has already been 
 made acquainted. Although his execution would have been 
 perfectly justifiable under the code militaire, taken, as he had 
 been, within the American lines, in the very act of inviting the 
 people to treason; yet the respectability of his family, and the 
 associations he had himself formed in Albany, where he had 
 been educated to the profession of the law, were the causes, 
 through the interposition of those who had been his personal 
 friends before the war, of saving his life. Still, the reprieve 
 granted by General Arnold was followed by rigorous confine¬ 
 ment in the jail at Albany until the Spring of the present year ; 
 when, being either sick in reality, or feigning to be so, through 
 the clemency of General Lafayette his quarters were changed 
 to a private house, where he was guarded by a single sentinel. 
 It appears that the family with whom he lodged were Tories 
 at heart; and having succeeded in making the sentinel drunk, 
 through their assistance Butler was enabled to effect his escape. 
 A horse having been provided for him, he succeeded in joining 
 his father at Niagara soon after the affair at Wyoming. His 
 
370 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1778 
 
 temper was severe and irascible ; but he was nevertheless not 
 without his good qualities, and was a young man of fair pro¬ 
 mise—■“ a pretty able young lawyer,” to use an expression from 
 the lips of one who knew him well* It is believed, however, 
 that he took mortal offence at his treatment while in Albany, 
 and re-entered the service of the Crown, burning with resent¬ 
 ment and thirsting for revenge. 
 
 This recapitulation, in part, of a portion of the younger But¬ 
 ler’s history, is deemed essential in connexion with the events 
 to be recorded in the present chapter. 
 
 There was with General Washington, during most of the 
 Summer, a Seneca chief, called The Great Tree , who, on leav¬ 
 ing the head-quarters of the Commander-in-chief, professed the 
 strongest friendship for the American cause, and his first object, 
 after his return to his own people, was to inspire them with his 
 own friendly sentiments. While passing through the Oneida 
 nation on his way home, he professed the strongest confidence 
 in his ability to keep his own tribe bound in the chain of friend¬ 
 ship, and pledged himself, in the event of his failure, to come 
 down with his friends and adherents, and join the Oneidas. 
 Early in October, Mr. Dean, the Indian interpreter and agent 
 in the Oneida territory, wrote to Major Cochran, then in com¬ 
 mand of Fort Schuyler, that, not hearing from The Great Tree 
 as soon as they expected, they had despatched messengers to 
 the Seneca country, who had returned with unfavorable intel¬ 
 ligence. It was stated, that on his arrival in his own country 
 The Great Tree found his tribe all in arms. The warriors had 
 been collected from the remotest of their lodges, and were then 
 thronging the two principal towns, Kanadaseago and Jennesee. 
 Having heard that the Americans were preparing an expedi¬ 
 tion against their country, they had flown to arms; and The 
 Great Tree was himself determined to chastise the enemy who 
 should dare to penetrate his country. The Oneida messengers 
 were farther told that all the Indians west of their own tribe, 
 including, of course, the Onondagas, together with the Indian 
 settlements on the Susquehanna and its branches, were to join 
 them. They were to rendezvous somewhere on the Tioga, 
 
 * The venerable John Frank of German Flatts. Butler studied law with the 
 late Francis Sylvester. 
 
1778 .] 
 
 INVASION OP CHERRY VALLEY. 
 
 371 
 
 and make a descent either upon the Pennsylvania or New Jer¬ 
 sey frontier.* 
 
 The Mohawk chief, Thayendanegea, does not appear to 
 have been among the Senecas at this time ; and it is believed 
 that the fermentation had been wrought by Butler, after his 
 return to Niagara. Be that as it may, he obtained the com¬ 
 mand of a detachment of his father’s rangers, with permission 
 to employ the forces of Captain Brant. Though late in the 
 season, young Walter determined to undertake an expedition 
 into Tryon County, and avenge his imprisonment.t It has 
 been asserted, that while on his way from Niagara with his 
 rangers, Butler met Brant returning from the Susquehanna 
 country to his old winter-quarters at Niagara, and that the 
 proud Mohawk was not a little displeased at the idea of being 
 assigned to a subordinate station under a man whom he cor¬ 
 dially disliked. However, the difficulty was adjusted, and the 
 sachem was prevailed upon to turn back upon the white set¬ 
 tlements, with five hundred of his warriors. The united force 
 comprised seven hundred men. 
 
 The point selected by the enemy was Cherry Valley—a set¬ 
 tlement as remarkable for the respectability of its inhabitants, 
 as its location was for its beauty. Unlike the generality of 
 border settlements, the people were intelligent, and exemplary 
 for their morals. So scrupulous were they in regard to observ¬ 
 ing the precepts of Christianity, that their Committee of Safety 
 declined sitting with the Tryon County Committee on the Sab¬ 
 bath day—unless in the event of such alarming circumstances 
 as would necessarily “super-exceed the duties to be performed 
 in attending the public worship of God ”—which, they said, 
 did not then appear to be the case.f 
 
 It has already been stated, that in consequence of their exposed 
 situation, the Marquis de Lafayette had directed the erection of 
 a fortification at that place early the preceding Spring. Colo¬ 
 nel Gansevoort at once solicited the command of the post, with 
 the regiment which had so greatly distinguished itself the pre¬ 
 ceding year in the defence of Fort Schuyler. But it was given 
 
 * Letter of Major Cochran to Col. Gansevoort, October 10, 1778. 
 
 f Campbell’s Annals. 
 
 | Letter to Tryon County Committee, signed by John Moore, Samuel Clyde, 
 and Samuel Campbell, dated June 9, 1775. 
 
LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 372 
 
 [ 1778 . 
 
 to Colonel Ichabod Alden, at the head of an eastern regiment, 
 unfortunately but little accustomed to Indian warfare. 
 
 On the 8th of November, Colonel Alden received a despatch 
 from Fort Schuyler by express, advising him that his post was 
 to be attacked by the Tories and Indians. The intelligence 
 had been conveyed to Fort Schuyler by an Oneida Indian, 
 reporting that he received it from one of the Onondagas, who 
 had been present at a great meeting of the Indians and Tories 
 at Tioga, at which the determination was formed. In conse¬ 
 quence of the lateness of the season, the inhabitants, not antici¬ 
 pating any farther hostilities before Spring, had removed their 
 effects from the fortification, where, during the Summer, they 
 had been deposited for safety, back to their own dwellings. 
 On the receipt of this intelligence, they requested permission to 
 remove once more into the fort, or at least to be allowed again 
 to deposite their most valuable property within its walls. But 
 Colonel Alden, discrediting the intelligence as an idle Indian 
 rumor, denied their solicitations, assuring the people that he 
 would use all diligence against surprise, and by means of vigi¬ 
 lant scouts, be at all times prepared to warn them of approach¬ 
 ing danger. Accordingly scouts were despatched in various 
 directions on the 9th. The party proceeding down the Sus¬ 
 quehanna, as it were in the very face of the enemy, very wisely 
 kindled a fire in the evening, by the side of which they laid 
 themselves down to sleep. The result might have been fore¬ 
 seen. They were all prisoners when they awoke ! 
 
 Extorting all necessary information from the prisoners so 
 opportunely taken, the enemy moved forward on the 10th—But¬ 
 ler with his rangers, and Thayendanegea with his Indians— 
 encamping for the night on the top of a hill, thickly covered 
 with evergreens, about a mile south-west of the fort and village 
 of Cherry Yalley. The snow fell several inches during the 
 night—the storm turning to rain in the morning, with a thick 
 and cloudy atmosphere. The officers of the garrison were 
 accustomed to lodge about among the families near the fort; 
 and from the assurances of Colonel Alden, the apprehensions of 
 the people were so much allayed, that they were reposing in 
 perfect security. Colonel Alden himself, with Stacia, his 
 lieutenant-colonel, lodged with Mr. Robert Wells, a gentleman 
 of great respectability, recently a judge of the county, who was, 
 
1778 .] INVASION OF CHERRY VALLEY. 373 
 
 moreover, an intimate friend of Colonel John Butler, as he had 
 also been of Sir William Johnson.* Having ascertained the 
 localities in which the officers lodged, the enemy approached 
 the unsuspecting village in the greatest security, veiled by the 
 haze which hung in the atmosphere. An alarm was, however, 
 given, before the enemy had actually arrived in the village, by 
 the firing of an Indian upon a settler from the outskirts, who 
 was riding thither on horseback. He was wounded, but never¬ 
 theless pushed forward, and gave instant information to the 
 vigilant Colonel. Strange as it may seem, this officer still dis¬ 
 believed the approach of an enemy in force—supposing the 
 shot to have proceeded from a straggler. But he was soon 
 convinced of his error; for even before the guards could be 
 called in, the Indians were upon them. Unfortunately, proba¬ 
 bly, for the inhabitants, the rangers had halted just before 
 entering the village to examine their arms, the rain having 
 damaged their powder. During this pause, the Indians sprang 
 forward ; and the Senecas, being at that period the most fero¬ 
 cious of the Six Nations, were in the van. The house of Mr. 
 Wells was instantly surrounded by the warriors of that tribe, 
 and several Tories of no less ferocity, who rushed in and mas¬ 
 sacred the whole family, consisting at that time of himself, his 
 mother, his wife, his brother and sister, John and Jane, three 
 of his sons, Samuel, Robert, and William, and his daughter 
 Eleanor. The only survivor of the family was John, who was 
 then at school in Schenectady. His father had taken his 
 family to that place for safety some months before, but his fears 
 having subsided, they had just removed back to their home.f 
 Colonel Alden, having escaped from the house, was pursued 
 some distance down a hill by an Indian, who repeatedly de¬ 
 manded of him to surrender. This, however, he refused to do, 
 turning upon his pursuer repeatedly, and snapping his pistol, 
 but without effect. The Indian ultimately hurled his toma¬ 
 hawk with unerring direction at his head, and rushing forward, 
 tore his scalp from him in the same instant. Thus, in the very 
 outset of the battle, fell the commander, who, had he been as 
 
 * Robert Wells was the father of the late distinguished counsellor, John Wells, 
 of New-York. 
 
 t Notice of John Wells by William Johnson, Esq. concluding vol. of Johnson’s 
 Reports. 
 
374 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1778 . 
 
 prudent as he was brave, might have averted the tragic scenes 
 of that hapless day. Lieutenant-colonel Stacia was made 
 prisoner; and the American guards, stationed at the house of 
 Mr. Wells, were all either killed or taken. 
 
 The destruction of the family of Mr. Wells was marked by 
 circumstances of peculiar barbarity. It was boasted by one of 
 the Tories, that he had killed Mr. Wells while engaged in 
 prayer—certainly a happy moment for a soul to wing its flight 
 to another state of existence; but what the degree of hardi¬ 
 hood that could boast of compassing the death of an unarmed 
 man at such a moment! His sister Jane was distinguished 
 alike for her beauty, her accomplishments, and her virtues. 
 As the savages rushed into the house, she fled to a pile of wood 
 on the premises, and endeavored to conceal herself. She was 
 pursued and arrested by an Indian, who, with perfect compo¬ 
 sure, wiped and sheathed his dripping knife, and took his toma¬ 
 hawk from his girdle. At this instant a Tory, who had for¬ 
 merly been a domestic in the family, sprang forward and inter¬ 
 posed in her behalf—claiming her as a sister. The maiden, 
 too, who understood somewhat of the Indian language, im¬ 
 plored for mercy. But in vain. With one hand the Indian 
 pushed the Tory from him, and with the other planted his 
 hatchet deep into her temple ! 
 
 The fort was repeatedly assaulted during the day, and at 
 times with spirit; but Indians are not the right description of 
 troops for such service, and being received by a brisk fire of 
 grape and musketry from the garrison, they avoided the fort, and 
 directed their attention chiefly to plundering and laying waste 
 the village, having sated themselves in the onset with blood. 
 In this work of destruction they were unmolested, since, num¬ 
 bering more than twice as many as the garrison, a sortie was 
 felt to be unwarrantable. 
 
 Among the families which suffered from the tomahawks of 
 the Indians and Tories—for the latter, as at Wyoming, were 
 not to be outdone by their uncivilized allies—were those of 
 the Rev. Samuel Dunlop, and a Mr. Mitchell. Mrs. Dunlop 
 was killed outright, and thus shared the fate of Mrs. Wells, who 
 was her daughter. Mr. Dunlop and another daughter would 
 likewise have been murdered but for the interposition of Little 
 Aaron, a chief of the Oghkwaga branch of the Mohawks, who 
 
1778.] INVASION OF CHERRY VALLEY. 375 
 
 led the old gentleman, tottering beneath the weight of years, to 
 the door, and stood beside him for his protection. The Indians 
 attempted to plunder him of some of his attire, but the sachem 
 compelled them to relinquish that portion of their spoil. 
 The venerable servant of God, shocked by the events of that 
 day beyond the strength of his nerves, died within a year after¬ 
 ward. 
 
 The case of Mr. Mitchell was still more painful. He was 
 in the field at work when he beheld the Indians approaching ; 
 and being already cut off from his house, his only course was 
 to betake himself to the woods. On returning to his home, 
 after the enemy had retired, he found his house on fire, and 
 within its plundered walls the murdered bodies of his wife and 
 three of his children. The fourth, a little girl of ten or twelve 
 years of age, had been left for dead. But signs of life appear¬ 
 ing, the parent, having extinguished the fire, which had not 
 yet made much progress, brought his little mangled daughter 
 forth to the door, and while bending over her, discovered a 
 straggling party of the enemy approaching. He had but just 
 time to conceal himself, before a Tory sergeant, named New¬ 
 berry, rushed forward, and by a blow of his hatchet extinguished 
 what little growing hope of life had been left, by a darker 
 though less savage enemy than himself. It is some consolation, 
 while recording this deed of blood, to be able to anticipate the 
 course of events, so far as to announce that this brutal fellow 
 paid the forfeit of his life on the gallows, by order of General 
 James Clinton, at Canajoharie, in the summer of the following 
 year. On the next day Mr. Mitchell removed his dead to the 
 fort with his own arms, and the soldiers assisted in their inter¬ 
 ment. Several other families were cut off—the whole number 
 of the inhabitants slain being thirty-two, mostly women and 
 children. In addition to these, sixteen soldiers were killed. 
 Some of the inhabitants escaped, but the greater proportion 
 were taken prisoners. Among the former were Mrs. Clyde, 
 the wife of Colonel Clyde, who was absent, and her family. 
 She succeeded in reaching the woods with her children, ex¬ 
 cepting her eldest daughter, whom she could not find at the 
 moment; and although the savages were frequently prowling 
 around her, she yet lay secure in her concealment until the 
 next day. The eldest daughter, likewise, had made a success- 
 
 52 
 
376 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [L778 
 
 ful flight, and returned in safety. Colonel Campbell was also 
 absent; but hastening home on hearing the alarm, he arrived 
 only in time to behold the destruction of his property by the 
 conflagration of the village, and to ascertain that his wife and 
 children had been carried into captivity.* The torch was ap¬ 
 plied indiscriminately to every dwelling-house, and, in fact, to 
 every building in the village. The barns, being filled with the 
 combustible products of husbandry, served to render the con¬ 
 flagration more fierce and terrific; especially to the fugitive 
 inhabitants who had escaped to the woods for shelter, and 
 whose sufferings were aggravated by the consciousness that 
 their retreating footsteps were lighted bv the flames of their 
 own households. 
 
 The prisoners taken numbered between thirty and forty. 
 They were marched, on the evening of the massacre, down the 
 valley about two miles south of the fort, where the enemy en¬ 
 camped for the night. Large fires were kindled round about 
 the camp, into the centre of which the prisoners, of all ages and 
 sexes, were promiscuously huddled, and there compelled to 
 pass the hours till morning—many of them half naked, shiver¬ 
 ing from the inclemency of the weather, with no shelter but 
 the frowning heavens, and no bed but the cold ground. It was 
 a dismal night for the hapless group—rendered, if possible, still 
 more painful by the savage yells of exultation, the wild, half- 
 
 * Colonel Campbell was the grandfather of the author of the Annals of Tryon 
 County, so frequently referred to in the present volume, to whom the author is 
 almost exclusively indebted for the facts respecting the invasion of Cherry Valley. 
 The author of the Annals being himself a native of that place, was not only familiar 
 with its history from his cradle, but has taken great pains to collect the facts. There 
 is indeed no other reliable authority. Ramsay is equally brief and unsatisfactory ; 
 while Macauley’s wretched jumble of every thing, called, for what reason cannot 
 be divined, a History of New-York, contains the most foul misrepresentations. 
 The massacre was bad enough, in all conscience; but when it is stated that, “ not 
 “ content with killing the inhabitants, they ripped open and quartered the women, 
 “ and then suspended their mangled limbs on the trees—that the helpless infants 
 “ were taken from their mothers’ breasts, and their brains knocked out against the 
 “ posts,”—and when these statements are compared with the real facts of the case, 
 we may w T ell tremble for the truth of history. The simple incident which gave rise 
 to this shocking tale of mutilating the bodies of the dying and dead, was this. One 
 of the Tories had lived as a domestic with the Rev. Mr. Dunlop. He had run away 
 in consequence of ill-treatment, as was alleged, on the part of Mrs. D. After she 
 was slain, it is said he cut off her hand. But even this story is of doubtful au¬ 
 thenticity. 
 
1778.] 
 
 INVASION OP CHERRY VALLEY. 
 
 377 
 
 frantic revelry, and other manifestations of joy on the part of 
 the victors, at the success of their bloody enterprise. In the 
 course of the night a division of the spoil was made among the 
 Indians, and on the following morning the march was resumed ; 
 although parties of the Indians returned to prowl among the 
 ruins of the village or hang upon its outskirts, during the 
 greater part of the day, and until reinforcements of militia from 
 the Mohawk Valley began to arrive, when they dispersed. 
 
 The retiring enemy had not proceeded far on their way, be¬ 
 fore the prisoners, with few exceptions, experienced a change 
 in their circumstances, as happy as it was unexpected. They 
 had been separated, for the convenience of travelling, into small 
 groups, in charge of different parties of the enemy. On coming 
 to a halt, they were collected together, and informed that it had 
 been determined to release all the women and children, except¬ 
 ing Mrs. Campbell and her four children, and Mrs. Moore and 
 her children. These it was resolved to detain in captivity as 
 a punishment to their husbands, for the activity they had dis¬ 
 played in the border wars. With these exceptions, the women 
 and their little ones were immediately sent back, bearing the 
 following letter from the commander of the rangers, addressed 
 to General Schuyler. As a key to the letter, and perhaps, 
 also, to the motives of Captain Butler in this act of humanity, 
 it should here be remarked, that on the flight of his father and 
 himself to Canada, his mother and the younger children had 
 been left behind. Mrs. Butler and her children were detained 
 by the Committee of Safety, and permission to follow the hus¬ 
 band and son to Canada had been refused, as has been stated 
 in a former chapter :— 
 
 Captain Butler to General Schuyler. 
 
 “ Cherry Valley , Nov. 12, 1778. 
 
 “ Sir, 
 
 “ I am induced by humanity to permit the persons whose 
 names I send herewith, to return, lest the inclemency of the 
 season, and their naked and helpless situation, might prove 
 fatal to them, and expect that you will release an equal number 
 of our people in your hands, amongst whom I expect you will 
 permit Mrs. Butler and family to come to Canada; but if you 
 insist upon it, I do engage to send you, moreover, an equal 
 
378 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1778 
 
 number of prisoners of yours, taken either by the Rangers or 
 Indians, and will leave it to you to name the persons. I have 
 done every thing in my power to restrain the fury of the In¬ 
 dians from hurting women and children, or killing the prison¬ 
 ers who fell into our hands, and would have more effectually 
 prevented them, but that they were much incensed by the late 
 destruction of their village of Anguaga* by your people. I shall 
 always continue to act in that manner. I look upon it beneath 
 the character of a soldier to wage war with women and 
 children. I am sure you are conscious that Colonel Butler or 
 myself have no desire that your women or children should be 
 hurt. But, be assured, that if you persevere in detaining my 
 father’s family with you, that we shall no longer take the same 
 pains to restrain the Indians from prisoners, women and 
 children, that we have heretofore done. 
 
 “ I am, your humble servant, 
 
 “ Walter N. Butler, 
 
 “ Capt. Com. of the Rangers. 
 
 11 General Schuyler.” t 
 
 Having thus, in a great measure, disencumbered themselves 
 of their prisoners, the enemy proceeded on their journey by 
 their usual route at that period, down the Susquehanna to its 
 confluence with the Tioga, thence up that river into the Seneca 
 country, and thence to Niagara. Mrs. Cannon, an aged lady, 
 and the mother of Mrs. Campbell, was likewise held in capti¬ 
 vity ; but being unfitted for travelling by reason of her years, 
 the Indian having both in charge despatched the mother with 
 his hatchet, by the side of the daughter, on the second day of 
 their march. Mrs. Campbell was driven along by the uplifted 
 hatchet, having a child in her arms eighteen months old, with 
 barbarous rapidity, until the next day, when she was favored 
 with a more humane master. In the course of the march a 
 straggling party of the Indians massacred an English family 
 named Buxton, residing on the Butternut Creek, and reduced 
 their buildings to ashes.f 
 
 Thus terminated the expedition of Walter N. Butler and 
 
 * One of the old names of Unadilla. 
 
 f This letter was recently found among the papers of General James Clinton. 
 
 t There is some reason to doubt whether this murder of the Buxtons was not the 
 y/ork of the Oneidas, during their excursion to Unadilla and the Butternuts. 
 
1778.] DESOLATION OF THE VILLAGE. 379 
 
 Joseph Brant to Cherry Valley. Nothing could exhibit an as¬ 
 pect of more entire desolation than did the site of that village 
 on the following day, when the militia from the Mohawk ar¬ 
 rived, too late to afford assistance. “ The cocks crowed from 
 “ the tops of the forest trees, and the dogs howled through the 
 “ fields and woods.” The inhabitants who escaped the massa¬ 
 cre, and those who returned from captivity, abandoned the 
 settlement, until the return of peace should enable them to plant 
 themselves down once more in safety ; and in the succeeding 
 Summer the garrison was withdrawn and the post abandoned. 
 
 Next to the destruction of Wyoming, that of Cherry Valley 
 stands out in history as having been the most conspicuous for 
 its atrocity. And as in the case of Wyoming, both in history 
 and popular tradition, Joseph Brant has been held up as the 
 foul fiend of the barbarians, and of all others deserving the 
 deepest execration. Even the learned and estimable counsel¬ 
 lor, who so long reported the adjudicated law of the State of 
 New-York,* in the tribute to the memory of the late John Wells, 
 with which he closed the last volume of his juridical labors, 
 has fallen into the same popular error ; and applies the second 
 stanza in the striking passage of “ Gertrude of Wyoming,” 
 which called forth the younger Brant in vindication of his fa¬ 
 ther’s memory, to the case of his departed and eminent friend.t 
 It was indeed most true as applied to the melancholy case of 
 Mr. Wells, of whose kindred “nor man, nor child, nor thing 
 of living birth,” had been left by the Indians. But it may be 
 fearlessly asserted that it was not true as coupled with the 
 name of Joseph Brant. It has already been seen that Brant 
 was not the commander of this expedition ; and if he had been, 
 it is not certain that he could have compelled a different result. 
 But it is certain that his conduct on that fatal day was neither 
 barbarous nor ungenerous. On the contrary, he did all in his 
 power to prevent the shedding of innocent blood; and had it 
 not been for a circumstance beyond his control, it is more than 
 probable that the distinguished counsellor referred to, would 
 not have been left “ alone of all his race.” Captain Brant as- 
 
 * William Johnson, Esq. long reporter of the Supreme Court, the Court of Errors, 
 and the Court of Chancery of this State. 
 
 f The passage referred to—as unjust as it is poetical—will be found near the close 
 of the second volume of the present work, in the sketch of the life of the younger 
 Brant. 
 
380 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1778 . 
 
 serted, and there is no reason to question his veracity, that on 
 the morning of the attack, he left the main body of the Indians, 
 and endeavored, to anticipate their arrival at the house of Mr. 
 Wells, for the purpose of affording protection to the family. 
 On his way it was necessary to cross a ploughed field, the 
 yielding of the earth in which, beneath his tread, so retarded 
 his progress, that he arrived too late. 
 
 But this is not all. On entering one of the dwellings, he 
 found a woman employed in household matters. “ Are you 
 thus engaged,” inquired the chief, “ while all your neighbors 
 are murdered around you ?” The woman replied that they 
 were in favor of the King. “ That plea will not avail you to¬ 
 day,” replied the warrior. “ They have murdered Mr. Wells’s 
 family, who were as dear to me as my own.” “ But,” conti¬ 
 nued the woman, “ there is one Joseph Brant: if he is with the 
 Indians, he will save us.” “1 am Joseph Brant!” was the 
 quick response : “ but I have not the command, and I know 
 not that I can save you ; but I will do what is in my power.” 
 At the moment of uttering these words, he observed the Senecas 
 approaching. “ Get into bed quick,” he commanded her, “ and 
 feign yourself sick.” The woman obeyed, and when the In¬ 
 dians came up, he put them off with that pretext. Instantly as 
 they departed, he rallied a few of his Mohawks by a shrill 
 signal, and directed them to paint his mark upon the woman 
 and her children. “ You are now probably safe,” he remarked 
 —and departed.* 
 
 Another instance, from the same authority,t will serve 
 farther to illustrate the conduct and bearing: of this distinguish- 
 ed Indian leader on that occasion : After the battle was over, 
 he inquired of one of the captives for Captain M‘Kean, who 
 had retired to the Mohawk Valley with his family. “ He sent me 
 a challenge once,” said the chief; “ I have now come to accept 
 it. He is a fine soldier thus to retreat!” It was said in reply: 
 “ Captain M £ Kean would not turn his back upon an enemy 
 where there was a probability of success.” “ I know it,” re¬ 
 joined Brant: “he is a brave man and I would have given 
 
 * It is an Indian practice thus to mark their captives, and the known mark of a 
 tribe or chief is a protection from danger at other hands. 
 
 •j Campbell’s Annals. 
 
CONDUCT OF BRANT AND BUTLER. 
 
 381 
 
 1778 .] 
 
 “ more to take him than any other man in Cherry Valley : but 
 “ I would not have hurt a hair of his head.” 
 
 These were generous sentiments, worthy of a generous sol¬ 
 dier. Indeed, the whole conduct of the Mohawk chief on that 
 melancholy day was any thing rather than characteristic of the 
 “ monster ” Brant has been represented to be. Of the conduct 
 of the leader of the expedition, Captain Walter N. Butler, a less 
 charitable judgment must be formed—not so much perhaps on 
 account of the atrocities committed—because these, too, may 
 have been beyond his control, or suddenly perpetrated without 
 his knowledge—but because the expedition was entirely one of 
 his own undertaking. It was said that Colonel John Butler 
 was grieved at the conduct of his son at this place ; remarking, 
 on one occasion, in regard to the murder of Mr. Wells and 
 family—“ I would have gone miles on my hands and knees 
 “ to save that family, and why my son did not do it, God 
 “ only knows.” It has also been asserted that the Colonel ac¬ 
 cused Brant of having incited the Indians secretly to commit 
 the excesses in question, in order to bring odium upon his son, 
 under whose command, as the reader has already been inform¬ 
 ed, he had been placed, strongly in opposition to his own wishes. 
 But the Mohawk repelled the charge, and appealed to his for¬ 
 mer conduct, particularly in the case of Springfield, as a vindi¬ 
 cation of his character from the imputation of wanton cruelty. 
 On the other hand, it has been laid to the charge of Butler, 
 that when, on the night preceding the massacre, some of his 
 rangers desired secretly to apprise their friends in the village 
 of the storm which was to burst upon them in the morning, he 
 peremptorily denied the request—apprehending that if a few 
 were ever so cautiously admonished of the approaching danger, 
 the tidings would be bruited and the whole village escape.* 
 
 These things may, or they may not, be true. But in either 
 case the loyalist Butlers, father and son, should be justly dealt 
 by, although they have not been as yet. At least the world 
 has never heard what they might possibly have said in their 
 own defence—nay, what they did say—in regard to the affairs 
 of Wyoming and Cherry Valley ; and candor requires the ad¬ 
 mission, that the narratives of those events which have descend¬ 
 ed to us, were written too soon after their occurrence to war- 
 
 * Campbell’s Annals. 
 
382 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1778 . 
 
 rant a belief in the entire impartiality of the writers. But as 
 truth constitutes the great excellence of history, and as a just 
 opinion can rarely be formed upon testimony altogether ex- 
 'parte after fifty-eight years of silence, it may be allowed to the 
 Butlers, though dead, to speak a word for themselves. The 
 elder Butler lived at Niagara many years after the close of the 
 contest; and,though employed in the British Indian Department, 
 his conduct was such, both in public and private life, as to com¬ 
 mand the respect of those who knew him. 
 
 The letter of Captain Butler to General Schuyler, written the 
 day after the affair at Cherry Valley, was delivered by the gen¬ 
 tleman who, of all others, felt the greatest interest in facilitating 
 the arrangement proposed—Colonel Campbell himself. It was 
 not answered by General Schuyler, for the reason that he was 
 not then in command of the district; and for the still farther 
 reason that, from the circumstances of the case, it took a differ¬ 
 ent direction. On the 1st of January, however, the following 
 letter upon the subject was addressed to Captain Butler by 
 Brigadier-General James Clinton :— 
 
 General Clinton to Captain Butler. 
 
 “ Albany , January 1st, 1779. 
 
 “ Sir, 
 
 A letter, dated the 12th of November last, signed by you, 
 and directed to General Schuyler, and which was delivered by 
 John Campbell, is come to hand. As its contents related to 
 persons who were citizens of the State, with which the military 
 do not interfere, the letter was not delivered to Brigadier-Gene¬ 
 ral Hand, who commanded in this department, but transmitted 
 to his Excellency Governor Clinton, that his pleasure might 
 be known on its contents. He has authorized me to make the 
 exchange you request. I am at a loss to know not only where 
 to direct to you, but also in what part of the country the un¬ 
 happy prisoners taken from this State have been carried. I 
 therefore send the bearers, A. B. and C. D. with a flag, to carry 
 this letter to any place where they may learn you are, or any 
 other officer who can accomplish the exchange in your ab¬ 
 sence. Should the prisoners be in any of the Indian villages, 
 and in a condition to be moved, you will please to send them 
 to the nearest of our settlements ; or, if you do not choose to 
 do that, I will send proper persons to meet and receive them at 
 
1778.] LETTER OF GENERAL CLTNTON. 3S3 
 
 any place you may appoint. I am not informed if Mrs. Butler, 
 her family, and such others as will be given in exchange for 
 those you have in captivity, and those you have suffered to re¬ 
 turn as mentioned in your letter, would cifoose to move at this 
 inclement season. If they do, they shall be sent. If not, they 
 may remain until Spring; and then they may either go to 
 Oswego or Canada, at their option. Should the prisoners 
 taken at Cherry Yalley, or any others belonging to the State of 
 New-York, be at Niagara, it will be impossible for them to re¬ 
 turn until Spring; and then I request that they may be sent to 
 Oswego or Fort Schuyler, and that you will send notice of 
 your determination, that provision may be made accordingly. 
 Do not flatter yourself, sir, that your father’s family have been 
 detained on account of any consequence they were supposed to 
 be of, or that it is determined they should be exchanged in con¬ 
 sideration of the threat contained in your letter. I should 
 hope, for the sake of human nature and the honor of civilized 
 nations, that the British officers had exerted themselves in 
 restraining the barbarity of the savages. But it is difficult 
 even for the most disinterested mind to believe it, as numerous 
 instances of barbarity have been perpetrated where savages 
 were not present—or, if they were, the British force was not 
 sufficient to restrain them, had there been a real desire so to do. 
 The enormous murders committed at Wyoming and Cherry 
 Yalley would clearly have justified a retaliation ; and that your 
 mother did not fall a sacrifice to the resentment of the survivors 
 of those families who were so barbarously massacred, is owing 
 to the humane principles which the conduct of their enemies 
 evinces a belief that they are utterly strangers to. The flag 
 will carry their arms with them, that they may furnish them¬ 
 selves with provisions, should what they set out with be ex¬ 
 pended before they reach any places where they can be supplied. 
 As Captain Butler may be absent, I enclose a copy of this letter 
 to General Schuyler. 
 
 “1 am, &c., 
 
 “ James Clinton. 
 
 “To Captain Walter Butler, or any officer in the British 
 service to whom this may be handed.”* 
 
 * This letter has been copied from the original draft, among the papers of General 
 Clinton. 
 
 53 
 
384 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1778 . 
 
 This letter reached its destination in due season, and called 
 forth the following reply from Captain Butler, written in be¬ 
 half of his father and himself:— 
 
 Captain Butler to General Clinton. 
 
 “ Niagara , 18th Feb. 1779. 
 
