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RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 i 
 
 OJUS' 
 
 ;^ 
 

 
RECOLLECTIONS OF 
 
 
 
 FORTY YEARS 
 
 FERDINAND DE LESSEPS 
 
 TRANSLATED BY C. B. PIT 
 
 IN TWO VOLUMES 
 VOL. I. 
 
 ^oS^ 
 
 LONDON: CHAPMAN AND HALL 
 
 Limited 
 
 ^mif/^. 
 
 
T/t 
 
 LONDON : 
 PRINTED BY J. S. VIRTUE AND CO., LIMITED, 
 " CITY ROAD. 
 
 ""JH-SO n 
 
 BOSTON COLLEGE LIBRARY 
 ^^01 NUT HItt, MASS. 
 
 VJ 
 
CONTENTS. 
 VOL. I.; 
 
 <» 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 PAaE 
 
 The Mission to Eome . 1 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Episodes of 1848 at Paris and Madrid . . .119 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 Rome — Suez — Panama 129 
 
 CHAPTER ly. 
 
 The Origin of the Suez Canal 152 
 
Digitized by tine Internet Archive 
 
 in 2010 witii funding from 
 
 Boston Library Consortium IVIember Libraries 
 
 http://www.arcliive.org/details/recollectionsoff01less 
 
THE TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. 
 
 ONE of the greatest of Eoman Emperors, when 
 lying upon his death-bed at York, said, " Omnia 
 feci, nihil expedit." And yet, when asked for the 
 watchword of the night, with his dying breath he 
 gave it: " Laboremus." M. de Lesseps, in the course 
 of his long and honoured career, has made the watch- 
 word of the dying Emperor his rule of life : but he is 
 not likely, when his last hour comes, to " look on all 
 the works his hands have wrought and on the labour 
 that he has laboured to do," and find them " vanity 
 and vexation of spirit." For what else was the ex- 
 clamation of the Eoman Emperor but a paraphrase of 
 the Preacher's sermon upon the vanity of all human 
 effort and human enjoyment? In a spiritual sense 
 all this is true enough, no doubt, but the labour of a 
 life mainly devoted to the furtherance of works cal- 
 culated to benefit others rather than oneself, and to 
 add to the general sum of the welfare of humanity, is 
 not assuredly wasted. 
 
viii THE TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. 
 
 How active and how beneficent a life tliat of M. de 
 Lesseps has been we most of us know already, though 
 to posterity it must be left to assign the proper place 
 which his name will occupy among the worthies of the 
 nineteenth century. In the meanwhile, the glimpses 
 of the domestic and personal side of his life and 
 character which M. de Lesseps allows us to catch in 
 these volumes cannot fail to be interesting, and some 
 of us may, perhaps, be selfish enough to regret that 
 he has not gone more into detail with regard to this 
 part of his life, even if, to do so, he had been com- 
 pelled to abridge the account of his diplomatic mis- 
 sion to Eome in 1849 and to omit one or two chapters, 
 such as those upon "Steam" and upon the "Origin 
 and Functions of Consuls," which are of a more 
 general and technical character. I imagine, however, 
 that M. de Lesseps, feeling himself the repository of 
 many secrets, has deemed it best to reserve for some 
 future time the numberless anecdotes which he could, 
 if he were so disposed, relate about the celebrities of 
 every nationality and every profession with whom he 
 has been in contact for upwards of half a century. 
 But the reader of these two volumes will find an 
 abundance of interesting information relating first of all 
 to M. de Lesseps' s diplomatic missions to Madrid and 
 Kome, and secondly to the preliminary survey of the 
 Isthmus of Suez, and the intricate negotiations which 
 preceded the actual making of the Canal. As regards 
 the mission to Eome, with which M. de Lesseps com- 
 
THE TRANSLATOR' S PREFACE. ix 
 
 mences liis " Eecollections," I have, while omitting 
 some of the official despatches, the translation of which 
 is not required in order to put the reader in possession 
 of M. de Lesseps's own version of this incident in his 
 career, been careful not to attempt anything like a 
 precis of what he says, and this for personal reasons. 
 Having for many years enjoyed the friendship of the 
 late M. Drouyn de Lhuys, who, as Foreign Minister 
 in ] 849, entrusted M. de Lesseps with this mission t(^ 
 Eome, I had often heard him speak of it and of the 
 circumstances connected with it. His view was, I 
 need hardly say, diametrically opposite to that ex- 
 pressed here by M. de Lesseps, and I have, therefore, 
 left the latter to tell the story in his own words. I 
 have, however, taken it upon myself to omit two 
 chapters altogether, one being a treatise upon the 
 French Eevolution of 1848 by Don Balmes, a Spanish 
 writer, and the other a criticism by M. de Lesseps 
 himself of this author's writings. French readers 
 may possibly be curious to know, even at this remote 
 date, what a Spanish writer has to say about the most 
 deplorable and senseless of the many revolutions 
 which have occurred in their country, but foreigners 
 can scarcely be expected to feel any interest in what 
 is, after all, but the individual expression of opinion 
 by a writer of whom they know nothing upon a sub- 
 ject which has passed quite out of their memory. 
 
 To English readers the most interesting, but in 
 some ways the most humiliating, part of the book will 
 
X THE TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. 
 
 be that in whicli M. de Lesseps tells at considerable 
 length the story of how, in face of the stubborn and 
 unreasoning opposition of Lord Palmerston and other 
 English Ministers, he carried through his project of 
 making the Suez Canal. The unflagging energy, the 
 indomitable perseverance, the never -failing good- 
 humour with which he met all difficulties and fought 
 against every kind of obstacle, convey a lesson which 
 ought not to be thrown away upon the half-hearted 
 and upon those who are always ready to take no for 
 an answer. But there is another lesson to be learnt 
 from the story which M. de Lesseps relates with such 
 merciless precision. Lord Palmerston opposed the 
 making of the Suez Canal upon four grounds : first, 
 because it was impracticable, as he had learnt from 
 Mr. Eobert Stephenson, the engineer, who had not 
 surveyed more than a small part of the isthmus ; 
 secondly, because, even granting that it could be 
 made, it would never pay ; thirdly, because it was 
 detrimental to English interests ; and fourthly, be- 
 cause it would impair the integrity of the Turkish 
 Empire, and render Egypt virtually independent of 
 the Porte. As M. de Lesseps points out, the two 
 first objections had no force so far as England was 
 concerned until he came to ask the Government to 
 subsidise the undertaking ; while as to the third, he 
 triumphantly points out that while the English 
 Government is denying the right of the Viceroy of 
 Egypt to make the Canal through the isthmus without 
 
THE TRANSLATOR' S PREFACE. xi 
 
 the Sultan's firman, it is urging him to complete the 
 railway from the Mediterranean to the Eed Sea with- 
 out waiting for any such authorisation. M. de 
 Lesseps reminds his readers, too, that England was 
 very glad to use the route through Egypt lor sending 
 troops to the relief of India during the mutiny, and 
 he is not less successful in showing that the cutting 
 of the canal could not of itself affect the relations of 
 Egypt to its Suzerain. He shows how, step by step, 
 one country after another rallied to his cause, and 
 how, even in England, public opinion came round to 
 him, the series of meetings which he held throughout 
 the kingdom being unanimous in favour of the 
 scheme. Lord Palmerston, however, remained ob- 
 durate, and the English ambassadors at Constanti- 
 nople — first Lord Stratford de Eedcliffe, and then 
 Sir Henry Bulwer — moved heaven and earth to quash 
 the project. But M. de Lesseps, who in this instance 
 at all events showed himself a consummate diplomatist, 
 not only enlisted the active sympathies of several in- 
 fluential persons, such as the Empress of the Erench, 
 but removed, one by one, the obstacles from his path, 
 and, as we know, brought his work to a triumphant 
 conclusion. Well, I would say that when we come to 
 consider the objections and arguments which are at 
 the present time being urged against other great 
 engineering projects intended to facilitate communi- 
 cation between different parts of the globe, one cannot 
 fail to be struck by their close similarity to those 
 
xii THE TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. 
 
 with wliich M. de Lesseps was met thirty years ago 
 when about to commence the Suez Canal. We are told 
 now that the Panama Canal — in which, as my readers 
 will all be aware, he is the guiding and controlling 
 spirit — can never be completed, not at least for a sum 
 which is, practically speaking, obtainable ; and that the 
 Channel Tunnel between France and England, if not 
 as impracticable from an engineering and financial 
 point of view, would be as detrimental to the interests 
 of England as Lord Palmerston declared the Suez 
 Canal to be. I do not profess of myself to have suffi- 
 cient knowledge to speak with authority upon either 
 of these subjects, though, of course, it can only be in 
 joke that people talk about the military risk which the 
 making of a submarine tunnel would involve. But 
 when one finds how the self-same arguments which 
 retarded, but did not prevent, the cutting of the Suez 
 Canal — all of them falsified in the event — are being 
 served up again by the adversaries of these two pro- 
 jects it is impossible to avoid feeling that a little more 
 prudence, a little more self- restraint, a little less self- 
 confidence would not be out of place. Those who de- 
 clare that the Panama Canal never can be made, and 
 that the Channel Tunnel never ought to be made, may 
 be justified by the result, and the arguments which in 
 the case of the Suez Canal were so utterly falsified 
 may in these instances prove sound. But, to borrow 
 a famous phrase, one would be sorry to be " as cock- 
 sure of anything as they are of everything," and M. 
 
THE TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. xiii 
 
 de Lesseps will have increased the debt which the 
 friends of progress and of civilisation owe to him. if, 
 by writing the history of his great work in Egypt, he 
 shall have inculcated upon some of us the danger of 
 speaking too dogmatically upon subjects of which our 
 knowledge is necessarily imperfect, and in most cases 
 second or even third-hand. 
 
 C. B. PiTMAisr. 
 
 October, 1887. 
 
RECOLLECTIOI^S OF FORTY 
 TEARS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 THE MISSION TO ROME. 
 OFPICIAL DOCUMENTS. 
 
 WHEK the Austrian army was hanging upon the 
 frontiers of Piedmont, the Erench l!^ational 
 Assembly, using its right of initiative, called u23on 
 the Ministry to assume a resolute attitude, and autho- 
 rised it, should such a step be deemed in the best 
 interests of Erance, to occupy temporarily some part 
 of the Italian peninsula. A few days after this had 
 been voted, the news of the reverse sustained by the 
 Piedmontese army at N^ovara reached Paris. The 
 President of the Council laid before the Assembly, 
 upon the 16th of April, 1849, an estimate of £48,000 
 for the extraordinary expenses which the maintenance 
 of the expeditionary force for three months in the 
 Mediterranean would, it was estimated, entail. The 
 credit was voted, and a force was sent to occupy Civita 
 
 VOL. I. B 
 
2 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY FEARS. 
 
 Vecchia under the command of General Oudinot, but 
 the Eoman Assembly and the Trmmvirate declined 
 to receive what they regarded as a hostile force, and 
 ordered the commander at Civita Yecchia to resist to 
 the last extremity. Their order came too late, how- 
 ever, the French troops having already disembarked 
 and entered upon, a joint occupation of the place with 
 the Italian troops. General Oudinot, finding that his 
 entry into Eome would meet with a determined resist- 
 ance, then decreed sterner measures at Civita Yecchia, 
 placing it in a state of siege and disarming the 
 garrison. The prefect of the town having protested 
 against these measures, was cast into prison, and 
 General Oudinot, being anxious to bring matters to 
 a head, marched on Eome, before the walls of which 
 he arrived at the end of April. The result of the 
 combat on the 30th, in which the Eoman population 
 spontaneously took so active a part, is well known, 
 and I was able to see for myself that out of every ten 
 Italians whose wounds were being seen to in the 
 hospitals at least eight were natives of Eome. The 
 news of this combat created profound emotion in Paris. 
 The National Assembly, composed of nine hundred 
 members, was very indignant, and showed an inclina- 
 tion not only to upset the Ministry, but to put the 
 Prince President of the Eepublic upon his trial for 
 treason. The Committee appointed to report upon 
 the situation proposed a resolution calling upon the 
 Government "to take without delay such steps as 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. 3 
 
 may be necessary to prevent the Italian expedition 
 from being any longer kept from carrying ont the aim 
 assigned to it." The Minister of Foreign Affairs (M. 
 Drouyn de Lhuys) cast all the blame for what had 
 occnrred upon General Oudinot, who, he asserted, had 
 received no instructions to attack the Eoman Eepublic. 
 The resolution of the Committee was, however, carried 
 by a majority of 338 to 241, and though this was to a 
 great extent a vote of want of confidence, the Ministry 
 did not resign, but appointed a diplomatic agent, whose 
 mission M. Odilon Barrot, the President of the 
 Council, explained as follows at the sitting of the 
 Assembly on the 9th of May : — 
 
 " I assure you that as long as I am in office French 
 arms shall never be used for the restoration of abuses. 
 It is with this feeling, in order to learn from trust- 
 worthy agents the real truth, and also in order to 
 convey to those concerned the faithful and precise 
 expression of the intentions of the Assembly and of 
 the Government in regard to the aim and object of 
 this expedition, that the Government has decided to 
 despatch a man who enjoys our full confidence, whom 
 we have put to the test in very trying circumstances, 
 and who has always served the cause of liberty and 
 humanity. M. de Lesseps, to give you his name, has 
 been sent, and we have specially instructed him to 
 place himself in immediate communication with the 
 Government and to keep us informed day by day of 
 whatever may happen. We have further im- 
 
 B 2 
 
4 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 pressed upon Mm that lie is to employ his utmost 
 influence so that our intervention may secure genuine 
 and real guarantees of liberty for the Eoman 
 States." 
 
 I should have said that the Minister of Foreign 
 Afiairs had sent for me on the morning of the Sth, 
 after the day and night sitting of the Assembly, at 
 both of which I had been present, and had asked me 
 if I was disposed to undertake a very important 
 mission for which the Ministry, at the Cabinet Council 
 just held, had selected me. 
 
 I replied that, as I had been deemed worthy of so 
 high a mark of confidence, I felt it my dutj^ frankly 
 to declare that if the Government had not, at the out- 
 set, been animated by an open and resolute policy, it 
 would have been much better not to have compromised 
 us by sending an expedition to Civita Yecchia. How- 
 ever, I added, the point now is to repair the mischief 
 done by the affair of April 30th and not to fall into 
 the same blunder again. I also said that I should be 
 ready to start in two hours if necessary, and I pro- 
 mised to leave no stone unturned to arrive at the aim 
 indicated in the vote of the previous day. M. Drouyn 
 de Lhuys congratulated me upon my readiness, and 
 added that the manner in which I expressed myself 
 went far to show that the Government had made a 
 judicious selection. "While I was with him he sent 
 for the chief clerk of the political department, M, de 
 Yiel-Castel, and requested him to draw up instructions 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME, 5 
 
 which would leave me such latitude and initiative 
 that my political action would not be hampered either 
 by the general entrusted with the military operations 
 or by orders which would clash with unforeseen events 
 that might have occurred since the 30th of April. He 
 also advised me to get several copies of the Moniteur 
 (then the French official journal, which contained the 
 reports of the debates in the Assembly) and hand over 
 one to General Oudinot as soon as I arrived, being of 
 opinion that it was ujDon the decision of the Chamber 
 that we should base our course of action. 
 
 The text of these instructions was as follows : — 
 
 " The events which have marked the first steps of the 
 French expedition sent to Civita Yecchia being calcu- 
 lated to complicate a question which at first seemed a 
 very simple one, the Government has come to the con- 
 clusion that it is advisable to appoint, in addition to 
 the military commander of the forces despatched to 
 Italy, a diplomatic agent, who, devoting himself ex- 
 clusively to the negotiations and relations to be 
 established with the Eoman authorities and inhabitants, 
 will be able to give these grave matters the close 
 attention and anxious care which they require. Your 
 tried zeal, your experience, and the conciliatory dis- 
 position which you have more than once displayed in 
 the course of your career, have induced the Govern- 
 ment to select you for this delicate mission. I have 
 explained to you the present state of the questioH 
 
6 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 upon tlie solution of wliicli you are about to enter. 
 The object wbicb we have in view is at once to deliver 
 the States of the Church from the anarchy which pre- 
 vails in them, and to ensure that the re-establish- 
 ment of a regular power is not darkened, not to say 
 imperilled, in future by reactionary fury. Any step 
 which, in presence of the intervention exercised by 
 other Powers animated by less moderate views, will 
 give more scope to our special and direct influence, 
 will naturally make the object which I have pointed 
 out to you more easy of attainment. You will there- 
 fore concentrate all your efl'orts upon bringing about 
 such a result with as little delay as possible ; but in 
 the efforts which you will make towards this end, 
 there are two risks to be guarded against, as I will 
 point out to you. You must be careful to avoid 
 allowing the men at present invested with power in 
 the Eoman States to suppose that we regard them as 
 a regular Government, for that would give them a 
 moral force in which they are at present lacking. It 
 will be desirable, in the partial arrangements which 
 you may conclude with them, to avoid using any ex- 
 pression or making any stipulation which may be 
 likely to excite the susceptibilities of the Holy See or 
 of the Gaeta conference, which is only too ready to 
 assume that we are inclined to attach no value to the 
 authority and interests of the Court of Eome. Upon 
 the ground on which you will be standing, and with 
 the men with whom you will have to deal, the ques- 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. 7 
 
 tion of form is almost as important as that of principle. 
 These are the only instructions which I can give you, 
 for, in order to render them more precise and more 
 detailed, it would be necessary to have before me 
 information, not yet forthcoming, of what has hap- 
 pened in the Roman States during the last few days. 
 Your upright and enlightened judgment will inspire 
 you according to circumstances. But in any case you 
 will confer with MM. d'Harcourt and de Rayneval 
 in reference to all matters which do not call for an 
 immediate solution. It will be superfluous for me to 
 engage you to maintain close and confidential rela- 
 tions with General Oudinot, this being absolutely 
 essential to the success of the enterprise which you 
 are called to work out in common. 
 
 " Droutn de Lhuys." 
 
 M. Drouyn de Lhuys himself read me these in- 
 structions, and, dwelling at the first passage which 
 authorised me " to devote myself exclusively to the 
 negotiations and the relations to be established with 
 the Eoman authorities and inhabitants," he pointed 
 out to me that this left me a very large share of 
 authority independent of the general in command. 
 He dwelt also upon the final paragraph which left 
 me full latitude in presence of unforeseen difficulties 
 or incidents. 
 
 With regard to the passage relating to concerting 
 with MM. d'Harcourt and de Eayneval, I pointed 
 
8 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 out that sucli a concert was impossible^ as their 
 mission and mine had a quite different, not to say 
 contrary, principle. The answer was : " Simply send 
 them duplicates of your desjDatches." 
 
 I was still with him when a message from the 
 Prince President summoned me to the Elysee, where 
 I had already been in the morning ; and M. Drouyn 
 de Lhuys asked me to come and let him know what 
 passed between us. 
 
 The Prince told me that he had carefully considered 
 the object of my mission, and that one point, about 
 which he was afraid that he had not spoken to me, 
 gave him great concern.' This was the attitude of 
 our troops in the event of an armed intervention of 
 the Austrians and ^Neapolitans, whose action must at 
 all costs be prevented from being brought into com- 
 mon with ours. He gave me, in connection with 
 this, a letter for General Oudinot, and asked to see 
 my instructions, which he thought rather ambiguous, 
 and not sufficiently explicit. He informed me that 
 he intended sending to Eome General Yaillant, who 
 would be instructed to come to an understanding 
 with me, and who would replace General Oudinot 
 if the latter did not hit it off with us, or assume 
 command of the engineering operations if the siege 
 of Eome should be renewed. He added that I should 
 do well, if the opportunity occurred, to call attention 
 to the fact that in 1831 he had already taken part 
 against the Temporal Power when he was before 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. g 
 
 Eome in the company of his elder brother, who died 
 during the insurrection. 
 
 Upon returning to see M. Drouyn de Lhuys, I was 
 careful not to confide this matter to him, nor did I 
 make any use of it while in Eome, so as not to 
 excite public feeling unnecessarily. But when I 
 repeated to him the Prince's observation about a 
 foreign intervention in the Eoman States, he asked 
 me how I interpreted the expression *'at all costs" 
 as applied to preventing anything like a common 
 action with the Austrians and ^Neapolitans. I told 
 him that it was for him to settle that with the Pre- 
 sident and write to me ; but that, until I heard further, 
 I should interpret it in the Avidest sense. M. Drouyn 
 de Lhuys's salon being then full of visitors, as it Avas 
 his regular reception-day, I took leave of him and 
 was soon travelling in a post-chaise to Toulon, where 
 telegraphic orders had been sent for a man-of-war to 
 be got ready for me, upon which M. Drouyn de Lhuys 
 had given leave for Signer Accursi, a friend of 
 Mazzini and Minister for Home Affairs of the Eoman 
 Eepublic, also to travel. M. Drouyn de Lhuys had 
 suggested that Signer Accursi should accompany 
 me to Toulon ; but I pointed out that this might be 
 compromising. 
 
 Before embarking I received two despatches from 
 the Ministry of Poreign Affairs for MM. d'Harcourt 
 and de Eayneval and for myself, which I give in 
 their entirety. 
 
1 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 '' The Mhmter of Foreign Affairs to MM. de Rayneval 
 and d^ Harcourt. 
 
 "Paris, May 9, 1849. 
 
 " What pains us even more deeply than the mis- 
 trust which is still shown us at Gaeta, but which 
 time will eventually dissipate, is the nature of the 
 influences which evidently prevail in the councils 
 of the Hol)^ See. The nearer we seem to the denoue- 
 ment, the more clearly come out dangerous propen- 
 sities which are for the moment disguised beneath 
 moi'e or less specious pretexts. In order to avoid 
 making any set declaration as to the intentions of 
 the Holy Father, his advisers say how inconvenient 
 it would be for them to have his hands tied. There 
 might be something in this objection if it were 
 necessary to settle in detail the basis of a fresh 
 regime; but when all we ask is what course it is 
 intended to follow, once the authority of the Holy 
 See is re-established, it is hard to understand why 
 the Holy See should wrap itself in impenetrable 
 silence, unless there is a hidden resolve to return 
 simply to all the abuses of the ancient regime. 
 
 "We are told that there are certain reactionary 
 tendencies among the populations which must be 
 treated tenderly, and of which we have not taken 
 sufficient account. If these tendencies had the great 
 force which is attributed to them, would it not be 
 advisable to assume without delay an attitude which 
 would at some future time place the Holy See in a 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. ii 
 
 position to combat them ? Is it supposed, moreover, 
 that there is no need to reassure that numerous por- 
 tion of the Eoman population which, while detesting 
 the rule of anarchy, dreads almost as much the 
 return of one who has left so melancholy a mark 
 upon the reign of Gregory XYI. ; of a regime which 
 at the death of that Pontiff had rendered a change 
 of that system absolutely necessary, and which, by 
 provoking a vigorous reaction, has done far more to 
 bring about the misfortunes of these recent times 
 than the hurried introduction of certain reforms 
 which were not, perhaps, sufficiently thought out. 
 The men of whom I speak, and who, if I am not 
 mistaken, comprise nearly the whole of the welhto-do 
 and enlightened classes, would gladly rally now to 
 any combination which offered them guarantees of 
 good order, security, and sound administration ; but 
 how can they be otherwise than uneasy when they 
 see that not a word is said as to the future ? and are 
 they not justified in fearing that there is a design to 
 annul all the concessions due to the generosity of 
 Pius IX., including the secularisation of public func- 
 tions, the prime and essential basis, without which 
 any reform attempted in the States of the Church 
 can be but illusory ? 
 
 " I will say no more upon this subject. You are 
 aware of the painful reflections which it has forced 
 upon me, and you have done your best to bring those 
 who obstinately refuse to recognise the truth of these 
 
12 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 reflections to take a more accurate view. In refusing 
 to allow the Holy Father to reassure the public 
 mind by explanations and promises, they have pro- 
 bably contributed to intensify the unexpected resist- 
 ance which our expedition has encountered. They 
 trust to the Pope being brought back to his States by 
 foreign aid, but have they taken any thought of the 
 future which they are preparing for him by urging 
 him to take this deplorable course ? Will the excuse 
 of an ill-omened success, of an attempt at reform 
 made in the most deplorable conditions, have more 
 weight than all the arguments of reason, backed up 
 by so many examples borrowed from the history of 
 these recent times ? 
 
 " Be this as it may, what we are now doing for the 
 pacification of the States of the Church, the sacrifices 
 which an undertaking of this kind entails upon us, 
 and the moral responsibility which it imposes upon 
 us, unquestionably justify us in urging that a line of 
 conduct which would so intensify that responsibility 
 shall not be persisted in. 
 
 " The desire which we thus express does not, more- 
 over, go beyond what might legitimately be expected. 
 We only ask for what has up to the present time 
 been promised us without any diff culty. It is the 
 realisation of a line of conduct which up till the other 
 day did not seem to be at all questioned. We were 
 repeatedly being told that a return to the ancient 
 regime was impossible ; that the present state of 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. 13 
 
 men's minds and tlie general situation of Europe were 
 imcompatible with it ; and the most that was'^;^hinted 
 was that it would perhaps be prudent to make some 
 slight changes in the constitutional statute granted 
 by Pius IX. The necessity, the expediency of such 
 changes may be taken into consideration when order 
 and peace have been re-established ; but I must add 
 that we do not admit that this statute itself can in 
 future be regarded as null and void. The respect we 
 entertain for the Holy Father prevents us from 
 admitting that the institutions which he granted to 
 his people have been completely annulled by the 
 deplorable events which have occurred in Eome since 
 last November. The idea that the regime anterior 
 to 1846 would be revived in Eome never entered into 
 our minds or calculations. We acted under the 
 influence of quite an opposite conviction. 
 
 ''We still hope that we were not mistaken. We 
 do not wish to attach too much importance to a few 
 words hastily uttered, perhaps in a moment of excite- 
 ment, but interests of too high an order are at stake 
 for me to await explanations which would perhaps 
 dissipate our anxieties before instructing you to make 
 to the Cardinal Secretary of State, to the Holy Father 
 himself, and, if you think it well, to the members of 
 the Conference, representations the urgency of which 
 must of course be in proportion to the gravity of the 
 dangers which they are designed to avert. They will 
 understand that, in the position we hold, we have 
 
14- RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 serious duties to perform, and these duties we are 
 resolved to fulfil. 
 
 " Do not lose an hour in letting me know what 
 answer you have received to the pressing advice of 
 which you will find the text inclosed. It is important 
 for us to know what we have to expect. 
 
 ''Droutn de Lhuys." 
 
 The Minister of Foreign Affairs to M. Ferdinand de 
 Lesseps. 
 
 "Pa^is, May 10, 1849. 
 
 " We have learnt that General Oudinot had thought 
 it incumbent to request a commissioner sent, in the 
 name of the Holy Father, to Civita Yecchia, not to 
 prolong his stay in that town, where his presence 
 produced a bad effect. The Government of the 
 Eepublic quite approves of this step, dictated by a 
 sound comprehension of the necessities of the situa- 
 tion and of what the safety of our army demands. 
 
 "Until the object of our expedition has been 
 attained we cannot allow centres of authority to be 
 organised outside our influence upon the territory we 
 occupy, which might, even if unintentionally, go 
 counter to our action and compromise its success. It 
 is with this in view ^ that you will make use of the 
 powers which have been confided to you. IN'o one 
 better than yourself will know how to use these 
 powers with the necessary degree of firmness and at 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. 15 
 
 the same time with such consideration as to spare sus- 
 cej^tibilities, of which it is extremely desirable to take 
 all possible account. 
 
 '' Droutn de Lhuts." 
 
 At the same time, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, 
 under the impression of the vote of May 7th and of 
 the refusal of the Gaeta Cabinet to assist our enter- 
 prise, and to promise the inhabitants of Eome liberal 
 institutions, sent to General Oudinot the following 
 telegram intended to precede me, in the event of my 
 journey to Italy being delayed :■ — 
 
 " Paris, May 10, 10 a.m. 
 ^'Inform the Eomans that we do not intend to 
 join with the Ils'eapolitans against them. Follow up 
 the negotiations in the sense indicated by your in- 
 structions. Eeinforcements are being sent to you, 
 await their coming. Endeavour to enter Eome with 
 the assent of the inhabitants, or if you are compelled 
 to attack, do so with the most absolute certainty of 
 success." 
 
 I reached the head-quarters at Castel de Guide at 
 one in the morning. Being at once taken to see the 
 General, who was ill in bed, as a result of his repulse 
 before the walls of Eome, I read him from the 
 MoniteuTj a copy of which I left with him, the report 
 of the debate of the 7th in the ISTational Assembly, 
 
a 6 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 and communicated my instructions to Mm. He pro- 
 mised me his help in the accomplishment of my mis- 
 sion. As he could not use his pen, I wrote, under his 
 dictation, to Count de Ludolf, Minister of Foreign 
 Affairs to the King of Italy, who was encamped Avith 
 his escort and l^eapolitan army upon the other side 
 of Eome, to let him know how matters stood, enclos- 
 ing with my letter a copy of the Moniteur. 
 
 As my arrival was to modify the operations already 
 begun, the General lost no time in sending out order- 
 lies in different directions, so that any offensive move- 
 ments which might hamper my negotiations should not 
 be carried out. 
 
 As soon as it was daylight, I went into Eome, 
 accompanied by M. de la Tour d'Auvergne, Secretary 
 of Legation. "We had some difficulty in obtaining 
 adm.ission, and it was necessary to make a partial 
 circuit of the walls, as several of the gates were 
 barricaded. All along the road were posts upon which 
 were inscribed in large letters the clause of our con- 
 stitution which forbids any attack upon a foreign 
 nationality. Some of the sentinels upon the ramparts 
 levelled their rifles at us, but my servant, who was 
 sitting beside the driver of our brougham, flourished a 
 white handkerchief, and the rifles were at once 
 lowered. At last I saw a gate open, and a young 
 officer. Colonel Medici, who recognised me, came for- 
 ward and ofl'ered me his services, saying that the 
 city of Eome would be glad to hear of my arrival. 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. 17 
 
 He had me accompanied by a detachment of his men 
 to the Via Condotti, where I alighted at the Hotel 
 d'Allemagne, thinking it advisable not to go just yet 
 to the Prench Embassy. 
 
 After having several visits paid me, among the 
 visitors being Charles Bonaparte (Prince de Canino), 
 President of the Assembly, I forthwith wrote as under 
 to the general in command : — 
 
 "Having regard to the expectant attitude in which 
 we are placed, it seems to me of the utmost import- 
 ance to avoid any sort of engagement. I find a whole 
 city in arms, with the population apparently bent on 
 resistance, while, without any exaggeration, there 
 are 25,000 men ready to fight. If we entered Eome 
 by force, not only should we have to do so over the 
 bodies of a certain number of foreign adventurers, 
 but we should have to strike down a great many 
 shopkeepers and young men of good family, repre- 
 sentatives of the classes which defend social order in 
 Paris. We must, therefore, take account of this 
 situation, not act precipitately or implicate our Go- 
 vernment in anything opposed to the object which 
 it had in view at the beginning of the expedition — 
 an object which it has just declared anew — or to the 
 wishes of the National Assembly. I should, therefore, 
 hold myself much to blame if I did not use my best 
 efforts to induce you to suspend all acts of hostility 
 or any demonstrations likely to bring them about 
 until I have seen you, and been able to give you an 
 
 VOL. I. c 
 
i8 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 account of wliat I have seen. You are of my opinion, 
 I know. At the same time, I shall declare that our 
 soldiers will not budge an inch. Your attitude and 
 your kindly disposition cannot fail to facilitate an 
 honourable arrangement. We are strong, we can 
 afford to wait." 
 
 I came to a verbal understanding with General 
 Oudinot and the Eoman authorities as to a suspension 
 of hostilities. 
 
 Having obtained this result, I endeavoured to form 
 a correct estimate of the situation and of the diffi- 
 culties by which I might expect to be confronted. I 
 was not long in discovering that in Eome I should 
 have to face the prejudices of a population still very 
 irritated by the events of April 30th; the impossi- 
 bility in which we found ourselves placed of officially 
 recognising the Eoman Eepublic or even of promising 
 the maintenance of a government which esteemed 
 itself to be as legitimate as our own ; and the blind- 
 ness of certain influential persons who were relying 
 for the triumph of their cause upon a revolutionary 
 movement in Paris, just as many French politicians, 
 even in the ministerial party, believed in the 
 existence of a moderate Eoman partfj^ which had 
 promised to open us the gates of Eome on the 30th 
 of April, and would be more fortunate if we attacked 
 the city again. 
 
 Upon the other hand, I had remarked that the 
 impatience of several generals, the desire to make 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. 19 
 
 amends for a personal check, the constant instigations 
 of persons interested in a renewal of hostilities, and 
 the echo of the nnenlightened advice by which the 
 Holy Father was guided, would raise up for me 
 at the French head-quarters obstacles which, if less 
 imminent, would perhaps be more persistent than those 
 which I had just surmounted in Eome. 
 
 DiEECTiON Politique. No. 1. 
 
 First Despatch to M. Drouyn de Lliuys. 
 
 "Eome, May 16, 1849. 
 '' Monsieur le Ministre, — I informed you yesterday 
 by telegraph that, after having come to an under- 
 standing with General Oudinot, I should start for 
 Eome accompanied by M. de la Tour d'Auvergne, in 
 order to ascertain for myself the real sentiments of the 
 Eoman population and supply you with an exact 
 account of the information which I obtained. I 
 subjoin you a copy of the letter which I wrote the 
 same day to General Oudinot from Eome. M. de la 
 Tour d'Auvergne quite shares my ideas. M. de 
 Gerando, a man of good sense, whom I had heard 
 highly spoken of at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs 
 before I left Paris, confirms my opinion as to the 
 resistance which would be offered us being a very 
 general one. I^Tot that I doubt the ultimate success 
 of our arms, but it would only be reached through 
 
20 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 a sea of blood, and that is what neither you nor I 
 desire. 
 
 '' I had not been long in Eome before the Triumvirs 
 expressed their wish to see me. "When I called upon 
 them I informed them that I had been sent by my 
 Government to ascertain and to speak the truth 
 as to the state of public feeling in Eome since the 
 events of April oOth ; that our object was to employ 
 all the means compatible with our dignity and 
 military honour to prevent a deplorable struggle 
 between the French and the Eomans ; that, after what 
 I had seen and should communicate to General 
 Oudinet, I hoped soon to be able to announce that 
 all hostile acts or demonstrations upon the part of the 
 French army against Eome would come to an end. 
 
 '' This morning I sent M. de la Tour d'Auvergne to 
 head-quarters, and he informed the General of what 
 I had done, and brought back with him the latter's 
 promise not to hamper my action by any hostile 
 demonstration. I am therefore in a position to 
 promise, upon behalf of the General in command as 
 well as of myself, that hostilities would be suspended, 
 and to show myself ready to enter into negotiations. 
 I have confidently suggested that the National 
 Assembly should send a deputation selected from its 
 midst to head-quarters to negotiate, and should ask me 
 to accompany it. I am in hopes that this suggestion 
 will be adopted ; and I have already ascertained that 
 the Triumvirs, the President, and several deputies of 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. 21 
 
 the Assembly, and many other persons of influence 
 over the inhabitants, are favourable to it. The result 
 seems well assured, and it does not compromise us in 
 any way, as the object is to enable us to negotiate 
 with the executive of a Government which we cannot 
 recognise officially. It has been arrived at after 
 exertions which have not left me a minute's leisure. 
 "When I arrive with a deputation from the Assembly 
 at head-quarters, it will be the time to come to some 
 arrangement. I have just drawn up a scheme, of 
 which a copy is annexed herewith. I shall go and 
 discuss the basis of it to-morrow morning with the 
 General, and probably with M. d'Harcourt, whose 
 arrival is announced as imminent. You will see for 
 yourself whether he conciliates the very complicated 
 interests which we have to study, whether he reserves 
 for the Government of the Eepublic full liberty to 
 pursue, according as its interests and fresh circum- 
 stances may dictate, a clear and resolute course of 
 policy. 
 
 ''A column of 12,000 men, infantry, cavaby, and 
 artillery, under the command of Garibaldi, left at 
 five o'clock this afternoon to attack the Neapolitans. 
 
 "Peedinand de Lesseps. 
 
 " P.S. — I have paid a visit, in company of M. de la 
 Tour d'Auvergne, to two hospitals in which twenty- 
 six French soldiers, wounded in the engagement of 
 April 30 th, are under treatment. I promised them 
 
22 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 that they should rejoin their comrades as soon as they 
 were cured. They could not possibly be better cared 
 for, as Eoman ladies of the highest families are 
 tending them day and night, having taken up their 
 residence in the hospitals, the Princess Beljioso at 
 their head." 
 
 Second Despatch to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, 
 JParis. 
 
 "EoME, May 18, 1849. 
 
 "Monsieur le Ministre, — A conference has been 
 held at the head-quarters of the French army between 
 General Oudinot, M. d'Harcourt, and myself. I read 
 and commended my first despatch. My preliminary 
 measures were approved, as well as the scheme destined 
 to form a basis for negotiations. This scheme will 
 undoubtedly undergo modifications of detail which 
 will not alter its main principles. 
 
 "Upon my return to Eome I learnt that the 
 Assembly had unanimously decided that a committee 
 of three members should be selected, and the members 
 chosen were MM. Sturbinetti, Audinot (Bologna), 
 and Cernuschi (Milan). This latter, who would 
 have been a very desirable choice, as indeed were 
 the two others, would not accept out of delicacy, and 
 it occurred to me that it would be better that the 
 deputation should consist of Italians who were 
 natives of the Eoman States. His successor was 
 chosen to-day, Signer Agostini. 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. 23 
 
 " Previous to the sitting at wliicli yesterday's reso- 
 lution was carried, I had several visitors in my room, 
 among others M. Charles Bonaparte, who was to take 
 the chair. An attempt was made to draw a distinction 
 between my intentions and those of General Oudinot 
 and the French Government. I was asked what 
 could be done to destroy the prejudices which existed 
 in this respect among the Eoman population. I then 
 told them that nothing could be easier, as you had 
 just written to me under date of the 10th, signifying 
 your approval of the conduct of General Oudinot, who 
 had thought it best to expel from Civita Yecchia an 
 envoy of the Pope, whose presence was calculated to 
 produce a bad effect and hamper our action. I need 
 scarcely assure you that I do not say a word more 
 than is necessary to extricate us from one of the most 
 difficult positions in which we have been for a long 
 time placed ; that in all other respects I am very 
 reserved in my relations with every one ; and that if 
 I listen to men of all nations, all sorts, and all 
 parties, who come to see me as early as five in the 
 morning and as late as midnight, giving them all a 
 cordial welcome, it is in order to accomplish to the 
 best of my ability the mission you have entrusted 
 me with. 
 
 " To-morrow probably will begin the negotiations ; 
 I am starting for head- quarters in order to concert 
 about them with the General, with whom I am on 
 such terms as might be expected from his patriotism 
 
24 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 and from the loyalty of his character. I take care to 
 arrange with him in respect of everything which bears 
 upon our common instructions. 
 
 " M. cle Sorbin- Janson will convey this despatch 
 and the preceding one. M. d'Harconrt has authorised 
 him to proceed to Paris in order that he may tell you 
 what he has seen and what the present condition of 
 Eome isj as his information is likely to be of use. 
 
 " I begged Signer Mazzini to hand me a note 
 explaining his views as to the present situation of 
 Eome, and he readily acceded to my request. I have 
 the honour to forward you a copy of his letter, which 
 you will, I feel sure, consider a very remarkable one. 
 
 "rERDINAND DE LeSSEPS." 
 
 Annex to Despatch No. 2. 
 
 "Sir, — You ask me for a few notes upon the pre- 
 sent condition of the Eoman Eepublic, and I will write 
 them for you with that frankness which has for twenty 
 years been the invariable rule of my political life. "We 
 have nothing to conceal or to disguise. "We have of 
 late been singularly vilified in Europe, but we have 
 always said to those to whom we have been so calum- 
 niously denounced, ' Come and see for yourself.' 
 You are here, and can therefore verify for yourselves 
 how far these accusations are true. Your mission can 
 be carried out with full and complete freedom. We 
 have saluted it with joy, for it is our best safeguard. 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. 25 
 
 "France doubtless does not question our riglit to 
 govern ourselves in our own way, the riglit to draw, 
 so to speak, from tlie entrails of the country the idea 
 which regulates its existence, and to make of it the 
 basis of our institutions. All that France can say to 
 us is, ' In recognising your independence, it is the free 
 and spontaneous wish of the majority which I desire to 
 recognise. United to the European Powers, and being 
 anxious for peace, if it were true that a minority among 
 you sought to oppose the national tendencies, if it were 
 true that the present form of your government was only 
 the capricious fancy of a faction, substituting itself for 
 the common aspirations, I could not look on with in- 
 difference while the peace of Europe was being con- 
 stantly endangered by the turbulent scenes of anarchy 
 which necessarily characterise the reign of a faction.' 
 "We recognise that France has this right, for we believe 
 in the solidarity of nations for good. But we main- 
 tain that if ever there was a Government springing 
 from the wishes of the majority of the nation, and 
 maintained in power by it, that Government is our 
 own. 
 
 " The Eepublic has been implanted in our midst by 
 the will of an Assembly elected by universal suffrage. 
 It has everywhere been accepted with enthusiasm; 
 nowhere has it encountered the least opposition. 
 
 " And you must remember that never was opposi- 
 tion so easy, so devoid of danger, I may even add so 
 provoked, not by its acts, but by the exceptionally 
 
26 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 unfavourable circumstances in wliicli the Government 
 started upon its career. 
 
 "It followed upon a long anarchy inherent in the 
 organisation of the Government which preceded it. 
 The agitations which are inseparable from all great 
 transformations, and which were at the same time 
 fomented by the crisis of the Italian question and by 
 the efibrts of the retrograde party, had thrown it into 
 a state of feverish excitement which rendered it acces- 
 sible to any bold attempt, to any appeal to interests 
 and passions. We had no army, no repressive powers. 
 As a consequence of previous waste our finances were 
 impoverished, not to say exhausted. The religious 
 question, in the hands of able and interested persons, 
 was available as a pretext to work upon the feelings 
 of a population of gentle instincts and peaceful aspira- 
 tions, but not very enlightened. 
 
 "And yet no sooner had the Eepublican principle 
 been proclaimed than order prevailed. The Papal 
 Government does not tell us anything about its insur- 
 rections : there has not been one under the Eepublic. 
 The assassination of M. Eossi — a deplorable but an 
 isolated event, an individual act reproved and con- 
 demned by us all, provoked it may be by an imprudent 
 attitude, and the source of which has never been traced 
 — was followed by the most perfect order. 
 
 " The financial crisis reached its highest pitch ; there 
 was a brief period during which the paper money 
 of the Eepublic was reduced, through dishonourable 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. 27 
 
 mancenvres, to a discount of 41 or 42 per cent. Tlie 
 attitude of the Italian and European Governments 
 became more and more hostile. These difficulties, as 
 well as their material isolation, the people endured 
 with the utmost calm, having faith in the future which 
 would be evolved out of the new principle proclaimed. 
 ''By means of obscure threats, but more especially 
 owing to unfamiliarity with political habits, a certain 
 number of electors had abstained from contributing to 
 the formation of the Assembly, and this seemed to 
 weaken the expression of the national will. But a 
 second and very vital and characteristic fact triumph- 
 antly refuted any doubt there might have been upon 
 this score. Shortly before the formal institution of the 
 Triumvirate there was a fresh election of the munici- 
 palities. The vote was a large one, and though the 
 municipal element is always the most conservative one 
 in the State, so much so that we were for a time afraid 
 that the elections would show retrograde tendencies, 
 the municipalities selected this very moment to give in 
 their spontaneous adhesion to the new form of govern- 
 ment. During the first fortnight of this month we 
 received, in addition to those of the clubs and the 
 commanders of the ISTational Guard, the addresses of 
 all the municipalities with two or three exceptions. 
 I have had the honour to send you the list of them. 
 They all proclaim explicitly their devotion to the Ee- 
 public, and a profound conviction that the two powers 
 united under one head are incompatible with each 
 
28 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 other. This, I repeat, constitutes a decisive fact. It 
 is a second legal proof completing the first in the most 
 absolute manner, and testifying to our rights. 
 
 ''At the present time, amid the crisis which 
 prevails, in presence of the French, Austrian, and 
 iJ^eapolitan invasion, our finances are improved and 
 our credit restored ; our paper is discounted at 12 per 
 cent. ; our army is increasing each day, and there are 
 whole masses of men ready to rise and reinforce it. 
 You have seen Eome, and j'ou know how heroic a 
 struggle Bologna is carrying on. I write this at 
 night amid the • most profound calm. The garrison 
 left the city last evening, and before the fresh troops 
 could come in, at midnight, our gates and barricades 
 were, by means of a simple password handed on 
 from mouth to mouth, guarded without noise or 
 ostentation by the people in arms. There is in the 
 heart of this people one resolute determination, and 
 that is the downfall of the temporal power invested in 
 the Pope, the hatred of priestly government under 
 whatever attenuated or indirect form it may present 
 itself. I say hatred, not of individuals^ but of the 
 government. Towards individuals our people have, 
 thank God ! ever since the foundation of the Eepublic 
 shown themselves generous, but the very idea of a 
 clerical government, of a pontiff-king, makes them 
 shudder. They will fight to the death against any 
 scheme of restoration, and show themselves schismatic 
 to the last rather than endure it. 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. 29 
 
 "When the two questions were submitted to the 
 Assembly, there were a few timid members who 
 thought that the proclamation of the Eepublic might 
 be premature and dangerous in the present state 
 of Europe, but not one to vote against the down- 
 fall of the Papacy, right and left uniting to declare 
 that the temporal power of the Pope was for ever 
 abolished. 
 
 '' With such a people what can be done ? Is there 
 a single free government which, without committing 
 a crime and contradicting its essence, can assume the 
 right to impose upon it a return to the past ? 
 
 " Eemember that a return to the past means neither 
 more nor less than organised disorder, a renewal of 
 the struggle of secret societies, the uprising of anarchy 
 in the heart of Italy, the inoculation of vengeance 
 into a people which is only desirous of forgetting, a 
 brand of discord permanently implanted in the midst 
 of Europe, the programme of the extreme parties 
 supplanting the orderly Eepublican Government of 
 which we are now the organs. 
 
 •' This surely cannot be desired by Erance, by her 
 Government, by the nephew of K'apoleon ; especially 
 in the presence of the double invasion of the 
 ISTeapolitans and Austrians. 
 
 " An attitude of hostility against us just now 
 would recall in some measure the hideous concert 
 of 1772 against Poland. Such a design would, more- 
 over, be impossible to realise, for the flag hauled 
 
30 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 down by tlie will of the people could only be raised 
 aloft again over a mountain of corpses and the ruins 
 of our cities. 
 
 " I shall have the honour of submitting some other 
 considerations to you to-morrow or the day after. 
 " Your very devoted 
 
 "Joseph Mazzini." 
 
 Bignor Mazzini to M. de Lesseps. 
 
 " [Private.] 
 
 " EoME, May 17, 1849. 
 
 " The messengers carrying the ordinary correspond- 
 ence, who go out by the Angelica gates, have just 
 been driven back by the French, at the orders of the 
 General. "What does a cessation of hostilities mean if 
 we are still to be hampered and embarrassed in 
 keeping up communications with the provinces and in 
 preparing our means of defence against the Austrians 
 and the Neapolitans ? The only effect it can produce 
 upon our populations is to induce the belief that 
 the truce is, so far as it regards ourselves, a word 
 void of meaning ! This state of things cannot last. 
 Eemember that our territory is invaded, and that 
 we must defend ourselves. The messengers were 
 stopped at the Acqua Traversa bridge. See if you 
 can set this right. I know the country, and I am 
 certain that all negotiation will be impossible if this 
 
 state of things lasts. 
 
 "Joseph Mazzini." 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. 31 
 
 M. de Lesse2os to 8ignor Mazzini. 
 
 " Rome, 21aij 18, 10 a.m. 
 
 "I received your letter upon my return late last 
 night. The matter of the messengers shall be arranged 
 at once. 
 
 " It might be inferred from something said in the 
 Chamber yesterday that an attempt would be made to 
 distinguish between the conduct and the intentions of 
 my Government. I think it fair to inform you that if 
 the Powers with which we are about to treat entertain 
 any idea of this kind, or if a language which would be 
 the consequence of it should be made use of, either 
 against the President of the Eepublic, the Ministers 
 who sent me to Eome, or the honourable General 
 Oudinot, all negotiations would be at once broken off. 
 
 "My Government has been charged with having 
 some afterthought. If this were the case I should not 
 have been entrusted with a loyal and humane mission 
 which I intend to fulfil to the very last, and in con- 
 nection with which I have already found that I can 
 count upon your able co-operation. I do not doubt 
 but what I shall succeed, inasmuch as the result which 
 we were endeavouring to arrive at is one which will 
 bear the light of day. 
 
 " I have sent your note on to M. Drouyn de Lhuys. 
 I thank you for it. 
 
 "E. DE Lesseps. 
 
 "P.S. — I authorise you to make what use you may 
 think proper of this letter." 
 
32 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 M. de Lessejps to the Minister of Foreign Affairs. 
 
 "EoME, May 22, 1849. 
 
 " M. de la Tour d'Auvergne, whom I am sending to 
 Paris, and whom I beg you to send back to me at 
 once, will give you the information which I consider 
 indispensable in the present juncture for the further- 
 ance of our policy. It is impossible for me to furnish 
 you with it by letter, for at this moment my role is 
 altogether an active one, and leaves little time for 
 despatches. The documents annexed form the main 
 elements of the information which M. de la Tour 
 d'Auvergne will be well able to lay before you. I 
 have the utmost confidence in him, and could not be 
 better seconded than I am by him. The documents 
 which he will submit to you are : — 
 
 "1st. A draft of arrangement as modified after the 
 discussions which have taken place with the Commis- 
 sioners of the Eoman Assembly. 
 
 "2nd. IN^ote of explanation handed to the Eoman 
 Commissioners and the equivalent of the p^oees-verhal 
 of the conference. 
 
 " 3rd. Letter addressed to me, on the 19th, by 
 the members of the Triumvirate. 
 
 "4th. Copy of private letters exchanged on the 
 21st inst. by General Oudinot and myself. 
 
 " 5th. Extracts of a correspondence with Signer 
 Mazzini. 
 
 " 6th. Letter from Commander Espivent, General 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. 33 
 
 Oudinot's head aide-de-camp, and letters from General 
 Oudinot with reference to an ambulance waggon pre- 
 sented to the Eoman hospitals in recognition of the 
 attentions shown to our soldiers who were wounded 
 on the 30th of April. 
 
 " 7th. J^ote addressed to the Triumvirate. 
 
 " 8th. Collective declaration communicated to the 
 Eoman Assembly and the Triumvirate. 
 
 " 9th. Eeply of the Triumvirate. 
 
 "It will be gathered from the two last documents 
 that the course deemed most in harmony with our 
 interests is to allow the Eoman population, which 
 seems favourable to our proposed settlement, to mani- 
 fest its sentiments in such a m-anner as to bring the 
 men who are at its head to a true appreciation of their 
 interests. I have thought it right to urge upon General 
 Oudinot that the suspension of hostilities should be 
 prolonged, so that the French Government may have 
 sufficient time to see its way and decide upon its course 
 after receiving information of a trustworthy character. 
 