 “ Sir, 
 
 “ I have received a letter dated the 1st January last, signed 
 by you, in answer to mine of the 12th November. 
 
 11 Its contents I communicated to Lieutenant Colonel Bolton, the 
 commanding officer of this garrison, &c. by whom I am directed 
 to acquaint you, that he had no objection that an exchange 
 of prisoners, as mentioned in your letter, should take place ; but 
 not being fully empowered by his Excellency—General Haldi- 
 mand*—to order the same immediately to be put in execution, 
 has thought proper I should go down to the Commander-in- 
 chief for his direction in the matter. 
 
 <c In the mean time, Colonel Butler, as he ever has done on 
 every other occasion, will make every effort in his power to 
 have all the prisoners, as well those belonging to your troops, 
 as the women and children, in captivity among the different In¬ 
 dian nations, collected and sent in to this post to be forwarded 
 to Crown Point, should the exchange take place by the way of 
 Canada, or to Oswego, if settled there. In either case Colonel 
 Bolton desires me to inform you that the prisoners shall receive 
 from him what assistance their wants may require, which pri¬ 
 soners have at all times received at this post. 
 
 “ The disagreeable situation of your people in the Indian vil¬ 
 lages, as well as ours amongst you, will induce me to make all 
 the expedition in my power to Canada, (Quebec,) in order that 
 the exchange may be settled as soon as possible. For the good 
 of both, I make no doubt that his Excellency General Haldi- 
 mand will acquiesce in the proper exchange. The season of 
 the year renders it impossible that it should take place before 
 the 10th or 15th May next. However, I shall write you, by 
 the way of Crown Point, General Haldimand’s determination, 
 and when and where the exchange will be most agreeable to 
 lnm to be made. I could wish Mrs. Butler and her family, in- 
 
 * General Sir Frederick Haldimand had previous to this time superseded Sir 
 Guy Carleton in the command of the Canadas. 
 
1778 . 
 
 LETTER OF WALTER N. BUTLER. 
 
 385 
 
 eluding Mrs. Scheehan and son, and Mrs. Wall, were permitted 
 to go to Canada in the Spring, even should the exchange be 
 fixed at Ontario. 
 
 “ It is not our present business, sir, to enter into an alterca¬ 
 tion, or to reflect on the conduct of either the British or the 
 Continental forces, or on that of each other ; but since you 
 have charged (on report, I must suppose) the British officers in 
 general with inhumanity, and Colonel Butler and myself in 
 particular ; in justice to them, and in vindication of his and 
 my own honor and character, I am under the disagreeable ne¬ 
 cessity to declare the charge unjust and void of truth, and which 
 can only tend to deceive the world, though a favorite cry of 
 the Congress on every occasion, whether in truth or not. 
 
 “ We deny any cruelties to have been committed at Wyo¬ 
 ming, either by whites or Indians; so far to the contrary, that 
 not a man, woman, or child was hurt after the capitulation, or 
 a woman or child before it, and none taken into captivity. 
 Though, should you call it inhumanity the killing men in 
 arms in the field , we in that case plead guilty. The inhabit¬ 
 ants killed at Cherry Valley does not lay at my door—my con¬ 
 science acquits. If any are guilty (as accessories) it’s yourselves ; 
 at least the conduct of some of your officers. First, Colonel 
 Hartley, of your forces, sent to the Indians the enclosed, being a 
 copy of his letter charging them with crimes they never com¬ 
 mitted, and threatening them and their villages with fire and 
 sword and no quarters. The burning of one of their villages, 
 then inhabited only by a few families—your friends—who ima¬ 
 gined they might remain in peace and friendship with you, till 
 assured a few hours before the arrival of your troops that they 
 should not even receive quarters, took to the woods; and, to 
 complete the matter, Colonel Denniston and his people appear¬ 
 ing again in arms with Colonel Hartley, after a solemn capitu¬ 
 lation and engagement not to bear arms during the war, and 
 Colonel Denniston not performing a promise to release a num¬ 
 ber of soldiers belonging to Colonel Butler’s corps of rangers, 
 then prisoners among you, were the reasons assigned by the 
 Indians to me, after the destruction of Cherry Valley, for their 
 not acting in the same manner as at Wyoming. They added, 
 that being charged by their enemies with what they never had 
 done, and threatened by them, they had determined to convince ' 
 
386 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1778 . 
 
 you it was not fear which had prevented them from commit¬ 
 ting the one, and that they did not want spirit to put your 
 threats against them in force against yourselves. 
 
 “ The prisoners sent back by me, or any now in our or the 
 Indians’ hands, must declare I did every thing in my power to 
 prevent the Indians killing the prisoners, or taking women and 
 children captive, or in any wise injuring them. Colonel Stacey 
 and several other officers of yours, when exchanged, will 
 acquit me; and must further declare, that they have received 
 every assistance, before and since their arrival at this post, that 
 could be got to relieve their wants. I must, however, beg leave, 
 by the bye, to observe, that I experienced no humanity, or even 
 common justice, during my imprisonment among you. 
 
 “ I enclose you a list of officers and privates whom I should 
 be glad were exchanged likewise. The list of the families we 
 expect for those as well sent back as others in our hands, you 
 have likewise enclosed. 
 
 “ Colonel Stacey, and several officers and others, your peo¬ 
 ple, are at this post, and have leave to write. 
 
 “ I am, 
 
 “Your very humble serv’t., 
 
 “ Walter N. Butler, 
 
 “ Captain corps of Rangers. 
 
 “ Brigadier Gen. Clinton, 
 of the Continental forces .” 
 
 This is a straight-forward, manly letter ; and when the im¬ 
 partial reader is weighing the testimony in regard to the trans¬ 
 actions of which it speaks, it certainly deserves consideration. 
 
 It is, moreover, believed to be the first time that the accused 
 have been permitted to relate their own side of the case. 
 There were, no doubt, bloody outrages committed—probably 
 upon both sides—because in such a contest, waged by border¬ 
 ers, many of whom, as has been seen, were previously burning 
 with indignation against each other, it is hardly to be expected 
 that individual combatants would always contend hand to 
 hand with all the courtesy which characterised gallant knights - 
 in the days of chivalry. In justice to Colonel John Butler, 
 moreover, it must be admitted that his conduct toward his pri¬ 
 soners at Niagara, and among the Indians in that country, was 
 
387 
 
 1778 .] mrs. campbell’s captivity. 
 
 uniformly characterised by humanity. One proof of this dis¬ 
 position was afforded in the case of Colonel Stacia, whose de¬ 
 struction had, for some reason or other, been determined upon 
 by Molly Brant, the Indian wife of Sir William Johnson ; who, 
 in her widowhood, had been taken from Johnstown to Niagara.* 
 The few prisoners from Cherry Valley were marched, by the 
 route already indicated, to the Seneca country. Mrs. Camp¬ 
 bell was carried to the Seneca castle at Kanadaseago, where 
 she was presented to a family to fill a place made vacant by 
 the death of one of its members. Her children, the infant in¬ 
 cluded, were separated from her, and distributed among differ¬ 
 ent Indian families. Being skilful with her needle, and render¬ 
 ing herself useful to those with whom she lived, she was 
 treated with indulgence. No restraints were imposed upon her, 
 and she was even gratified in her desire to pay a due regard to 
 the Sabbath, of which institution they were ignorant. Among 
 other little civilities, perceiving that she wore caps, an Indian 
 presented her one, which was cut and spotted with blood. On 
 a closer scrutiny, her feelings were shocked by the discovery, 
 
 * “ Molly Brant had, for some cause, a deadly hostility to Colonel Stacia. Re¬ 
 sorting to the Indian method of dreaming, she informed Colonel Butler that she 
 had dreamed that she had the Yankee’s head, and that she and the Indians were 
 kicking it about the fort. Colonel Butler ordered a small keg of rum to be painted 
 and given to her. This, for a short time, appeased her; but she dreamed a second 
 time that she had the Yankee’s head, with his hat on, and that she and the Indians 
 were kicking it about the fort for a football. Colonel Butler ordered another keg of 
 rum to be given to her, and then told her decidedly that Colonel Stacia should not 
 be given up to the Indians. Apart from this circumstance, I know nothing disreput¬ 
 able to Molly Brant. On the contrary, she appears to have had just views of her 
 duties. She was careful of the education of her children, some of whom were re¬ 
 spectably married.’'— Campbell's Jlnnals .—It may be added, that her descendants 
 from Sir William Johnson compose some of the most respectable and intelligent 
 families of Upper Canada at this day. The traditions of the Mohawk Valley state, 
 that the acquaintance of Sir William with Molly had a rather wild and romantic 
 commencement. The story runs, that she was a very sprightly and very beautiful 
 Indian girl of about sixteen when he first saw her. It was at a regimental militia 
 muster, where Molly was one of a multitude of spectators. One of the field-officers 
 coming near her upon a prancing steed, by way of banter she asked permission to 
 mount behind him. Not supposing she could perform the exploit, he said she might. 
 At the word she leaped upon the crupper with the agility of a gazelle. The horse 
 sprang off at full speed, and, clinging to the officer, her blanket flying, and her dark 
 tresses streaming in the wind, she flew about the parade-ground swift as an arrow, 
 to the infinite merriment of the collected multitude. The Baronet, who was a wit¬ 
 ness of the spectacle, admiring the spirit of the young squaw, and becoming ena¬ 
 moured of her person, took her home as his wife. 
 
LIFE OF BRANT, 
 
 388 
 
 [1778. 
 
 from the mark, that it had belonged to the lovely companion 
 of her youth, the hapless Jane Wells ! 
 
 After returning from a successful expedition, a dance of 
 Thanksgiving is performed by the Iroquois, which partakes of 
 the character of a religious ceremony ;* and Mrs. Campbell had 
 the opportunity, soon after her arrival at Kanadeseaga, of wit¬ 
 nessing the festival in honor of their recent victory, of which 
 she herself was one of the trophies. A grand council was con¬ 
 voked for this purpose, and preparations were made for the obser¬ 
 vance of the festival, upon a scale corresponding with the im¬ 
 portance of the achievements they were to celebrate. The ar¬ 
 rangements having been completed, the warriors came forth to 
 the centre of the village, where the great fire had been kindled, 
 horribly disfigured by black and red paint, and commenced 
 their savage rites by singing of their own exploits, and those 
 of their ancestors,—by degrees working themselves up into a 
 tempest of passion ; whooping, yelling, and uttering every hi¬ 
 deous cry : brandishing their knives and war-clubs, and throw¬ 
 ing themselves into the most menacing attitudes, in a manner 
 terrific to the unpractised beholder. There was no prisoner 
 put to the torture, or attired with the raven death-cap on this 
 oocasion; t but the prisoners were paraded, and the scalps borne 
 in procession, as would have been the standards taken in civi¬ 
 lized warfare in the celebration of a triumph. For every scalp, 
 and for every prisoner taken, the scalp-yell , or, as it is some¬ 
 times called, the death-halloo , was raised in all its mingled 
 tones of triumph and terror.! The scalp-yell is the most ter¬ 
 rific note which an Indian can raise, and from the numbers 
 that had fallen during this expedition, it was often repeated. 
 The white dog for the sacrifice was then killed; the offerings 
 collected were thrown into the fire; whereupon the dog was 
 laid upon the pile and thoroughly roasted. The flesh was 
 then eaten, and the wild festival closed. 
 
 From an account of the ceremonies at one of the festivals, of 
 
 * Heckewelder. 
 
 f The Indians do not often put their prisoners to the torture, or even to death— 
 seldom, unless when they have sustained great losses, or when some of their war¬ 
 riors have been murdered. The torture is then resorted to, to glut their vengeance. 
 — Heckewelder. 
 
 t Idem. *- 
 
THE DOG SACRIFICE. 
 
 389 
 
 1778.] 
 
 which Mrs. Campbell was a spectator during her captivity, she 
 must have been present at the great annual feast of thanksgiv¬ 
 ing and remission of sin, which is held by the Senecas and 
 other tribes of the confederacy. This is their greatest na¬ 
 tional and most solemn sacrifice. It is invariably held at 
 the time of the old moon in January, and is celebrated with 
 great parade ; the ceremonies being conducted with the utmost 
 order, harmony, and decorum, under the direction of a large 
 committee appointed for that purpose. 
 
 The festivities continued nine days, on the first of which 
 two white dogs, without spot or blemish, if such could be found, 
 were strangled and hung up before the door of the council- 
 house, at the height of twenty feet. Not a drop of blood was 
 allowed to be shed in compassing their death, as the victims 
 would thereby be rendered unfit for the sacrifice. After the 
 animals were killed, and before their suspension, their faces 
 were painted red, as also the edges of their ears and other 
 parts of their bodies. They were then fantastically decorated 
 with ribbons and feathers, rendering them as beautiful, in the 
 eye of an Indian, as possible. Their fancy dress being com¬ 
 pleted, the dogs were hung up, and the ceremonies of the frolic 
 commenced. In the course of the first day every lodge in the 
 town was visited by the committee, each member being pro¬ 
 vided with a shovel, with which he removed the ashes and 
 coals from every hearth, and scattered them to the winds. In 
 this manner the fire of every lodge was extinguished, to be 
 re-kindled only by striking virgin sparks from the flint. The 
 discharge of a gun at every lodge announced that the work of 
 purification, even of fire itself, had been performed; and with 
 this ceremony ended the labors of the first day. 
 
 The ceremonies of the second day were opened with a dance 
 by the committee, after which, dressed in bear-skins, the mem¬ 
 bers visited every lodge, with baskets to take up alms—receiving 
 whatever was bestowed, but particularly tobacco, and other 
 articles used for incense in the sacrifice. Two or three days 
 were occupied in receiving these grateful donations, during 
 which time the people at the council-house were engaged in 
 dances and other recreations. On the fifth day masks were 
 added to the bear-skin dresses of the masters of the festival, 
 some ludicrous and others frightful, in which they ran about 
 
390 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1778 . 
 
 the village, smearing themselves with dirt, and bedaubing all 
 such as refused to add to the contents of their baskets of in¬ 
 cense. While thus engaged, the collectors were supposed to 
 receive into their own bodies all the sins of their tribe, how¬ 
 ever numerous or heinous, committed within the preceding 
 year. 
 
 On the ninth day of the feast, by some magical process, the 
 sins of the nation thus collected were transfused from the 
 several members of the Committee into one of their number. 
 The dogs were then taken down, and the whole weight of the 
 nation’s iniquity, by another magical process, was transfused into 
 their lifeless carcasses. The bodies of the dogs were next laid 
 upon an altar of wood, to which fire was applied, and the 
 whole consumed—the masters of the sacrifice throwing the 
 tobacco and other odoriferous articles into the flames, the in¬ 
 cense ascending from which was supposed to be acceptable to 
 the Great Spirit. The sacrifice ended, the people all partook 
 of a bountiful feast, the chief article of which was succatash. 
 Then followed the war and peace dances, and the smoking of 
 the calumet. Thus refreshed, and relieved from the burden of 
 sin—at peace with the Great Spirit, and with each other—the 
 warriors with their families returned, each to his own house, 
 prepared to enter upon the business and the duties of another 
 year ; the chiefs, during the festival, having carefully reviewed 
 the past, and adjusted their policy for the future.* 
 
 Captain Butler having returned from his visit to General 
 Haldimand, with permission for the proposed exchange of pri¬ 
 soners, the Colonel, his father, proceeded to the Seneca castle 
 
 * The reminiscences of Mrs. Campbell scarcely allowed her to give the particulars 
 of this great festival in extenso, although she seems, from the Annals of her grandson, 
 to have retained a remembrance of the leading points of the ceremonies. The au¬ 
 thor has supplied the deficiencies of her account from the life of Mrs. Jemison. The 
 sacrifice of dogs is, we believe, universal among the North American Indians. How 
 long the practice has prevailed cannot well be known. Cotton Mather affirms, 
 “ that the Indians, in their wars with us, finding a sore inconvenience by our dogs, 
 sacrificed a dog to the devil ; after which no English dog would bark at an Indian 
 for divers months ensuing.” Magnalia, iii. 192. What interpreter the devil had on 
 these occasions, does not appear. That he did not understand the Indian tongue, is 
 manifest from the same writer :—“ Once finding that the Daemons, in a possessed 
 young woman, understood the Latin, Greek, and Hebrew tongues, my curiosity in¬ 
 duced me to make trial of this Indian language, and the Daemons did seem as if they 
 did not understand it.”— Sands. 
 
1778 .] mrs. campbell’s captivity. 391 
 
 to negotiate for the release of Mrs. Campbell. The family by 
 whom she had been adopted were very reluctant to part with 
 her ; but, after the holding of a council, the strong appeals of 
 Colonel Butler, who was anxious for the release of his own 
 wife and family, prevailed. Mrs. Campbell, however, had been 
 pledged to a Genesee family, whither she was shortly to be re¬ 
 moved ; and as her liberation could not be completed without the 
 consent of that family, Guyanguahta, the aged king of the 
 Senecas, who had become her zealous friend, made the journey 
 to the Genesee on her behalf. He was successful, and Mrs. 
 Campbell was removed to Niagara. The aged king, being too 
 old to go out upon the war-path, had borne no part in the 
 pending hostilities. He seemed little disposed to evil, and on 
 parting with the fair captive bade her an affectionate farewell 
 in the words following:—‘‘You are about to return to your 
 “ home and friends,” said the venerable sachem. “ I rejoice. 
 “ You live a great way off, and many journies from here. I am 
 “ an old man, and do not know that I shall live to the end of 
 “ the war. If I do, I will come and see you.”* Mrs. Camp¬ 
 bell reached Niagara in June, 1779. While residing there, 
 among others she had an opportunity of seeing the celebrated 
 Catharine Montour, whose name occurs in the preceding pages 
 in connexion with the battle of Wyoming. One of her two 
 sons, who had signalized themselves at Wyoming, was also in 
 the affair at Cherry Valley ; and it was he who made prisoner 
 of Mr. Cannon, the father of Mrs. Campbell, after he had been 
 wounded by a musket ball. Being a Whig of consideration, 
 and also a member of the Committee of Safety, it was deter¬ 
 mined to retain Mr. Cannon in captivity, for the purpose of ex¬ 
 changing 1 him for some one of their own men of like conse- 
 quence. But his age and his wound rendered him an incon¬ 
 venient prisoner, and Kate Montour was in a rage with her 
 son for not having killed him outright. Yet, notwithstanding 
 this exhibition of a savage temper, she was treated with 
 marked consideration by the British officers. 
 
 It was not until June of the following year that Mrs. Camp¬ 
 bell was sent from Niagara to Montreal, on her way home. 
 While residing at the former post, the Indians having been 
 
 * Campbell’s Annals. 
 
 54 
 
392 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1778 . 
 
 driven into the fort, she was enabled to recover three of her 
 children. On her arrival at Montreal, she met with Mrs. But¬ 
 ler and her family, who had been previously released. Here, 
 also, and in charge of that lady, Mrs. Campbell found her 
 fourth child, a little son who had been torn from her in the 
 Cherry Valley massacre. He was dressed in the green uniform 
 of Butler’s rangers; but had forgotten the English language— 
 speaking nothing but Indian. From Montreal Mrs. Campbell 
 was sent to Albany by the way of Lake Champlain,* where she 
 was shortly afterward joined by her husband, who had been 
 stationed at Fort Schuyler most of the time during her captivity. 
 
 The destruction of Cherry Valley closed the warlike opera¬ 
 tions of both nations, in the North, for that year. A formida¬ 
 ble campaign had indeed been projected early - in the season, as 
 has been already stated, not only against the hostiles of the Six 
 Nations, but likewise against the nations more remote, for 
 whom Detroit was the common centre. But the larger half of 
 this enterprise had been abandoned after the irruption into 
 Wyoming, and the next project contemplated the invasion of 
 the Seneca country by way of the Tioga and Chemung rivers. 
 In October this branch of the project was likewise deferred, at 
 the suggestion of Generals Gates and Schuyler. 
 
 * On her way from Montreal, a variety of circumstances and incidents intervened 
 to harass Mrs. Campbell and the prisoners returning in her company, and to retard 
 their progress. She had been detained four months at Montreal, and these addi¬ 
 tional delays were exceedingly vexatious. Before their departure from Crown 
 Point, a rumor had reached the American shores of the lake, from Ticonderoga to 
 Skenesborough, that another expedition was about to be undertaken from Canada 
 against New-York, and the inhabitants had become not a little alarmed at the 
 prospect. It happened that the men in the batteaux containing the prisoners, were 
 clad in blanket coats, and some of the women wore red cloaks. A scout had disco¬ 
 vered them on the lake, and taking them for a party of Indians and Tories, gave the 
 alarm, and before their arrival, more than a thousand men had collected, under Col. 
 Ethan Allen. While stopping at a small fortress, eight miles from Castleton, it was 
 announced that a flag was approaching. It was supposed to be sent to demand the 
 surrender of the fortress. Col. Herrick, of the militia, struck his sword upon the 
 ground with such force that he broke it in pieces, saying it should not be surrendered. 
 Col. Allen told the prisoners that they should not again fall into the hands of the 
 enemy, and immediately mounting them upon horseback, sent them off toward 
 Albany, with an escort of a hundred men. This flag was sent for the following 
 reason:—It had been rumored that the inhabitants in that section had said that if 
 they were not protected from the incursions of the Indians and Tories, they would 
 seek protection elsewhere. It is perhaps needless to add that this flag was sent to 
 offer them the protection of Great Britain—a proposition which was of course re¬ 
 fused.— Campbell’s Jlnnals. 
 
1778 .] 
 
 sir john Johnson’s iron chest. 
 
 393 
 
 Meantime, notwithstanding that these enterprises had succes¬ 
 sively fallen to the ground for want of “ the sinews of war,” 
 Congress had been projecting another stupendous campaign, 
 comprehending a simultaneous attack upon the whole northern 
 range of British possessions, from Cape Breton and Newfound¬ 
 land to Detroit. The French fleet was to co-operate by at¬ 
 tacking the islands and territories at the estuary of the St. 
 Lawrence; while the Americans were to send an army to De¬ 
 troit, another to Niagara, a third to Oswego, and a fourth against 
 Montreal by the way of St. Francis. It is needless to add, that 
 although Congress had arranged all the details, the moment 
 the plan was laid before the Commander-in-chief, who had not 
 previously been consulted in the premises, it was necessarily 
 laid aside. In the first place, the nation had not the means ; 
 and in the second, Congress, in arranging matters for this 
 splendid undertaking, had forgotten that they were to leave Sir 
 Henry Clinton, and all the British forces in New-York, and at 
 the South, computed at the least at seventeen thousand men, be¬ 
 hind ! Thus closed the Northern campaigns of 1778. The 
 British, Tories and Indians went into winter-quarters, and the 
 frontier inhabitants disposed of themselves as best they could. 
 
 Much has been said in the traditions of Tryon County, and 
 somewhat, also, in the courts of law, in cases involving titles 
 to real estate formerly in the family of Sir William John¬ 
 son, respecting the burial of an iron chest, by his son Sir John, 
 previous to his flight to Canada, containing the most valuable of 
 his own and his father’s papers. Late in the Autumn of the pre¬ 
 sent year, General Haldimand, at the request of Sir John, sent 
 a party of between forty and fifty men privately to Johnstown, 
 to dig up and carry the chest away. The expedition was suc¬ 
 cessful ; but the chest not being sufficiently tight to prevent 
 the influence of dampness from the earth, the papers had be¬ 
 come mouldy, rotten, and illegible, when taken up. The in¬ 
 formation respecting this expedition was derived, in the Spring 
 following, from a man named Helmer, who composed one of the 
 party, and assisted in disinterring the chest. Helmer had fled to 
 Canada with Sir John. While retiring from Johnstown with 
 the chest, he injured his ankle ; and by reason of his lameness, 
 went back to his father’s house, where he remained concealed 
 until Spring, when he was arrested. He was tried as a spy 
 
394 
 
 LIFE OF BHANT. 
 
 [ 1778 . 
 
 by a court-martial, at Johnstown, April 15,1779, and sentenced 
 to death—chiefly on his own admissions to the court. A con¬ 
 siderable number of rather summary executions, by the Whigs 
 of Tryon County, took place in the course of the contest.* 
 
 The leading military events occurring in other parts of the 
 country, during the year 1778, have already been incidentally 
 adverted to, with the exception of those that transpired at the 
 South. In the month of June, the Earl of Carlisle, Governor 
 Johnstone, and William Eden, Esq. who, in conjunction with 
 General and Lord Howe, had been appointed Commissioners 
 to make another attempt to treat with the Colonies, arrived, 
 and sent their instructions to Congress. A letter from the 
 President was despatched in reply, rebuking the Commissioners 
 for the language indulged by them in regard to the King of 
 France, our ally, and again peremptorily refusing to entertain 
 a negotiation, except upon the basis of independent States. On 
 the 6th of August, M. Gerard was publicly received as Minister 
 Plenipotentiary of the King of France—to the great joy of the 
 American people ; and on the 14th of September, Dr. Benja¬ 
 min Franklin was appointed Minister Plenipotentiary to the 
 Court of Versailles. 
 
 In the course of the Summer, two incursions of British regu¬ 
 lars and American refugees had been made from Florida into 
 Georgia. Both expeditions met with such disheartening ob¬ 
 stacles, as to induce their retreat without accomplishing more 
 than the destruction of the church, dwelling-houses, and rice- 
 fields of Midway. In return for these visitations, General 
 Robert Ilowe led an expedition of about two thousand men, 
 mostly militia, into Florida. He captured the British posts on 
 the St. Mary’s river, and was proceedingsuccessfully, when his 
 march was arrested by sickness, so fatal to his army as to 
 compel a relinquishment of the enterprise. Toward the close 
 
 * This information, in regard to the recovery of the iron chest, is derived from the 
 minutes of the court-martial, among the papers of Gen. Clinton. The MS. narra¬ 
 tive of Jacob Sammons, in the author’s possession, states that the chest was dug up 
 during a night in May, 1778, by Lieut. Crawford, at the head of forty men sent 
 from Canada for that purpose. Sammons then held a lease of the Johnson farm 
 from the committee of sequestrations. The chest had been buried beneath one of 
 the garden walks. Sammons discovered it in the morning, with the fragments of 
 papers scattered around it. But as he wrote his narrative long afterward, the proba¬ 
 bility is that the date given on the trial of Helmer is the true one. 
 
CLOSE OF THE YEAR. 
 
 395 
 
 1778 .] 
 
 of the year, the British Commander-in-chief determined to 
 strike a signal blow against the South. For this purpose an 
 expedition of two thousand men, under the command of Colo¬ 
 nel Campbell, an officer of courage and ability, embarked at 
 New-York on the 27th of November, destined against Savan¬ 
 nah. After a passage of three weeks, Colonel Campbell landed 
 near the mouth of Savannah river. General Howe, to whom 
 the defence of Georgia had been confided, had but six hundred 
 regular troops and a few hundred militia to oppose the invaders. 
 This officer had taken a position between the landing and the 
 town, where a battle was fought on the 29th of December. 
 He was out-numbered, out-generalled, and beaten, with a loss 
 of one hundred killed. The town and fort of Savannah, thirty- 
 eight officers, four hundred and fifteen privates, twenty-three 
 murtars, together with the shipping in the river, and a large 
 quantity of ammunition and provisions, fell into the hands of 
 the conquerors. It was an easy victory to the enemy, whose 
 loss was but seven killed and nineteen wounded. 
 
 From these glimpses of the events of the year 1778, occurring 
 elsewhere than in the Indian country, it seems, after the battle 
 of Monmouth, to have been a season of comparative inactivity 
 on both sides. Still, having repossessed themselves of the strong 
 pass of the Highlands immediately after the return of Sir Henry 
 Clinton and Commodore Hotham to New-York, toward the close 
 of the preceding year, no lack of industry was exhibited on the 
 part of the Americans in strengthening and multiplying its de¬ 
 fences, from which neither force nor treachery ever again dis¬ 
 lodged them. The prosecution of those works had been origi¬ 
 nally entrusted to General Putnam ; but the advanced age of 
 that patriotic officer had rendered him less active than formerly, 
 and he had become unpopular in New-York—mainly from an 
 impression that a more energetic commander, stationed, as he 
 was, with an army at Fishkill, and apprised of the approach of 
 Sir Henry Clinton, would have saved Forts Clinton and Mont¬ 
 gomery. By directions from the Commander-in-chief, therefore, 
 the Connecticut veteran had been transferred back to his own 
 State, upon a different service. 
 
CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 Indian siege of Fort Laurens—Successful stratagems—Flight of the pack-horses— 
 The fort abandoned—Projected enterprise from Detroit—Gov. Hamilton captured 
 at St. Vincent by Col. Clarke—Projects of Brant—Uneasiness in the West of 
 New-York—Deliberations of the Oneidas and Onondagas—Brant’s projects de¬ 
 feated—Treachery of the Onondagas—Colonel Van Schaick marches to lay waste 
 their towns—Instructions of General Clinton—Passage of Wood Creek and 
 Oneida Lake—Advance upon the Indian towns—Their destruction—Return of 
 the expedition to Fort Schuyler—Mission of the Oneidas to Fort Schuyler in be¬ 
 half of the Onondagas—Speech of Good Peter—Reply of Colonel Van Schaick— 
 Irruption of Tories and Indians into the lower Mohawk country—Stone Arabia— 
 Defence of his house by Captain Richer—The Indians in Schoharie—General 
 Clinton traverses the Mohawk valley—M’Clellan’s expedition to Oswegatchie— 
 Unsuccessful—Irruption of the Onondagas into Cobleskill—Defeat of the Ame¬ 
 ricans—The settlement destroyed—Murders in the neighborhood of Fort Pitt— 
 Irruptions of Tories into Warwarsing—Invasion of Minisink—Battle near the 
 Delaware—Massacre of the Orange County militia—Battle with the Shawanese. 
 
 The erection of an advanced post, called Fort Laurens, on 
 the Tuscarawa, by General M’Intosh, who was directed to ad¬ 
 vance upon the Indian towns of Sandusky, has been mentioned 
 in a preceding chapter. Colonel Gibson, who had been left in 
 command of the fort, with a garrison of one hundred and fifty 
 men, soon found his position rather uncomfortable, by reason 
 of the swarms of Indians hovering about the precincts, who soon 
 became so numerous as completely to invest the little fortress. 
 The first hostile demonstration of the forest warriors was exe¬ 
 cuted with equal cunning and success. The horses of the 
 garrison were allowed to forage for themselves upon the herbage, 
 among the dried prairie-grass immediately in the vicinity of 
 the fort—wearing bells, that they might be the more easily 
 found if straying too far. It happened one morning in January, 
 that the horses had all disappeared, but the bells were heard, 
 seemingly at no great distance. They had, in truth, been stolen 
 by the Indians, and conveyed away. The bells, however, 
 were taken off, and used for another purpose. Availing them¬ 
 selves of the tall prairie-grass, the Indians farmed an ambus¬ 
 cade, at the farthest extremity of which they caused the bells to 
 jingle as a decoy. The artifice was successful. A party of 
 sixteen men was sent in pursuit of the straggling steeds, who 
 fell into the snare. Fourteen were killed upon the spot, and 
 
1779,] SIEGE OF FORT LAURENS. 397 
 
 the remaining - two taken prisoners, one of whom returned at 
 the close of the war, aud of the other nothing was ever heard.* 
 Toward evening of the same day, the whole force of the In¬ 
 dians, painted, and in the full costume of war, presented them¬ 
 selves in full view of the garrison, by marching in single files, 
 though at a respectful distance, across the prairie. Their num¬ 
 ber, according to a count from one of the bastions, was eight 
 hundred and forty-seven—altogether too great to be encountered 
 in the field by so small a garrison. After this display of their 
 strength, the Indians took a position upon an elevated piece of 
 ground at no great distance from the fort, though on the op¬ 
 posite side of the river. In this situation they remained seve¬ 
 ral weeks, in a state rather of armed neutrality than of active 
 hostility. Some of them would frequently approach the fort 
 sufficiently near to hold conversations with those upon the 
 walls. They uniformly professed a desire for peace, but pro¬ 
 tested against the encroachments of the white people upon their 
 lands—more especially was the erection of a fort so far within 
 the territory claimed by them as exclusively their own, a cause 
 of complaint—nay, of admitted exasperation. There was with 
 the Americans in the fort, an aged friendly Indian named 
 John Thompson, who seemed to be in equal favor with both 
 parties, visiting the Indian encampment at pleasure, and coming 
 and going as he chose. They informed Thompson that they 
 deplored the continuance of hostilities, and finally sent word 
 by him to Colonel Gibson, that they were desirous of peace, and 
 if he would present them with a barrel of flour, they would 
 send in their proposals the next day. The flour was sent, but 
 the Indians, instead of fulfilling their part of the stipulation, 
 withdrew, and entirely disappeared. They had, indeed, con¬ 
 tinued the siege as long as they could obtain subsistence, and 
 raised it only because of the lack of supplies. Still, as the be- 
 leaguerment was begun in stratagem, so was it ended. Colo- 
 
 * The Rev. Mr. Doddridge, whose little work is the authority for all the facts re¬ 
 lative to Fort Laurens, states that Captain, afterward General Briggs, of Virginia, 
 being the officer of the day, was exceedingly desirous of heading the party sent to 
 bring in the horses, but was refused permission by Colonel Gibson, who remarked, 
 that when he had occasion to send out a captain’s command, he should be thankful 
 for his services, but until then, he must be content to discharge his duties within the 
 fort. “ On what trifling circumstances,” adds the good minister, “do life and death 
 sometimes depend!” 
 