 "But whatever the solution may be, I do not think 
 that our expeditionary force is strong enough, taking 
 into consideration the increase of the defensive works 
 and the general arming of the population. After having 
 carefully discussed the matter with the general in com- 
 mand, and after having gone over the city with his 
 first aide-de-camp, M. d'Espivent, who has been here 
 with me for the last two days, I am convinced that it 
 is necessary to send off from twenty to five-and-twenty 
 
 VOL. I. D 
 
34 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 thousand men from Toulon and Marseilles. This will 
 be none too many. In the event of an understanding 
 being come to with Eome, and our troops entering the 
 city as allies, it would be desirable that our troops 
 should be on the road before the arrangement, which I 
 see no necessity for hurrying on, is completed. If we 
 sent for reinforcements after the occupation of Eome, 
 to overcome any fresh difficulties which might arise, 
 this step might, in the midst of a population which 
 would have received us as friends, tend to aggravate 
 our difficulties. If we are very strong before any defi- 
 nite step is taken we shall terminate matters far more 
 expeditiously and at less cost, and we should be able 
 to send our troops home afterwards far more quickly. 
 "We must not lose sight of the fact that the increase 
 and concentration of the French forces at Civita Yec- 
 chia and Eome will not weaken us internally, for when 
 once our flag is firmly implanted in Italy we shall 
 have no more risings to put down, and in any event it 
 must be borne in mind that we have now to do not with 
 the soldiers of the Pope, but with the Eoman soldiers. 
 "I am of opinion that General Oudinot should be 
 kept where he is. Whatever you do, do not send him 
 any more siege material. What he wants is a rein- 
 forcement of troops, and if he gets them Austria will 
 hesitate to attack us, whereas with fresh siege material 
 it will seem as if we are determined to annihilate 
 Eome, to which I will not in any circumstance what- 
 ever lend a hand. And if the intentions of the Govern- 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. 35 
 
 ment should happen not to be what I believe them to 
 be, I do not hesitate to ask you to recall me, for if I 
 had not my liberty of conduct and was not free to act 
 as circumstances might dictate in the midst of this 
 very complicated crisis my position would be unten- 
 able. I shall continue therefore to act without hesita- 
 tion, and in spite of all material and j)ersonal obstacles, 
 until M. de la Tour d' Auvergne has given you by word 
 of mouth the details which it is impossible for me to 
 furnish you with by letter, and until you have informed 
 me by telegraph, yes or no, whether I am in agreement 
 with you, 
 
 "It is of set purj)ose that I have altered clause 3 
 of the draft of arrangement. I have endeavoured to 
 reduce it to its most simple expression by eliminating 
 all that is not urgent, and by avoiding the two dangers 
 which were pointed out to me — that of formally recog- 
 nising the Eoman Republic, and that of exciting the 
 susceptibilities of Gaeta by alluding to the conflict 
 between the Holy Father and the liberties of Eome, 
 I came to the conclusion, after mature consideration, 
 that by maintaining this clause as it stood we should 
 at once shut the door upon any attempt at conciliatioiL 
 
 "F. DE Les'eps. 
 
 ''P.S. — I have just come in from head-quarters. I 
 have read this despatch to M. d'Harcourt. He pro- 
 tests against the inaction of the army, without, how- 
 ever, setting himself against the carrying out of mj 
 
36 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 advice, accepted by General Oudinot. I am still 
 going forward with it. You will see which, of us is 
 right. If not agreed upon these points, we are on 
 very cordial terms." 
 
 Ever since the 16th inst. I had been agreed with 
 General Oudinot as to the drawing up of the following 
 project, opposed by M. d'Harcourt, which I forwarded 
 to the Ministry, with an intimation that it would 
 undoubtedly be modified in some particulars : — 
 
 " Clause I. — N"o restriction shall be in future placed 
 by the French army upon the liberty of communica- 
 tions between Eome and the rest of the Eoman States. 
 
 " Clause II. — Eome shall treat the French army as 
 a friendly force. 
 
 " Clause III. — The present executive power shall 
 resign and be replaced by a provisional government 
 composed of Eoman citizens, and appointed by the 
 Eoman ISTational Assembly, until the inhabitants, 
 having been called upon to express their wishes, the 
 Senate shall have decided as to the form of govern- 
 ment by which they are to be ruled, and as to the 
 guarantees to be given in favour of the Catholic reli- 
 gion and the Eapacy." 
 
 I soon found, after a preliminary conference with 
 the Eoman authorities, that this question could not 
 even be discussed without awkward consequences, and 
 that Clause III., relating to the resignation of the 
 executive power, would lead to interminable discus- 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. 37 
 
 sion. Moreover, such a clause, much as it was desired 
 by the general in command, did not appear to me to 
 form part of my instructions, or to be adumbrated by 
 the speeches of M. Drouyn de Lhuys, who, at the 
 sitting of the 7th inst., had defied the Opposition to 
 find any proof of the Eoman Government having been 
 called upon to resign its powers. The first procla- 
 mation of General Oudinot, drawn up, as has been 
 shown, by the Minister himself, was, moreover, very 
 explicit upon this point, as it ran : '' We will concert 
 with the existing authorities in order that our momen- 
 tary occupation may not in any way embarrass you." 
 I found, moreover, after having well informed myself 
 as to the actual state of public feeling, that as my 
 mission was a special one and designed solely to efi'ect 
 a conciliation between the French army and the popu- 
 lation of Eome, it would be prudent to reserve in all 
 their integrity the questions relating to the Holy See, 
 and not to allow his sacred person or Catholicism to be 
 dragged into a public discussion, the tone of which it 
 was impossible to foretell. It seemed therefore better 
 policy to limit these discussions to the subject of a 
 partial arrangement, as an indispensable preliminary 
 to the general negotiations which might be carried on 
 later between the difi'erent Governments. A fresh 
 wording was accordingly agreed upon by General 
 Oudinot and myself. The three commissioners elected 
 by the Eoman Constituent Assembly were appointed 
 to discuss it with me. They called upon me, but as 
 
38 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 they said that the Assembly had given them no powers 
 beyond those of hearing what I had to say and re- 
 ferring back to it, I did not deem it fitting to open np 
 any conferences with them at head-quarters. They 
 were merely charged with the duty of submitting to 
 the Assembly the three following proposals : — 
 
 " Clause I. — The Eoman States request the fraternal 
 protection of the French Eepublic. 
 
 '' Clause II. — The Eoman populations have full right 
 to decide for themselves upon the form of government. 
 
 " Clause III.' — Eome will welcome the French 
 army as a friendly force. The French troops will 
 assist in maintaining order in the city. The Eoman 
 authorities will act in accordaace with their legal 
 functions." 
 
 I had made my mind up quite clearly in changing 
 the third clause of this draft of agreement. I had 
 sought to reduce it to its most simple expression, and 
 to avoid the difficulties already referred to.* The 
 first draft made no reference to the occupation of 
 Eome by the French army ; the second made special 
 mention of it, in deference to the views expressed by 
 General Oudinot and M. d'Harcourt. Although my 
 own opinion was contrary to the military occuj)ation 
 of Eome by the French army, for reasons which I will 
 give presently, I did not like to refuse to demand it, 
 in spite of my fear that it would not be granted, not 
 wishing to begin by separating my views from those 
 * Note of the Translator. See p. 14. 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. 39 
 
 of persons with whom I was desirous of acting in 
 concert. It was on this account that I was led to 
 propose that the military service of the capital should 
 be performed by our troops conjointly with those of 
 Eome. IN'evertheless, we had already before us the 
 example of Civita Yecchia, which was by no means 
 calculated to encourage a continuance of the same 
 system. 
 
 The Triumvirate informed me, in a note dated the 
 19th, that our proposals could not be accepted, as 
 they were not considered to offer a sufficient guarantee 
 in favour of the liberties and independence of the 
 Eoman States, and because the military occupation of 
 Eome was viewed with disfavour by public opinion. 
 It was added that the siege operations and the closer 
 investment of the city by the French army, regarded 
 as contrary to the spirit of the suspension of arms, 
 had contributed not a little to the decision of the 
 Assembly. The note wound up by announcing that 
 a counter proposition, which would, it was hoped, 
 facilitate an understanding, would be submitted to me 
 the following day. 
 
 As no such counter proposition had reached me on 
 the 22nd, I felt it incumbent, after consultation with 
 General Oudinot, to intimate that we considered that 
 we had exhausted all the means of conciliation, and we 
 accompanied this note by announcing the rupture of 
 negotiations, and stating that we would notify the 
 resumption of hostilities a week in advance. I had 
 
 i38 19 
 
40 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 calculated with. General Oudinot that this interval 
 ■\voald enable me to receive from Paris a telegraphic 
 reply at all events to my first despatches. 
 
 But the Executive replied to me on the same day 
 that the reason why the promised counter proposition 
 had not been officially transmitted was that fresh 
 bases of negotiation had within the last two days been 
 the subject of verbal communications between the 
 President of the National Assembly, General Oudinot, 
 and the United States Minister. I inquired as to the 
 truth of this of General Oudinot, and he sent me the 
 following reply : — 
 
 '' The United States Ambassador (Mr. Cass, son. 
 of the general), came to my head- quarters yesterday 
 and expressed his anxiety to assist, unofficially, in 
 making the Eoman Government see the necessity of 
 averting the calamities which are impending over the 
 population." 
 
 General Oudinot, in expressing his regret that 
 the step which had been taken by Mr. Cass, the son 
 of the American Ambassador, a step to which he had 
 not attached any importance, should have been seized 
 as an excuse for the delay of the Triumvirs to reply 
 to my ultimatum, said he remembered the American 
 agent leaving a paper with him which he had scarcely 
 looked at. This paper was handed to me, and it 
 embodied the following proposals : — 
 
 " Article I. — The Eoman Eepublic, accepting the 
 deliberations of the French Assembly which authorise 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. 41 
 
 the despatch of troops to Italy to prevent foreign 
 intervention, will be grateful for the support which it 
 may receive. 
 
 "Article II. — The Eoman people are entitled to 
 decide for themselves upon their form of government, 
 and the French Eepublic, which has never questioned 
 this right, will be pleased to recognise it formally, 
 when the constitution, as created by the National 
 Assembly, shall have been sanctioned by a general 
 vote. 
 
 " Article III. — Eome ivill welcome the French 
 soldiers as brethren, but they will not enter the city, 
 unless the Eoman Government, threatened by an 
 immediate danger, shall call upon them to do so. The 
 civil and military authorities of the Eoman Eepublic 
 shall fulfil their respective functions. The French 
 Eepublic guarantees more especially the right which 
 it recognised the Constituent Assembly as possessing 
 to complete and put into working the constitution 
 of the Eepublic." 
 
 This scheme was drafted in the handwriting of 
 M. Charles Bonaparte, the Yice-President of the 
 Eoman Assembly, who subsequently gave me a 
 second copy of it. In that which had been handed 
 to General Oudinot by Mr. Cass, the latter had intro- 
 duced a fourth clause, in which it was proposed that 
 he should sign the agreement as Minister of the 
 United States. It will be readily understood that in 
 view of my instructions I abstained from discussing 
 
42 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 proposals at nearly every line of wticli the Eoman 
 Eepublic, wliich I had not been charged to recognise, 
 was specifically mentioned. I declined to allow them, 
 even to be the subject of any written communication 
 on my part. 
 
 This incident led me to suspect that the Eoman 
 executive power, finding that I was resolved to follow 
 closely the line which I had adopted from the first, 
 was endeavouring to act, irrespectively of me, upon 
 the mind of the general in command, and I was aware 
 that, upon the other hand, a party which had little 
 confidence in the friendly intentions of France, and 
 was disposed to repel all attempts at conciliation, 
 endeavoured to make me appear as an obstacle and 
 a disturbing element. It was openly stated in the 
 clubs that I was another Eossi. The irritation 
 produced by the ringleaders upon a few fanatics 
 led to a disgraceful scene which disturbed a meeting 
 of Erenchmen at the French Embassy. Three men, 
 wearing the uniform of the Eoman ISTational Guard, 
 furious at not having met me there and at having 
 " missed their chance," as they phrased it, insulted 
 M. de la Tour d'Auvergne, who had attended in my 
 place. 
 
 The complaint which I lodged with the Eoman 
 authorities was at first received very coldly, though it 
 is only fair to add that they were not aware of the 
 criminal intentions which, as I had been privately 
 informed, these men had cherished. It was not till 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. 43 
 
 the next day, after the discovery of a fresh plot, and 
 after hearing the details spontaneously communicated 
 to them by Colonel Lavelaine de Maubeuge, while I 
 was in conference at head-quarters, that they pro- 
 ceeded to arrest one of the culprits, a Frenchman 
 named Colin. This man was still confined in a dun- 
 geon of St. Angelo when I left Eome on the 1st of 
 June. 
 
 The general in command kept on writing to urge 
 me to have done with the matter off hand, and though 
 we had both quite agreed that it was indispensable, in 
 the absence of any instructions posterior to my leaving 
 Paris, to gain time and await, at all events for a week, 
 replies to the letters which I had forwarded through 
 M. Porbin-Janson, he sent me message upon message, 
 saying that the generals were pressing him to act ; 
 that he had full confidence in me, but that no one 
 shared my sanguine views, and regarded them as 
 illusory. He added that, in the opinion of General 
 Yaillant, the statu quo was derogatory to the dignity 
 and interests of the army. 
 
 I replied to him on the 23rd : — 
 
 '' I have communicated to you, before sending 
 them, all the despatches which I have addressed to 
 the Government since my arrival at Eome, and I 
 have to-day sent to Paris, by M. de la Tour 
 d'Auvergne, a general report which I discussed with 
 you yesterday, and to which you raised no objections. 
 
44 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 ITor did General Yaillant raise any wlien lie came 
 to confer with me on your behalf, and I really can- 
 not understand so sudden and complete a change of 
 front as your successiye letters intimate. My con- 
 duct has hitherto been most consistent, and as I am 
 to-day sending to Paris the report which, as was 
 agreed with you, reserves all initiatiye on the part 
 of the Government until its reply arrives, it is 
 impossible for me to alter my course without the 
 most urgent cause. At the same time, as my mission 
 cannot be of any ejGfect if I am harassed in all direc- 
 tions, I am quite prepared to inform the Eoman 
 authorities that I shall retire to head-quarters if 
 within a week from the present time a solution is not 
 offered us, either by the acceptance of our original pro- 
 posals or by a counter scheme which would change 
 the form of it without altering its spirit. As to illu- 
 sions, I have none. ITothing surprises me from any- 
 body, and I am quite equal to meeting all the officious 
 insinuations designed to make me deviate from the 
 course which I have adopted. 
 
 '•' The honour of the army is as dear to me. General, 
 as it is to you ; but at the same time I set great store 
 by the written and verbal instructions of my Govern- 
 ment, and of public opinion in France. Do you 
 desire, yes or no, to enter Eome by force and assume 
 the offensive without having been attacked, or having 
 received any formal orders ? "When you have once 
 reached the gates of Eome, and destroyed its walls 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. 45 
 
 ■with your guns, how are you going to occupy the 
 city? 
 
 "Are we at once to give notice to the French 
 families residing in Eome that they had better with- 
 draw if they dread the consequences of an early 
 rupture ? And are you prepared to make yourself 
 responsible for the consequences of forcing your pro- 
 tection upon an unwilling population ? 
 
 " F. DE Lesseps." 
 
 The above considerations and the intentions of the 
 stafP, as manifested by General Oudinot's corre- 
 spondence, made it necessary for me to take up my 
 residence for a time at head-quarters. I went there 
 on the 24th, and the General gave me a room in the 
 Villa Santucci, where he was living himself, and 
 where he received me very kindly. From there I 
 lost no time in addressing, after reading it to him, to 
 the Constituent Assembly a message explaining our 
 draft of agreement, the clauses of which we retained, 
 with this addition : — 
 
 " The French Eepublic guarantees against all 
 foreign invasion the Eoman States occupied by our 
 troops." 
 
 This clause was the reproduction of an order of the 
 day, addressed by the general in command to the 
 commanders of the different corps when the march of 
 the Austrians into the States of Eome was made 
 
46 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 known, the wliich order lie had authorised me to copy 
 from his correspondence. He informed me, however, 
 that he had kept it secret up to the present, and that 
 if I thought it expedient to make use of the expres- 
 sion in our draft of agreement with the Eomans, he 
 saw no objection. 
 
 General Oudinot again promised me to await the 
 final decision of the French Government, but he was 
 still much worried by the complaints which the 
 generals under him made as to the inaction of the 
 army. It was agreed that I should explain, at the 
 next council of war, the political situation in which 
 we were placed. The generals who were present were 
 Yaillant, Eostolan, Eegnault de St. Jean d'Angely, 
 generals of division; Gueswiller, Le Yaillant, and 
 Molliere, generals of brigade, and two others, whose 
 names I have forgotten ; in addition to Colonel de 
 Tirion, the chief of the staff. 
 
 I read part of my despatches to the Ministry as 
 well as the accompanying documents, and I added 
 that I had resolved to formally oppose a resumption 
 of hostilities against Eome pending the arrival of 
 orders from the Government, basing my declaration 
 upon the latest instructions sent to the commander- 
 in-chief by telegraph on the 10th of May. Several 
 generals asserted that a simple demonstration would 
 suffice to ensure the opening of the gates, that at the 
 most there would be no need to do more than knock 
 down the corner of a single wall, and that there would 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. 47 
 
 be no real resistance. I maintained that they were 
 mistaken; that once hostilities had been begun we 
 should be led on to shed a great deal of blood and 
 destroy many buildings ; that the resistance would be 
 an obstinate one ; that we should be obliged to lay a 
 regular siege ; and that though we should un- 
 doubtedly end by accomplishing our aim, nothing 
 being impossible to a French army, I ^ would neyer 
 take upon myself the responsibility of evils easy to 
 foresee ; and that the general in command had re- 
 ceived no instructions which authorised him to assume 
 himself the responsibility contrary to my expressed 
 opinions. 
 
 General Oudinot submitted to the consideration of 
 the Council the following question : — 
 
 "Is it desirable to abandon the negotiations and 
 resume the attack upon Eome, without regard to the 
 conclusions of M. de Lesseps and without awaiting 
 fresh instructions ? " 
 
 The majority was at first inclined to vote for 
 attacking at once ; but General MoUiere, well known 
 for his exploits in Algeria, the youngest member of 
 the Council, had not yet spoken. Being asked to 
 give his opinion, he said that he was sorry, as a 
 soldier, not to be able to vote in favour of immediate 
 action, but that he felt it difficult to dissent from my 
 opinion as to the expediency of waiting for fresh 
 instructions. It was accordingly decided to maintain 
 the staiu quo. 
 
48 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 During my stay at head- quarters I kept up, througli 
 my private secretary, M. Leduc, daily intercourse 
 with the Eoman authorities and several influential 
 persons not in office. 
 
 On the 24th of May I addressed a letter to the 
 Prench residents in Eome, informing them that dur- 
 ing my absence the French flag would continue to 
 float over my hotel and the French public buildings, 
 and that they could display it from the windows of 
 their own houses if they pleased. I added that they 
 were to apply to M. Grerando, the Chancellor of the 
 Embassy, in case of need ; and impressed upon them 
 the importance of their being reserved and discreet in 
 their intercourse with the Eomans. 
 
 I also forwarded to the Minister of Foreign Afi'airs 
 in Paris a letter which I had received from the 
 Triumvirate on the 26th, urging that the French 
 troops, while remaining in occupation of Civita 
 Yecchia, should not enter Eome, or interfere to pre- 
 vent the Eomans from taking the field against the 
 Austrian and Neapolitan forces. To this I replied by 
 the following letter, a copy of which I forwarded at 
 the same time to M. Drouyn de Lhuys : — 
 
 "French Head-quarters, 
 
 " Villa Santucci, May 26. 
 
 u 
 
 Gentlemen, — I have received with much satisfac- 
 tion the letter which you did me the honour to address 
 me yesterday. The explanations which I have already 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. 49 
 
 given to the three commissioners of the Eoman Con- 
 stituent Assembly, and the commnnications which I 
 have thought it incumbent upon me to make to the 
 Assembly itself, meet, without exception, all the objec- 
 tions raised in your note, and whenever you see fit to 
 complete the negotiations by sending your com- 
 missioners invested with the necessary authorisations, 
 it will be very easy, in my opinion, for us to come to 
 a complete understanding and settle the basis of a 
 definite arrangement, which must, of course, be one 
 such as will quite satisfy the two contracting parties. 
 This declaration, which my private secretary will be 
 able to supplement with a few verbal observations, 
 will, I am sure, dissipate the unfortunate misunder- 
 standings which may have hitherto arisen upon either 
 side. For my own part, I have been, still am, and 
 shall still remain desirous of clearing up the obscurities 
 which have hung about the question, just as I hope 
 that my language will destroy any lingering doubts 
 which you may have felt as to the result you have in 
 view. There is only one point which could in any way 
 make you feel anxious, and that is the idea that we 
 are intent upon imposing on you by force the obligation 
 to receive us as friends. Friendship and violence do 
 not go together, so that it would be illogical of us to 
 begin by cannonading you as a preliminary to getting 
 you to look upon us as your natural protectors. Such 
 a contradiction in terms does not enter into my inten- 
 tions, or into those of my Government or of our army. 
 
 VOL. I. E 
 
50 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 This was the purport of what General Oudinot said 
 yesterday in my presence to the Eoman deputation 
 which came to offer, in your name, a present of fifty 
 thousand cigars and two hundred pounds of tobacco for 
 our soldiers, and his remarks must have removed any 
 doubts which may have lingered in some minds. But so 
 long as we begin to understand each other, there is no 
 good in going back upon the past. Let us rather con- 
 cern ourselves with the present and the future. You 
 will, I repeat, find us entirely disposed, by our words 
 and written statements, to give you the explanations 
 and guarantees which your natural susceptibility from 
 a national point of view may demand. It would ill 
 become Frenchmen, noted for their unlimited devo- 
 tion to their country, to blame other nations for de- 
 fending their territory against their real enemies, or to 
 compel you to do the very contrary of what they would 
 always do in their own case. 
 
 " Accept, &c., 
 
 " F. DE Lesseps." 
 
 Conference held at the Head-quarters, Yilla 
 Santucci, between M. de Lesseps and M. de 
 Eayneval. 
 
 Note from M. de Rayneval to M. Note from M. de Lesseps in rephj 
 de Lesseps. to M. de Rmjneval. 
 
 May 27. 
 
 1. You have had the kind- 1. M. de Eayneval, starting 
 
 ness to take me into full eon- from a different standpoint 
 
 fidence as to your ideas, your from mine as to the attitude to 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME, 
 
 51 
 
 projects, and your action. In 
 return for the confidence which 
 you have shown me, I feel that 
 I cannot do less than treat you 
 with equal frankness. 
 
 2. My private views are of 
 little consequence, but the 
 Grovernnaent of the Eepublic, 
 in requesting you explicitly to 
 concert your action with the 
 plenipotentiaries of the Gaeta 
 Conference, was evidently anx- 
 ious to avoid speaking with 
 two voices. I am obliged to 
 say that you have not been in- 
 fluenced by this consideration, 
 a very important one in my 
 eyes, as it involves the honour 
 and good faith of the country. 
 
 be taken in this business, 
 should be consistent with his 
 principles, as I have been with 
 mine. His reservations do 
 honour to the perspicacity of 
 his eminently politic mind, and 
 to the hereditary loyalty of his 
 disposition. 
 
 2. My instructions were to 
 the effect that I was to con- 
 cert with MM. d'Harcourt and 
 Eayneval upon all matters not 
 requiring an immediate solu- 
 tion. I have 'communicated 
 with M. d'Harcourt whenever 
 he has come to head-quarters, 
 where I have made a point of 
 meeting him, despite my in- 
 cessant occupations, to commu- 
 nicate to him not only all that 
 I had done, but the ideas which 
 inspired me in my action. At 
 the same time, I sent to M. de 
 Eayneval at Gaeta duplicates 
 of my earlier despatches to 
 Paris, and I should have gone 
 on doing so had he not, much 
 to my satisfaction, come to 
 head-quarters. I have kept 
 nothing back from him ; I have 
 let him know all the powerful 
 motives, public or secret, which 
 have directed my conduct, and 
 he must have carried away 
 with him the conviction that if 
 we were divided as to our 
 views, I was not less anxious 
 than he to maintain intact 
 the honour and good name of 
 our country. As to consulting 
 2 
 
•52 
 
 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 3. I also have to point out 
 that you act not only without 
 any regard to antecedents, but 
 solely guided by your inspira- 
 tions and without any written 
 instructions from Government. 
 
 MM. d'Harcourt and Eayne- 
 val previous to each of my 
 steps, which, day by day, hour 
 by hour, minute by minute, 
 demanded immediate and vary- 
 ing decisions, it would have 
 been impossible. Even General 
 Oudinot, who was more directly 
 concerned with me, did not 
 expect this. 
 
 3. The antecedents which at 
 the outset guided the course of 
 M. de Eayneval should un- 
 questionably have been taken 
 into consideration by me, but 
 they could not serve as an in- 
 variable rule for me, because, 
 upon the one hand, the Holy 
 Father, who will certainly re- 
 cognise the necessity of putting 
 himself in our hands, has never 
 done as we advised him ; be- 
 cause he has followed advice 
 diametrically opposed to ours ; 
 because his court has become 
 a modern Coblentz, from which 
 French influence has been ex- 
 cluded ; and because, upon the 
 other hand, the facts which 
 had marked the debut of the 
 French expedition, after the 
 occupation of Civita Vecchia, 
 had complicated the question 
 and produced a quite different 
 situation. This situation, the 
 exact nature of Avhich the 
 Government could not under- 
 stand when I left Paris on the 
 8th of May, j)i'evented their 
 giving me precise and detailed 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. 
 
 53 
 
 4. Being quite out of har- 
 mony with. d'Harcourt and 
 myself, deriving all your force 
 and authority from the cir- 
 cumstance — the importance of 
 which I quite admit — that you 
 have more recent information 
 as to the intentions of our 
 Government, you are quite 
 master of the situation and 
 paralyse the army. 
 
 5. You have gone so far all 
 at once that the risk of put- 
 ting obstacles in your way is as 
 great as that which you have 
 voluntarily incurred. More- 
 over, you have appealed to the 
 supreme judgment of the 
 Grovernment, so that it is but 
 right to await their decision, 
 which will, I trust, be not long 
 delayed. 
 
 6. It is possible that the 
 Eomans will open the gates of 
 the city to us. They will be 
 the less likely to do so when 
 they see that the army is not 
 preparing to act. But owing 
 to the conditions which you 
 
 instructions. I was merely 
 told to ' ' devote my attention, 
 exclusively to the establish- 
 ment of relations with the 
 Roman authorities and inhabi- 
 tants. . . . You will be guided 
 in your judgment by circum- 
 stances." 
 
 4. I have reported to the 
 Government all that I have 
 done to check the eager- 
 ness of the army — an eager- 
 ness which is greatly to its 
 credit, but which, if not mode- 
 rated in present circumstances, 
 would have led to an irrepar- 
 able catastrophe, the result of 
 which would have been, in my 
 opinion, to destroy our in- 
 fluence and aid the schemes of 
 our enemies at home and 
 abroad. 
 
 5. My object was to ascer- 
 tain the truth, to let the 
 Government know it, to clear 
 the way for them, and to enable 
 them to come to a final decision, 
 the announcement of which I 
 am awaiting not less eagerly 
 than M. de Eayaeval. 
 
 6. I had no wish that the 
 Eomans should at once open 
 their gates, as it was better to 
 give time for the passions which 
 had been excited by the events 
 of April 30th to subside. AH 
 the conditions which I had at 
 
5+ 
 
 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY FEARS. 
 
 have laid down, the solution 
 of the question, it seems to 
 me, is more likely to be re- 
 tarded'thau advanced. 
 
 7. I protest to the utmost of 
 my convictions against your 
 proposals. They involve not 
 only the recognition of a 
 Government which the French 
 Eepublic has expressly de- 
 clared that it will not recog- 
 nise, but an offensive and de- 
 fensive alliance with this 
 Government. 
 
 This is the first and a very 
 grave infraction upon what I 
 believe to be the instructions of 
 our own Government. 
 
 8. In reality we are throw- 
 ing down the glove, not only 
 to the three Powers which 
 have declared war against the 
 Government of the Eejjublic, 
 
 first proposed could not be ac- 
 cepted, and I should have been 
 sorry if they had been; among 
 others, that which consisted in 
 having the military service of 
 the city performed jointly by 
 our troops and those of Home. 
 The general in command was 
 very anxious that this should 
 be done, but I have always 
 declared that I regarded this 
 as a danger, because it would 
 involve us in questions of 
 Roman administration to a 
 greater extent than I deemed 
 advisable, and because it would 
 entail our taking upon us a 
 part of the inheritance of the 
 present executive. 
 
 7. In my proposals there is 
 not a word as to the recogni- 
 tion of the Roman Republic, 
 and that is so true that they 
 are regarded by Mazzini him- 
 self as inacceptable, and as 
 containing in reality nothing 
 more than the substance of 
 General Oudinot's first procla- 
 mation before Civita Vecchia. 
 I was instructed to negotiate 
 with the peojDle and authorities 
 of Rome, and in doing so I 
 have merely conformed to the 
 written instructions of our 
 Government. 
 
 8. By our conduct here we 
 are in no way throwing down 
 the gauntlet to the three 
 Powers which have declared 
 war against the Government 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. 
 
 55 
 
 and -which, have the support of 
 all Europe, but to a Power 
 superior to all these, and des- 
 tined to play a very important 
 part in our internal destinies : 
 I mean the Papacy. 
 
 This is a second and not less 
 serious infraction of the rules 
 laid down by the Government 
 of the Republic, which has not 
 declared war upon Austria, 
 which is solely desirous of 
 placing itself in such a posi- 
 tion as to exercise the due in- 
 fluence of the Prench Pepublic 
 in the ulterior regulation of 
 the affairs of Pome. 
 
 of Pome. Naples has seen fit 
 to take military action, but we 
 never promised to side with 
 her, and when Greneral Oudinot 
 was called upon by M. de 
 Ludolf to come to a decision, 
 he left him with no doubt upon 
 the subject. A telegraphic 
 despatch of May 10th, sent by 
 the Minister of Poreign Affairs 
 to General Oudinot, instructed 
 him to inform the Romans that 
 we did not intend to join with 
 the Neapolitans against them. 
 We do not therefore throw 
 down the glove to Naples, any 
 more than we do to Spain, 
 whom I was myself instructed 
 to inform that her ambassador 
 at Gaeta had very unwisely 
 separated her cause from ours, 
 and that in taking part, to- 
 gether with Austria, against 
 us, he was serving the interests 
 neither of the Papacy nor of 
 Spain. 'With regard to Aus- 
 tria, her principles are so 
 different from ours that it is 
 very difficult for us to be 
 agreed, while a pretence of 
 agreement would not be of any 
 use to you, and would alienate 
 for ever the Roman popula- 
 tions. A decision must there- 
 fore be come to, and if we are 
 to avoid war with her it is by 
 going on as we have begun, 
 unless new and unforeseen cir- 
 cumstances should arise, and 
 by fortifying day by day our 
 
S6 
 
 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 9. In uniting witli tlie ene- 
 mies of the Pope, you inevi- 
 tably drive him more than ever 
 heneath the exclusive influence 
 of Austria. This assuredly is 
 not a result which it is desir- 
 able to attain. 
 
 10. Is it really the desire of 
 France to offer her hand to a 
 Government which began its 
 career by murder .... 
 and which relies for its ex- 
 istence upon our internal 
 troubles ? 
 
 And you must bear in mind 
 that directly we recognise this 
 
 military political position in 
 the Roman States. . . . 
 
 9. Far from uniting with the 
 enemies of the Pope, we prove 
 to him, on the contrary, that 
 we are the only nation sympa- 
 thetic to the Roman popula- 
 tions which conceive their in- 
 terests in a just and liberal 
 measure ; and if at this mo- 
 ment his spiritual influence 
 even is compromised at Pome 
 by his imprudent friends quite 
 as much as by the hatred of 
 his enemies, he will be con- 
 vinced one day that we alone 
 can open for him the doors of 
 St. Peter's, and lead him along 
 a way strewn with flowers. 
 He will understand that access 
 to that basilica would be closed 
 to him if he had to reach it 
 along a path sprinkled with 
 the blood which he had caused 
 to be shed. Some sincere 
 friends of His Holiness have 
 encouraged me in the path 
 which I have followed, and 
 they have strongly urged him 
 not to raise any difficulties in 
 my path. 
 
 10. It is no more accurate to 
 say that the Poman Pepublic 
 is responsible for the murder 
 of M. Possi than to make our 
 Pepublic of '48 res^Donsible for 
 the crimes of '93. The Poman 
 Pepublic — which, moreover, I 
 have not been charged with 
 recognising — has succeeded, by 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. 
 
 57 
 
 Government, we cut from under 
 our feet the only ground upon 
 which we can maintain our- 
 selves. If, in our eyes, this 
 Grovernment exists, if it is the 
 outcome of the free choice of 
 the nation, we are bound to 
 support it. It would not be 
 right for us to do what we can 
 to bring about its fall except 
 while it remains what it now 
 is, the work of a faction com- 
 posed chiefly of foreigners. 
 
 11. You paralyse the army, 
 forgetting the maxim, '' Si vis 
 pacem," &c. You expose it to 
 demoralisation and to disease. 
 The army, which is anxious 
 to show what it can do and to 
 shed a fresh lustre upon the 
 French name, is condemned to 
 capitulate .... 
 
 an almost unanimous vote, to 
 the Grovernment which had 
 been the direct heir of the 
 murder of Rossi ; and it was 
 proclaimed by an Assembly 
 whose mission it was to choose 
 the form of government which 
 it preferred. This is a fact, 
 the consequences of which I 
 am not called upon to discuss. 
 
 11. I do not paralyse the 
 army, but do all I can to 
 prevent its admirable ardour 
 causing it to deviate from the 
 right path. The army will 
 have deserved the gratitude of 
 the country by reserving this 
 ardour to combat the enemies 
 of our independence and in- 
 fluence, instead of committing 
 the deplorable error of employ- 
 ing it to make breaches in 
 crumbling walls and to destroy 
 the finest monuments of ancient 
 and modern genius. My de- 
 spatch No. 6 indicates how our 
 army, so brave, so well disci- 
 plined, and so well commanded, 
 may maintain its position, and 
 fortify and improve it by a 
 change of quarters, in the 
 event of Rome not opening 
 her gates before the season of 
 fevers sets in. This project 
 ought, by good rights, to be 
 carried out from the very day 
 that an arrangement is come 
 
58 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 to "between tlie Eomans and 
 the .Frencli. To avoid any- 
 unfortunate contact between 
 the two forces, and to place us 
 in such a position that we 
 could retire without inconveni- 
 ence whenever France might 
 require her troops, a strong 
 position in the city, where the 
 head-quarters could be estab- 
 lished with the necessary forces, 
 will be the object of special 
 stipulations in the event of an 
 agreement being come to. I 
 have pointed out to M. de 
 Eayneval, upon a map of Eome, 
 the advantage we should de- 
 rive from occupying, upon 
 Monte-Pincio, a part of the 
 Academie de France and all the 
 buildings attached to the splen- 
 did convent of Notre-Dame- 
 du-Mont. These French pro- 
 j)erties form a verj' good body 
 of military positions. The steps 
 of the convent descend into the 
 interior of the city, and up to 
 1815 any man pursued by the 
 police had only to put his foot 
 upon the first step of these 
 stairs to enjoy the privileges of 
 the inviolability of French ter- 
 ritory. The sisters of the 
 Sacred Heart, who now inhabit 
 it, are only tenants of the 
 French Government, and they 
 have two other very fine pro- 
 perties in Rome, to which they 
 could meet. 
 12. ■While our army remains 12. The principal canton- 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. 
 
 59 
 
 inactive under the walls of 
 Eome the Austrians advance, 
 and the Pope might very pos- 
 sibly go and re-establish at 
 Bologna, under their segis, the 
 seat of authority. 
 
 Beneath the walls of Rome, 
 and even if we were to agree 
 to share the few posts in the 
 city which the authorities might 
 condescend to offer us, should 
 we be in a position to hold, 
 either to the Austrians or to 
 the Pope, the language which 
 it is fitting that France should 
 employ ? Our only resource in 
 dealing with the former would 
 be force, which would be utterly 
 useless in regard to the latter. 
 
 13. Primary assemblies in 
 countries such as this have 
 not the moral force which they 
 generally have with us, be- 
 cause every one knows that in 
 Italy the populations are inca- 
 pable of expressing their 
 wishes in this wa3^ In leav- 
 ing them to decide the future 
 fate of the Roman States, we 
 implicitly declare that we no 
 longer concern ourselves with 
 the sovereignty of the Pope, 
 
 ments of our army being estab- 
 lished at Prascati, Albano, and 
 in the neighbourhood known 
 as the Camp of Hannibal, we 
 should maintain our free com- 
 munications with Civita Vec- 
 chia, the routes to Florence, 
 Bologna, and Fiumicino by the 
 Tiber ferry, or the post which 
 General Oudinot has already 
 prepared, and we should have a 
 new and better communication 
 with the sea by the Porto d'Anzio 
 (Portus Neronis). In such a 
 situation, which is being thought 
 out at the present time by Gene- 
 ral Vaillant, we could not be 
 regarded as having wasted 
 our time or remained inactive. 
 The march of the Austrians 
 need not cause us any uneasi- 
 ness. As to the fear of seeing 
 the Pope establish his see 
 Under the aegis of Austria at 
 Bologna, an open and defence- 
 less city, I do not think that 
 there is any foundation for it. 
 
 13. In declaring to the peo- 
 ple of Pome that we do not 
 dispute their right to choose 
 freely their form of govern- 
 ment, we do not indicate how 
 this free choice is to be used ; 
 and if we do not just at this 
 moment raise the questions re- 
 lating to the interests of the 
 Holy Father, it is because we 
 should regard it as very impru- 
 dentto do so prematurely, being 
 convinced that time alone can 
 
RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 wliereas we have solemnly de- 
 clared in the face of Europe 
 that we would respect the terri- 
 torial divisions recognised by 
 the treaties. 
 
 14. I am not in the least 
 alarmed by the efforts of the 
 Protestant missionaries. They 
 may create a scandal, hut that 
 is all. 
 
 15. One word again as to 
 the kingdom of Naples. You 
 expose it to the invasion of 
 armed bands whom our inac- 
 tion leaves at liberty. Is the 
 French Grovernment desirous 
 that the agitation in Italy, no 
 sooner suppressed in the north, 
 the centre, and Sicily, should 
 break out anew in Naples ? 
 
 16. I have said enough to 
 show how sad at heart I feel in 
 leaving Home with matters in 
 such a pass as they are. I 
 should deplore as much as you 
 that the way of the Papacy 
 should be one of bloodshed 
 and ruin. Such must not be 
 
 create a spontaneous movement 
 in his favour. As to bringing 
 him back by force, no one can 
 deny that his restoration would 
 not be durable unless it was 
 maintained by the same violent 
 means which had effected it. 
 
 14. I saw a good deal of 
 what the Protestants are doing 
 in Pome ; the danger is a real 
 one. It might perhaps be only 
 a passing one, fated to diminish 
 or disappear altogether when 
 the help upon which they now 
 rely is no longer to be had. 
 But as, after all, we have to do 
 with things as they are at pre- 
 sent, not as they have been or 
 may be again, it is necessary 
 to combat and to beat down 
 the hostile elements opposed 
 to us. 
 
 15. It is not our fault if the 
 kingdom of Naples is exposed 
 to being invaded by Graribaldi's 
 forces ; but it is owing to the 
 imprudence of the Neapolitan 
 troops in advancing into the 
 States of Pome. 
 
 16. In the situation as it 
 now is, an attack upon Pome 
 
 have 
 
 corre- 
 
 would, as I hope that I 
 demonstrated in my 
 spondence with the Ministry, 
 have led to great disasters and 
 would have been aimless. 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. 
 
 6i 
 
 the case. In my opinion, a 
 very firm attitude, an attack 
 Tpliicli, with no worse results 
 than the destruction of a few 
 tottering walls, would have 
 made ns masters of the Roman 
 head-quarters, would have led 
 the population to decide in our 
 favour. . . . We should at all 
 events have been in a strong, 
 healthy, and satisfactory posi- 
 tion, both as regards our na- 
 tional pride and the political 
 necessities of the day. Sooner 
 or later we should have been 
 received unconditionally, and 
 been allowed to dictate our own 
 terms. We should not have 
 had to struggle, as we now 
 shall have to do, if you suc- 
 ceed, against engagements 
 which we cannot fulfil, and 
 which will most seriously com- 
 promise us in the eyes of all 
 Europe. 
 
 17. I deem it my duty to 
 decline formally and fully all 
 responsibility for what has 
 taken place since your arrival. 
 But I win not conclude with- 
 out rendering homage to your 
 zeal and good intentions, with- 
 out begging you to see in my 
 outspoken frankness nothing 
 save a proof of my confidence 
 in your character and of my 
 now long-standing affection. 
 De Eaykeval. 
 
 17. I willingly assume full 
 responsibility for what is being 
 done before Eome. I do not 
 ask anyone to share it with me, 
 and I honour M. de Eayneval 
 for arriving at convictions dif- 
 ferent from mine as the out- 
 come of ideas Avhich spring 
 from the same patriotic source 
 as my own. I thank him for 
 his frankness, which harmo- 
 nizes so well with my own, 
 and with the sincere afifection 
 which I feel for him. 
 
 r. DE LesSEPS. 
 
62 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 Different as were our views as to the pending nego- 
 tiations and the hopes which they might evoke, M. 
 de Eayneval, indicated (see clause 5) the essential 
 point. "You have appealed to the supreme judg- 
 ment of the French Government, so that it is but 
 right to await their decision." 
 
 Upon the 28th General Oudinot held, a few miles 
 from head-quarters, a review of 10,000 men, most of 
 them belonging to corps recently arrived from France, 
 and he asked me to accompany him. On the 29 th 
 I arranged with him to address a very pressing com- 
 munication to the Eoman authorities. 
 
 The announcement of the forward march of the 
 Austrians, the desire to give satisfaction to the army, 
 and the hope of seeing an honourable compromise 
 agreed to by the majority of the Assembly, which, I 
 was assured, was very favourably disposed, induced us 
 to send to Eome what was practically an ultimatum to 
 the Assembly, the Municipality, and the Triumvirate 
 each of them receiving a copy from M. Leduc, my 
 private secretary. This declaration was as follows : — ■ 
 
 "The undersigned, F. de Lesseps, Envoy Extra- 
 ordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the French 
 Eepublic ; Considering that the march of the Austrian 
 army upon the Eoman States changes the respective 
 position of the French army and the Eoman troops ; 
 Considering that the Austrians, in advancing upon 
 Eome, might seize positions which would be threa- 
 tening for the security of the French army ; Consider- 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. 63 
 
 ing that the prolongation of the statu quo, to which 
 General Oudinot, the commander-in-chief, had at his 
 request consented, might become injurious to the 
 Trench army ; Considering that no communication 
 has been addressed to him since his last note to the 
 Triumvirate, dated the 26th inst. ; calls upon the 
 Eoman authorities and Constituent Assembly to give 
 a definite answer to the four following articles : — 
 
 "Art. 1. The Eomans request the protection of 
 the French Eepublic. 
 
 " Art. 2. France does not dispute the right of the 
 population to pronounce freely as to their form of 
 government. 
 
 "Art. 3. The French army will be welcomed by 
 the Eomans as a friendly one. It will occupy the 
 cantonments which it may deem the most suitable, 
 both for the defence of the city and for sanitary 
 reasons. It will not interfere at all in the general 
 administration of the country. 
 
 " Art. 4. The French Eepublic guarantees the ter- 
 ritory occupied by its troops against any foreign 
 invasion. 
 
 " In consequence, the undersigned declares, in 
 
 agreement with General Oudinot, that if the above 
 
 articles are not at once accepted, he shall regard his 
 
 mission as terminated, and the French army will 
 
 resume its liberty of action. 
 
 "F. DE Lesseps. 
 
 " (Countersigned) Oudinot de Eeggio. 
 " Head-quartees, Ville Santucci, 
 " May 29, 1849." 
 
64 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 Subsequently it was agreed that a further delay of 
 twenty-four hours, expiring at midnight on the 30th, 
 should be granted. 
 
 After the departure of M. Leduc, in the night of 
 the 29th to the 30th, I remarked that there was a 
 great stir among the staff of the general in command, 
 and that preparations were being made for some move- 
 ment the next day. I at once handed to the General, 
 in whose house I still resided, a note in which I said, 
 " In the event of your deeming it your duty to seize, 
 by surprise or otherwise, positions inside Rome, or 
 even just outside its walls, without previously con- 
 sulting me, I think it only right to disclaim all 
 responsibilities for the political consequences which 
 may result from it. Until orders arrive from the 
 Government, either blaming or approving of my con- 
 duct, it is not in keeping with my mission that you 
 should alone determine upon any measures, military or 
 otherwise, which might compromise our Government 
 or implicate our country in a cause which T deem to 
 be ill-advised and dangerous." 
 
 It should be added that I had not, up to this 
 date, heard a word from the Minister of Foreign 
 Affairs, nor had General Oudinot. The embarrass- 
 ment which this silence might cause had been pointed 
 out by me in all my despatches, notably in those sent 
 through M. de la Tour d'Auvergne and one or two 
 other messengers. 
 
 I knew that the General had sent for several 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. 65 
 
 generals commanding army corps, to give them his 
 instructions with regard to the attack on Eome which 
 was to begin at midnight. Having learnt that the 
 General had determined to take no account of my 
 advice, I thought it my duty to submit to General 
 Yaillant, who had recently arrived from Paris, whose 
 coming had been telegraphed to me by the Presi- 
 dent, and who might therefore be supposed to be in 
 possession of the latest views of the Government, my 
 serious motives for opposing the proposed attack, 
 and for believing that the immediate occupation of 
 Eome was pregnant with danger. I wrote to him 
 as follows : — 
 
 " May 30, 1849. 
 
 " I was hoping to have come to see you this morn- 
 ing, in order to communicate to you confidentially 
 the result of my latest conference with M. de Eay- 
 neval. But I have not been able to find the time, 
 being busy preparing a note for the purpose of showing 
 that, from the political point of view, the necessity of 
 despatching a division which would be distributed 
 over Albano, Frascati, and Marino, on account of the 
 recent landing of 4,000 Spaniards at Gaeta. It is 
 said that they will give fresh courage to the l!^eapo- 
 litans and that the campaign will be resumed. It is 
 our duty to anticipate them in the occupying of the 
 encampments around Eome which they might other- 
 wise seize, and, by thus anticipating them, make our- 
 
 VOL. I. F 
 
66 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 selves the sole masters of the city. In this way we 
 do not compromise our Government by a premature 
 entry into Eome, by remaining in a city which even 
 
 its inhabitants abandon in summer We shall 
 
 be the real masters of Eome if we surround it with 
 troops, and the Government of the Eepublic, wMcli does 
 not desire our entry into Rome except hj agreement with 
 the inhabitants., will thank you for having contributed, 
 by the wisdom of your counsels, to bring about the 
 triumph of the true and only policy stripped from all 
 petty questions of amour proj^re and vainglory." 
 
 At three o'clock the same day (that is, nine hours 
 before the expiration of the delay agreed upon) I re- 
 ceived the replies of the President of the Eoman 
 Assembly and the members of the municipality to 
 terminate the negotiations, to prevent France assum- 
 ing towards Eome the part of Austria, and to put an 
 end to the misfortunes with which a peaceful city, the 
 home of so many monuments and of the arts, was 
 threatened. At the same time the Triumvirate sent me 
 a note and a set of counter proposals. It was evident 
 that the General-in-chief and myself could take the 
 counter project of the Eoman authorities into consi- 
 deration, discuss it, and only break off all negotiations, 
 pending instructions from Paris, in the event of our 
 finding it impossible to come to an understanding. 
 The simple dictates of humanity would have led us to 
 do so, even if this course had not been indicated by 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. 67 
 
 the situation in which we found ourselves placed, and 
 which had not varied since the 15th of the month, the 
 day of my arrival ; that is to say, our Government, 
 which had long since been called upon to decide, had 
 not sent us a word either by courier or by telegraph. 
 Thus General Oudinot was still bound by the despatch 
 of the 10th, which did not allow him to attack. I 
 put together the letters of the Eoman municipality, 
 the Assembly, the Triumvirate, as well as the pro- 
 ject which I had annotated. I added to it the follow- 
 ing memorandum, and requested Commander Espivent 
 to hand the whole to General Oudinot : — 
 
 " Memoeandum. 
 
 ''Having started from Paris while the impression 
 produced by the events of April 30th was still fresh, 
 and having come for the purpose of treating with the 
 Eoman populations, I have no need to recall the fact 
 that I have never allowed for an instant my cause to 
 be treated as a distinct one from that of the worthy 
 Commander-in-chief. 
 
 " I was not blind to the difficulties which I should 
 experience in bringing people to believe that the in- 
 tentions of the French Government and of its general 
 were the same after as they were before the 30th of 
 April. But I have at last succeeded. I am disposed 
 to sign at once, with a few modifications and the re- 
 jection of Art. 3 relating to the recognition of the 
 Eoman Eepublic, the counter proposal sent me by the 
 
 F 2 
 
68 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 Triumyirate, and approved by the Eoman Constituent 
 Assembly, as well as by tbe senators and conservators 
 of the Eoman municipality, in the belief that this act 
 is calculated permanently to strengthen French in- 
 fluence in Italy, and maintain the unspotted honour 
 of our army and of our glorious flag. 
 ''Maxj 30, 1849." 
 
 M. Espivent shortly afterwards returned me, by 
 General Oudinot's order, the bundle of letters, which 
 he had not had time to read, being very occupied with 
 the details of his service and the orders he had to give 
 to the army. He had added, however, that I could 
 explain my views presently at a council meeting of 
 the generals which took place at four o'clock. Despite 
 my reading of the above documents and of my obser- 
 vations as to the absence of orders from our Govern- 
 ment and of the perilous nature of the situation, 
 nothing could alter General Oudinot's resolve, while 
 the manner in which he expressed his views made all 
 discussion impossible, and compelled me to advance 
 my official position in order to check the outbursts of 
 temper which I plainly said that I would not stand. 
 
 A similar scene occurred again at night in the 
 presence of one of my friends. Captain Chaigneau, in 
 command of the frigate Magellan. But my firmness, 
 coupled with the dropping of my hand on to the hilt 
 of my sword when the General talked of having me 
 placed under arrest, fortunately had the effect of re- 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. 69 
 
 yoking at the last moment all along the line of 
 advance posts tlie order which had been given for 
 an immediate attack. 
 
 However, as I was afraid that these orders wonld 
 not arrive in time to prevent deplorable consequences, 
 I made it known in Eome, whither I at once pro- 
 ceeded, that there was no occasion to feel uneasiness 
 at our movements, which were only intended to 
 enable us to make sure of the positions which foreign 
 armies marching upon Eome might seize. But for 
 this advice we should not have been allowed to 
 occupy Monte Mario without resistance. The aide- 
 de-camp sent to countermand the occupation of it 
 arrived too late. I returned during the night to 
 head- quarters. 
 
 Early the next morning General Oudinot, having 
 heard that I was making my preparations to return to 
 Eome, sent one of his aide-de-camps to ask me to come 
 and see him before I started, and I replied, that as I 
 had a final note to hand him, it was my intention to 
 have done so. The General told me that he much 
 regretted what had occurred ; but I would not let 
 him finish his sentence, and grasped the hand which 
 he had put out, I told him that I was going into the 
 city in order to complete the negotiations upon the 
 basis of our annotated project. In order to show him 
 that I had foreseen the possibility of my not stipu- 
 lating for the immediate occupation of Eome by the 
 Erench army, I took the precaution of reading him 
 
70 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 the following notes, the' original of which I left in 
 his hands : — 
 
 "It is expedient, until their passions are calmed 
 down, to avoid all contact between the army and the 
 people, whom so many causes maintain in a state of 
 effervescence. 
 
 " The air of Eome is insalubrious in summer. 
 
 ''The sojourn in Eome of any part of our army 
 might, as I have not ceased to declare since my first 
 conference with M. d'Harcourt, involve us more 
 deeply in internal Eoman questions than we should 
 wish to compromise our Government. M. de Eay- 
 neval was of opinion that the military service con- 
 ducted jointly by our troops and those of Eome would 
 be most prejudicial to our interests. 
 
 '' The general embarrassment arising from the 
 empty state of the treasury, the accounts which have 
 to be rendered for the immense sums of money spent 
 without any sort of check, are so many insurmount- 
 able difficulties in the way of the present Government 
 should it become consolidated, or for any other power 
 which might succeed it. The administration, being 
 bound to offer some sort of justification to the people 
 for all the financial embarrassments which will have 
 arisen, will no doubt seek to attribute the effects of it 
 to the French occupation. This forced occupation 
 might, moreover, have the result of keeping up a feel- 
 ing of irritation against, and a desire of vengeance upon, 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. 71 
 
 our soldiers, which the slightest incident might bring 
 to a painful head. Is it not better to wait till these 
 feelings have calmed down ? Then the people them- 
 selves will come to ask the French soldiers to enter 
 the city, and perhaps in a few days. It is all very 
 well for us to declare that we shall not interfere in the 
 general administration of the city; but a military 
 occupation would be certain to entail this ; and how 
 can we tell that, once entering Eome by force, we 
 should not be obliged to employ force to maintain 
 ourselves there, or that we should be free to withdraw 
 our troops just when it was convenient or necessary 
 to do so ? It seems unnecessary that I should dwell 
 further upon this situation or upon the other grave 
 matters to which I have made allusion. 
 
 "F. DE Lesseps. 
 
 " P.S. — ^M. de Eayneval writes to me from Gaeta, 
 under date of the 28th, that, according to letters from 
 Rome, the city has resolved to defend itself if attacked. 
 He adds, ' The moderate party would not care to face 
 the perils of a reaction of which they hope that we 
 shall spare them the cost.' This was just the view I 
 had taken the day I arrived in Rome. I am very 
 glad that this view, so opposed to all that had been 
 said before, is confirmed by the news from Gaeta." 
 
 The General sent me a note, written in pencil, in 
 which the aide-de-camp sent to communicate with the 
 commander of the column ordered to take up a position 
 
72 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 on Monte Mario said that lie had not arrived in time 
 to conntermand the movement. This note was 
 intended to reassure the Eoman authorities as to our 
 intentions, and it enabled me to explain the occupation 
 of Monte Mario to the Triumvirs. 
 
 Upon my arrival in Eome, I found them very 
 much concerned about the occupation of this im- 
 portant point, and numerous complaints had been 
 addressed to them from all parts of the city. I gave 
 them to understand that it was all a mistake, and they 
 undertook to reassure the population. 
 
 I handed them a jB.nal proposal, which I had 
 thought out with great care, and which I believed to 
 be as faithful an expression as possible of my instruc- 
 tions and of the intentions of the Government, as con- 
 veyed by the speeches of ministers at the sittings of 
 April 16 and May 7 and 9. My proposals did not 
 respond to the hopes of the Triumvirs, because they 
 made no mention of the Eoman Eepublic, which I 
 could not recognise, and because they only guaranteed 
 from foreign invasion the territories occupied by our 
 troops. They were, however, accepted as a necessity, 
 and Mazzini told me that if the Assembly agreed to 
 them it would be a proof of the great confidence which 
 I had inspired as to the intentions of the Government ; 
 for if these intentions were not such as I described 
 them, it would be very dangerous for the Eomans to 
 agree to my project. "For," he added, "the positions 
 of which we are about to facilitate your occupation 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. 73 
 
 of, and the privilege which you reserve for yourselves 
 of only repulsing our foreign enemies if they come 
 directly in contact with yourselves, leaves our political 
 existence at the mercy of your good faith." 
 
 The Eoman Assembly, convoked the same day, in 
 a sitting with closed doors, adopted my scheme all but 
 unanimously. This result was announced to me by 
 the Triumvirs in the following letter : — 
 
 " The result of the long discussion in the Chamber 
 is as follows : 
 
 "Art. 1. The support of France is assured to the 
 inhabitants of the Eoman States. They regard the 
 French army as a friendly one, come to aid in the 
 defence of their territory. 
 
 " Art. 2. By arrangement with the Eoman Govern- 
 ment, and without in any way interfering in the admi- 
 nistration of the country, the French army will occupy 
 the outward cantonments most suitable for the pur- 
 poses of defence and for the good health of the troops. 
 Communications shall be free. 
 
 "Art. 3. The French Eepublic guarantees against 
 all foreign invasion the territories occupied by its troops. 
 
 " Art. 4. It is understood that the present arrange- 
 ment is to be submitted for ratification by the French 
 Eepublic. 
 
 "Art. 5. In no case shall the effects of the present 
 undertaking lapse until a fortnight after oJ0S.cial com- 
 munication of the note having been ratified. 
 
74 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 "There appear only to be very slight changes in 
 the wording of this project which can give rise to any 
 objections. If this is so, all that remains to do is to 
 settle the means and the form of the communication. 
 
 "It is impossible to select this evening a deputa- 
 tion of the Chamber to send to head-quarters, but we 
 could arrange that the senator of Rome, Sturbinetti 
 (president of the municipality), should form part of 
 that which we would despatch to-morrow. 
 
 " The basis of the arrangement being agreed upon, 
 we would proceed at once to the election of the 
 plenipotentiaries, who would proceed to the camp to 
 settle all details, such as the choice of cantonments, 
 which would be the first result of the convention, and 
 to invite the general in command and his staff to come 
 and reside at Eome with a guard of honour. 
 
 (Signed) "J. Mazzini, A. Saffi, C. Aemellini." 
 
 We did not think it wise to fix in advance the 
 number of men who should form the guard of the 
 General ; we merely agreed that, by the clause which 
 established liberty of communications between the 
 city and its outer cantonments, the General would be 
 at liberty to let all the forces of his army, one after 
 another, pass through the city. 
 
 I then had three copies of the convention drawn up, 
 which were at once signed by the Triumvirs, with the 
 assent of the Eoman Assembly and the municipality. 
 The General, to whom I read the proposed con- 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. 75 
 
 vention, declared, directly I came to the question of 
 cantonments, that he would not sign it. He refused 
 to listen to any ex|)lanation, and as he spoke in a 
 tone which I did not at all like, I was obliged to reply 
 to him in a way which cut short the whole discussion. 
 Being convinced that this project met all the neces- 
 sities of the case quite as well as the previous one 
 which he had approved of, and that in some par- 
 ticulars it was preferable to the other, it was impossi- 
 ble for me to give way, especially as I knew that it 
 was General Oudinot's intention to take advantage of 
 the rupture of negotiations and not wait for official 
 orders from Paris ; for I had no doubt whatever as to 
 his being secretly in harmony with those members of 
 our Government who belonged to the reactionary 
 party. I bore in mind the vote of the 7th of May, 
 which had led to my mission ; I had just read over 
 again the speech delivered by the President of the 
 Council at the sitting of May 9th, according to which 
 I was to be "the faithful and exact expression of 
 the ideas of the Assembly and of those of the Govern- 
 ment, with respect to the aim and character which the 
 French expedition was to maintain to the very end 
 and in spite of all eventualities whatsoever." I was 
 acquainted with all the means of defence in the city, 
 and I was certain that until we had received rein- 
 forcements and fresh material of war we could not 
 carry it by assault ; that the resistance would be pro- 
 longed and general. The further time I had spent in 
 
76 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 Eome only confirmed me in tlie opinion wliich I had 
 expressed on the J 5th, the very day of my arrival. 
 I saw that our Government was being entangled in 
 the most deplorable manner, and I felt that, pending 
 fresh instructions, it was our duty to conform to the 
 telegraphic despatch of May 10th, which authorised 
 our entering Eome, "if we were agreed with the 
 inhabitants," and which permitted us to attack " if we 
 were compelled to do so, and in the event only of 
 having the fairest prospects of success." 
 
 Could I tear up my own agreement and dispense 
 myself from submitting it to the consideration of my 
 Government, which, after all, had exclusively instructed 
 me to negotiate with the Roman authorities and to 
 conclude partial arrangements with them ? 
 
 In short, I considered that the essential thing to be 
 done was to prevent an immediate and imprudent 
 attack ; that my provisional arrangement would at all 
 events have the effect of suspending it for a few days, 
 and of leaving Government the choice between peace 
 and war. I had, moreover, informed the Minister of 
 Foreign Affairs, by telegram on the 22nd, that if it 
 had been resolved to adopt a line of policy differing 
 from that which I considered to be the outcome of 
 the vote of May 7tli, I wished to be recalled. 
 
 Moved bv these considerations, I determined not to 
 be deterred by the opposition of General Oudinot. I 
 signed in his presence and left on his table one of the 
 three copies of the convention. I informed him that 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. 
 
 77 
 
 I should send a second one to Paris by Colonel 
 Lavelaine de Maubeuge, and that the third would 
 remain in the hands of the Eoman authorities. 
 Eeturning to Eome the same night, I received the 
 next morning (June 1) a letter from General 
 Oudinot, protesting against the arrangement con- 
 cluded with the city. The Triumvirate subsequently 
 sent me a copy of a communication by which he 
 declared that what I had done was null and of no 
 effect. I replied that so far as concerned myself I 
 adhered to the arrangement, subject to the ratification 
 of my Government, and that I was about to start for 
 Paris. 
 
 Subjoined are the documents relating to the final 
 incidents of my mission. 
 
 " Rome, Jme 1, 1849. 
 '' M. le Ministre,— My despatch of the 29th ult. 
 was accompanied by a declaration, in the form of an 
 ultimatum addressed by agreement with General 
 Oudinot, to the Eoman authorities. The result which 
 I hoped for was attained ; nine hours before the expiry 
 of the time fixed I received from the President of 
 the Constituent Assembly and the members of the 
 Municipality, composed of all the most distinguished 
 men in Eome, very satisfactory replies, the Executive 
 Power, which had been appointed to arrange with 
 me, sending me at the same time a counter project. 
 This document, upon the margin of which I at once 
 
78 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 annotated my remarks, was of a character to be taken 
 into consideration, and proved to me that the persons 
 who a few days before were resolved to throw diffi- 
 culties in the way of all attempts at conciliation were 
 no longer masters of the situation. The accompanying 
 documents and the verbal explanations which you will 
 doubtless receive from Colonel de Maubeuge will 
 show you the unexpected and to me very painful 
 behaviour of General Oudinot, who has hampered 
 my operations and was on the point of foiling them 
 altogether. In spite of an opposition and of diffi- 
 culties which I ought not to have had to meet, an 
 arrangement has been come to between the Eoman 
 authorities and myself. 
 
 "I have the honour of sending to you one of the 
 three original documents, of which a second is in 
 the hands of the Triumvirate and a third in those of 
 General Oudinot, You will observe that I have 
 suppressed Article II. of the previous project, in 
 which mention was made of the right of the Eoman 
 people to select their own form of government, a right 
 which it would be hard for us to question, but the 
 recognition of which, according to M. de Eayneval, 
 had very considerably increased the susceptibilities 
 
 felt at Gaeta My position at head-quarters 
 
 would be as false as it would be at Eome. I therefore 
 consider my mission as at an end, or at all events as 
 being of necessity suspended, and I am about to 
 make over to M. Gerando the supervision of the 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME, 79 
 
 interests of the Frencli who are still in Eome 
 
 My preparations for starting will not take long, and 
 I shall follow close npon the bearer of this letter. 
 
 (Signed) " F. de Lesseps." 
 
 Tlie Triumvirate to M. de Lesseps. 
 
 " Rome, Maij 30. 
 
 " Sir, — We have received the declaration of May 
 29th which you have done ns the honour of addressing 
 us. The Assembly, to whom a copy was also sent, 
 having confirmed its original decision, which delegated 
 us full powers to treat, it is for us to reply to you. 
 We do so with all due speed. If we have not sooner 
 answered your letter of the 26th, it was because, as it 
 did not contain any proposal on the part of France, 
 nor any reference to that which we had made to you, 
 it did not seem to call for any urgent reply. 
 
 "We have carefully examined your declaration, 
 and we append the modifications which we deem it 
 our duty to submit to you. As you will at once see, 
 they relate more to matters of form than of substance. 
 We might say a good deal in advocacy of the changes 
 which we propose — changes which, as we believe, are 
 demanded not only by the nature of the mandate 
 which we hold from the Assembly, but also by the 
 clearly expressed wishes of our fellow-citizens, without 
 whose assent no efficacious or definite agreement is 
 possible. But time presses, and we must pass over 
 details. We prefer to leave them to your good faith, 
 
8o RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 and to the lively sympathy -which you have often 
 expressed for onr cause and its destinies. It is not, 
 we can assure yon, by diplomatic means that we can 
 come to a mutual agreement, but by an appeal from 
 people to people, frankly and cordially expressed, Avith- 
 out mistrust as without afterthought. France, more 
 than any other nation, is capable of hearing and 
 understanding this appeal. This appeal for the cessa- 
 tion of a normal state of things, and one which, be- 
 tween the French Eepublic and us, especially after 
 the declaration of your Assembly and the newly ex- 
 pressed sympathies of the French people for us, would, 
 if continued, become absolutely incomprehensible, we 
 now address to you for the last time, with all the 
 force of conviction and desire which is in us. May 
 you hold it sacred, sir, for it sums up the immovable 
 convictions and ardent desires of a small but brave 
 and honourable people, which has not forgotten its 
 ancestors, which has not forgotten that they did some- 
 thing for the world, and which, fighting to-day for a 
 sacred cause, that of its independence and liberty, is 
 irrevocably resolved to follow in their footsteps. This 
 people, sir, has the right to be understood by France, 
 and to find in her a prop and not a hostile power. 
 It has the right to expect from France fraternity and 
 not protection, the demand for which would, at the 
 present hour, be interpreted in Europe as a cry of dis- 
 tress, lowering it in its own eyes, and rendering it 
 unworthy of the protection of France, upon which it 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. 8i 
 
 has always relied. Such a cry of distress ill becomes 
 us. There is no such a thing as impotence for a 
 people which knows how to die, and it would be 
 ungenerous on the part of a great and proud nation 
 to misinterpret the sentiment which inspires us. 
 
 " It is time, sir, that this state of things ended ; it is 
 time that fraternity ceased to be an idle word, with no 
 practical results ', it is time that our messengers, our 
 troops, and our arms should be able to circulate without 
 let or hindrance throughout the length and breadth of 
 our territory. It is time that the Eomans should no 
 longer have to regard with suspicion the men whom 
 they have been accustomed to treat as friends. It is 
 time that we should be free to defend ourselves, with 
 all our resources, against the Austrians who are bom- 
 barding our city. It is time that there should be 
 no mistake anywhere as to the good and loyal inten- 
 tions of France. It is time that Europe should no 
 longer be able to say that she deprives us of our 
 means of defence, in order to force upon us by-and-bye 
 a protection which Vould preserve for us our territorial 
 integrity without preserving for us what is dearer to 
 us by far, our honour and our liberty. 
 
 " Do that, sir, and many difficulties will be smoothed 
 over, many sympathetic ties, now loosened, will be 
 tightened once more, and France will have asserted 
 her right of counsel amongst us far more effectual 
 than by the apparent state of hostility which now 
 subsists between us. 
 
82 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 '' The cantonments wliich, as well as we can judge, 
 would be the most suitable, would be those upon the 
 line which extends from Frascati to Yilletri. The 
 preamble of the declaration may very well be adopted 
 as it stands. 
 
 (Signed) " The Triumvirs, 
 
 " Akmellini, J. Mazzini, and Saffi." 
 
 The General in command wrote to me declining to 
 co-operate. He did not communicate his fresh instruc- 
 tions to me, this being evidently the result of the change 
 which had occurred in the policy of our Government, 
 but he wrote to me on the evening of May 31st : — ■ 
 
 "Your convention is opposed to the instructions 
 which I have received. I will not give it my assent, 
 and I am obliged to declare this to the Eoman au- 
 thorities. When the Ministry, after having received 
 the communications conveyed to it through M. de la 
 Tour d'Auvergne, shall have made known its inten- 
 tions, I shall conform scrupulously to them. In 
 the meanwhile, I regret that I cannot possibly act in 
 concert with you. 
 
 (Signed) " Oudinot." 
 
 My reply was as follows : — 
 
 " Rome, June 1, 1849. 
 " Monsieur le General en Chef, — I have devotedly, 
 and with much personal abnegation, followed the 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. 83 
 
 directions which I received from the Government 
 of the Eepublic. Upon the day when, in presence of 
 many eye-witnesses, you created a scandalous scene 
 which nothing but my sang-froid and calm resolve 
 prevented from degenerating into personal violence, 
 upon the day when, ignoring me altogether, you gave 
 your commanders of corps orders to commence hostili- 
 ties all of a sudden and under cover of the night, my 
 mind was made up beyond the possibility of change. 
 I left with you the day before yesterday, at 8 a.m., 
 and at 3 p.m., and yesterday at 6 a.m., three notes, 
 copies of which I am also forwarding to the Minister 
 of Foreign Affairs. These documents will show that, 
 anticipating your projects, I had called upon you not 
 to put them into execution. You imagined that as I 
 had addressed an ultimatum to the Eoman authorities, 
 the declaration I made to you that my mission was at 
 an end and that hostilities might recommence at the 
 expiry of the time named, was absolute and inde- 
 pendent of any fresh incident which might arise. 
 But I stated to you in due time, and I here repeat, 
 that nine hours before the time named (twenty-four 
 hours) had expired the Eoman authorities had replied 
 to our ultimatum ; that they had sent me a counter 
 project, which the plainest common sense, the elemen- 
 tary principles of diplomacy, and, above all, the 
 dictates of humanity, made it incumbent for us to take 
 into consideration. 
 
 '' You could scarcely find time to cast your eyes 
 
 G 2 
 
84 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 over this paper, or over the letters of the Municipality 
 of Eome, the President of the Constituent Assembly, 
 and of the Eoman Executive Power. You sent me 
 back the correspondence by your chief aide-de-camp, 
 M. d'Espivent, who told me that you were too busy 
 to read it carefully ; you afterwards convoked Generals 
 Yaillant, Eegnault St. Jean d'Angely, Molliere, the 
 chief commissioner of the army, and the chief of your 
 staff. Colonel de Tirion. In their presence, and not- 
 withstanding your loud talk and threatening gestures, 
 I quietly read all my documents as well as my notes 
 of the day which I had addressed to you. As my 
 representations were useless, and as I formally refused 
 to associate myself with your project for a night 
 attack without previously warning the Eoman au- 
 thorities — an act which would have perhaps led to the 
 massacre of the French colony in Eome — I withdrew. 
 I am desirous of placing on record here the fact that 
 all the persons present at the meeting treated the 
 official representative of the Eepublic with the utmost 
 courtesy. 
 
 "Upon reflection, and in compliance with the 
 urgent and enlightened advice tendered you, you 
 decided at the eleventh hour to recall your order for 
 the resumption of hostilities. But these orders did 
 not arrive in time to prevent the occupation of Monte 
 Mario, where you met with no resistance, because I 
 had had time to let the authorities in Eome know 
 through my secretary, M. Leduc, that there was no 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. 85 
 
 cause for alarm, your movements being merely made 
 to anticipate the foreign armies which were marching 
 on Eome from seizing these positions. But for this and 
 for my return to Eome the tocsin would have been 
 sounded, the garrison and the population of the city, 
 down even to the women of the Trastevere armed 
 with their knives, would have mounted to the assault 
 of Monte Mario. I feel sure that our brave soldiers 
 would have held their own, but the consequences of 
 an attack and of a desperate assault would have gone 
 straight to the heart of our country. 
 
 " Having left head-quarters after I had handed you 
 my last note, and having my eyes thoroughly open to 
 the objections to the immediate entrance of the French 
 army into Eome, where you would probably have com- 
 promised the interests which it is my duty to forward, 
 I drew up of myself a fresh draft of agreement, entirely 
 in conformity with the directions which I had received 
 from the French Government. This project, adopted 
 after some discussion by the executive power, has been 
 approved, with only three dissenting votes, by the 
 Constituent Assembly. 
 
 " I handed to you, before signing it, a copy accom- 
 panied by a declaration, first communicating to you 
 my instructions of May 8th. 
 
 '•' With regard to your declaration that you will 
 consider as null and of no effect the arrangement duly 
 signed yesterday by the executive power and myself, 
 it will be for our Government to decide, and, in accord- 
 
86 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 ing with usage, you will not be at liberty to infringe it 
 in any way pending its ratification or non-ratification. 
 (Signed) "F. de Lesseps. 
 
 "P.S. — The Triumvirate has forwarded to me a 
 copy of the letter which you addressed them this 
 morning with their reply. The step which you have 
 taken is a deplorable one, because it makes public a 
 difference of opinion as to which our Government was 
 the sole judge, and which for the present should have 
 remained a private matter between ourselves." 
 
 General Oudinot to the Triumvirs. 
 
 ''May 31, 1849. 
 
 " Gentlemen, — I had the honour of informing you 
 this morning that I accepted, so far as regarded myself, 
 the ultimatum which was transmitted to you on the 
 29th by M. de Lesseps. 
 
 "To my great surprise, M. de Lesseps, upon his 
 return from Eome, brought me a species of convention 
 completely opposed to the basis and spirit of the ulti- 
 matum. I am convinced that in signing it he has 
 exceeded his powers. 
 
 " The instructions which I have received from my 
 
 Government formally prevent me from associating 
 
 myself with this last proceeding, which I regard of no 
 
 effect, and it is my duty to inform you of this without 
 
 delay. 
 
 (Signed) "Oudinot de Eeggio." 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. 87 
 
 The Triumvirs to General Oudinot. 
 
 " Rome, June 1. 
 
 " Monsieur le General, — We have this moment 
 received, with surprise and regret, your despatch of 
 May 31st. 
 
 " The difference of opinion between the General in 
 command and the Minister Plenipotentiary of France 
 was not an event for which we could be prepared ; and 
 as this difference of opinion arises with regard to a 
 convention the spirit of which is in entire harmony 
 with the explicit aspirations which recently emanated 
 from the French Assembly and with the well-grounded 
 sympathies of your nation, it is a very deplorable occur- 
 rence, and one which may result in the gravest con- 
 sequences, the responsibility for which does not rest 
 with us. 
 
 " We hope that in the material interests of Eome, 
 as in the moral interests of France, this difference of 
 opinion will speedily disappear. 
 
 " For the Triumvirate, 
 
 (Signed) "Joseph Mazzini." 
 
 I replied as follows to the Triumvirate : — 
 
 "June 1, 10 A.M. 
 
 " Gentlemen, — In reply to yours of this morning, 
 
 containing General Oudinot' s letter and your reply, I 
 
 have the honour to inform you that I adhere to the 
 
 arrangement signed yesterday, and that I am starting 
 
88 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 for Paris in order to get it ratified. This arrange- 
 ment was concluded by virtue of the instructions 
 which, charged me to devote myself " exclusively 
 to the negotiations and relations which it might be 
 desirable to establish with the Eoman authorities and 
 people." 
 
 (Signed) "F. de Lesseps." 
 
 I consequently informed the Minister of Foreign 
 affairs that, in consequence of what had occurred, my 
 position would be a false one at head-quarters, that 
 it would be equally so at Eome, and that I must 
 therefore consider my mission as ended, or at all 
 events as in abeyance. 
 
 I was already making my preparations for a start 
 when M. de Gerando, the Chancellor of the French 
 Embassy at Eome, handed me in an open envelope, 
 upon behalf of the chief of the staff of the French 
 army, a telegraphic despatch thus worded from the 
 Minister of Foreign Affairs : — 
 
 " Paris, May 29, 1849, 4 p.m. 
 
 " The Government of the Republic has put a stop 
 to your mission. You will be good enough to start 
 upon your return to France as soon as you have 
 received this despatch." 
 
 The orders of the Government found me ready to 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. 89 
 
 execute them without delay, and, leaving Eome at 
 3 P.M., June 1st, I reached Paris at five in the morn- 
 ing of the 5th. 
 
 M. de Tocqueville had succeeded M. Drouyn de 
 Lhuys, and upon my calling to see him at his own 
 residence, he told me that he had not had time to read 
 my correspondence, and that he was not very well up 
 in the Eoman question. I placed myself at his dis- 
 posal for all the information which he might desire. 
 Neither M. Odilon Barrot, who before my departure 
 had said to me, at the time of the Assembly passing 
 the resolution which condemned the attack upon 
 Eome, " You will have to get us out of this dilemma, 
 we reckon on you," nor any member of the Govern- 
 ment had expressed a desire to hear what I had to 
 say. Silence was necessary for them, in order to get 
 through the interval between the National and the 
 Legislative Assembly, in which the reactionary party 
 was to have a majority, and the Prince-President, who 
 was already preparing for his coup cfetat^ received 
 me with his customary good nature, his sympathy for 
 Italy, and a show of indifference for our internal 
 situation. He none the less countersigned, in order 
 to maintain the silence which had been agreed upon 
 concerning Eome, the decree for the examination of 
 my conduct by the Council of State, by virtue of Art. 
 99 of the Constitution, which subjected to the juris- 
 diction of that body the high functionaries of the State 
 in certain predetermined cases, of which mine was the 
 
90 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 only one. This article was not included in the future 
 constitutions. 
 
 The Government never informed me of what they 
 had to complain in my conduct ; but M. Odilon 
 Barrot, who made everything subservient to his keep- 
 ing himself in power, completely eluded the question 
 upon which he had to give a reply. For what had 
 he to answer, if it was not to explain the sudden 
 recall of the agent charged with negotiating with the 
 Eomans, and the order for our troops to enter Eome 
 by force. 
 
 Instead of giving the hitherto concealed motives for 
 these two decisions arrived at on May 29th, the 
 President of the Council diverted the debate into 
 another channel, and in order to escape from embar- 
 rassing questions he attacked my treaty of the 31st, 
 which was not concluded until two days after the 
 order for my recall. It must be remembered that 
 the telegraphic despatch of May 29th, containing the 
 order for my recall, reached head- quarters twelve 
 hours after the signature of my convention, and that 
 General Oudinot could not have availed himself of it, 
 as falsely asserted by M. Odilon Barrot to justify his 
 refusal to adhere to the convention. I^or must it be 
 forgotten that the date of May 29th marked the 
 change from the Constituent to the Legislative 
 Assembly. 
 
 It appears necessary for me, in the interests of 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. 91 
 
 historical truth, to sum up and refute the principal 
 heads of complaint urged by M. Odilon Barrot. 
 
 1st. The provisional arrangement of May 31st 
 compromised the honour of France and the dignity 
 of our arms. M. Barrot blamed me for having placed 
 France in a compromising position, and this in face of 
 the statement of facts which I have just made — viz., 
 that I was careful from first to last to reserve the full 
 liberty of the Government, and that I scrupulously 
 avoided pledging it to a share in the work which I 
 believed to be in the interests of France both as 
 regards the present and the future. 
 
 The treaty of May 29th only became binding if 
 ratified by the Government. If I had been over- 
 zealous it was easy to refuse ratification. 
 
 But in what respect was this treaty open to the 
 severe criticism to which it was subjected ? I need 
 not make any secret now, as I had to do forty years 
 ago, of the unvarying idea which served as a rule to 
 all my actions, in the discharge of a mission which I 
 had not solicited. 
 
 When, on leaving for Eome, I had put into my 
 hands, as my main guiding point, the Moniteur of 
 May 8th, which contained the resolution voted by the 
 Assembly, I supposed — and I could not but suppose — 
 that I was sent to carry out the wishes of the 
 Assembly. 
 
 When the Minister of Foreign Affairs and the 
 Prince President of the Eepublic gave me their final 
 
92 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 verbal instructions, there was nothing to show (nor if 
 there had been should I have consented to do so) that 
 I was not meant to take into serious account the 
 resolutions of a sovereign authority, resolutions which 
 I had heard discussed in advance, and the spirit of 
 which was perfectly familiar to me. I may take this 
 opportunity of adding that, from the time of my 
 departure till my recall, I received no fresh instruc- 
 tions, nor a word in reply to the telegrams in which I 
 asked for a simple yes or no as to the measures which 
 I suggested — nothing, in short, which could modify 
 the inspiration by which my course of conduct was 
 guided. 
 
 Was I sent to Eome to insist upon the Eomans 
 opening the gates to our army, under pain, in the 
 event of their refusal, of seeing their houses devas- 
 tated and their fellow -citizens decimated by the 
 sword ? It is evident that I was sent to come to an 
 understanding with a population which we regarded 
 as having lost its head, to bring together parties 
 which, irritated by recent occurrences, could not act 
 of themselves. There was no suggestion that I should 
 facilitate a surprise or provoke a struggle, but what I 
 had to do was to give the Eomans a proof of our 
 disinterestedness and friendship. I went to Eome to 
 make the inhabitants feel that they would do well to 
 place themselves under the protection of France and 
 escape from all the consequences of reaction by 
 accepting our support. The honour of our flag was 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. g3 
 
 not dependent upon our occupying Eome at a given 
 date and at the hour we saw proper to fix ; but what 
 we had to do was to be on the watch for, and if 
 necessary prevent, the entry of foreign troops, and be 
 ready to succour a friendly people should danger 
 threaten it. Can the honour of a nation like France 
 be banished because she treats considerately a city 
 which she wishes to take under her protection ? 
 
 In the state in which I found Eome there were 
 two courses open, either to have recourse to force, 
 trampling my instructions under foot and being 
 untrue to the national will ; or to do as I did, and, 
 by standing in the way of an imminent conflict, arrest 
 the unfortunate events which have since occurred 
 there. 
 
 2nd. The negotiations ought not to have been 
 resumed after the collective declaration of May 30th. 
 I think that I have explained clearly enough in the 
 above narrative of facts how I was led to resume 
 negotiations after the reception of another project 
 presented within the dates fixed by the ultimatum, 
 and how the drafting of my agreement, which was the 
 logical outcome of my instructions and of the circum- 
 stances in which I was placed, seemed to me to meet 
 the difficulties which met me on every side. 
 
 It may not be out of place to mention here that 
 the telegraphic order for my recall of May 29th had 
 not reached General Oudinot on the 30th, and that 
 the cause of it could not have been this treaty, which 
 
g4 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 the Ministry did not know of until the 6th of 
 June. 
 
 3rd. My negotiations had facilitated the re- 
 victualling of the city. From the beginning of the 
 armistice until the 1st of June, General Oudinot did 
 not allow the city to be revictualled. Communication 
 was free at the points occupied by the Trench posts 
 only for unarmed persons provided with proper safe- 
 conducts and for small quantities of provisions. 
 Several French merchants sent me a petition asking 
 me to authorise their fetching from Civita Yecchia 
 season goods over which they would incur serious loss 
 if their sale was delayed. I communicated their 
 petition to the General, who refused to do as they 
 asked. 
 
 4th. I am accused of having unnecessarily kept 
 the troops inactive. It is quite clear that my mission 
 as a negotiator did not admit of my engaging in 
 hostilities, and that if the troops had been ready 
 to attack they would have had to wait. But I 
 maintain that they were not in a position to under- 
 take the siege when I reached head- quarters on the 
 15th of May, which reduces the period of my negotia- 
 tions to a fortnight and not to a month as has been 
 stated. During this time the French troops did not 
 remain inactive, and the preparations for a siege were 
 not suspended for an hour. A large number of 
 fascines were made every day, and movements which 
 excited the apprehensions of the Eoman populations 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. 95 
 
 and often hampered me in my intercourse with the 
 authorities were constantly being carried out. The 
 bridge of boats on the Lower Tiber was being got 
 ready, and it was thrown across the river previous to 
 the rupture of negotiations, though it interrupted all 
 communication between Eome and the sea by water, 
 and though, by closing the passage to fishermen's 
 boats, it deprived a portion of the population of their 
 means of livelihood. 
 
 A Ute-de-pont was being constructed on the left 
 bank of the Tiber, and troops were sent there, 
 although this point had not been occupied at the 
 commencement of the armistice ; the large church and 
 convent of St. Paul, which are still nearer to the city, 
 were also seized. Thus the time which I spent in 
 negotiating was not lost to the army, and, what is 
 still more to the point, the reinforcements which the 
 Government had on the 10 th of May telegraphed to 
 General Oudinot to await had not yet arrived when 
 I reached Civita Yecchia. A letter of June 18th 
 gives this explanation of the delay in the siege which 
 assuredly could not be attributed to me after my 
 departure. 
 
 5th. It is said that the armistice gave time to all 
 the men who disturb Italy to assemble in Eome and 
 form an army which now confronts us. 
 
 " The forces which were defending Eome did not 
 increase during my stay there as alleged by the 
 President of the Council. At the end of my negotia- 
 
96 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 tions they were the same as they had been at the 
 beginning, and if the delay in attacking has been of 
 advantage to either side, it has notoriously been so to 
 the French forces. 
 
 Not a single foreigner joined the Eonian army 
 during my stay, and those who had been there before 
 I came consisted simply of some twenty Frenchmen, 
 a few Germans, and from 150 to 200 Poles, who 
 expressed to me in writing their desire to quit Eome 
 rather than join in hostilities against France, and to 
 go wherever we might see fit to send them. 
 
 "With regard to the Italians of states other than 
 the Eomagna, are they to be considered as strangers 
 to the cause for which Eome is struggling ? In any 
 event, it would be absurd to attach much importance 
 to them in a city which contains 30,000 regular 
 soldiers, and a whole population in arms ready to 
 offer the most desperate resistance. I had already 
 informed the Government of these facts by a despatch 
 dated May 16th, and I had specially instructed MM. 
 de Forbin-Janson and de la Tour d'Auvergne to 
 confirm their tenour. 
 
 6th. I should have stipulated for the occupation 
 of Eome, as the only means of holding a high tone 
 with the foreign armies which were advancing. 
 
 Is it fair, is it reasonable to reproach me with not 
 having insisted, as the sine qua non of any agree- 
 ment, upon a clause for the occupation of Eome, when 
 M. Drouyn de Lhuys declared in the sitting of 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. 97 
 
 May 7tli, not only that he had not given orders for the 
 attack upon Eome, but that he "had only authorised 
 the march upon Rome on the condition of no serious 
 resistance being offered, or of our being appealed to 
 by the population at large " ? 
 
 Can there be any more flagrant contradiction than 
 that which is involved in this utterance, and the order 
 given to attack and seize Eome before the result of 
 our negotiations could be known ? 
 
 Lastly, was it possible for us to have mingled 
 without restriction with the Roman population and 
 garrison, while preserving a mixed and expectant 
 attitude, in conformity with the object of the expe- 
 dition and that of my mission ? 
 
 The permanent occupation of Rome by our troops 
 was not indicated either directly or indirectly by my 
 instructions as an indispensable element of the con- 
 ciliation which I was instructed to bring about. It 
 exposed us to countless difficulties. The Roman 
 authorities have incessantly declared in their notes, 
 as I have pointed out, that they could not agree to 
 it so long as we had not recognised their Republic 
 and the powers by which it was governed. 
 
 As to the ''firm and resolute " languag-e which our 
 army was to have employed, when it had once taken 
 possession of Rome, I do not know upon what such an 
 idea is founded. If we had entered Rome after 
 having destroyed the Republic, we should have had 
 no need to have employed that tone to any one, for we 
 
 VOL. I. H 
 
98 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 should have begun by doing what the Austrians, 
 Spaniards, and Neapolitans would have liked to do. 
 If, upon the other hand, we had made our entry under 
 the cover of treaties, and in promising to maintain a 
 National Government of some kind (either the old or 
 the new), to uphold the laws of the country, and 
 respect the free will of the inhabitants, I would ask 
 whether war with Austria might not have resulted 
 from a situation of this kind, in the event of the 
 Imperial troops advancing beneath the walls of Eome 
 occupied by our army and manifesting their intention 
 of restoring the temporal power of the Pope upon the 
 lines indicated by the Court of Gaeta. 
 
 The outer cantonments of the city occupying 
 healthy and strong positions, the possibility of the 
 General in command residing upon the French pro- 
 perties at Monte Pincio, and bringing into the city, 
 one after the other, the whole of his army corps, 
 which indeed the population would have clamoured 
 for the day my convention was signed ; these, surely, 
 were conditions which satisfied the aim of the expe- 
 dition, while satisfying the military honour of the 
 army and the amour propre of the General. What has 
 an opposite policy done for us, and what embarrass- 
 ments has it not in store for us ? 
 
 7th. The last project agreed to by General 
 Oudinot would have been met with the jeers and 
 murmurings of the Eoman Assembly, so that I ought 
 not to have pursued the negotiations further. 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. 99 
 
 It is not accurate to say that General Oudinot's 
 project wonld have been so received, and if it had been 
 I should have broken off the negotiations instanter. 
 
 I have more than once shown, in the course of 
 twenty -three years' service abroad, that I am neither 
 patient nor slow of speech when the honour and dignity 
 of my country are concerned. 
 
 %i % ^ %■ ^ 
 
 I have mentioned above, in reply to complaint 
 No. 5, that I had specially charged MM. de Forbin- 
 Janson and de la Tour d'Auvergne to communicate 
 to the Government the exact position of the Eoman 
 army. With regard to the latter, he was at this time 
 a debutant in diplomacy. I had taken a great liking 
 for him on account of his distinction and ability, and 
 I foretold that his career would be a brilliant one. I 
 did not see him again for twenty years, when he was 
 ambassador in London during the period of my struggle 
 with Lord Palmerston on the Suez Canal question.* 
 One evening after dinner he admitted to me that on 
 his return to Paris from Eome M. Drouyn de Lhuys 
 questioned him a good deal about me, and asked him 
 if he had not noticed that I was rather flighty. He 
 confessed, with some confusion, that he had answered 
 in the affirmative, little suspecting to what use the 
 
 * Note of tlie Translator. — Twenty years after 1849 would 
 bring us to 1869, the year in which the Suez Canal was opened, 
 while Lord Palmerston died in 1865. But M. de Lesseps does 
 not intend to be taken too literally. 
 
 h2 
 
loo RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 Minister would put his answer, which was a perfectly 
 innocent one, and related to a conversation which we 
 had during one of our visits to the monuments of Eome. 
 " You see," I said to him, '' all these fine palaces which 
 are now unoccupied : in twenty years' time they will 
 be the refuge places of all the petty sovereigns of 
 Italy." Brought up by his brother, the cardinal, in 
 the ideas of the previous century, the young man had 
 taken my remark as the sign of a diseased imagination. 
 It was on this account, no doubt, that M. Drouyn de 
 Lhuys, after his betrayal of me, endeavoured to make 
 people believe that I was off my head. The story got 
 about among the clerks of the Foreign Office, and 
 upon my return to France it was mentioned in print 
 by the Siecle. I at once wrote to the manager of that 
 paper, M. Chambolle, to ask him what he meant, and 
 he at once contradicted the report in very proper terms. 
 I went at once to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and 
 met M. Drouyn de Lhuys as he was leaving his room 
 after handing over the conduct of affairs to M. de 
 Tocqueville. I met him on the stairs, and as I looked 
 him straight in the face he hastily ascended to the next 
 story and entered the bureau occupied by my brother. 
 After seeing M. de Tocqueville, who informed him that 
 he had not yet made himself familiar with the Eoman 
 question, I proceeded to the Elys^e, where the Prince 
 President greeted me very kindly ; but while on the 
 day of my departure he spoke his mind freely as to 
 the revolutionists who had embraced the same cause 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. loi 
 
 which he had served in his youth — viz. in 1831, when 
 his elder brother died of fever under the walls of Eome 
 — he this time spoke of the obstinacy of the Eoman 
 Court, to which he attributed the impossibility of any- 
 thing like conciliation. He appeared to me very uneasy 
 as to the position of his Government, placed between 
 the cross fire of two irreconcilable parties — the Ee- 
 actionists and the party of the Mountain under Ledru- 
 EoUin. I felt convinced from that hour that the 
 President was preparing to combat them both. 
 
 I was not, therefore, surprised when I saw soon 
 after the walls of Paris covered with bills announcing 
 the invasion of the Chamber by the troops, the flight 
 of Ledru-Eollin after the affray at the Arts-et-Metiers, 
 and the arrest of several deputies. 
 
 Holding aloof, as I have always done, from the 
 internal dissensions of my country, I awaited quietly 
 at home the decisions which might be come to with 
 regard to myself, and the Moniteur shortly after- 
 wards published a decree which, by virtue of Art. 99 
 of the Constitution, referred to the Council of the 
 State the examination of my mission to Eome. 
 
 The Ministry which had entrusted me, in a very 
 critical phase of its own existence, with a mission 
 bristling with difficulties, and which had so readily 
 abandoned me without deigning even to examine my 
 action, had not only countenanced attacks upon me, but 
 had itself attacked me from the national tribune while 
 I maintained a complete silence, and before the Council 
 
IC2 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 of the State had had time to commence its work. I had 
 only at the last moment availed myself of my right of 
 defence, and I had done so in a memorandum addressed 
 to the Council of State. I had spoken with the re- 
 serve, moderation, and sincerity which becomes a man 
 who, out of respect for himself and for public opinion, 
 does not choose to imitate his enemies. But it was 
 thought that even thus I was taking too much upon 
 myself, and my independence was denounced as an 
 infringement of discipline, while as the plain state- 
 ment of facts stripped bare the policy by which I had 
 had the bad grace not to allow myself to be crushed, 
 fresh blows were aimed at me during the sittings 
 of the Legislative Assembly on the 6th and 7th of 
 August. 
 
 At the sitting of the 7th, M. de Falloux endea- 
 voured to cast doubts upon the value to be attached 
 to my statement as to the nature of the resistance 
 which Eome could offer, and as to the presence there 
 of more than 25,000 regular soldiers. These figures, 
 which I had given as far back as the 15th of May, the 
 day of my arrival, had been communicated to me by 
 Greneral'Oudinot after his entering the city. 
 
 I learnt that it was proposed, at whose instigation 
 I knew not, to retard as much as possible, or perhaps 
 adjourn sine die, my appearance before the Council. 
 But on the 9th of July I wrote to M. Vivien, the 
 President, demanding the execution of the decree, 
 and he replied to me, but not till the 20th, that the 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. 103 
 
 legislative section was ready to hear the case, and he 
 requested me to present my defecce. 
 
 M. Boulay de la Meurthe, Yice-President of the 
 Eepublic, after having made a semi-official effort to 
 induce me to abandon the cause and failed, announced 
 to me on the 28th that the legislative section would 
 assemble on the 30th to hear my verbal explanations. 
 
 The sitting opened at midday. When President 
 Yivien had explained the object of it, I asked him 
 before entering upon the case to inform me if the 
 Ministry had explained the motives which had in- 
 duced it to submit the examination of my mission 
 to the Council of State, and if the latter had set forth 
 any special accusation of which I could be asked to 
 clear myself. I said that I had thought that Art. 99 
 of the Constitution, adopted by virtue of the prin- 
 ciple of the responsibility of Government servants, 
 could only apply to my case if there existed some 
 definite fact which involved my responsibility, and 
 which was outside the competency of my natural 
 judge, the Minister of Foreign Affairs. In that case, 
 I could admit the competency of the Council of State, 
 and though its forms of jurisdiction were not well 
 defined, I should submit myself to its judgment in 
 all confidence, in order to publicly crush all the 
 calumnies spread about to my disadvantage, and to 
 establish that the motives of my conduct were above 
 all reproach. The answer made me was that the 
 Council of State had not been called upon to give its 
 
104 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 opinion as to any allegation of wrong done ; that it 
 was merely instructed to examine my conduct, that 
 it was not constituted into a tribunal, and that, so 
 far as it was concerned, there was neither accuser nor 
 accused. I did not insist any further, and merely ob- 
 served that as the Minister of Eoreign Affairs had 
 not made any definite allegation of a kind to involve 
 the responsibility of his agent to a tribunal, it seemed 
 to me strange that he should have had recourse to 
 the Council of State to decide whether I had dis- 
 charged my duties well or badly. I added that, 
 without disrespect to the councillors of the State, 
 it might be held that they were not in a position to 
 judge of a diplomatic negotiation, especially as they 
 did not summon witnesses or hear counsel, and as 
 they take no account of what they have styled "out- 
 ward circumstances and external commentaries." 
 
 This matter having been discussed, the President 
 read out the instructions which had been handed to 
 me on the 8th of May by M. Drouyn de Lhuys. M. 
 Yivien and myself both of us pointed out in the same 
 breath, that in the copy communicated by the Ministry 
 there was a phrase which was not to be found in 
 the instructions which I have given at page 14 of 
 this chapter. The phrase inserted was as follows : 
 " Everything which will hasten the end of a regime 
 destined by the force of events to perish." 
 
 I at once submitted to the Council the original of 
 my instructions, signed by M. Drouyn de Lhuys, 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. 105 
 
 and whicli I was following as the document com- 
 municated by the Minister was being read. The 
 members of the Council, to all of whom it was passed, 
 were able to see for themselves that this phrase was 
 not embodied in them. Thereupon I myself caused 
 the sitting to be adjourned, and wrote the next day 
 the following letter to the President of the Council 
 of State, M. Boulay de la Meurthe : — 
 
 " Paris, July 31, 1849. 
 ''Monsieur le President, — On leaving the Council 
 of State yesterday, I went to the Ministry of Foreign 
 Affairs and ascertained from M. Yiel-Castel, the di- 
 rector of the political department, that the minute of 
 the ministerial despatch of the 8th of May, containing 
 the instructions relative to my mission to Eome, 
 agreed in every detail with the copy which was 
 handed to me before my departure from Paris and 
 which I showed to the members of the legislative 
 section. I shall be obliged if you will communicate 
 this fact to the Councillors, who will form their 
 opinion as to the circumstances under which an im- 
 portant phrase was inserted in the copy certified and 
 communicated by the Ministry. This phrase was, to 
 my mind, very conclusive, as it might of itself alone 
 have served as a base to the system which was de- 
 signed to prove that my conduct was inconsistent 
 with my instructions. 
 
 (Signed) " F. de Lesseps." 
 
io6 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 At the second sitting of the Council of State, reply- 
 ing to an examination which lasted four hours, I 
 pointed out how impartially I had judged the internal 
 situation of Eome, free as I was from all political 
 preoccupation or influences. For, in truth, happen- 
 ing to be in Paris a very few days after my return 
 from Madrid, and being about to accept the legation 
 at Berne, I should not have agreed to undertake the 
 temporary mission to Italy unless I had had a well- 
 defined object placed before me, and if I had had to 
 deal all of a sudden with questions which I had not 
 had time to prepare myself for. All that I had, as I 
 considered, to do was to prevent a renewal of hos- 
 tilities between the French army and the Eomans, 
 and to avoid the recurrence of a misunderstanding 
 similar to that of April 30, which had created so 
 painful a sensation in France. To bring about a sus- 
 pension of hostile demonstrations upon either side, to 
 prevent, pending further orders, a bloody collision 
 which neither the Ministry nor the IN'ational Assembly 
 then desired, to ascertain what fresh events had taken 
 place since April 30, to see that I did not involve or 
 allow any one else to involve my Government defi- 
 nitely either in war or peace until it had had time to 
 be informed of how things stood and could decide 
 for itself, and not to recognise but not to destroy 
 by force of arms the Eoman Eepublic, such were the 
 points to which I was told to direct my attention 
 when I started from Paris. 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. 107 
 
 As I stated to the Council, the Government was so 
 far from intending to attack Rome with onr troops, 
 and was so anxious to follow a conciliatory course, 
 that M. Drouyn de Lhuys himself introduced me in 
 his own drawing-room to the envoy of the Eoman 
 Eepublic, Signer Accursi, a member of the Con- 
 stituent Assembly, who had recently been Minister 
 of the Interior under the Triumvirate. He proposed 
 that we should travel together to Toulon, a sugges- 
 tion which I deemed it inadvisable to accept. It was 
 then agreed that he should go to Toulon alone and 
 embark upon the first vessel sailing for Civita Yecchia. 
 Finally, during the last few days of my stay in 
 Eome, I received a visit from an Italian who brought 
 me a note in M. Drouyn de Lhuys' s own handwriting, 
 because, the note said, he was a friend of Mazzini and 
 might help to eff'ect a settlement. In order to let the 
 Council of State know what impressions I had derived 
 during the early part of my sojourn at Eome, and of 
 the view, fully justified by events, which I took of the 
 situation, I read to them extracts from my journal 
 kept from day to day. One of these extracts, dated 
 May 15 — 19, contained the following passage : — 
 
 "The city is in arms, barricades and defensive 
 works are being erected in all directions. The re- 
 sistance will be a very general one. The English 
 Consul, who has resided in Eome for thirty years, has 
 shown me his despatches to Loid Palmerston. He is 
 of the same opinion as myself. 
 
io8 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 '' The captain of an American man-of-war, who has 
 visited all the defensive works, has told me that it 
 would require twenty thousand men at the least to 
 take Eome, and after a regular siege. 
 
 "Lord l!s'apier and the captain of the Bulldog^ an 
 English war vessel, are of the same opinion." 
 ***** 
 
 I learnt that the day after I had appeared before 
 the Council of State the Due d'Harcourt, ambassador 
 to the Pope, who had been called to give evidence, 
 insisted that all diplomatic action would be made im- 
 possible if the conduct adopted in regard to me was to 
 prevail, and that he expressed himself in the most 
 favourable terms towards me, asking how any one 
 could have thought of blaming me for occurrences of 
 which he had been an eye-witness, and of which he 
 was better able than any one else to form an opinion, 
 though he and I were not always agreed. The evi- 
 dence of so competent a witness was of great weight, 
 but there is no reference to it^in the report of the Coun- 
 cil of State,* to which I made the following reply : — 
 
 " The theory of the infallibility of the instructions 
 given to an agent, inaugurated by the report of the 
 Council of State, upsets all the ideas hitherto current 
 in diplomacy, converts an agent intrusted with a 
 mission into an automaton deprived of all initiative, 
 
 * Note of the Translator. — M. de Lesseps does not give the 
 report of the Council of State, though he states (see page 118) 
 that it was adverse to him. 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. 109 
 
 and rivets him to a chain which would prevent him 
 from executing any movement in all the circumstances 
 which had not been foreseen or literally explained by 
 his Government. 
 
 '' In my own case I still maintain, despite the 
 opinion of the Council, that I have not acted contrary 
 to the letter or spirit of my instructions ; but before 
 attempting to prove it, by challenging the funda- 
 mental errors of the report, I must take up the de- 
 fence of the true principles, by contrasting the views 
 held by M. Martens with the doctrine propounded in 
 the following paragraph : — 
 
 " ' The instructions of the Government are in no 
 case to be attenuated, extended, or modified by the 
 aid of outward circumstances or external commentaries 
 not forming part of them ; all the rules of hierarchy 
 and of responsibility would be set at naught if this 
 principle was not strictly followed, and the Council of 
 State would be wanting in its duty if it did not 
 scrupulously adhere to the same.' 
 
 " ISTot only did M. Drouyn de Lhuys himself take a 
 contrary view (see his instructions of May 8th, at page 
 14), but M. Martens, in his 'Manuel Diplomatique,' 
 vol. i. p. 131, says, 'Even when the course which a 
 diplomatic agent is to follow and his political actions 
 are traced for him in his instructions, and his duty 
 obliges him to conform to them, there are, however, 
 cases in which the orders he has received are such 
 that the execution of them would produce an effect 
 
no RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 opposed to the views of his superior, and detrimental 
 to the interests of his country. In a case of this kind, 
 and assuming that the diplomatic agent, having the 
 aim of his mission clearly before him, should he 
 thoroughly convinced that in obeying the orders he 
 had received he would be running directly counter to 
 this aim, he might, and perhaps ought, to take it upon 
 himself to suspend the execution of them, losing no 
 time in informing his Minister of what he has 
 done, and in giving reasons to justify his conduct. 
 
 " 'Moreover, his responsibility is not determined by 
 the concessions which he may make, nor by the exi- 
 gencies which he may insist upon, and the extent of 
 which is laid down for him in his instructions ; his 
 main duty consists in doing what is best to the utmost 
 of his ability.' 
 
 " The reporter of the Council of State declares that 
 my letter of instructions should have been my sole 
 guide, and, while blaming me for putting my own in- 
 terpretation upon it, its meaning is so far from being 
 clear to him, when it has not the light of external 
 commentaries to guide him, that he has to preface it 
 with a preamble of the political intentions which he 
 attributes to the Government, and that he has to com- 
 ment upon them, to make extracts from them, and 
 recast them, so to speak, in order to draw from them 
 any positive meaning to support his own views. And 
 I am to be blamed for having regarded as serious and 
 binding the formal engagements entered into by the 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. iii 
 
 Government, with the majority of a sovereign 
 Assembly ! But if the Minister for Foreign Affairs 
 had at the time an arriere-pensee^ which I will not 
 even now do him the injustice of supposing, was I the 
 man to accept, in view of a wretched personal interest, 
 a mission the object of which was to do the very 
 opposite of what my country had the right to expect 
 of me after the public statements made from the 
 tribune ? 
 