398 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1779 . 
 
 nel Gibson’s provisions were also running short, and as he 
 supposed the Indians had entirely gone off, he directed Colonel 
 Clark, of the Pennsylvania line, with a detachment of fifteen 
 men, to escort the invalids of the garrison, amounting to ten or 
 a dozen men, back to Fort M’Intosh. But the Indians had left 
 a strong party of observation lurking in the neighborhood of 
 the fort; and the escort had proceeded only two miles before it 
 was fallen upon, and the whole number killed with the excep¬ 
 tion of four—one of whom, a captain, escaped back to the fort. 
 The bodies of the slain were interred by the garrison, on the 
 same day, with the honors of war. A party was likewise sent 
 out to collect the remains of the fourteen who had first fallen 
 by the ambuscade, and bury them; which service was per¬ 
 formed. It was found, however, that the wolves had mostly 
 devoured their flesh, and by setting traps upon the new-made 
 grave, some of those ravenous beasts were caught and shot on 
 the following morning. 
 
 The situation of the garrison was now becoming deplorable. 
 For two weeks the men had been reduced to half a pound of 
 sour flour, and a like quantity of offensive meat, per diem ; and 
 for a week longer they were compelled to subsist only upon raw 
 hides, and such roots as they could find in the circumjacent 
 woods and prairies, when General M‘Intosh most opportunely 
 arrived to their relief, with supplies, and a reinforcement of 
 seven hundred men. But still they came near being imme¬ 
 diately reduced to short allowance again, by an untoward ac¬ 
 cident causing the loss of a great portion of their fresh supplies. 
 These supplies were transported through the wilderness upon 
 pack-horses. The garrison, overjoyed at the arrival of succors, 
 on their approach to within about a hundred yards of the fort 
 manned the parapets and fired a salute of musketry. But the 
 horses must have been young in the service. Affrighted at 
 the detonation of the guns, they began to rear and plunge, and 
 broke from their guides. The example was contagious, and in 
 a moment more, the whole cavalcade of pack-horses were 
 bounding into the woods at full gallop, dashing their burdens 
 to the ground, and scattering them over many a rood in all di¬ 
 rections—the greater portion of which could never be recover¬ 
 ed. But there was yet enough of provisions saved to cause the 
 mingling of evil with the good. Very incautiously, the officers 
 
1779 .] EVACUATION OF FORT LAURENS. 399 
 
 dealt out two days’ rations per man, the whole of which was 
 devoured by the famishing soldiers, to the imminent hazard of 
 the lives of all, and resulting in the severe sickness of many. 
 Leaving the fort again, General M‘Intosh assigned the command 
 to Major Yernon, who remained upon the station several 
 months. He, in turn, was left to endure the horrors of famine, 
 until longer to endure was death; whereupon the fort was 
 evacuated and the position abandoned—its occupation and 
 maintenance, at the cost of great fatigue and suffering, and the 
 expense of many lives, having been of not the least service to the 
 country. 
 
 Originally it had been the purpose of General M'Intosh to 
 penetrate through the wilderness to Lake Erie, and thence 
 make a descent upon Detroit; and by a letter from the Com¬ 
 mander-in-chief to a Committee of Congress appointed to con¬ 
 fer with him upon military subjects, it seems to have been his 
 opinion that M'Intosh had made the best dispositions for the 
 enterprise which the circumstances of the case allowed. But 
 he was disappointed in his expectations of men, provisions, and 
 stores. This seems to have been one of those undertakings by 
 order of Congress, without consultation with the Commander- 
 in-chief, which had previously annoyed him not a little. Still, 
 it received his approbation, the more readily because its design 
 was in coincidence with his own views on the subject of Indian 
 warfare—his uniform opinion being, that the cheapest and most 
 effectual method of opposing them, was to carry the war into 
 their own country. By their incursions into the frontier set¬ 
 tlements, so long as the Americans were content to act on the 
 defensive, the Indians had little to lose and every thing to gain ; 
 whereas the direct reverse would be the consequence of an 
 offensive war against them.* 
 
 But, notwithstanding the untoward result of General M‘In- 
 tosh’s expedition, the Indian branch of the service opened aus¬ 
 piciously the present year elsewhere, and first in a region yet 
 deeper in the west than Fort Laurens. Colonel Hamilton, the 
 British Lieutenant-Governor of Detroit—a rough, bad-tempered, 
 and cruel officer, who had signalised himself by the exertion of 
 a malignant influence over the Indians—and had provoked 
 
 * Letter of Washington to the Committee of Congress, Jan. 12, 1779. 
 
 55 
 
400 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1779 . 
 
 them to take up the hatchet against the Americans by every 
 possible means—-instigating them to deeds of blood by large 
 rewards—had projected a powerful Indian expedition against 
 the Virginia frontier, to be executed early in the Spring* 
 With this design, at the close of the preceding Autumn, Hamil¬ 
 ton left Detroit, and took post at St. Vincents, on the Wabash, 
 in order to act earlier and more efficiently immediately after 
 the breaking up of Winter. But his purpose was most happily 
 defeated by a blow from a direction which he did not anticipate. 
 Colonel Clarke, who was yet with a small force in command of 
 Kaskaskias, having learned, in February, that Hamilton had 
 weakened himself by despatching many of his Indians in dif¬ 
 ferent directions to annoy the frontiers of the States, formed the 
 bold resolution of attacking him in his quarters. After a diffi¬ 
 cult movement by land and water, at the head of one hundred 
 and thirty men, Clarke suddenly arrived before St. Vincents. 
 The town at once submitted ; and on the following day, Colo¬ 
 nel Hamilton and the garrison surrendered themselves prison¬ 
 ers of war. It was the good fortune of Colonel Clarke also to 
 intercept and capture a valuable convoy of provisions and 
 stores, coming to St. Vincents from Detroit. Hamilton was 
 transferred to Virginia, where the Council of the Commonwealth 
 instituted an inquiry into the inhuman conduct imputed to him, 
 and his confinement in irons, on a diet of bread and water, 
 was recommended.t The plans of the enemy were not a little 
 disconcerted by this small, though brilliant affair; and peace 
 with several of the Indian tribes in that direction was the im¬ 
 mediate consequence. 
 
 In the mean time, and before this disaster befel the Detroit 
 expedition, some bold winter emprise was projected by Joseph 
 Brant, which—in consequence, probably, of the capture of 
 Hamilton—miscarried, or rather was not attempted to be put 
 in execution. It does not appear what the measure was upon 
 which Brant was meditating; but on the 1st of January, Colo- « 
 lonel Van Dyck, then in command of Fort Schuyler, wrote to 
 
 * Should any one doubt the propriety of speaking thus harshly in history of tin's 
 Colonel Hamilton, let him read the “Narrative of the capture and treatment of 
 John Dodge, by the British at Detroit,” published in Almon’s Remembrancer, vol. 
 vi. pp. 73—81. 
 t Ramsay. 
 
1779.] AFFAIRS AMONG THE SIX NATIONS. 401 
 
 General Clinton, ,£ that the Oneidas had just received informa- 
 “ tion that the enemy seemed determined to strike some capital 
 ££ blow during - the winter.” In addition to an application from 
 the Q,uiquoga Indians to join them in the expedition, Colonel 
 Van Dyck stated that “ one of the principal Oneida warriors 
 “ had received a private letter from Joseph Brant, inviting him 
 ££ to join the Six Nations with his adherents, that he might 
 ££ avoid the danger to which his tribe was exposed.”* 
 
 There is reason to suppose that a part of Brant’s project was 
 to strike a blow upon the Oneidas themselves, unless they could 
 be seduced from their neutrality—amounting, as it did, almost 
 to an alliance with the United States.t But this faithful tribe 
 were neither to be coaxed nor driven from the stand they had 
 maintained since the beginning of the controversy. On the 
 16th and 17th of January, the Oneidas and Tuscaroras held a 
 council, to deliberate upon the invitations of the Q,uiquogas 
 and Captain Brant, the result of which they communicated to 
 Colonel Van Dyck on the following day. They informed that 
 efficient officer, that after giving permission to any of their 
 tribe, who desired to join the enemy, to withdraw, there was a 
 unanimous resolution of the council “ to stand by each other in 
 ££ defence of their lives and liberty, against any enemy that 
 ££ might be disposed to attack them and to the late message of 
 the Qmiquogas, they unanimously agreed to return the follow¬ 
 ing answer, viz : i£ That as they had ever behaved themselves 
 ££ in a quiet, and peaceable manner toward the confederacy, they 
 ££ could not conceive that their conduct could be considered 
 ££ reprehensible by them. They likewise put them in mind of 
 £! their long and unwearied efforts to prevent the Six Nations 
 ££ involving themselves in the calamities of war, and that they 
 ££ had exerted themselves so far as by their influence to relieve, 
 
 * Papers of General James Clinton. 
 
 t On the 9th of April, 1779, Congress passed a resolution granting the commis¬ 
 sion of Captain to four of the Oneida and T uscarora Indians, and eight commissions of 
 Lieutenants. Subsequently, the then principal Oneida chief, Louis Atayataroughta, 
 was commissioned a Lieutenant-colonel. Louis, or “Colonel Louis” as he wa3 
 afterward called, was the representative of three races, being part Indian, part negro, 
 and part white man. A few other commissions were issued to those Indians in the 
 course of the war. The greater number served faithfully. Some were killed, and 
 three of the lieutenants deserted to the enemy, and exchanged their commissions for 
 the same rank in the British service. 
 
402 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [ 1779 . 
 
 { from close confinement, some of their people whom the for- 
 u tune of war had put into the hands of their enemies. But 
 “ that they now utterly despaired of ever being able to effect a 
 “ reconciliation between the Confederacy and the United States ; 
 “ and that the only hope they had of them was, that some of 
 “ them would, in time, abandon the cause thus imprudently es- 
 “ poused ; that they would never violate their alliance with the 
 “ American States ; and though they would not be the aggressors, 
 “ or wantonly provoke any tribe to war, yet that they should 
 “ henceforth be on their guard against any enemy whatever.” 
 
 Seven of the principal Onondaga chiefs, who had hitherto 
 been considered as neutrals, being at the time in Oneida, on 
 their way to Fort Schuyler, it was determined to call them in 
 to the council, and acquaint them with the above resolution. It 
 was accordingly done by the transmission of a large black belt 
 of wampum. The Onondagas replied, <£ That they were very 
 C£ glad to hear the resolution which their children, the Oneidas 
 “ and Tuscaroras, had made. They observed, that as the 
 <£ Oneidas, who were the head of the confederacy, had com- 
 ££ mitted the council-fire and tree of peace to their care, with a 
 ££ charge to guard them against the approach of any thing which 
 “ might injure either, or tend to interrupt the harmony of the 
 11 confederacy, they had therefore invariably pursued the path 
 ££ of peace ; and though they had been desired by the opposite 
 t£ party of their tribe to extinguish the council-fire, yet they 
 “ had refused, nor could they consistently do it while the 
 “ Oneidas retained any hopes of accommodating matters in the 
 ££ Six Nations. But as the heads of the confederacy had de- 
 ££ dared themselves so fully upon that subject, they had now let 
 (£ go their hold of peace, extinguished the council-fire, and 
 l( sunk the tree into the earth; and were determined to join 
 “ their children, the Oneidas and Tuscaroras, to oppose any in- 
 (£ vader.” 
 
 The Onondagas farther engaged, upon their return home, to 
 effect a final separation in their tribe, and insist that every one 
 should declare for one side or the other. The conduct of most 
 of the Onondagas had been from the first equivocal—often 
 openly hostile. But those present at this council manifested a 
 better feeling, and joined in the request of the Oneidas for 
 troops to aid in their protection. The Oneidas, on this occa^ 
 
403 
 
 1779.] DESIGNS AGAINST THE MOHAWK VALLEY. 
 
 sion, placed £reat confidence in the professions of their Onon¬ 
 daga brethren, and were in high spirits at the result of the 
 council.* 
 
 There was other evidence, not only of the intention of Thay- 
 endanegea to make a powerful Indian descent upon the Mo¬ 
 hawk during this winter, but of the supposed fidelity of these 
 Onondagas to the United Sates. About the middle of Fe- 
 bruary, General Clinton, having through various channels and 
 by several expresses, received information at Albany of such a 
 design, marched to Schenectady with Colonel Yan Schaick’s 
 regiment, ordering the latter as far up the Mohawk as Caugh- 
 nawaga, there to await the event. On the 26th of February, 
 Captain Copp, of Fort Yan Dyck,t wrote to Captain Graham, 
 then in charge of Fort Schuyler, announcing that two of the 
 Oneida messengers, of distinguished (Indian) families, had just 
 returned from Niagara, where they had obtained positive evi¬ 
 dence of Brant’s purpose. The Mohawk chief had received 
 expresses, announcing that the Shawanese and Delawares were 
 to strike a simultaneous blow upon the frontier of Virginia ;t 
 and Brant himself was to lead the main expedition direct to the 
 Mohawk, while another diversion was to be created by sending 
 a smaller force round by the Unadilla, to fall upon the settle¬ 
 ments of Schoharie. In regard to the fidelity of the Onondagas, 
 it was stated by the Oneida chiefs that fourteen of that nation 
 had been despatched to Niagara, by the chiefs of the tribe, to 
 pursuade their brethren, who had taken up the hatchet with the 
 Mohawks, to return. But these fourteen messengers had not 
 been permitted to come back themselves, and the Onondagas 
 were apprehensive that they and all their people at Niagara 
 had been made prisoners. The uneasiness in Tryon County 
 was greatly increased under these circumstances. Major Jelles 
 Fonda wrote to General Clinton, stating that there were yet 
 three hundred Tory families in the northern part of that settle¬ 
 ment, affording aid and comfort to the hostile refugees, who 
 kept up a continual intercourse with them, across through the 
 woods, or by Lake Champlain, to Canada. For greater secu¬ 
 rity, therefore, he urged permission to build a strong block- 
 
 * General Clinton’s correspondence—MS. letter of Colonel Van Dyck. 
 
 t In the Oneida or Onondaga country. 
 
 J The project of Colonel Hamilton, frustrated by his capture. 
 
LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 404 
 
 [1779. 
 
 house, and station fifty rangers within it, on the Sacondaga 
 river, directly north of Johnstown. 
 
 Captain Brant, however, either abandoned or deferred the 
 threatened invasion, probably for the reason already indicated 
 —the capture of Colonel Hamilton. The winter consequently 
 passed away without any serious disturbance in that region. 
 But, notwithstanding all the fair professions of the Onondagas, 
 their treachery had become alike so manifest and so injurious, 
 as to render it expedient, immediately on the opening of the 
 Spring, to make them a signal example to the rest of their red 
 brethren. Accordingly, early in April an expedition was de¬ 
 tailed upon this service by General Clinton, with the approba¬ 
 tion of the Commander-in-chief, consisting of detachments from 
 the regiments of Colonels Yan Schaick and Gansevoort, to the 
 number of five hundred men, under the conduct of the former. 
 The troops were moved as expeditiously as possible to Fort 
 Schuyler, and thirty batteaux were simultaneously ordered thither 
 to transport them down Wood Creek, and through the Oneida 
 Lake to Three Rivers. Colonel Yan Schaick’s instructions 
 were very full and explicit upon every point. The design was 
 to proceed as rapidly and cautiously as possible, in order to take 
 the Indians by surprise ; for which purpose, on the morning of 
 the departure of the expedition, it was to be announced that its 
 destination was against Oswego. Colonel Yan Schaick was di¬ 
 rected to burn and utterly destroy the village and castle of the 
 Onondagas, together with all their cattle and effects ; but he 
 was strictly enjoined to make as many prisoners as possible, 
 and put none to death who could be taken alive. The follow¬ 
 ing passage occurs in the instructions of General Clinton on 
 this occasion, which is worthy of preservation :—“ Bad as the 
 “ savages are, they never violate the chastity of any women, 
 
 “ their prisoners. Although I have very little apprehension 
 “ that any of the soldiers will so far forget their character as to 
 “ attempt such a crime on the Indian women who may fall 
 “ into their hands, yet it will be well to take measures to pre- 
 “ vent such a stain upon our army.”* This injunction speaks 
 volumes in praise of the soldier who wrote it. Colonel Van 
 Schaick was farther enjoined to dissuade any of our Indian 
 
 * MS. instructions of General Clinton. 
 
1779.] DESTRUCTION OF ONONDAGA. 405 
 
 allies from accompanying him ; and Lieutenant-Colonel Wil¬ 
 lett and Major Cochran were detailed to serve in the ex¬ 
 pedition. 
 
 The orders to Colonel Van Scbaick were issued on the 9th 
 of April, and so rapidly were the necessary arrangements expe¬ 
 dited, that every thing was in readiness for the departure from 
 Fort Schuyler on the 18th. During the evening of that day, 
 the batteaux, with the necessary stores, were silently removed 
 across the carrying-place to Wood Creek, and all things there 
 placed in order. The troops were early in motion on the morning 
 of the 19th, and a thick mist contributed essentially in covering 
 the movement, had there been any spies lurking about to make 
 observation. The number of men embarked, including officers, 
 was five hundred and fifty-eight. Their progress to the Oneida 
 Lake was considerably impeded, by reason of trees which had 
 fallen across the creek ; so that much of the first day’s journey 
 was performed by the troops on foot. The passage of the 
 Oneida Lake was effected as expeditiously as possible ; and 
 although they encountered a strong and excessively disagreea¬ 
 ble head-wind, they nevertheless reached the Onondaga Land¬ 
 ing, opposite to old Fort Brewington, with the whole flotilla, by 
 three o’clock in the afternoon of the 20th. Leaving a suitable 
 guard with the boats, the little army pushed immediately for¬ 
 ward, and, despite the obstacles in traversing a deep-tangled 
 forest, the soil resembling a morass, they marched nine miles 
 without halting. The night was dark, wet, and cold ; but 
 knowing well the wariness of the enemy and the celerity of 
 their movements, and how frequently they were prepared to 
 strike when least expected, the troops were necessarily pre¬ 
 cluded from kindling fires, and obliged to sleep on their arms. 
 The march was resumed very early on the morning of the 
 21st, and in order to save time, they were obliged to ford an 
 arm of the Onondaga Lake, about two hundred yards wide 
 and four feet in depth. Arriving at the estuary of Onondaga 
 Creek, at the head of the lake, Captain Graham, commanding 
 the advance guard, captured one of the warriors of the tribe; 
 and although they were now within two or three miles of the 
 village and castle, this was the first Indian seen, or who was 
 apprised of the approach of the expedition. Captain Graham 
 was now directed again to advance with all possible rapidity 
 
406 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1779. 
 
 and caution, for the purpose of surrounding the lower castle, 
 while the residue of the main force was divided into small de¬ 
 tachments, and hurried forward for the purpose of falling upon 
 the other towns, in such rapid succession as, if possible, to take 
 all the villages by surprise. This chain of villages extended 
 through the valley of the Onondaga Creek for the distance of 
 ten miles. The tribe had once been among the most powerful 
 of the Aganuschioni, or confederated people of the Five Na¬ 
 tions. Situated in the centre of the confederacy, to the Onon- 
 dagas, time immemorial, had been committed the keeping of 
 the great council-fire. This fire had been extinguished in 
 1692 by Count Frontenac, who then came against it at the head 
 of a powerful expedition from Montreal, and utterly destroyed 
 the village. It had again been put out in the Spring of 1777, 
 and was now doomed to a third extinction, equally summary 
 and complete with the former. But although the expedition of 
 Colonel Yan Schaick had been thus far, and was throughout, 
 admirably conducted, yet the surprise was not as complete as 
 had been intended. While Captain Graham’s company was 
 securing a few prisoners taken in the outskirts of the village, 
 near the principal castle, means were found by the wily ad¬ 
 versary to give the alarm in advance. The tidings, of course, 
 flew from village to village with greater rapidity than the se¬ 
 veral detachments of troops could equal, and the Indians scat¬ 
 tered off to the woods in all directions. But such was the 
 precipitancy of their flight, that they carried nothing with them 
 —not even their arms. Still, thirty-three of their number were 
 taken prisoners, and twelve killed. Three villages, consisting 
 of about fifty houses, were burnt to the ground ; and a large 
 quantity of provisions, consisting chiefly of beans and corn, de¬ 
 stroyed. Nearly one hundred muskets were taken among the 
 booty, and several rifles, together with a considerable quantity 
 of ammunition. Their swivel at the council-house was rendered 
 useless, and their cattle and horses were destroyed. The work of 
 destruction having been completed, the detachment immediately 
 commenced its return to Fort Schuyler. It was fired upon in 
 the afternoon by a small party of Indians in the woods, but 
 without injury, while one of the enemy fell by the return 
 fire. On Saturday, the 24th, the troops were all back again 
 at Fort Schuyler, having performed a journey, going and re- 
 
DESTRUCTION OF ONONDAGA. 
 
 407 
 
 1779 .] 
 
 turning, of one hundred and eighty miles, and effected their 
 object without the loss of a single man.* In the letter enclos¬ 
 ing his official report to General Clinton, Colonel Yan Schaick 
 spoke in the highest terms of the good conduct of the officers 
 and soldiers engaged in this expedition ; and bestowed the 
 warmest encomiums upon Colonel Willett and Major Cochran, 
 for the efficient assistance received from them. 
 
 At this distance of time, from the very imperfect data afford¬ 
 ed by written history, this expedition against the Onondagas 
 appears like a harsh, if not an unnecessary measure. But, 
 notwithstanding the professions of this nation, those in the di¬ 
 rection of public affairs at that period unquestionably felt its 
 chastisement to be a work of stern necessity. General Schuy¬ 
 ler had written that unless some exemplary blow should be in¬ 
 flicted upon the hostiles of the Six Nations, Schenectady would 
 shortly become the boundary of the American settlements in that 
 direction. The enterprise had, moreover, the sanction of the 
 Commander-in-chief; while nothing could be more humane, in 
 regard to a warlike expedition, than the instructions of General 
 Clinton. But no small degree of uneasiness was nevertheless 
 felt by the Oneidas, at the swift destruction which had thus 
 overtaken the principal town of their next-door neighbors ; and 
 it was not long after the return of Colonel Yan Schaick to Fort 
 Schuyler, before he was visited by a formal delegation from that 
 nation. At the head of the embassage was Skenandoah, an 
 important sachem of the tribe, accompanied by Good Peter, the 
 orator, and Mr. Deane, the interpreter. The object of this 
 mission was an inquiry into the causes of the movement against 
 the Onondagas, with whom, as has been previously remarked, 
 the Oneidas were closely connected by intermarriages. Hav¬ 
 ing been introduced, Good Peter spoke as follows :—• 
 
 “ Brother : You see before you some of your friends, the 
 Oneidas ; they come to see you. 
 
 “ The engagements that have been entered into between us 
 and our brothers, the Americans, are well known to you. 
 
 “ We were much surprised, a few days ago, by the news 
 which a warrior brought to our Castle with a war-shout, in¬ 
 forming us that our friends, the Onondagas, were destroyed. 
 
 * Colonel Van Schaick*s report—papers of General Clinton. 
 
 56 
 
408 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [L779. 
 
 “ We were desirous to see you on this occasion, as they 
 think you might have been mistaken in destroying that part of 
 the tribe. 
 
 “ We suppose you cannot answer us upon this subject, as 
 the matter was agreed upon below. But perhaps you may 
 know something of this matter. 
 
 “ When we heard of this account, we sent back word to our 
 friends remaining among them, telling them not to be pale- 
 hearted because some of them were destroyed, but to keep up 
 with their former engagements. 
 
 “ We sent off some of our people to Canasaraga, to invite 
 them to come to our village ; but they returned an answer that 
 they had sent some of their own runners to Onondaga, to learn 
 the particulars, and they waited for their return. 
 
 “ Our people brought for answer, that they were much 
 obliged to their children, the Oneidas, for attending to them in 
 their distresses, and they would be glad if they would speak 
 smoothly to their brethren, the Americans, to know whether 
 all this was done by design, or by mistake. 
 
 “ If it was a mistake, say they, we hope to see our brethren 
 the prisoners—if by design, we still will keep our engagements 
 with you, and not join the King’s party. But if our brethren, 
 the Americans, mean to destroy us also, we will not fly—we 
 will wait here and receive our death. 
 
 “ Brother : This was the answer of the Onondagas. As for 
 us, the Oneidas and Tuscaroras, you know our sentiments. 
 We have supposed we know yours. 
 
 “ The Commissioners promised us that when they found any 
 thing wrong, they would tell us and make it right. 
 
 “ Brother: If vve have done anything wrong, we shall 
 now be glad if you would now tell us so.”* 
 
 At the end of each sentence, the attending sachems uttered 
 the usual sound of approbation, and having concluded, Good 
 Peter resumed his seat. The address was that of a diploma¬ 
 tist; and it was supposed probable that the-Onondagas were 
 themselves at the bottom of the enibassay, with a view of ob¬ 
 taining information by which to regulate their future conduct. 
 
 * The Sexagenary, a collection of revolutionary papers connected with the border 
 wars, edited by S. De Witt Bloodgood, Esq. 
 
INTERCESSION OF THE ONEIDAS. 
 
 1779.] 
 
 409 
 
 Equally adroit was the reply of Colonel Yan Schaick, given in 
 the following terms :— 
 
 “ I am glad to see my friends, the Oneidas and Tuscaroras. 
 I perfectly remember the engagements the Five Nations entered 
 into four years ago, and that they promised to preserve a strict 
 and honorable neutrality during the present war, which was 
 all we asked them to do for us. 
 
 “ But I likewise know that all of them, except our brethren 
 the Oneidas and Tuscaroras, broke their engagements, and flung 
 away the chain of friendship. But the Onondagas have been 
 great murderers; we have found the scalps of our brothers at 
 their Castle. 
 
 “ They were cut off, not by mistake, but by design—I was 
 ordered to do it—and it is done. 
 
 “ As for the other matters of which you speak, I recommend 
 a deputation to the Commissioners at Albany. I am not ap¬ 
 pointed to treat with you on those subjects. 
 
 “ I am a warrior. My duty is to obey the orders which they 
 send me.” 
 
 No farther explanations appear to have been interchanged ; 
 and the Oneidas were perhaps the more readily pacified, inas¬ 
 much as they were really friendly to the Americans, while at the 
 same time they must have been acquainted with the conduct of 
 the Onondagas, which had justly incurred the chastisement. 
 Scalping parties were always hovering about the unprotected 
 borders, especially in the neighborhood of Fort Schuyler; and 
 the Indians of none of the tribes were more frequently dis¬ 
 covered belonging to these parties, than of that nation. 
 
 It is, perhaps, a coincidence worth noting, that on the very 
 day on which Colonel Yan Schaick departed from Fort Schuy¬ 
 ler for Onondaga, the lower section of the Mohawk Yalley was 
 thrown into alarm by the sudden appearance of an Indian force 
 simultaneously on both sides of the river, in the vicinity of Pa¬ 
 latine. On the South side a party rushed down upon the set¬ 
 tlement, took three prisoners, together with several horses, and 
 drove the inhabitants into Fort Plank. At the very same hour 
 another division of the savages made a descent upon the back 
 part of Stone-Arabia, where, in the onset, they burnt two houses 
 and murdered one man. The next house in their course be¬ 
 longed to Captain Richer. The occupants were Richer, his 
 
410 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1779. 
 
 wife, and two sons, and an old man. The Captain and his 
 two boys being armed, on the near approach of the Indians 
 gave them a warm reception. A sharp action ensued. The 
 old man, being unarmed, was killed ; as also was one of the 
 brave boys, a lad seventeen years of age. Captain Richer was 
 severely wounded and his arm was broken; his other son was 
 also wounded in the elbow, and his wife in one of her legs. 
 And yet, notwithstanding that the whole garrison was either 
 killed or wounded, the Indians retreated on the loss of two of - 
 their number. 
 
 On the same day a party of Senecas appeared in Schoharie, 
 made prisoners of Mr. Lawyer and Mr. Cowley, and plundered 
 their houses. The panic was again general; the people flying 
 to the forts for safety, and the Committee of Palatine writing im¬ 
 mediately to General Clinton, at Albany, for assistance. The 
 General was an officer of great activity, and so rapidly did he 
 move in cases of alarm, that he traversed the Mohawk Valley with 
 Colonel Gansevoort’s regiment and the Schenectady militia, and 
 was back at Albany again on the 28th. The Indians who ap¬ 
 peared on the south side were from the West—those on the 
 north side were Mohawks from Canada. General Clinton, in 
 his despatches to the Governor, his brother, expressed an opi¬ 
 nion, that but for his timely movement on that occasion, the 
 enemy would have driven the settlements all in upon Schenec¬ 
 tady.* 
 
 On the 30th of April, Lieutenants M’Clellan and Harden- 
 burgh returned to Fort Schuyler from an unsuccessful expe¬ 
 dition at the head of a body of Indians, against the small Bri¬ 
 tish garrison at Oswegatchie. It was their intention to take 
 the fort by surprise ; but, falling in prematurely with some 
 straggling Indians, several shots were imprudently exchanged, 
 by reason of which their approach became known to the gar¬ 
 rison. They then attempted by stratagem to draw the enemy 
 from the fort, and partly succeeded, but could not induce them 
 to venture far enough from their works to cut them off; and 
 on approaching the fort themselves, the assailants were so 
 warmly received by cannister and grape, as to be compelled to 
 retreat without unnecessary delay. The only service performed 
 
 * MS. letter of Jacob R. Cork and Peter Wagner to General Clinton, and Gene¬ 
 ral Clinton’s letter to the Governor. 
 
1779.] VENGEANCE OF THE ONONDAGAS. 411 
 
 was to send a Caughnawaga Indian into Canada with a letter, in 
 French, by “ a French General,” probably the Marquis de Lafay¬ 
 ette, addressed to the Canadians, and written in the preceding 
 Autumn.* This expedition was despatched from Fort Schuyler 
 on the day before Colonel Yan Schaick moved upon Onondaga; 
 and from a letter addressed by General Clinton, six weeks after¬ 
 ward, to General Sullivan, there is reason to believe one object 
 was to get clear of the Oneida Indians then in the fort, until 
 Colonel Yan Schaick should have proceeded so far upon his ex¬ 
 pedition, that they or their people would not be able to give the 
 Onondagas notice of his approach. All the Indians still remain¬ 
 ing in Fort Schuyler on the 18th, were detained expressly for 
 that object of precaution. General Clinton conceded their useful¬ 
 ness as scouts and spies upon the British forces; but, he observed, 
 “ their attachment to one another is too strong to admit of their 
 “ being of any service when employed against their fellows.” f 
 This testimony is certainly not discreditable to the Indian cha¬ 
 racter as such. 
 
 But if, as has been seen, the Oneidas were disposed to send 
 a deputation to make pacific inquiries at Fort Schuyler, in re¬ 
 gard to Colonel Yan Schaick’s attack upon their neighbors, 
 the descendants of Garanguli and Sadakenaghtief were not 
 themselves willing to pass the matter over thus lightly. Fired 
 with indignation at the destruction of their villages and castle, 
 and the putting out of the great council-fire which they had so 
 long kept burning at their national altar, they resolved upon 
 summary vengeance. To this end, three hundred of their war¬ 
 riors were speedily upon the war-path, bending their steps to 
 the valley of the Schoharie-kill. The settlement of Cobleskill,§ 
 which had suffered so severely the preceding year, situated 
 about ten miles west of the Schoharie-kill, and yet comprising 
 nineteen German families, was the first object of attack. But 
 they were prevented from taking the place by surprise, in conse¬ 
 quence of two of their number straggling a considerable distance 
 in advance of the main body, who were discovered by a scout of 
 
 * M’Clellan’s letter to General Clinton. 
 
 t Letter of Gen. Clinton to Gen. Sullivan. 
 
 J Two illustrious Onondaga warriors and orators of the preceding century. Vide 
 Colden’s Canada. 
 
 § Usually thus written; but the old inhabitants say it should be Cobuskill.— 
 Spafford. 
 
412 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1779. 
 
 two of the Cobleskill militia. One of the Indians was shot, 
 and the other fled ; and the scouts hastened home to give the 
 alarm. Intelligence of the enemy’s approach was immediately 
 despatched to Schoharie, with a request for assistance. A 
 captain of the Continental army was thereupon sent to Cobles¬ 
 kill with a detachment of regular troops. On the following 
 morning a party of Indians sallied out of the woods, and after 
 approaching the settlement, suddenly returned. They were 
 pursued by a small detachment of troops to the edge of the 
 forest, where their reception was so sharp as to compel a re¬ 
 treat. The Captain himself immediately marched to the scene 
 of action with the whole of his little band, together with fifteen 
 volunteers of the militia. The Indians receded before the 
 whites for a time, and continued the deception by showing 
 themselves at first in small numbers on the skirt of the forest, 
 until they had accomplished the identical purpose they had in 
 view. The Captain and his men pursued, without any know¬ 
 ledge of the disparity of numbers they had to encounter, until 
 the Indians had drawn them sufficiently within their toils to 
 make a stand. Their numbers now multiplied rapidly, and 
 the battle became animated. The Captain fell wounded, and 
 was soon afterward killed. His men, panic-stricken, instantly 
 fled; but in the twinkling of an eye, a cloud of several hun¬ 
 dred savages, until then in concealment, rose upon all sides of 
 them, pouring in a deadly shower of rifle balls, and making the 
 forest ring with their appalling yells. The inhabitants of the 
 settlement, on perceiving the disaster which had befallen the 
 troops, fled in the direction of Schoharie with a portion of the 
 fugitive soldiers. Their flight was facilitated, or rather they 
 were prevented from being overtaken, by seven of the Captain’s 
 brave fellows, who took possession of a deserted house and 
 made a resolute defence. From the windows of their castle 
 they fired briskly upon the Indians, and bringing them to a 
 pause, detained them until the inhabitants had made good their 
 flight to Schoharie. Unable to drive the soldiers from the 
 house, the Indians at length applied the brand, and the brave 
 fellows were burnt to death within its walls. The whole set¬ 
 tlement was then plundered and burnt by the Indians. But 
 they did not proceed farther toward Schoharie. The loss of 
 the whites was twenty-two killed and two taken prisoners. 
 
1779 .] INDIAN OUTRAGES NEAR FORT PITT. 413 
 
 The bodies of the slain were found the next day, sadly mutilat¬ 
 ed ; and in the hand of one of them the Indians had placed a 
 roll of Continental bills—a severe satire upon the description of 
 money for which the soldiers were serving. The great fact, 
 however, that it was the cause, and not the pay, which kept 
 the Americans in the field, could scarcely be appreciated by 
 the forest warriors. They were led in this battle by a Tory, 
 who was subsequently killed by the celebrated Murphy.* 
 Their loss was severe, but to what extent was not known. 
 Thus was amply avenged the destruction of Onondaga. 
 
 During the month of April, the inhabitants of Monongalia, 
 on the north-western Virginia border and the western part of 
 Pennsylvania, in the vicinity of Fort Pitt, had been severely 
 harassed by the Indians. On the 9th of that month, a party of 
 four men, despatched from Fort Pitt, were all killed and 
 scalped at the distance of fifteen miles from the fort. On the 
 13th, a man named David Morgan, of Monongalia, discovered 
 two Indians creeping upon several children at work in a field. 
 He gave the alarm to the latter, and then shot one of the In¬ 
 dians dead. The other rushed upon Morgan, and grappled 
 with him. A severe contest ensued for the possession of the 
 Indian’s knife, which Morgan ultimately obtained ; the Indian, 
 by grasping the blade, having his hand severely lacerated. 
 Morgan stabbed the Indian, and ran for the fort, while the In¬ 
 dian took to the woods. A party set off immediately in pur¬ 
 suit, and soon overtook the savage, sitting against a tree. He 
 begged for mercy, and was at first taken as a prisoner ; but 
 during the march back to the fort, he became rather surly, 
 whereupon his captors killed and scalped him—taking, also, 
 the scalp from the warrior who had been first shot by Morgan. 
 On the following day another Indian scout was discovered, one 
 
 * Campbell’s Annals. The authority of Mr. Campbell for most if not all his in¬ 
 formation respecting the operations of the enemy in the Schoharie country, was the 
 late Rev. Mr. Fenn, of Harpersfield—a gentleman most intimately acquainted with 
 the early history of that region. Still, there is clearly a mistake in assigning, as has 
 been done, Captain Patrick as the American leader against the Onondagas on this 
 occasion, since that officer fell in the same neighborhood more than a year before, as 
 stated in a letter written at the time by Colonel Varick. [See chap. xvi. text, and also 
 a note.] Who led the Americans on this last occasion, the author has not ascertained. 
 But the accounts just referred to, that it was Captain Patrick, are certainly incor¬ 
 rect—unless, indeed, there were two Patricks, both captains, and both killed in the 
 same neighborhood. 
 
414 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1779. 
 
 of whom was killed and scalped. Two days afterward the 
 Indians killed and scalped David Maxwell and his wife. Se¬ 
 veral families were carried into captivity. Among the prison¬ 
 ers was one resolute woman, who killed one of her guards, 
 wounded another, and effected her escape* These individual 
 murders were the more cruel, inasmuch as they could have no 
 effect upon the result of the pending contest. The snatching 
 away of prisoners by these petty expeditions was a different 
 affair ; and often served a twofold purpose—enabling the enemy 
 frequently to extort information, and, by a silent operation, con¬ 
 tinually increasing the number of prisoners in their hands for 
 exchange. But, whether murdered outright or carried into cap¬ 
 tivity, the trials of the inhabitants upon a frontier, thus hourly 
 exposed to dangers of the most appalling description, can scarce¬ 
 ly be appreciated by those who have not been placed in similar 
 peril. 
 
 The frontier towns of the County of Ulster were likewise 
 not a little annoyed, in the early part of May, by a detachment 
 of thirty or forty of Butler’s rangers, who, from their knowledge 
 of the country, were supposed to have fled to the royal standard 
 from that neighborhood. On the 4th of May, four dwelling- 
 houses and five barns were burnt by them in Fantine-kill. 
 Six of the inhabitants were murdered, besides three or four 
 more who were supposed to be burnt in their houses. Colonel 
 Philip Van Courtlandt, stationed at that time with one of the 
 New-York regiments at Warwasing, went in pursuit of the 
 traitors ; but although he twice came in sight of them upon the 
 crest of a mountain, they were too dexterous in threading the 
 forests to allow him to overtake them; and the Colonel had 
 scarcely turned back from the pursuit, before they fell upon the 
 town of Woodstock, in the neighborhood of Kingston, where 
 they burnt several houses and committed other depredations. 
 They made a few prisoners, some of whom were carried away; 
 while others were compelled, by the up-raised hatchet, to take 
 an oath not to serve in arms against the King.t 
 
 In order to preserve, unbroken, a narrative of the principal 
 Indian campaign of the present year, it is necessary somewhat 
 to anticipate the progress of events, by recording in this place 
 
 * Almon’s Remembrancer—letter from Fort Pitt. 
 
 i Idem—Article from Warwasing, published first in Poughkeepsie. 
 
INVASION OF MINISINK. 
 
 415 
 
 1779 .] 
 
 the particulars of the celebrated invasion of Minisink, and the 
 bloody battle that immediately ensued near the Delaware.* 
 The brave Count Pulaski, with his battalion of cavalry, had 
 been stationed at Minisink during the preceding winter ; but in 
 the month of February he was ordered to South Carolina, to 
 join the army of General Lincoln.! Left thus wholly unpro¬ 
 tected, save by its own people, Captain Brant determined to 
 make a descent upon it, for the purpose of taking both plunder 
 and prisoners. Accordingly, on the 20th of July, or rather 
 during the night of the 19th, the crafty Mohawk stole upon the 
 slumbering town, at the head of sixty Indians and twenty- 
 seven Tory warriors, disguised as Indians—which was a very 
 common practice with the loyalists when acting with the 
 savages. Such was the silence of their approach, that'Several 
 houses were already in flames when the inhabitants awoke to 
 their situation. Thus surprised, and wholly unprepared, all 
 who could escape fled in consternation, leaving the invaders to 
 riot upon the spoil. Ten houses and twelve barns were burnt, 
 together with a small stockade fort and two mills. Several 
 persons were killed, and others taken prisoners. The farms 
 of the settlement were laid waste, the cattle driven away, 
 and all the booty carried off which the invaders could remove. 
 Having thus succeeded in his immediate object, Brant lost no 
 time in leading his party back to the main body of his war¬ 
 riors, whom he had left at Grassy Brook. 
 
 No sooner had the fugitives from Minisink arrived at Goshen 
 with the intelligence, than Dr. Tusten, the Colonel of the local 
 militia, issued orders to the officers of his command to meet 
 him at Minisink on the following day, with as many volunteers 
 as they could raise. The order was promptly obeyed, and a 
 body of one hundred and forty-nine men met their colonel at 
 the designated rendezvous, at the time appointed—including 
 many of the principal gentlemen of the county. A council of 
 
 * Minisink, for an inland American town, is very ancient. It is situated about 
 ten miles west of Goshen, in the County of Orange, (N. Y.) on the Navisink river, 
 and among what are called the Shawangunk Mountains. It is bordered on the 
 south-west by both the States of New Jersey and Pennsylvania. The Wallkill 
 also rises in this town. Its history, previous to the war of the Revolution, is full of 
 interest. A severe battle was fought with the Indians in Minisink, July 22, 166&, 
 the bloody horrors of which yet live in the traditions of that neighborhood. 
 
 + Letter of Washington. 
 
 57 
 
 
416 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1779 
 
 war was held, to determine upon the expediency of a pursuit. 
 Colonel Tusten was himself opposed to the proposition, with 
 so feeble a command, and with the certainty, if they overtook 
 the enemy, of being 1 obliged to encounter an officer combining, 
 with his acknowledged prowess, so much of subtlety as charac¬ 
 terized the movements of the Mohawk chief. His force, more¬ 
 over, was believed to be greatly superior to their’s in numbers, 
 and to include many Tories as well acquainted with the coun¬ 
 try as themselves. The Colonel, therefore, preferred waiting 
 for the reinforcements which would be sure soon to arrive, the 
 more especially as the volunteers already with him were but 
 ill provided with arms and ammunition. Others, however, were 
 for immediate pursuit. They affected to hold the Indians in 
 contempt, insisted that they would not fight, and maintained 
 that a re-capture of the plunder they had taken would be an 
 easy achievement. Town-meeting counsels, in the conduct of 
 war, are not usually the wisest, as will appear in the sequel. 
 The majority of Tusten’s command were evidently determined 
 to pursue the enemy; but their deliberations were cut short 
 by Major Meeker, who mounted his horse, flourished his sword, 
 and vauntingly called out—“ Let the brave men follow me, 
 the cowards may stay behind !” It may readily be supposed 
 that such an appeal to an excited multitude would decide the 
 question, as it did. The line of march was immediately taken 
 up, and after proceeding seventeen miles the same evening, they 
 encamped for the night. On the morning of the 22d they 
 were joined by a small reinforcement under Colonel Hathorn, 
 of the Warwick regiment, who, as the senior of Colonel Tusten, 
 took the command. When they had advanced a few miles, to 
 Halfway Brook, they came upon the Indian encampment of 
 the preceding night, and another council was held there. 
 Colonels Hathorn, Tusten, and others, whose valor was go¬ 
 verned by prudence, were opposed to advancing farther, as the 
 number of Indian fires, and the extent of ground they had oc- < 
 cupied, removed all doubt as to the superiority of their numbers. 
 A scene similar to that which had broken up the former coun¬ 
 cil was acted at this place, and with the same result. The 
 voice of prudence was compelled to yield to that of bravado. 
 
 Captain Tyler, who had some knowledge of the woods, was 
 sent forward at the head of a small scouting party, to follow the 
 
INVASION OF MINISINK. 
 
 417 
 
 1779.] 
 
 trail of the Indians, and to ascertain, if possible, their movements; 
 since it was evident that they could not be far in advance. 
 The Captain had proceeded but a short distance before he fell 
 from the fire of an unseen enemy. This circumstance occa¬ 
 sioned considerable alarm ; but the volunteers, nevertheless, 
 pressed eagerly forward, and it was not long before they 
 emerged upon the hills of the Delaware, in full view of that 
 river, upon the eastern bank of which, at the distance of three- 
 fourths of a mile, the Indians were seen deliberately marching 
 in the direction of a fording-place near the mouth of the Lack- 
 awaxen. This discovery was made at about 9 o’clock in 
 the morning. The intention of Brant to cross at the fording- 
 place was evident; and it was afterward ascertained that his 
 booty had already been sent thither in advance. 
 
 The determination was immediately formed by Colonel Ha- 
 thorn, to intercept the enemy at the fording-place, for which 
 purpose instant dispositions were made. But, owing to in¬ 
 tervening woods and hills, the opposing bodies soon lost sight 
 of each other, and an adroit movement on the part of Brant 
 gave him an advantage which it was impossible for the Ameri¬ 
 cans to regain. Anticipating the design of Hathorn, the moment 
 the Americans were out of sight Brant wheeled to the right, and 
 by threading a ravine across which Hathorn had passed, threw 
 himself into his rear, by which means he was enabled delibe¬ 
 rately to select his ground for a battle and form an ambuscade. 
 Disappointed in not finding the enemy, the Americans were 
 brought to a stand, when the enemy disclosed himself partially, 
 in a quarter altogether unexpected. According to the Ameri¬ 
 can account, the first shot was fired upon an Indian, who was 
 known, and who was mounted upon a horse stolen at Minisink. 
 The Indian fell, and the firing soon became general—the enemy 
 contriving, in the early part of the engagement, to cut off from 
 the main body of Hathorn’s troops a detachment comprising 
 one third of his whole number. The conflict was long: and 
 obstinate. The number of the enemy being several times 
 greater than that of the Goshen militia, the latter were sur¬ 
 rounded, and ultimately hemmed within the circumference of 
 an acre of ground. Being short of ammunition, Hathorn’s or¬ 
 ders, in imitation of those of Putnam at Bunker Hill, were 
 strict that no man should fire until very sure that his powder 
 
418 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1779 
 
 would not be lost.* The battle commenced about 11 o’clock 
 in the morning, and was maintained until the going down of 
 the sun ; both parties fighting after the Indian fashion, every 
 man for himself, and the whole keeping up an irregular fire 
 from behind rocks and trees as best they could. About sunset 
 the ammunition of the militia was expended, and the survivors 
 attempted to retreat, but many of them were cut down. Doc¬ 
 tor Tusten was engaged behind a cliff of rocks in dressing the 
 wounded when the retreat commenced. There were seven¬ 
 teen disabled men under his care at the moment, whose cries 
 for protection and mercy were of the most moving description. 
 The Indians fell upon them, hbwever, and they all, together 
 with the Doctor, perished under the tomahawk. Among the 
 slain were many of the first citizens of Goshen; and of the 
 whole number that went forth, only about thirty returned to 
 tell the melancholy story.t Several of the fugitives were shot 
 while attempting to escape by swimming the Delaware. 
 
 Brant has been severely censured for the cruelties perpe¬ 
 trated, or alleged to have been perpetrated, in this battle. He 
 always maintained that he had been unjustly blamed, and that 
 his conduct had been the subject of unjust reproach. He 
 stated that, having ascertained that the Goshen militia were in 
 pursuit of him, determined to give him battle, he of course 
 prepared himself for their reception. Still, having obtained 
 the supplies he needed, his own object was accomplished. -He 
 also stated, that on the near approach of the Americans, he 
 rose, and presenting himself openly and fairly to their view, ad¬ 
 dressed himself to their commanding officer, and demanded their 
 surrender—promising at the same time to treat them kindly as 
 prisoners of war. He assured them, frankly, that his force in 
 ambush was sufficient to overpower and destroy them; that 
 then, before any blood had been shed, he could control his 
 warriors; but should the battle commence, he could not an- 
 
 * Putnam’s order was —“ Don’t fire, boys, till you see the white of their eyes.” 
 
 f Among the slain were Jones, Little, Duncan, Wisner, Vail, Townsend, and 
 Knapp. In 1822 the people of Orange County collected the bones, which until then 
 had been left to bleach on the battle-field, and caused them to be buried. The fune¬ 
 ral procession numbered twelve thousand people, among whom was Major Poppino, 
 one of the survivors of the battle—then nearly one hundred years old. The author 
 has to some extent drawn upon the discourse of the R.ev. Dr. Wilson, delivered on 
 that occasion, in writing this account of the battle. 
 
HIS ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLE. 
 
 419 • 
 
 1779.] 
 
 swer for the consequences. But, he said, while he was thus par¬ 
 leying with them, he was fired upon, and narrowly escaped be¬ 
 ing shot down—the ball piercing the outer fold of his belt. 
 Immediately upon receiving the shot, he retired, and se¬ 
 creted himself among his warriors. The militia, emboldened 
 by his disappearance, seeing no other enemy, and disbelieving 
 what he had told them, rushed forward heedlessly until they 
 were completely within his power. In crossing a creek they 
 had broken their order, and before they could form again on 
 the other side, Brant gave the well-known signal of the war- 
 whoop. Quick as the lightning’s flash, his dark cloud of war¬ 
 riors were upon their feet. Having fired once, they sprang 
 forward, tomahawk in hand. The conflict was fierce and 
 bloody. Few escaped, and several of the prisoners were 
 killed. There was one who during the battle saved himself 
 by means which Brant said were dishonorable. By some pro¬ 
 cess or other, though not a freemason, he had acquired a know 
 ledge of the master mason’s grand hailing signal of distress; 
 and having been informed that Brant was a member of the 
 brotherhood, he gave the mystic sign. Faithful to his pledge, 
 the chieftain interposed and saved his life. Discovering the 
 imposture afterward, he was very indignant. Still, he spared 
 his life, and the prisoner ultimately returned to his friends af¬ 
 ter a long captivity.* 
 
 * This version of the battle, as given by Brant, has been derived by the author 
 from the notes of conversations with the old chief, by Samuel Woodruff, Esq. here¬ 
 tofore cited. The prisoner referred to as having been saved by the erroneous sup. 
 position of Brant that he was a freemason, was the late Major Wood of Orange 
 County. The Rev. Doctor Wilson gives the following account of this incident:— 
 “Major Wood of Orange County, (N. Y.) was made a prisoner at the battle ot 
 Minisink, because Brant, from an accidental sign, mistook him for a Freemason. On 
 the evening after the battle, when the ‘ monster ’ was about to tie him, he remon¬ 
 strated, said he was a gentleman, and promised not to escape. He was not tied, but 
 laid between two Indians; and told, that should he attempt to escape he should be 
 tomahawked. The blanket on which he lay took fire in the night, and he dared not 
 move, lest the tomahawk might sink into his head, until the fire reached his feet, 
 when he kicked it out. It was Brant’s blanket. Brant treated him very harshly ever 
 
 after; and when Major Wood asked him the reason, he replied, ‘D-n you, you 
 
 burnt my blanket.’ Major Wood was, for many years after the peace, a resident ot 
 Orange County, and one of its most respectable citizens.” Dr. Wilson supposes 
 that the Masonic signal was made by mere accident. It may have been so; but the 
 author has been told otherwise, and that one of the first acts of his life, after his re¬ 
 turn, was to become a freemason. This he considered himself in honor bound to do. 
 
’ 420 LIFE OF BRANT. [ 1779 . 
 
 There was another occurrence of deep and thrilling interest 
 connected with this battle, the particulars of which were related 
 in after-years by Brant himself, while on a visit to the city of 
 New-York.* Among those who were grievously wounded was 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Gabriel Wisner, a gentleman of great re¬ 
 spectability, a magistrate, serving among the Goshen volun¬ 
 teers. In surveying the battle-field, the situation of Wisner ar¬ 
 rested the attention of the Indian commander, who examined 
 his condition. The chief saw that he was wounded past hope 
 of recovery, but he was, nevertheless, in the full possession of his 
 faculties, and was even able to converse. Believing his case 
 to be altogether beyond the power of medical and surgical 
 skill, and having no means of carrying him away, Brant re¬ 
 flected a moment upon his own course of duty. He was dis¬ 
 posed to save his life if he could, and yet felt that it was 
 impossible. To leave him thus helpless and alone upon the 
 field, in the possession of his senses to a degree enabling him 
 to appreciate all the horrors of his situation, would be the 
 height of cruelty. Added to which was the moral certainty, 
 that the wolves abounding in the forest, guided by the scent of 
 blood, would soon be gorging themselves alike upon the wounded 
 and the dead. The thought, therefore, that Wisner might be torn 
 in pieces while yet alive, seemed to him even more than savage 
 cruelty. Under these distressing circumstances and consider¬ 
 ations, the chief argued with himself that true humanity re¬ 
 quired a speedy termination of his sufferings. Having formed 
 this conclusion, the next point was to compass his death with¬ 
 out inflicting additional torture upon his feelings. With this 
 view he engaged Wisner in conversation, and while diverting 
 his attention, struck him dead in an instant, and unperceived, 
 with his hatchet. It was but a savage exhibition of humanity ; 
 but there was benevolence in the intention, however strangely 
 reasoned ; and the motive of the final blow is to be applauded, 
 notwithstanding the shudder caused by its contemplation.! 
 
 He also stated that he had always felt mortified at the deception he had practised, 
 and that nothing could have been more withering than the scorn with which Brant 
 ever looked upon him afterward. 
 
 * Conversations of Brant with General Morgan Lewis, related by the latter to 
 the author. 
 
 f The British account of this battle, published in New-York on the 18th of Au¬ 
 gust, 1779, as received from “a person just arrived from Joseph Brant and his 
 
INDIAN IRRUPTIONS. 
 
 421 
 
 1779.] 
 
 From Minisink, by a rapid movement, Brant fell upon a set¬ 
 tlement on the south side of the Mohawk, where, on the 2d of 
 August, he made a few prisoners—the name of one of whom 
 was House. This man, with his companions, was carried back 
 into the woods, and left in charge of the Indians, while Brant, 
 with four of his warriors, went otf upon some secret enterprise. 
 On the fourth day after his absence, he returned, attended by 
 his four warriors, but on horseback himself, having been 
 wounded in the foot by a musket shot. The wound, however, 
 was not like that of Achilles, in the heel, but by a buck-shot in 
 the ball of the great toe—and therefore in a place less equivocal 
 for a soldier’s honor. They then commenced their march in 
 the direction of Tioga; but as House became too lame by 
 walking to continue the journey on foot, the Indians proposed 
 killing him. To this Brant objected ; and having been ac¬ 
 quainted with House before the war, he released him on condi¬ 
 tion of his taking an oath of neutrality, which was written by 
 the chief in the Indian language. House signed the oath, and 
 Brant witnessed it. He was then released, and being some¬ 
 where in the vicinity of Otsego Lake, where General Clinton 
 was then making preparations for his celebrated descent of the 
 Susquehanna, House came into Clinton’s camp on the 8th of 
 August—the day previous to his embarkation.* 
 
 Contemporaneously with these occurrences, and while, as 
 will subsequently appear, the attention of the American officers 
 was directed to more important movements, the Indians and 
 Tories once more broke in upon the Pennsylvania border, in 
 Northampton, Lyconia, and the neighborhood of Sunbury. 
 In a succession of petty affairs between the 1st and 21st of 
 July, several neighborhoods were destroyed and mills burnt. 
 
 brethren,” stated that Brant had with him only sixty Indians and twenty white men. 
 Among the principal inhabitants killed, the same account gave the following return : 
 “Colonel Benjamin Tustan, Jr., Captain Samuel Jones, Captain John Little, Cap¬ 
 tain John Wood, Captain Duncan, Captain Benjamin Vail, Captain Reat Tyler, 
 Adjutant Nathaniel Frink, Lieutenant Benjamin Dunning, Lieutenant Samuel 
 Knapp, Lieutenant John Wood, Lieutenant Abraham Shepherd, Justice Gabriel 
 Weisner, Justice Gilbert Vail, Justice Roger Townsend, Justice William Barker, 
 Commissioner James Knapp, Commissioner James Mashier, Wounded, Major 
 Hans Decker, Major Samuel Meeker, of the Minisink militia. Out of one hun¬ 
 dred and forty-nine that went out, thirty returned—missing one hundred and nine¬ 
 teen.”— Vide Airman's Remembrancer, vol. vi. p. 276. 
 
 * MS. letter of General James Clinton to Governor Clinton, his brother. 
 
422 LIFE OF BRANT. [1779. 
 
 On the 17th, all the principal houses in the township of Mun- 
 sey were burnt. Two persons were killed on that clay, and 
 four had been killed a few days previous, besides several 
 taken prisoners. On the 20th, three men were killed by a 
 small party hovering about Freeland’s Fort, situated on the 
 West branch of the Susquehanna, seventeen miles from Sun- 
 bury. On the 28th, five days after the affair of Minisink, this 
 little defence, which was garrisoned by only thirty men, and 
 about fifty women and children who had sought refuge within 
 its walls, was invested by one of the M’Donalds, at the head of 
 two hundred Indians, and one hundred troops calling them¬ 
 selves regulars. But, although wearing the British uniform, it 
 was believed that they were American loyalists. The enemy 
 met with less resistance during this irruption than would have 
 been the case, but for the circumstance that the greater part of 
 the men had been drafted for the boat service of General Sulli¬ 
 van, who was then at Wyoming, preparing to enter the Seneca 
 country. Fort Freeland was too weak of itself, and too weakly 
 garrisoned, to hold out long against such a disparity of force. 
 Captain Hawkins Boone, a brave officer, stationed with thirty 
 men at a distance of some miles, marched to the relief of the 
 fort immediately on hearing of ihe investment. The garrison 
 had surrendered before his arrival. Boone nevertheless gave bat¬ 
 tle to the enemy: but, overpowered by numbers, he was slain, 
 together with eighteen of his men, whose scalps were carried 
 as trophies into the fort. Two other officers, Captains Dough¬ 
 erty and Hamilton, were also killed. By the terms of capitu¬ 
 lation, M’Donald stipulated to spare the women and children, 
 and allow them to depart. The fort, and the houses in its vi¬ 
 cinity, were then burnt* 
 
 Meantime the Shawanese were continuing their depredations 
 upon the Ohio border of Virginia, with results certainly not 
 unfavorable to the former. Colonel Boon being absent in North 
 Carolina, Colonel Bowman led an expedition of one hundred 
 and sixty men, in July, against the Shawanese of Old Chilicothe. 
 Although Bowman fell upon the Indians suddenly, and with¬ 
 out knowledge on their part of his approach, they nevertheless 
 fought him bravely for several hours, and compelled him to 
 
 * Almon’s Remembrancer—article from Philadelphia. 
 
AN IMPORTANT NOTE. 
 
 423 
 
 1779.] 
 
 retreat. Falling back thirty miles, Bowman made a stand, and 
 was shortly overtaken by the Indians with augmented num¬ 
 bers. Another engagement ensued, which, during the first two 
 hours, promised no advantage to the forces of Bowman. Co¬ 
 lonel Harrod then proposed to mount a number of men upon 
 horses and make a cavalry charge. The suggestion was 
 adopted, and the expedient succeeded. The Indians fought 
 with remarkable fury, but were, nevertheless, broken, and com¬ 
 pelled to fly in all directions.* 
 
 With these incidents closes the present volume. The se¬ 
 cond will open with a narrative of the most formidable Indian 
 campaign undertaken during the contest for American Inde¬ 
 pendence. 
 
 
 NOTE. 
 
 It is desirable that the present note should be read in connec¬ 
 tion with the sixth chapter of this volume, containing the ac • 
 count of General Schuyler’s expedition to Johnstown in Fe¬ 
 bruary, 1776, for the purpose of disarming the Tories of Tryon 
 County, and of arresting Sir John Johnson. The immediate 
 causes of that expedition, aside from the information of a wretch 
 named Connell, do not appear with sufficient distinctness to di¬ 
 vest the proceedings of General Schuyler of a character almost 
 of harshness. But while the author has entertained little, if any, 
 doubt, that Congress had good and sufficient reasons for direct¬ 
 ing the expedition, and Schuyler for his energetic execution of 
 his orders, the reasons for the urgency of the movement have 
 never transpired. Since tire preceding sheets were from the 
 press, however, the author has received copies of certain docu¬ 
 ments from the archives of the British Government, which re¬ 
 flect all the light upon the subject that can be desired. After 
 the perusal of these papers, the propriety of the measure, if it 
 ever has been, can no longer be questioned:— 
 
 * Adventures of Colonel Daniel Boon. 
 
 58 
 
424 
 
 LIFE OF BRANT. 
 
 [1779 
 
 Governor Tryon to Lord George Germaine. 
 
 “ On board H. B. M. Ship, Dutchess of Gordon , ) 
 u New- York Harbor , 3d Jan. 1776. ) 
 
 11 My Lord, 
 
 “ The gentleman who delivered me the enclosed letter from 
 Sir John Johnson, assured me that by Government’s complying 
 with its contents, Sir John could muster five hundred Indians 
 to support the cause of government, and that these, with a body 
 of regulars, might retake the forts. If Sir John had the title of 
 Superintendent of Indian Affairs, it would give the greatest 
 weight to his Majesty’s Indian affairs—the Indians having the 
 greatest affection for the son of their late benefactor. I wish 
 your Lordship may think as favorably of Sir John’s proposals 
 as I do,” &c. &c. 
 
 [enclosure in the above.] 
 
 Sir John Johnson to Governor Tryon. 
 
 <c Sir —I hope the occasion and intention of this letter may 
 plead my excuse for the liberty I take, in introducing to your 
 Excellency the bearer hereof, Captain Allan M’Donnell, who 
 will inform you of many particulars which cannot at this time 
 be safely communicated in writing. The distracted and con¬ 
 vulsed state that this unhappy county is now worked up to, 
 and the situation that I am in here, together with the many obli¬ 
 gations our family owe to the best of sovereigns, induce me to 
 fall upon a plan that may, I hope, be of service to the country, 
 the propriety of which I entirely submit to your Excellency’s 
 better judgment, depending on that friendship which you have 
 been pleased to honor me with, for your advice on, and repre¬ 
 sentation to His Majesty, of what I propose. Having consulted 
 with all my friends in this quarter, among whom are many old 
 and good officers, I have come to the resolution of forming a 
 battalion, and have named all the officers, most of whom have 
 a good deal of interest in their respective neighborhoods, and 
 have seen a great number of men ready to complete the plan. We 
 must, however, not think of stirring, until support and supplies of 
 many necessaries to enable us to carry our design into execution 
 are received—all which Mr. M’Donnell will inform your Excel¬ 
 lency of. I make not the least doubt of the success of this plan, 
 should we be supported in time. As to news, I must beg leave 
 
IMPORTANT NOTE. 
 
 425 
 
 1779.] 
 
 to refer you to Mr. M’Donnell, who will inform you of every 
 thing that has been done in Canada, that has come to our know¬ 
 ledge. As I find by the papers you are soon to sail for England, 
 I despair of having the pleasure to pay my respects to you, but 
 most sincerely wish you an agreeable voyage, and a happy sight 
 of your family and friends. 
 
 “1 am, your Excellency’s 
 
 “ Most obedient, humble servant, 
 
 ‘John Johnson.” 
 
 It was beyond doubt the organization and other preparations 
 indicated in the preceding letter, some knowledge of which 
 must have transpired, that induced Congress to direct the expe¬ 
 dition into Tryon County, referred to above, which was so vigo¬ 
 rously executed by General Schuyler, as narrated in the sixth 
 chapter of the present volume. And the same Allan M’Donnell, 
 who, with Sir John Johnson, was one of the negotiators with 
 General Schuyler on that occasion, was the secret emissary sent 
 by Sir John, one month before, to negotiate with Governor Try- 
 on. Thus the whole matter in respect to that expedition is ex¬ 
 plained. 
 

 
 ■ 
 
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 1 
 
 . • . , > y- »•• • ■ Yv‘. 
 
 - r 1 
 
 
 
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 1 yyr ' -v r n Vi' ■ t 
 
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APPENDIX. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 No. I. 
 
 [Reference from the Introduction.] 
 
 [The following is the article referred to in the text. It is ex¬ 
 tracted from Almon’s American Remembrancer, (a work purporting 
 to be an authentic collection of facts, published in London during the 
 Revolutionary War,) for the year 1782, Vol. 14, page 185. It was 
 long supposed to be authentic, but has since been ascertained to 
 be a publication from the pen of Doctor Franklin, written for poli¬ 
 tical purposes.] 
 
 Extract of a letter from, Captain Gerrish, of the New.England mi¬ 
 litia, dated Albany , March 7th, 1782. 
 
 The peltry taken in the expedition will, as you see, amount to a 
 good deal of money. The possession of this booty at first gave us 
 pleasure; but we were struck with horror to find among the pack¬ 
 ages eight large ones, containing scalps of our unhappy folks taken 
 in the three last years by the Seneca Indians, from the inhabitants 
 of the frontiers of New-York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Vir¬ 
 ginia, and sent by them as a present to Col. Haldiman, Governor 
 of Canada, in order to be by him transmitted to England. They 
 were accompanied by the following curious letter to that gentle¬ 
 man :— 
 
 “ Tioga, January 3 d, 1782. 
 