 " My instructions authorised me in so many words 
 to be ' guided by circumstances,' so how can it be 
 argued that they limit me within the hard and fast 
 lines of the despatch of May 8th ? Are the subse- 
 quent utterances of M. Drouyn de Lhuys, M. Odilon 
 Barrot, and the President of the Bepublic to go for 
 nothing ? Is the speech of M. Barrot (President of 
 the Council) on the 9th of May, announcing my de- 
 parture and the object of my mission in conformity 
 with the vote of the 7th, of no value in the eyes of 
 the Council ? Then in that case the speech of the 
 Minister of Foreign Affairs, delivered on May 22ndj 
 should be erased from the official record of the 
 Assembly, when he said: 'As to the Koman expedi- 
 tion, it has been the subject of two debates. The second 
 was a very recent one ; the Government explained the 
 object of the expedition ; the Assembly expressed its 
 views and made known its decrees, and an agent was 
 at once sent to Eome and to head- quarters. He took 
 with him as his instructions the report of the debate in 
 
112 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 this AssemUy^ and he has heen instructed to shape his 
 course in conformity with it!' 
 
 '•'- Thus, even excluding from consideration the un- 
 questioned principles which I have just referred to, it 
 has been admitted by the official declaration of the 
 Minister who signed the despatch of May 8th, 
 containing my letter of instructions, that this letter 
 was not to be my sole rule of conduct, that the aim of 
 my mission was collaterally indicated by the outside 
 circumstances.^ such as those which occurred in the 
 course of my mission to Eome, or by the external 
 commentaries .f such as the votes of April 16th and 
 May 7th, and the ministerial undertakings bearing 
 upon them. The nature of these undertakings is very 
 clearly indicated by the speeches of M. Odilon Barrot, 
 the President of the Council, both at the sittings of 
 April 6th and May 7th, and again on June 9th, 
 upon all three of which occasions he explicitly 
 declares that the French expedition under General 
 Oudinot was not sent with any intention of attacking 
 the Eoman Eepublic, of entering the city by force, or 
 of restoring the rule of the Pope, 
 
 " The reporter of the Council admits that the discus- 
 sions in the I^ational Assembly do not in any way 
 im^alidate the character of my instructions, but he 
 nevertheless asserts that all I had to concern myself 
 with was what related to the entry of the (French) 
 troops into Eome and with the special conventions 
 calculated to secure it. 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. 113 
 
 " The pretended necessity of haying Eome occnpied, 
 despite the opposition of the Eoman Assembly, the 
 authorities, and the inhabitants, was not so much as 
 referred to in my instructions, and it was in opposi- 
 tion with the statements of the Minister in the Cham- 
 ber. Be this as it may, the reporter, taking as his 
 starting point the principle of an entry, by force if 
 necessary, into Eome, encompasses me within the 
 circle which he has seen fit to trace, and beyond the 
 limits of which I was not, according to him, to have 
 stepped. 
 
 " The report charges that my first proposals did not 
 produce any immediate effect, and that they under- 
 went modifications. Inasmuch as I was instructed to 
 treat, and as in all negotiations there are several con- 
 tracting parties whose interests are different from one 
 another, I could not, from the very outset, force my 
 own views upon those with whom I was treating. I 
 could not but admit the presentation of counter pro- 
 jects, discuss them, and be led perhaps, either by 
 force of conviction or by the urgency of circum- 
 stances, to make concessions. 
 
 " The reporter blames me for not having shown 
 sufficient consideration for the susceptibilities of the 
 Papal Court at Gaeta. This is a question which the 
 Council of State could not possibly have sufficient 
 data for discussing; and the Minister of Foreign 
 Affairs, in laying it down in my instructions, had cer- 
 tainly no idea of fixing any particular limit. The 
 
 VOL. I. I 
 
114 BECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 susceptibilities in question had been excited in regard 
 to us long before my mission by the very principle of 
 our expedition, which had been undertaken without 
 the Holy Father having first had it notified to him ; 
 by the maintenance of the Italian tricolour, which we 
 had allowed to float side by side with ours at Civita 
 Yecchia until after the capture of Eome ; by the first 
 proclamations of General Oudinot ; by the expulsion 
 from Civita Vecchia of the three commissioners ap- 
 pointed to represent there the interests of the Holy 
 See ; and by the telegraphic despatch addressed to 
 General Oudinot as well as to myself, and beginning, 
 ' Inform the Eomans that we do not intend to act with 
 the l^eapolitans against them? This despatch evoked 
 accusations of treachery against us from Gaeta as well 
 as from the staff of the King of Naples, who had 
 already arrived almost within sight of Eome, and who 
 lost no time in raising his camp and hurrying back to 
 the frontiers of his kingdom. It will be seen that the 
 very principle of mj^ mission, aggravated by circum- 
 stances for which personally I was in no degree 
 responsible, was a permanent cause of irritation at 
 Gaeta. I could not take a step without incurring to 
 some extent the reproach which the report of the 
 Council seems to admit as more or less well-founded, 
 but there was no help for it. 
 
 "The report says that I expressly disobeyed my 
 instructions : — 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. 115 
 
 ''1st. In lending myself to acts wMcli gave the 
 Eoman authorities a moral sanction. 
 
 ''2nd. In placing myself at variance with MM. 
 d'Harcourt and de Eayneval. 
 
 " ord. In making arrangements which were not 
 partial, inasmuch as I had only to concern myself 
 with what related to the entry of the (French) troops 
 into Eome, and the special conventions calculated to 
 secure that end." 
 
 "To this Ireply :— 
 
 "1st. Was the Council of State in a measure to 
 judge how far my action gave any moral force to the 
 Eoman authorities ? The Council could know no 
 more as to this than as to the susceptibilities of Gaeta. 
 So far as I am concerned, I am convinced that I have 
 done nothing to deserve such an imputation, and the 
 details given in my memorandum should have sufficed 
 to show that this was so. But, after all, did not my 
 instructions authorise me, in so many words, 'to 
 devote myself exclusively to the negotiations and the 
 relations which it might be desirable to establish with 
 the Eoman authorities and inhabitants, and to come 
 to terms with the men at this moment (May 8 th) in- 
 vested with power in the Eoman States. I have care- 
 fully avoided going beyond the line I have laid down 
 for myself, and it is a well-ascertained fact I have not 
 recognised the Eepublic, the name of which does not 
 appear in any of my agreements. It is a principle of 
 diplomacy that the relations between the various 
 
 l2 
 
Ji6 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY FEARS. 
 
 Powers and the de facto authorities of a foreign 
 country do not necessarily imply the recognition of 
 that authority. 
 
 '^ 2nd. My instructions directed me, save in urgent 
 eirciimstances^f to act in concert with MM. d'Harcourt 
 and de Eayneval, but they did not make it compul- 
 sory upon me to be, at all times and upon all points, 
 in agreement with them, nor to follow absolutely their 
 advice if I deemed it opposed to the aim of my mis- 
 sion, which was different from theirs. MM. d'Harcourt 
 and de Eayneval, whose competence is undeniable, 
 had quite understood this themselves. They would 
 only have had the right to be exacting in regard to 
 me if they had obtained from the Holy See something 
 in the shape of liberal declarations of policy, and if 
 their efforts had not, as M. d'Harcourt so clearly fore- 
 saw that they would, been counteracted by the reac- 
 tionary tendencies of the Papal Court. It was for 
 each of us to give his opinion to the Government, 
 with whom it remained to examine and settle the 
 question in the last resort, and give its orders accord- 
 ingly. Indeed, M. de Eayneval wrote to me on 
 May 28th : 'You have appealed to the supreme judg- 
 ment of the Government ; it is only right to await its 
 decision.' The Minister of Foreign Affairs took the 
 same view, for when I asked him, on the eve of my 
 departure from Paris, for explanations as to the pas- 
 sage in my instructions which bore upon my relations 
 with MM. d'Harcourt and de Eayneval, he replied to 
 
THE MISSION TO ROME. 117 
 
 me, in the presence of M, de Yiel-Castel, now my col- 
 league in the French Academy,* 'Send them duplicates 
 of your despatches.' 
 
 " 3rd. I have already said that there was not a 
 word in my instructions which bade me concern myself 
 with arranging ' special conventions calculated to 
 secure the entry (of the French troops) into Eome.' 
 Consequently, according to the system laid down by 
 M. Yivien, by which one should do nothing not 
 exj)ressly laid down in the instructions, I ought not 
 to have proposed that our troops should enter Eome. 
 Nevertheless, I did so several times ; and even in con- 
 nection with the arrangement of May 31st, I have 
 shown in my memorandum how we might have 
 gained a very important position inside the city, and 
 how we should have been asked to come in a very 
 short time by the inhabitants themselves. Specially 
 authorised, quite independently of my instructions, 
 to conclude partial arrangements with the Eoman 
 authorities, I abstained from touching upon the prin- 
 cipal question, viz. that of the relations between the 
 Pope and the Eomans. The Council of State regards 
 me as exclusively responsible for the first projects of 
 arrangement proposed in concert with General Oudinot, 
 inasmuch as in condemning these proposals it blames 
 me alone ; but it is inconsistent to reproach me with 
 having signed the provisional agreement of May 31st, 
 in spite of the opposition of the General, whose 
 - M. de Viel-Castel died October 6th, 1887. 
 
ii8 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 responsibility was not so deeply engaged as mine, and 
 whose co-operation I was not bound to accept." 
 
 It will have been gathered by what I have said 
 that the Council of State had not taken into con- 
 sideration at all the circumstances which had led to 
 my mission, or those in which I was placed during my 
 mission ; my correspondence with the Minister of 
 Foreign Affairs ; or the information which I supplied 
 him with, and which gave him the opportunity of 
 sketching for me the policy he deemed best; the 
 absence of any reply, any order, instruction, or indi- 
 cation, from the time of my arrival in Italy till my 
 departure from Civita Yecchia on June 1st ; or of the 
 change of policy which suddenly occurred in Paris on 
 May 29th, when the Legislative succeeded the Con- 
 stituent Assembly. By virtue of Article 99 of the 
 Constitution of 1848, the Government remitted the 
 examination of my conduct to the Council of State, 
 and secured '' for reasons of State " a vote of con- 
 demnation passed unanimously less the one indepen- 
 dent voice of M. Pons, of the Herault department. 
 
 The vote of blame was a fortunate one for me, as, 
 returning to private life, I have since been absolved 
 from it by my country, which has shown its confidence 
 in me by generously placing at my disposal the means 
 for carrying out two great undertakings conducive to 
 its glory and to the progress of the whole human 
 race. 
 
 Paeis, 1886. 
 
CHAPTEE II. 
 
 EPISODES OF 1848 AT PARIS AND MADRID. 
 
 SELECTED at the outset of the Eevolution by M. 
 de Lamartine for the French Embassy in Spain, 
 I was about to repair to Madrid, when I received an 
 extract from a Spanish journal, in which it was said 
 that the people of Paris, after having seized the 
 Tuileries, had stolen the things left there by an 
 Infanta of Spain. The Eoyal Family, on leaving the 
 Tuileries, had left behind them all their most valuable 
 effects, and among others the jewellery of the Spanish 
 princess, who was the wife of the Due de Montpen- 
 sier. I accordingly asked M. de Lamartine to let me 
 take possession of this jewellery. He told me that he 
 had no power over the invaders of the Tuileries, who 
 had erected barricades and would not allow any one 
 to enter the palace, but he advised me to go and see 
 M. Marrast, the Mayor of Paris. The latter, formerly 
 a writer in the National^ with whom I was well ac- 
 quainted, said to me, " The fact is I do not in the 
 least know the people who occupy the Tuileries, and 
 I have no idea what their plans and intentions may 
 
120 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 be. M. de Lamartine and myself are in a very tick- 
 lish position, which does not admit of our coming into 
 conflict with them ; but as you have made up your 
 mind to go there and parley with them, I will give 
 you a letter of introduction for their leader, if they 
 have one, in your quality of representative of the 
 Eepublic in Spain." He at once wrote a note, which 
 I regret not having kept, but which I can quote from 
 memory. It ran as follows : "M. de Lesseps is ap- 
 pointed Ambassador of the French Eepublic in Spain. 
 He would like to take with him the effects belonging 
 to the Spanish Infanta. As she is a foreigner, it would 
 be advisable to respect what property she left at the 
 Tuileries. I will be obliged, therefore, if you will 
 hand over to M. de Lesseps the articles which this 
 ^ young person ' asks for." I went with this note to 
 the Echelle wicket gate, by way of the Eue du Louvre, 
 where I saw a number of men in their shirt sleeves, 
 very untidy, some of them wounded and wearing ban- 
 dages on theii- heads. They asked me what I wanted, 
 and I replied — 
 
 " I am the Ambassador of the French Eepublic in 
 Spain. There is a Spanish newspaper which says that 
 you have been robbing the Infanta of Spain." 
 
 They asked me if I believed them to be thieves, 
 and I begged them to take me to their leader, as I 
 had a letter for him from the Mayor of Paris. They 
 accompanied me to the part of the palace which is still 
 standing, and I was presented to M. St. Amand, a 
 
EPISODES OF 1848 AT PARIS AND MADRID. 121 
 
 captain in and wearing the uniform of the National 
 Guard, who was in the grand saloon of the Duchess 
 of Orleans. ... I had with me the King's groom of 
 the chambers, who had brought with him a list of all 
 the articles which had been left behind by the Eoyal 
 Family. M. St. Amand, assuming an air of great dig- 
 nity and authority, observed, " This is a very long 
 list," to which I at once replied, "But when it is a 
 question of giving back what does not belong to one, 
 there can be no question of much or little." Where- 
 u23on a common man joined in and said, "This gentle- 
 man is quite right." 
 
 The crowd closed in, and as I was about to be 
 shown into the rooms where the effects claimed had 
 been collected, a young man in a white blouse, with 
 very delicate hands and features, pushed my elbow 
 and said in a whisper, " Persevere in the same course ; 
 all these people are much better than they have credit 
 for being." He was a M. de Montaut, a student of 
 the Polytechnic School, who has since entered the 
 corps of pouts et chaussees, and who was the first 
 engineer attached to the Suez Canal, where I en- 
 trusted him with one of the divisions of the works. 
 The people thereupon, without further reference to 
 the captain of the l^ational Guard, conducted me into 
 one of the rooms on the ground floor, facing the Eue 
 de Eivoli, where all the effects belonging to the Eoyal 
 Pamily had been laid out on tables and ticketed, with 
 as much order as in a curiosity shop. On looking 
 
122 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 over tliem, list in hand, I could see nothing of the 
 jewellery, plate, or above all of a splendid album, 
 the cover of which was enriched with precious 
 stones, and which contained drawings by the leading 
 French artists. It was a family present given to the 
 Infanta upon her marriage. I was told that, " ragged 
 as you see us, we stored all the most valuable articles 
 into carts and slept upon them, taking the jewellery 
 and plate the next morning to the Ministry of Finance, 
 and the album to the IsFational Library." I arranged 
 with the young Polytechnician to have the whole 
 taken to the Spanish Embassy, and gave a receipt for 
 what was deposited in the Treasury and the Library, 
 the transfer taking place without any difficulty. 
 
 After taking leave of M. de Lamartine and arming 
 myself with letters of introduction for the authorities 
 of the departments bordering on Spain, I went all 
 along the frontier from Bayonne to Perpignan, in 
 order to make sure that no revolutionary propaganda 
 was being prepared for Spain, in accordance with the 
 conditions which had been frankly accepted by 
 M. de Lamartine and his secretary, M. Bastide. 
 
 "We did not know what view other States would 
 take of the revolution which had just occurred, and 
 we had every interest to keep up friendly relations 
 with Spain, as in the event of any difficulty with 
 other Powers, this would dispense us from the neces- 
 sity of keeping an army upon the frontier. 
 
 Having spent eight years in Andalusia and Cata- 
 
EPISODES OF 1848 AT PARIS AND MADRID. 123 
 
 Ionia during a period of disturbance and revolution, 
 I was on excellent terms with the Eoyal Family, the 
 Government, and the generals of different parties. 
 After having satisfied myself that there was nothing 
 to fear on the French side of the frontier, I went to 
 fetch my family at Barcelona, and we started for 
 Madrid by way of the Catalonian mountains, where 
 civil war had prevailed for the last twenty years, and 
 which were still occupied by bands of insurgents, 
 Carlists, smugglers, and brigands. I was asked if I 
 should like to have an escort, but it would have done 
 more harm than good. So I started with my wife and 
 children. Every now and then a group of horsemen 
 would pull up at a certain distance from us, and one 
 of them would come forward to the carriage and ask 
 who I was. Upon my telling him he rode back to 
 his companions, and they at once made off. 
 
 In this way I reached Saragossa, where M. Charles 
 Yalois, the first secretary of the Embassy, had pre- 
 ceded me, and thence I reached Madrid upon the day 
 following a mutiny of two regiments, which Marshal 
 Narvaez, Duke of Valencia, had succeeded in quell- 
 ing, after seeing General Fulgosio, Governor of Ma- 
 drid, and several officers of his staff killed at the 
 beginning of the revolt. I had scarcely taken up my 
 residence at the French Embassy when I was called 
 up in the middle of the night and told that a lady, 
 thickly veiled, was waiting in my study to see me. I 
 came down at once and recognised her as soon as she 
 
r24 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 had lowered her veil. She \Yas the wife of General 
 Moreno de las Pefias, and slie told me that her hus- 
 band had been denounced by the sergeants of the 
 regiments which had mutinied as the leader of the 
 movement. The court-martial had accordingly sen- 
 tenced him to be shot Avithin the twenty-four hours 
 if he was captured. His wife came to implore me to 
 assist him in escaj)ing, as 1 had done once before at 
 Barcelona, by embarking him on board a French man- 
 of-war which conveyed him to France. I told her thpt 
 the situation was a very different one here, in the centre 
 of Spain, from what it was on the seaboard at Barce- 
 lona, but that I would see what could be done if she 
 would come back later in the day. As soon as it was 
 dajdight I went to see my friend ISTarvaez, and was 
 much surprised at finding him come to open the door 
 himself, with a very disturbed look upon his face. I 
 explained in as few words as possible the object of my 
 early visit^ and he told me that he was afraid, when he 
 heard the bell, that the police had come to inform him 
 of the capture of Moreno, and that the latter had 
 been his companion at the military school and in the 
 great defensive struggle of 1808. He would, there- 
 fore, have been much pained if he had been compelled 
 to have him shot. I shook him heartily by the hand, 
 and it was accordingly arranged that I should avail 
 myself of the departure of a French family for 
 Bayonne that same day by the mail-coach to get the 
 General away with them. Orders were given to the 
 
EPISODES OF 1848 AT PARIS AND MADRID. 125 
 
 police to repair to some place away from the square of 
 the post-office whence the mails started, and the 
 General arrived in disguise, carrying a trunk. Narvaez 
 has been given such a character for cruelty that this 
 story may perhaps cause astonishment, for it has even 
 been related of him that, in reply to the confessor 
 who, upon his deathbed, asked him if he had forgiven 
 his enemies, replied, '' I have no need to do so, for I 
 have had them all shot." This story is an outrageous 
 calumny, for I have known few more generous and 
 kindly men. Narvaez was always ready to sacrifice 
 his own life, either to defend his country from the 
 stranger or to maintain order at home. 
 
 A few days after this I was told that Mdlle. 
 Eugenie de Montijo, accompanied by her governess, 
 was waiting to see me in the drawing-room, in order to 
 speak to me on a very pressing and important matter. 
 It appeared that, on hearing of the revolt at Madrid, 
 and without waiting to know the result, a regiment 
 stationed at Valencia had mutinied, but as the revolt 
 was unsuccessful [the authorities assembled a court- 
 martial, and thirteen officers belonging to the leading 
 families at Court had been sentenced to death. The cap- 
 tain-general of the province had remitted the sentence 
 to Madrid to be countersigned by the President be- 
 fore carrying it out, and the sister of one of the offi- 
 cers had come to implore of Mdlle. de Montijo, whose 
 mother was grand mistress of the Court, to present her 
 to Queen Isabella. She had taken her to the palace. 
 
126 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 and the young lady, after having implored the Queen's 
 clemency, had fallen fainting at her feet. The Queen, 
 deeply moved, had sent for the Prime Minister, who, 
 however, was inflexible, declaring that he should be 
 obliged, in the actual state of affairs, to resign if the 
 sentence was not executed. But as the Queen had 
 not yet affixed her signature to the death-warrant, 
 she left the palace at Madrid and went to Aran- 
 juez — a two hours journey — followed by [all her 
 Ministers. 
 
 It was at this juncture that my intervention was 
 asked for. I could not well refuse it, but there 
 seemed little if any hope of success. I sent for post 
 horses, and during the journey went over everything 
 which I could think of as likely to mollify the severe 
 policy of Narvaez. I at last hit upon what seemed to 
 be the best plan. On reaching the palace I waited in 
 a gallery leading to the room, where the Ministers had 
 assembled, previous to submitting to the Queen the 
 death-warrant for signature. I requested an usher to 
 tell the Prime Minister that I wished to speak to him. 
 He at once came out, and as we leant over the balus- 
 trade of the gallery I said quietly to him, " I have 
 come to take leave of you, for you will see that, as 
 the conditions of my mission to Spain were accepted 
 by a sovereign Assembly because I might be able to 
 exercise a salutary influence over your Government, if 
 it is learnt that Mdlle de Montijo, belonging to one of 
 the highest families in Spain, has unsuccessfully soli- 
 
EPISODES OF 18+8 AT PARIS AND MADRID. 127 
 
 cited my intervention to procure a pardon wMcli, in 
 my opinion, will strengthen rather than weaken you, 
 there is nothing left for me but to retire and to take 
 leave of you." Whereupon Narvaez, looking me 
 straight in the face, and seeing how determined I was, 
 shook me vigorously by the hand and said to me in 
 Spanish, " You may be off, Ferdinand, with these 
 men's heads in your pocket." I did not stop to hear 
 more, and grasping I^arvaez by the hand in turn, 
 went back to Madrid, where I learnt that the Queen 
 had, at the instance of N^arvaez, signed the pardon of 
 the condemned men. 
 
 A few days after this I received a message from the 
 French Consul at Bilbao, informing me that a French 
 merchant vessel, with forty-five political refugees on 
 board, who had been implicated in some unsuccessful 
 revolt, had left that port in the middle of the night, 
 but had been obliged, owing to a violent tempest, to 
 put back the next day. The authorities had laid an 
 embargo upon the vessel, and had demanded that the 
 refugees, who had embarked clandestinely, without 
 passports, should be delivered up. The Consul had 
 asked for a delay until he could communicate with 
 me. I at once went to see Marshal l!^arvaez, and 
 pointed out to him that we had no right to detain the 
 Spanish refugees on board a merchant vessel, which 
 did not enjoy the privilege of exterritoriality, which 
 is exclusively reserved for men-of-war, and that the 
 unhappy men were at his disposal. He did not hesi- 
 
128 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 tate a moment, and sent orders that the vessel should 
 be allowed to leave with them for Bordeaux. 
 
 My personal position thus enabled me to render 
 some service to my country during my mission at 
 Madrid, and among other things I was able to con- 
 elude a postal convention, which had been under dis- 
 cussion for seventy years, and, while granting certain 
 privileges to Spaniards, obtain the retrocession of the 
 buildings of the church of St. Louis-des-Fran^ais, 
 which had been under sequestration since the war of 
 1808. 
 
 Moreover, I had the satisfaction, when my mission 
 was terminated by a change of residence which I had 
 not solicited, of having the following words addressed 
 to me by the Queen of Spain in public audience : 
 " You carry away with you my esteem and that of all 
 my subjects." If I repeat these words it is not out 
 of personal vanity, but because they may be of some 
 service to my country and to my children. 
 
CHAPTEE III. 
 
 EOME SUEZ — PANAMA. 
 
 AT the age of twenty I was sent upon a mission, 
 in the year 1825, nnder the orders of my 
 uncle, J. B. de Lesseps, the sole survivor of the 
 Lapeyrouse expedition, who was then Charge 
 d' Affaires at Lisbon. Since then I have held dif- 
 ferent posts in the administration of Foreign Affairs 
 at Tunis, in Algeria, in Egypt, in Holland, and in 
 Spain. At the outbreak of the Eevolution of 1848, 
 M. de Lamartine summoned me from Barcelona to 
 Paris, and sent me to Madrid as Minister Plenipoten- 
 tiary. I had been eight years in Spain, during 
 which time I had been upon terms of intimacy with 
 the principal generals and public men, and though I 
 had never mixed myself up in the political dissen- 
 sions, I had established friendly relations with all the 
 different party leaders. Lamartine said to me, '' "We 
 are at the beginning of a revolution here ; we cannot 
 tell if foreigners will be friendly to us. It is 
 important for us that things should be quiet in 
 Spain. You know the Court, the representatives of 
 
 VOL. I. K 
 
130 RECOLLECIIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 the different political parties, and the population at 
 large ; and you have left a very good impression 
 behind yon. What I want you to do is to proceed to 
 the Madrid Embassy, because, in the event of a 
 foreign war, a good understanding with Spain is 
 equivalent to 200,000 men on the Pyrenean frontier." 
 I accordingly started for Madrid. Marshal ]^arvaez, 
 who had no liking for the revolutionists, was in power, 
 and I somewhat toned down his ardour and managed 
 to save a certain number of persons who had com- 
 promised themselves. After a year's residence at 
 Madrid, M. Drouyn de Lhuys saw fit to put Prince 
 ISTapoleon in my place and to select me for the 
 Legation at Berne. Upon the day of my arrival in 
 Paris I went to the National Assembly and witnessed, 
 from the diplomatists' gallery, a very stormy sitting. 
 A telegram from Italy had just come in stating that 
 General Oudinot, desjDite the declarations that had 
 been publicly made, had attacked Italy, or rather the 
 Eoman Eepublic, and that the Government was 
 gravely compromised. There was a talk even of 
 sending the Prince President to Vincennes, of turning 
 out the Ministry of course, and of giving strict 
 injunctions for a complete change of policy. The 
 irritation was very great in the Chamber, M. Ledru 
 Eollin and the rest of the Extreme Left shaking their 
 fists at the Ministry, and a free fight being imminent, 
 when M. Senard, who was a man of considerable 
 experience, calmed down his friends and got them to 
 
R OME^SUEZ—PA NA MA . 131 
 
 adjourn the sitting till the evening, in order to decide 
 what should be done. During this interval the com- 
 mittees of the Chamber met, and M. Senard said to 
 them, "The Government has acted very wrongly, 
 but it has admitted the fact and has declared that it 
 had given no orders, throwing all the responsibility 
 upon the General. This being the case, if we despatch 
 to Eome, without creating any crisis at home, a man 
 upon whom we can rely, I feel convinced that the 
 matter can be arranged." He then named me, and 
 added, "I do not mean to say that he is a perfervid 
 Eepublican, but he has always served his country well 
 abroad without concerning himself with home politics, 
 and if he accepts a mission he will carry it out faith- 
 fully." 
 
 I reached Eome, as explained in the first 
 chapter, at a very critical moment. Garibaldi with 
 his army was in the city, and knowing that the 
 Erench troops would not interfere, he went in pursuit 
 of the IS'eapolitan forces. When it was found that I 
 was trying to effect an amicable arrangement the 
 extreme party imagined that I was not acting loyally 
 and determined to have their revenge upon me. I 
 was informed of this project by a man of whom I shall 
 have occasion to speak presently, one of those con- 
 spirators who are to be met with everywhere, who 
 had been condemned to death in Spain but whose life 
 I had saved. He was in turn to render me a like 
 service, and in this wise. As soon as I reached Eome 
 
 K 2 
 
132 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 I had STlmmoned the Frenchmen in the city to meet 
 me, and informed them that I was about to commence 
 my negotiations, adding, " You will come and see 
 me again to-morrow. I will tell you what has been 
 done." Thej^ cheered me very heartily, and several 
 of them shook hands with me on the stairs. I had 
 with me General Yaillant, who was to have taken the 
 command in the event of an attack upon Eome, and to 
 have succeeded General Oudinot if we did not get on 
 together. The next day I was going, after a confer- 
 ence with the Triumvirs, to keep the appointment I 
 had made with the French residents, when a man 
 came rushing up to me with his hair flying in the 
 wind and exclaiming : " M. de Lesseps, I am in time, 
 as you have not started. Yesterday, when you came 
 down from the room where you had got the French- 
 men together, three men came close up to you. You 
 of course thought that they were your compatriots, 
 and one of them put out his hand. You took it, and 
 then turned round. Well, the man who shook hands 
 with you will do so again to-day, and then the one 
 beside him, who was watching your movements, will 
 cut your throat, as was done with Eossi." Eossi had 
 received a letter from a lady to whom the man who 
 warned me had written, informing her of the plot. 
 The letter was found in his pocket. There was no 
 absolute necessity for me to go to the Embassy, as I 
 could inform my compatriots by proxy of what had 
 been done, but I first made my informant swear that 
 
ROME— SUEZ— PANAMA, 133 
 
 any one whom I might send in my place would not 
 run any risk. He swore it upon the Gospel, but I 
 told him that as I knew he did not set any store 
 by that 1 must have a different sort of oath. He then 
 swore it upon the head of his sister, and I was satis- 
 fied. As M. de la Tour d'Auvergne, whom I had 
 sent in my stead, was some time coming back, I 
 began to get uneasy, when Prince Wolkonsky, the 
 Eussian Cliarg^ d' Affaires arrived, and said to me, 
 " When you assembled your compatriots yesterday (I 
 hope you will forgive me for what I am going to say, 
 but we are obliged to keep our Governments informed 
 of all that is important), I took advantage of my 
 familiarity with the Embassy during the time that 
 your predecessor, the Due d'Harcourt, was there, to 
 make my way to a small staircase, the landing of 
 which is contiguous to the saloon in which you had 
 assembled your fellow-countrymen. I put my ear tc 
 the partition and heard all that you said, and reported 
 it to my Government. I was about to do the same 
 thing to-day, when I heard three men speaking in 
 French. One of them said, ' Ah ! the scoundrel has 
 not come to-day. If he had come, a few inches of 
 cold steel would have settled the job. Why did not 
 M. de Lesseps come? ' " 
 
 One of my friends. Count Eampon, subsequently a 
 Yice-President of the Republican Senate in France, 
 and an old schoolfellow of mine, who was in the room 
 at the time, seized one of the men, and was going to 
 
134 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 throw him into the street, but the Frenchmen sur- 
 rounded him and pushed these three men into the 
 staircase where Prince Wolkonsky was standing. On 
 M. de la Tour d'Auvergne getting back, I asked him 
 what had occurred. He said, ''Three men came up 
 to the carriage as I was starting and grumbled a little 
 because you had not come." 
 
 Colonel de Maubeuge had been sent to assist me in 
 my negotiations, so I despatched him to Mazzini to com- 
 plain of this. I had the names of the three men, and 
 one was a Frenchman named Colin, who, like the two 
 others, has since died. I remember that on the pre- 
 vious night a dozen individuals had come and yelled 
 the " Ca ira " under the windows of the Embassy, so I 
 instructed Colonel de Maubeuge to inform Mazzini that 
 if the three men were not at once cast into prison I 
 should order General Oudinot to attack the city. He 
 replied that he had no power to do so. The man 
 who had saved my life was up to everything which 
 occurred, and it was arranged that he should generally 
 take his stand at the corner of a street facing the 
 hotel. I accordingly made a signal for him to come 
 and talk to me, and after informing him of Mazzini' s 
 answer, asked what had best be done. He advised 
 my applying to Ciceronaccio, a popular leader of 
 great influence who had organised the revolution. So 
 I sent to tell Mazzini that if he could not calm the 
 population I must ask Ciceronaccio to do so, and the 
 effect was magical. 
 
ROME— SUEZ— PANAMA. 135 
 
 At nightfall I went out into the city to see what 
 was being done, and found Garibaldi's army going off 
 in pursuit of the l!^eapolitans. My anonymous adviser, 
 who was at my side, urged me to see Mazzini that 
 very night, and arranged to meet me in front of the 
 Palace of the Consulta at one in the morning, at the 
 foot of one of the great statues. I kept the appoint- 
 ment, and he then insisted that I should go up to the 
 first floor of the palace, take off my boots, and steal 
 past the soldiers on duty, who would probably be 
 asleep, and find my way into the room at the further 
 end of the palace, where I should find Mazzini fast 
 asleep. This was rather a hardy and undiplomatic 
 enterprise, but I undertook it, and reached the room 
 where Mazzini was asleep. He had a very handsome 
 face, I thought, as he lay there asleep ; and though 
 he had been exiled from so many States, he was then 
 still a young man. I waited a little to see if he would 
 awake, but as he did not I shouted his name. He 
 jumped up in the bed, looked at me, and said, '' Are 
 you come to murder me?" I replied, "No, indeed; 
 if one of us is to murder the other it will not be me. 
 I have been told that you will not act openly with me. 
 I have orders not to treat with you " (in consequence 
 of the diplomatic difficulties which the fact of his 
 being such a downright conspirator might have created 
 for us with other States), '' as it would not have done 
 to let the world see that you held the thread of the 
 negotiations I have come here to carry on. You have 
 
136 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 a Eoman Assembly, composed of the great landowners 
 in tlie country, wlio are devoted to yonr cause, and 
 who are not mistrusted by Europe. It is with them 
 that I must negotiate ; but as you are the most im- 
 portant personage, I wish you to be kept informed of 
 everything. You are aware that at the sitting which 
 took place this evening before Garibaldi started it was 
 decided that certain Eoman statesmen, not, with one 
 or two exceptions, residents in the city, were selected 
 to negotiate with me, but you insisted upon being put 
 in their place. Consequently, you have not kept your 
 word or adhered to what was agreed upon between 
 us." When a difficulty occurs a woman will burst 
 into tears, but a man will throw himself into your 
 arms.'" Mazzini did this, and so we continued the 
 negotiations. I found out afterwards that, urged on by 
 his own party, he was somewhat opposed to the object 
 of the negotiations, and that he kept up the agitation 
 in Eome. I was at the head-quarters preparing for 
 the negotiations, when Yeyrassat, the man to whom I 
 owed the previous information about Mazzini, came 
 rushing into the camp, bathed in perspiration, and 
 urged me not to go into Eome as I had arranged to 
 do, in order to thank the Princess Beljioso and other 
 ladies for the care they had taken of our wounded. 
 But he urged me to alter my plans, as he said that the 
 Piazza di Spagna and the Yia Condotti were filled 
 with people, and that the plot to assassinate me would 
 * Not in England, M. de Lesseps. Note of the Translator. 
 
ROME— SUEZ— PANAMA. i^^ 
 
 indubitably be carried out. However, as all had been 
 settled for my going, I asked at head-quarters for an 
 officer to accompany me, and Commandant Espivent, 
 who has recently been general in command at Marseilles 
 came with me in an open carriage. I proposed j' 
 we should each take two pistols, and that my ser 
 who rode in the rumble, should also carry tw 
 to keep off those who might try to get up be 
 the men who use daggers are very afraid of 
 I was therefore pretty sure that by acting b 
 should get through the crowd without any iq^'tbbhh^w^^ 
 When we reached the Piazza di Spagna the horOjjjyyj^O^ 
 the gendarme who was riding in front of us stumbled, 
 but fortunately did not fall. A petition had been 
 presented to him calling upon the army to rise in 
 rebellion, and he was imprudent enough to tear it up 
 and throw it in the face of the public. The crowd 
 then surged up to the carriage, but when they caught 
 sight of my pistols they drew back. In this way our 
 carriage reached the Hotel d'Allemagne, and we all 
 three walked backwards into the hotel so as to keep 
 our faces to the crowd. 
 
 I resumed my negotiations with Mazzini, who seemed 
 disposed to carry them out loyally ; but I afterwards 
 learnt that a Frenchman, who had accompanied Louis 
 Napoleon in the Boulogne and Strasburg expeditions, 
 was exciting him against the French army, and had 
 advised him, in response to the present of an ambu- 
 lance which we had made, to send our soldiers a number 
 
138 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 of cigars, inside wMcli were to be proclamations ad- 
 dressed to the French army. I learnt the same day 
 from Yeyrassat that Mazzini had on his table several 
 small sheets of very thin paper, upon which were 
 written the appeals to the French soldiers to mutiny. 
 He advised me to go to see Mazzini about two o'clock, 
 and as he had always many people to see him who 
 were generally on his right, I was to place myself on 
 his left, and I should then be able to lay hold of one 
 of these sheets, and prove to him that he had again 
 deceived me. 
 
 I did this, and was able to seize one of these pieces 
 of paper and put it in the crown of my hat. I then 
 said to him, " Do you know what I am told. You were 
 twice led away by your friends, conspirators by habit, 
 and you have twice tried to deceive me. This is the 
 third time. I am informed that you have meditated 
 sending proclamations to the French troops. The French 
 soldier would burn down his mother's house if he re- 
 ceived orders to do so. Despite your experience, you 
 do not know the French soldier, and you have conse- 
 quently made a great blunder. He denied the accusa- 
 tion. Whereupon I said, taking the proclamation out 
 of my hat, " What do you mean by N^o ? I have done 
 to-day a thing that I will never do again, and that is 
 to lay my hands upon this sheet of paper." He then 
 again embraced me, and I followed up my negotiations, 
 which ended in a draft of agreement. 
 
 This over, I returned to Paris, and this is the origin 
 
ROME—SUEZ^PANAMA. 139 
 
 of the Suez Canal. The French Government had left 
 me to act without giving me a word of reply. I was 
 being deceived behind my back until the time came to 
 betray me openly. I sent my four secretaries of the 
 Embassy to Paris, but got no reply. Those in authority 
 were very well satisfied to compromise me, and it was 
 intended to react against the policy of the IsTational 
 Assembly. Seeing this, I determined not to play a 
 double part. I was at last recalled, and when every- 
 thing was ready the attack on Eome took place. I 
 accordingly returned to Paris. The Government tried 
 to make out that I was mad, and that has happened 
 once since. I could not stand this, and I resigned my 
 functions in the diplomatic service. 
 
 It was upon this that, having a very worthy 
 mother-in-law, who was as attached to me as I was 
 to her, a mother-in-law who had a large fortune while 
 I had none, I became her land agent. She owned 
 in the neighbourhood of Paris a property which was 
 of some value, but which involved a heavy expen- 
 diture ; so I induced her to buy a large tract of 
 uncultivated land in the Berry district, and had it put 
 into cultivation. I built a model farm, which is still 
 in existence, and restored an ancient castle which had 
 belonged to Agnes Sorel. 
 
 While I was superintending all this, I learnt that 
 Abbas Pasha, the Viceroy of Egypt, was dead. He 
 was a very cruel and deceitful man, and had suc- 
 ceeded Mehemet Ali and Ibrahim Pasha in the 
 
140 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY FEARS. 
 
 government of Egypt. His successor was the 
 youngest son of Meliemet AH, whom I had known 
 well as a child, and taught to ride. He was 
 enormously fat, and I made him take exercise, much 
 to the delight of his father. This lad, who was very 
 intelligent, was made to learn fourteen lessons a day. 
 Mehemet Ali said to me one day, "As you are inte- 
 rested in my son, here are his notes.''' I told him 
 that I did not wish to see them, as I could not read 
 even then very well, and all I wanted to see was the 
 last column showing his weight for the past and the 
 present week. If there was an increase I should 
 punish him, if there was a decrease I should reward 
 him. 
 
 When I learnt my pupil's elevation to power, I 
 wrote to congratulate him, and he replied, begging me 
 to come and see him at once. As since my retirement 
 I had studied in detail all the questions relating to 
 the Suez Canal, I was perfectly familiar with the 
 isthmus, and I was perfectly satisfied of the possi- 
 bility of cutting the canal — an enterprise which had 
 taken possession of my imagination after reading the 
 memoirs of Lepfere, the head engineer in the expedi- 
 tion of General Bonaparte. 
 
 I resumed my former investigations, being con- 
 vinced that I should obtain the concession. 
 
 The Viceroy sent for me to come to Cairo, where he 
 Avas about to assume possession of power, and he at 
 once called together his generals to consult them on 
 
ROME— SUEZ— PANAMA. 141 
 
 the question. As I rode out with them on horseback, 
 and as they were inclined to think more of a man who 
 could jump a fence than of a savant and a bookworm, 
 they were well disposed towards me ; and when the 
 Viceroy showed them the memorandum I had drawn 
 up, they were unanimous in my favour. So I got my 
 concession, and this was the origin of the Suez Canal. 
 Once in possession of it, I said to the Viceroy, '' I 
 am not a financier, or a man of business. What do 
 you think I had best do ? " I had many colleagues 
 and friends who were rich. I got a hundred of them 
 to join me, and proposed to found a company with 
 them. We each of us put in a share of £200, and 
 this share is now worth over £40,000. This sum 
 served for the preliminary investigations which I had 
 made by engineers whom I had brought from Europe 
 to examine the ground, which had never before been 
 done, as no one had ever dreamt that the canal could 
 be made except with the water of the Nile. But I 
 had always been of opinion that as the two seas were 
 on the same level — stoutly as this was denied — the 
 work to be undertaken must be a purely maritime 
 one. I stuck to my text in spite of all opposition, and 
 my obstinacy has had its reward. I intend to act just 
 in the same way at Panama, though many engineers 
 would prefer, on account of the difference in level, 
 not of the seas, but of the tides, to construct a lock. 
 I would not have one at Suez, and I do not intend to 
 at Panama, as thus I effect a saving of more than a 
 
142 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 million and a half. I accordingly appealed to my 
 friends, who each subscribed £200, and I went on 
 nntil all this was spent. I then said to the Viceroy, 
 " The question as to the possibility of making the 
 canal is settled. Would you like me to put myself in 
 the hands of financiers at Paris who will probably get 
 the best of me ? " He replied that he had a good 
 reserve fund (Egyptian finance was not in the terrible 
 state that it is in now), and would bear all the cost. 
 And in forming my company I introduced a clause 
 according to which a certain percentage of the profits 
 was to go to the Egyptian Government. This being 
 settled, T set to work. "We continued to make our 
 surveys for the canal, but the opposition of England 
 was at one time so pertinacious that the unhappy 
 Prince was at his wits' end. It was no use his 
 saying, "I have imprudently granted the concession 
 to a friend, a Erenchman ; you must apply to him or 
 to his Government. I cannot withdraw it." The 
 English opposition did not disarm for that, '^ and he 
 was positively wasting away, so I said to him one 
 day, " There is only one course left open. "We will 
 continue our surveys for the canal, which is outside 
 Egypt, in the desert. But the fact will be known, 
 and you will be constantly pestered on the subject. 
 Let us take another line. There is a population in 
 the Soudan, which has been much oppressed by your 
 family. You have a brother who was massacred near 
 Xhartoum." Mehemet Ali, I should explain, had 
 
ROME^SUEZ— PANAMA. 143 
 
 originally sent his brotlier-in-law into the Sonclan 
 with 100,000 men, and he had brought back with 
 him the same number of slaves. He afterwards sent 
 one of his sons to collect the tributes, or taxes, which 
 his brother-in-law had levied upon the country. 
 These taxes consisted of a thousand articles of each 
 kind — viz., a thousand loads of straw, a thousand loads 
 of wood, a thousand loads of corn, a thousand maidens, 
 and a thousand male slaves ; all of this was brought 
 in and placed in the camp. But the chiefs of the 
 country formed a plot to destroy the camp, and at 
 night, while the leaders of the force were celebrating 
 their captures, they set fire to the wood and straw, 
 so that not a man escaped alive. I accordingly 
 advised the Viceroy to take only a few soldiers, 
 besides myself, and to confer upon these populations 
 just and beneficent laws. 
 
 We reached the frontiers of Egypt, near Xorosko, 
 and went on to Bou- Ahmed, on the confines of the 
 Desert, having with us two caravans, which kept two 
 days' march apart from each other, so as not to exhaust 
 the water which was to be had on the road. At Bou- 
 Ahmed I wished the Viceroy a "Happy new year," 
 and in the evening rejoined him at Berber, which is 
 close by. I found him in a terrible state of excite- 
 ment, shedding copious tears, and when I asked him 
 what was wrong, he told me that he was weeping 
 over the misery which his family had wrought in the 
 country. He said that since his arrival he had received 
 
144- RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 petitions from every quarter, and had seen villages 
 wliicli had been burnt down and never rebuilt, adding 
 that it "was so sad a sight that he preferred to return 
 at once to Egypt. I told him that he could not, enlight- 
 ened ruler as he was, do this, and that it was his duty 
 to give just laws to the inhabitants and introduce 
 municipal institutions. 
 
 This cheered him a little, and we went on to Chendi, 
 the very spot where his brother had been massacred. 
 It is most remarkable how rapidly men can be got 
 together in this country. You send out some mes- 
 sengers on dromedaries, and in the course of a few 
 days you have assembled more than 100,000 men. 
 I found a tent all ready for me at Chendi, and 
 the Yiceroy prepared me for a wonderful sight the 
 next morning. And there, sure enough, were 100,000 
 men who had been collected in the space of three or 
 four days, and whom he harangued as follows : "I 
 have just learnt that the Turkish Sheik, who has 
 governed this country for the last twenty years, has 
 slaves confined at his residence, in disobedience of my 
 orders. There is one slave chained up in his cellar. 
 Go and release him." He then had the Sheik placed 
 face to the ground before the assembled people, pre- 
 paratory to flogging him and loading him with the 
 chains which his slave had been wearing. This pro- 
 duced such an efi'ect that the multitude shouted, 
 " Allah ! Allah ! Long live the Khedive ! " He then 
 said to them, ''You see those forts which my father 
 
ROME—SUEZ— PANAMA. 145 
 
 had built forty years ago on the banks of the Nile to 
 use against you. Go and take the cannon on their 
 ramparts and throw them into the Nile." I whispered 
 into his ear, " Perhaps, Monseigneur, you are going too 
 far ; they may make use of them after you are gone." 
 To which he rejoined, " They are quite worthless." 
 
 He was a shrewd politician. He went on to Khar- 
 toum, leaving the generals, ministers, and myself be- 
 hind to register all the heads of families who had 
 assembled. This took us about a day, our mode of 
 procedure being to obtain the necessary information 
 from the tribes who had representatives at Chendi. 
 We placed so many numbers upon so many posts, and 
 we each took down the names of the chiefs, of the 
 wealthiest, the oldest, and the youngest. Having 
 selected the leaders of the municipalities, we started 
 on the following day to rejoin the Yiceroy at Khar- 
 toum. Upon our arrival the Yiceroy came out to 
 meet me, and taking me by the hand said, " You must 
 dine with me. You will hear such a baud of music as 
 never played before any sovereign — that of an ancient 
 negro regiment which dates from my father's time. 
 The regimental chemist has mended the wind instru- 
 ments with soap plaster ; and this was the band which 
 welcomed me on my arrival." 
 
 Entering the dining-room, we had our dinner served 
 on a small table placed beside the divan, and I noticed 
 that towards the close of the meal the Yiceroy's coun- 
 tenance began to cloud over. He had the habit when 
 
 VOL. I. L 
 
146 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 he was put out to draw his red fez over his eyes, close 
 down upon his nose. He had the blood very much to 
 his head, and his neck and even his lips began to 
 swell, as if he was going to have an attack of apo- 
 plexy. What could be the matter ? All of a sudden 
 he got up, and unbelting his sword threw it to the 
 end of the long room, exclaiming, '' Leave me alone ! 
 Do not ask me what is the matter ! " We all left the 
 room, and he then sent for one of his confidants and 
 said, " Take M. de Lesseps to my room," which was a 
 magnificent one on the upper story ; and I could never 
 understand how at a place like Khartoum such splendid 
 furniture, tapestry, &c., could have been got together. 
 The Ministers were all in a great state of mind, 
 thinking that here, at five or six hundred leagues from 
 the capital, their Sovereign had suddenly gone mad. 
 We waited till two in the morning, but could get no 
 tidings except that his confidant told us then that he 
 had ordered a bath, no doubt to calm his nerves. I 
 mention this to show what Eastern princes of another 
 age were like. Absolute power has a tendency to drive 
 men mad. At three the following morning he sent for 
 me, and I found him quietly seated on a divan in a small 
 room smoking a pipe. He had calmed down, and he 
 said to me, " You have asked to take a turn upon the 
 White l^ile and the Blue Nile. You have two boats and 
 my cook, so you can go on both these excursions." I 
 replied, " In other words, you send me about my 
 business. What was the matter with you last night, 
 
ROBIE— SUEZ— PANAMA. i^-j 
 
 and will you tell me ? " He had said to himself, '' Here 
 is a man who leaves his family in Paris and comes all 
 the way to Khartoum to give me a piece of good 
 advice which had not occurred to me." This made 
 him so furious that he threw away his sword for fear 
 that he might forget himself and strike me with it. 
 He had known me since he was a child, and seeing 
 that his head was giving way he got rid of his weapon. 
 But he sent me away in order to be able to issue him- 
 self the grand decrees which have tranquillised the 
 country, and which restored to it a prosperity only 
 broken by the English expedition. When Gordon 
 was at Khartoum as governor the Viceroy informed 
 me that he had summoned him to Cairo to join the 
 Committee of Inquiry, of which I was president. I 
 said to him, "You are wrong. Gordon is a man of 
 great ability, very intelligent, very honest, and very 
 plucky, but he keeps all the Soudan accounts in his 
 pocket, written on small pieces of paper. All that he 
 pays out he puts in his right pocket, and all that he 
 receives in his left. He then makes up two bags and 
 sends them to Cairo, and money is sent back to him. 
 He is not the man to regulate the affairs of Egypt." 
 The Viceroy then telegraphed to him to remain where 
 he was, but he was so active that he came all the same, 
 as he was administering the country in a very able 
 manner, according to the traditions left by Mohammed 
 Said. I asked him to peruse the explanations of these 
 decrees, which he had not read, and which I had got 
 
 l2 
 
148 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 translated. He followed them up afterwards, and if 
 there had been no English expedition the Soudan 
 would not be, as it is now, a standing menace to 
 Egypt. These are historical facts which I am stating, 
 and which are not to be had elsewhere. 
 
 I thought that the opportunity was a favourable one 
 for disclosing all that occurred in Egypt. Since then, 
 being in London at the time of the English expedition, 
 I learnt that Alexandria was about to be bombarded. 
 ITo one else knew of it, so I came at once back to 
 Paris and begged MM. de Ereycinet and Eerry to 
 come from the Elys^e, where a Cabinet Council was 
 being held, I said to them, " I warn you that Alex- 
 andria, which we have created, and which, thanks to 
 the engineers, sailors, &c., whom we have sent out, 
 has prospered, is about to be bombarded. Well, Erance 
 must not be responsible for the carnage. "When I 
 knew it, it had a population of 45,000 ; now it has 
 200,000 inhabitants. It was created by Erance, and 
 we cannot bombard it." A telegram was then sent 
 to our fleet, ordering it to withdraw. I relate all 
 these facts, as they are but little known. Our Govern- 
 ment, which behaved very straightforwardly in the 
 matter, quite understood the situation, and could have 
 no part or lot in the destruction of the town. 
 
 The prosperity of Egypt dates from the expedition 
 of Bonaparte and the arrival of the Erench in the 
 country, and now it is on the high road to ruin. I do 
 not scruple, when I am in England, to tell the English 
 
ROME—SUEZ^PANAMA. 149 
 
 that they will never be able to do any good there. 
 Since the beginning of history all the conquerors of 
 Egypt have been obliged to abandon it : Persians, 
 Assyrians, Greeks, and all. The reason is a very 
 simple one. JN^one of the Europeans or foreigners can 
 reproduce their species there, and a country in which 
 this is the case is one which cannot be permanently 
 inhabited or governed. I hope the English will in 
 the end see this. They have already lost a great 
 many men, and they have had to abandon the Soudan. 
 What is wanted is a better organisation. I regret, as 
 I have more than once openly asserted, that the 
 ex-Khedive was dethroned in favour of his son, who 
 is a very worthy young man, but who has neither the 
 power nor the authority of his predecessor, who had 
 covered the country with telegraphs and railways, and 
 who is, to my mind, the only ruler who can with 
 advantage be sent back there. I do not go in for 
 diplomacy, I give my opinions before all the world, 
 and I declare that the only way to save Egypt is to 
 restore, not the exclusive influence of Erance, but the 
 influence which she has legitimately acquired by 
 civilising the Egyptian people for the last fifty or 
 even eighty years. Erance has no desire to lord it 
 over other nations, but she desires to maintain the 
 influence to which she is entitled. 
 