 “ May it please your Excellency, 
 
 At the request of the Seneca chiefs, I send herewith to your 
 Excellency, under the care of James Boyd, eight packs of scalps, 
 cured, dried, hooped, and painted with all the Indian triumphal 
 marks, of which the following is invoice and explanation. 
 
 No. 1. Containing 43 scalps of Congress soldiers, killed in different 
 skirmishes; these are stretched on black hoops, four inch dia¬ 
 meter ; the inside of the skin painted red, with a small black spot 
 
il 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 to note their being killed with bullets. Also 62 of farmers, killed 
 in their houses; the hoops red ; the skin painted brown, and 
 marked with a hoe ; a black circle all round to denote their be¬ 
 ing surprised in the night; and a black hatchet in the middle, 
 signifying their being killed with that weapon. 
 
 No. 2. Containing 98 of farmers, killed in their houses ; hoops red ; 
 figure of a hoe, to mark their profession; great white circle 
 and sun, to show they were surprised in the day-time ; a little 
 red foot, to show they stood upon their defence, and died fight¬ 
 ing for their lives and families. 
 
 No. 3. Containing 97 of farmers ; hoops green, to show they were 
 killed in their fields ; a large white circle with a little round 
 mark on it for the sun, to show that it was in the daytime ; 
 black bullet mark on some—hatchet on others. 
 
 No 4. Containing 102 of farmers, mixed of the several marks 
 above; only 18 marked with a little yellow flame, to denote 
 their being of prisoners burnt alive, after being scalped, their 
 nails pulled out by the roots, and other torments; one of these 
 latter supposed to be of a rebel clergyman, his band being fixed 
 to the hoop of his scalp. Most of the farmers appear by the 
 hair to have been young or middle aged men; their being but 
 67 very gray heads among them all; which makes the service 
 more essential. 
 
 No. 5. Containing 88 scalps of women ; hair long, braided in the 
 Indian fashion, to show they were mothers ; hoops blue ; skin 
 yellow ground, with little red tadpoles, to represent, by way of 
 triumph, the tears of grief occasioned to their relations; a 
 black scalping-knife or hatchet at the bottom, to mark their 
 being killed with those instruments ; 17 others, hair very gray ; 
 black hoops; plain brown colour, no mark but the short club 
 or cassetete, to show they were knocked down dead, or had 
 their brains beat out. 
 
 No. 6. Containing 193 boys’ scalps, of various ages ; small green 
 hoops ; whitish ground on the skin, with red tears in the mid¬ 
 dle, and black bullet marks, knife, hatchet, or club, as their 
 deaths happened. 
 
 No. 7. 211 girls scalped, big and little; small yellow hoops; white 
 ground ; tears, hatchet, club, scalping-knife, &c. 
 
 No. 8. This package is a mixture of all the varieties above-men¬ 
 tioned, to the number of 122 ; with a box of birch bark, con¬ 
 taining 29 little infants’ scalps of various sizes; small white 
 hoops; white ground. 
 
appendix. 
 
 Ill 
 
 With these packs the Chiefs send to your Excellency the follow, 
 ing speech, delivered by Coneiogatchie, in council, interpreted by 
 the elder Moore, the trader, and taken down by me in writing. 
 
 “ Father /—We send you herewith many scalps, that you may 
 see that we are not idle friends. A blue belt. 
 
 “ Father ! —We wish you to send these scalps over the water to 
 the Great King, that he may regard them and be refreshed ; and 
 that he may see our faithfulness in destroying his enemies, and be 
 convinced that his presents have not been made to ungrateful people. 
 A blue and white belt with red tassels. 
 
 “ Father ! —Attend to what I am now going to say ; it is a mat- 
 ter of much weight. The great King’s enemies are many, and they 
 grow fast in number. They were formerly like young panthers; 
 they could neither bite nor scratch ; we could play with them safely ; 
 we feared nothing they could do to us. But now their bodies are 
 become big as the elk, and strong as the buffalo , they have also got 
 great and sharp claws. They have driven us out of our country 
 by taking part in your quarrel. We expect the great King will 
 give us another country, that our children may live after us, and be 
 his friends and children as we are.—Say this for us to the great 
 King. To enforce it, we give this belt. A great white belt with 
 blue tassels. 
 
 “ Father ! —We have only to say further, that your traders exact 
 more that ever for their goods; and our hunting is lessened by the 
 war, so that we have fewer skins to give for them. This ruins us. 
 Think of some remedy. We are poor, and you have plenty of every 
 thing. We know you will send us powder and guns, and knives, 
 and hatchets ; but we also want shirts and blankets. A little white 
 belt.” 
 
 I do not doubt but that your Excellency will think it proper to 
 give some further encouragement to those honest people. The 
 high prices they complain of, are the necessary effect of the war. 
 Whatever presents may be sent for them through my hands shall be 
 distributed with prudence and fidelity. I have the honour of be¬ 
 ing 
 
 Your Excellency’s most obedient, 
 
 And most humble servant, 
 
 JAMES CRAUFURD. 
 
 59 
 
iv 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 No. II. 
 
 [Reference from Page 104.] 
 
 Account of the treaty held at Albany, in August 1775, with the 
 Six Nations, by the Commissioners of the Twelve United Colonies, 
 met at General Congress at Philadelphia. 
 
 The Commissioners on the part of the Colonies, were Major Ge¬ 
 neral Philip Schuyler, Major Joseph Hawley, Mr. Turbot Francis, 
 Mr. Oliver Wolcott, and Mr. Yolkert P. Douw. After the ad¬ 
 journment from German Flatts, and the arrival of the Indians at 
 Albany, as stated in the text, the following proceedings were had. 
 
 At a meeting of the Commissioners for transacting Indian affairs 
 in the northern department, held at Albany on Wednesday, the 23d 
 August, 1775. Present, 
 
 Gen. Schuyler, Col. Francis, Mr. Douw. 
 
 Resolved, unanimously, that the Indians of the Six Nations be 
 invited to receive our congratulations on their safe arrival here ; 
 that it be at five o’clock this afternoon ; that the committee of the 
 city of Albany and the principal gentlemen of the place be requested 
 to accompany the Commissioners; and that the following letters be 
 wrote for that purpose to the chairman of the committee. 
 
 Albany, 23 d August, 1775. 
 
 Gentlemen. —Your generous exertions to support the American 
 cause against the nefarious schemes of a wicked and profligate mi¬ 
 nistry, the propriety with which you have conducted those Indian 
 affairs that have become the subject of your consideration, a con¬ 
 sciousness that without your aid, and that of gentlemen of the town 
 conversant in those matters, the important business of the ensuing 
 conference cannot be so properly conducted as our zeal for the ser¬ 
 vice makes us wish, are so many motives which point out to us the 
 necessity of calling on you and those gentlemen for your aid and 
 advice; which we entreat you will give us without reserve; and 
 be assured that it will be attended to with all that deference that is 
 due to your respectable body and to their good judgment. We 
 propose to pay a visit this afternoon at five o’clock to the Indians. 
 We beg the favor of the committee to honor us with their com¬ 
 pany, as so respectable a body will greatly add to the complimentary 
 visit we mean to pay them. We shall go from Cartwright’s, and 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 T 
 
 shall take it as a favor if the gentlemen of the town, who are not 
 of the committee, would be pleased to go with us. 
 
 We are, gentlemen, with great respect, 
 
 Your most humble servants, 
 
 P. Schuyler, 
 
 VOLKERT P. DOUW, 
 Turbot Francis. 
 
 To which the committee returned the following answer:— 
 
 Gentlemen, —Your polite invitation for us to join in paying a 
 complimentary visit to the Indians this afternoon at five o’clock, we 
 accept of, and shall for that purpose attend at Cartwright’s at the 
 hour appointed. 
 
 We are, gentlemen, your most humble servants. 
 
 By order of the committee, 
 
 Abraham Yates, Jr. Chairman. 
 
 t 
 
 The sachems and warriors of the Six Nations being assembled, 
 the Commissioners, attended by the committee and principal gen- 
 tlemen of the city of Albany, met them, and addressed them as fol¬ 
 lows :— 
 
 Brethren of the Six Nations, —We, the deputies appointed 
 by the Twelve United Colonies, the decendants of Quedar, * and the 
 gentlemen of the city of Albany, congratulate you on your arrival 
 here. They are glad to see you well, and thank the great God that 
 he suffers us to meet. 
 
 At a meeting of the Commissioners for transacting Indian affairs 
 for the northern department held at the city of Albany, on Tuesday, 
 25th of August, 1775. Present, 
 
 Gen. Schuyler, C'ol. Wolcott, Col. Francis, Mr. Douw. 
 
 The following message was sent to the committee of the cit of 
 Albany:— 
 
 Albany, 25 th August, 1775. 
 
 Gentlemen, —The Commissioners of Indian affairs are to open 
 the treaty with the Six Nations this morning, about eleven, at the 
 Dutch church. They request the favor of your attendance, and 
 that of the principal gentlemen of the town, and would wish, previ- 
 
 • I 
 
 * “ Quedar,” the name which the Indians had given Governor Stuyvesant—being, 
 probably, the result of their effort to pronounce the name “ Peter.” 
 
VI 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 ous to the meeting, to be honored with your company at Cart- 
 Wright’s. 
 
 To Abraham Yates, Jr. Esq. Chairman of the committee of 
 Albany. 
 
 The chairman and committee attended agreeable to invitation. 
 
 In the course of their interview with the Commissioners this day, 
 the Indians stated that they had some business to transact with the 
 people of Albany, with whom they were desirous of having an inter¬ 
 view before proceeding with the main object for which the Council 
 had been convened. They therefore requested a day for that pur¬ 
 pose. The request was granted—a meeting of the citizens of Al¬ 
 bany was held immediately, at which Walter Livingston, Jere¬ 
 miah Van Renselaer, and Dr. Samuel Stringer were appointed 
 a committee to hold the preliminary council with the Indians. 
 The interview took place on the same evening, when Seaghnagerat, 
 an Oneida sachem, opened the proceedings by the following 
 speech :— 
 
 “ Brothers of Albany :—We beg you will acquaint us when 
 your body is complete. 
 
 “ Broteiirs of Albany :—The day is now come that we have 
 arrived in consequence of your invitation. When you saw four of 
 the Oneida Nations, you said you was glad to see them at your 
 Council Chamber. We are now here in consequence thereof. 
 You told us you would be glad to see us again—that you rejoiced 
 to see them, and that you would open the ashes, and rekindle the 
 old council-fire at Albany. We are glad to see that some of the 
 sparks of that old council-fire yet remain. We rejoice, e ven to 
 excess, to find it so. 
 
 “ Brothers attend ! — I have one addition to make to what 
 passed between four of the Oneida Nation and you, when last at 
 your Council Chamber. When you found from our conference 
 with your brothers at the German Flatts, that our sentiments of 
 public affairs so much coincided with yours, you farther told us that 
 all the governments of America on the sea-coasts were anxious to 
 know whether we were disposed to peace, and that you, the Twelve 
 United Colonies, were resolved to support your civil constitution 
 and liberties, and you rejoiced to find that we all so firmly re¬ 
 solved to maintain peace. 
 
 “ Brothers of Albany You farther observed, in the intercourse 
 you had with four of the Oneida Nation, that you greatly rejoiced 
 at the conference you had at the German Flatts. You farther said 
 ithat you was surprised about a letter Guy Johnson had received 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 vii 
 
 from the chief warrior, General Gage, about removing the mi- 
 nistcrs from among us. That you rejoiced that the Indians were in¬ 
 structed in the Christian religion, and that the ministers that were 
 among us might continue. 
 
 “ Brothers of Albany, attend !—We have something further 
 yet to relate of your speech. You desired, at the intercourse you 
 had with the four messengers, that we should acquaint the Six Na¬ 
 tions with your speech, and that thereafter three or four of each 
 Nation should come down. You farther said that you would have 
 been glad to have attended at the council-fire at Guy Johnson’s to 
 hear what he should say to the Indians, and see if his sentiments 
 and yours should coincide. But you then soon heard that he had 
 removed from there to Fort Stanwix, from there to Oswego ; that 
 you despaired of hearing any thing from him, and therefore desired 
 us that we would let you know what was done at that fire. 
 
 “ Brothers, attend !—You made another proposal at the inter¬ 
 course you had with four of our Nation, which was this :—that you - 
 had heard that there was to be a council of the whole of our Nation 
 at the German Flatts, you desired our people that they would let 
 you know what passed between us and them. Our delegates, in 
 our names, then told you that it would be more agreeable that two 
 or more of your members should attend, and hear themselves what 
 passed there. This, brethren, is the substance of what passed be¬ 
 tween you and the four of the Oneida Nation. 
 
 “ Brothers of Albany, attend ! —We now, upon this day, go¬ 
 ing through with what passed between some of your members and 
 us, when the conference ended at German Flatts. You said—Bro¬ 
 thers, let us both endeavor to keep peace, that we may continue to 
 enjoy its blessings. We desire not that you should trouble your¬ 
 selves in the least with these disputes between us and those over the 
 great waters; only exert yourselves in maintaining the covenant 
 that was made between your and our forefathers, at this place of 
 our council-fire. Your delegates told us at the German Flatts, that, 
 although you should be drove back from the sea-coast by your 
 enemies, yet you would not ask our aid. 
 
 “ Brothers of Albany, farther attend !—Two things more 
 you delivered at the German Flatts. The first was this ;—That we, 
 the Oneida Nation, should give a kind ear to your speech; you 
 then produced two ancient belts of wampum,—one of twenty rows, 
 which was the old covenant between the whole Oneida Nation and 
 Quedar-Gorah; another that was given by the Six Nations, by the 
 Indian called Kayinguaraghtoh , of the Seneca Nation; you also 
 
Vlll 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 said that these belts should again be produced for the inspection of 
 the whole Six Nations at the intended council-fire to be re-kindled 
 at Albany. 
 
 “ Brothers of Albany :—We have now finished the principal 
 subjects that passed between you and us, the Oneida Nation; and 
 we, all of us, the Six Nations, are here now present, to hear what 
 has passed, and to prevent any false reports that may be propa¬ 
 gated by news carriers. 
 
 * “Brothers of Albany, now attend ! — You, also, the commis¬ 
 sioners who are here present, lend your ears and hear our voice. 
 You, our brothers of Albany, have desired the sentiments of the Six 
 Nations. We, the Six Nations and our allies, which extend to Detroit, 
 Ohio, and Caughnawaga, upon our first hearing the bad news that 
 circulated along the eastern shore of this island, assembled and resolv- 
 ed upon a union amongst us, Indians, and to maintain peace ; and we 
 rejoice that nothing more has been asked of us. There is nothing dif¬ 
 ferent in our minds than what we have now told. We shall not take 
 notice of any hostile propositions that may be made to us, for we 
 bear an equal proportion of love to you and the others over the 
 great waters in the present dispute ; and we shall remain at peace 
 and smoke our pipes; and the Six Nations will always keep the 
 path open, and we call God to witness to the truth of what we now 
 say, and it proceeds from our hearts. [A belt of eight rows.] 
 
 “ Brothers of Albany, now attend, and incline your ears to 
 what we have now to say:— 
 
 “ We, the Six Nations, have heard the voice of a bird called 
 Tskleleli, a news carrier, that came among us. It has told us that 
 the path at the western communication, by Fort Stanwix, would 
 be shut up, either by the one party or the other. Brothers, letjt 
 not be ; and let the communication be open for passing and re¬ 
 passing, and let not our country be stained with blood, and be al¬ 
 ways compassionate to the old women, and let the young ones grow 
 up and enjoy the blessings of peace. Brothers, let not that passage 
 be shut up by you, but confine yourselves to the dispute to the east¬ 
 ward ; for this western communication lays near our council-fire, 
 and the consequence might be fatal. Indeed, Brothers, your lan¬ 
 guage and Col. Guy Johnson’s coincides, in some things, with one 
 another ; and the party that applies to us to shut up that passage 
 we will look upon as deceivers and transgressors ; and we despise 
 a double-dealer from our hearts, and whom we look upon God Al¬ 
 mighty will hereafter punish as such. And we hope that when you 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 ix 
 
 give your answer, you will speak from the integrity of your hearts, 
 as we now have done. [A belt of fifteen rows.] 
 
 “ Brothers of Albany, attend !—The Five Nations just now 
 said they would open their minds in full to you,—they would tell 
 you every thing they brought with them. This Belt respects the 
 letter Guy Johnson received from General Gage, concerning the 
 removal of the ministers from among us. Our father, the minister 
 who stands here, we love,* we love him exceedingly. Perhaps, in a 
 little time, he may be wrested from us, carried off like a prisoner. 
 Our hearts tremble for him—we tremble greatly. He has been 
 threatened ; and should he be taken, it might overthrow the whole 
 Five Nations. Our brothers, the white people, would, perhaps, say 
 that the Oneida Nation had delivered up their minister, and that 
 the Six Nations did not regard their missionaries. But, truly, we 
 regard our father, the minister, and missionaries ; therefore, we 
 propose to your consideration, whether it be not wise that the mis¬ 
 sionaries retire for a little while ; particularly our father, the mi¬ 
 nister, Mr. Kirkland, should reside a short space with his family, as 
 we hope this quarrel cannot subsist long, because you are brothers, 
 both of one nation and blood, and we hope it will soon be settled ; 
 and when a reconciliation takes place, let our missionaries imme¬ 
 diately return to us ; this, however, we refer to your consideration, 
 and leave at your pleasure. Now, Brethren, we have unburthened 
 our minds, and opened our bosoms, and delivered what we had to say.” 
 To which the Albanian Committee made the following reply:— 
 
 “ Brothers of the Six Nations !—We thank you for your 
 speech. The Commissioners appointed by the Twelve United Colo¬ 
 nies, and with our consent, will first transact business with you ; 
 after they have done, we will answer your speech.” 
 
 At a treaty began and held with the Indians of the Six United 
 Nations at the city of Albany, on Friday, the 25th of August, 
 1775—Present- 
 
 Gen. Schuyler, Col. Oliver Wolcott, Col. Turbot Francis, Volkert 
 P. Douw, Commissoners; the Chairman and Committee, and prin¬ 
 cipal inhabitants of the city of Albany. The proceedings were open¬ 
 ed by the Oneida sachem, Seaghnagerat, by the following speech :— 
 “ Brothers :—We acquainted you yesterday evening, that we 
 should first speak to our brethren, the Committee of Albany. We 
 have done so, and have opened our whole minds to them. 
 
 “ Brothers : —When we met two of your body at the German 
 Flatts, they presented these strings to us, and invited us to come 
 
 * Rev. Mr. Kirkland. 
 
X 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 down to Albany, and kindle up a great council-fire of peace, un¬ 
 der the auspices of the Twelve United Colonies. Now, as these 
 strings have never been changed, we return them to you again, and 
 desire that the great council-fire of peace may be kindled up. 
 
 “ Brothers :—You desired us to shut our ears, and fortify our 
 minds against any evil reports that we might hear on our way down, 
 and to pay no regard to what any liars and ill-disposed persons 
 might say to us, as they would only mean to sow dissention between 
 us and our brothers of the Twelve United Colonies. 
 
 “ Brothers :—Our minds are proof against the attempts of such 
 wicked persons. Now, Brothers, let us give you a little advice on 
 our parts. There are liars and mischief-makers among the Indians, 
 as well as amongst the white people. Therefore pay no regard to 
 this or that that any single Indian may say, but attend to what 
 you may hear from the mouth of our great council; for that will be 
 the truth, and the sense of all the Six United Nations.” 
 
 The Commissioners then replied in the following words :— 
 
 “ Brothers, Sachems, and Warriors of the Six Nations!— 
 We return thanks to the Great God that has suffered us to meet 
 together this day, in love, peace, and friendship. In token of 
 which we will now sit down and smoke the pipe of peace together.” 
 
 [Here the great calumet was lighted up, and went round ; after 
 which the Commissioners proceeded :—] 
 
 “ Brothers :—We, the deputies appointed by and in the name of 
 the Twelve United Colonies, assisted by the descendants of your 
 ancient friend Quedar, and your Albany brethren, embrace this 
 opportunity to rekindle the ancient council-fire, which formerly 
 burnt as bright as the sun in this place, and to heap on it so much 
 fuel that it may never be extinguished; and also to renew the an¬ 
 cient covenant chain with you, which you know has always been 
 kept bright and clean, without any stain or rust; and which by this 
 belt we now strengthen, that for ever hereafter you and we may 
 have but one heart, one head, one eye, and one hand. [A belt.'] 
 
 “ Brethren :-Our business with you, besides kindling the ancient 
 council-fire, and renewing the covenant and brightening up every 
 link of the chain, is, in the first place, to inform you of the advice 
 that was given, about thirty years ago, by your wise forefathers, in 
 a great council which they held at Lancaster in Pennsylvania, 
 when Cannassateego spoke to us in these very words.* ‘ Brethren, 
 
 * See Colden’s History of the Five Nations, and Massachusetts Historical Col¬ 
 lection, for an account of the treaty referred to—1744. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 xi 
 
 * we, the Six Nations, heartily recommend unison and a good agree- 
 ‘ ment between you, our brethren. Never disagree, but preserve a 
 ‘strict friendship for one another ; and thereby you, as well as we, 
 ‘will become the stronger. Our wise forefathers established unison 
 ‘ and amity between the Five Nations. This has made us formid- 
 ‘ able: this has given us great weight and authority with our 
 ‘neighboring nations. We are a powerful confederacy; and if 
 ‘ you observe the same methods our wise forefathers have taken, you 
 ‘ will acquire fresh strength and power. Therefore, whatever be- 
 ‘ falls you, never fall out with one another.’ These were the words 
 of Cannassateego. 
 
 “ Brothers :—Our forefathers rejoiced to hear Cannassateego 
 speak these words. They sunk deep into their hearts. The ad¬ 
 vice was good. It was kind. They said to one another, ‘ The 
 ‘ Six nations are a wise people. Let us hearken to them, and take 
 ‘ their counsel, and teach our children to follow it. Our old men 
 ‘ have done so.’ They have frequently taken a single arrow, and said 
 —‘ Children, see how easy it is broken.’ Then they have taken and 
 tied twelve arrows together with a strong string, and our strongest 
 men could not break them. ‘ See,’ said they, ‘ this is what the Six 
 ‘Nations mean. Divided, a single man may destroy you. United, 
 ‘you are a match for the whole world.’ We thank the Great God 
 that we are all united : that we have a strong confederacy, com¬ 
 posed of twelve provinces.* These provinces have lighted a great 
 council-fire at Philadelphia, and have sent sixty-five counsellors to 
 speak and act in the name of the whole, and consult for the com¬ 
 mon good of the people, and of you, our brethren of the Six Na¬ 
 tions, and your allies : the talk of this great council we shall de¬ 
 liver to you to-morrow.” 
 
 The Council having resumed business on the 26th, the proceed¬ 
 ings were opened by the Commissioners in the following manner :—• 
 “Brothers, Sachems, and Warriors!— Let this string open 
 your ears to hear, and incline your hearts to accept, the talk of the 
 Twelve United Colonies, which they have sent to you by their 
 deputies. They speak as follows :— 
 
 “ ‘ Brothers Sachems, and Warriors :—We, the delegates from 
 the Twelve United Provinces, viz., New Hampshire, Massachusetts 
 Ba 3 r , Rhode Island, Connecticut, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, the 
 three lower counties of Newcastle, Kent, and Sussex, on Delaware, 
 Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina and South Carolina, now sit¬ 
 ting in general congress at Philadelphia, send this talk to you, our 
 
 * Which were enumerated. 
 
 60 
 
xii 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 brothers. We are sixty-five in number, chosen and appointed by 
 the people throughout all these provinces and colonies, to meet and 
 eit together in one great council, to consult together for the com¬ 
 mon good of the land, and speak and act for them. 
 
 “ ‘ Brotrers :—In our consultation we have judged it proper and 
 necessary to send you this talk, as we are upon the same island, 
 that you may be informed of the reasons of this great council, the 
 situation of our civil constitution, and our disposition toward you, 
 our Indian brothers of the Six Nations, and their allies. [ Three 
 strings , or a small belt.'] 
 
 “‘Brothers and Friends, now attend! —When our fathers 
 crossed the great waters and came over to this land, the King of 
 England gave them a talk; assuring them that they and their chil¬ 
 dren should be his children, and that if they would leave their na¬ 
 tive country and make settlements, and live here, and buy and sell, 
 and trade with their brethren beyond the water, they should still 
 keep hold of the same covenant chain and enjoy peace. And it 
 was covenanted that the fields, houses, goods, and possessions, which 
 our fathers should acquire, should remain to them as their own, and 
 be their children’s for ever, and at their sole disposal. 
 
 “ ‘ Trusting that this covenant should never be broken, our fa¬ 
 thers came a great distance beyond the water, laid out their money 
 here, built houses, cleared fields, raised crops, and through their own 
 labor and industry grew tall and strong. 
 
 “ ‘ They have bought, sold, and traded with England, according to 
 agreement; sending to them such things as they wanted, and taking 
 in exchange such things as are wanted here. The King of Eng 
 land and his people kept the way open for more than one hundred 
 years, and by our trade became richer, and by a union with us, 
 greater and stronger than the other kings and people who live be¬ 
 yond the water. 
 
 “ ‘ All this time they lived in great friendship with us, and we 
 with them ; for we are brothers—one blood. 
 
 “ ‘ Whenever they were struck, we instantly felt as though the 
 blow had been given to us—their enemies were our enemies. 
 
 “ ‘ Whenever they went to war, we sent our men to stand by 
 their side and fight for them, and our money to help them and make 
 them strong. That we have done this, Brothers, you have been all 
 witnesses to in the last war. You know we assisted them in taking 
 Niagara, Cataroqui, Ticonderoga, Crown Point, and Canada; and 
 lastly, when they had no more enemies upon this island, we went 
 to fight, and helped them to take many large islands that lay in 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 XU1 
 
 the hot countries, where they got more than thirty cart-loads of 
 silver. They thanked us for our love, and sent us good tokens, and 
 renewed their promise to be our people for ever; and when the 
 war was over, they said, children, we thank you that you have 
 helped to make us great. We know that it has cost you a great 
 deal of money ; and therefore, children, we give you a present, that 
 you may maintain your warriors. 
 
 Brothers and Friends, open a kind ear. —We will now tell 
 you of the quarrel betwixt the counsellors of King George and the 
 habitants and colonies of America. 
 
 “ ‘ Many of his counsellors are proud and wicked men. They 
 persuade the King to break the covenant chain, and not to send us 
 any more good talks. A considerable number have prevailed upon 
 him to enter into a new covenant against us, and have torn asun¬ 
 der and cast behind their backs the good old covenant which their 
 ancestors and ours entered into and took strong hold of. 
 
 “ ‘ They now tell us, they will slip their hands into our pocket 
 without asking, as though it were their own : and at their plea¬ 
 sure they will take from us our charters or written civil constitu¬ 
 tion, which we love as our lives ; also our plantations, our houses, 
 and goods, whenever they please, without asking our leave. That 
 our vessels may go to this island in the sea, but to this or that par¬ 
 ticular island we shall not trade any more. And, in case of our 
 non-compliance with these new orders, they shut up our har¬ 
 bors. 
 
 “ ‘ Brothers :—This is our present situation—thus have many of 
 the King’s counsellors and servants dealt with us. If we submit, 
 or comply with their demands, you can easily perceive to what 
 a state we will be reduced. If our people labor on the field, they 
 will not know who shall enjoy the crop ; if they hunt in the 
 woods, it will be uncertain who shall taste of the meat or have 
 the skins; if they build houses, they will not know whether they 
 may sit round the fire with their wives and children; they can¬ 
 not be sure whether they shall be permitted to eat, drink, and wear 
 the fruits of their own labor and industry. 
 
 “ ‘ Brothers and Friends of the Six Nations, attend ! —We 
 upon this island have often spoke and intreated the King, and his ser¬ 
 vants the counsellors, that peace and harmony might still continue 
 between us ; that we cannot part with, or lose our hold of, the old 
 covenant chain, which united our fathers and theirs; that we want 
 to brighten this chain, and keep the way open as our fathers did; 
 that we want to live with them as brothers; labor, trade, travel 
 
XIV 
 
 AFPEXDIX. 
 
 abroad, eat and drink in peace. We have often asked them to love 
 us, and live in such friendship with us as their fathers did with ours. 
 
 “ ‘ We told them again, that we judged we were exceedingly in- 
 jured, that they might as well kill us as take away our property 
 and the necessaries of life. We have asked why they treat us 
 thus ? What has become of our repeated addresses and supplica¬ 
 tions to them ? Who hath shut the ears of the King to the cries of 
 his children in America'? No soft answer—no pleasant voice from 
 beyond the waters has yet sounded in our ears. 
 
 “ ‘ Brothers, —Thus stands the matter betwixt Old England and 
 America. You, Indians, know how things are proportioned in a 
 family between the father and the son—England we regard as 
 the father, this island may be compared as the son. 
 
 The father has a numerous family, both at home and upon this 
 island; he appoints a great number of servants to assist him in the 
 government of his family ; in process of time, some of his servants 
 grow proud and ill-natured—they were displeased to see the boy so 
 alert, and walk on so nimbly with his pack; they tell the father, 
 and advise him to enlarge this child’s pack—they prevail; the pack 
 is increased, the child takes it up again ; as he thought it might be 
 the father’s pleasure, speaks but few words, those very small, for he 
 was loth to offend the father. Those proud and wicked servants, 
 finding they had prevailed, laughed to see the boy sweat and stag¬ 
 ger under his inci’eased load. By and by they apply to the father 
 to double the boy’s pack, because they heard him complain; and 
 without any reason said they, he is a cross child, correct him if he 
 complains any more. The boy intreats the father, and addresses 
 the great servants in a decent manner that the pack might be light¬ 
 ened ; he could not go any farther; humbly asks if the old fathers, 
 in any of their records, had described such a pack for the child ; 
 after all the tears and intreaties of the child, the pack is redoubled; 
 the child stands a little while staggering under the weight, ready to 
 fall every moment; however, he intreats the father once more, 
 though so faint he could only lisp out his last humble supplication- 
 waits awhile—no voice returns. The child concludes the father 
 could not hear—those proud servants had intercepted his supplica¬ 
 tions or stopped the ears of the father. He therefore gives one 
 struggle and throws off the pack, and says he cannot take it up 
 again, such a weight will crush him down and kill him, and he 
 can but die if he refuses. 
 
 “ ‘ Upon this, those servants are very wroth, and tell the father 
 many false things respecting the child ; they bring a great cudgel 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 XV 
 
 to the father, asking him to take it in his hand and strike the 
 • child. 
 
 “ ‘ This may serve to illustrate the present condition of the King’s 
 American subjects or children. 
 
 “ ‘ Amidst these oppressions, we now and then heard a mollifying 
 and reviving voice from some of the King’s wise counsellors, who 
 are our friends and feel our distresses ; when they heard our com¬ 
 plaints and our cries, they applied to the King; they also told those 
 wicked servants that this child in America was not a cross boy; it 
 had sufficient reason for crying; and if the cause of its complaint 
 was neglected, it would soon assume the voice of a man, plead for 
 justice like a man, defend its rights, and support the old covenant 
 chain of their fathers. 
 
 “ ‘ Brothers, listen !—Notwithstanding all our intreaties, we 
 have but little hope the King will send us any more good talks by 
 reason of his evil counsellors ; they have persuaded him to send an 
 army of soldiers, and many ships of war, to rob and destroy us. 
 They have shut up many of our harbors, seized and taken into pos¬ 
 session many of our vessels: the soldiers have struck the blow, 
 killed some of our people; the blood now runs of the American 
 children; they have also burned our houses and towns, and taken 
 much of our goods. [ A black belt.~\ 
 
 “ ‘ Brothers !—We are now necessitated to rise, and forced to 
 fight, or give up our civil constitution, and run away and leave our 
 farms and houses behind us. This must not be. Since the King’s 
 wicked counsellors will not open their ears, and consider our just 
 complaints and the cause of our weeping, and have given the blow, 
 we are determined to drive away the King’s soldiers, and to kill 
 and destroy all those wicked men we find in arms against the peace 
 of the Twelve United Colonies upon this island. We think our 
 cause is just; therefore we hope God will be on our side. We do not 
 take up the hatchet and struggle for honor and conquest, but to main¬ 
 tain our civil constitution and religious privileges, the very same 
 for which our forefathers left their native land and came to this 
 country. [A black belt.\ 
 
 “ ‘ Brothers and Friends ! —We desire you will hear and receive 
 what we have now told you, and that you will open a good ear and 
 listen to what we are now going to say. This is a family quarrel 
 between us and Old England. You, Indians, are not concerned in 
 it. We don’t wish you to take up the hatchet against the King’s 
 troops. We desire you to remain at home, and not join either side; 
 but keep the hatchet buried deep. In the name and behalf of all 
 
XVI 
 
 ATPENDIX. 
 
 our people, we ask and desire you to love peace and maintain it> 
 and love and sympathize with us in our troubles; that the path may 
 be kept open with all our people and yours, to pass and re-pass with¬ 
 out molestation. 
 
 “ * Brothers !—We live on the same ground with you. The 
 same island is our common birthplace. We desire to sit down 
 under the same tree of peace with you; let us water its roots and 
 cherish its growth, till the large leaves and nourishing branches 
 shall extend to the setting sun, and reach the skies. 
 
 “ ‘ Brothers, observe well !—What is it we have asked of you ? 
 Nothing but peace, notwithstanding our present disturbed situation ; 
 and if application should be made to you by any of the King’s 
 unwise and wicked ministers to join on their side, we only advise 
 you to deliberate with great caution, and in your wisdom look for¬ 
 ward to the consequences of a compliance. For if the King’s 
 troops take away our property, and destroy us who are of the same 
 blood with themselves, what can you, who are Indians, expect from 
 them afterwards ? [ A white belt.] 
 
 “ * Brothers of the Six Nations !—When we perceived this 
 island began to shake and tremble along the Eastern shore, and the 
 sun darkened by a black cloud which arose from beyond the great 
 water, we kindled up a great council-fire at Philadelphia; and we 
 sat around it until it burnt clear, and so high that it illuminated 
 this whole island. We renewed our hold upon the old covenant 
 chain, which united and strengthened our ancestors, and which 
 was near slipping out of our hands before we had kindled this 
 great council-fire at Philadelphia. We have now taken fast hold, 
 nor will we let it go without a mighty struggle, even unto death. 
 
 Brothers :—We are now Twelve Colonies, united as one 
 man. We have but one heart and one hand. Brothers, this is our 
 Union Belt. By this belt, we, the Twelve United Colonies, renew 
 the old covenant chain by which our forefathers, in their great wis¬ 
 dom, thought proper to bind us and you, our brothers of the Six 
 Nations, together, when they first landed at this place ; and if any 
 of the links of this great chain should have received any rust, we 
 now brighten it, and make it shine like silver. As God has put it 
 into our hearts to love the Six Nations and their allies, we now 
 make the chain of friendship so strong, that nothing but an evil 
 spirit can or will attempt to break it. But we hope, through the favor 
 and mercy of the Good Spirit, that it will remain strong and bright 
 while the sun shines and the water runs. [Delivered the Union belt.] 
 
 “ ‘ Brothers :—It is necessary, in order for the preservation of 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 XVU 
 
 friendship between us and our brothers of the Six Nations, and 
 their allies, that a free and mutual intercourse be kept up betwixt 
 us. Therefore the Twelve United Colonies, by this belt, remove 
 every difficulty that may lie in the great road that runs through 
 the middle of our country ; and we will also clear up and open all 
 the small roads that lead into the great one. We will take out 
 every thorn, briar, and stone, so that when any of our brothers of 
 the Six Nations, or their allies, have an inclination to see and talk 
 with any of their brethren of the Twelve United Colonies, they 
 may pass safely without being scratched or bruised. Brothers, the 
 road is now open for our brethren of the Six Nations and their 
 allies, and they may now pass and repass as safely and freely as the 
 Twelve United Colonies themselves ; and we are further determined, 
 by the assistance of God, to keep our roads open and free for the 
 Six Nations and their allies, as long as this earth remains. [ Path 
 belt .] 
 
 “ ‘ Brothers ! —We have said we wish you Indians may continue 
 in peace with one another, and with us the white people. Let us 
 be cautious in our behavior toward each other at this critical state 
 of affairs. This island now' trembles, the wind whistles from almost 
 every quarter ; let us fortify our minds, and shut our ears against 
 false rumors; let us be cautious what we receive for truth, unless 
 spoken by wise and good men. If any thing disagreeable should 
 ever fall out between us the Twelve United Colonies, and you the 
 Six Nations, to wound our peace, let us immediately seek measures 
 for healing the breach. From the present situation of our affairs, 
 we judge it wise and expedient to kindle up a small council-fire at 
 Albany, where we may hear each other’s voice, and disclose our 
 minds more fully to one another.” [A small belt.] 
 
 “ * Therefore we say, Brothers, take care—hold fast to your cove¬ 
 nant chain. You know our disposition towards you, the Six Na¬ 
 tions of Indians, and your allies. Let this our good talk remain at 
 Onondaga, your central council-house. We depend upon you to 
 send and acquaint your allies to the northward, the seven tribes on 
 the river St. Lawrence, that you have this talk of ours at the great 
 council-fire of the Six Nations. And when you return, we invite 
 your great men to come and converse farther with us at Albany, 
 where we intend to re-kindle the council-fire, which your and our 
 ancestors sat around in great friendship. Brothers and friends ! 
 
 “ ‘ We greet you all, 
 
 “‘FAREWELL.’” 
 
 [The large belt of intelligence and declaration.'] 
 
xviii 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 Such was the talk transmitted to the Six Nations by the Commis¬ 
 sioners from Congress. The process of communication to the In¬ 
 dians, through interpreters, is very slow. Every thing must be per¬ 
 formed with great deliberation, and the Indian language is composed 
 of such lengthened compounds, that the labor of delivering and 
 translating a speech is exceedingly tedious. The delivery of this talk 
 from Congress occupied the business hours of two days. At the 
 close, Kanaghquaesa, one of the Chiefs, replied :— 
 
 “ Brothers, —We have sat round, and smoked our pipes at this 
 our ancient place of kindling up our council-fires. We have heard 
 all you have said, and have heard nothing but what is pleasant 
 and good. As you have communicated matters of great impor¬ 
 tance to us, we will sit down to-morrow and deliberate coolly upon 
 them ; and the day following will give you answers to every thing 
 you have laid before us.” 
 
 Having convened again on the 31st of August, Little Abraham, 
 the Mohawk Sachem, spoke, in answer to the Commissioners, as 
 follows:— 
 
 “Brothers, Great Men deputed by the Twelve United Co¬ 
 lonies, attend !—We are this day called to meet you in council, 
 in order to reply to what you said to us. We hope we need not 
 recapitulate the whole of your discourse. We shall only touch 
 upon each head. At our last conference in this house, we promis¬ 
 ed to return you our answer the day but one following. We did 
 not do it, and we mean to make you an apology. We hope you 
 have taken no offence. We were not prepared by that time, and 
 that was our reason. Brothers, you informed us that there was a 
 great council of sixty-five members convened at Philadelphia, and 
 that you were appointed by them to deliver a talk to the Six Na- 
 tions. It seems you, our brothers, having a desire to rekindle a 
 council-fire, took to your assistance the descendants of Quedar, 
 and have kindled up a council-fire that shall never be extinguished. 
 To which the Six Nations reply: This you have done by order of 
 the great Council at Philadelphia. We are glad to hear the news. 
 It rejoices our hearts, and it gives exceeding joy through all the 
 Six Nations. 
 
 “ Brothers, —As you desired your belts might not be returned, 
 but be deposited at our central Council House, we shall only make 
 use of them to refresh our memories, and speak upon them as we go 
 on with our answers. Brothers, we shall not recite every particular, 
 as we before mentioned. You observed, when these commotions 
 first began, a council of sixty-five members convened together at 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 XlX 
 
 Philadelphia; and you put us in mind of what Cannassateego for¬ 
 merly said at Lancaster respecting the necessity of a union among 
 you. An old sachem, a brother of Cannassateego, is here present, 
 and remembers the words of his brother. You illustrated the neces¬ 
 sity and use of a union by one and twelve arrows. You said your 
 grandfathers had inculcated this doctrine into their children. You 
 said, that as the tree of peace was formerly planted at this place, 
 you desired that the Six Nations might come down, and sit under 
 it, and water its roots, till the branches should flourish and reach 
 to heaven. This the Six Nations say shall be done. Brothers, 
 we need only remind you of a few of the things you said to us, as 
 you have them all written down. You informed qs, that by an an¬ 
 cient covenant with the King of England, you were to enjoy the 
 same privileges with the people on the other side of the great wa¬ 
 ters, that for a long time you did enjoy the same privileges, by 
 which means you and your brethren over the water both became a 
 great people; that lately, by advice of evil counsellors, you are 
 much oppressed, and had heavier packs put upon you than you could 
 bear; that you have frequently applied to be eased of your burthen, 
 but could obtain no redress; that finding this the case, you had 
 thrown off the packs. The Six Nations thank you for acquainting 
 them with your grievances, and the methods taken to obtain redress. 
 You likewise informed them of what resolutions you had formed in 
 consequence of these matters. 
 
 “ Brothers,— After stating your grievances, and telling us you 
 had not been able to obtain redress, you desired us to take no part, 
 but bury the hatchet. You told us it was a family quarrel; and 
 therefore said, ‘ You Indians, sit still, and mind nothing but peace.’ 
 Our great man, Col. Johnson, did the same thing at Oswego : he 
 desired us to sit still likewise. You likewise desired us, that if ap¬ 
 plication should be made to us by any of the King’s officers, we 
 would not join them. Now, therefore attend, and apply your ears 
 closely. We have fully considered this matter. The resolutions 
 of the Six Nations are not to be broken or altered. When they 
 resolve, the matter is fixed. This, then, is the determination of the 
 Six Nations, not to take any part; but as it is a family affair, to sit 
 still and see you fight it out. We beg you will receive this as infal¬ 
 lible, it being our full resolution; for we bear as much affection 
 for the King of England’s subjects on the other side the water, as 
 we do for you, born upon this island. One thing more we request, 
 which is, that you represent this in a true light to the delegates 
 from all the Colonies, and not varv; and that you observe the same 
 
 61 
 
XX 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 regard for truth when you write to the King about these matters 
 for we have ears, and shall hear, if you represent any thing in a 
 wrong point of light. We likewise desire you would inform our 
 brothers at Boston of our determination. 
 
 “ Brothers, —It is a long time since we came to this resolution. 
 It is the result of mature deliberation. It was our declaration to 
 Col. Johnson. We told him we should take no part in the quarrel, 
 and hoped neither side would desire it. Whoever applies first, we 
 shall think in the wrong. The resolutions of the Six Nations are 
 not to be broken. Of the truth of this you have a late instance. 
 You know what the Shawanese have lately been engaged in. They 
 applied to us for assistance, but we refused them.* Our love for 
 you has induced us not to meddle. If we loved you less, we should 
 have been less resolute. 
 
 “ Brothers, —You likewise informed us, that when you perceived 
 this island began to tremble, and black clouds to arise beyond the 
 great water, you kindled up a great fire at Philadelphia, a fire which 
 shone bright and clear to your utmost settlements ; that you sat 
 round that fire, deliberating what measures to pursue for the common 
 good ; that while sitting round it you recollected an ancient cove¬ 
 nant made between your fathers and ours when they first crossed 
 the great water and settled here, which covenant they first likened 
 to a chain of iron. But when they considered that iron would 
 rust, they made a silver chain, which they were always to rub and 
 keep bright, and clear of spots. This they made so strong, that an 
 evil spirit could not break it. This friendship-chain you have now 
 renewed. This covenant is to continue to future generations. We 
 are glad you have thought proper to renew this covenant, and the 
 whole Six Nations now thank you. This covenant-belt you desire 
 us to deposit at our central council-house, that future generations 
 may call to mind the covenant now made between us. You may 
 depend we shall send and inform all our neighboring council-fires 
 of the matters now transacted. We close, with the whole Six Na¬ 
 tions repeating their thanks that you have renewed the covenant 
 made between their forefathers and yours. 
 
 “ Brothers, attend !—As you had renewed the ancient cove¬ 
 nant, you thought proper to open the path, and have a free com¬ 
 munication with this place. As the fire had for some time been 
 put out, the path had got stopped up. You removed all obstruc- 
 
 * In the affair of Col. Cresap and Logan, and the Indian war that followed, tho 
 Mohawks were not engaged. The Cayugas and Senecas were. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 XXI 
 
 tions out of the great roads and paths, all stones and briars; so that 
 if any of us chose to travel the road, we should neither meet with 
 any obstruction, or hurt ourselves. Brothers, we thank you for 
 opening the road. You likewise informed us you were determined 
 to drive away, destroy, and kill all who appeared in arms against 
 the peace of the Twelve United Colonies. Brothers, attend. We 
 beg of you to take care of what you do. You have just now 
 made a good path ; do not so soon defile it with blood. There are 
 many round us. Caghnawagas, who are friends to the king. Our 
 path of peace reaches quite there. We beg all that distance may 
 not be defiled with blood. As for your quarrels to the Eastward, 
 along the sea-coasts, do as you please. But it would hurt us to see 
 those brought up in our own bosoms ill-used. In particular, we 
 would mention the son of Sir William Johnson. He is born amonff 
 us, and is of Dutch extraction by his mother. He minds his own 
 affairs, and does not intermeddle in public disputes. We would 
 likewise mention our father, the minister, who resides among the 
 Mohawks, and was sent them by the King. He does not meddle in 
 civil affairs, but instructs them in the way to heaven. He abso¬ 
 lutely refuses to attend to any political matters, and says they do 
 not belong to him. They beg he may continue in peace among 
 them. The Mohawks are frequently alarmed with reports that 
 their minister is to be torn away from them. It would occasion 
 great disturbance was he to be taken away. The King sent him 
 to them, and they would look upon it as taking away one of their 
 own body. Therefore they again request that he may continue to 
 live in peace among them.* 
 
 “ Brothers, —After having informed us of the situation of affairs, 
 and having finished your business, you advised us to shut our ears 
 against false reports, and that we should not attend to flying 
 stories, but to what wise and good men should say; for which rea¬ 
 son you had kindled up a council-fire at this place, that we might 
 always converse together, and know the truth of things. Your bro¬ 
 thers of the Six Nations say, ‘ Let it be so ; it shall be as you desire.’ 
 They thank you for this advice, and desire you would use the same 
 precautions ; that you would shut your ears to flying stories, but 
 keep your eye upon the chief council, such as you see now con¬ 
 vened. The Six Nations desire you would always inform them 
 fully of what respects them. We have, for this purpose, opened our 
 
 * This Missionary was the Rev. Mr. Stewart, who afterward removed to Upper 
 Canada. 
 
xxii 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 ears and purified our minds, that we may always hear and receive 
 what you have to say with good and clean minds; and whenever 
 we receive any important intelligence, we shall always bring it to 
 this council-fire. 
 
 “ Brothers :—You delivered us this pipe ; on one side the tree of 
 peace, on the other a council-fire; we Indians sitting on one side 
 of the fire, and the representatives of the twelve United Colonies 
 upon the other. You have desired that this pipe may be left at 
 our central council-house, and that the tree of peace may be planted, 
 and that the branches may be so high as to be visible to all our 
 allies. Brothers, we thank you, and shall take care to deposit this 
 where you desire, and when we meet to deliberate upon business, 
 shall always use this as our council-pipe. 
 
 “ Brothers, attend !—In the course of your speech you ob¬ 
 served, we of the Six Nations were a wise people, and saw a great 
 way before us: and you asked us, if you upon this island were con¬ 
 quered, what would become of the Indians ? You say you are un¬ 
 certain of holding your possessions, and that you do not know who 
 may enjoy the product of your labor. Now, therefore, Brothers, 
 attend ; you particularly, our Brothers of Albany ; we address our¬ 
 selves particularly to you. Our Brothers of Albany have taken two 
 pieces of land from us without any reward, not so much as a single 
 pipe. We therefore desire you will restore them, and put us into 
 peaceable possession again. If you refuse to do this, we shall look 
 upon the prospect as bad ; for if you conquer, you will take us by 
 the arm, and pull us all off. Now, therefore, as the twelve United 
 Colonies have renewed this covenant of peace, we beg that there 
 may be no obstruction upon your part, but that you would restore 
 our lands to us; for which, as we said before, you never paid us 
 even a single pipe. 
 
 “ Brothers : — You have now finished your business, and we 
 have made short replies. You have kindled up a council-fire of 
 peace, and have planted a tree of peace, according to ancient cus¬ 
 tom. We find that you have omitted one thing, which is this :—Ac¬ 
 cording to our ancient custom, whenever a council-fire was kindled 
 up, and a tree of peaee planted, there was some person appointed to 
 watch it. Now, as there is no person appointed to watch this tree, 
 we of tne Six Nations take it upon us to appoint one. Let it be 
 the descendant of our ancient friend, Quedar. He has to consider 
 whether he will take the charge of it, and communicate to us what¬ 
 ever may respect it. He that watches this council-fire is to be 
 provided with a wing, that he may brush off all insects that come 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 xxiii 
 
 near it, and keep it dear. That is the custom at our central coun¬ 
 cil-house. We have one appointed for that purpose. 
 
 “ Brothers :—As you have this day renewed the ancient cove¬ 
 nant of friendship, and have again brightened the ancient chain, 
 renew likewise another ancient custom respecting the regulation of 
 trade. Let us have a trade at this place, and likewise at Schenec¬ 
 tady, as it was in former times when we had hold of the old covenant. 
 For then, Brothers, if our people came down with only a few 
 musquash skins, we went home with glad hearts. Brothers, let it 
 be so again. Let the twelve United Colonies take this into consi¬ 
 deration.” [A belt of ten rows of wampum .] 
 
 Abraham, the Mohawk, having concluded, Tiahogwando, an Onei¬ 
 da sachem, succeeded him as follows :— 
 
 “ Brothers :—This is all the Six Nations have to say at present. 
 They would just mention one thing more before they break up. The 
 Six Nations look upon this as a very good time to speak their minds, 
 as here are the representatives of the twelve United Colonies. The 
 dispute between the people of New-England and Penn seems to us to 
 become a serious affair, and therefore the Six Nations take upon 
 them to speak their minds freely, as they address the inhabitants ot 
 the whole continent.* Many years ago, at a council held in Penn¬ 
 sylvania, when Cannassateego, that has been before mentioned, was 
 present, Penn desired the Six Nations would sell him that piece ot 
 land known by the name of Scanandanani, or Susquehannah. The 
 Indians of the Six Nations refused to sell it, saying, the great God 
 would not permit them. Therefore they made him a present ot 
 that land, known by the name of Scanandanani. Penn received it, 
 and made them valuable presents. After this, Colonel Lydius, a 
 gentleman employed by the people of Boston, treated with some ot 
 the Indians to get that land from them. But he never kindled up a 
 council-fire upon the occasion. He spoke to them whenever ho 
 met them; never with more than ten. From these he pretended to 
 make a purchase of that tract. Gov. Penn, also, at the great treaty 
 at Fort Stanwix, in the year 1768, desired that the land might be 
 his, and distributed among the Six Nations, Shawanese and Caugh- 
 nawagas, ten thousand dollars, for which they gave him a writing. 
 This is an affair with which all the Six Nations are acquainted, and 
 any one would lie who said they knew nothing about it. We have 
 taken an opportunity to speak of this matter now, as the mind of 
 the whole continent is now here.” ***** 
 
 * Referring to the long and bitter controversy between Connecticut and Penn¬ 
 sylvania respecting the territory of Wyoming, of which more hereafter. 
 
XXIV 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 At this point the proceedings were adjourned over to the next 
 day, being the 1st of September, when the Commissioners made the 
 following reply :— 
 
 “ Brothers of the Six Nations, attend !—We yesterday 
 heard with pleasure your answer to the twelve United Colonies, and 
 we return thanks to the great Governor of the universe that he has 
 inclined your hearts to approve and accept the brotherly love offered 
 to you by the twelve United Colonies. It makes us happ)’’ to hear 
 so wise and brave a people as our brothers of the Six Nations are, 
 publicly declare their unalterable resolution to maintain and support 
 peace and friendship with the twelve United Colonies. This, Bro¬ 
 thers, you have said, and we sincerely believe you. Brothers, we 
 requested of you Indians of the Six Nations not to interfere in our 
 quarrels. We are not in the least doubtful of success, as our 
 cause is just. We will live or die like men. We can raise an 
 army of three hundred thousand fighting men, who are brave, and 
 are determined not to part with their civil and religious privileges. 
 Therefore we now repeat to you, Brothers of the Six Nations, take 
 great care of the strong friendship you have now made with the 
 twelve United Colonies. Let that be vour care, and that onlv. 
 Peace is what we wish to establish. 
 
 “ Brothers of the Six Nations :—You yesterday told us, that 
 as the roads in your country were opened for you and your brothers 
 of the twelve United Colonies to pass and repass, you desired at the 
 same time that we would not stain the road with blood. Brothers, 
 be assured we have no intention at present to spill blood in your 
 country, and we hope it never may happen ; and it never can, pro¬ 
 vided those w icked men, who are come so far from home in order to 
 disturb the peace of the twelve United Colonies, do not appear in 
 your country. But as we are determined to be free or die, we must 
 pursue them until we drive them from off this island, or until they 
 confirm our ancient privileges. Therefore, Brothers, rest assured, 
 whatever may happen between us and our enemies, we never will 
 injure or disturb the peace of the Six Nations, but preserve invaria¬ 
 ble the friendship that is now established, even unto death. 
 
 “ Brothers :—You also desired yesterday that some of your 
 friends of our blood should remain in peace, and particularly the 
 missionary at Fort Hunter, who did not concern himself with the 
 affairs of this world, but was earnestly engaged in conducting you 
 to happiness, and instructing you in the reverence due to the great 
 God who governs the universe. Brothers, such a man we love, and 
 we are desirous of his remaining quiet and happy with you. We 
 
ATFENDIX. 
 
 XXV 
 
 are also desirous that all the other missionaries, that have been en¬ 
 gaged in the same good cause, may safely continue among you, and 
 instruct you in the Gospel, which will be the means of your happi¬ 
 ness in this world and the one to come. 
 
 “ Brothers :—As we always looked upon you, Brothers of the 
 Six Nations, to be a wise and capable people in conducting business 
 of every kind, we were a little surprised to hear you say that no one 
 was appointed by the twelve United Colonies to attend and watch 
 the fire that they have kindled up at this place; when we have re¬ 
 peatedly told you that they had appointed five persons, whose busi¬ 
 ness it was to attend and preserve it bright and clear, and that two 
 of those five live in this town, who would take particular care, and 
 who had full authority from the twelve United Colonies, to keep the 
 flame bright and clear. Brothers, for fear you should not have un¬ 
 derstood us fully, we again acquaint you that the twelve United 
 Colonies have authorized General Schuyler and Mr. Douw, both of 
 this town, to keep the fire burning, that it may illuminate the whole 
 country of the Six Nations, who may always see the way down to 
 it, and sit in peace around it. 
 
 “ Brothers :—You yesterday desired that the trade may be 
 opened at this place and at Schenectady. We also wish it, and it 
 will be done; so that you may trade as you formerly did, and be 
 able to return home with your goods to your entire satisfaction. 
 
 “ Brothers :—You yesterday mentioned some matters concern¬ 
 ing land claimed by the people of Albany, and also the land in dis¬ 
 pute between Connecticut and Gov. Penn. We now inform you 
 that we are not authorized to transact any business of that kind at 
 present, but will represent the matter at the Grand Congress at 
 Philadelphia. 
 
 “ Brothers :—We have now finished, and let you know the 
 present that we have from the twelve United Colonies is preparing 
 for you, and when it is ready we will acquaint you. Wagons shall 
 be provided for you whenever you are ready to set off for Sche¬ 
 nectady.” 
 
 Thus ended the business of the Commissioners with the Indians, 
 more amicably, to all appearance, than could reasonably have been 
 anticipated, when all the circumstances preceding and attending the 
 negotiations are taken into consideration. There was, however, 
 the “ unfinished business ” between the Indians and the municipality 
 of Albany yet to be completed. For this purpose a council was 
 arranged for the day following, September 2d, and the Commission- 
 cjs, on the part of the United Colonies, were again invited to attend. 
 
XXVI 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 The council was held in the Presbyterian meeting-house. The pre¬ 
 liminaries of form having been adjusted, the Committee of the 
 Common Council and citizens of Albany, delivered the following 
 reply to the speech of the Oneida sachem, on the 25th of August :— 
 
 “ Brothers of the Six Nations :—We suppose it will not be 
 insisted upon to repeat the whole of your speech, as we conceive it 
 unnecessary, and therefore shall only take notice of the material 
 parts. 
 
 “ Brothers :—You said that you was glad to see us at this place 
 on the 25th August, in consequence of our invitation ; and that you 
 was glad to see that some sparks of the old council-fire yet remain, 
 ed, and that you rejoiced, even to excess, to find it so. 
 
 “ Brothers :—We thank you for your kind congratulations and 
 salutations at meeting us here, and rejoice in the opportunity you 
 have given us at this time, of meeting one another in friendship and 
 peace, to talk of old times and renew our ancient treaty. 
 
 “ Brothers : —We are happy to find that you so readily accepted 
 our request to come and see us, and that you have had so much pa 
 tience, and behaved so orderly during your short stay among us. 
 
 “ Brothers :—At the conference of our deputies with you at the 
 German Flatts, they showed you some old belts of wampum, which 
 you expressed a desire to see. Here are those belts, and we hope 
 even Time will not wear them out. This is the Belt given by the 
 Oneida Nation, and is the old covenant between the whole Oneida 
 Nation and Gorah Quedar. This is the belt that was given by the 
 Indian Kayinguaraghtoli in behalf of the Six Nations. 
 
 “ Brothers attend :—In your speech, you farther observed that 
 you had long since taken a resolution to take no active part in the 
 present contest for liberty. We do not offer to censure you for 
 3 'our conduct; but admire your wisdom, praise your pacific disposi¬ 
 tion, and hope you will have fortitude to maintain and persevere in 
 it. \A belt.] 
 
 “ Brothers :—You further said that the road to the westward, 
 you heard by the bird, was to be stopped up ; this matter is beyond 
 our limits. The commissioners of the twelve United Colonies hav¬ 
 ing spoken to you at large about the roads, that they shall be left 
 open, we entirely agree with them in this ; and therefore shall add 
 nothing on this point, and return the belt. 
 
 “ Brothers :—You said further, and delivered us this belt; that 
 you was anxious about and concerned for your minister, Mr. Kirk¬ 
 land ; and asked our advice about his remaining among you, who 
 we do not see you should be deprived of without your consent, any 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 xxvu 
 
 more than the Mohawk tribe should be deprived of their missionary. 
 We highly approve of your concern for the ministers of the Gospel, 
 and your attachment for the pure precepts and doctrine of Christia¬ 
 nity. But if your minister is removed, we should fear the conse¬ 
 quence. It would certainly give occasion of jealousy to your 
 Brethren, the white people, that you Indians were not well disposed. 
 Therefore it is our ardent wish that they may all remain among 
 you, as your teachers and instructors in virtue, piety, and true re¬ 
 ligion ; and we hope you may benefit and profit by their instruc¬ 
 tion. [A belt.] 
 
 “ Brothers :—Before any commissioners were appointed by the 
 twelve United Colonies—from the disagreeable condition of our 
 country, and the ancient friendship and alliance subsisting between 
 us, commenced in the days of your ancestors and our forefathers, 
 we took upon us, as the representatives of the people of the city and 
 county of Albany, to give you an invitation to pay us a friendly 
 visit, that we might have an opportunity of seeing you here, at the 
 place where the first fire was kindled, that we might rake up the 
 old ashes, and not suffer it to be extinguished, but renew the old cove¬ 
 nant chain, and make it shine with brighter lustre. 
 
 “ Brothers :—We are happy to find from your speech, that you 
 still retain that affection for us which a well-founded friendship 
 will naturally produce, and which we hope, from our conduct toward 
 you, is not unmerited ; and we rejoice to find that you feel for our 
 distresses, and lament the unnatural quarrel of brethren, which you 
 express so warmly by a desire of an amicable settlement. 
 
 “ Brothers :—Time will not permit us, at present, to mention 
 to you, how, and on what occasion, the first covenant was made be¬ 
 tween you and our forefathers. They had never deserted you, 
 but kept their covenants and agreements with you, nor do we mean 
 to act otherwise on our part. 
 
 “ Brothers : —This covenant, afterwards improved upon, was 
 confirmed between you and us in the year 1665, one year after this 
 country went over to the crown of England. Since this, you have 
 from time to time admitted into your chain, the Tuscaroras, and 
 most, if not all, the twelve United Colonies. 
 
 “ Brothers : —There are five gentlemen commissioners, appointed 
 by the twelve United Colonies, at the grand council in Philadelphia ; 
 and the management of public affairs in the Indian department now 
 belongs to them. These gentlemen have informed you of the nature 
 of the dispute between Great Britain and this country ; and testi* 
 fied their desire of keeping up the council fire between us. 
 
 62 
 
xxviii 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 “Brothers: —We know it is customary, at the renewal of any 
 covenants between us, that a present should follow ; we now make 
 it known to you, that the goods you will receive of the commission¬ 
 ers of the twelve United Colonies are partly ours ; we pay our pro¬ 
 portionable part toward them, so that what you receive of them is 
 from us also. We are the same. There is no distinction. 
 
 “ Brothers :—If our memory do not fail us, we think that when 
 we invited two or three of each of our brethren of the Six Nations 
 to come down here, we also desired that you would acquaint us of 
 what had passed in the congress held at Oswego (which as yet we 
 know nothing of.) You say, indeed, you are glad we are peaceably 
 inclined as well as Col. Johnson ; but you have told us nothing else 
 of what had passed there, which we had expected, and do wish that 
 our brothers conceal nothing from us, especially as you called God 
 to witness for the truth of what you said. 
 
 “ Brothers of the Six Nations, and you, the Mohawks in 
 particular :—We apprehend the bird Tsklelele has been busy 
 again. He seems to be a mischievous bird, and ought not to be 
 nourished or entertained. In your answer to the commissioners 
 you addressed yourselves to the inhabitants of Albany, complaining 
 that they had taken from you two peices of land without giving you 
 the value of a pipe of tobacco for them ; and that you desired they 
 would restore you to the peaceable possession of them, and that the 
 commissioners would look into this matter and afford you relief. 
 The land you speak of we suppose to be Ticonderoga. 
 
 “ Brothers : —This is a matter foreign to the business we met 
 upon, (and we are not authorised nor qualified to enter upon the 
 subject, it is a business that belongs to the corporation of Albany) 
 yet as we may be considered the representatives of the people at 
 large, our entire silence may be construed into guilt of the heavy 
 charge fixed upon us. For your satisfaction as well as of the au¬ 
 dience, we will endeavor to show by a few remarks that the accu¬ 
 sation is groundless. The lands alluded to are granted by the char¬ 
 ter of Albany. We never heard that any of your nation have been 
 dispossessed or driven off those lands; but you hitherto have and 
 still enjoy those lands without the least intert'uption. 
 
 “ Brothers : —As we observed before, the matter cannot pro¬ 
 perly come before us, but belongs to another body; and therefore 
 the application to us is improper. However, give us leave to say, 
 that, instead of complaining, we think the Mohawks, if they con¬ 
 sidered their own interest and that of their posterity, and would be 
 candid, must acknowledge the truth of the fact, and rejoice at this 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 xxix 
 
 day, that they have had such faithful guardians and trustees, for if 
 it had not been so, who would have enjoyed those lands now 1 There 
 have been complaints concerning this matter before, and inquiries 
 into it before proper tribunals ; and for your information, and that 
 of the curious, we refer to the proceedings of the House of Assembly 
 of this Colony, and also to the minutes taken on a conference be¬ 
 tween the corporation of this city and yourselves, at which Sir 
 William Johnson was present, and therefore return you the belt. 
 
 After consultation, the Indians returned the following answer by 
 Abraham, chief of the Mohawks :— 
 
 “ Brothers of Albany : — We return you thanks for your 
 speech, and that you have informed us that the twelve United Co¬ 
 lonies by their commissioners, have opened all the roads; and we 
 now take it for granted that the communications at Fort Stanwix are 
 not to be shut up, and that the New England people never will do 
 it. This, Brethren, has been the occasion of some anxiety in the 
 minds of the Six Nations. 
 
 “ Brothers of the Six Nations, attend ; You also the people 
 of Albany, and you the twelve United Colonies by your commission¬ 
 ers :—Last spring Col. Johnson informed us that the New Eng¬ 
 land people were near him to take him prisoner. Upon which we, 
 like people intoxicated, took up our guns and ran to assist him, as 
 he was our superintendent. But, Brethren, as it happened in the 
 manner before mentioned, we hope you will look upon it in that 
 light. We, the Six Nations, have now made and renewed our an- 
 cient covenants. The proceedings just now mentioned have 
 brought me down. I have made a proper acknowledgment to the 
 Six Nations, and now do the same to you, and I hope you will raise 
 me up again. The news I was just speaking of, came not from a 
 bird, but from your own people. 
 