 It has been seen how we went to work at Suez, and 
 it will be the same with Panama, and I hope with the 
 same satisfactory results. We spent over twenty 
 
ISO RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTV YEARS. 
 
 millions on the Snez Canal, and we have given back 
 to France (as I showed in a memorandum handed by 
 me to the Government) fifty millions. 
 
 This is why I have so many backers among the 
 general public and common people. There is scarcely 
 a small tradesman or peasant who has not his share in 
 the Suez Canal Company. The other day I drove to 
 my office in a cab, and when I had given the driver 
 his thirty-five sous he took my hand and said, " M. de 
 Lesseps, I am one of your shareholders." These 
 are the men who made the Suez and will make the 
 Panama Canal, and Panama will be opened in 1889. 
 The example of Suez increases the number and confi- 
 dence of the Panama shareholders. The Suez Canal 
 was opened sixteen years ago,* and we are still at 
 work upon it. At Panama we have means at our 
 disposal which we did not possess at Suez, and accord- 
 ing to the estimate which has been made we have 
 57,000 horse-power, which at the rate of ten men 
 each represents an army of 570,000 men. Add to 
 them the 20,000 workmen on the ground, and it will 
 be seen that we shall be able, by 1889, to open a 
 passage sufficient for the purposes of navigation, while 
 after that we shall enlarge the canal, as we have done 
 for Suez, which yields such a magnificent return to 
 the shareholders, and upon which, nevertheless, we 
 are still at work. I have just returned from Panama, 
 where I went in the company of several distinguished 
 
 * This chapter was written in 1885. Note of the Translator. 
 
ROME—SUEZ— FANA MA . 151 
 
 engineers and representatives of chambers of com- 
 merce, whose reports will be published and will tell 
 their own tale. Frenchmen alone could do all this 
 without the assistance of government or of capitalists ; 
 they are the most devoted and disinterested people in 
 the world, and they made the Suez as they will make 
 the Panama Canal. We have engineers of the 
 greatest merit, men who are young ; and I like young 
 men, though I am myself an octogenarian. Old age 
 foresees and youth acts. Well, we have in Panama 
 five divisions of engineers, and every one is convinced 
 that we cannot fail to attain the desired end. We 
 have, from the Pacific to the Atlantic, a succession of 
 workshojDS and sheds, with all the means which are 
 now available for executing works of this kind. We 
 saw whole mountains blown up with dynamite, blocks 
 of stone measuring more than a hundred cubic yards 
 sent up into the air like so many pebbles. We are 
 delighted to be able to state, after the voyage which I 
 have just made, that the canal will be open in 1889, 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE OEIGm OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 
 
 To M. S. W. Ruyssenaers, Consul- General of Holland 
 
 in Egypt. 
 
 "Pakis, July 8, 1852. 
 T is now three years since I asked and obtained 
 permission to be placed upon the retired list 
 as Minister Plenipotentiary in consequence of what 
 occurred in reference to my mission to Rome. 
 
 '' Since that time I have been studying in all its 
 different bearings a question which I had already been 
 considering when we made acquaintance with each 
 other in Egypt twenty years ago. 
 
 ^' I confess that my scheme is still in the clouds, 
 and I do not conceal from myself that, as long as I 
 am the only person who believes it to be possible, 
 that is tantamount to saying it is impossible. What 
 is wanting to make it acceptable to the public is a 
 basis of some kind, and it is in order to obtain this 
 basis that I seek your co-operation. 
 
 " I am referring to the piercing of the Isthmus of 
 Suez, which has been talked of from the earliest 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 153 
 
 historical times, and which, for that very reason, is 
 regarded as impossible of execution. For we read, in 
 fact, in the geographical dictionaries that the project 
 would have been carried out long since if the obstacles 
 to it had not been insurmountable. 
 
 '^ I send you a memorandum which embodies my 
 ancient and more recent studies, and I have had it 
 translated into Arabic by my friend Duchenoud, who 
 is the best of the Government interpreters. This 
 document is a very confidential one. You will form 
 your own opinion as to whether the present Yiceroy, 
 Abbas Pasha, is the man to comprehend the benefit 
 which this scheme would confer npon Egypt, and 
 whether he would be disposed^iP^mAGbucarrying it 
 out.' 
 
 L5, 1852. 
 
 chance of 
 
 getting Abbas Pasha to accept 1^||M^Pi^^e piercing 
 of the Isthmus of Suez I comMiQJc|tted(^fif^ scheme to 
 a financial friend, M. Benoit Fould^ who was con- 
 cerned in a scheme for founding a Credit Mobilier at 
 Constantinople. He was struck by the grandeur of 
 the undertaking, and the advantages there would be 
 in including, among the concessions to be applied for 
 from Turkey, the privilege of executing the Suez 
 Canal. The negotiator sent to Constantinople en- 
 countered difiiculties which compelled him to abandon 
 the project. One of the arguments nsed against him 
 
154 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 was the impossibility of taking the initiative of a 
 work to be executed in Egypt, where the Yiceroy 
 alone had the right to decide what should be done. 
 
 " This being the case, I must shelve for a time my 
 memorandum on the subject, and I am going to see 
 about the construction of a model farm upon a property 
 which my mother-in-law, Madame Delamalle, has 
 recently purchased." 
 
 To the same. 
 
 " La Chenaie, September 15, 1854. 
 
 "I was busy with my masons and carpenters, who 
 are building an additional story to the old manor- 
 house of Agnes Sorel, when the postman appeared in 
 the courtyard with the Paris letters. They were 
 handed up to me by the workmen, and what was my 
 surprise to learn of the death of Abbas Pasha, and the 
 accession to power of our early friend, the intelligent 
 and sympathetic Mohammed Said ! I at once came 
 down from the building, and lost not an hour in writ- 
 ing to the new Yiceroy to congratulate him on his 
 accession. I reminded him that the course of political 
 events had left me idle, and that I should take 
 advantage of my liberty to go and present him my 
 homage, if he would let me know the time of his 
 return from Constantinople, where he was to go for 
 investiture. 
 
 " He replied to me at once, and fixed the beginning 
 of November for me to meet him at Alexandria. I 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 155 
 
 wish you to be one of the first to know that I shall be 
 punctual in arrival. What a pleasure it will be to 
 meet again upon the soil of Egypt, where we first 
 came together ! Do not say a word about the piercing 
 of the isthmus before I arrive." 
 
 To Madame Delamalle^ Paris. 
 
 (Diary.) 
 " Alexandkia, November 7, 1854. 
 
 " The jMessageries steamer, the Lymrgue, landed 
 me at eight this morning at Alexandria. My good 
 friend Euyssenaers and Hafouz Pasha, the Minister of 
 Marine, came to meet me on behalf of the Yiceroy, and 
 I jDroceeded in a court carriage to one of his High- 
 ness's villas, about two and a half miles from Alex- 
 andria, on the Mahmoudie Canal. 
 
 " A whole battalion of servants was drawn up on 
 the fiight of stone steps, and they saluted me three 
 times, putting out their right hands to the ground 
 and then carrying them up to their foreheads. They 
 were all Turks and Arabs, with the exception of a 
 Greek valet and a Marseilles cook named Ferdinand. 
 
 "Here is a description of my house, which I re- 
 member having seen built many years ago by M. de 
 Cerisey, the celebrated naval constructor, and the 
 founder of the Alexandria arsenal, from which he 
 launched in a very short time twelve vessels of the 
 line and twelve frigates. M. de Cerisey contributed 
 in no small measure, under Mehemet Ali, to the 
 
1 5b RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 deliverance of Eg3^pt from the many burdens put upon 
 it. The principal pavilion is in the middle of a lovely 
 garden, with two avenues of trees leading up to it, 
 one from the jDlain of Alexandria, in the direction of 
 the Gate of Eosetta, and the other from the Mah- 
 moudie Canal. Uj) till the other day it was occupied 
 by the princess who recently bore a son to Said 
 Pasha, who bears the name of Toussoum. The recep- 
 tion-rooms and dining-room are on the ground floor, 
 while on the first floor there is a very bright drawing- 
 room, with four rich divans running round it, and 
 with four large windows looking on to the two 
 avenues. Leading out of it is the bedroom, with a 
 very elaborate bed, the hangings of which are of 
 handsome yellow silk embroidered with red flowers 
 and gold fringe. Inside these there are double curtains 
 of figured tulle. Communicating with the bedroom 
 are two dressing-rooms, the first of which has rosewood 
 and marble furniture, while in the second, which is 
 equally elegant, the washing utensils are in silver, 
 the soft towels being all embroidered in gold. 
 
 " I had scarcely completed the inspection of my 
 apartments when several intimate friends of the 
 Yiceroy came to call upon me. I got them to tell 
 about Said Pasha's habits since he came to the throne, 
 what were his tastes and his tendencies, who were the 
 people he had about him, who seemed for the time to 
 be in favour or disfavour ; in short, all that is de- 
 sirable to know beforehand when you are the guest of 
 
THE ORIGIN 01 THE SUEZ CANAL. i^-j 
 
 a prince. They told me that since his return from 
 Constantinople he had often alluded to my visit, and 
 spoken to those about him of his former friendship for 
 me. I was told that he had waited to take me with 
 him to Cairo, a journey which he was intending to 
 make by way of the desert, along the Libyan chain of 
 mountains, with an army of ten thousand men. This 
 journey will certainly be an interesting one, and will 
 take ten or twelve days. The start is fixed for 
 Sunday. 
 
 ''I see that there is a fresh batch of servants just 
 come in, viz. a Jcaouadji (chief coff'ee-maker), accom- 
 panied by several assistants and chihoiikchi hachi (a 
 chief of the pipes), escorted by four acolytes with their 
 insignia, consisting of a dozen long pipes with large 
 amber mouthpieces studded with diamonds. l!^or is 
 the mission of these personages a sinecure, for in the 
 house of a great Turkish nobleman pipes and small 
 cups of coffee [findjanes) are provided fresh for each 
 caller. 
 
 ''An officer of the Viceroy subsequently came to 
 inform me that his Highness would receive me at 
 twelve at the Gabbari Palace. 
 
 "I thought that from the very fact of my having 
 known the Prince when he was in a very different 
 position that it was all the more incumbent upon me 
 to treat him with the respectful deference which is 
 always so acceptable to the human heart. So I fastened 
 on to my dress coat all my stars and orders. The Vice- 
 
158 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 roy received me with, great affection, speaking to me of 
 his early days, of how I had sometimes taken his part 
 when his father was very severe npon him, of the per- 
 secntion to which he had been subjected during the 
 reign of Abbas Pasha, and, lastly, of his desire to do 
 what was right and make Egypt prosperous. I con- 
 gratulated him on his intentions, adding that if 
 Providence had intrusted the most absolute govern- 
 ment on earth to a prince who had in his youth 
 received a most thorough education, and who later 
 in life had been severely tried by fortune, it was 
 for a great purpose, and that he would, I was con- 
 vinced, justify his mission. 
 
 "We discussed the forthcoming military excursion 
 into the desert, and it was arranged that I should join 
 the party without having to make any preparations of 
 my own. 
 
 " When I returned to my pavilion at eleven in the 
 evening I found all my staff of servants drawn up in 
 the same order as before ; and the chef showed me a 
 very luxuriantly laid- out table, decorated with flowers, 
 and with several covers laid. He said that orders had 
 been given for the table to be served in the same way 
 both morning and evening. I told him that I should 
 only avail myself of this of a morning, and that I 
 intended to go to my bedroom. Two footmen came 
 forward to help me mount the staircase, which was 
 brilliantly illuminated. Just for once I allowed them 
 to do so, with all due gravity, as became the friend of 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 159 
 
 a sovereign, wlio ought to appear as if lie was accus- 
 tomed to receive similar homage." 
 
 " November 8, 1854. 
 
 '' I get up at five. I open the two windows of my 
 room, which are overhung by the branches of trees 
 which I am not enough of a botanist to know by 
 name. The air is perfumed with the flowers of 
 these trees and of the jasmines which line the banks of 
 the canal, beyond which, though the sun has not 
 yet risen, is visible Lake Mareotis, its surface rippled 
 by a light and pleasant breeze. 
 
 *' I go then to pay an early visit to the Yiceroy, 
 who, as soon as he heard of my being there, came out 
 of his apartments, and we recline on an easy divan 
 placed in a gallery overlooking the garden. After we 
 had enjoyed our pipes and coffee, the Yiceroy takes 
 me out on to the balcony of the gallery to show me 
 one of his regiments of the guard, which is to escort 
 him on his journey. We then go out into the garden 
 to try some revolvers, which I have brought him from 
 Prance. 
 
 " After our walk I tell him that I must leave him 
 to go and receive at his house the persons whom I 
 had invited in his name. He thanked me for doing 
 the honours of mi/ house so well. 
 
 "I pay a visit to my neighbourHalim Pasha, the Vice- 
 roy's brother. This young prince speaks Prench with 
 ease and elegance. Fond of riding and shooting, he told 
 me that he already found there was a double bond of 
 
i6o RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 fraternity between ns. He is to join ns in the journey 
 through the desert, and will bring with him his 
 falcons and greyhounds. His arms and servants are 
 to be at my disposal." 
 
 " November 9, 1854. 
 
 " An early morning visit to the Yiceroy, in his 
 father's palace of Eaz-el-tyn, at the extremity of the 
 port. This is his divan for official receptions, and I 
 witnessed the first audience granted to the Consul- 
 General of Sardinia, who had to present his letters of 
 credit. After the audience we enter the private 
 apartments, where we have a long and very interest- 
 ing conversation as to the best principles of govern- 
 ment, but in the course of which not a word is said 
 about the Suez Canal, a subject which I do not intend 
 to broach till I am quite sure of my ground, and 
 until the question is so far ripe that the Prince may 
 adopt the idea as coming rather from himself than 
 from me. 
 
 "It is all the more necessary to act prudently as 
 Euyssenaers remembers having heard him say, before 
 his accession to power, that his father, Mehemet Ali, 
 to whom the project of making the canal had been 
 suggested, had abandoned it upon account of the diffi- 
 culties it might cause him with England ; and that if 
 he ever became Viceroy he should do as his father 
 had done. 
 
 ^ This precedent was not an encouraging one, but 
 I am convinced that I shall succeed." 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. i6i 
 
 " November 11, 1854. 
 
 "The Viceroy sends me a fine Arab horse, which 
 he has had brought from Syria. I am informed that 
 this morning there will be a review of troops in the 
 plain between Alexandria and Lake Mareotis. I 
 mount my charger and join the Viceroy , Soliman 
 Pasha being in command of the troops. The soldiers 
 go through their drill and practice firing, and as we 
 are galloping along a diamond tassel drops from the 
 Viceroy's cartridge-box, but he will not let us stop to 
 pick it up." 
 
 " November 12, 1854. 
 
 " The Viceroy informs me that he is about to order 
 his troops to commence the march to Cairo to-day, 
 and he orders his aide-de-camp to take me early to- 
 morrow to the first halt." 
 
 "November 13, 1854. 
 
 " I left the Viceroy's position at six this morning, 
 riding the horse he made me a present of, followed by 
 another led horse, two camels carrying my luggage, 
 and accompanied by two cavasses mounted and two 
 sa'is on foot. We were to meet Zulfikar Pasha at the 
 Gabarri Palace, and making the circuit of Lake 
 Mareotis, regain the Viceroy's head- quarters. In 
 order not to delay our march, our camels and luggage 
 were placed in the charge of a eavass. After having 
 left to our right the ancient baths of Cleopatra and 
 
 VOL. I. M 
 
162 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 the Arab's Tower we reached a well, around which 
 the Viceroy had formed his encampment the night 
 before. He had started at four in the morning to 
 cross the lake at a point where it was almost dried up. 
 As we followed the wheel-marks of his carriage, 
 which had left deep ruts at the places where our 
 horses' feet sank deep, we could see that the troops 
 must have some difficulty in passing all the way. I 
 talked to Zulfikar Pasha — whom I had known years 
 before, when he was the companion of Mohammed 
 Said in their boyhood — of my project, and under- 
 standing its importance for Egypt, he promised me 
 that he would avail himself of his intimacy with the 
 Yiceroy to endeavour to pave the way for me, and 
 make him favourable to the scheme. 
 
 "After crossing the lake we enter upon that part 
 of the Libyan desert which, in ancient times, was an 
 inhabited and civilised country, and which has, since 
 the Arab conquest, been abandoned to a few Bedouin 
 tribes. Every now and again one sees around the 
 ancient wells some of those black tents, of camels' hair, 
 which the Scriptures speak of, and which are still the 
 same in Palestine, Syria, Arabia, and all the coast of 
 Africa, from Egypt to Morocco. 
 
 "The sky clouds slightly over, and a slight breeze 
 makes the atmosphere rather cooler than it was on the 
 other side of the lake. I witness a regular desert scene : 
 a dog is busily engaged in tearing to pieces a dead 
 animal, and close beside him are solemnly stalking 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 163 
 
 several birds of prey, which are awaiting their turn, 
 and which do not stir at our approach. 
 
 "It is eleven o'clock, and Zulfikar and myself 
 munch, as we ride along, the biscuits and sticks of 
 chocolate which are very desirable substitutes for 
 pistols in our saddle-bags. 
 
 '' From an eminence we descry the Viceroy's camp. 
 A Bedouin tells us that we shall reach it in half an 
 hour ; but here, as everywhere else, the peasants have 
 a way of misleading you as to distances, and I cal- 
 culate that we have at least two hours before us. IS^ot 
 minding either the heat or the fatigue, I ride on without 
 dismounting once. We reach the camp about half- 
 past two, to find that the Yiceroy is taking his rest, 
 and that a tent has been prepared for Zulfikar and 
 myself, next to his. Inside the tent I find an iron 
 bedstead, with an excellent mattress, a counterpane of 
 quilted silk, cocoa-nut matting, some folding chairs, 
 and a mahogany table. 
 
 " The servants bring us pipes and coffee, followed by 
 basins and ewers of silver, after which they sprinkle us 
 with rose-water, by way of a preparation for our col- 
 lation, which is brought to us on a salver placed upon 
 a stool, around which we take our seats. I was about 
 to use my fingers, like my companion, when a knife and 
 fork were placed before me, they, like the spoons and 
 plates, being of Sevres china. In conformity with the 
 injunctions of the Prophet, there was no wine, but the 
 iced water was excellent. 
 
 M 2 
 
1 64 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY FEARS. 
 
 "The strains of a military band told ns that the 
 "Viceroy was awake, and upon going out of our 
 tent we met him coming from his. He called me in 
 and explained to me how he had got his artillery across 
 the lake, going from one battery to the other and 
 urging on the men, for everyone had assured him that 
 it was impossible for them to cross it. He was in the 
 best of humours, and we spent a couple of hours dis- 
 cussing subjects, all of which interested much, and 
 the main objective of which was that he desired to 
 illustrate his accession to power by some great and 
 useful enterprise. He listened to my remarks with 
 much attention, and spoke without the slightest 
 reserve, the time passing very quickly, and the 
 ceremony of ablutions coming to warn us that it 
 was the dinner hour. 
 
 "After dinner a courier arrived from Alexandria, 
 with the despatches which had been sent by steamer 
 from Constantinople, and he had them read over to him 
 by Zulfikar, translating their contents to me as he read. 
 These despatches were from his agent at Constanti- 
 nople, and from Eeschid Pasha, the Grand Yizier. 
 Among them was one which he showed me, and which 
 had been written by the Sultan's favourite in the harem, 
 to thank him for a present of 150,000 piastres, which 
 he had sent her. The letter also contained a message 
 from the Saltan, complimenting him upon the appear- 
 ance of the Egyptian troops which had recently been 
 despatched to Turkey. 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL, 165 
 
 " The news from Sebastopol came up to the 2ncl 
 instant, and at that date the town had not been 
 taken. The admirals had informed the generals that 
 in another month's time it would be impossible to 
 remain at sea, and this led to a decisive attack being 
 made, which cost the allied armies from ten to fifteen 
 thousand men. 
 
 "We are to remain here three days for two regi- 
 ments of infantry, which are expected to-morrow, and 
 for two cavalry regiments due the day after." 
 
 "Xoveniber 14, 1854. 
 
 " I am up at five. The soldiers are just beginning 
 to come out of their tents. The sky is cloudless, and the 
 stars are still shining, while the moon lights up a vast 
 plain which, despite its being so bare, is not devoid of 
 charm. I go to wish the Viceroy good morning, and 
 after having smoked a pipe and taken coffee together, 
 Ave mount our horses and go to meet the two regiments. 
 They soon come in sight, and they appear to be none 
 the worse for their march, and in good condition. All 
 that they had had since leaving Alexandria, early the 
 previous morning, was three biscuits each. The Arabs 
 are wonderfully abstemious, and are all the better for it. 
 
 " After I had returned to my tent I had a visit from 
 Prince Halim Pasha, the Viceroy's brother, who had 
 planted his tent about a league from our encampment. 
 He informed me that the Bedouins whom he had sent 
 out as scouts had told him that there were some herds 
 
]66 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 of gazelles feeding at about two liours' marcli, and that 
 when we started again he would get up a hunt. 
 
 "After breakfasting with the Yiceroy and his 
 brother, I have my horse saddled and take a ride round 
 the outskirts of the camp. In one direction the desert 
 extends beyond the horizon, while in the other it is 
 bounded by Lake Mareotis, and farther on by the sea. 
 Just under my horse's hoofs there jumps up a large 
 jackal, which had, no doubt, taken up its quarters 
 there so as to come and prowl about the camp at night, 
 and after galloping in pursuit of it for ten minutes, 
 and nearl}^ touching it with the butt- end of my whip, 
 it disappears among the brushwood. 
 
 " On my return I find the Yiceroy sitting in front of 
 his tent, and go with him to watch some shell practice 
 with a mortar, but none of the gunners succeed in hit- 
 ting the target five hundred yards off. The Yiceroy, 
 afterlisteningtothe band, which played the Marseillaise^ 
 among other tunes, had his dinner served in my tent." 
 
 " November 15, 1854. 
 
 " At five I was only partly dressed. Could any one 
 have seen me outside my tent, with my red dressing- 
 gown, like that of a Mecca cherif, performing my 
 ablutions with my sleeves tucked up, they would have 
 taken me for a true believer ; and in the da3^s of the 
 Inquisition, as you know, one of the most serious 
 offences was that of having washed one's arms up to 
 the elbow. The camp gradually becomes more ani- 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 167 
 
 mated, and the chilly air announces the rising of the 
 sun, so I put on some Avarmer clothing and return 
 to my observations. A few rays of the sun begin to 
 illuminate the horizon, when suddenly there appears 
 in the west, where the sky is cloudy, a very brilliant 
 rainbow, running from east to west. I confess that 
 my heart beat violently, and that I was obliged to put 
 a rein upon my imagination, which was tempted to 
 see in this sign of alliance spoken of in the Scriptures, 
 the presage of the true union between the western 
 and the eastern world, and the dawning of the day for 
 the success of my project. 
 
 " The Yiceroy's presence served to draw me out of 
 my reverie, as he came to wish me the ' top of the 
 morning,' and to ask me to take him round the country 
 which I had ridden over the day before. Preceded 
 by two lancers, and followed by the staff, we reached 
 an eminence where the ground was strewn with stones 
 which had formed part of some ancient building. The 
 Yiceroy deemed this a very suitable place to prepare 
 for the morrow's start, so he sent an aide-de-camp to 
 have his tent and carriage brought up, the latter being 
 a sort of omnibus drawn by six mules and fitted up 
 as a bedroom. We rest under the shade of the car- 
 riage, while the chasseurs build up a circular parapet 
 formed of stones which they had picked up, and in 
 this parapet they make an embrasure into which a 
 gun is placed to salute the troops from Alexandria 
 which are just coming in sight. When I leave the 
 
i68 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 Viceroy to go and get my breakfast, in order to show 
 liini how well my horse can jump, I put him over the 
 parapet and gallop off to my tent. You will see that 
 this foolhardy act was one of the reasons which in- 
 duced the Viceroy's entourage to support my scheme, 
 the generals who came to breakfast with me, and 
 who had seen the feat, telling me as much. 
 
 " I thought that the Viceroy had been sufficiently 
 prepared by my previous conversations to admit how 
 desirable it would be for a Government to have im- 
 jDortant public works of unquestionable utility exe- 
 cuted by a financial company, and guided by the 
 happy presentiment of the rainbow I hoped that the 
 day would not close Avithout a decision having been 
 come to with regard to the Suez Canal. 
 
 " At five o'clock I again mounted my horse and 
 came up to the Viceroy's tent by way of the parapet. 
 He was very bright and good tempered, and taking me 
 by the hand, he led me to a divan and made me sit 
 by his side. We were alone, and through the opening 
 of the tent I could see the setting of the sun which, 
 at its rising that morning, had so stirred my imagina- 
 tion. I felt inwardly calm and assured at the moment 
 of entering upon a question which was to be decisive 
 of my future. I had clearly before me my studies and 
 conclusions with regard to the canal, and the execution 
 of the work seemed so easy of realisation that I felt 
 little doubt as to being able to convince the Prince of 
 this. I set out my project, without entering into 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. ibg 
 
 details, dwelling upon the principal facts and argu- 
 ments set out in my memorandum, which I had by heart. 
 Mohammed Said listened with evident interest to what 
 I had to say, and I begged him if there were any 
 points which did not seem clear to him to mention 
 them to me. He, with considerable intelligence, 
 raised a few objections, with respect to which I was 
 able to satisfy him, as he at last said to me : ' I am 
 convinced; I accept your plan; we will concern our- 
 selves during the rest of our expedition as to the means 
 of carrying it out. You may regard the matter as 
 settled, and trust to me.' ThereujDon he summoned 
 his generals, bade them seat themselves upon some 
 folding chairs whicli were just iu front of the divan, 
 and repeated the conversation we had had together, 
 asking them to give their opinions as to the proposals 
 of his 'friend,' as he was pleased to call me to these 
 improvised advisers, better suited to give an opinion 
 as to a cavalry manoeuvre than a gigantic enterprise, 
 the significance of which they were incapable of un- 
 derstanding. They stared at me and looked as if they 
 thought that their master's friend, whom they had just 
 seen put his horse over a wall, could not be otherwise 
 than right, they raised their hands to their heads as 
 their master spoke in sign of assent. 
 
 " The dinner was brought in upon a salver, and 
 just as we had all been of one assent, so we all dipped 
 our spoons into one and the same tureen, which con- 
 tained some excellent soup. Such is the faithful and 
 
170 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 true narrative of the most important negotiation I ever 
 undertook, or am likely to undertake. 
 
 "At about eight o'clock I took leave of the Vice- 
 roy, who told me that we were to start on the morrow. 
 Upon regaining my encampment, Zulfikar Pasha 
 guessed what had happened, and was not less pleased 
 than myself. A friend of the Viceroy from childhood 
 and his most intimate confidant, he had been of very 
 material assistance to me in bringing about this happy 
 result. I was not inclined to go to sleep, so I jotted 
 down my travelling notes and gave a final polish to 
 the memorandum which the Viceroy had asked me to 
 draw up, and which had been ready for the last two 
 years. It was as follows : — 
 
 " 'Camp of Maeea, November 15, 1854. 
 
 " ' The joining together of the Mediterranean and 
 the Eed Sea by a navigable canal is an enterprise the 
 utility of which has attracted the attention of all the 
 great men who have reigned or been for a time 
 in Egypt : Sesostris, Alexander, Caesar, the Arab 
 conqueror Amrou, ISTapoleon I., and Mohammed Ali. 
 A canal communicating by way of the Nile with the 
 two seas existed in ancient times — but for how long 
 we know not — under the old Egyptian dynasties ; 
 during a second period of 445 years, from the first 
 successors of Alexander and the Eoman conquest 
 until the fourth century before the Hegira, and finally 
 for a period of 130 years after the Arab conquest. 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 171 
 
 " ' l^apoleon, directly he arrived in Egypt, ap- 
 pointed a commission of engineers to ascertain 
 whetlier it ^Y0uld not be possible to re-establisli and 
 to perfect this mode of communication. The question 
 was decided in the affirmative, and when the learned 
 M. Lepere handed him the report, he said : "The 
 work is great, and though I shall not now be able to 
 accomplish it, the Turkish Government will some day, 
 perhaps, reap the glory of carrying it out. 
 
 " ' The time has come to realise N^apoleon's predic- 
 tion. The piercing of the Isthmus of Suez is certainly 
 an enterprise destined to contribute more than any 
 other to the maintenance of the Ottoman Empire, 
 and to demonstrate to those who announced its 
 approaching ruin that it still has a fruitful existence 
 before it, and that it is capable of adding a brilliant 
 page the more to the history of human civilisation. 
 
 " ' Why is it that the Governments and people of the 
 West are at the present moment coalesced to maintain 
 the Sultan in the possession of Constantinople ? and 
 why does the Power which has threatened to deprive 
 him of ifc meet with such opposition if it be not that 
 the passage from the Mediterranean to the Black Sea 
 is of such importance that the European Power which 
 became mistress of it would overrule all the rest ? 
 
 " ' If a similar and still more important position 
 were established in another part of the Ottoman 
 Empire, and if the commerce of the world were made 
 to pass through Egypt, the position of the Empire 
 
172 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 would be doubly strengthened, for the great European 
 Powers, in order to prevent any one of them ever 
 seizing it, would regard it as a vital necessity to 
 guarantee the neutrality of the canal. 
 
 '' ' M. Lepere, half a century ago, estimated that the 
 re-opening of the old roundabout canal would take 
 ten thousand workmen four years, and would cost 
 from twelve to sixteen hundred thousand pounds. 
 He also considered practicable the piercing of the 
 Isthmus of Suez at Pelusium. 
 
 '''M. Paulin-Talabot, one of the three celebrated 
 engineers selected ten years ago, together with 
 Messrs. Stephenson and l^egretti, by a company 
 which had been formed to prosecute this enterprise, 
 was in favour of the indirect route from Alexandria to 
 Suez, making use of the dam for crossing the Nile. 
 He estimated the total cost at £5,200,000 for the 
 canal, and £800,000 for the port and harbour of Suez. 
 
 " ' Linant-Bey, who for the last thirty years has 
 been conducting with much ability the canalising 
 works in Egypt, who has made this question of the 
 junction of the two seas his constant study, and 
 whose opinion, formed from practical experience, 
 deserves the utmost consideration, had proposed to 
 pierce the isthmus almost in a straight line at its 
 narrowest j^oint, forming a large inland port in the 
 basin of Lake Timsah, and making the passes of Pelu- 
 sium and Suez available to ships of the largest tonnage 
 from the Mediterranean and the Eed Sea. 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 173 
 
 '^ ' The general of engineers, Gallice-Bey, the direc- 
 tor and designer of the fortifications of Alexandria, 
 had, npon our initiative, submitted to Mohammed AH 
 a scheme very closely resembling that of Linant-Bey. 
 Mougel-Bey, director of the dam works upon the Nile, 
 chief engineer of roads and bridges, had also spoken 
 to Mohammed Ali of the possibility and utility of the 
 piercing of the Isthmus of Suez ; and in 1840, at the 
 request of Count Walewski, then upon a mission in 
 Egypt, he was instructed to take preliminary steps in 
 Europe, which the course of political events unfortu- 
 nately cut short. Careful examination will show which 
 of the routes is the best, but as the enterprise has been 
 proved to be practicable, all that remains is to select 
 the most feasible project. 
 
 " 'iN'o operation, however difiicult, is now regarded by 
 modern art as impossible. Its feasibility is not doubted; 
 it is merely a question of money, which the spirit of 
 enterprise and co-operation will soon solve, if the 
 profits which are to result from it are in proportion to 
 the cost. It is easy to show that the cost of the 
 Suez Canal, taking the highest estimate, is not out of 
 proportion with the usefulness and the profits of 
 this great work, which would abridge by more than 
 half the distance between the principal countries of 
 Europe, America, and the Indies. 
 
 " ' Mohammed Said has not been slow to see that 
 there was no work which, as regards the grandeur and 
 utility of its results, could compare with this. What 
 
174 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 a glorious record for his reign, what an inexhaustible 
 source of wealth for Egypt it will be ! The names of 
 the Egyptian sovereigns who erected the pyramids, 
 those monuments of human pride, remain unknown. 
 The name of the Prince who opens the great maritime 
 canal will be blessed from century to century, down 
 to the most distant posterity. 
 
 " ' The pilgrimage to Mecca secured for all time and 
 made easy for the Mohammedans ; an immense impulse 
 given to steam navigation and long voyages ; the 
 countries along the Eed Sea and the Persian Gulf, the 
 eastern coast of Africa, India, the kingdom of Siam, 
 Cochin China, Japan, the vast Chinese Empire, the 
 Philippine Islands, Australia, and that vast archipelago 
 towards which the emigration of ancient Europe is 
 tending, all brought three thousand leagues nearer to 
 the basin of the Mediterranean, as well as to the north 
 of Europe and America : such are the sudden and im- 
 mediate results of piercing the Isthmus of Suez. 
 
 •'' 'It has been calculated that the navigation of 
 Europe and America, by the Cape of Good Hope and 
 Cape Horn, is equivalent to an annual movement of 
 six million tons, and that if only half of this was con- 
 veyed by way of the Gulf of Arabia, the trade of the 
 world would realise a profit of six millions sterling per 
 annum. 
 
 " ' It is beyond doubt that the Suez Canal will lead 
 to a great increase of tonnage, but reckoning only three 
 million tons, a tax of ten francs a ton, which might 
 
THE ORIGIN OF' THE SUEZ CANAL. 175 
 
 be reduced as the navigation increased, would yield 
 annually £1,200,000. 
 
 " ' In terminating this memorandum, I think it 
 right to call your Highness' s attention to the prepara- 
 tions which are being made for opening up communica- 
 tions between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, and to 
 the effects upon the world's trade, and ultimately upon 
 the future of Turkey, by the opening of these new 
 routes if the isthmus which separates the Mediter- 
 ranean and the Eed Sea were to remain much longer 
 closed to trade and navigation. 
 
 " 'Does not this show that the time for treating that 
 question has arrived ? May we not conclude that this 
 great work, far more important for the future of the 
 world, is henceforth secure from all serious opposition, 
 and that the efforts made to realise the project will be 
 sustained by the universal sympathy and active assist- 
 ance of the enlightened men of all countries ? 
 
 '' 'F. deLesseps.' 
 
 "The ground at Marea, where we are encamped 
 {Gheilm Arabic) has still some traces of antiquity. I 
 remarked the shafts of several columns and an im- 
 mense cistern, half destroyed, with ten or twelve 
 pointed arches, while all over the surrounding hills are 
 to be seen stone which has been used for building. 
 There is an abundance of good water, of which 
 Ibrahim, a character of whom it is worth while to give 
 a sketch, had brought us some from the cistern. Ibrahim 
 
176 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 is a very good specimen of the cunning and greedy- 
 Arab, such as Europeans are familiar with. He had 
 met Clot-Bey in the streets of Alexandria, had made 
 out that he had formerly been under his treatment, 
 and had declared his intention of serving him in 
 future. In this way he had joined the camp, with 
 the new master to whom he had, so to speak, attached 
 himself by force. As soon as he saw me, he found 
 that I was the most influential person in the camp, so 
 he transferred his attentions to me, telling me that ' I 
 was in his eye ' and that he had become attached to 
 me, and would not leave me while I was in Egypt. 
 This sudden change of views, which I communicated 
 to my companion, was not calculated to give me a 
 high opinion of Ibrahim's morality ; but he was so 
 careful in anticipating all our wants, from morning to 
 night, and so intelligent in his service, that we left 
 him to look after all the details of our encampment, to 
 strike the tent and have it loaded with the rest of the 
 luggage on the camels, and to have it got ready at the 
 next halting-place, where he was always waiting for us 
 with some fresh water and a cup of coffee.*' 
 
 " November 16, 1854. 
 '' Being the first to get up, I take advantage of this 
 to Avrite and communicate the good news to France, 
 Zulfikar sending off the letters by a messenger on a 
 dromedary to Alexandria. After breakfasting with 
 the Yiceroy, a signal gun announces that the camp is 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 177 
 
 about to be raised, and in the twinkling of an eye 
 thousands of tents are struck and placed upon the 
 camels' backs. This large caravan defiles past us, 
 leaving Lake Mareotis in its rear and taking the 
 desert road, looking like a large piece of ribbon being 
 unwound. The infantry regiments are formed in 
 three columns, with sharpshooters on either side, 
 followed by the artillery and cavalry. The Yiceroy 
 follows on horseback, with me to his right, and Selim 
 Pasha, the general of cavalry, to his left. Selim is 
 one of the former students of the school of Giseh, 
 whom I remember entering the service in 1833 under 
 the French Colonel Yarin. We gallop off from the 
 hill on which we were to a plateau just opposite, and 
 we watch the army defiling below us, the soldiers 
 cheering and brandishing their muskets as they pass 
 before the Yiceroy, the cuirassiers, wearing the 
 ancient Sarrazin helmets, which glittered in the sun, 
 looking remarkably well. After the march past we 
 took our places at the head of the army, preceded by 
 a dozen Bedouin horsemen who acted as scouts. 
 There had been no army on the march in this region 
 since the expedition of General Bonaparte, whose 
 brave troops underwent great hardships, where we 
 were merely making a military promenade, with every 
 conceivable comfort provided for us. 
 
 " Upon arriving at our halting-place for the night, 
 the Yiceroy sent to say that he was tired and was 
 going to bed ; but that he would send me the dinner 
 
 VOL. I. N 
 
J7« RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 ■whidi, by the light of a dozen torches, a troop of some 
 five-and-twenty or thirty cooks and scullery lads were 
 getting ready. I went to have a look at this open- 
 air laboratory. Three rows of saucepans, placed in a 
 row over some trenches which had been dug in the 
 ground, were being heated by faggots placed in the 
 hollow of the ground. This is not an economical 
 mode of cooking, but it is a very expeditious way. 
 After dinner our tent is converted into a drawing- 
 room, for it is gradually becoming the rendezvous of 
 the staff, who come to hear the news, while Zulfikar 
 carries on his correspondence, opens the Viceroy's 
 letters, receives and despatches the messengers, and 
 gives the orders in the Prince's name." 
 
 "November 17, 1854. 
 
 "At seven the Prince was up and out of his tent, 
 and upon ray going out to him he tells me that he 
 has been disturbed by the trumpeters of the cavalry, 
 who are quite close to his tent, which he has placed 
 about 350 feet farther off, the intervening space being 
 intended for the erection of targets at which he means 
 his artillerymen and chasseurs to practise. The day 
 is spent by the troops in bathing and washing their 
 clothes in the canal ; and, after a ride on my horse, I 
 come to where the Viceroy is making his sharp- 
 shooters aim at a target about 550 yards off. None 
 of them had as yet hit it, so, taking the carbine from 
 one of them, I showed them how to shoulder it and 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 179 
 
 how to fire. The officer asked me to try a shot, and 
 I hit the bull's-eye. The Viceroy then sent for his 
 own carbine, one of German make, and with that too 
 I hit the mark ; but I declined to go on again, so as 
 not to endanger my reputation of being a good shot. 
 After breakfast we form a circle round the tent, and 
 the Sheik Masri, who had shown much devotion to 
 the Viceroy when he was persecuted by Abbas Pasha, 
 and whom he had subsequently attached to his house- 
 hold, related to us the war which had occurred six 
 months before, between a tribe from Upper Egypt and 
 that of the Ouled-Ali, to which he belonged. The 
 Ouled-Ali tribe encamps in the deserts which extend 
 from Lake Mareotis to the seashore as far as the 
 frontiers of Tripoli, cultivating the land bounded by 
 the last of the canals which separate the desert from 
 the provinces of Lower Egypt. The Ouled-Alis, 
 which, with a population of only 50,000, have 10,000 
 guns, expecting an attack from their enemies whom 
 the policy of Abbas Pasha had raised up against them, 
 had formed a corps composed of 6,000 men and a 
 certain number of women whose mission it was to 
 urge on the men to combat by their shouts and songs. 
 In action they are mounted upon camels, and more 
 exposed to danger than the men. The Ouled-Alis 
 formed entrenchments with sandbags and fascines 
 near the village of Hoche, which we shall pass to- 
 morrow. Here they made a stand against their 
 opponents, who lost two hundred men in the attack, 
 
 n2 
 
I So RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 •while tliey had four -women and three men killed. 
 The Bedouins of Upper Egypt fled and did not 
 return." 
 
 " November 18, 1854. 
 
 " We start two hours before daylight, the Viceroy 
 having preceded us. We overtake him about ten o'clock 
 at Hoche, where he was awaiting us in the tent of 
 the governor of the province. More than a hundred 
 Bedouin chiefs of the Ouled-Ali tribe are assembled 
 here; they are all men of high stature and appear 
 very quick and intelligent. The troops arrive and get 
 under canvas, the heat being terrific, and shade most 
 grateful. The chief who was in command during the 
 combat referred to above comes to pay us a visit, 
 accompanied by his son, who is as tall as himself. 
 Prince Halim Pasha joins us, and says that we have 
 left the region where the gazelles were to be found 
 considerably to the right, but I am not sorry for this, 
 as I am anxious to be as much as possible alone with 
 the Viceroy to talk over my plans. 
 
 " We start at three, preceded by a troop of Bed- 
 ouins, who every now and again start oif at full gallop, 
 wheel round, and fire, this being what they call a fan- 
 tasia. Eeaching Zaoui-el-Khamour at sunset, the 
 Viceroy, whose hours for meals are very irregular, 
 tells me not to wait dinner for him, and after having 
 had it served in my tent I was just going off to sleep, 
 about nine o'clock, when I heard the sound of female 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. i8i 
 
 singing, mingled with the beating of tambourines and 
 castanets. Paolini Bey came to fetch me on the part 
 of the Viceroy, who had allowed a troop of almees 
 (dancing girls) to come and perform. He gave me a 
 place on his divan, the almees crouching in a circle 
 upon the carpet. One of them was richly attired, and 
 had, so the Yiceroy informed me, more than £400 
 worth of embroidery and jewellery upon her. They 
 recommenced singing, and every now and then the 
 Kaouadji, or chief coffee man, gently struck the singers 
 upon the cheek, as you might a child, and made them 
 swallow sweets and syrups. After the singing was 
 over two of the almees got up, and standing opposite 
 to each other, like Spanish ballerinas, began to execute 
 their dances. Two others followed, after which the 
 whole troop filed past the Khedive, and respectfully 
 kissing his feet, were dismissed." 
 
 " Novembe?- 19, 1854. 
 " We start at seven and halt at nine. The Yiceroy 
 quits his horse for the carriage, so we go on ahead 
 with Halim Pasha, reaching at noon a regular Egypt- 
 ian village, called Yahoudie. "We pass over a dyke 
 and reach a small island, situated in the midst of a 
 cultivated and partially irrigated plain, where we 
 find a delightful shady spot, with sycamores, willows, 
 and mulberry trees, forming a belt of verdure around 
 a small lake. This oasis presents a charming contrast 
 with the sandy hillocks which we have just come over, 
 
i82 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY FEARS. 
 
 and whicli will prove very embarrassing to the 
 artillery. 
 
 " At two o'clock the Yiceroy arrives, followed by his 
 battalion of chassenrs, and upon my going to see him 
 I hear that he has given orders for ten steamers to be 
 collected at Neguileh, npon the ISTile, where we shall 
 be to-morrow, and he tells me that when on the 
 steamer he shall want me to read him my memorandum 
 upon the Suez Canal. 
 
 " The Yiceroy being about to go to bed, on 
 account of our early start in the morning, I left him 
 and dined in my tent with Halim and the generals." 
 
 " November 20, 1854. 
 
 " The Yiceroy did not get up so early as he had 
 intended, for he had passed a bad night. JSTews having • 
 been brought to him that the artillery could not get 
 through the sand, and that several horses were already 
 dead of fatigue, he sent reinforcements, and by dint of 
 hard work the guns were got through. 
 
 "At eight preparations were made for a start, and 
 while our tent was being struck an eagle came and 
 hovered over us. Zulfikar handed me his gun, and 
 aiming at it, I brought the bird down dead at my feet. 
 If I mention this incident, so insignificant in itself, 
 it is because it is destined to have an influence upon 
 public opinion in Egypt as regards the success of 
 my enterprise. We mount our horses and accompany 
 the Yiceroy to a village, where we alight under the 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 183 
 
 shade of two sycamores, with a delicious carpet of 
 greenery around us, for it is at this season that the 
 wheat is green. I leave the Viceroy there and ride on 
 to overtake Halim. Soon after reaching the magnificent 
 river, which, we are told, has such an irresistible 
 attraction for the stranger who has once drunk its 
 waters, a boat takes us out to the yacht which the 
 Viceroy's predecessor, Abbas Pasha, had built in 
 England at a cost of £100,000. It is quite beyond 
 me to describe the luxurious character of the fittings, 
 the painting, and the furnishing of this vessel, with its 
 doors in oak and citron wood, its locks and fastenings 
 in solid silver, its medallions representing rivers and 
 animals painted by distinguished artists, its staircases 
 with silver balustrades, its divans lined with cloth of 
 gold, its dining-room forty feet long, and its bedrooms 
 like those of a palace. The Viceroy comes in soon 
 after, and after again showing me this floating palace, 
 says that of course he should never have committed 
 such an act of folly as to build such a boat, but that 
 as she is in existence he makes use of her. He places 
 at my service during the two or three days we spend 
 on the Nile to wait for the troops and despatch them 
 to Cairo his ancient old steamer the El Ferusi (the 
 Turquoise), assigning another boat to Halim Pasha. 
 My quarters on the Turquoise consists of a saloon forty 
 feet long, with a large divan decorated with handsome 
 Lyons silk brocaded in gold, of a bedroom, a dressing- 
 room, and a bath-room in white marble. Clot Bey, 
 
1 84 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 Hassan Pasha, and two generals, occupy otlier rooms, 
 and we dine in the saloon." 
 
 " On the Nile, Noveviher 21, 1854. 
 
 " I pay a visit to the Viceroy in the morning and 
 read him my memorandum, striking out one or two 
 passages of which he did not approve. I also read 
 him the draft firman of concession, which he approves 
 in its entirety. 
 
 ' ' After a talk with Halim Pasha, he promises me to 
 do what he can to effect the reconciliation of Achmet 
 Pasha, the heir to the Viceroy, and the latter. We 
 next go to see Mahommed Said, where we break- 
 fasted. We arranged for a hunting party in a village 
 close to ISFeguileh, and the Viceroy had the steam got 
 up on his boat. Upon reaching the island, where 
 we had been told that we should find wild boars, we 
 saw plenty of traces of them, but they probably only 
 came there of a night, so we returned to our previous 
 anchorage. A steamer from Cairo, with passengers 
 from Alexandria, landed Moustafa Pasha, a brother of 
 Achmet Pasha, and a nephew of the Viceroy, who 
 asked him to join us in our expedition. He also told 
 him about my scheme and advised him to read my 
 memorandum." 
 
 ''November 22, 1854. 
 " Had a conversation with Moustafa about the 
 canal. He is very intelligent and well-informed, and 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 185 
 
 speaks Frencli like a Parisian. "We breakfast on the 
 Viceroy's yacht. His Highness informs me that the 
 Turquoise will that evening take on board troops and 
 start in the night for Cairo with all the other vessels 
 except his own, which will leave in the morning. 
 So I have my things moved on board." 
 
 " November 23, 1854. 
 
 " When I go early on deck, Moustafa begs me to 
 read him my memorandum. He seems very satisfied 
 with it, shows much enthusiasm for the undertaking, 
 and says that he will put money into it. The Yiceroy, 
 wlio has joined us, himself opens the subject of the 
 canal, asking me Avhat engineer is to make the 
 preliminary investigations upon the spot. I tell him 
 Liuant Bey, to whom Mongol Bey might also be 
 adjoined, and that their report can then be considered 
 by the English, French, and German engineers, whose 
 researches will be submitted to the commission over 
 which I shall preside, and which will decide as to the 
 best route to follow. 
 
 " At night time we stop for an hour at the dams, 
 which we see by torchlight, reaching Boulac at eleven 
 and spending the night there." 
 
 " Cairo, November 24, 1854. 
 '• I rise at six and find the Yiceroy has already gone 
 off incognito to the citadel. He had told Zulfikar that 
 I was to Avait for a carriage which would come to take 
 
iS6 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 me to the Palace of the Mucafirs (strangers), near the 
 mosque of Setti-Zeneb (St. Zenobia), where apart- 
 ments had been retained for me. At seven a large 
 barouche with four horses and two chiaous (officers 
 of the Viceroy's household) carrying their silver- 
 headed canes drove up, and I made it halt near the 
 Square of Esbekie, at the house of Linant Bey, who 
 threw himself into my arms when I told him that his 
 dream of the piercing of the isthmus was about to 
 become a reality. I went up also to see Madame 
 Linant, whose marriage I had when French consul 
 at Cairo celebrated, but whom I had not set eyes on 
 since. 
 
 " Lubbert Bey, Secretary of the Ministry of Foreign 
 Affairs, who lived in the neighbourhood, hearing of 
 my arrival, came to see me. When I first visited 
 Alexandria as student-consul in 1832, Lubbert was 
 the friend and guest of my dearly beloved superior, 
 M. Mimaut, one of the most distinguished diploma- 
 tists ever in the service of France. I shall never 
 forget how M. Mimaut, with the great work on the 
 Egyptian expedition in his hand, gave me the first 
 notion of the canal between the two seas, a subject 
 of which up to that date I had not the faintest know- 
 ledge. 
 
 " I then go on to take possession of my new abode, 
 and make a grand entrance between two rows of 
 mamel Likes and servants. The nazir (steward) of 
 the palace, a worthy effendi with a grey beard. 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 187 
 
 reminding one of Francis I., rushes to the door of the 
 carriage and holds me by the arm as I get out, and so 
 escorts me to the apartments, followed by the chiaous 
 and other servants. The Palace of the Muc afirs was the 
 residence of the Egyptian Institute at the time of the 
 French expedition, and it was there that the commis- 
 sion of savants who had been ordered to report upon 
 the canal used to meet. It was a singular coincidence 
 that after the lapse of half a century these same walls 
 should witness the realisation of a work which had 
 been thought out within them at the bidding of the 
 greatest man of his century. 
 
 " I am informed that I have twenty horses at my 
 disposal, ten for harness and ten for riding, a state 
 coach richly gilt, a barouche, a landau, and a 'my 
 lord ' ! Breakfast was laid for twelve covers. 
 
 "The Yiceroy had advised me to lose no time in 
 going to see Mr. Bruce, the agent and consul-general 
 of England, to tell him of his Highness' s intention to 
 make the canal, and to communicate to him the docu- 
 ments relating to it. 
 
 " I have a conference of two hours with him, and 
 he told me that though he could not speak for his 
 Government, to whom he would report my visit, he 
 did not hesitate to give me his personal opinion, 
 which was that so long as there was no intervention 
 on behalf of any foreign Power in the affair, and that 
 the work was carried out by means of capital freely 
 subscribed to an enterprise sanctioned by the governor 
 
1 88 RECOLLECTIONS OL FORTY YEARS. 
 
 of the country, he could not foresee that any difficulty 
 would be raised by England. I rejDlied that I was 
 of the same opinion, and that the question, formerly 
 so serious, of the opening of the Suez Canal being 
 now extricated from the political difficulties which 
 had obscured it, became a mere matter of practical 
 possibility and finding the money. As regards the 
 practicability of the scheme, men of science had 
 already pronounced in its favour, as others would do ; 
 while as regards money, it is certain not to run short 
 for a work which will not only enrich the trade of the 
 world, but will, according to the most modest estimate, 
 be a profitable speculation for shareholders. It is 
 agreed that I shall send a letter to Mr. Bruce, 
 enclosing a copy of my memorandum and of the 
 firman, and the Yicei'oy expresses himself as satisfied 
 with the course of this interview. 
 
 "Ivoenig I3ey, the former tutor to the Yiceroy, who 
 is now his j)rivate secretar}', is ordered to translate 
 the documents relating to the canal into Turkish." 
 
 " Cairo, November 25, 1854. 
 
 " The Viceroy had asked me, without giving any 
 reason, to go to the citadel at 9 A..M., and upon enter- 
 ing the grand divan I find the Yiceroy seated at the 
 same spot where his aged father, Mehemet Ali, had 
 often received me, and where he once told me the 
 story of the massacre of the Mamelukes. All the 
 functionaries came to congratulate the Yiceroy upon 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 189 
 
 his safe arrival in his capital, and no sooner had they 
 taken their seats on the divan than he jDnhlicly de- 
 clared that he had resolved to open up the Isthmus of 
 Suez by means of a maritime canal, and to entrust 
 me with the formation of a company composed of 
 capitalists of all nations to which he would cede the 
 right to execute and work this enterprise. Then, 
 speaking to me, he said, ' Is this not so ? ' I then 
 spoke a few words, taking care to let the spontaneity 
 and merit of the decision remain with him to avoid 
 ruffling the susceptibilities of foreigners. 
 
 " The Consul-General of England was somewhat ill 
 at ease, but the Consul-General of the United States, 
 to whom the Viceroy had said, * Well, M. de Leon, 
 we are going to start an opposition to the Isthmus of 
 Panama, and we shall be done before you,' had boldly 
 spoken out and replied in what I could not but regard 
 as a favourable sense. 
 
 "After the consuls had withdrawn, I told the 
 Viceroy of the coincidence of my being lodged in the 
 residence of the ancient Egyptian Institute, and it 
 struck him as being so strange that he sent for several 
 of his intimate friends to tell them of it. He was 
 very satisfied at having made this declaration to the 
 consuls. I told him that I should never have dared 
 to advise him to do it, but that I thought he had taken 
 the best course for cutting short a great many objec- 
 tions and difficulties by letting public opinion know 
 of a project the general utility of which is incontest- 
 
1 90 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 able. His reply was : ' I must admit that I had not 
 thought of this ; it was an act of sudden inspiration ; 
 you know that I am not inclined to follow ordinary 
 rules, and that I do not like to do as other people do.' 
 
 " While I am conversing with the Viceroy, Solimon 
 Pasha comes to see him on military matters, and I 
 drove off in my state coach drawn by four white horses. 
 The negro coachman drives very well, and goes at full 
 trot or in a gallop through the narrow streets and 
 bazaars of Cairo, though I must add that the footmen 
 distribute, in spite of my admonitions, blows with their 
 staves right and left to keep oif the persons on foot, 
 who stand close up against the walls and shops. These 
 poor fellows do not complain, but on the contrary 
 exclaim in a tone of admiration, ' Ah ; there is a 
 grand seigneur going by. Mashallah (Glory be to 
 God) ' ! 
 
 " Such is the East, such it has been from all time, 
 and so it is described to us in the Bible, where we 
 read that after Joshua had massacred the inhabitants 
 of Jericho, even to the women and the asses, ' so was 
 the might of the Lord made manifest.' 
 
 " In the course of the day I go to see the three sons 
 of Ibrahim Pasha, the eldest of whom, Achmet Pasha, 
 is a well-educated man who had distinguished himself 
 at the French Polytechnic School. He is very well 
 qualified, like his father, to administer his vast pro- 
 perties, and he argues very well in Prench upon all 
 topics. He had been to see the Viceroy on the morn- 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 191 
 
 ing of his arrival, and had been very well received. 
 He knew that I had. helped to effect the reconciliation, 
 and he was grateful accordingly. 
 
 " I have already alluded to Ibrahim Pasha's third 
 son, Moustafa, and as to the second, Ismael, I like 
 him very much, and am delighted at his reception of 
 me. He has handsome and distinguished features, 
 and shows all the blood of Mehemet Ali. When he 
 comes to think less of his pleasures, he will, I think, 
 made his mark in the world. Although only five-and- 
 twenty, he is already the father of twelve children. 
 He inherited from his father the finest palace in Cairo, 
 upon the banks of the Nile, and he has spent there 
 more than £40,000 upon furniture which he has had 
 sent from Erance. He showed me through his vast 
 and splendid apartments on the ground fl.oor, and part 
 of those on the first floor, the rest being reserved for 
 the harem. Passing through a large saloon, I could 
 see the hangings heaving to and fro behind which the 
 eunuchs were moving about. The banisters of the 
 staircase are of carved rosewood, encrusted with silver, 
 the balustrades being of Baccarat crystal. 
 
 " From thence I went to the house of Halim Pasha, 
 who inhabits one of Mehemet All's residences. There 
 is an avenue leading up to it, a league in length, of 
 large sycamores, which I remember as very fine trees 
 when I first saw them, but which now form a dense 
 roof of greenery. This avenue was planted by the 
 French army in 1800. Halim received me very 
 
192 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 graciously, and expressed himself as delighted at his 
 brother's declaration with respect to the Suez Canal. 
 He has all the Advacity and manners of a southern 
 Frenchman, with a yery pure Parisian accent. 
 
 " I also paid a \'isit to M. Huber, the Austrian agent 
 and consul. He spoke to me of the interest his 
 Government took in the opening of the Suez Canal, 
 and said that he had been instructed to support the 
 project very heartily when it came to be discussed. 
 He afterwards came to dine with me, when he met 
 Mr. Bruce, Baron von Pentz, consul-general of 
 Prussia, Count d'Escayrac, a French traveller, Linant 
 Bey, and others. 
 
 " Clot Bey has become my guest, the Yiceroy having 
 told Zulfikar to ask him to come and stay here. He 
 has introduced to me M. Eeynier, a young poet, who 
 is tutor to his children, and whom he has brought 
 from Marseilles. M. Eeynier is two-and-twenty, and 
 he has very charming features, with an open and 
 candid air which has much prepossessed me in his 
 favour. His father is librarian to the town of Mar- 
 seilles, and he has very kindly placed himself at my 
 disposal as secretary. After having made a few copies 
 of my memorandum and firman he was able to write 
 them off by heart." 
 
 "iYom»5er 26, 1854. 
 " I receive a visit from Talat Bey, the Viceroy's 
 first secretary for Turkish affairs, and Xcenig Bey, 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 193 
 
 who occupies the same post for European affairs, came 
 with him as interpreter. 
 
 "At ten o'clock I go up to the citadel, where the 
 Viceroy keeps me to breakfast, the conversation turn- 
 ing upon what he calls ' my affair.' It is arranged 
 that Mongol Bey shall take part in the exploring 
 which we propose to make with Linant. At first he 
 made some objections as to the difficulty of keeping 
 two engineers of one mind, but at last he agreed to 
 my proposal, by which I set considerable store. Upon 
 my return to Setti-Zeneb I receive a visit from 
 Achmet Pasha, whom I like more each time I see him. 
 Among other visitors was Arnaud 33ey, who had just 
 travelled 1,200 leagues up the Nile, or 300 further 
 than anyone else. He gives us some very interesting 
 details of the expedition, which had been organised 
 by Mehemet Ali, who had given him a corps of 800 
 men. He could not go any further owing to the 
 mutinous attitude of some of the officers. All the 
 expenses had been defrayed by elephants' tusks, 
 which they brought back by water. Arnaud Bey 
 spoke in high terms of the treatment which he had 
 met with from the negro populations he had tra- 
 versed, and which had never before seen boats with 
 sails. N^one of his men had been killed by the 
 natives. Eemounting towards the Equator, to which 
 he got within two degrees, the natives told him that 
 navigation was possible up to the fourth degree 
 beyond the Equator, that is to say for another 150 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
194 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 leagues. In the higher regions on both banks of the 
 Nile there are immense forests full of elephants, lions, 
 and animals of all kinds. His troops had sometimes 
 fired into herds of hundreds of elephants, which went 
 tranquilly on their way without looking round, and 
 took no more notice of the firing than if they had been 
 pelted with sweatmeats. Upon one occasion an ele- 
 phant was surrounded, whereupon he rushed at one 
 of the men, seized him with his trunk, and hurled him 
 into the air ; at last, by dint of firing at him at close 
 quarters, the animal was killed. 
 
 To Mr. Bruce., Agent and Consul- General of Her 
 Britannic Majesty in Egypt. 
 
 ''November 27, 1854. 
 " I have already had the honour of speaking to you 
 about the Viceroy of Egypt's project for piercing the 
 Isthmus of Suez. His Highness, who intends to 
 make over to me his powers for the constitution of a 
 Universal Company, to which would be conceded the 
 making and working of the new route, has requested 
 me to communicate to you a copy of the memorandum 
 which he has asked me to draw up on this subject, in 
 which he wishes to meet the wishes of England as 
 well as of other nations. Anything which contributes 
 to the extension of trade, industry, and navigation 
 must be specially advantageous to England, consider- 
 ing that she takes rank before all other powers in the 
 importance of her navy, her manufacturing products, 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAI. iqs 
 
 and her commercial relations. Only the unfortunate 
 prejudices which, owing to political differences, have 
 so long divided France and England could have 
 accredited the belief that the opening of the Suez 
 Canal, a work of civilisation and progress, would be 
 detrimental to British interests. The frank and 
 sincere alliance of the two nations which are at the 
 head of civilisation, an alliance which has already 
 proved the possibility of solutions heretofore regarded 
 as impossible, will facilitate, among other beneficial 
 results, an impartial consideration of this vast question 
 of the Suez Canal, will enable us to form a true estimate 
 of its influence upon the prosperity of all nations, and 
 will prove that it is a heresy to believe that an enterprise 
 destined to shorten by a full half the distance between 
 the east and the west is not good for England, the 
 mistress of Gibraltar, Malta, the Ionian Islands,* 
 Aden, and important establishments upon the east 
 coast of Africa, India, Singapore, and Australia. 
 
 England, therefore, as much as and even more than 
 France, must be in favour of piercing this narrow 
 strip of land only forty leagues in breadth, which no 
 one who gives a thought to questions of civilisation 
 and progress can see on the map without earnestly 
 wishing to wipe out the only obstacle in the way of 
 the main route for the trade of the world. 
 
 " The communication of my memorandum, and of 
 the powers which the Viceroy proposes to confer on 
 * Note of the Translator. — They have since been ceded to Greece. 
 
 o2 
 
196 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 me, obviate the necessity of my entering more into 
 detail about an enterprise in wbich, as you will ob- 
 serve, there is no question of any special privileges 
 for one state more than another, all that is intended 
 being to constitute an independent company, which 
 the shareholders of all nationalities will be able to join 
 upon equal terms.'' 
 
 To Mr. Richard Cobden, M.P., London. 
 
 " Cairo, December 3, 1854. 
 ''As a friend of peace and of the Anglo-French 
 alliance I send you a piece of news which will contri- 
 bute to realise the saying ' aperire terram gentibus.' 
 I refer to the Viceroy's concession of powers for making 
 a canal through the Isthmus of Suez. Some persons 
 assert that the project will excite hostility in England. 
 I cannot believe it. Your statesmen are too enlight- 
 ened for me to admit such an idea. What ! England 
 has herself one-half of the general trade with the 
 Indies and China ; she possesses an immense empire 
 in Asia ; she can reduce by a third the costs of her 
 trade and reduce by one-half the distance ; and she 
 will refuse to do so, simply in order that the nations 
 bordering on the Mediterranean may not benefit by 
 their geographical situation to do a little more trade 
 in Eastern waters than they do at present ! She would 
 deprive herself of the advantages to be derived mate- 
 rially and politically from this new mode of commu- 
 nication, merely because others are more favourably 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. ic)i 
 
 placed than herself, just as if the geographical situa- 
 tion was everything, and as if, taking everything into 
 account, England had not more to gain from this work 
 than all the Powers put together. Then, again, we 
 are told that England apprehends that the diminution 
 by more than a third in the voyage to India would 
 lead to a reduction in the number of merchantmen. 
 The experience of railways has surely proved to an 
 extent exceeding the boldest estimates that a shorten- 
 ing in the distance and an abbreviation in the length of 
 a journey increases to an extent exceeding all calcula- 
 tion the business relations and traflBc. It is wonderful 
 that those who raise this objection do not advise the 
 English Government to send ships to India by way of 
 Cape Horn, as that would entail a still further increase 
 in the number of ships, the distance being so much 
 longer. If by any possible chance the difficulties 
 with which we already are threatened should arise, I 
 hope that the public spirit which is so powerful in 
 England will soon override interested opposition and 
 antiquated objections. 
 
 " Let me hope also that, should the occasion require 
 it, I may count upon your support." 
 
 ''December 17, 1854. 
 
 " I pay a visit to Father Leonardo, superior of the 
 
 Franciscan Monastery, who receives me in the room 
 
 occupied by Murat during the French expedition. 
 
 While making a cruise on the Nile Koenig Bey shows 
 
1 98 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 me a letter lie had written to Mr. Bruce, asking him 
 to come on board at eleven and bring Mr. Murray 
 with him. The Viceroy had very reluctantly agreed 
 to give Mr. Murray an audience, as he accused him of 
 having instigated Abbas Pasha to persecute him in 
 bygone years, but I advised him to do so rather than 
 offend the English agent. The audience passed off 
 very smoothly, and after the departure of Mr. Murray, 
 with whom he shook hands, the Yiceroy said laughingly 
 to me, ' I shall not give my hand to a friend to-day, 
 having done so to an enemy. I showed myself a good 
 diplomatist, did I not, and said many things which I 
 did not think? ' 
 
 " The Yiceroy has heard with much satisfaction 
 from M. Sabatier, the French consul, that the Em- 
 peror has sent him an autograph letter, accompanied 
 with the Grand Cordon of the Legion of Honour." 
 
 " December 18, 1854. 
 
 " I pay a visit to the Yiceroy, who is returning to 
 Tourah. He has heard that I had told Linant to draw 
 money from my bankers to pay for the utensils and 
 provisions required for our journey through the isth- 
 mus. He said that he could not allow this, and he 
 very quietly chided me for having supposed that he 
 would permit me to incur the least expense while I 
 was his guest. 
 
 "At Setti-Zeneb this evening I gave a dinner of 
 thirty covers, in the Yiceroy's name, in honour of Mr. 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAI. 199 
 
 Murray, who was invited, together with all the consuls- 
 general, his late colleagues, several Englishmen and 
 Egyptian functionaries." 
 
 " December 19, 1854. 
 
 " Koenig Bey fetches me this morning to go and see 
 the Viceroy at Tourah, where I spend part of the day 
 in discussing our journey to the isthmus, which is 
 definitely fixed for the 23rd." 
 
 "December 22, 1854. 
 
 " The reception of the Grand Cordon of the Legion 
 of Honour took place to-day at the citadel, the pre- 
 sentation being made by M. Sabatier, to whose con- 
 gratulations the Viceroy replied in a neat little speech 
 delivered in very good French." 
 
 "December 23, 1854. 
 
 " We start at nine, M. and Madame Sabatier and 
 a few friends accompanying me as far as Suez. "We 
 take with us two mounted couriers, one for the relays 
 at the different stations, the other to accompany our 
 carriages. There is a good macadam road from Cairo 
 to Suez, and fifteen relays, or stations, and after dining 
 and sleeping at the eighth we reach Suez at noon the 
 next day, having done our thirty-three leagues in 
 the desert as comfortably as if we had travelled from 
 Paris to Orleans." 
 
 " Suez, December 25, 1854. 
 
 " The rising sun lights up my room, and, opening 
 my window, I gaze in mute contemplation upon the 
 Eed Sea, whose rising waters lap the walls of the 
 
200 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 Hotel des Indes, with ' Mount Attaka to tlie right, 
 while to the left I can just make out the beginning of 
 the mountain chain which culminates in Mount Sinai. 
 This part of the coast has a rosy tint which is re- 
 flected in the waters, whence I suppose comes the 
 name of ' Eed Sea.' People are beginning to move 
 about on the quay, and boats, the oars of which are 
 long poles with a round paddle at the end, accost the 
 vessels which have just arrived or are leaving for 
 Jeddah. These boats, with no decks, but with an 
 elevated poop and painted prow, are not unlike the 
 Chinese junks. The dresses of the natives and the 
 foreigners, as well as the furniture of the houses, give 
 the traveller a forecast of what Arabia, India, and China 
 are like. I notice that the inhabitants are more deli- 
 berate in their movements than in the rest of Egypt. 
 
 " Suez is, moreover, an isolated point, surrounded by 
 deserts ; its population, numbering from three to four 
 thousand, is a very miserable one, having only brack- 
 ish water to drink. Our canal will bring it water and 
 activity, which it lacks. 
 
 " Going up to the terraced roof of the hotel I am 
 able to obtain a complete topographical notion of the 
 surrounding country, and I am anxious to see all this 
 for myself, as when I have taken in a thing myself I 
 shall be able to make it comprehensible to those who 
 are not engineers. Linant and Mougel ask me to be 
 sure and always give them my opinion. I had been 
 told that perhaps they would not always agree, but in 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 201 
 
 an affair of this importance it is desirable to have two 
 independent opinions, even if they do not concur. 
 Linant knows the topography of the whole country ; 
 he has made a map of it, and has studied the geology 
 of it on the ground. The whole canalising system of 
 Egypt is familiar to him, while Mongol, on the other 
 hand, has carried out important hydraulic works in 
 Egypt ; and though no one can pronounce so well as 
 Linant upon the direction which the canal shall follow, 
 the opinion of Mongol will be preponderant upon the 
 question, not yet settled, as to the point of entry, both 
 on the Mediterranean and the Eed Sea. 
 
 ''My companions have not yet made their appear- 
 ance, so I go and wake them up and propose that in 
 the course of the day we should make an excursion 
 into the desert as far as the beginning of the canal 
 which had been made by the ancient kings. 
 
 '' We start after breakfast, some on horseback and 
 others in carriages, escorted by fifteen bashi-bazouks, 
 and when we reach the spot we find that the banks of 
 the canal are still distinctly visible. Measuring the 
 bed, we find that it has just the breadth of 90 cubits 
 spoken of by Herodotus. Upon our return we rest in 
 one of the tents prepared for our journey. Linant 
 has some excellent cofi'ee served us by his maitre 
 d'hotel, the aged negro Abdallah. My friend Ibrahim 
 has been relegated to obscurity, for his head had been 
 turned by the exalted position to which he had 
 attained. In order, I suppose, that his appearance 
 
202 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 should be in keeping with it, he had bought a fine 
 gilt sword, a wand of office, patent leather shoes, and 
 a very gaudy sash, but in order to pay for them he 
 had taken the money he wanted out of my pockets 
 and from other people's. So, without more ado, he 
 had been turned oat of the place and told to show his 
 face no more." 
 
 "December 26, 1854. 
 
 " The journey by land from Suez to the Fountains 
 of Moses takes more than two hours, so we embark 
 upon a government steamer, which lands us there in 
 half the time. 
 
 "M. Costa, the owner of the principal spring, 
 accompanies us and tells us that he has had a break- 
 fast prepared for us at which a sheep will be served 
 whole. His wife and sister-in-law, attired in the 
 richest of Oriental costumes, the eyelids and lashes 
 painted, accompany Madame Sabatier. We had 
 scarcely emerged from the narrow pass into the gulf 
 before a very strong wind got up. The captain and pilot 
 declare that it would be impossible to land, which we 
 can quite believe when we see how the waves dash 
 upon the shore. The road is covered with eddies of 
 sand which would have made the drive most un- 
 pleasant for the ladies, so we have to give up the 
 excursion, and M. Sabatier prepares to return to 
 Cairo, taking with him all the persons who had 
 accompanied us to Suez." 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 203 
 
 " Bece)nher 27, 1854. 
 
 '' We spend the day in a careful examination of the 
 port of Suez and the mouth of the canal. When the 
 tide is low, we go out to the islets and to what look 
 like beds of rocks, but which we find to be remains 
 of ancient masonry. We break off fragments at the 
 spot which probably formed the floating-dock of 
 ancient Chlysma. I intend to have it analysed by 
 M. Le Play, sending him at the same time specimens 
 of the stone and materials which may be taken from the 
 neighbouring mountains. In a small island near the 
 port the East India Company has formed a cemetery, 
 but it has been found necessary to surround it with a 
 wall, as the Arab women who had no children used to 
 go and steal the bones of the Christians, which, worn 
 as amulets, are considered to ensure child-bearing. 
 
 " We dined with Mr. West, the English consul, 
 and our dinner is composed of mutton from Calcutta, 
 potatoes from Bombay, green peas from England, 
 poultry from Egypt, water from the Ganges, wine from 
 France, coffee from Moka, and tea from China." 
 
 ''December 28, 1854. 
 
 " We mount our horses at eight and ride off to the 
 principal gorge of Mount Attaka, where St. Anthony 
 is said to have lived in a grotto, which is no longer to 
 be seen. When one leaves Suez, it seems as if the 
 mountain is within half an hour's ride, but it takes 
 us at least three hours. 
 
204- RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 " "We follow tlie bed of a torrent whicli leads ns to 
 the gorge where we intend to make our collection of 
 minerals, and we get together specimens of marble, 
 calcareous marl, clay, &c., which we carry back with us 
 to Suez, where M. Costa takes us to see the house in 
 which Bonaparte lodged. The present owner, born in 
 the same year, has commemorated the visit by deco- 
 rating his salon with drawings of all the great victories 
 gained during the First Empire." 
 
 "Dfc^w&^r 29, 1854. 
 
 '' Early in the morning we go by steamer to the 
 extremity of the Bay of Suez, to the shore where 
 terminates the valley which begins at Cairo. M. 
 Costa accompanies us, and he has written to his 
 father at the Fountains of Moses to say that we shall 
 dine and sleep there on our way back, returning the 
 next day by road to Suez. 
 
 "The first part of our voyage went off very well, 
 and at eleven o'clock we landed at the foot of the lofty 
 mountain of Gene'be', situated at the extreme left of 
 a broad bay of which the Attaka formed the extreme 
 right. Opposite to us is the valley wrongly called 
 that of Moses or of the going astray, for the Hebrews 
 never passed that way. It is easy to follow on the 
 map, between Lake Timsah and the basin of the Bitter 
 Lakes, covered at that time by the Eed Sea, the march 
 of the Jews when they escaped with Moses from the 
 army of Pharaoh, the very places having, as Linant 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 205 
 
 Bey has shown, retained the names used in Holy Writ. 
 We are ten leagues from Suez, and as the boats from 
 our steamer cannot go right to shore, we are carried 
 over the intervening distance by the sailors. After 
 reconnoitring the district, we find that the mountaiu 
 is composed of strata of alabaster, marble, and other 
 calcareous stones, while Linant Bey discovers that 
 behind Mount Gene'be', to the south, there are fields 
 of all the most valuable varieties of marble. We hope, 
 upon re-embarking at two, to reach between four and 
 five the Fountains of Moses, which really are one of 
 the places at which the Hebrews halted after the 
 passage of the Bed Sea. But after we had got about 
 half way an accident occurred to the boiler, and 
 though no serious damage ensued we had to spend 
 the whole of the night on board, and instead of enjoy- 
 ing M. Costa's dinner got back to our hotel at Suez at 
 six in the morning." 
 
 " Decemher 30, 1854. 
 
 '' After we had had some breakfast we gave orders 
 for our caravan of camels and dromedaries to be ready 
 for a start, and though my companions were- still 
 suffering a little from the fatigue of the previous day 
 and night, we went to our tents, which were put up 
 between the gate of the towfi. and the ruined citadel 
 of ancient Chlysma, upon the sea shore, at the end of 
 the port. It is here that will be the mouth of the Mle 
 water canal, which is an indispensable auxiliary of the 
 
2o6 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 maritime canal. Our encampment, wMcli will re- 
 main the same for the rest of onr expedition, consists 
 of three round tents twenty feet in diameter, the first 
 heing for Linant and myself, the second for Mougel 
 and the young engineer Aivas, who acts as secretary 
 to Linant, and who, having been brought up in Egypt, 
 speaks Arabic like a native, and the third for the 
 servants. There is a fourth tent which is used as a 
 kitchen. Some twenty barrels of Nile water are 
 placed between the first and second tents, and watched 
 day and night, for upon them our safety depends 
 during our expedition. Around the kitchen are cages 
 containing poultry and pigeons, and I am surprised to 
 find that though these cages are left open during the 
 day their inmates make no attempt to get away. 
 There is also a small flock of sheep and goats, thirty- 
 three camels and dromedaries in the care of fifteen 
 Bedouins who sleep among them, and a couple of asses 
 for the use of Mougel, who cannot endure the motion of 
 the dromedary. 
 
 "We agree to start early on the morrow, and M. 
 Aivas reads us the memorandum of M. Linant relative 
 to the levellings executed under his direction in 1853 
 along the whole length of the isthmus from Suez to 
 Pelusium." 
 
 " December 31, 1854. 
 '' Soon after daylight we are ready for a start, and 
 find the dromedaries ready saddled and crouched down 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 207 
 
 for us to mount them. To get astride a dromedary is 
 a task requiring no little adroitness, for as soon as you 
 have thrown the right leg over their backs they rise, 
 and those who rise the quickest are the best. The 
 best way is to bring the body slightly forward and 
 make just the opposite motion when the beast stretches 
 out its hind legs. The dromedaries provided for 
 Linant and myself are two very fine animals, and I 
 soon get accustomed to the motion, and other drome- 
 daries are bestridden by M. Aivas, an Arab effendi, 
 and an assistant-engineer. The Bedouin sheik Jaoude 
 acts as guide, and has been made responsible for 
 our safety at the price of his life. Our little troop 
 is made up of five messengers, who will carry letters 
 to Cairo, and Linant's ' dusky ' maitre d'hotel. 
 
 " For three hours we follow the bed of the ancient 
 canal, the two banks of which are still in a perfect 
 state of preservation, and before sunset we pitch our 
 tents in the desert at a spot called Makfar (the Hol- 
 lowed Place), where there is a little vegetation of a 
 meagre kind. 
 
 " Opening my Bible, which is always of special 
 interest to read when in Egypt, I am more than ever 
 impressed by it now, for I am drawing near to the 
 region where Jacob and his family established them- 
 selves, and from which, four centuries later, Moses led 
 the Hebrew people out of servitude. 
 
 " After reading some passages in the Pentateuch, 
 I went out to admire the beautiful sunset, and was 
 
2o8 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 met by Linant and Mougel, who told me that they 
 had just seen a luminous meteor shooting from the 
 east like a rocket, and, after describing a semi-circle, 
 breaking up into a shower of fire towards the west. 
 I only just saw the tail end of the phenomenon, so if 
 it had not been for the evidence of my companions I 
 should not have ventured to record it. If we lived 
 in the age of signs and miracles, I might compare 
 this vision with that which I had seen on the morning 
 of IN'ovember 15th, the day when the final decision as 
 to the Suez Canal was given. This one occurred on 
 December 31st, the opening day of our voyage of ex- 
 ploring, during which we laid the first foundations of 
 a union between the east and the west. 
 
 " I got M. Linant to read his treatise upon the 
 ancient geography of the isthmus compared to the 
 modern, and upon the route taken by the Hebrews, 
 so as to be able to profit by the impressions which I 
 had just received from reading some of the principal 
 passages in the book of Moses." 
 
 " January 1, 1855. 
 
 "We are on the move by five o'clock, and go round 
 in a westerly direction the basin of the Bitter Lakes, 
 which formed part of the Eed Sea in the time of 
 Moses, but which is now dried up. One can see 
 scattered over what was the bed of the sea lumps of 
 saline composition which look like bits of ice after a 
 thaw. We go over part of this ground, leaving to 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 209 
 
 our right swamps in which a traveller would be 
 engulfed, horse and all, without the least chance of 
 escape. About half a mile to our left are the Awebet 
 Mountains, from which good building stone and lime- 
 stone might be taken. 
 
 "We ascend a hill where we see blocks of granite 
 which have composed what is called the Persepolitan 
 monument, and one of these blocks is covered with 
 cuneiform or Assyrian inscriptions, while upon another 
 is a vultm-e with outstretched wings, and the ancient 
 royal wand of Egypt at each corner. 
 
 " This monument is supposed to have been erected 
 by Darius, the Persian conqueror, after his expedition 
 to Egypt, either to mark a boundary of territory or 
 to perpetuate the recollection of the reconstruction of 
 the canal of the Pharaohs, which is attributed to him 
 by Herodotus. The stone used for it is granite from 
 Mount Sinai. 
 
 "We still follow the desert, leaving the basin of the 
 Bitter Lakes to our right, and find the ground less 
 hard than that which we had ridden over the day 
 before ; the sand is not so coarse, and preserves the 
 footsteps of all the animals which have run over it. 
 We notice the footsteps of hyaenas, gazelles, foxes, and 
 hares crossing one another in all directions. At four 
 o'clock we encamp in the valley of the Akram, which 
 is the name given to a certain kind of bush. 
 
 " In the evening our conversation turns upon the 
 canal from Suez up to the point which we have 
 
 VOL. I. p 
 
210 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 reached, and the result of our observations is that the 
 maritime canal, at the entrance to Suez, would receive, 
 in the course of twenty-four hours, a supply of ten 
 million cubic metres of water from the Eed Sea tides, 
 and that with this as well as with the waters of the 
 Mediterranean it will be easy to fill the basin of the 
 Bitter Lakes, which is to form an immense reservoir 
 holding two thousand million cubic metres of water. 
 This mass of water will suffice to feed the canal, and 
 will create, when the winds do not force it back, a 
 slight current towards the Mediterranean." 
 
 " January 2, 1855. 
 
 "We start at six, the wind being cold and unpleasant. 
 We visit a second Persepolitan monument erroneously 
 called Serapeum, and we travel along the dyke of the 
 old canal, which now forms a road. At two o'clock we 
 reach the place where we form our third encampment, 
 near Lake Timsah (the Lake of Crocodiles), against 
 the bir (well) Abdullah. This place is called in Scrip- 
 ture Pi-hahiroth, which in Hebrew means the Yalley of 
 Eeeds, and it is still called by a similar name in Arabic, 
 Oued-het-el-Bouze. We are in the midst of the land of 
 Gessen (Goshen), and I may here quote the verses 
 from the Bible relating to this country, which we 
 shall visit to-morrow. 
 
 " Genesis, chap. 46, v. 28. — 'And he sent Judah 
 before him unto Joseph, to direct his face unto Goshen ; 
 and they came into the land of Goshen.' 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 211 
 
 " Y. 33. — ' And it shall come to pass, when Pharaoh 
 shall call upon you, and shall say, What is your occu- 
 pation ? ' 
 
 " y. 34. — ' That ye shall say, Thy servants' trade 
 hath been about cattle from our youth even until now, 
 both we, and also our fathers : that ye may dwell in 
 the land of Goshen.' 
 
 " Gessen (Goshen) in Hebrew means Pasturage, and 
 it is worthy of note that in Arabic it is Guess. In the 
 old Ethiopian language sos means shepherd, and this 
 is probably the etymology of Suez. Thus the land of 
 Gessen, or Guess, and the Isthmus of Suez would be 
 denominations applying to the same places. We 
 know now that the dynasty of the Hiksos, which 
 reigned in Egypt signifies the dynasty of Armed 
 Shepherds. 
 
 "Chap. 47, V. 4. — 'Now therefore, we pray thee, let 
 thy servants dwell in the land of Goshen.' 
 
 " V. 6. — ' The land of Egypt is before thee ; in the 
 best of the land make thy father and brethren to dwell; 
 in the land of Goshen let them dwell.' 
 
 " Y. 11. — ' And Joseph placed his father and breth- 
 ren, and gave them a possession in the land of Egypt, 
 in the best of the land, in the land of Eameses, as 
 Pharaoh had commanded.' 
 
 " Exodus, chap. 1, v. 7. — ' And the children of Israel 
 were fruitful, and increased abundantly, and multi- 
 plied, and waxed exceeding mighty ; and the land 
 was filled with them.' 
 
 p2 
 
2 12 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEAFtS. 
 
 ''Y. 8. — 'I^ow there arose up a new king over 
 Egy23t, which knew not Joseph.' 
 
 "Y. 11. — 'Therefore they did set over them task- 
 masters to afflict them with their burdens. And 
 they built for Pharaoh treasure cities, Pithom and 
 Rameses.' 
 
 " Chap. 8, V. 22. The Plague of Flies.—' And I 
 will sever in that day the land of Goshen, in which 
 my people dwell, that no swarms of flies shall be 
 there.' 
 
 '' Chap. 9, V. 6. The Sixth Plague. The Plague of 
 Boils. — ' And all the cattle of Egypt died : but of the 
 cattle of the children of Israel died not one.' 
 
 "Y. 26. Seventh Plague. Rain and Hail. — 'Only 
 in the land of Goshen, where the children of Israel 
 were, was there no hail.' 
 
 " The inductions which I draw from these passages 
 in the Bible are that the land of Goshen, which will 
 be intersected by our subsidiary canal from the Nile, 
 will become at least as fertile as it was in ancient times, 
 and that its climate is most salubrious, seeing that in 
 our day, as in the time of Moses, the few tribes of 
 Arab shepherds who encamp there are generally 
 exempt from epidemics, despite their coming in 
 contact with the populations of Lower Egypt. 
 
 "Chap. 12, V. 37. — 'And the children of Israel 
 journeyed from Rameses to Succoth.' 
 
 " Succoth in Hebrew means Tents. This place is now 
 called by the Arabs either Oum-Riam (the Mother of 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 213 
 
 Tents) or Makfar (the Hollowed-out Place where the 
 old canal passed). 
 
 " Chap. 13, V. 20. — ' And they took their journey 
 from Succoth, and encamped in Etham, in the edge of 
 the wilderness.' 
 
 "Etham, which is in fact at the edge of a vast 
 wilderness bounded by the basin of the Bitter Lakes, 
 where the Eed Sea then reached, is a spot which we 
 visited this morning, and where the second Perse- 
 politan monument is to be found. The tribe which 
 at certain seasons encamps there is known as the 
 Ethamis. 
 
 " y. 22. — ' He took not away the pillar of the cloud 
 by day, nor the pillar of fire by night, from before 
 the people.' 
 
 " Moses having in his youth killed an Egyptian 
 who was maltreating an Israelite, had to fly to Mount 
 Sinai, where he married the daughter of Jethro, 
 the priest of Midian, whose flocks he tended for 
 forty years. His brother Aaron came to tell him of 
 the death of the Pharaoh during whose reign he had 
 slain the Egyptian, which period corresponds with the 
 length of the reign of E-hamses II., the Sesostris of 
 the Greeks. He was acquainted with the customs of 
 the numerous caravans, which in our own day and at 
 certain places are preceded some distance in advance 
 by bearers of machallahs (torches), which produce a 
 pillar of fire at night. They had passed over the 
 fords of the last lagoons of the Red Sea, as is still 
 
214 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 done by the Bedouins, who avail themselves of the low 
 tide to cross the Eed Sea near Suez. 
 
 " The generals of Pharaoh, like those of Said Pasha, 
 were unaware of the existence of these fords. 
 
 '' Chap. 14, V. 2.—' Speak unto the children of 
 Israel, that they turn and encamp before Pi-hahiroth, 
 between Magdol and the sea, over against Baalsephon : 
 before it shall ye encamp in the sea.' 
 
 "This place is, of a truth, amid the site of the old 
 lagoons of the Eed Sea, the level of which is below 
 that of the sea, and which will become lagoons again 
 when the maritime canal is open. The Israelites, 
 favoured by the tempest which the Bible describes, 
 will have crossed at night, when the tide was low, 
 across the low-lying tract of land between the basin of 
 Lake Timsah and that of the Bitter Lakes, between 
 the long sandbanks which by moonlight would have 
 looked like white walls, and the next morning, the 
 wind having gone down, the Egyptian troops went in 
 pursuit of the Hebrews, and were overwhelmed by 
 the floods or engulfed in the quicksands of the valley. 
 
 " Chap. 15, V. 22. — ' So Moses brought Israel out 
 of the Eed Sea, and they went out into the wilderness 
 of Shur ; and they went three days in the wilderness, 
 and found no water.' 
 
 "V. 23. — 'And when they came to Marah, they could 
 not drink of the waters of Marah, for they were bitter.' 
 
 " In the desert of /S^i^wr (the desert of Syria, the other 
 side of the Timsah and the Bitter Lakes) is a spring 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 215 
 
 which is marked upon all the maps by the name of 
 Bir-Mara^ Mara signifying litter in the Hebrew as 
 well as in Arabic. 
 
 '' V. 25. — ' But Moses cried unto the Lord ; and 
 the Lord shewed him a tree, which when he had cast 
 into the waters, the waters were made sweet.' 
 
 " Linant tells us that this practice was taught him 
 by the Arabs of Mount Sinai, with whom he spent a 
 good deal of time, and that in order to diminish the 
 bitterness of brackish water they throw into, it the 
 branches of a shrub called arak, a species of thorn. 
 
 "Y. 27. — 'And they came to Elim, where were 
 twelve wells of water, and threescore and ten palm- 
 trees : and they encamped there by the waters.' 
 
 " Elim is the place now known as the Fountains 
 of Moses, twelve in number, which we were twice 
 disappointed in our ejfforts to visit. 
 
 " Chap. 16, V. 14. — ' And when the dew that lay was 
 gone, behold, upon the face of the wilderness there lay 
 a small round thing, as the hoar frost on the ground.' 
 
 " The Israelites exclaimed, ' Man-hu ? ' which 
 in Hebrew means : ' What is it ? ' This is the 
 etymology of manna. M. Linant saw the Arabs on 
 Mount Sinai gather up the manna which falls in the 
 morning at sunrise, when the temperature is at a par- 
 ticular point, from the leaves of the tamaris, which 
 grows wild nearly all over the desert we have just tra- 
 versed as well as upon the other side of Sinai. It is 
 in fact a sort of jelly or white froth, which forms of 
 
2i6 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 a morning upon the leaves of the tamaris, and which, 
 melting when the sun begins to shine, falls drop by 
 drop on the ground and forms a paste something like 
 honey. The manna of Sinai is not disagreeable to 
 the taste, and has not the aperient effects of the 
 Sicily manna which is to be found in the chemists' 
 shops. 
 
 "The researches of Linant will show that the country 
 in which we now are is in reality the land of Goshen. 
 Having reached our encampment in the Yalley of 
 Eeeds (Pi-hahiroth) in good time, we avail ourselves of 
 it to compare our observations upon the course of the 
 canal from Suez to Lake Timsah, to study anew the 
 maps and plans of Linant, to discuss the depth and 
 width of the new canal, and to lay down the main 
 lines of the report upon which Linant and Mougel 
 have to agree. 
 
 " We are anxious also to form an idea — which can, 
 however, be only an imperfect one — as to the cost. 
 After a great many calculations, we arrive at a total 
 of from six and a half to seven millions. The canal 
 communicating with the I^ile from Cairo to the 
 inland port of the maritime canal, and which from 
 that point will branch off into two irrigating and 
 feeding canals, one going to Suez and the other to the 
 Mediterranean port, is estimated at £800,000. All 
 this, as you may imagine, will have to be revised and 
 modified, but not, I hope, much increased, with all 
 manner of documents and plans to bear it out." 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 217 
 
 " January 3, 1855. 
 
 " At eight we start to make an excursion to the 
 ruins of Rameses, and we halt for a quarter of an hour 
 upon the hill where was Succoth, the first station of 
 the Israelites, and we reach the place whence they 
 started on their journey. There can be no longer any 
 doubt as to the site of Eameses since the discovery of 
 the statues which Linant, as you will see, has sketched 
 for me. The hieroglyphic inscriptions which are carved 
 on the blocks of granite, and which have been trans- 
 lated, explain that the figures represent Ehamses II. 
 (Sesostris) and his two sons. The ground is strewn 
 with fragments of the ancient bricks the making of 
 which rendered the lives of the Israelites so 'bitter 
 with hard bondage' (Exodus, chap. 1, v. 14.). 
 
 " We breakfast in the presence of Sesostris, and 
 return to camp after having followed a part of the 
 ancient canal connecting the INile and the Eed Sea." 
 
 " January 4, 1855. 
 
 ''We start at seven to go round Lake Timsah in a 
 westerly direction. We mark the site of Baalsephon 
 upon a hill at the foot of which the main canal will 
 pass. The sky becomes covered with clouds and the 
 sand begins to whirl around the bushes, and as we are 
 threatened with a tempest similar to that under cover 
 of which the Israelites escaped from the chariots of the 
 Egyptians, we hasten back to camp." 
 
2i8 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 " January 5, 1855. 
 
 ''It has rained all night, and as the wind is rising 
 still there is no possibility of moving outside our 
 tents, while, looking in the direction from which the 
 wind comes, we see that a violent khamseen is immi- 
 nent. While we are discussing the question of the 
 canal, a gust of wind more violent than those which 
 preceded it very nearly blew us out of the tent, and 
 upset all our things. The conversation is renewed 
 when the mischief has been remedied, and we calcu- 
 late that the Sweet Water Canal will be the means of 
 bringing 250,000 acres under cultivation. Just at 
 this moment a messenger arrives with letters from 
 Cairo, one of them being from Admiral Jurien de la 
 Graviere before Sebastopol, while Koenig Bey sends 
 me a copy of the Yiceroy's reply to the letter from 
 l^apoleon III. when sending him the Legion of Hon- 
 our. In this letter the Viceroy speaks very favour- 
 ably of the prospects of our canal ; while another letter 
 from Senor Baguer y Eibas, Consul-General of Spain 
 at Cairo, informs me that Mr. Wilcox, one of the 
 directors of the P, & 0. Steam Company, has arrived 
 there, accompanied by a Spaniard, Senor Zulueta, 
 both of whom will, he considers, be inclined to asso- 
 ciate themselves in my work." 
 
 "January 7, 1855. 
 "The weather having at last cleared up, we leave 
 Pi-hahiroth for the north of Lake Timsah, which is 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 219 
 
 the central point of the isthmus, and I can at once see 
 how well advised Linant was in proposing that there 
 should be an inland port here. This basin is sur- 
 rounded by hills, and it forms a magnificent natural 
 port, six times larger than that of Marseilles, and all 
 the more useful because it can easily be placed in 
 communication with the cultivated portions of the 
 land of Goshen and the interior of Egypt, by means 
 of a canal branching off from the Nile. The steamers 
 which cast anchor there will find means of revictual- 
 ling as well." 
 
 " January 8, 1855. 
 
 "We begin to descry to our left Lake Mensaleh, 
 formed partly by a rising of the Mle and partly by 
 the waters of the Mediterranean, the shore of which 
 has several breaks between Damietta and Pelusium. 
 
 "We halt at noon to breakfast in an oasis, the trees 
 of which have a very pleasing effect upon the eye 
 amidst the boundless desert. I counted twenty-three 
 date-trees in this oasis, which the Arabs name Bir-el- 
 Bourj (the Well of the Tower), there being amid the 
 date-trees a well of brackish water, and upon the hill 
 the remains of what might have been a tower. 
 
 " We wait there for the passage of our caravan, and 
 then we wend round the eastern limit of Lake Men- 
 saleh, where we see a quantity of white lines formed 
 by swans, pelicans, and flamingoes. 
 
 " We then reach the foot of a hill on which was 
 built the ancient fortress of Magdol, of which the 
 
2 20 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 Bible speaks, and which travellers call Magdolum. 
 While our encampment is being prepared we visit 
 the ruins of the fort. History tells us that this fort 
 was burnt, and we can trace the effects of fire upon 
 the stones, while in the distance to the right we see 
 the shores of Pelusium, where Pompey met his death, 
 and to the left Damietta, where St. Louis landed." 
 
 " January 9, 1855. 
 
 "We make for Pelusium, close to which are the 
 ruins of the modern castle of Tineh, which like Pelu- 
 sium itself signifies mud^ and at this season the mud 
 itself is covered with water owing to the inunda- 
 tion of the ^ile, so we can only contemplate from a 
 distance the ruins of what was one of the most im- 
 portant cities in ancient Egypt. So terminates our 
 first explory, the result of which goes to assure us 
 that our undertaking is practicable, and I hope that 
 the reports of the two engineers who accompany me 
 will prove this to be so. 
 
 " We pass the night at the oasis of Bir-el-Bourj." 
 
 ^^ January 10, 1855. 
 
 " The cold is so intense that we walk some distance 
 by the side of our dromedaries, which soon take us on 
 in advance of Mougel when we once mount them, as 
 the keen air has quickened them very much, while 
 Mougel presents a very ludicrous appearance as he 
 comes on behind with his donkey-diiver belabouring 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 221 
 
 his mount in the hope of overtaking us, the poor 
 fellow being in mortal fear of the Arabs whenever he 
 is left a little way behind. As soon as Mougel has 
 got up to us we resume our journey by the shores of 
 Lake Mensaleh, instead of crossing the desert as we 
 had done in coming. At five we reach El Guisr, 
 and pitch our tents at the foot of one of the highest 
 downs in the isthmus." 
 
 ^^ January 11 — 14, 1855. 
 " We return to Cairo, and I find time to draw out 
 a draft of a report for the engineers and read it to 
 Linant and Mougel, who express their approval of its 
 tenour, but suggest that I should strike out the 
 passage in which I propose that, should they differ in 
 opinion, they should give their reasons. But I decline 
 to do so because, with this reservation made, their 
 harmony, upon which I quite reckon, will have all 
 the more weight." 
 
 " January 15, 1855. 
 
 "At eleven we start at a good pace upon our 
 dromedaries for Cairo. To the left is the chain of 
 mountains which, commencing at the Mokattan and 
 finishing at the Attaka, skirts the road to Suez, while 
 to the right we can distinguish, amid the palm-trees 
 and a line of greenery indicating the course of the 
 Nile, the minarets of Kanka. The morning was a 
 singularly beautiful one, and the view unfolded before 
 me is delightful. We have passed Abuzabel, and we 
 
22 2 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 can see the obelisk of HeliopoliSj the City of the Sun, 
 where Plato studied for seventeen years the archives 
 of the Egyptian priests. It is a mistake to suppose 
 that this city was the residence of Joseph, the son of 
 Jacob. The dynasty of shepherds, under whose sway 
 Egypt at that time was, reigned at Suez, near Lake 
 Mensaleh, where Potiphar, the first minister of the 
 Pharaohs, also was, as the Scriptures tell us, chief 
 eunuch, a circumstance which pleads in favour of 
 Madame Potiphar and makes Joseph's attitude of 
 reserve all the more meritorious. 
 
 " We pass close beside the pretty village of Ma- 
 tarie, surrounded by gardens, in the midst of which is 
 to be seen the Virgin's Tree. We then pass Pirket-el- 
 Haggi (the Lake of Pilgrims), where the great Mecca 
 caravan, conveying the sacred carpet to the tomb of 
 the Prophet, meets every year. 
 
 "We see before us the massive palace of Abassie, 
 built by Abbas Pasha, and in which there are 2,000 
 windows, while beyond it, upon the other side of the 
 Nile, are the summits of the two great pyramids which 
 have been in existence not for forty, as is generally 
 said, but for sixty centuries. To the left are the 
 lofty steeples of the mosque built of oriental alabaster 
 inside the citadel by Mehemet Ali, which that great 
 man had arranged should be his burial place. He was 
 well entitled to have for his tomb a spot where he had 
 annihilated the representatives of barbarism and 
 which commanded the whole of the country which 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 223 
 
 he had regenerated. As I ride along I am struck by 
 a coincidence which had not occurred to me before. 
 My father in 1803 was French political agent in 
 Egypt, and Bonaparte had instructed him to pick out 
 from among the leaders of the Turkish troops a man 
 of energy and ability who could be proposed at Con- 
 stantinople for the hitherto nominal dignity of Pasha 
 of Cairo. Mehemet Ali, who was a native of Mace- 
 donia, in command of a thousand Bashi-Bazouks, and 
 who could neither read nor write, had become the 
 friend of my father, who gave him good advice how 
 to deal with the Mamelukes who were hostile to 
 France, and it was Mehemet's name which, at my 
 father's suggestion, was submitted to the Sultan and 
 agreed to. 
 
 " And now after the lapse of half a century the son 
 of Count Mathieu de Lesseps, being already the friend 
 of the son of Mehemet Ali, becomes his adviser for 
 the accomplishment of a work which cannot fail to 
 illustrate his reign, and here in this same citadel 
 which witnessed the elevation of Mehemet Ali, fol- 
 lowing upon the massacre of the Mamelukes, Mo- 
 hammed Said effects a peaceful coup d^Hat which will 
 complete the regeneration of Europe by announcing 
 to all the Powers of Europe that he has resolved to 
 join the Ked Sea to the Mediterranean and open to 
 the whole world the route to India. 
 
 " I am convinced that England will profit more 
 than any other nation from the advantages of this 
 
224 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 route ; but there is no use concealing the fact that 
 the old egotistical policy of Great Britain receives a 
 mortal blow, and this is why the partisans of the tra- 
 ditions of old are already in a great state of excite- 
 ment. I was quite prepared for this, for I had had 
 better opportunities than any one else, both from 
 what my father had told me and from what I had 
 seen myself, of following at various periods their 
 course of policy in Egypt. "Why did they spare no 
 effort to make General Bonaparte's expedition a 
 failure ? Why, after this, did they protect the 
 Mamelukes, who were dividing the country, driving 
 away foreign trade, and condemning the fertile valley 
 of the Nile to sterility? Why, in 1840, did they induce 
 the whole of Europe to form a league against France 
 and Mehemet Ali, the progress made by whom they en- 
 deavoured to arrest ? Why did they give their support 
 and advice to Abbas Pasha, that fanatical prince so 
 opposed to progress, whom Providence removed be- 
 fore he had quite time to complete the disorganisation 
 and ruin of Egypt ? Why simply because there was 
 a party in England anxious to reduce the Viceroy 
 to the condition of those Indian rajahs who are 
 encouraged to lead disorderly lives, until at last 
 they are so debased and besotted that they have 
 no alternative except to put themselves under the 
 protection of England or to sell their states. 
 Fortunately this opinion is not universal in 
 England, there being in that land of liberty a 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 225 
 
 great many noble-hearted and intelligent men who, 
 sooner or later, will carry public opinion with 
 them. 
 
 " My letter to Cobden will be useful as a text when 
 the time comes to carry on a crusade against the men 
 who stand by the past. 
 
 "After this digression, excited by the reference to 
 the Cairo citadel, let me return to our expedition, 
 which halted for the last time near the tomb of 
 Malek Adel, the cupola of which protects us from 
 the sun. Malek Adel was the brother of the Sultan 
 Salah Eddin (Saladin), who was the reigning Caliph 
 in Egypt during the crusade of Philip Augustus ; 
 but Madame Cottin's Erench romance makes far more 
 of him than the Arab writers, according to whom 
 he did not play any conspicuous part in the history 
 of his day. 
 
 " From there we ride on into Cairo, and I again 
 take up my quarters at the palace of the Mucafirs." 
 
 Instructions to MM. Linant Bey and Mougel Bey, 
 with reference to the Scheme for a Maritime Canal 
 from the Red Sea to the Mediterranean., and for an 
 Alimentary Canal branching from the Nile. 
 
 "Caiko, January 15, 1855. 
 
 " The exploring mission with which the Viceroy 
 has entrusted us being just over, I think it well to 
 direct the attention of MM. Linant and Mougel Bey 
 to the principal points which should be present in 
 
 YOL. I. a 
 
2 26 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 their minds when they draw up the preliminary project 
 we have agreed to prepare, pending a more complete 
 work accompanied by plans, maps, sections, estimates, 
 and other confirmatory documents : — 
 
 "1. In regard to the entrance from the Eed Sea 
 — make it clear whether the present port will be 
 used, what work will have to be done in the way of 
 jetties, &c. 
 
 "2. Indicate the precise direction of the canal 
 from the sea to the ancient basin of the Eed Sea, 
 called the Bitter Lakes. 
 
 "3. Explain in what way it is proposed to utilise 
 this basin, and if in passing through it the maritime 
 canal ought to have a continuous bank or none 
 at all. 
 
 "4. Trace the canal to the basin of Lake Timsah, 
 intended to serve as an inland port. 
 
 "5. Works to be executed in order to make Lake 
 Timsah suitable for the object proposed. Give the 
 length of the walls of the quay. In passing through 
 Lake Timsah the canal will have to be much broader 
 than at other points, so that vessels may be able to 
 anchor there, or approach the quay without obstruct- 
 ing the passage. These quays are to be formed as 
 near as possible to the Sweet Water Canal. 
 