 “ Brothers of Albany, farther attend :—I shall only make 
 a short reply to your speech relating to the lands. Many agreeable 
 things are therein. You farther say, that you never heard that any 
 of us were driven from those lands. There is one thing which is not 
 so agreeable. It is the Tskleleli. You, Brothers, know how that 
 matter is, and in case I was to answer that part of your speech, it 
 might perhaps draw us into an argument;—and as you are not, as 
 you say, the proper body to which we ought to have applied, and as 
 you have referred us to former proceedings, we shall close. 
 
 Brothers of Albany :—We the Six Nations now tell you, that 
 it is at your pleasure to call on us, and we will inform you of what 
 passed in the congress at Oswego. 
 
XXX 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 Taking the hint that the Indians would say nothing except in 
 due form, the chairman of the committee immediately said :— 
 
 “ Brothers of the Six Nations :—We are now ready to hear 
 it, and should be glad you would inform us.” 
 
 The Mohawk chief then proceeded :— 
 
 “ Brothers of Albany :—You sent for us to inform you of 
 what passed at Oswego ;—-but you have not, since we have been 
 down, desired it. We have been always ready; and as you have 
 now asked us, we will now tell you, and think it our duty, as we 
 look upon it that God will punish us should we conceal any thing 
 from you. 
 
 u Brothers : —The transactions of that treaty were very public. 
 The Shawanese were there, and some from Detroit. Mr. Jonnson 
 told us, that the fire kindled there was a fire of peace, that all the 
 white people were the king’s subjects, and that it seemed they were 
 intoxicated. Mr. Johnson also told us, that the white people were 
 all got drunk, and that God’s judgment hung over them, but did not 
 know on which side it would fall. Mr. Johnson farther told us, 
 that the council-fire was kindled on account of the present dispute, 
 and desired us not to interfere, as they were Brothers, and begged us 
 to sit still and maintain peace. This is what Colonel Johnson told 
 us at that council-fire. He also said he had his eye on Mr. 
 Kirkland ; that he was gone to Philadelphia and along the sea- 
 coast ; that he was become a great soldier and a leader. Is this 
 your minister? says he. Do you think your minister minds your 
 souls ? No, by the time he comes to Philadelphia, he will be a 
 great warrior, and when he returns he will be the chief of all the 
 Five Nations. 
 
 “ Brothers : —There were present five people of Detroit, five 
 from Caughnawaga, and two of the Shawanese. Col. Johnson 
 told them, that by the time he returned from Canada, they should 
 have all their men there, and he would then kindle a council-fire ; 
 and he would also desire them not to take any part in this dispute, 
 as it was a quarrel between brothers. Mr. Johnson also told them 
 that this council-fire was kindled upon peace, and that it seemed, 
 by reason of the white people’s intoxication, that God’s judgment 
 hung over them. He also told us that he was going to the Go. 
 vernor of Canada, who was of a different opinion from him, but 
 would talk with him; and he farther said that he would tell the 
 Caughnawaga Indians the same he told us, and for that purpose de¬ 
 sired that two of each nation might go along, and hear it. He 
 likewise desired us to consider which way we would have our trade, 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 XXXI 
 
 whether up this river, or from Canada. He at the same time as- 
 sured 11 s, that we should not suffer for want of goods, as we were 
 not concerned, nor had any hand in the present dispute. He also 
 mentioned something about the council-fires. He said there are 
 two fires which you shall keep your eyes upon, and if they call you 
 down to Albany, do not you go, for they will deceive you, and tell you 
 a great many fine stories. We are very glad that your language 
 and Col. Johnson’s so well agrees.” 
 
 Thus ended this grand council with the Six Nations, and the 
 last council ever held at Albany, with the great aboriginal confe¬ 
 deracy which has been denominated the Roman Republic of the 
 Indian world. 
 
 No. III. 
 
 [Reference from Page 231.] 
 
 By Barry St. Leger, Esq,., 
 
 Commander-in-chief of a chosen body of troops from the grand 
 army, as well as an extensive corps of Indian allies from all the na¬ 
 tions, &c. &c. 
 
 The forces entrusted to my command are designed to act in 
 concert, and upon a common principle, with the numerous armies 
 and fleets which already display, in every quarter of America, the 
 power, justice, and, when properly sought, the mercy of the King. 
 
 The cause in which the British arms are thus exerted, applies to 
 the most affecting interest of the human heart, and the military ser¬ 
 vants of the Crown, at first called forth for the sole purpose of re¬ 
 storing the rights of the constitution, now combine with love of 
 their country and duty to their sovereign, the other extensive in¬ 
 citements which spring from a due sense of the general privileges 
 of mankind. To the eyes and ears of the temperate part of the 
 public, and to the breast of suffering thousands in the provinces, be 
 the melancholy appeal, whether the present unnatural rebellion has 
 not been made a foundation for the completest system of tyranny 
 that ever God in his displeasure suffered for a time to be exercised 
 over a froward and stubborn generation. Arbitrary imprisonment, 
 confiscation of property, persecution and torture unprecedented in 
 the inquisitions of the Romish Church, are among the palpable 
 enormities that verify the affirmative. These are inflicted by As- 
 
xxxii 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 semblies and Committees, who dare to profess themselves friends 
 to liberty, upon the most quiet subjects, without distinction of age 
 or sex, for the sole crime, often for the sole suspicion, of having ad- 
 hered in principle to the government under which they were born, 
 and to which by every tie, divine and human, they owe allegiance. 
 To consummate these shocking proceedings, the profanation of re¬ 
 ligion is added to the most profligate prostitution of common rea¬ 
 son ; the consciences of men are set at nought; and multitudes are 
 compelled, not only to bear arms, but also to swear subjection to an 
 usurpation they abhor. 
 
 Animated by these considerations ; at the head of troops in the 
 full powers of health, discipline and valor, determined to strike 
 when necessary, and anxious to spare when possible ; I by these pre¬ 
 sents invite and exhort all persons, in all places where the progress 
 of this army may point, and by the blessing of God I will extend it 
 far, to maintain such a conduct as may justify me in protecting 
 their lands, habitations, and families. The intention of this ad¬ 
 dress is to hold forth security, not depredation, to the country. 
 
 To those whom spirit and principle may induce to partake the 
 glorious task of redeeming their countrymen from dungeons, and re¬ 
 establishing the blessings of legal government, I offer encourage¬ 
 ment and employment; and upon the first intelligence of their asso¬ 
 ciations, I will find means to assist their undertakings. The domes¬ 
 tic, the industrious, the infirm, and even the timid inhabitants, I am 
 desirous to protect, provided they remain quietly at their houses; 
 that they do not suffer their cattle to be removed, nor their corn or 
 forage to be secreted or destroyed ; that they do not break up their 
 bridges or roads; nor by any other acts, directly or indirectly, en¬ 
 deavor to obstruct the operations of the king’s troops, or supply or 
 assist those of the enemy. 
 
 Every species of provision brought to my camp will be paid for 
 at an equitable rate and in solid coin. If, notwithstanding these 
 endeavors and sincere inclinations to effect them, the frenzy of 
 hostility should remain, I trust I shall stand acquitted in the eyes 
 of God and man, in denouncing and executing the vengeance of the 
 State against the wilful outcasts. The messengers of justice and of 
 wrath await them in the field, and devastation, famine, and every 
 concomitant horror that a reluctant but indispensable prosecution 
 of military duty must occasion, will bar the way to their return. 
 
 Barry St. Leger. 
 
 By order of the Commander-in-chief, 
 
 Will. Osb. Hamilton, Secretary. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 XXXIII 
 
 No. IV. 
 
 [Reference from Page 241.] 
 
 The fury and cruelty of the Indians and Tories at and imme¬ 
 diately after the battle of Oriskany, is strongly set forth in the fol¬ 
 lowing affidavit, the original of which is now in the office of the 
 Secretary of State, Albany. Dr. Younglove died about fifteen 
 years since in the city of Hudson. He was known to the author 
 as a respectable man, though of strong feelings and prejudices. 
 Any statement of this kind, from a man of his temperament, would 
 be likely to receive a strong coloring, without, however, any de¬ 
 signed misstatement of facts. 
 
 “ Moses Younglove, Surgeon of General Herkimer’s brigade of mi¬ 
 litia, deposeth and saith, that being in the battle of said militia 
 above Oriskany on the 6th of August last, toward the close of said 
 battle he surrendered himself a prisoner to a savage, who imme¬ 
 diately gave him up to a sergeant of Sir John Johnson’s regiment; 
 soon after which, a Lieutenant in the Indian department came up 
 in company with several other tories, when said Mr. Grinnis by 
 name, drew his tomahawk at this deponent, and with a deal of per¬ 
 suasion was hardly prevailed on to spare his life. He then plun¬ 
 dered him of his watch, buckles, spurs, &c. ; and other tories fol¬ 
 lowing his example, stripped him almost naked with a great many 
 threats, while they were stripping and massacreing prisoners on 
 every side. That this deponent, on being brought before Mr. But¬ 
 ler, Sen. who demanded of him what he was fighting for ; to which 
 this deponent answered, “ he fought for the liberty that God and 
 Nature gave him, and to defend himself and dearest connexions 
 from the massacre of savages.” To which Butler replied, “ you 
 are a damned impudent rebeland so saying, immediately turned 
 to the savages, encouraging them to kill him, and if they did not, 
 the deponent and the other prisoners should be hanged on a gal¬ 
 lows then preparing. That several prisoners were then taken for¬ 
 ward toward the enemy’s head-quarters with frequent scenes of 
 horror and massacre, in which tories were active as well as sa¬ 
 vages ; and in particular one Davis, formerly known in Tryon 
 County on the Mohawk river. That Lieut. Singleton, of Sir John 
 Johnson’s regiment, being wounded, entreated the savages to kill 
 
XXXIV 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 the prisoners, which they accordingly did, as nigh as this deponent 
 can judge, about six or seven. 
 
 , “ That Isaac Paris, Esq., was also taken the same road, without 
 receiving from them any remarkable insult except stripping, until 
 some tories came up, who kicked and abused him ; after which the 
 savages, thinking him a notable offender, murdered him barbarous, 
 ly. That those of the prisoners who were delivered up to the pro. 
 vost guards, were kept without victuals for many days, and had 
 neither clothes, blankets, shelter, nor fire ; while the guards were 
 ordered not to use any violence in protecting the prisoners from 
 the savages, who came every day in large companies with knives, 
 feeling of the prisoners, to know who were fattest. That they 
 dragged one of the prisoners out of the guard w’ith the most lament¬ 
 able cries ; tortured him for along time ; and this deponent was in. 
 formed, by both tories and Indians, that they ate him, as appears 
 they did another on an island in Lake Ontario, by bones found 
 there nearly picked, just after they had crossed the lake with the 
 prisoners. That the prisoners who were not delivered up, were 
 murdered in considerable numbers from day to day round the camp, 
 some of them so nigh that their shrieks were heard. That Capt. 
 Martin, of the batteaux-men, was delivered to the Indians at Oswe¬ 
 go, on pretence of his having kept back some useful intelligence. 
 That this deponent during his imprisonment, and his fellows, were 
 kept almost starved for provisions ; and what they drew, were of the 
 worst kind, such as spoiled flour, biscuit full of maggots, and mouldy, 
 and no soap allowed, or other method of keeping clean; and were 
 insulted, struck, &c. without mercy by the guards, without any 
 provocation given. That this deponent Mas informed by several 
 sergeants orderly on Gen. St. Leger, that twenty dollars were of¬ 
 fered in general orders for every American scalp. 
 
 MOSES YOUNGLOVE. 
 
 JOHN BARCLAY, 
 
 Chairman of Albany Committee .” 
 
 No. V. 
 
 [Reference froji Page 249 .] 
 
 The following is a copy of the letter addressed to Colonel Ganse- 
 voort, while under duress in the camp of General St. Leger, by 
 Colonel Bellinger and Major Frey :—« 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 XXXV 
 
 “ 9 o'clock P. M. — Camp before Fort Stanmix, i 
 
 6th August , 1777. \ 
 
 “ Sir, 
 
 “ It is with concern we are to acquaint you that this was the 
 fatal day in which the succors, which were intended for your 
 relief, have been attacked and defeated, with great loss of numbers 
 killed, wounded, and taken prisoners. Our regard for your safety 
 and lives, and our sincere advice to you is, if you will avoid inevi¬ 
 table ruin and destruction, to surrender the fort you pretend to de¬ 
 fend against a formidable body of troops and a good train of artil¬ 
 lery, which we are witnesses of: when, at the same time, you have 
 no farther support or relief to expect. We are sorry to inform you 
 that most of the principal officers are killed ; to wit—Gen. Herki¬ 
 mer, Colonels Cox, Seeber, Isaac Paris, Captain Graves, and many 
 others too tedious to mention. The British army from Canada 
 being now perhaps before Albany, the possession of which place of 
 course includes the conquest of the Mohawk river and this fort.” 
 
 The following endorsement is on the back of this letter. “ Gen. 
 St. Leger, on the day of the date of this letter, made a verbal sum¬ 
 mons of the fort by his Adjutant General and Colonel Butler, and 
 who then handed this letter ; when Colonel Gansevoort refused any 
 answer to a verbal summons, unless made by General St. Legei? 
 himself, but at the mouth of his cannon.” 
 
 [In repaid to the battle of Oriskanv, to which the preceding note refers, the author 
 has received an interesting anecdote from Mr. John S. Gfuackenboss, of Montgomery 
 county, which would have formed a page in the chapter containing an account of 
 that battle had it come to hand in season. The father of the author’s correspondent, 
 Abraham D. Gfuackenboss, resided in the Mohawk country on the south side of the' 
 river, at the breaking out of the war. Living as it were among the Indians, he spoke 
 their language as well as he did his own. Among them he had a friend, named 
 Bronkahorse—who, though an Indian, had been his playmate, and they had served 
 in the French war together under Sir William Johnson. When the revolutionary 
 troubles came on, Bronkahorse called upon Gfuackenboss, and endeavored to per¬ 
 suade him to espouse the cause of the King—assuring him that their Great Father 
 could never be conquered. Gfuackenboss refused, and they parted—the Indian, 
 however, assuring him that they were parting as friends, although, since they had 
 fought in one war together, he had hoped they might do so in the other. Mr. Gf. saw 
 no more of his friend until the battle of Oriskany. During the thickest of the fight, 
 he heard his name called, in the well-known voice of Bronkahorse, from behind a 
 large tree near by. He was himself sheltered by a tree ; but in looking out for the 1 
 warrior, he saw bis Indian friend. The latter now importuned Gfuackenboss to sur¬ 
 render, assuring him of kind treatment and protection, but also assuring him that 
 unless he did so, he would inevitably be killed. Gfuackenboss refused, and the In¬ 
 dian thereupon attempted to kill him. For a moment they watched each other, each 
 endeavoring to obtain the first and best chance of a shot. The Indian at length fired, 
 and his ball struck the tree, but had nearly been fatal. Springing from his covert 
 upon the Indian, Gfuackenboss then fired, and his friend Bronkahorse fell dead on 
 the spot. It was the belief of Mr. Gfuackenboss that the loss of the enemy during 
 that battle equalled that of Herkimer’s command. The latter suffered the most se¬ 
 verely in the early part of the engagement—the enemy in the latter part.] 
 
xxxvi 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 No. VI. 
 
 [Reference from Page 252.] 
 
 “ Camp before Fort Siamcix, August 9, 1777 
 
 “ Sir, 
 
 “ Agreeable to your wishes, I have the honor to give you on pa¬ 
 per, the message of yesterday, though I cannot conceive, explicit 
 and humane as it was, how it could admit of more than one con- 
 struction. After the defeat of the reinforcement and the fate of 
 all your principal leaders, in which, naturally, you built your 
 hopes; and having the strongest reason from verbal intelligence, 
 and the matter contained in the letters which fell into my hands, 
 and knowing thoroughly the situation of General Burgoyne’s army, 
 to be confident you are without resource—in my fears and tenderness 
 for your personal safety from the hands of Indians enraged for the 
 loss of some of their principal and most favourite leaders—I called to 
 council the chiefs of all the nations; and after having used every 
 method that humanity could suggest to soften their minds, and lead 
 them patiently to bear their own losses by reflecting on the irre¬ 
 trievable misfortune of their enemies, I at last labored the point 
 my humanity wished for ; which the chiefs assured me of the next 
 morning, after a consultation with each nation, that evening, at 
 their fire-places. Their answer, in its fullest extent, they insisted 
 should be carried by Col. Butler, which he has given in the most 
 categorical manner. You are well acquainted that Indians never 
 send messages without accompanying them with menaces on non- 
 compliance, that a civilized enemy would never think of doing; 
 you may rest assured, therefore, that no insult was meant to be of¬ 
 fered to your situation, by the king’s servants, in the message they 
 peremptorily demanded to be carried by Col. Butler. 
 
 “ I am now to repeat what has been told you by my Adjutant Ge¬ 
 neral; ‘That provided you will deliver up your garrison, with 
 every thing as it stood at the moment the first message was sent, 
 your people shall be treated with every attention that a humane 
 and generous enemy can give.’ 
 
 “ I have the honor to be, Sir, 
 
 “ Your most obedient, humble Servant, 
 
 “ Barry St, Leger, 
 
 “ Brig. Gen. of his Majesty’s forces.” 
 
APFENDIX. 
 
 XXXVll 
 
 “ P. S.—I expect an immediate answer, as the Indians are ex- 
 tremely impatient; and if this proposal is rejected, I am afraid it 
 will be attended with very fatal consequences, not only to you and 
 your garrison, but the whole country down the Mohawk river— 
 such consequences as will be very repugnant to my sentiments of 
 humanity, but after this entirely out of my power to prevent. 
 
 “ Barry St. Leger.” 
 
 “ Coe. Gansevoort, commanding Fort Stanwix.” 
 
 No. VII. 
 
 [Reference from Page 253.] 
 
 “ Camp before Fort Stanwix J August 13, 1777. 
 
 “ To the Inhabitants of Tryon County. 
 
 “ Notwithstanding the many and great injuries we have re¬ 
 ceived in person and property at your hands, and being at the head 
 of victorious troops, we most ardently wish to have peace restored 
 to this once happy country; to obtain which, we are willing and 
 desirous, upon a proper submission on your parts, to bury in obli¬ 
 vion all that is past, and hope that you are, or will be, convinced in 
 the end that we were your jlfcmds and good advisers, and not such 
 wicked, designing men, as those who led you into error, and almost 
 total ruin. You have, no doubt, great reason to dread the resent¬ 
 ment of the Indians, on account of the loss they sustained in the 
 late action, and the mulish obstinacy of your troops in this gar¬ 
 rison, who have no resource but in themselves ; for which reasons 
 the Indians declare, that if they do not surrender the garrison with¬ 
 out further opposition, they will put every soul to death,—not only 
 the garrison, but the whole country,—without any regard to age, sex, 
 or friends; for which reason it is become your indispensable duty, 
 as you must answer the consequences, to send a deputation of 
 your principal people, to oblige them immediately to what, in a 
 very little time, they must be forced,—the surrender of the garrison ; 
 in which case we will engage, on the faith of Christians, to protect 
 you from the violence of the Indians. 
 
 Surrounded as you are by victorious armies, one half (if not the 
 greater part) of the inhabitants friends to government, without any 
 
XXXVlll 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 resource, surely you cannot hesitate a moment to accept the terms 
 proposed to you by friends and well-wishers to the country. 
 
 « John Johnson, \ 
 
 D. W. Claus, > Superintendents. 
 
 John Butler, ) 
 
 No. VIII. 
 
 [Reference from Page 256.] 
 
 '• By the Hon. Benedict Arnold, Esq. Major-general and Com¬ 
 mander-in-chief of the army of the United States of America on the 
 
 Mohawk River. 
 
 “ Whereas a certain Barry St. Leger, a Brigadier-general in 
 the service of George of Great Britain, at the head of a ban. 
 ditti of robbers, murderers, and traitors, composed of savages of 
 America, and more savage Britons, (among whom is the noted Sir 
 John Johnson, John Butler, and Daniel Claus,) have lately appeared 
 in the frontiers of this State, and have threatened ruin and destruc¬ 
 tion to all the inhabitants of the United States. They have also, 
 by artifice and misrepresentation, induced many of the ignorant and 
 unwary subjects of these States to forfeit their allegiance to the 
 same, and join with them in their atrocious crimes, and parties of 
 treachery and parricide. 
 
 “ Humanity to those poor deluded wretches, who are hastening 
 blindfold to destruction, induces me to offer them, and all others 
 concerned, (whether Savages, Germans, Americans, or Britons,) 
 pardon, provided they do, within ten days from the date hereof, 
 come in and lay down their arms, sue for protection, and swear al- 
 legiance to the United States of America. 
 
 “ But if, still blind to their own interest and safety, they obsti. 
 nately persist in their wicked courses, determined to draw on them¬ 
 selves the just vengeance of heaven and of this exasperated coun¬ 
 try, they must expect no mercy from either. 
 
 “ B. Arnold, M. G. 
 
 “ Given under my hand , Head-quarters, German Flatts, 20th 
 August, 1777.” 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 XXXIX 
 
 No. IX. 
 
 [Reference from Page 274.] 
 
 Extracts from Mad. de RiedeseVs account of her Residence in America. 
 
 When the army broke up, on the 11th of September, 1777, I was 
 at first told that I must remain behind ; but on my repeated en¬ 
 treaties, and as other ladies had been permitted to follow the army, 
 the same indulgence was extended to me. We advanced by short 
 journeys, and went through many toils; yet I would have pur¬ 
 chased at any price the privilege thus granted to me of seeing daily 
 my husband. I had sent back my baggage, and only kept a small 
 bundle of summer dresses. In the beginning, all went well; we 
 thought that there was little doubt of our being successful, and of 
 reaching “ the promised land and when, on the passage across the 
 Hudson, general Burgoyne exclaimed, “ Britons never retrograde,” 
 our spirits rose mightily. I observed, however, with surprise, that the 
 wives of the officers were beforehand informed of all the military 
 plans; and I was so much the more struck with it, as I remembered 
 with how much secresy all dispositions were made in the armies of 
 Duke Ferdinand during the seven-years’ war.* Thus the Ameri¬ 
 cans anticipated our movements, and expected us wherever we ar¬ 
 rived : and this of course injured our affairs. On the 19th of 
 September, an action took place, which ended to our advantage ; 
 but we were, in consequence, obliged to halt at a place called Free¬ 
 man’s Farm. I witnessed the whole action, and knowing that my 
 husband was among the combatants, I was full of anxiety and care, 
 and trembled at every shot—and nothing escaped my ear. I saw 
 a great number of wounded, and, what was still worse, three of them 
 were brought into the house where I was. One of them was a Ma¬ 
 jor Harnage, whose wife was with us; the second, a lieutenant, 
 
 * Lieutenant Auburey made a similar remark when the army was yet in Cana¬ 
 da: “ We have more dangerous enemies at home than any we have to encounter 
 abroad; for all the transactions that are to take place, are publicly known long 
 before they are officially given out in orders; and I make no doubt but you will be 
 as much surprised as the General (Burgoyne) was, when I tell you that the whole 
 operations of the ensuing campaign were canvassed for several days before he ar¬ 
 rived, who, no doubt, supposed, that in giving out his orders, he was communicating 
 an entire secret.”—[Montreal, May 20th, 1777. Vol. 1, p. 203.] 
 
 Great secresy, observes the same writer, was, on the contrary, observed in the 
 American army. 
 
xl 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 whose wife was of our acquaintance; and the third, a young Eng¬ 
 lish officer called Young. The Major occupied, with his wife, a 
 room close by to that where I was. He had received a shot through 
 his body, and suffered exquisite pains. A few days after our ar¬ 
 rival, I heard groans in another room, and was told that the young 
 officer, whom I have just mentioned, was lying there, and that his 
 recovery was very doubtful. I took much interest in him, as a fa¬ 
 mily of his name had shown me great kindness during my stay in 
 England. He expressed a great desire to see his benefactress, for 
 so he called me. 1 went into his room, and found him on a thin 
 bed of straw, for he had lost his whole baggage. He was eighteen 
 or nineteen years old, an only son, and the nephew of the same Mr. 
 Young I had known in England. He lamented for his parents’ 
 sake, but said nothing of his sufferings. He had lost much blood, 
 and the surgeon advised him to submit to the amputation of his 
 wounded leg; but he would not consent to it, though the limb had 
 become gangrenous. I sent him pillows and blankets, and my maids 
 gave him their mattress. I took more and more care of him, and 
 visited him daily ; for which he thanked me a thousand times. At 
 last the amputation took place; but it was too late, and he died a 
 few days afterwards. My room being close to his, and the walls 
 Very thin, 1 heard his last moans. 
 
 I occupied a tolerably good house, and had a large room. The 
 door and the wainscot were of cedar, a sort of wood which is found 
 in abundance here : insects are driven away by the smell of it 
 when it is burned, and it is often used for that purpose; but some 
 people believe that the smoke of it is injurious to the nerves, and 
 principally to females in certain situations. 
 
 For our farther march, I had caused a calash to be made for me, 
 in which I could take, not only my children, but also my two fe¬ 
 male attendants: and thus I followed the army in the midst of the 
 troops, who were in great spirits, and sang and longed for victory. 
 We marched through endless forests, and a beautiful district, 
 though deserted by the inhabitants, who ran away at our approach 
 to reinforce General Gates’s army. They are naturally soldiers and 
 excellent marksmen, and the idea of fighting for their country and 
 their liberty increased their innate courage. My husband was en¬ 
 camped with the rest of the army : being myself an hour’s ride be¬ 
 hind the army, I went every morning to pay him a visit in the 
 camp, and sometimes I dined there with him, but generally he took 
 his dinner in my quarters. There were daily skirmishes with the 
 enemy, generally of little importance. But my husband could never 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 xli 
 
 sleep without his clothes. The weather having already grown rough¬ 
 er, Colonel Williams of the artillery thought our mutual visits were 
 rather too fatiguing for us, and proposed to have a house built for 
 me with a chimney, which should not cost more than five or six 
 guineas, and which I could uninterruptedly inhabit. I accepted of 
 his offer ; and the building, which was to be about twenty feet 
 square, was begun. Such a dwelling is called a block-house, for 
 which logs nearly of equal diameter are put together ; and if the 
 interstices are filled up with clay, it is not only very solid, but very 
 warm. I was to take possession of it on the next day: and I re¬ 
 joiced in it the more, as the nights were damp and cold, and it being 
 close to the camp, my husband would be able to be with me. But 
 all at once, on the 7th of October, he marched away with the 
 whole staff, and then our misfortunes began. While breakfasting 
 with my husband, I heard that something was under contemplation. 
 General Fraser, and, I believe, Generals Burgoyne and Philips, were 
 to dine with me on that day. I remarked much movement in the 
 camp. My husband told me that it was a mere reconnoissance; 
 and as this was frequent, I was not much alarmed at it. On my 
 way homeward I met a number of Indians, armed with guns, and 
 clad in their war dresses. Having asked them where they were 
 going, they replied, “ War, war by which they meant that they were 
 about to fight. This made me very uneasy, and I had scarcely got 
 home before I heard reports of guns ; and soon the fire became 
 brisker, till at last the noise grew dreadful, upon which I was more 
 dead than alive. About 3 o’clock in the afternoon, instead of 
 guests whom I had expected to dine with me, I saw one of them, 
 poor General Fraser, brought upon a hand-barrow, mortally wound¬ 
 ed. The table, which was already prepared for dinner, was imme¬ 
 diately removed, and a bed placed in its stead for the General. I 
 sat, terrified and trembling, in a corner. The noise grew more 
 alarming, and I was in a continual tremor while thinking that my 
 husband might soon also be brought in, wounded like General 
 Fraser. That poor General said to the surgeon, “ tell me the truth : 
 is there no hope ?” His wound was exactly like that of Major 
 Harnage; the ball had passed through his body, but, unhappily for 
 the General, he had that morning eaten a full breakfast, by which 
 the stomach was distended, and the ball, as the surgeon remarked, 
 passed directly through it. I heard often, amidst his groans, such 
 words as these, “ O bad ambition ! poor General Burgoyne ! poor Mis¬ 
 tress Fraser .” Prayers were read, after which he desired that Ge¬ 
 neral Burgoyne should be requested to have him buried the next 
 
xlii 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 day, at six o’clock in the evening, on a hill where a breast-work had 
 been constructed. I knew not what to do : the entrance and all 
 the rooms were full of sick, in consequence of the dysentery which 
 prevailed in the camp. At length, toward evening, my husband 
 came; and from that moment my affliction was much soothed, and 
 I breathed thanks to God. He dined with me and the aids-de-camp 
 in great haste, in an open space in the rear of the house. We poor 
 females had been told that our troops had been victorious ; but I 
 well saw, by the melancholy countenance of my husband, that it 
 was quite the contrary. On going away, he took me aside to tell 
 me every thing went badly, and that I should prepare myself to de¬ 
 part, but without saying any thing to any body. Under the pre¬ 
 tence of removing the next day to my new lodgings, I ordered the 
 baggage to be packed up. Lady Ackland’s tent was near ours. 
 She slept there, and spent the day in the camp. On a sudden she 
 received news that her husband was mortally wounded and taken 
 prisoner. She was much distressed; we endeavored to persuade 
 her that the wound was not so dangerous, but advised her to ask 
 permission to join her husband, to take care of him in his sickness. 
 She was much attached to him, though he was rude and intempe¬ 
 rate ; yet he was a good officer. She was a lovely woman. I di- 
 vided the night between her whom I wished to comfort, and my 
 children who were asleep, but who, I feared, might disturb the poor 
 dying General. He sent me several messages to beg my pardon for 
 the trouble he thought he gave me. About 3 o’clock I was in¬ 
 formed that he could not live much longer, and as I did not wish to 
 be present at his last struggle, I wrapped my children in blankets, 
 and retired into the entrance hall. At 8 o’clock in the morning he 
 expired. 
 
 * * * * * * * * * * 
 
 Orders had already been issued that the army should break up 
 immediately after the funeral, and our calashes were ready. I was 
 unwilling to depart sooner. Major Harnage, though hardly able 
 to walk a step, left his bed, that he might not remain in the hos¬ 
 pital, upon which a flag of truce Jiad been erected. When he saw 
 me thus in the midst of danger, he drove my children and female 
 attendants into the vehicle, and told me that I had not a moment to 
 lose. I begged to be permitted to remain a little longer. “ Do 
 what you please,” replied he ; “ but your children I must at least 
 save.” This touched my most tender feelings : I sprang into the 
 carriage, and at 8 o’clock we departed. 
 
 Profound silence had been recommended to us; large fires were 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 xliii 
 
 lighted, and many tents were left untouched, to conceal our move¬ 
 ment from the enemy. We proceeded on our way the whole night. 
 Frederica was afraid, and began to cry : I was obliged to press a 
 handkerchief to her mouth. 
 
 We were halted at six o’clock in the morning, to our general 
 amazement. General Burgoyne ordered the artillery to be drawn up 
 in a line, and to have it counted. This gave much dissatisfaction, 
 as a few marches more would have ensured our safety. My hus¬ 
 band was exhausted by fatigue, and took a seat in the calash, where 
 my maids made room for him; and he slept for three hours upon 
 my shoulder. In the mean time Captain Willoe brought me his 
 pocket-book, containing bank notes, and Captain Geismar, a beauti¬ 
 ful watch, a ring, and a well-provided purse, requesting me to keep 
 them, which I promised to do to the last. At length we recom¬ 
 menced our march; but scarcely an hour had elapsed before the 
 army was again halted, because the enemy was in sight. They 
 were but two hundred in number, who came to reconnoitre, and 
 who might easily have been taken had not General Burgoyne lost 
 all his presence of mind. The rain fell in torrents. Lady Ack- 
 land had caused her tent to be fixed up. I again suggested to her 
 the propriety of rejoining her husband, to whom she might be of 
 great service in his present situation. Yielding to my advice, she 
 sent a message to General Burgoyne, through his aid-de-camp 
 Lord Petersham, to beg his permission to leave the army. I told 
 her that she need only insist upon it, and she would certainly suc¬ 
 ceed. The Rev. Mr. Brudenel accompanied her, and they went 
 together in a boat, with a flag of truce, to the enemy. There is a 
 well-known and fine engraving of that event. I afterward met 
 with lady Ackland at Albany, when her husband was almost 
 entirely recovered ; and both thanked me for my advice. On the 
 9th, it rained terribly the whole day ; nevertheless we kept our¬ 
 selves ready to march. The savages had lost their courage, and 
 they walked off in all directions. The least untoward event made 
 them dispirited, especially when there was no opportunity for 
 plunder. 
 
 We reached Saratoga about dark, which was but half an hour’s 
 march from the place where we had spent the day. I was quite 
 wet, and was obliged to remain in that condition for want of a 
 place to change my apparel. I seated myself near the fire, and 
 undressed the children, and we then laid ourselves upon some straw. 
 