 "6. Direction of the maritime canal from Lake 
 Timsah to Lake Mensaleh. 
 
 '' 7. Works to be executed along the shores of 
 Lake Mensaleh, or in the lake itself. 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 227 
 
 '^8. Will the mouth of the lake upon the Medi- 
 terranean side be the mouth of the ancient Pelusium 
 branch ? 
 
 "9. Carefully define the character and dimensions 
 of the work to be done in the way of jetties, moles, 
 &c, so as to answer the objections made up to the 
 present time as to the difficulties and supposed impos- 
 sibilities arising from the alluvial nature of the coast 
 and the silting up of the sand at the mouth of a 
 canal to the Mediterranean. This part of the report 
 should be based upon irrefutable evidence and 
 examples. 
 
 ''10. What is the mass of water which would 
 enter at each tide from the Eed Sea into the maritime 
 canal ? 
 
 ''11. What advantage can be derived from the 
 height of the tides, not only upon the course of the 
 maritime canal, but on the basin of the Bitter Lakes 
 and at the mouth of the Bay of Pelusium ? 
 
 " 12. Eeckon for the maritime canal upon a breadth 
 of a hundred metres (40 inches each) at the line of 
 low water in the Mediterranean, with power to reduce 
 it to 65 or 70 metres in the few parts where the 
 clearance necessary to make it would be too great. 
 The depth of the water is to be six, seven, or 
 eight metres, calculated, of course, according to the 
 low-water level of the Mediterranean, so that the 
 company may be able to select, with a full knowledge 
 of the cost, whichever depth seems best suited at 
 
 q2 
 
228 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 once to its interests and the necessities of navi- 
 gation. 
 
 "13. Eeply to the objections raised as to the 
 difficulties of navigation in the Red Sea and the 
 Gulf of Pelusinm. 
 
 "14. Make a preliminary maximum calculation of 
 all the costs, and indicate the time at which presum- 
 ably the canal may be open for navigation. 
 
 "15. Add to the project of a maritime canal one 
 for a communicating, feeding, and irrigating canal 
 brought from the Nile, starting from a point be- 
 tween the damming of the river and Cairo, and pro- 
 ceeding by way of Ouadee to Lake Timsah, the dimen- 
 sions of this canal to be so calculated that with its 
 draught of water it will be capable of irrigating 
 about 250,000 acres when the Nile rises. This canal 
 should, when it reaches Lake Timsah, with which it is 
 to be connected, branch off into two parts, one going 
 to Suez the other towards Pelusium. 
 
 "IG. Examine whether the sands of the isthmus 
 are likely to interfere with the working of the canal, 
 and what use can be made of them by means of the 
 irrigating canal. 
 
 "17. Give a maximum estimate of the cost of the 
 subsidiary canal and of the time required to make it. 
 
 "18. Point out the character, quality, and site at 
 which are to be had easily, and with little cost of 
 transport, the materials required for the works. 
 
 "19. Finally, give an estimate of the minimum 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 229 
 
 income which might be expected from the maritime 
 and the Sweet Water Canals. 
 
 " I do not for a moment wish to confine their re- 
 port within the limits indicated by this programme. 
 Though I have been a witness 01 the harmony of 
 their views and of the identity of their conviction as 
 to the possibility of communicating between the Eed 
 Sea and the Mediterranean by a canal accessible to 
 the largest vessels, I beg of them, in the event of 
 their entertaining opposite views on any subject, to 
 record the difference of their opinions, and give the 
 reasons for them. 
 
 " Finally, this rough draft should be completed as 
 quickly as possible and accompanied by an explanatory 
 map." 
 
 The next thing was to go to Constantinople, in 
 order to obtain the Sultan's assent to the scheme, 
 and having first appointed my old friend M. Euys- 
 senaers agent of the company at Alexandria, I found 
 that the ground was clear. 
 
 Note for the Viceroy of Egypt and for Count Theodore 
 de Lessees, Director of Foreign Affairs. 
 
 "Constantinople, February 15, 1855. 
 '' Upon reaching Constantinople I found the ground 
 quite free. If no opinion had been expressed in 
 favour of the project, nothing had been said against 
 it. For the two first days I endeavoured to form an 
 exact opinion of the situation. I had learnt that the 
 
230 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 Ministers in general, and Eescliid Pasha more espe- 
 cially, entirely approved of the scheme, and would be 
 only too glad to oblige the Yiceroy if they could do so 
 without compromising themselves overmuch. 
 
 " But there could be no doubt that they are all here 
 under the pressure of, not to say dependent upon, the 
 English Ambassador, whom the public call Sultan 
 Stratford, or Abd-ul-Canning. 
 
 "I assured myself of the support of Baron de 
 Bruck, the internuncio of Austria, of M. de Souza, 
 the minister of Spain, of Count de Zuylen, the 
 charge d'aifaires of Holland, and of several other 
 personages who were in various ways likely to be of 
 use to me. 
 
 "I heard that Lord Stratford de Eedcliffe was per- 
 sonally very much opposed to the scheme, that he had 
 received no official instructions from his Government, 
 but that, when the occasion arose, he would act as if 
 he had, in accordance with his arrogance and deep- 
 rooted jealousy of all that is French and his incor- 
 rigible and antiquated British egotism. 
 
 " It was doubtful, I was told, whether Eeschid 
 Pasha would dare to shake off the yoke, intolerable as 
 it was beginning to be felt. 
 
 "M. Benedetti, our charge d'affaires, whose local 
 experience, tact, and prudence were to stand me in 
 such good stead, saw that it would not do for him to 
 put himself too forward, but he promised me to do all 
 he coTild to facilitate the success of a negotiation by 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 231 
 
 which, as lie knew, the Imperial Goyernmeiit set great 
 store. Erom the very first he instructed M. Schefer 
 to pave the way for an interview between Eeschid 
 Pasha and myself, and this interview took place at his 
 house on the Bosphorus on the morning of the 12th. 
 I handed the Grand Yizier a letter from the Viceroy, 
 and a Turkish translation of my memorandum and of 
 the firman of concession for which the Sultan's assent 
 was sought. 
 
 " After carefully reading these documents, the 
 Grand Yizier and myself conferred for two hours, and 
 I felt that at the expiration of that time I had made 
 some impression upon him by using the arguments 
 which I have already quoted. I added that I was 
 only there as a friend of the Porte and an agent of the 
 Viceroy, not as an agent of the French Government, 
 which had entrusted me with no mission of any kind. 
 
 "The next day, during a grand banquet given by 
 Aali Pasha, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, previous 
 to the departure of Baron de Bruck, Eeschid Pasha 
 ventured to speak to Lord Stratford de Eedcliffe about 
 the object of my visit to Constantinople, and encoun- 
 tered the resistance which we had anticipated. 
 
 "It became necessary, therefore, to press for deci- 
 sion and act vigorously, so as to forestall the demands 
 of the English Ambassador upon the Sultan. The 
 Austrian Internuncio, to whom I reported how matters 
 stood, assured me that I might count upon his private 
 and official support, and that though his successor, who 
 
232 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 was expected in a few days, would doubtless bring 
 special instructions, lie should not hesitate in the 
 meanwhile to act on his o\Tn judgment and counter- 
 balance the influence of Lord Stratford de Eedcliffe." 
 
 While the French Embassy was asking the Grand 
 Yizier to obtain me an audience of the Sultan, I drew 
 up the following note for the members of the Imperial 
 Council. 
 
 " Constantinople, February 19, 1855. 
 
 '' It would be superfluous to dwell in detail upon 
 the immense advantages of the piercing of the Isth- 
 mus of Suez. The only obstacles which seem to stand 
 in the way are the personal objections raised by a 
 foreign representative, objections which, if they were 
 allowed to prevail, would inflict a moral blow upon the 
 highest authority in the land. I feel confident that 
 this obstacle will not be allowed to prevail against the 
 wishes which I have been charged to express, with all 
 respect, upon behalf of an enlightened Prince who, 
 as is his duty, does an act of deference to his sovereign, 
 whose faithful and devoted vassal it is his pleasure to 
 prove himself." 
 
 The Sultan granted me an audience and received 
 me very graciously, and I was about to embark upon 
 my return to Egypt, when I learnt that the influence 
 of Lord Stratford de Eedclifi'e had been strong enough 
 to deter the Sultan from sanctioning the project out- 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 233 
 
 rigM, and so I determined to stay a few days longer 
 and see "what could be done. 
 
 The day following, at a dinner at the British Em- 
 bassy to which I was invited, I sent Lord Stratford 
 de Eedcliffe the following letter: — 
 
 " Constantinople, Fehruanj 26, 1855. 
 
 *' I hasten to communicate to you the documents 
 which, in accordance with the wish expressed by you, 
 will enable you to form an opinion as to the enterprise 
 which has brought me to Constantinople. I venture 
 to hope that I shall no longer have to fight against the 
 powerful opposition of the honourable representative 
 of Great Britain. 
 
 " Your Excellency was pleased to tell me that you 
 were anxious for information on the subject, and that 
 up to the present time you had only given a personal 
 opinion. 
 
 "The question has been submitted in due course to 
 the Sublime Porte without any sort of foreign inter- 
 vention. It would not be within my province, as the 
 agent of Mohammed Said, to place it upon another 
 ground, as your Excellency suggested. The Yiceroy 
 of Egypt was at liberty to place it upon this ground 
 and keep it there. Just as he was unwilling to give 
 it a purely French or Austrian complexion, in the 
 same way he would not assent to give it an exclu- 
 sively English aspect by transferring the discussion 
 of it to London, and letting the solution of it depend 
 
2 34 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 upon one Government. He is anxious that this affair 
 of the Suez Canal should retain, above all things, its 
 Egyptian and Ottoman initiative, 
 
 "Your Excellency is too enlightened a patriot and 
 attaches too much importance to the alliance between 
 our two countries — an alliance of which I am proud to 
 be one of the warmest partisans — to allow a question 
 of antagonism, in which it would be deplorable that 
 the amour-propre of our two Governments should be 
 involved, to arise in this connection. 
 
 "Your Excellency will not allow it to be said that 
 England, which with justice declares that she has only 
 drawn the sword against Eussia in the interests of 
 civilisation, of the freedom of the seas, and of the 
 independence of Turkey, should be the only Power to 
 place difficulties in the way of a work which essentially 
 favours the realisation of principles which should be 
 the consequence of the Anglo-Austro-French alliance, 
 and which will assure the pacification of the East. 
 
 "I am pleased, my lord, to have had this conver- 
 sation with you. It has had the effect of destroy- 
 ing impressions which, I do not hesitate to say, I had 
 erroneously formed. I ask your permission to renew 
 the conversation, and with that view I will call at the 
 English Embassy about one to-morrow. 
 
 " P.S. The Viceroy has just informed me by a letter 
 from Alexandria, under date of Eebruary 17, that up 
 to that time Mr. Bruce had made no communication to 
 him on behalf of his Government." 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 235 
 
 Reply of Lord Stratford to M. de Lessej^s. 
 (Private.) 
 " Hotel d'Angletekke, February 27, 1855. 
 
 " I write you at an early hour, not only to acknow- 
 ledge the receipt of the documents which accompany 
 your note, but also to ask you to defer till another 
 day your proposed visit. Engagements which I can- 
 not put off make it impossible for me to avail myself 
 of your obliging proposal to-day. 
 
 " You are right in supposing that I am anxious for 
 information, and especially in respect to this or to any 
 other great enterprise which closely touches the inte- 
 rests of more than one State, and which, while being 
 theoretically so seductive, causes a great division of 
 opinion from the practical point of view. 
 
 " You are too enlightened and experienced to com- 
 plain if I do not say more. The various considera- 
 tions which you have touched upon in a manner at 
 once delicate and flattering to myself, are at the same 
 time of too high a political order to be entered upon 
 here. 
 
 " In a position such as mine, personal independence 
 has its limits, and cannot but yield at times to official 
 eventualities." 
 
 To Comte Th. de Lesseps, Paris. 
 
 " Smyrna, March 3, 1855. 
 
 " My note to Lord Stratford de Eedclifl'e was trans- 
 lated into Turkish, and submitted on the 27th to the 
 
236 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 Council of the Sultan, to whom my letter of the 24th, 
 addressed to Eeschid Pasha, had already been commu- 
 nicated. These communications produced the effect 
 which I had hoped. It was proved, upon the one 
 hand, that there was no reason for expecting any 
 fresh explanations from the Yiceroy, and, upon the 
 other, that Lord Stratford de Eedcliffe had received 
 no instructions from his Government, which has 
 nevertheless been in possession of Mohammed Said's 
 determination for the last three months. It was 
 also proved, by my latest correspondence with Egypt, 
 that Mr. Bruce had not, up to the 17th, made any 
 official representation, despite the intimation to the 
 contrary of the English Ambassador. 
 
 " I was informed that Lord Stratford de Eedcliffe 
 would strongly urge the Grand Yizier to await before 
 replying conclusively to the Yiceroy the instructions 
 which he had applied for to London. The last phrase in 
 his note of the 27th, referring to ' personal independ- 
 ence having to give way to official eventualities,' gave 
 me to understand that his opposition would not be so 
 easily disposed of. He knows that his position is 
 threatened in England, and that several members of 
 his Government are far from favourable to him. If 
 he does not go so far as to believe that the absence of 
 instructions is a trap set for him, he is not at all 
 events inclined to allow an act to be accomplished 
 which he thinks would be unfavourably received in 
 England. Moreover, in view of the disasters which 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 237 
 
 the English arms have sustained in the Crimea, he is 
 stiffening himself against anything which would tend 
 to show that his omnipotent influence is waning, and 
 this feeling, which one cannot at bottom bring oneself 
 to censure, adds just at this moment a fresh force to 
 his British exclusiveness. 
 
 " I was not therefore surprised to learn that on 
 the morning of the 28th, upon which day the Council 
 was to decide finally as to the Isthmus of Suez question, 
 he had had a conference lasting three hours with the 
 Grand Yizier, and that, in view of the impossibility 
 of obtaining a negative solution from the Council, 
 they had agreed upon a plan to gain time. 
 
 " Eeschid Pasha is supposed, rightly or wrongly, 
 to be the noble lord's humble servant, and to be afraid 
 that he will lose his place when the influence of which 
 in private he complains very much, and says that he 
 should like to shake himself free, declines. But, as a 
 matter of fact, he always submits to the domination of 
 which he complains, and which is becoming intolerable 
 for the credit of France in the East. It would be 
 unwise to put too much faith in his protests, or to be 
 led astray by the approaching despatch of his son as 
 ambassador to Paris. He seems to me to be of too un- 
 decided a character to raise up Turkey out of the abase- 
 ment into which she has fallen, and to make a good 
 use of the elements of vitality which, in my opinion, 
 she still possesses. The result of the understanding 
 between him and the English Ambassador was that the 
 
238 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 Council deferred settling the question upon the pre- 
 text of the nomination of a commission of three, who, 
 without concerning themselves with the Suez Canal 
 itself, were to examine with me in detail the clauses 
 of the Egyptian firman. This firman, drawn up under 
 the inspiration of the Yiceroy, almost with his own 
 hand, one may say, already approved by the Cairo 
 Divan, and communicated to all the European Cabi- 
 nets, was the indispensable basis of the undertaking, 
 and was not even under consideration. I could not 
 follow my opponents upon this ground, and I had, 
 moreover, been specially instructed not to discuss it, 
 the Viceroy being quite resolved not to allow an act of 
 deference towards his suzerain to be converted into a 
 precedent which would accustom the Sublime Porte, 
 often subject to the pressure of fanaticism or foreign 
 influence, to hamper the action of the Egyptian in- 
 ternal administration. That intelligent Prince is 
 anxious to set his country a wholesome example, and 
 to create for himself resources as essential to the pros- 
 perity of the empire as they are to the real interests 
 of the empire. Eeschid Pasha seems to me to under- 
 stand the danger of the course he was about to enter 
 upon, and as he is very anxious to remain in the good 
 graces of the Yiceroy, he wants to cast all the respon- 
 sibility upon the Council, behind which he is accus- 
 tomed to shelter himself. I did not hesitate to tell 
 him that this would not suffice, and that he would, in 
 my opinion, be held entirely responsible not only by 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 239 
 
 the Yiceroy, but by the Governments of France and 
 Austria, both of which, as he knew, were in thorough 
 sympathy with the enterprise. I added that I had 
 made up my mind to return to Egypt, where the 
 Viceroy was awaiting me to prepare the organisation 
 of his scheme, pending the sovereign's authorisation 
 of it, about which there could be no doubt in the end, 
 and I congratulated myself on having, during my stay 
 in Constantinople, contributed to define the question, 
 while I carried with me the conviction that the Sultan 
 and his advisers were well disposed towards a work 
 the realisation of which seemed to me certain. I pro- 
 mised to convey to the Viceroy the intimation of these 
 friendly dispositions, which would, I hoped, be soon 
 followed by more practical results. 
 
 " In fine, my impressions, and those of the French 
 Embassy, as to the date, more or less immediate, at 
 which we shall obtain our aim are not unfavourable. 
 The expediency of my departure was concurred in by 
 Benedetti, who, I am glad to say, did all that it was 
 possible for one in his position to do." 
 
 To the same. 
 
 " Smyrna, March 10, 1855. 
 
 " My departure from Constantinople of course led 
 to the dissolution of the Commission, which had not 
 had time to meet. As the Turkish Government 
 naturally does not like to admit that the delay 
 deemed necessary before the Sultan comes to a deci- 
 
240 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 sion is caused by the fact of Lord Stratford de Eed- 
 cliffe having applied for instructions from London, 
 I have just been informed that upon the proposal 
 of Eeschid Pasha the Divan has reverted to its original 
 resolve of asking for some further explanations from 
 the Viceroy. The Austrian packet on board which 
 I am about to embark is doubtless conveying a second 
 letter from the Grand Yizier to the Viceroy. My 
 letters from Stamboul tell me that the British Ambas- 
 sador has been endeavouring to alarm the Porte by 
 dwelling upon the importance which this canal would 
 give to Egypt and to the Viceroy, to the ideas of 
 independence which it would foster, and to the 
 danger of ships of war passing through. All this is 
 very dastardly, and seems to show, among other 
 things, that England, more than any other Power, is 
 anxious to keep Turkey weak, in order to maintain 
 the idea that she alone is capable of protecting 
 her." 
 
 To the same. 
 " Saibie (on the Nile), March 18, 1855. 
 " A second letter dictated by Eeschid Pasha to 
 Kiamil Pasha, which the Viceroy only got yesterday, 
 repeats in an aggravated form the original objections. 
 This step, which is in contradiction with what the 
 Grand Vizier told me, and with the message of which 
 I was the bearer, is evidently the result of a plan 
 arranged by him and Lord Stratford. It has made 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 241 
 
 Said Pasha very angry, and has only served to 
 strengthen his resolve. 
 
 " I am very satisfied with the report of Linant and 
 Mougel, though it is not quite finished. It is so 
 clear and logical that it must carry conviction to 
 every mind." 
 
 To M. liippolijte Lafosse, Paris. 
 
 " Caibo, March 22, 1855. 
 
 " I asked you, through Madame Delamalle, to 
 express my sincere thanks to M. Thiers for the Avay 
 in which he has received the news of the Viceroy 
 having granted the concession for the canal between 
 the two seas. M. Thiers has always possessed in the 
 highest degree the sentiment of patriotism, and one 
 can always tell, when one hears him talk, or when 
 one reads his writings, that his heart has not been 
 desiccated in the wear and tear of business. It was he 
 who twenty years ago entrusted to me the conduct of 
 the French Consulate in Egypt. It was during that 
 period that I made the acquaintance of the young- 
 prince, now Yiceroy, and formed with him that 
 intimate friendship which has procured for me the 
 honour of being selected to carry out this great work. 
 It would be a work beyond my strength if I could 
 not count upon the sympathy and assistance of the 
 men whose opinions carry universal weight with them. 
 I have been anxious to say to M. Thiers how de- 
 lighted I should be if he would advocate the cause 
 
 VOL. I. R 
 
242 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 of the canal in his correspondence and conversation 
 with English statesmen, over whom he exercises so 
 deserved an influence. Give him, if you please, the 
 enclosed copies of my letters to the representatives 
 of Great Britain in Egypt and Constantinople. They 
 will prove to him that our only difficulties proceed 
 from England. It is upon England that we must 
 concentrate our efforts, and if M. Thiers, with his 
 wonderful talent for explaining his views, and with 
 the grandeur which they always possess, will take 
 up my cause, his opinion will -carry' great weight 
 with it. 
 
 "There is one point of view which will not have 
 escaped his notice. The opening of the Suez isthmus 
 will be a very powerful safety valve for the boiler of 
 European revolutions. In 1848 we had evidence of 
 how necessary it was to find occupation for an exu- 
 berant population, and to provide some useful em- 
 ployment for the turbulent energies of those whom 
 a rapid increase in the number of inhabitants had 
 left in enforced idleness. It is, therefore, in the 
 interests of all the nations of Europe to favour the 
 junction of the two seas, which offers so vast a field 
 to their present tendencies towards speculation and 
 locomotion. 
 
 " England does not like to confess the motives for 
 her opposition ; but she must make up her mind to 
 the fact that she can no longer claim the monopoly 
 of the ti'ade of the world, nor supremacy in all waters. 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 243 
 
 " Our continental wars and the weakening of all 
 other navies have enabled her to establish well- 
 selected points of vantage in every sea and to hamper 
 the trade of other nations. But this is no longer 
 possible. The dream of universal dominion has passed 
 away, as the empire of the first ISTapoleon showed. 
 If a nation, however powerful she might be, attempted 
 to debar a means of communication which, by right 
 of the respect due to the capital subscribed, would be 
 the common property of all nations, she would very 
 justly be banned by public opinion and would ulti- 
 mately have to withdraw her pretensions. It will be 
 wiser and more profitable for her to abandon her 
 exclusive ideas of omnipotence and enter into partner- 
 ship with other nations. Her share will always be 
 the largest when it is a question of trade, industry, 
 and navigation. 
 
 ***** 
 
 "You ask me upon what bases I propose to place 
 the financial part of the company. I have, upon that 
 point, only one principle, very firmly fixed it is true, 
 but the means for carrying out which must be left to 
 time and consideration. My object is that, in all 
 countries tJie largest ijossihle number of small share- 
 holders shall enjoy the fullest possible advantages. 
 
 " Suppose I was to come to an arrangement with 
 ten large bankers to make the concession over to 
 them, what would happen ? They would propose to 
 divide so many millions ; they would then distribute 
 
 r2 
 
24 f RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 to the 'vile mnltitnde,' without spending a penny 
 and with a high preminm, five hundred franc shares, 
 taking care to let it be known that, as is very likely 
 to be the case, these shares will one day yield an 
 interest of 20 or 30 per cent. 
 
 " Why should we not go direct to the public ? 
 The two latest French loans show what can be done 
 with small capitals. When a principle is sound, its 
 consequences are incalculable. You will say that the 
 Canal Company will not inspire the confidence which 
 a strongly-constituted Government enjoys. My answer 
 is that the junction of the Mediterranean and the 
 Indian Ocean, teeming with such immense results, 
 can be put so clearly before the public that the most 
 prejudiced will be convinced that no speculation 
 could offer a better chance of profit to those who take 
 part in it, and that when it is found that the cream of 
 the profit has not fallen a prey to a few brokers, 
 there will be no lack of shareholders. When they 
 see that the enterprise is entered upon without any 
 preliminary corruption or promises, when they know 
 that not a stiver has been spent in trying to obtain 
 the concession, either in Egypt or Constantinople, 
 and that, thanks to the generosity of the Viceroy, 
 the preliminary investigations have cost nothing, 
 they will regard all this as the best guarantee for 
 the future. 
 
 "You reproach me for not having had recourse 
 to your cash-box, which is open to me with a dis- 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 245 
 
 interestedness very consolatory to those who believe, 
 as I do, that in this world there is, as a rule, more 
 good than evil. You are aware that I have got 
 together a certain number of friends, each of whom 
 has paid in a sum of £200 to a common fund in- 
 tended to defray the preliminary expenses. It was 
 the privilege of myself and my family to lead the 
 way. But for the royal hospitality of 'my prince,' 
 you would be right in supposing that my expenses 
 would be pretty heavy. 
 
 "I am obliged to you for having delivered my 
 message to Barthelemy St. Hilaire ; I hope that his 
 beloved Aristotle will not carry the day, especially 
 as he would not need to give him up if he lent me 
 his aid." * 
 
 To H.R.H. the Due de Brabant (now King of the 
 Belgians). 
 
 " Cairo, March 23, 1855. 
 
 '' I have the honour to submit to your Eoyal High- 
 ness the documents relating to the Suez Canal, which 
 you expressed a desire to see, and I venture to hope 
 that you will call the attention of His Majesty the 
 King of the Belgians to the importance of the scheme, 
 and to the interest which the enlightened prince who 
 governs Egypt attaches to it. At a time when we 
 
 '''' Note of the Translator. — M. Barthelemy St. Hilaire, whom 
 M. de Lesseps induced to come out to Egypt with him, was busy 
 upon his famous translation of Aristotle, which is a work of great 
 erudition and value. 
 
246 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY FEARS. 
 
 have reason to fear that the undertaking will not 
 be appreciated as it deserves to be by some few 
 statesmen in Great Britain, the opinion of the king 
 your father, whose great experience and wise spirit of 
 conciliation have often rendered such service to 
 Europe, may be of immense weight. 
 
 "His Highness the Viceroy, in a reply to a letter 
 from Prince Metternich the other day, requested 
 him to thank the Emperor of Austria for the official 
 support which his internuncio at Constantinople had 
 given to this enterprise, as one of universal benefit, 
 and as one which could only be ojDposed out of narrow 
 and egotistical motives. I beg of your Eoyal High- 
 ness to accept my thanks and my gratitude for the 
 encouragement you have afforded me." 
 
 Confidential Memorandum to His Highness the 
 Viceroy. 
 "BouRAjAT (LowEE Egypt), March 26, 1855. 
 " Following upon a conversation between the 
 Emperor IN^apoleon and the English Ambassador, in 
 the cause of which the Emperor warmly advocated 
 your Highness's scheme for piercing the isthmus of 
 Suez, the English Ambassador had an interview 
 with the Minister of Foreign Affairs, and gave it to 
 be understood that instructions had been sent to 
 Constantinople to temporize only, and not to compro- 
 mise the political situation of England with regard to 
 France. 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 247 
 
 ' ' It would appear, therefore, that the English 
 Government, as we imagined, is not at all inclined to 
 compromise itself if the Sultan gives his sanction to 
 the scheme. 
 
 " It seems to me, in consequence, expedient that 
 the firman containing my powers for constituting a 
 Universal Company, which has up till now, at my 
 desire, remained in your Highness's possession, should 
 be handed over to me, 
 
 " Your Highness is aware that the firman relating 
 to the railway which England had asked for, under 
 Abbas Pasha, had been granted in Egypt, without 
 any previous authorization being demanded from Con- 
 stantinople. England then maintained that such an 
 authorization was not necessary. Upon the present 
 occasion, you have deemed it well to act more 
 guardedly, and you have done right; but prudence 
 has its limits. Your Highness is convinced, moreover, 
 that I shall not compromise you in any way, and that 
 I shall make only a discreet use of the powers granted 
 me. You have been pleased to recognise the fact that 
 my mission to Constantinople had placed the question 
 in a proper light, and had produced a good effect. 
 We must now lose no further time. France, Austria, 
 and the other Powers, support your Highness's 
 scheme. England cannot oppose it outright ; all she 
 can do is to endeavour to gain time. It would be 
 dangerous to let her do this. I repeat, then, that the 
 situation is excellent to enable us to do what we were 
 
2^8 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 agreed upon, viz., to continue our onward progress, 
 while your Highness keeps insisting upon the Porte 
 giving its decision. It will be desirable that, in 
 addition to the powers conferred under your High- 
 ness' s seal, which I will retain in my possession, and 
 only make use of in Europe when I have received 
 permission to do so, I should be the bearer of replies 
 to the special objections offered by Eeschid Pasha 
 and Kiamil Pasha." 
 
 To Count Th. de Lesseps^ Paris. 
 
 "Alexandria, April 5, 1855. 
 
 "My last letter of March 28th announced my 
 departure from Alexandria to go and meet the Vice- 
 roy on the Nile. I met him at Ivaferleis, and we 
 spent the evening on his yacht, returning by rail the 
 following day to Alexandria. As soon as I saw him 
 he began to complain very strongly of the attitude 
 assumed by his brother-in-law, Kiamil Pasha, and the 
 Grand Yizier, Avhose letters he had just read. He 
 says that the most fastidious and exaggerated argu- 
 ments have been used to alarm him and to intimidate 
 his courage, which, as I perceived, was beginning to 
 waver. He had even been threatened with the wrath 
 of England, whose fleet, once the Black Sea question 
 Avas settled, might come and attack him. 
 
 " He Avas told that he was very foolish to throw 
 himself into the arms of Prance, whose Government 
 and whose agents Avere very unstable, whereas the 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL 249 
 
 Englisli agents, on the contrary, are always backed up 
 and supported, tlieir rancour being, therefore, very 
 danseroiis. He was further tokl that the internal 
 tranquility of France and her external influence are 
 at the mercy of a pistol shot to which the Emperor 
 ISTapoleon may at any moment succumb ; and, lastly, he 
 is warned that if he persists in his scheme, he will 
 lose the good graces of the Sultan. I repeat what the 
 Yiceroy said word for word. Anyone who knew his 
 character would be aware that such a system of under- 
 hand intimidation would produce the very contrary 
 effect to that desired. 
 
 " Eeschid Pasha, with the aberration produced by 
 the terror which Lord Stratford de Eedcliffe causes him, 
 had not reckoned that Said Pasha had sufficient confi- 
 dence in me to disclose to me all his unworthy devices. 
 ."It must be allowed that the conduct of England 
 in this matter has been pitiful in the extreme. One 
 can understand that Lord Stratford de Eedcliffe, in 
 his conversation with me should have sheltered 
 himself behind official eventualities, though such an 
 attitude, suitable enough at the time of the Egyptian 
 firman being first granted, was scarcely applicable four 
 months afterwards. Eut to say now that he is awaiting 
 instructions is, as my cousin E. de Lesseps wittily put 
 it, equivalent to asking for soup after dinner is over. 
 
 "Is it possible, then, that the English Cabinet, not 
 seeing its v/ay to oppose the project upon grounds 
 that can be openly avowed, is reduced to offering, 
 
250 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 througli the moutli of its ambassador, who is supposed 
 to he airing merely his personal opinion, an opposition 
 as brutal as it is tortuous ? Such an opposition, un- 
 worthy of men who call themselves statesmen, could 
 only serve to delay a work which cannot be put 
 back, to discredit a Government and eventually to 
 immolate an able deplomatist who is destined to be 
 sacrificed to the good harmony of two nations whose 
 alliance is not always profitable to our good faith. 
 
 '' I naturally made these observations to the Vice- 
 roy, and he asked me if I had heard of the arrival 
 at Alexandria of a Turkish general from Constanti- 
 nople, and if anything had transpired with regard to 
 his mission. I told him that rumour had it that he 
 had come to ask for money, horses, and grain. 
 
 " When we arrived at Alexandria, the Yicero)^ sent 
 for this envoy, who was a general named Eeschid 
 Pasha. He handed a letter from Eiza Pasha, the 
 Sultan's Minister of War, appealing to the Viceroy's 
 generous feelings, and asking him, in view of the ex- 
 treme gravity of afi'airs, for an extraordinary subsidy 
 in the shape of horses, mules, and grain. Two days 
 after this, the Prince called me on one side and, with 
 a very satisfied air, spoke as follows : — 
 
 " ' I replied to Eiza Pasha that if his demand had 
 come to me through the Porte, with which I had 
 every reason to be dissatisfied just then, I should 
 have refused point blank ; but that desirous of making 
 myself agreeable to the minister who had shown him- 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 251 
 
 self more favourable than any of his colleagues to the 
 making of the Suez Canal, and who had not scrupled 
 to advocate it in council against an opposition of which 
 some others stood so much in dread, I was very much 
 disposed to send him what he asked for ; but that as 
 we must all of us look after our own interests, I 
 should, for the present, only get the horses, mules, 
 and corn together, and hold them ready to send back 
 by the vessel which brought the Sultan's sanction to 
 my scheme for making the canal.' 
 
 " The Viceroy also wrote a second letter to his 
 brother-in-law, Kiamil Pasha, rebuking him in very 
 round terms for his threats as to what the English 
 fleet would do, and he displayed in the whole of this 
 correspondence a ready wit and firm will, upon which 
 I offered him my sincere compliments. He himself 
 dictated the letter to Eiza Pasha, in the presence of 
 the envoy, and this will show that when I spoke in 
 the name of the Prince at Constantinople I knew what 
 his real wishes and views were. 
 
 " The letters which I received from all quarters prove 
 how sympathetically the project of the Suez Canal is 
 received in Europe. This is how M. Guizot writes to 
 Count d'Escayrac : — 
 
 " ' I am very desirous that the canal should be made, 
 chiefly for the benefit of the civilised world, and in a 
 minor degree out of amour-propre. It will be the 
 realisation of one of the designs which I have, I will 
 not say dreamt of, but in a measure foreseen and 
 
252 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 begun. The present Yiceroy, by carrying out this 
 great enterprise, "will confer high honour upon him- 
 self, and will elevate in no small degree the role of 
 Egypt in the aifairs of the world. I cannot say, nor 
 can any one else, what will be the fate of the Maho- 
 metan East as a consequence of the efforts which are 
 now being made — whether to maintain it, or to trans- 
 form — but, in any event, the great canal from the 
 Mediterranean to the Suez will transform the relations 
 of Europe and Asia. This is a result which is worth 
 working for, and which may be attained amidst the 
 storms and obscurities of the war now in progress.' " 
 
 To the same. 
 
 "Alexandria, Ajoril 8, 1855. 
 
 " M. Baude, in the Beime des Deux Mondes, advocates 
 the roundabout route for the canal proposed by Tala- 
 bot, aud he bases his argument for it upon the state- 
 ment that the delta and alluvial deposits on the east 
 coast of Egypt are due entirely to the mud from the 
 Nile, which will block up the entrance to the canal at 
 the Mediterranean end. This is an erroneous view, 
 which the subjoined report of Linant Bey and Mougel 
 Bey will serve to dispel ; and it will, I may add, 
 be much easier and less costly to execute the works 
 required for preventing any silting up of the kind 
 than to make the canal by the roundabout route, which 
 is two hundred miles long, and which would necessi- 
 tate from eighteen to twenty-four locks and a very 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 253 
 
 light draught of water. The subjoined report I am 
 having translated and reprinted in several languages. 
 
 Preliminary Report of MM. Linant Bey and Mougel 
 Bey, dated Cairo, March 20, 1855. 
 
 " The Isthmus of Suez is a narrow neck of land, 
 the two extreme points of which are Pelusium and 
 Suez. It forms within a space of from thirty to forty 
 leagues, a longitudinal depression, resulting from the 
 intersection of the two plains, descending by a gentle 
 slope, the one from Egypt, the other from the first 
 hills of Asia. ITature herself seems to have traced 
 this line of communication between the two seas. 
 
 ''The geological conformation of the soil leads one 
 to believe that in early days the sea covered the valley 
 of the isthmus ; for there are still several vast basins 
 there, the largest of which, called the Bitter Lakes, 
 preserves evident traces of the waters of the sea. 
 
 "This basin and that of Lake Timsah will, there 
 can be no doubt, be of immense value in the formation 
 of a canal. The Bitter Lakes, to begin with, present 
 a natural passage which will require no cutting, and a 
 reservoir of water for feeding it with, and superficies 
 of 330 million square metres. Then, again, Lake Tim- 
 sah, situated half way between Suez and Pelusium, 
 becomes, in the event of the direct route being taken, 
 the inland port of the canal, at which ships will find 
 all they require in the way of revictualling or repairs, 
 and which might, if needful, be a depot for their 
 
2 54 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 mercliaiidise. It seems certain that from Suez to Pe- 
 Insium, the excavation will be made in loose earth, 
 which can he moved by hand down to the water-line, 
 and with dredges down to the bed of the canal. 
 
 " Some people are afraid that a canal cut through 
 the isthmus would soon silt up, and would, therefore, 
 be so costly to maintain, that it would have to be 
 abandoned after it had been made. This objection is 
 refuted by what we saw in December and January ; 
 for we could trace the encampments of the engineers 
 who were at work in 1847, and, to go back many 
 centuries, we may add that the banks of the ancient 
 canal of the Pharaohs and the Caliphs are still visible. 
 
 "l!To doubt the tropical rains of twelve centuries 
 have formed ravines through these banks, and in 
 places have filled them, but nowhere are they buried 
 beneath the sand, and there are still to be seen upon 
 the surface vestiges of antiquity several thousand 
 years old. It is only upon one part of the line of 
 the canal, as we approach Lake Timsah, that the 
 sand banks appear to undergo changes of shape 
 rather than of position. All the sand hills which 
 form a chain between the extremity of the lake and 
 Pelusium have long since been settled permanently in 
 their places by the different plants which have grown 
 up beneath the influence of the moisture and the heat. 
 
 " The question which remained to be solved was 
 that as to the mouth of the canal, both at the Mediter- 
 ranean and the Eed Sea end. 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 255 
 
 '^ We had to consider whether the running out to 
 sea of a double jetty thirty feet deep, with a canal 
 between broad enough and deep enough to admit the 
 passage of the largest vessels, would present insur- 
 mountable difficulties. We came to the conclusion 
 that there was nothing to prevent the establishment 
 of these jetties, adducing in proof the Cherbourg Jetty, 
 which is more than 21 miles long, and goes down 
 nearly 50 feet into the water; the Plymouth Mole, 
 which is nearly seven-eighths of a mile long, and is 36 
 feet deep ; and that of Lion Bay, Cape of Good Hope, 
 which is 5 miles long and more than 50 feet deep. 
 
 " All of these works have been attended with diffi- 
 culties, arising from the force of the current and the 
 depth of the water, which would not occur here. It 
 has been asserted that the coast at Pelusium was sub- 
 ject to the alluvial deposits of the Nile, and that in 
 these parts the sea was charged with such thick mud 
 that it would soon block up the entrance to the canal. 
 But we know as a matter of fact that Pelusium, or 
 rather its ruins, is the same distance from the coast 
 that it was in Strabo's time, 50 years B.C., that is to 
 say, rather less than two English miles. 
 
 " On the Suez side the process of silting up has 
 got to be a very slow one, for when the j^lan of the 
 harbour was taken in 1847 the soundings corresponded 
 almost exactly to those of the French expedition in 
 1799, and both of these tally with Commodore 
 Moresby's chart of the Eed Sea. 
 
256 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 " So that all that need be clone on this side of the 
 isthmus would be to make two jetties, to form a canal, 
 and take it up the gulf to a point where there would 
 be sufficient water for navigation. 
 
 "The roadstead of Suez is protected from all winds, 
 except from the south-east, and the ill-effects of this 
 might be guarded against by prolonging the eastern 
 jetty to the south. Moreover, even as it is, all the 
 vessels which come into the Suez roads are quite 
 safe in bad weather, and the corvette store-shij) of 
 the East India Company, which has been there 
 for two years and a-half, has never sustained any 
 damage. 
 
 " Having thus ascertained the possibility of making 
 a canal through the isthmus, it is essential to show 
 Egypt can be put in communication with the mari- 
 time canal. Near Lake Timsah the longitudinal de- 
 pression of the isthmus is joined, at right angles, by 
 another and not less remarkable valley, which is called 
 in Arabic Ouadee-Tomilat. It is at present an unculti- 
 vated desert, but this desert was formerly the fertile 
 land of Goshen, and the valley receives, throughout its 
 whole extent, the overflow of the Nile's lateral 
 canals, and seems thus to furnish a natural line of 
 communication between that stream and the maritime 
 canal. 
 
 " Our proposal is to cut through this valley a canal 
 which would serve not only to irrigate the soil, but 
 for internal navigation, while it would also be useful 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 257 
 
 for conveying sweet water to tlie men employed on 
 the isthmus. 
 
 '' There would be two secondary branches of the 
 Sweet "Water Canal above Lake Timsah, one towards 
 Suez, the other towards Pelusium. The expenses of 
 the project are estimated at seven and a-half millions. 
 
 ' ' The last question examined by us is as to whether 
 the capital invested in this work would yield a fair 
 return, and this, leaving out of consideration all 
 general considerations as to the rapid extension of 
 traffic in all parts of the world, can be answered in 
 the affirmative upon more special grounds according to 
 the most recent statistics. The total value of the 
 exchanges between Europe and I^orth America u^^on 
 the one hand, and the countries beyond the Cape of 
 Good Hope and Caj)e Horn on the other, exceed a 
 hundred millions sterling, and this total is certain to 
 be still higher by the time that the canal is open. 
 These goods represent, at the very moderate estimate of 
 <£24 a-ton, six million tons, and it is fair to imagine 
 that nearly the whole of this freight will, in a very 
 short time, go through the canal. But if we take 
 only half of it and put the charge at ten francs a ton, 
 we shall find that there will be still a great saving 
 for ships using the canal; and we are so convinced 
 that the above estimates will be rapidly exceeded that 
 we suggest that the company shall insert in its 
 statutes a clause providing that the rates of charge 
 should be lowered as soon as the dividend reached 20 
 
 VOL. I. s 
 
258 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 per cent., so that the trade of the world should have 
 its share in the advantages of this great and useful 
 enterprise." 
 
 To Madame Delamalle., Paris. 
 
 " Alexandria, April 21, 1855. 
 
 " You tell me that several financiers are trying to 
 put themselves forward in connection with the canal ; 
 hut what makes me so independent of them is that 
 the position is that of being charged with the exclu- 
 sive powers of the Yiceroy, whom I have always at 
 my hack, as being after all master in his own house- 
 hold, whereas if he had given me the concession before 
 the formation of the company, he- would, so to speak, 
 have abandoned his rights, and I should not have 
 been so strong to resist the importunings of specu- 
 lators and governments. 
 
 "When I conceived the idea of asking for powers 
 instead of a concession, I did not know that the same 
 thought had occurred to Prince Louis ^Napoleon at the 
 time when he was bestowing a good deal of attention 
 upon the means of making the Interoceanic American 
 Canal. In 1842, while a prisoner at Ham, he gave a 
 great deal of consideration to this question, and he 
 afterwards asked an ofiicer of the French navy who 
 was starting for Central America to examine the 
 ground and let him know whether the scheme was a 
 practicable one. The officer did so, and his report 
 was embodied by the Prince in a very interesting 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 259 
 
 pamphlet, wMch was published in London, though 
 only a very few copies were printed. 
 
 " In 1846, the Prince received while still at Ham a 
 letter from M. de Montenegro, Minister of Foreign 
 Affairs in Mcaragua, who officially conferred upon 
 him, ' all the powers necessary for organizing a com- 
 pany in Europe,' and further informed him that the 
 Government of that State had determined that the 
 new route should be called the Canale Napoleone. 
 
 "The French Government did not even reply to 
 a letter from the Prince, who asked that he might 
 be allowed to leave for America to undertake this 
 mission, and I have reason to believe that he was on 
 the point of going there from London when the Eevo- 
 lution of 1848 opened the gates of France to him. 
 
 "Those who, like myself, did not rejoice at his acces- 
 sion or vote for the Empire, cannot fail to perceive, 
 when travelling in foreign countries, how much he 
 has raised the name of France, and must admit that 
 the good sense and instinct of the people were better 
 to be trusted than their own feelings of repugnance. 
 
 " I have in my hands a memorandum which the 
 Prince wrote in English, and of which I translate you 
 a few extracts : — 
 
 " ' Central America (if I substitute Turkey the 
 Prince's argument will hold good of the Suez Canal) 
 can only hope to emerge from its languor by following 
 the example of the United States, that is to say by 
 borrowing hands and capital from Europe. 
 
 s2 
 
26o RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 " ' The prosperity of Central America concerns the 
 interests of civilisation at large, and the best way of 
 labouring for the good of humanity is to break down 
 the barriers which divide nations, races, and indi- 
 viduals. It is the course indicated to us by Chris- 
 tianity, and by the efforts of the great men who have 
 appeared at intervals upon the world's stage. The 
 Christian religion teaches us that we are all brothers, 
 and that in the eyes of God the slave is the equal of 
 his master; so in the same way the Asiatic, the 
 African, and the Indian are the equal of the European. 
 Upon the other hand, the great men of the earth have, 
 by means of the wars which they have waged, min- 
 gled together different races, and left behind them 
 some of those imperishable monuments, such as the 
 levelling of mountains, the clearing of forests and the 
 canalizing of rivers, which, by facilitating communica- 
 tions, tend to bring nearer together and to knit in 
 friendship individuals and nations. War and com- 
 merce have civilised the world. Commerce is still 
 following up its conquests. Let us open a new 
 route for it. Let us bring Europe closer to the 
 peoples of Oceania and Australia, and enable the 
 latter to share in the blessings of Christianity and 
 civilisation. 
 
 '"In order to carry out this great enterprise, we 
 appeal to all men of religion and of intelligence, for it 
 is one worthy of their zeal and sympathy. We invoke 
 the assistance of all statesmen, because every nation 
 
TFIE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 261 
 
 is interested in the establishment of new and easy 
 communications between the two hemispheres ; and, 
 finally, we appeal to capitalists, because, while sharing 
 in a glorious enterprise, they have the certainty of 
 deriving great pecuniary advantages.' 
 
 "lam about to decide in the course of a few days 
 with the Viceroy about my return to France." 
 
 Confidential Note to the Viceroy. 
 
 "Alexandria, ^4^jriZ 28, 1855. 
 
 " As a guide to our conduct with regard to the 
 canal, I send your Highness confidentially the private 
 information which has reached me from Paris and 
 Constantinople. 
 
 "Let me begin with Paris. The first intimation 
 of your Highness' s project was conveyed to M. Drouyn 
 de Lhuys, the Minister of Foreign Afi'airs, in a telegram 
 from Marseilles on December loth, M. Thouvenel, 
 the Political Director of the Ministry, sent word of 
 this to my brother, the Director of Commercial Affairs 
 in the Ministry. The next day M. Drouyn de Lhuys 
 received a visit from Lord Cowley, the English 
 Ambassador, who came in a great state of mind to 
 ask for explanations as to what was being done in 
 Egypt, and to inquire whether there was any previous 
 understanding between the French Government and 
 myself. M. Drouyn de Lhuys told him the simple 
 truth, when he said that he was entirely ignorant of 
 what was being done in Egypt, that he did not see 
 
262 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 me before I started, and that it was a well known fact 
 that since my mission to Eome, I had had no dealings 
 with the Emperor or his Government. He added, 
 with much dignity, however, that if the report which 
 he had just heard for the first time turned out to be 
 a fact, he should personally be very delighted, and 
 should be fully prepared to support the undertaking. 
 
 "Lord Cowley then addressed himself to the Em- 
 peror, whose attitude of reserve was interpreted as 
 being favourable to the views of the English cabinet. 
 One of my friends, feeling somewhat uneasy on that 
 score, instituted inquiries, and he writes me : ' The 
 Empress asks me to say that, upon her again ques- 
 tioning the Emperor, the latter told her not to be 
 alarmed, adding these words, " The affair will be car- 
 ried through.'' She insisted on being allowed to keep 
 the letters and documents, and said that she was 
 anxious to peruse them all and thoroughly understand 
 the whole question.' 
 
 "The Emperor, who has also transacted business 
 with M. Thouvenel, in the absence of M. Drouyn de 
 Lhuys, spoke in very favourable terms on the subject. 
 He instructed M. Thouvenel to write to Count Walew- 
 ski in London, so that he might explain the matter 
 to the English cabinet, and give them to know how 
 much he was interested in it, with the intention of 
 himself discussing the subject in higher quarters 
 when he goes to England with the Empress, as he 
 will do shortly, on a visit to the Queen. 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 263 
 
 ''A letter from Constantinople whicli I have just re- 
 ceived is to the following effect : — 
 
 " ' M. Benedetti has been shown the correspondence 
 between Kiamil Pasha and his brother-in-law the 
 Yiceroy, and he has succeeded in obtaining the notes 
 written by Eeschid Pasha himself, and which served 
 as data for this correspondence. He first of all 
 sought for a direct explanation from the Grand 
 Yizier, whom he charged with having inspired the 
 letter in which the Emperor's name is made such an 
 improper use of. The Grand Yizier defended himself 
 as best he could — that is to say, very badly — laying all 
 the blame upon Kiamil. Instructions were asked for 
 from Paris, the Sultan was made acquainted with 
 what had occurred, and, after several ministerial 
 councils had been held, Eeschid Pasha has been dis- 
 missed out of deference to the just susceptibilities of 
 the French Government.' 
 
 " The upshot of all this is that we shall be left in 
 peace so far as Constantinople is concerned for some 
 time to come. I am therefore free to return to 
 France to carry on my propaganda, and to act in 
 accordance with the programme to which your High- 
 ness has been pleased to agree." 
 
 To Count Til. de Lessejos^ Faris. 
 
 " Alexandkia, May 19, 1855. 
 "Before embarking for France I have had a con- 
 versation with Mr. Bruce, the British Consul. He 
 
264 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 himself opened the subject of the Suez Canal, and 
 told me that he had not received a line from his 
 Government, which had not even acknowledged re- 
 ceipt of the documents I had submitted to him. He 
 expressed a hope that my approaching visit to Paris 
 and London would contribute to bring about an un- 
 derstanding, if necessary, between the two Govern- 
 ments, especially since the Viceroy had determined to 
 carry the railway as far as Suez, as this step, very 
 favourably received by public opinion in England, 
 removed, he thought, all pretext for opposing the 
 scheme of a canal. Our conversation took place in 
 presence of Lord Haddo, the Earl of Aberdeen's eldest 
 son. I am much afraid that if Mr. Bruce is sincere 
 in what he says he will not long be the representa- 
 tive of the English cabinet in Egypt. 
 
 " I shall find in M. Walewski, our new Minister 
 of Foreign Affairs, a very cordial partisan of the 
 Suez Canal, for in a recent letter from London he 
 promised me his heartiest support for an enterprise of 
 which he had himself spoken to Mehemet Ali when 
 in Egypt fifteen years ago." 
 
 Note addressed to Count Walewsici, Minister of 
 Foreign Affairs. 
 
 "Paris, June 7, 1855. 
 " I beg of Count Walewski to be pleased to ask the 
 Emperor for instructions as to my journey to London, 
 whither I am ready to start at once. 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 265 
 
 "I am of opinion that the wisest plan will be to 
 let the Suez Canal Scheme retain its private character 
 and not allow it to be dependent upon the will of a 
 government which might not be favourable to the 
 project. 
 
 " Should I be called upon to reply to any objections 
 or proposals which should be made, may I say that 
 the Imperial Government would be disposed, concur- 
 rently with England, to declare without further delay 
 that at no period should the commercial navigation be 
 interfered with by a belligerent Power ? 
 
 " In order not to ruffle foreign susceptibilities, it is 
 essential to point out, whenever the opportunity 
 arises, that the concession of the Suez Canal has not 
 been granted to a Frenchman, or to a French com- 
 pany. M. de Lesseps, as a friend of the Yiceroy, has 
 received exclusive powers from him to form a Universal 
 Company, to which only the concession will be 
 granted." 
 
 Note for the Emperor. 
 
 "Paris, June 9, 1855. 
 " In the audience Avhich your Majesty was pleased 
 to accord me 3^ou advised me to proceed at once to 
 London, and to get into communication with The 
 Times. 
 
 " I have the honour to inform your Majesty that I 
 am ready to start, and that Mr. O'Meagher, the 
 correspondent of The Times in Paris, with whom I 
 
266 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 was on very friendly terms during the risings in 
 Barcelona, and when I was Minister at Madrid, was 
 sending to the manager of The Times the enclosed 
 letter, which embodies his own views as to the Suez 
 Canal Scheme. 
 