 I asked General Phillips, who came to see how I was, why we did 
 
 64 
 
xliv 
 
 APPENDIX, 
 
 not continue our retreat, my husband having pledged himself to co¬ 
 ver the movement, and to bring off the army in safety. “ My poor 
 lady,” said he, “you astonish me. Though quite wet, you have so 
 much courage as to wish to go farther in this weather. What a 
 pity it is that you are not our commanding general! He com¬ 
 plains of fatigue, and has determined upon spending the night here, 
 and giving us a supper.” It is very true that General Burgoyne 
 liked to make himself easy, and that he spent half his nights in 
 singing and drinking, and diverting himself with the wife of a com¬ 
 missary, who was his mistress, and who was as fond of Champaign 
 as himself. I refreshed myself at 7 o’clock the next morning, (the 
 10th of October,) with a cup of tea, and we all expected that we 
 should soon continue our march. General Burgoyne had given 
 orders to set fire to General Schuyler’s fine buildings and mills at 
 Saratoga, for the purpose of securing our retreat. An English 
 officer brought me some good soup, and insisted that I should par¬ 
 take of it. After this, we continued our march; but only for a 
 short time. There was much misery and disorder in the army. 
 The commissaries had forgotten to distribute provisions, though we 
 had an abundance of cattle. I saw more than thirty officers, who 
 complained bitterly of hunger. I gave them coffee and tea, and 
 every thing eatable that I had in my calash. 
 
 Our calashes remained in readiness to depart. Every body ad¬ 
 vised a retreat, and my husband pledged himself to effect that 
 movement, if no time was lost. But General Burgoyne, who had 
 been promised an Order, if he should effect his junction with Ge¬ 
 neral Howe, could not be persuaded to it, and lost every thing by 
 his dilatoriness. About 2 o’clock we heard again a report of mus¬ 
 kets and cannon, and there was much alarm and bustle among our 
 troops. My husband sent me word that I should immediately re¬ 
 tire into a house which was not far off. I got into my calash with 
 my children ; and when we were near the house, I saw, on the oppo¬ 
 site bank of the Hudson, five or six men, who aimed at us with 
 their guns. Without knowing what I did, I threw my children 
 into the back part of the vehicle, and laid myself upon them. At 
 the same moment the fellows fired, and broke the arm of a poor 
 English soldier, who stood behind us, and who, being already 
 wounded, sought a shelter. Soon after our arrival a terrible can¬ 
 nonade began, and the fire was principally directed against the 
 house, where we had hoped to find a refuge, probably because the 
 enemy inferred, from the great number of people who went towards it, 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 xlv 
 
 that this was the head-quarters of the Generals, while, in reality, none 
 were there except women and crippled soldiers. We were at last 
 obliged to descend into the cellar, where I laid myself in a corner 
 near the door. My children put their heads upon my knees. An 
 abominable smell, the cries of the children, and my own anguish of 
 mind, did not permit me to close my eyes during the whole night. 
 On the next morning the cannonade begun anew, but in a different 
 direction. I advised my fellow-sufferers to withdraw, for a while, 
 from the cellar, in order to give time to clean it, for we should 
 otherwise injure our health. On an inspection of our retreat, I 
 discovered that there were three cellars, spacious and well vaulted. 
 I suggested that one of them should be appropriated to the use of 
 the officers who were most severely wounded, the next to the fe¬ 
 males, and the third, which was nearest to the staircase, to all the rest 
 of the company. We were just going down, when a new thunder 
 of cannon threw us again into alarm. Many persons, who had no 
 right to enter, threw themselves against the door. My children 
 were already at the bottom of the staircase, and every one of us 
 would probably have been crushed to death, had I not put myself 
 before the entrance and resisted the intruders. Eleven cannon¬ 
 balls passed through the house, and made a tremendous noise. A 
 poor soldier, who was about to have a leg amputated, lost the other 
 by one of these balls. All his comrades ran away at that moment, 
 and when they returned, they found him in one corner of the room 
 in the agonies of death. I was myself in the deepest distress, not 
 so much on account of my own dangers, as of those to which my 
 husband was exposed, who, however, frequently sent me messages, 
 inquiring after my health. Major Harnage’s wife, a Mrs. Reynell, 
 the wife of the good lieutenant who had, on the preceding day, 
 shared his soup with me, the wife of the commissary, and myself, 
 were the only officers’ wives at present with the army. We sat 
 together, deploring our situation, when somebody having entered, 
 all my companions exchanged looks of deep sorrow, whispering at 
 the same time to one another. I immediately suspected that my 
 husband had been killed. I shrieked aloud; but was immediately 
 told that nothing had happened to my husband, and was given to 
 understand, by a sidelong glance, that the Lieutenant had been 
 killed. His wife was soon called out, and found that the Lieu¬ 
 tenant was yet alive, though one of his arms had been shot off, 
 near the shoulder, by a cannon-ball. We heard his groans and la- 
 mentations during the whole night, which were dreadfully re-echoed 
 through the vaulted cellars; and in the morning he expired. My 
 
xlvi 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 husband came to visit me during the night, which served to diminish 
 my sadness and dejection in some degree. On the next morning 
 we thought of making our cellar a more convenient residence. 
 Major Harnage and his wife, and Mrs. Reynell, took possession of 
 one corner, and transformed it into a kind of closet by means of a 
 curtain. I was also to have a similar retreat ; but I preferred to 
 remain near the door, that I might escape more easily in case of 
 fire. I had straw put under my mattresses, and on these I laid myself 
 with my children ; and my female servants slept near us. Oppo¬ 
 site to us were three officers, who, though wounded, were deter¬ 
 mined not to remain behind if the army retreated. One of them 
 was Captain Green, aid-de-camp to General Phillips, and a very 
 amiable and worthy gentleman. All three swore they would not 
 depart without me in case of a sudden retreat, and that each of 
 them would take one of my children on his horse. One of my hus¬ 
 band’s horses was constantly in readiness for myself. Mr. de 
 Riedesel thought often of sending me to the American camp, to 
 save me from danger; but I declared that nothing would be more 
 painful to me than to live on good terms with those with whom he 
 was fighting; upon which he consented that I should continue to 
 follow the army. However, the apprehension that he might have 
 marched away repeatedly intruded itself into my mind; and I 
 crept up the staircase, more than once, to confirm or dispel my 
 fears ; and when I saw our soldiers near their watch-fires, I became 
 more calm, and could even have slept. 
 
 ********** 
 
 The want of water continuing to distress us, we could not but 
 be extremely glad to find a soldier’s wife so spirited as to fetch 
 some from the river, an occupation from which the boldest might 
 have shrunk, as the Americans shot every one who approached it. 
 They told us afterwards that they spared her on account of her sex. 
 
 I endeavored to dispel my melancholy, by continually attending 
 to the wounded. I made them tea and coffee, for which I received 
 their warmest acknowledgments. I often shared my dinner with 
 them. One day a Canadian officer came creeping into our cellar, 
 and was hardly able to say that he was dying with hunger. I felt 
 happy to offer him my dinner, by eating which he recovered his 
 health and I gained his friendship. On our return to Canada I 
 became acquainted with his family. 
 
 I also took care of Major Bloomfield, who was wounded by a 
 musket-ball, which passed through both his cheeks, knocked out his 
 ieeth and injured his tongue. He could retain nothing in his 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 xlvii 
 
 mouth, and soup and liquids were his only nourishment. Fortu¬ 
 nately we had some Rhenish wine, and in the hope that the acidity 
 would contribute to heal his wound, I gave him a bottle, of which 
 he took a little now and then, and with such effect that he was 
 soon cured. I thus acquired a new friend, and enjoyed some hap¬ 
 piness in the midst of cares and sufferings, which otherwise would 
 have weighed heavily upon my spirits. On one of these mournful 
 days, General Phillips, wishing to pay me a visit, accompanied my 
 husband, who came once or twice daily, at the risk of his life ; and 
 seeing our situation, and observing the entreaties I made to my 
 husband not to be left behind, in case the army should suddenly 
 break up, and my reluctance to fall into the hands of tne enemy, 
 he plead my cause, and said, on retiring “ I would not, for ten 
 thousand guineas, see this place again. I am heart-broken with 
 what I have seen.” 
 
 All our companions, however, did not deserve so much commise¬ 
 ration. We had some in our cellars who ought not to have been 
 there, and who afterwards, when we were prisoners, were in per¬ 
 fect health, and walked about quite erect, and strutted as much as 
 they could. We remained six days in this doleful retreat. At last a 
 capitulation was talked of, in consequence of having lost, by useless 
 delays, the opportunity of effecting our retreat. A cessation of 
 hostilities took place, and my husband, who was quite exhausted by 
 fatigue, could now, for the first time, sleep quietly in a little cham¬ 
 ber, while I retired with my children and the maid-servants into 
 the adjoining room. Towards one o’clock a person came and asked 
 to speak with him. I was very reluctant to awaken him at that 
 hour of the night; and I soon observed that the errand did not 
 much please him, for he immediately sent the messenger back to 
 the head-quarters, and laid himself down again, out of humor. 
 Soon after this General Burgoyne sent for all the Generals and 
 field-officers to attend a council of war early next morning, when 
 he proposed to break the capitulation, in consequence of some 
 groundless information he had received. It was, however, decided 
 that this step was neither advisable nor practicable; and this deter¬ 
 mination was very fortunate for us, as the Americans told us after¬ 
 wards, that, had we broken the treaty, we should all have been cut 
 to pieces. This they could easily have done, as our army was re¬ 
 duced to four or five thousand men, while we had given them time 
 to raise theirs to twenty thousand. On the morning of the 16th, 
 however, my husband was obliged to repair to his post, and I to my 
 cellar. 
 
xlviii 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 On the 17th of October the capitulation was carried into effect. 
 The Generals waited upon the American General Gates, and the 
 troops surrendered themselves prisoners of war, and laid down their 
 arms. The time had now come for the good woman, who had risked 
 her life to supply us with water, to receive the reward of her ser¬ 
 vices. Each of us threw a handful of money into her apron ; and 
 she thus received more than twenty guineas. At such a moment at 
 
 least, if at no other, the heart easily overflows with gratitude. 
 ********** 
 
 When I drew near the tents, a good-looking man advanced to¬ 
 wards me, and helped the children from the calash, and kissed and 
 caressed them; he then offered me his arm, and tears trembled in 
 his eyes. “ You tremble,” said he; “do not be alarmed, I pray 
 you.” “ Sir,” cried I, “a countenance so expressive of benevo¬ 
 lence, and the kindness which you have evinced towards my chil¬ 
 dren, are sufficient to dispel all apprehension.” He then ushered 
 me into the tent of General Gates, whom I found engaged in friend¬ 
 ly conversation with Generals Burgoyne and Phillips. General 
 Burgoyne said to me: “ You can now be quiet, and free from all 
 apprehension of danger.” I replied that I should indeed be repre¬ 
 hensible if I felt any anxiety when our General felt none, and was 
 on such friendly terms with General Gates. 
 
 All the Generals remained to dine with General Gates. The 
 gentleman who had received me with so much kindness, came and 
 said to me, “ You may find it embarrassing to be the only lady in 
 such a large company of gentlemen ; will you come with your chil¬ 
 dren to my tent, and partake of a frugal dinner, offered with the 
 best will ?” “ By the kindness you show to me,” returned I, “ you 
 
 induce me to believe that you have a wife and children.” He in- 
 formed me that he was General Schuyler. He regaled me with 
 smoked tongues, which were excellent, with beefsteaks, potatoes, 
 fresh butter, and bread. Never did a dinner give so much pleasure 
 as this. I was easy, after many months of anxiety ; and I read the 
 same happy change in those around me. That my husband was 
 out of danger, was a still greater cause of joy. After our dinner, 
 General Schuyler begged me to pay him a visit at his house near 
 Albany, where he expected that General Burgoyne would also be 
 his guest. I sent to ask my husband’s directions, who advised me 
 to accept the invitation. As we were two days’ journey from Al¬ 
 bany, and it was now near five o’clock in the afternoon, he wished 
 me to endeavor to reach, on that day, a place distant about three 
 hours ride. General Schuyler carried his civilities so far as to so- 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 xlix 
 
 licit a well-bred French officer to accompany me on that first part 
 of my journey. 
 
 ********** 
 
 On the next day, we reached Albany, where we had so often 
 wished ourselves; but we did not enter that city, as we hoped 
 we should, with a victorious army. The reception, however, 
 which we met with from General Schuyler, his wife and daughters, 
 was not like the reception of enemies, but of the most intimate 
 friends. They loaded us with kindness ; and they behaved in the 
 same manner towards General Burgoyne, though he had ordered 
 their splendid establishment to be burnt, and without any necessitj r 
 as it was said. But all their actions proved, that at the sight of 
 the misfortunes of others they quickly forgot their own. General 
 Burgoyne was so much affected by this generous deportment, that 
 he said to General Schuyler, “ You are too kind to me, who have 
 done you so much injury.” “ Such is the fate of war,” replied he ; 
 “let us not dwell on this subject.” We remained three days with 
 that excellent family, and they seemed to regret our departure. 
 
 The following account of a visit to the field of Saratoga, on the 
 fiftieth Anniversary of that battle, viz : October 17, 1827, was 
 written immediately afterward for the use of the author of the pre¬ 
 sent work. The writer, the venerable Samuel Woodruff, Esq. of 
 Windsor, (Conn.) it need not be added, was a participator in the 
 battle:— 
 
 Windsor, Conn. Oct. 31, 1827. 
 
 My Dear Sir,— 
 
 You may remember when I had the pleasure to dine with you 
 at New-York, on the 14th inst. I had set out on a tour to Saratoga, 
 to gratify a desire I felt, and which had long been increasing, to 
 view the battle-grounds at that place, and the spot on which the 
 royal army under the command of General Burgoyne surrender¬ 
 ed to General Gates on the 17th of October, 1777. 
 
 I thought it would add something to the interest of that view to 
 me, to be there on the 17th, exactly half a century after that me¬ 
 morable event took place. You will excuse me for entering a little 
 into the feelings of Uncle Toby respecting Dendermond, in the 
 compressed and hastily written journal I kept of my tour, especially 
 as you will take into consideration that I had the honor to serve 
 
I 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 as a volunteer under General Gates part of that campaign, and was 
 in the battle of the 7th of October. 
 
 I take the liberty to inclose to you an extract of that part of my 
 journal which embraces the principal object of my tour. 
 
 Oct. 17th.—After a short stop in Troy, took another stage for Sa¬ 
 ratoga ;—at Lansingburgh, a neat and handsome village, about three 
 miles from Troy, crossed the Hudson on a covered bridge of ex¬ 
 cellent workmanship, over to Waterford, (Old Half Moon Point,) 
 another rich and flourishing village. Arrived at Fish creek in Sa¬ 
 ratoga at half past 2 P. M. through a beautiful, well-cultivated in¬ 
 terval of alluvial land on the west side of the Hudson—every thing 
 from Albany to this place wears the appearance of wealth and 
 comfort. Put up at Mr. Barker’s tavern. After dinner viewed the 
 ruins of the British fortifications and head-quarters ol Gen. Burgoyne. 
 He kept his quarters for several days at a house, now standing and 
 in good repair, about a mile north of Fish creek, on the west side 
 of the road, owned by Mr. Busher, an intelligent farmer about 
 seventy-five years of age. While Burgoyne held his head-quarters 
 at this house, Baron Reidesel, of the royal army, obtained leave of 
 the Commander-in-chief to place his lady the Baroness and their 
 three small children under the same protection;—these were also 
 accompanied by lady Ackland and some other ladies, wives of 
 British officers. At that time some of the American troops were 
 stationed on the east bank of the Hudson, opposite the house, 
 in fair view of it, and within cannon-shot distance. Observ¬ 
 ing considerable moving of persons about the house, the Ameri¬ 
 cans supposed it the rendezvous of the British officers, and com¬ 
 menced a brisk cannonade upon it. Several shot struck and shat, 
 tered the house. The Baroness with her children fled into the 
 cellar for safety, and placed herself and them at the north-east 
 corner, where they were well protected by the cellar wall. A Bri¬ 
 tish surgeon by the name of Jones, having his leg broken by a can¬ 
 non ball, was at this time brought in, and laid on the floor of the 
 room which the Baroness and the other ladies had just left. A 
 cannon ball entered the house near the north-east corner of the 
 room, a few inches above the floor, and passing through, broke and 
 mangled the other leg of the poor surgeon. Soon after this he ex¬ 
 pired. Mr. Busher very civilly conducted me into the room, cellar, 
 and other parts of the house, pointing out the places where the balls 
 entered, &c. From hence I proceeded to, and viewed with very 
 great interest, the spot where Gen. Burgoyne, attended by his staff, 
 presented his sword to Gen. Gates ; also, the ground on which the 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 li 
 
 arms, &c., of the royal army were stacked and piled. This memo¬ 
 rable place is situated on the flat, north side of Fish creek, about 
 forty rods west of its entrance into the Hudson, and through which 
 the Champlain canal now passes. 
 
 Contiguous to this spot is the N. W. angle of old Fort Hardy, a 
 military work thrown up and occupied by the French, under Gen. 
 Dieskau, in the year 1755. The lines of intrenchment embrace, 
 as I should judge, about fifteen acres of ground. The outer works 
 yet retain the appearance of a strong fortification, bounded south 
 on the north side of Fish creek, and east on the west bank of the 
 Hudson. Human bones, fragments of fire-arms, swords, balls, tools, 
 implements, broken crockery, &c. &c., are frequently picked up on 
 this ground. 
 
 In excavating the earth for the Champlain canal, which passes a 
 few rods west of this fort, such numbers of human skeletons were 
 found as render it highly probable this was the cemetery of the 
 French garrison. 
 
 About twenty or thirty rods west of the aqueduct for the canal 
 over Fish creek, stood Gen. Schuyler’s mills, which were burned by 
 order of Gen. Burgoyne. 
 
 Gen. Schuyler’s dwelling-house also, and his other buildings, 
 standing on a beautiful area a little south-east of the mills on the 
 south side of the creek, suffered the same fate. The mills have been 
 rebuilt and are now in operation, at the same place where the 
 former stood. The grandson of Gen. Schuyler now lives in a house 
 erected on the scite of the former dwelling of his father—a covered 
 bridge across the creek adjoining the mills. 
 
 I cannot, in this place, omit some short notices of Gen. P. Schuy¬ 
 ler. It seems he was commander-in-chief of the northern army 
 until the latter part of August, 1777, at which time he was super¬ 
 seded by Gen. Gates. 
 
 I remember at that time there was some excitement in the public 
 mind, and much dissatisfaction expressed on account of that mea¬ 
 sure ; and with my limited means of knowledge, I have never been 
 able to learn what good reason induced his removal. Few men in 
 our country at that time ranked higher than Gen. Schuyler in all the 
 essential qualities of the patriot, the gentleman, the soldier, and scho¬ 
 lar. True to the cause of liberty, he made sacrifices which few 
 were either able or willing to bear. The nobility of soul he possess¬ 
 ed, distinguished him from ordinary men, and pointed him out as 
 ■one deserving of public confidence. 
 
 At the surrender of the royal army, he generously invited Gen. 
 
 65 
 
lil 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 Burgoyne, his suite, and several of the principal officers, with their 
 ladies, to his house at Albany ; where, at his own expense, he fed 
 and lodged them for two or three weeks with the kindest hospitality. 
 
 This is the man, who, a few days before, had suffered immense 
 loss in his mills and other buildings at Fish creek, burned by order 
 of the same Burgoyne who had now become his guest. 
 
 Respecting Gen. Gates, I will only say , finis coronet opus. 
 
 Oct. 18th.—At 7 A. M. started on foot to view some other and 
 equally interesting places connected with the campaign of 1777. 
 Three miles and a half south of Fish creek, called at the house of a 
 Mr. Smith, in which Gen. Fraser died of wounds received in the 
 battle of the 7th October, and near which house, in one of the Bri¬ 
 tish redoubts, that officer was buried. This house then stood by 
 the road on the west margin of the intervale, at the foot of the 
 rising ground. A turnpike road having since been constructed, 
 running twenty or thirty rods east of the old road, the latter has 
 been discontinued, and Mr. Smith has drawn the house and placed 
 it on the west side of the turnpike. 
 
 Waiving, for the present, any farther notices of this spot, I shall 
 attempt a concise narrative of the two hostile armies for a short 
 period anterior to the great battle of the 7th of October. 
 
 The object of the British General was to penetrate as far as Al¬ 
 bany, at which place, by concert, he was to meet Sir Henry Clinton, 
 then with a fleet and army lying at New-York. In the early part of 
 September, Gen. Burgoyne had advanced with his army from Fort 
 Edward, and crossed the Hudson with his artillery, baggage wag¬ 
 gons, &c., on a bridge of boats, and intrenched the troops on the 
 highlands in Saratoga. On the 19th of September they left their 
 intrenchments, and moved south by a slow and cautious march to¬ 
 ward the American camp, which was secured by a line of intrench¬ 
 ments and redoubts on Behmus’s heights, running from west to east 
 about half a mile in length, terminating at the east end on the west 
 side of the intervale. 
 
 Upon the approach of the royal army, the American forces sal¬ 
 lied forth from their camp, and met the British about a mile north 
 of the American lines. A severe conflict ensued, and many brave 
 officers and men fell on both sides. The ground on which this bat¬ 
 tle was fought was principally covered with standing wood. This 
 circumstance somewhat embarrassed the British troops in the use 
 of their field artillery, and afforded some advantage to the Ameri¬ 
 cans, particularly the riflemen under the command of the brave Col. 
 Morgan, who did great execution. Night, which has so often and 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 liii 
 
 so kindly interposed to stop the carnage of conflicting hosts, put an 
 end to the battle. Neither party claimed a victory. The royal 
 army withdrew in the night, leaving the field and their slain, with 
 some of their wounded, in possession of the Americans. The loss 
 of killed and wounded, as near as could be ascertained, was, on the 
 part of the British, 600; and on that of the Americans, about 350. 
 The bravery and firmness of the American forces displayed this 
 day, convinced the British officers of the difficulty, if not utter im¬ 
 possibility of continuing their march to Albany. The season for 
 closing the campaign in that northern region was advancing—the 
 American army was daily augmenting by militia, volunteers, and 
 the “ two months men,” as they were then called. The fear that 
 the two royal armies might effect their junction at Albany, aroused 
 the neighboring states of New England, and drew from New Hamp¬ 
 shire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Vermont, a large body of 
 determined soldiers. Baum’s defeat at Bennington had inspired 
 them with new hopes and invigorated their spirits. 
 
 Under these circumstances, inauspicious to the hostile army, the 
 British commander-in-chief summoned a council of war; the re¬ 
 sult of which was to attempt a retreat across the Hudson to Fort 
 Edward. Gen. Gates, apprehending the probability of this mea¬ 
 sure, seasonably detached a portion of his force to intercept and cut 
 off the retreat, should that be attempted. 
 
 Many new and unexpected difficulties now presented themselves. 
 The boats which had served the British army for a bridge, being 
 considered by them as of no further use, had been cut loose, and 
 most of them floated down the river. The construction of rafts 
 sufficient for conveying over their artillery and heavy baggage, 
 would be attended with great danger as well as loss of time. The 
 bridges over the creeks had been destroyed; great quantities of 
 trees had been felled across the roads by order of the American 
 General; and another thing, not of the most trifling nature, Fort 
 Edward was already in possession of the Americans. In this per¬ 
 plexing dilemma the royal army found themselves completely check - 
 mated. A retreat, however, was attempted, but soon abandoned. 
 Situated as they now were, between two fires, every motion they 
 made was fraught with danger and loss. They retired to their old 
 entrenched camp. 
 
 Several days elapsed without any very active operations on either 
 side. This interval of time was, however, improved by the royal 
 army in preparations to make one desperate effort to force the line 
 of the American camp, and cut their way through on their march 
 
liv 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 to Albany. The American army improved the meantime in 
 strengthening their outer works, arranging their forces, and placing 
 the Continentals on the north side of the intrenchments, where va¬ 
 liant men were expected; thus preparing to defend every point of 
 attack ; Morgan, with his riflemen, to form the left flank in the 
 woods. 
 
 During these few days of “ dreadful preparation,” information 
 daily arrived in our camp, by deserters and otherwise, that an at¬ 
 tack would soon be made upon the line of our intrenchments at 
 Behmus’s heights, near the head-quarters of Gen. Gates. 
 
 The expected conflict awakened great anxiety among the Ame¬ 
 rican troops, but abated nothing of that sterling intrepidity and 
 firmness which they had uniformly displayed in the hour of danger ; 
 all considered that the expected conflict would be decisive of the 
 campaign at least, if not of the war in which we had been so long 
 engaged. Immense interests were at stake. Should Gen. Bur- 
 goyne succeed in marching his army to Albany, Gen. Clinton, without 
 any considerable difficulty, would there join him with another pow¬ 
 erful English army, and a fleet sufficient to command the Hudson 
 from thence to New-York. Should this junction of force take 
 place, all the states east of the Hudson would be cut off from all 
 efficient communication with the western and southern states. 
 
 In addition to this there were other considerations of the deepest 
 concern. The war had already been protracted to a greater length 
 of time than was expected on either side at the commencement. The 
 resources of the country, which were at first but comparatively small 
 in respect to those things necessary for war, began to fail; the 
 term of enlistment of many of the soldiers had expired. 
 
 We had no public money, and no government to guarantee the 
 payment of wages to the officers and soldiers, nor to those who 
 furnished supplies for the troops. Under these discouraging circum¬ 
 stances it became extremely difficult to raise recruits for the army. 
 During the year 1776 and the fore part of ’77, the Americans suffer¬ 
 ed greatly by sickness, and were unsuccessful in almost every ren¬ 
 contre with the enemy. Men’s hearts, even the stoutest, began to 
 fail. This was indeed the most gloomy period of the war of the 
 revolution. 
 
 On the 7th of October, about 10 o’clock, A. M. the royal army 
 commenced their march, and formed their line of battle on our 
 left, near Behmus’s heights, with Gen. Fraser at their head. Our 
 pickets were driven in about one o’clock P. M. and were followed 
 by the British troops on a quick march to within fair musket shot 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 lv 
 
 distance of the line of our entrenchments. At this moment com- 
 menced a tremendous discharge of cannon and musketry, which 
 was returned with equal spirit by the Americans. 
 
 For thirty or forty minutes the struggle at the breastworks was 
 maintained with great obstinacy. Several charges with fixed bayo¬ 
 nets were made by the English grenadiers with but little effect. 
 Great numbers fell on both sides. The ardor of this bloody con¬ 
 flict continued for some time without any apparent advantage 
 gained by either party. At length, however, the assailants began 
 to give way, preserving good order in a regular but slow retreat— 
 loading, wheeling, and firing, with considerable effect. The Ame¬ 
 ricans followed up the advantage they had gained, by a brisk and 
 well-directed fire of field-pieces and musketry. Col. Morgan with 
 his riflemen hung upon the left wing of the retreating enemy, and 
 galled them by a most destructive fire. The line of battle now be¬ 
 came extensive, and most of the troops of both armies were brought 
 into action. The principal part of the ground on which this hard 
 day’s work was done, is known by the name of “ Freeman’s farms.” 
 It was then covered by a thin growth of pitch-pine wood without 
 under brush, excepting one lot of about six or eight acres, which 
 had been cleared and fenced. On this spot the British grenadiers, 
 under the command of the brave Major Ackland, made a stand, and 
 brought together some of their field artillery ; this little field soon 
 became literally “ the field of blood.” These grenadiers, the flower 
 of the royal army, unaccustomed to yield to any opposing force in 
 fair field, fought with that obstinate spirit which borders on madness. 
 Ackland received a ball through both legs, which rendered him unable 
 to walk or stand. This occurrence hastened the retreat of the grena¬ 
 diers, leaving the ground thickly strewed with their dead and wounded. 
 
 The battle was continued by a brisk running fire until dark. The 
 victory was complete; leaving the Americans masters of the field. 
 Thus ended a battle of the highest importance in its consequences, 
 and which added great lustre to the American arms. I have seen 
 no official account of the numbers killed and wounded; but the loss 
 on the part of the British must have been great, and that on the part 
 of the Americans not inconsiderable. The loss of general officers suf¬ 
 fered by the royal army was peculiarly severe. But to return to 
 the Smith house. I made known to the Smith family the object of 
 my calling upon them; found them polite and intelligent, and 
 learned from them many interesting particulars respecting the bat¬ 
 tle of the 7th of October. For several days previous to that time 
 Gen. Burgoyne had made that house his head-quarters, accompa- 
 
lvi 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 nied by several general officers and their ladies, among whom were 
 Gen. Fraser, the Baron and Baroness Reidesel, and their children. 
 
 The circumstances attending the fall of this gallant officer have 
 presented a question about which military men are divided in opi¬ 
 nion. The facts seem to be agreed, that soon after the commence¬ 
 ment of the action, Gen. Arnold, knowing the military character 
 and efficiency of Gen. Fraser, and observing his motions in leading 
 and conducting the attack, said to Col. Morgan, “ that officer upon 
 a grey horse is of himself a host, and must be disposed of. Direct 
 the attention of some of the sharp-shooters among your riflemen to 
 him.” Morgan, nodding his assent to Arnold, repaired to his rifle¬ 
 men, and made known to them the hint given by Arnold. Imme¬ 
 diately upon this, the crupper of the grey horse was cut off by a 
 rifle bullet, and within the next minute another passed through the 
 horse’s mane, a little back of his ears. An aid of Fraser noticing 
 this, observed to him, “ Sir, it is evident that you are marked out 
 for particular aim ; would it not be prudent for you to retire from 
 this place?” Fraser replied, “my duty forbids me to fly from dan¬ 
 ger ;” and immediately received a bullet through his body. A few 
 greriadiers were detached to carry him to the Smith house. 
 
 Having introduced the name of Arnold, it may be proper to note 
 here, that although he had no regular command that day, he volun¬ 
 teered his service, was early on the ground, and in the hottest part 
 of the struggle at the redoubts. He behaved, (as I then thought,) 
 more like a madman than a cool and discreet officer. Mounted on 
 a brown horse, he moved incessantly at a full gallop back and forth, 
 until he received a wound in his leg, and his horse was shot under 
 him. I happened to be near him when he fell, and assisted in get¬ 
 ting him into a litter to be carried to head-quarters. 
 
 Late in the evening Gen. Burgoyne came in, and a tender scene 
 took place between him and Fraser. Gen. Fraser was the idol of 
 the British army, and the officer on whom, of all others, Burgoyne 
 placed the greatest reliance. He languished through the night, and 
 expired at 8 o’clock the next morning. While on his death-bed he 
 advised Burgoyne, without delay, to propose to Gen. Gates terms 
 of capitulation, and prevent the further effusion of blood ; that the 
 situation of his army was now hopeless ; they could neither advance 
 nor retreat. He also requested that he might be buried in th e great 
 redoubt —his body to be borne thither between sunset and dark, by 
 a body of the grenadiers, without parade or ceremony. This re¬ 
 quest was strictly complied with. 
 
 After viewing the house to my satisfaction, I walked up to the 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 Ivii 
 
 place of interment. It is situated on an elevated piece of ground, 
 commanding an extensive view of the Hudson, and a great length 
 of the beautiful interval on each side of it. I was alone; the 
 weather was calm and serene. Reflections were awakened in my 
 mind which I am wholly unable to describe. Instead of the bustle 
 and hum of the camp, and confused noise of the battle of the war¬ 
 rior, and the shouts of victory which I here witnessed fifty years 
 ago, all was now silent as the abodes of the dead. And indeed far, 
 far the greatest part of both those armies who were then in active life 
 at and near this spot, are now mouldering in their graves, like that 
 valiant officer whose remains are under my feet,—“ their memories 
 and their names lost,”—while God, in his merciful Providence, has 
 preserved my life, and after the lapse of half a century has afforded 
 me an opportunity of once more viewing those places which force 
 upon my mind many interesting recollections of my youthful days. 
 
 Oct. 19th.—On my return down the river from Albany to New- 
 York, in the steamboat “North America,” I had leisure and oppor¬ 
 tunity for reflecting upon the immense wealth and resources of the 
 state of New-York—greater I believe, at this time than that of any 
 other two states in the Union. It would be hazarding nothing to 
 say, that this single state possesses more physical power, and more 
 of the “ sinews of war,” than were employed by the whole thirteen 
 states through the war of the revolution. This, among other con¬ 
 siderations, led me to the reflection how honorable it would be to 
 the state, and how deserving of the occasion, that a monument be 
 erected at or near the place where the royal army surrendered by 
 capitulation on the 17th of October, 1777, in commemoration of an 
 event so important in our national history. The battle of the 7th 
 of October may be considered, in its effects and consequences, as the 
 termination of the war, with as much propriety as that of Bunker’s 
 Hill was the commencement of it. 
 
 I am, Sir, 
 
 Very respectfully yours, 
 
 SAMUEL WOODRUFF. 
 
 William L. Stone, Esq. 
 
 end OF VOL. i. 
 

 
 
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