 " The Times^f June loth, 1855. — ' The project for cut- 
 ting a canal through the Isthmus of Suez begins to 
 occupy so much the attention of the public, notwith- 
 standing the absorbing interest attached to our opera- 
 tions in the Crimea, that it may not be considered 
 out of place to say a few words respecting it. It 
 appears that in ISTovember last the Viceroy of Egypt 
 communicated to the Consuls-General accredited to 
 him a firman, in virtue of which M. Ferdinand de 
 Lesseps was authorised to organise a '' Universal 
 Company," to which the concession of the construction 
 of the canal should be accorded. The terms of the 
 firman exclude the idea which had been entertained, 
 that the said concession was exclusively granted to a 
 single French subject, or even to a French company. 
 It was granted to an association of shareholders of 
 every country, to be constituted by the person already 
 named as the representative or negotiator of the Yice- 
 roy. M. de Lesseps at the outset gave complete 
 explanations to Mr. Bruce, her Britannic Majesty's 
 diplomatic agent and Consul- General in Egypt. In 
 the letter addressed from Cairo, on the 27th of 
 November, to that gentleman the negotiator expressed 
 his earnest desire to avoid everything which could 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 267 
 
 give the slightest "ambrage to national jealousy of any 
 kind. It is, moreover, affirmed that he contributed in 
 no slight degree to the completion of the railroad 
 from Cairo to Suez, the consequences of which have 
 been so beneficial. M. de Lesseps proceeded to Con- 
 stantinople, and placed himself in friendly communi- 
 cation with Lord Stratford de Eedcliff'e, and, through 
 the Grand Vizier, delivered to him from the Yiceroy 
 of Egypt an official letter, in which the construction 
 of the canal was described as most useful. He ab- 
 stained from pressing for the ratification of the Sultan 
 the moment he perceived a shadow of opposition on 
 the ]3art of the English Ambassador.' " 
 
 "Paris, June 14, 1855. 
 
 " M. Thouvenel was yesterday received in audience 
 by the Emperor prior to his departure for Constanti- 
 nople, where he has been appointed ambassador, and 
 the Emperor, in handing him his written instructions, 
 verbally told him to lose no time in informing the 
 Porte and the Sultan that it was his wish that the 
 ratification should be sent direct to the Yiceroy, 
 and in expressing his dissatisfaction should Lord 
 Stratford de Eedcliffe's efi'orts to prevent this being 
 done succeed. 
 
 " The Emperor's private secretary has informed me 
 that I shall be able to leave for London towards the 
 end of the week, so you see that everything is pro- 
 gressing very favourably. M. Barthelemy St. Hilaire 
 
268 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 has begun to lend me liis aid. I enclose you a note 
 whicli I have received from Baron James de Eoths- 
 child, to whom I was enabled to render some little 
 service "while I was Minister at Madrid. I have had 
 the interview with him which in his note he proposes. 
 He asked me what my intentions Avere with regard to 
 the financial organization of the scheme. I told him 
 frankly that I did not intend to enter into any posi- 
 tive engagement, that the matter was under careful 
 consideration, and that I did not intend to bring it 
 forward until all uncertainty with regard to the exe- 
 cution of the scheme had been cleared up, but that as 
 soon as ever circumstances allowed he would be one 
 of the first persons whose co-operation I should seek. 
 He said that he thought I had chosen a very wise 
 course, and offered to assist me in any way that lay 
 in his power. Hearing that I was going to England, 
 he gave me the following letter to his London house, 
 which, considering how great is the perspicacity of 
 this prince of finance, I regard as a very favourable 
 symptom. 
 
 " ' We have the pleasure to introduce to you M. 
 Ferdinand de Lesseps, who has just arrived from 
 Egypt, where he has, as you know, been busily en- 
 gaged in studying the question of making a canal 
 through the Isthmus of Suez. 
 
 " 'We do not doubt that you will be very pleased 
 to see M. de Lesseps, who proposes to discuss this 
 subject with you. "We beg to commend him to you 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 269 
 
 most favourably and request you to give the utmost 
 attention to his interesting communications, the im- 
 portance of which will be as apparent to you as it is 
 to us.' 
 
 "Upon the other hand, M. Thiers informed me this 
 morning that Lord Ashburton, a partner in the great 
 banking firm of Baring Brothers, who is now in Paris, 
 had written to his firm as well as to his friends in the 
 most favourable terms of the Suez Canal, and that I 
 shall be very cordially received by them." 
 
 To Count Til. de Lesseps, Paris. 
 
 "London, June 25, 1855. 
 
 " I am in a position to give you a slight sketch of 
 my first proceedings and of what has come of them. 
 To begin with, I have had two very long consulta- 
 tions with the principal manager of The Times. He 
 considers that England has no serious objection to 
 off'er against the proposed canal, that those hitherto 
 raised rest on no solid basis, and that as the article 
 sent from Paris by Mr. 0' Meagher, which appeared 
 in The Times of the 13th, presented the question in a 
 very clear and favourable light, we might agree to 
 choose the time most suitable for recurring to the 
 matter. In the meanwhile he has promised me — and 
 that is the essential point- — not to take part against 
 the project, and as several letters from an English 
 correspondent at Alexandria, written in a spirit hostile 
 to the scheme, had been sent to the paper, this corre- 
 
2 70 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 spondent is to be communicated with and asked to 
 examine the question without prejudice, and ascertain 
 if it is really believed in Egypt that the project is 
 practicable. 
 
 " Then again Mr. Eeeve, one of the Secretaries of 
 the Queen's Privy Council, who has great influence 
 with The Times, to which he is a frequent contributor, 
 though he does not admit the soft impeachment, was 
 very explicit. I was specially recommended to him 
 by M. Barthelemy St. Hilaire, his intimate friend, in 
 whom he has the utmost confidence. He told me that I 
 might be certain of not encountering any preconceived 
 opposition, and he added — 
 
 " ' It would be degrading that England should have 
 an interest in rejecting a scheme which would be 
 beneficial to the whole world. Upon the contrary, we 
 should derive more benefit from it than anyone else- 
 All that you have to do is to show the public that it 
 is feasible ; that English capital, as well as that of 
 other nations, will be allowed to share in it ; and that 
 there will be no special privileges for any one nation.' 
 
 "By the advice of Lady Tankerville, a friend of 
 Lady Palmerston, I called upon Lord Palmerston one 
 morning, with a letter of introduction from Paris. He 
 received me at once, but I thought that I could see at 
 once that his mind was made up on the subject. I 
 entered upon it at once, and asked him if he could 
 spare the time to discuss it with me openly, and not 
 scriiple to tell me what his objections really were. He 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 271 
 
 repeated, word for word, the remarks contained in 
 Lord Clarendon's despatch, to Lord Cowley, which had 
 evidently been dictated by him, or at all events drawn 
 up nnder his inspiration. The subject was a familiar 
 one to me, so I was at no loss to reply more in detail 
 than I could to the note which was shown me in Paris 
 the day before I left. I could not hope in a first con- 
 versation, prolonged though it was, to modify or shake 
 the conviction of a man of Lord Palmerston's character, 
 but I was pleased to find that my arguments were 
 unanswerable ; that, despite his facility of speech and 
 lucidity of intellect, he had no serious reply to make. 
 He evidently had in reserve other objections which 
 had not yet been produced. With an air of lonhomie^ 
 he went on to say : — ' I do not hesitate to tell you 
 what my apprehensions are. They consist in the first 
 place of the fear of seeing the commercial and mari- 
 time relations of Great Britain upset by the opening 
 of a new route which, in being open to the navigation 
 of all nations, will deprive us of the advantages which 
 we at present possess. I will confess to you also that 
 I look with apprehension to the uncertainty of the 
 future as regards France — a future which any states- 
 man is bound to consider from the darkest side, un- 
 bounded as is our confidence in the loyalty and sin- 
 cerity of the Emperor ; but after he has gone things 
 may alter.' 
 
 " I then asked Lord Palmerston to examine at his 
 leisure all the questions relating to the political side 
 
272 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY FEARS. 
 
 of the affair, with the conviction that from an impartial 
 and nnprejudicecl consideration of them, it wonld be 
 clear to him : 
 
 "1st. That England was more interested than any 
 other nation in the ronte to India being shortened by 
 more than three thousand leagues. 
 
 " 2nd. That if in the remote probability of its ever 
 unfortunately happening that France and England 
 should be embroiled, it would be easy to prove that 
 the opening of the Suez Canal would not be a cause 
 of weakness to Great Britain, mistress as she is of all 
 the important passes and maritime stations between 
 the metropolis and India. It must also be borne in 
 mind that, since the introduction of steam, the condi- 
 tions of a war between the two countries are different, 
 and that the Erench, a people who do not travel much, 
 would not attack England in India when she was 
 within two hours of their coast. I added, moreover, 
 that if at some future time the execution of the canal 
 was deemed possible by engineering science, and if 
 the free capital of all nations saw therein a source 
 of material profit, irrespective of all political influence, 
 the Governments of Erance and England were upon 
 sufficiently intimate terms to agree upon such mea- 
 sures as would guarantee their mutual interests ; that 
 I had no mission to treat of this subject, and that my 
 sole object in coming to London, as delegate of the 
 Yiceroy, had been to ascertain for myself the state of 
 public opinion on the Suez Canal, and to endeavour 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 273 
 
 to give in all good faith all the information in my 
 power, both as to the possibility and advantages of 
 the undertaking, as well as to the universal principle 
 of satisfying all the interests which were entitled to 
 consideration in the matter. 
 
 " This first conversation was only preliminary. It 
 was very deferential on my part, and conducted with 
 much courtesy by Lord Palmerston, who gave me 
 more of his time than I could have expected that he 
 would. A few hours later I received an invitation 
 from Lady Palmerston to spend an evening at her 
 house. 
 
 " I have not yet spoken to you of M. de Persigny, 
 our ambassador, but I may tell you that we seem likely 
 to work in complete harmony with each other, and 
 that I met him the same evening at Lady Palmerston's. 
 Yesterday I dined with Mr. James Wilson, Secretary 
 to the Treasury, a very distinguished economist, who 
 has offered me his services, as has Mr. Edward EUice, 
 a friend of M. Thiers, and one of the most influential 
 members of the House of Commons. Mr. Ellice has 
 introduced me to several of his colleagues, and he has 
 asked me to dine with him on the 2nd of July, and 
 meet several political and financial personages who 
 will be of use to me. His handsome residence is close 
 to where I am staying, and I have a general invita- 
 tion to go and breakfast with him in his study at nine 
 every morning. I have had an interesting conversa- 
 tion with M. de Pannizzi, the librarian of the British 
 
 VOL. I. T 
 
274 RECOLLECTIONS OB FORTY YEARS. 
 
 Museum, witli reference to a work in English wMch. 
 I am preparing, and wliich it is generally tliought 
 will be of considerable use." 
 
 To Baron de BrucJc^ Minister of Finance at Vienna. 
 
 "London, June 28, 1855. 
 
 "My journey to Vienna will be somewhat delayed 
 by my prolonged stay in London, where I have to 
 meet diflB.culties and objections arising from a mistaken 
 appreciation of the affair. I must not fail to tell you 
 that the reports and speeches of Mr. Eobert Stephen- 
 son, a member of the company formed for studying the 
 question in 1847, and the recent article in the Revue 
 des Deux Monde s., in favour of a roundabout route, by 
 means of a bridge canal carried along the two branches 
 of the stream and fed by the water of that river, have 
 contributed in no small degree to create erroneous 
 impressions in the public mind, and to make some 
 people believe that the piercing of the isthmus is an 
 impossibility, and to make others believe that it can 
 only be executed at a cost of labour and money out of 
 all proportion to the revenue to be derived from it. 
 
 " The Viceroy still defrays all the expenses of the 
 preliminary experiments, and it will not be until the 
 commission of engineers, well versed in hydraulics, 
 to which he proposes to entrust the drawing up of the 
 definite scheme, has reported upon the matter, that we 
 shall proceed to organise the company and open a 
 subscription for shares." 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAI. 275 
 
 To Count Th. de Lesse^ys, Paris. 
 
 "London, June 30, 1855. 
 
 " I yesterday had an interview with. Lord Claren- 
 don, the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, who 
 certainly has no preconceived hostility to the project, 
 like Lord Palmerston. I think that the best thing I 
 can do is to give you the substance of the conversa- 
 tion which took place, by putting it in the form of a 
 dialogue, though I may add that we began by having 
 a chat over our friends in Spain, where we first met 
 in 1848. 
 
 ^'Ml/self. — Entrusted by the Viceroy with the pre- 
 parations for organising a Universal Company for the 
 piercing of the Isthmus of Suez, I was desirous of ascer- 
 taining for myself the state of public opinion in Eng- 
 land, and of explaining to any one who was anxious 
 to be enlightened on the subject: — 1st, That the 
 affair has not been undertaken by any government, or 
 to the exclusive profit of any nation. 2nd, That the 
 enterprise is materially practicable — that is to say, 
 that the estimated expenses will be proportional to the 
 profits accruing from the trafiic. 3rd, That there is 
 no intention of soliciting the intervention of the 
 British Government, or of making at present any 
 appeal to investors. 4th, That the most able of 
 European engineers will be called upon to decide as to 
 the possibility of the work being carried out, and as 
 to its cost. 5th. That when once the enterprise has 
 been found to be practicable, investors, large or small, 
 
 t2 
 
276 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 will be at liberty to subscribe without any regard to 
 politics. 6tb, That the Yiceroy, having completed 
 the railway from Alexandria to Cairo, at the cost of 
 the Egyptian treasury, and being now engaged in 
 making the final section from Cairo to Suez, had been 
 anxious to give full satisfaction to England. And 
 7th, That the Suez Canal, having been of his own free 
 will made over to private enterprise, there was no 
 fear of the resources of the country which he ruled 
 being imperilled, and that his only aim was to further 
 the interests of Egypt and of his Suzerain. All that 
 I now ask you is to examins the question calmly and 
 impartially, being convinced that a mind so enlight- 
 ened as yours will not admit it to be possible that an 
 event so profi.table to the moral ^and material interests 
 of the whole world can be detrimental to the power 
 or commercial relations of England. 
 
 " Lord C. — I will not conceal from you that the tra- 
 dition of our Government has, up to the present, been 
 hostile to the making of a canal through the Isthmus 
 of Suez. I have myself, since I have had to deal with 
 this question, been compelled to conform my opinion 
 accordingly, and I confess it is not favourable to the 
 scheme. 
 
 "We then discussed the objections raised in Lord 
 Cowley's note. 
 
 '-'■ Mijself. — It seems after what has been said by 
 yourself as well as by me that the opinion which you 
 may have formed before you were acquainted with 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 2-11 
 
 the new aspect of affairs is open to modification or, at 
 all events, that, if you admit that the subject is one 
 deserving examination, your opinion must be based 
 upon reasons and arguments of a higher kind. It is 
 easy to understand that a time when the two govern- 
 ments of France and England ordered their agents to 
 oppose one the railway and the other the canal, each 
 of them should hold to its opinion, however unreason- 
 able it may have been. There was in that case a 
 parti pris on either side. But a great change has taken 
 place since then. The intimacy and the sincerity of 
 the alliance between the two countries does not admit 
 of this antagonism existing, especially in matters of 
 progress and of general interest which are Ijeneficial 
 to the whole world. Consequently, the French agents, 
 far from running counter to the English agents in 
 regard to the Egj^ptian railway, have, as you must 
 know, cordially supported them. Surely England 
 will not cling to the remnants of an antagonism which 
 has been loyally and entirely foresworn by France. 
 The sentiments of the members of the English Cabi- 
 net are too well known for us to doubt what their 
 decision will be. Therefore, as I repeat, all that I ask of 
 you is to give an impartial consideration to the affair. 
 '''•Lord 0. — I am much obliged to you for speaking 
 to me so frankly, and what you say deserves to be 
 taken into careful consideration. You may rely upon 
 my doing as you wish, and examining the question 
 deliberately, without the slightest prejudice. 
 
278 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 " Lord Clarendon then went on to speak of Con- 
 stantinople, and said that Lord Stratford de Eedcliffe 
 complained very much of Benedetti, to which I re- 
 plied that this was a case of the wolf complaining of 
 the lamb. As he told me that Lord Stratford de 
 Eedcliffe had not originally taken any action against 
 the project at first, I told him how Eeschid Pasha 
 himself had confided to me the difiicnlt position he 
 was placed in, owing to the active steps taken by 
 Lord Stratford de Eedcliffe on the one hand, and the 
 passive attitude of Benedetti on the other. 
 
 "'I may tell you,' added Lord Clarendon, 'that 
 Lord Stratford de Eedcliffe speaks in the highest terms 
 of the excellent personal relations he has had with you. 
 To revert to the present relations of the French and 
 English cabinets, I can assure you that my colleagues 
 and myself consider ourselves members of one and 
 the same Cabinet. Our confidence in the Emperor and 
 Count Walewski, whose loyalty has done much to 
 tighten the bonds between the two countries, is com- 
 plete and unrestricted.' 
 
 "I am pleased to find that Lord Clarendon, in 
 speaking thus, is expressing the unanimous opinion of 
 all classes in this country. 
 
 '' The only fear seems to be lest the very sincere 
 desire which exists for an alliance should not be 
 shared by public opinion in France, and fashionable 
 people who have been in France, and passed some time 
 in Paris society, help to accredit this hesitation. This 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 279 
 
 is the real cause of the mistrust with which so many 
 English politicians regard the future. I assure them 
 that they are mistaken, that the alliance of the two 
 countries is quite as much a national alliance in 
 France as it is in England, that the ancient party 
 feelings have ceased to find any echo, and that the 
 hesitations or doubts produced in English policy 
 through the mistrust of the future can only serve to 
 give arms to the adversaries of the alliance, and 
 eventually, perhaps, to deprive it of its national 
 character." 
 
 To His Majesty the Emperor, Paris. 
 
 "London, July 4, 1855. 
 
 " The interest which your Majesty has deigned to 
 take in the great enterprise for opening the Isthmus 
 of Suez, has emboldened me to lay before you the 
 result of my preliminary steps in London. 
 
 " The Queen's Ministers have shown a disposition 
 to examine the question carefully. They have made 
 a point of declaring that their objections were raised 
 in good faith, and without any feelings of mistrust 
 towards your Majesty's Government. The editors of 
 the Times and other newspapers have assured me that 
 they were well disposed. I have met with sympathy, 
 promises of support, and even active assistance, from 
 a great many men of influence in politics, science, 
 industry, and commerce. Among them I may men- 
 tion Lord Holland, that old and tried friend of France ; 
 
28o RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 the Duke of JSTortliuniberlancl, Lord Seymour, Mr. 
 Edward Ellice, M.P.; Sir Eichard Gardner, M.P. ; Mr. 
 Eendel, the leading hydraulic engineer in England ; 
 Mr. Charles Manby, secretary of the Institute of 
 Civil Engineers ; Mr. Eeeve, secretary of the Queen's 
 Privy Council ; Mr. James "Wilson, secretary of the 
 Treasury; Mr. Morris, manager of The Times; Mr. 
 Oliphant, one of the managers of the East India Com- 
 pany ; Mr. James Welch, captain in the Eoyal Engi- 
 neers, secretary of the Admiralty, and author of a 
 treatise on ' The Advantages of the Suez Canal from a 
 British Point of View ; ' Mr. Pannizzi, librarian of the 
 British Museum ; Mr. Thomas Hanley, governor of the 
 Bank of England ; Mr. Powles, secretary of the Dock 
 Company ; Messrs. Anderson, Wilcox, and de Zu- 
 luela, directors and founders of the P. and 0. Steam 
 Company; Sir W. G. Ouseley, minister plenipotentiary, 
 Mr. Thomas Wilson, author of the project for a ' Canal 
 from the Danube to the Black Sea ; ' and the chiefs of 
 the foreign embassies and legations. 
 
 " None of the enlightened men with whom I have 
 discussed the question have been prepared to say that 
 an event which would be profitable to the interests of 
 the whole world could be injurious to the power or the 
 commercial relations of England. They dismiss all idea 
 of a preconceived hostility to the scheme ; upon the 
 contrary, they assert that, if it is practicable, their 
 country has everything to gain by it, and they would 
 be very sorry for it to be supposed in France that 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 281 
 
 what would be beneficial to other nations would not 
 be equally so to England. 
 
 "In fine, I have acquired the conviction that the 
 enterprise of the Suez Canal, far from troubling in the 
 smallest degree the relations of France and England, 
 will contribute, upon the contrary, after the exchange 
 of frank and open explanations, to bring out in a very 
 clear light the sincerity of the alliance between the 
 two countries. 
 
 " The favour with which the question was received 
 by public opinion, the publications which are being 
 prepared, the influence of the interests of trade and 
 navigation, and the desire to give a mark of confidence 
 in your Majesty, cannot fail to bring over those mem- 
 bers of the English Cabinet whose opposition might, 
 a short time ago, have justified the idea of an energetic 
 resistance on their part, which there seems no longer 
 any reason to apprehend." 
 
 The Question of the Isthmus of Suez submitted 
 TO English Public Opinion, 
 
 "London, Juhj, 1855. 
 "Aperire terram gentibus. 
 "In October, 1854, I left Europe for Egypt, upon 
 the invitation of the Viceroy, Mohammed Said, with 
 whose friendship I had been honoured for twenty years. 
 I had no mission from my Government, and it was in 
 the course of a journey with the Prince, from Alex- 
 andria to Cairo, across the Libyan Desert, that the 
 
282 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 question of piercing the Isthmus of Suez was first 
 discussed between us.'" 
 
 " I have come to England to place the matter clearly 
 before the eyes of the public. I appeal to the interests 
 and am content to rely upon the judgment formed by 
 the East India Company, the traders with Australia, 
 Singapore, Madras, Calcutta, and Bombay, the mer- 
 chants of the city, the shipowners of London and Liver- 
 jDool, the manufacturers of Manchester, the ironmasters, 
 the makers of machinery, the P. and 0. Steam Company, 
 the managers of banks and other large businesses, the 
 commercial associations, and the owners of coal mines 
 who in 1854 exported nearly four and a half million 
 tons of coal, representing a value of £2,147,156, and 
 who, by the opening of the Suez Canal, would find 
 these enormous exports considerably increased. 
 
 " It has been objected that the Turkish Govern- 
 ment ought to concern itself about this project ; but 
 as in every question where the principles are just, 
 the foreseen consequences are inevitable. No matter 
 from what point the enterprise of the Suez Canal is 
 considered, it will be found to be of advantage to all 
 the world. 
 
 "Turkey can only shake off its present state of 
 torpor by obtaining from Europe capital and intelli- 
 
 *Note of the Translator. — The greater part of this letter describes 
 the preliminary steps taken by the Viceroy and M. de Lesseps to 
 ascertain the nature of the work and its cost, the account of which 
 will be found in the preceding pages. 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 283 
 
 gence. The prosperity of the East is now dependent 
 upon the interests of civilization at large, and the best 
 means of contributing to its welfare, as "well as to 
 that of humanity, is to break down the barriers which 
 still divide men, races, and nations." 
 
 Circular to the Members of Parliament^ Merchants^ 
 Indian Shipowners, Sfc. 
 
 "London, August 8, 1855. 
 
 " I have the honour to send you a copy of my work 
 relating to the piercing of the Isthmus of Suez. I 
 hope that, after having perused the various docu- 
 ments submitted to your notice, you will favour me 
 with your views as to the advantages of this impor- 
 tant undertaking, in the successful accomplishment of 
 which I believe Great Britain to be more interested 
 than all the other nations. 
 
 " The alliance which exists between our two coun- 
 tries induces me to attach great importance to the 
 views of the most enlightened Englishmen concording 
 with those which prevail in France on this subject. 
 You will observe that the project of the engineers of 
 the Yiceroy of Egypt is to be submitted, before 
 being carried into effect, to a Commission selected 
 from among the most celebrated engineers in Europe. 
 Mr. Eendel, well known for the remarkable works 
 executed by him in English ports, will be a member 
 of this Commission. 
 
 " I shall be obliged if you will address your reply 
 
284 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS, 
 
 either to my Paris residence, 9, Eue Eichepance, or 
 else to Messrs. Baring Brothers, or Messrs. Eothschild 
 in London.* 
 
 " The Commission spent upwards of six weeks in 
 Egypt, and after examining carefully the Isthmus of 
 Suez and the various plans proposed for tracing the 
 canal, submitted the following summary report to the 
 Viceroy: — 
 
 " Alexandeia, January 2, 1856. 
 ^' Your Highness summoned us to Egypt to examine 
 the question of the piercing of the Isthmus of Suez. 
 While] supplying us with the means of deciding, de 
 visu, as to the merits of the different solutions pro- 
 posed, you requested us to lay before you the one 
 which was the easiest, the safest, and the most advan- 
 tageous for European commerce. Our explory, 
 favoured by magnificent weather, facilitated and 
 shortened by the ample material means placed at our 
 disposal, is completed. It has revealed to us innu- 
 merable obstacles, not to say impossibilities, for taking 
 
 * Note of the Translator. — It roay be added that this scientific 
 commission was not finally completed until the beginning of 
 October, among the members appointed being, in addition to 
 MM. Kenaud and Lieussou, for France, M. de Negrelli, for Austria ; 
 Mr. Rendel, for England; Herr Conrad, Inspector of the Waterstat, 
 and President of the Society of Civil Engineers, for Holland ; and 
 the Privy Chancellor Lentze, for Prussia. MM. Linant Bey and 
 Mougel Bey came over from Egypt to meet them in Paris, the 
 first meeting being held at M. de Lesseps's residence on the SOth 
 of October, and left Marseilles for Alexandria on the 8th of 
 November. 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 285 
 
 the canal by way of Alexandria, and unexpected 
 facilities for establishing a port in the Gulf of Pe- 
 lusium. 
 
 "The direct canal from Suez to the Gulf of Pelu- 
 sium is, therefore, the sole solution of the problem 
 for joining the Bed Sea to the Mediterranean; the 
 execution of the work is easy and the success assured. 
 The results will be of immense importance for the 
 trade of the world. We are unanimous in our con- 
 viction upon this point, and we will develop our 
 reasons for it in a detailed report, reinforced by 
 tydrographical charts of the Bays of Suez and Pelu- 
 sium, outlines showing the relief of the soil, and 
 borings indicating the nature of the soil through 
 which the canal will pass. This is a long and minute 
 work which will occupy several months ; but in the 
 meanwhile we beg to acquaint your Highness with 
 our conclusions, which are as follows : — 
 
 " 1st. The route by Alexandria is inadmissible, 
 both from the technical and economical point of view. 
 
 " 2nd. The direct route offers every facility for the 
 execution of the canal itself, with a branch to the 
 Nile, and presents no more than the ordinary diffi- 
 culties for the creation of two ports. 
 
 " 3rd. The port of Suez will open on to a safe and 
 large roadstead, accessible in all weathers, and with a 
 depth of about thirty feet of water within a mile of 
 the shore. 
 
 " 4th. The port of Pelusium, which according to the 
 
286 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 draft scheme was to be at the extremity of the Gulf, 
 will be established about seventeen miles further to 
 the west, at a point where there are 25 feet of water 
 within a mile and a-half of the shore, where the 
 anchorage is good and getting under way easy. 
 
 " 5th. The cost of the canal, and of the works 
 connected with it, will not exceed the figure of 
 £8,000,000 given in the draft scheme of your High- 
 ness' s engineers. 
 
 " The members of the International Commission of 
 the Suez Canal. 
 
 (Signed) Conead, President. 
 
 A. Eenaxjd, De Negeelli, McLean,* 
 LiEUSSOU, Reporter and Secretary. 
 
 "A copy of this report was sent to the following sup- 
 porters of the enterprise from Alexandria on the 4th 
 of January : — 
 
 "Jomard, member of the Institute (Paris); Morris, The 
 Times (London); Thouvenel (Constantinople); Brusi 
 (Barcelona) ; Erlanger (Frankfort) ; Couturier (Mar- 
 seilles) ; Charles Manby (London) ; Theodore Pichon 
 (Smyrna); Edmond de Lesseps (Beyrout); Eevoltella 
 (Trieste) ; Flury-Herard (Paris) ; Count Th. de Les- 
 seps (Paris) ; Count Walewski (Paris) ; Damas-Hinard 
 (Paris) ; De Chancel (Paris) ; Marcotte (Marseilles) ; 
 
 * Note of the Translator. — Mr. McLean was the English Com- 
 mipsioner in place of Mr. Rendel, whom illness prevented him 
 going out to Egypt. 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. i%i 
 
 Senior (London) ; Ellice (London) ; James Wilson 
 (London) ; Thiers (Paris) ; Archduke Maximilian (Vi- 
 enna) ; Baron de Bruck (Vienna) ; H.E.H. the Duke 
 de Brabant (Brussels) ; Lord Holland (London). 
 
 " As the principal opposition to the scheme still came 
 from the English Government, I determined to pay a 
 second visit to London, and while in Paris, on my 
 way from Egypt, I had a long conversation with Lord 
 Clarendon, at the close of which, after hearing all I 
 had to say, he held out the hope of our being able to 
 come to an understanding, adding, ' As you are going 
 to London, please repeat to Lord Palmerston the sub- 
 stance of our conversation. We can discuss the matter 
 together again, for we shall meet in London in a few 
 days.' " 
 
 To M. de Negrell% Vienna. 
 
 "London, Afvil 17, 1856. 
 " I enclose you the text of an important conversa- 
 tion I had with Lord Clarendon just before I left 
 Paris, and this will explain to you the motives of my 
 journeying to England. Having been here a week, I 
 have not yet had an opportunity of discussing matters 
 with Lord Palmerston, owing to the sudden death 
 of his stepson. Lord Cowper. But I have not been 
 idle, and I am carefully preparing to form an English 
 committee composed of eminent men who will render 
 the same success which you and Baron de Bruck do in 
 Austria. 
 
2 88 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 '■'• It appears from all I can gather that there is not, 
 as I had foreseen, much help to be expected from 
 official diplomacy, and that we must rather look to the 
 accomplishment of facts which in due course will re- 
 ceive the sanction of diplomatists, because it will then 
 be their interest to concern themselves with what has 
 been done. In the meanwhile you may rest assured 
 that it would be dangerous rather than otherwise for 
 a spontaneous diplomatic intervention, which might 
 have the effect of alarming the Yiceroy, and lowering 
 his situation in Egypt under the pretence of taking 
 guarantees against him. There was already some talk 
 of taking these guarantees at the conferences which 
 have been held, upon the ground that the making of 
 the canal would increase his power. Therein, I repeat, 
 resides, to my mind, the most serious difficulty which 
 we have to foresee and take into serious consideration. 
 As matters stand, the object which we have to keep 
 in view is to induce the European Governments, that 
 of England in particular, to place no obstacle in the 
 way of the ratification which the Yiceroy has asked 
 for from the Sultan, and which the latter is disposed 
 to grant him. This once obtained, we are masters of 
 the situation, and we avoid the danger which I have 
 pointed out to you. Talk the matter well over with 
 Prince Metternich and Baron de Bruck. You may be 
 certain that if the Yiceroy saw that any Power had 
 the least idea of lowering his regular authority, he 
 would give up all idea of getting Europe to assist in 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SLEZ CANAL. 289 
 
 the making of the canal. I, for my part, am too sin- 
 cerely his friend not to follow him in this course. Our 
 basis and our principal supports are in Egypt. If in 
 the course of the last fifteen months I had looked 
 elsewhere for support, I should have done nothing, and 
 matters would not have reached the point they have. 
 
 "Whatever progress the matter has made, it only 
 remains with the Yiceroy to prevent it being carried 
 any further. I need not, therefore, dwell further 
 upon this subject, the full gravity of which you who 
 know the character of Mohammed Said, and who are so 
 well acquainted with Egypt, will at once understand. 
 " I break ofi" this letter to go and meet Lord Pal- 
 merston. While confirming what Lord Clarendon 
 said to me in Paris, he persists in his opposition, and 
 did not make any secret of the fact that Lord Strat- 
 ford will continue to oppose us, not now in the inte- 
 rests of England, but in the alleged interest of the 
 Ottoman Empire. This tactic shows that the enemy 
 of the canal is driven to his last retrenchment, and I 
 am going to prepare my parallels and pursue with 
 prudence, but with more perseverance and vigour than 
 before, my appeal to public opinion in England. One 
 campaign the more will not discourage me, and in 
 the meanwhile the matter will ripen and assume a 
 consistent shape, which will add to our force. 
 
 " Mr. McLean is fully convinced as to the success 
 of the enterprise. I have arranged with him and with 
 
 Mr. Eendel that, in accordance with the wish expressed 
 VOL. I. u 
 
290 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 by all the other members of the International Com- 
 mission, the general meeting should be held in Paris." 
 
 To M. Barthelemy St. Jlilaire, Paris. 
 
 " London, April 1, 1856. 
 " I found Lord Palmerston just what he was in 
 1840, full of mistrust and prejudices with regard to 
 Prance and Egypt. He was yery polite, and was in 
 some respects very frank, but after hearing me read 
 the resume of my conversation with Lord Clarendon, 
 he spoke to me, with regard to the Suez Canal, in the 
 most contradictory, the most incoherent, and, I will 
 even add, the most senseless fashion imaginable. He 
 is firmly convinced that Prance has long pursued a 
 most machiavelian policy in Egypt against England, 
 and that the fortifications of Alexandria were paid for 
 by Louis Philippe or his Government. He sees in the 
 Suez Canal the consequences of this policy. Upon 
 the other hand, he persists in maintaining that the 
 execution of the canal is materially impossible, and 
 that he knows more about it than all the engineers in 
 Europe, whose opinions will not alter his. Then, re- 
 gardless of the fact that he had just proved the scheme 
 to be impracticable, he indulged in a long tirade 
 upon the drawbacks which would result for Turkey, 
 and for Egypt herself, from the Viceroy's concession 
 and the realisation of the enterprise. Pinally, he 
 declared that he should continue to be my adversary 
 without any sort of reticence. I could not help ask- 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 291 
 
 ing myself now and again whether I was in the pre- 
 sence of a maniac or a statesman. There was not one 
 of his arguments which would hold water for fi^e 
 minutes in a serious discussion. I replied to all his 
 objections as best I could, but I saw that it was only 
 a waste of time to prolong the discussion. Seeking 
 as I do to have the ground clear, I am not at all sorry 
 to know how things stand, and I shall prepare my 
 batteries accordingly. 
 
 "Please report all this to M. Thiers, and let me 
 know what he thinks. I should not be surprised if 
 Lord Palmerston, his old opponent in 1840, believed 
 him to be the author and the continuer of the machia- 
 velian policy in question." 
 
 To M. Ruyssenaers, Alexandria. 
 
 " London, April 21, 1856. 
 
 '' We now know the true motives of Lord Palmer- 
 ston' s opposition. It is that he is afraid of favouring 
 the development of Egypt's power and prosperity. 
 Fortunately, this is not the kind of motive likely to 
 discourage the Yiceroy in the pursuit of his noble 
 enterprise. 
 
 " I suspected this to be the case some time ago, 
 and I pointed it out to his Highness last year when 
 speaking to him of a despatch of the ex-Governor of 
 India, in which he said, that if England should ever 
 succeed in obtaining a footing in Egypt, as she had 
 done in India, she would be the mistress of the world. 
 
 tj2 
 
292 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 I^or will his Highness forget that in a document of 
 1840, published by Mr. Urquhart, First Secretary of 
 the British Embassy at Constantinople, the English 
 Ambassador, Lord Ponsonby, wrote to the Grand 
 Vizier, that the policy of England and the Porte should 
 be to drive Mehemet Ali and the whole of his family 
 naked into the desert. There can be no doubt that 
 although this idea, now impossible of realisation, is 
 only now to be found in a few very wooden old heads, 
 it is desirable to guard against the irritation which 
 the approaching execution of an enterprise destined to 
 have the very opposite effect will provoke. As long 
 as a partisan of the policy which consists in weakening 
 Egypt is at the head of the English Ministry, it is 
 necessary to paralyze its evil intentions by acting with 
 extreme prudence, by continuing to enlighten public 
 opinion, by marching prudently and without undue 
 hurry towards the achievement of the fact. The 
 Viceroy will see in my advice and my conduct the 
 best proof of my desire not to compromise him. If I 
 thought more of the canal than of him, nothing would 
 be easier for me than to make the affair over to large 
 capitalists, who would carry it through much more 
 rapidly; but I am determined that he shall remain 
 the master of it, and that it shall serve to consoli- 
 date and fortify his political situation. 
 
 "Even if there had been no canal scheme, the 
 Viceroy may rest assured that there are certain 
 Englishmen who would have found some excuse for 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 293 
 
 attacking him in the same way, and soon it will be the 
 canal which will act as a lightning conductor for him. 
 
 " Since I have been in England I have been con- 
 stantly rectifying the erroneous ideas which are kept 
 alive about Egypt, and which are for the most part 
 propagated by certain ill-disposed journals. 
 
 "Mr. McLean entertained me the day before yester- 
 day at a somewhat important banquet given at the 
 Trafalgar Hotel, Greenwich. He had got together 
 about thirty guests, included among them being the 
 most celebrated engineers in England, manufacturers, 
 merchants, and bankers. Mr. McLean, in proposing 
 my health, spoke of the hospitable way in which he 
 and his colleagues of the International Commission 
 had been received in Egypt, and expressed, upon his 
 own behalf, as upon behalf of his friends, the hopes 
 that England entertained for the realisation of the 
 scheme and for the success of my efforts. This toast 
 and my reply to it were received with loud applause. 
 My object is to bring public opinion in England to 
 pronounce in favour of the Isthmus of Suez, so that 
 the English Government may be led to follow the 
 same policy as France. 
 
 "A gentleman named Wyld, geographer to the 
 Queen, formerly a member of Parliament and owner 
 of ' The Great Globe,' Leicester Square, gives ocular 
 demonstration, three times a day, at this latter estab- 
 lishment, of the advantages which navigation will 
 derive from passing through the Isthmus of Suez 
 
2 9+ RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 instead of going round by the Cape. He is now 
 having made a large relief plan of the same dimensions 
 as that of Sebastopol, which attracted a great many 
 people. This popular mode of propaganda is excellent. 
 In my conference with Lord Palmerston, described in 
 my letter to M. B. St. Hilaire, the Prime Minister 
 admitted that the English Ambassador at Constanti- 
 nople had maintained that the Viceroy of Egypt did 
 not require the authorisation of the Sultan for the 
 railway from Alexandria to Suez, but that the situation 
 was different in respect to the canal. My reply was 
 that I saw no difference except that the English 
 Government wanted the railway, and does not want 
 the canal. 
 
 " In short, tell his Highness that this ill-will will 
 eventually be paralyzed, and that with his persever- 
 ance and continued help, the obstacles and the diffi- 
 culties encountered will only serve to aggrandise his 
 position and render the success more complete." 
 
 To M. Thouvenelj French Ambassador at Constantinople. 
 
 " London, April 22, 1856. 
 
 " The following information, upon the exactitude of 
 which you may rely, will interest you, and may 
 perhaps be of some use to you. 
 
 " After the banquet given by the Emperor to the 
 Plenipotentiaries of the Paris Congress, Aali Pasha, 
 the Turkish Ambassador, came up to His Majesty and 
 asked him what he thought of the Suez Canal ques- 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 295 
 
 tion. He added that his master attached very great 
 importance to it in every way, but that he was 
 anxious to know what the Emperor's views were. 
 Napoleon replied that he took the greatest possible 
 interest in this scheme, which seemed to him benefi- 
 cial for everyone, that he had studied it in all 
 its aspects, that he had made himself acquainted with 
 all the documents bearing on it, and that he wished 
 it every success ; that the enterprise, noble a one as 
 it was, had given rise to certain resistances and 
 objections, especially in England ; that for his part 
 he could not see that these objections were founded, 
 and that he hoped to see them removed ; but that at 
 the same time he would not hurry on things, for fear 
 of compromising their success, and that, relying upon 
 the happy alliance which united the two peoples, he 
 looked to the future, and to a very near future, for an 
 agreement upon this question. Aali Pasha said that 
 his master would be very pleased to hear of the 
 sympathies expressed by the Emperor, and that he 
 was himself favourable to the affair, despite certain 
 divergencies upon secondary points and certain pre- 
 cautions to be taken in the interests of the Suzerainty 
 of the Porte ; but, irrespective of these objections on 
 points of detail, the Porte none the less looks with 
 favour upon this great work, which will be so profit- 
 able to Egypt, and in which she also hopes to have 
 her share of profit. 
 
 "The Emperor, who seemed to acquiesce in all Aali 
 
296 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 Pasha said, then moved away and called upon Lord 
 Clarendon, and asked him what he thought of the 
 Suez Canal, relating to him what Aali Pasha had just 
 said, and what he had said in reply. Lord Clarendon, 
 somewhat taken by surprise, replied that the affair 
 was a very important one, that he had not thought 
 over it sufficiently to give an off-hand reply, that he 
 must refer to his Cabinet, and that, moreover, the 
 execution of the scheme was impossible. The Emperor, 
 while admitting that the affair was one demanding 
 reflection, maintained that the execution was possible, 
 and that science had pronounced definitely on that 
 score. As Lord Clarendon held to his view, the 
 Emperor said that, admitting the execution of the 
 scheme to be practicable, and reasoning upon this hypo- 
 thesis, what was England's view? Lord Clarendon 
 then declared that, from the point of view of English 
 trade, there could be no objection, and that England 
 would benefit considerably, but that as regarded the 
 relations of Egypt and Turkey, the matter was a very 
 delicate one, and that the Viceroy had no right to make 
 the canal without the authorisation of the Porte. 
 The Emperor reminded him of the favourable disposi- 
 tions of the Porte, and there the conversation ended. 
 I must say that it seems to me to be decisive of the 
 matter, and the conclusions to be drawn from it are 
 as under : — 
 
 ''1st. To treat with the utmost deference the sus- 
 ceptibilities of the Porte, ascertain precisely what are 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 297 
 
 the objections of detail., in which, of course, will be 
 traced the inspirations of Lord Stratford do Kedcliffe. 
 
 " 2nd. To show equal deference for the susceptibili- 
 ties of the Viceroy, whom the adversaries of the canal 
 would be glad to bring into conflict with his Suzerain. 
 
 " 3rd. The opinion expressed by the Emperor 
 will carry great weight with the Porte and even in 
 England. 
 
 '' 4th. According to this declaration of Lord Claren- 
 don, English public opinion must be appealed to and 
 English interests engaged in the enterprise." 
 
 To M. Ruyssenaers^ Alexandria. 
 
 " Paris, May 6, 1856. 
 
 " I prolonged my stay in London and only arrived 
 here two days ago. My campaign in England will 
 bear fruit. I have formed some very excellent acquaint- 
 ances. I was presented to the Queen, and I also had 
 a very long conversation with Prince Albert, who took 
 me to his study and got me to inform him exactly of 
 what the projected works on the canal were. He told 
 me that the Due de Brabant, who was interested in 
 the enterprise, had already recommended it to him. 
 I was received in the kindest way possible by 
 the Duke of Cambridge, who expressed to me 
 very freely, and without the slightest reserve, his 
 sympathies with the project. Moreover, I have 
 availed myself of every possible opportunity for 
 saying what I thought, so that no confidence should 
 
2g8 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 be placed in the systematic vilification of the Viceroy, 
 in which certain journals have recently indulged. I 
 have quoted positive facts which show the situation 
 in its true light, and allow of Mohammed Said being 
 judged as he deserves to be judged, notwithstanding 
 errors difficult to avoid in a country the administra- 
 tion of which is not yet completely in working order. 
 I have been treated to a very significant demonstra- 
 tion from the Geographical Society of London, which, 
 as you know, is composed of very influential men. 
 First of all, I was invited to dinner by the Society at 
 their club, Lord Sheffield taking the chair. My 
 health was drunk in a toast which referred in eulo- 
 gistic terms to my efi'orts to bring about the piercing 
 of the Isthmus of Suez. Mr. Gladstone, a cousin of 
 the Minister,* then said, speaking in excellent French : 
 ' M. de Lesseps, if in this country we have not been 
 so prompt as other nations to welcome your enter- 
 prise, it is because of our character and habits. But 
 once we are convinced, we go further and sometimes 
 show more perseverance than any of our neighbours. 
 For my own part, I entertained at first considerable 
 doubts, which are not yet entirely dissipated ; but I 
 am only too anxious to be persuaded, and I heartily 
 wish you success.' 
 
 " I thanked my hosts for their interest, which I 
 
 * Note of the Translator. — I leave the responsibility of the state- 
 ment as to Lord Sheffield and Mr. Gladstone being cousins to 
 M. de Lesseps. 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 299 
 
 was glad to find expressed by so distinguished a 
 company of travellers and savants, in the success of 
 an enterprise certainly destined to enlarge the domain 
 of geographical science and facilitate its discoveries. 
 As I had been told that many of the members present 
 would not be able to remain for the meeting of the 
 Society, I entered into some detail with regard to the 
 explorations of the International Commission and to the 
 result of its labours. Questions were put to me with 
 regard to the danger of an accumulation of sand and 
 the objections urged by the Edinburgh Review^ and 
 my replies seemed to satisfy my questioners. I was 
 then taken to the meeting of the Society, which was 
 presided over by Mr. (afterwards Sir) Eoderick Mur- 
 chisoR, and after several speakers had dwelt upon the 
 importance of opening prompt and easy communica- 
 tions with the various nations of the earth, he called 
 upon me. The meeting was a very crowded one, and 
 included a great number of ladies. My rising was 
 the signal for loud applause, and I was again heartih^ 
 cheered at the conclusion of my speech, which, at the 
 request of the secretary, I afterwards wrote out and 
 sent to him for publication in the Society's journal. 
 It was as follows : — 
 
 " 'Captain Fitzroy, speaking of a project for making 
 a canal through the Isthmus of Darien, told you just 
 now in eloquent terms how the realisation of many 
 great enterprises which seem almost chimerical till 
 they come to be studied, becomes apparent to all the 
 
300 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 world after they have been carefully examined upon 
 the spot. I hope it will be so for the interoceanic 
 canal in question, and as regards the piercing of the 
 Isthmus of Suez, upon which the chairman has re- 
 quested me to address you, I can assure you that the 
 enterprise is perfectly feasible. 
 
 " ' The majority of the Commission, comprising the 
 most eminent engineers in Europe, which was ap- 
 pointed to study the question, went to Egypt, and 
 was unanimous in declaring that the canalising of the 
 Isthmus of Suez, and the creation of two ports on the 
 Eed Sea and the Mediterranean, were easy and certain 
 operations. 
 
 " ' The roadstead of Suez is vast and safe. More 
 than five hundred vessels could ride there at the 
 same time. It has a depth of from 16 feet to 42 feet, 
 with a very good bed of mud for anchorage. The 
 English corvette Zenohia has been there for three 
 years as a coaling ship for the East India packets ; 
 she is stationed in the part most exposed to the 
 wind, and during these three years she has never 
 dragged her anchor, her cables have never been 
 broken, and her communication with land has not 
 once been cut off — which is more than can be said 
 of many very good ports. There are two clean and 
 deep channels, broad enough to wear ship in any 
 weather, and with a depth of from 50 to 65 feet, by 
 which ships can reach the anchoring ground. The 
 Commission has been able to conclude from this that 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 301 
 
 the Suez roadstead has all the qualifications required 
 for forming the head of the canal from sea to sea. 
 
 "'Along the whole course of the isthmus, from 
 Suez to Pelusium, the International Commission en- 
 countered no difficulty in the way of digging the 
 canal, nor for keeping it ojDen, the ground being very 
 level and the geological composition of the soil very 
 favourable. The soundings, which the Commission 
 verified, established the fact that the soil of the 
 isthmus is in most places formed of a first stratum of 
 agglutinated sand, of a second stratum of clay, and 
 of a third stratum of calcareous marl, until the plastic 
 clay is reached at a depth of from 36 to 40 feet 
 below the level of the seas. 
 
 " 'During our excursion in the isthmus the Vice- 
 roy had sent the steam frigate Le Nil into the Gulf 
 of Pelusium, where M. Larousse, the engineering 
 hydrographer, had been making numerous soundings 
 and taking a hydrographic chart of the bay. It was 
 found that outside the line of coast there is a zone 
 of fine sand, similar in description to that of the 
 shore, which has a depth of 33 feet, beyond which 
 begins a zone of mud offering excellent anchorage, 
 and extending right out to the deep water of the 
 Mediterranean. The part of the bay in which there is 
 the deepest water is that opposite Tannis, where there 
 is a depth of over 25 feet within a mile and a-half 
 of the shore, along a distance of thirteen miles, from 
 the mouth of Oum-Fareg to that of Gemileh. That 
 
302 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 is tlie part selected by the Commission for the Medi- 
 terranean entrance of the canal. There is nothing 
 unusual in jetties of from one to two miles long, and 
 at the points which they will occupy there is every 
 facility for vessels anchoring and making sail. 
 
 " 'I am about to bring out a pamphlet which will 
 give the text of the Commissioners' report, as well as 
 a reply to the Edinburgh Review^ which has published 
 some very erroneous information as to the practica- 
 bility of the enterprise. The errors into which the 
 Review has fallen are excusable, because at the time 
 when it treated the question, it had not before it the 
 result of the investigations made by this Commission. 
 
 " ' In a country where there are no bounds to the 
 freedom of public discussion, good causes always 
 triumph in the end. 
 
 " ' The English publication referred to above is 
 about to appear, and before leaving London I ar- 
 ranged for the formation of a local committee com- 
 posed of a member of the East India Company, a 
 member of the Bank of England, two financial nota- 
 bilities in the city, Mr. Powles, Secretary-General of 
 the Docks Company, and two English engineers on the 
 International Commission. But this committee is not 
 to act until the Sultan's ratification has been obtained. 
 
 " ' We must now await the meeting of the Commis- 
 sion of Engineers and the movement of opinion in the 
 city before launching the affair upon a fresh phase : the 
 soil being well prepared, we need only arm ourselves 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 303 
 
 •with a little patience until tlie harvest ripens, watching 
 in the meanwhile the seed which we have sown.' " 
 
 To His Highness Mohammed Said^ Viceroij of Egypt. 
 
 " Paris, May 20, 1856. 
 
 '' Although I never fail to let your Highness know 
 by each mail any facts likely to be of interest to you, 
 I cannot refrain from writing to say how much I was 
 touched by your affectionate letter of April 26th, 
 thoug:h I had no need of this fresh evidence that I 
 might count upon the continuance of a friendship in 
 which my confidence knows no bounds. 
 
 " I had for a long time observed that the adver- 
 saries of your Highness were instinctively the adver- 
 saries, either open or secret, of the canal. This 
 being so, I was not astonished at the campaign which 
 they instituted as soon as I had left Egypt. But it 
 is sometimes wise to profit by the conduct of one's 
 enemies, and when those who occupy an exalted position 
 are not afraid to hear the truth, when they have suffi- 
 cient intelligence to examine calmly the attacks 
 levelled against them, and sufficient good faith to be 
 able to distinguish between what is criticism and 
 what is calumny, your enemies, instead of injuring 
 you, have rendered you service. Criticism, even if 
 ill-natured, is to be met by repairing the errors to 
 which it points, while calumny is always to be con- 
 founded by the evidence of positive facts and per- 
 severance in conduct free of reproach. 
 
304 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 ''I can assure your Highness that all the good you 
 have done is appreciated in Europe, and that you must 
 not judge public opinion by the grotesque observations 
 of a few discontented and untruthful persons, who 
 have attempted to form in Egypt a committee for 
 calumniating and denouncing the Government. The 
 truth is making itself more and more apparent every 
 day. Some flatterers might tell your Highness that 
 you need not condescend to justify yourself; but it 
 is always wise to give full publicity to facts, for else 
 the good-for-nothing people, who are as a rule very 
 active, would have things too much their own way 
 with honest people, who are not inclined to put them- 
 selves out of the way and do not suspect evil. I 
 have arranged so that the press of all countries shall 
 be kept well informed, and the relations which have 
 been established towards this end are entirely dis- 
 interested." 
 
 Summary of the Eesolutions agreed to by the 
 International Scientific Commission Six Sittings 
 HELD on the 23rd, 24th, and 25th June. 
 
 Transmitted to various Correspondents in all countries^ 
 pending the drawing up and publication of the report 
 entrusted to a Special Commission. 
 
 "Paeis, June 25, 1856. 
 " 1st. The Commission has rejected the system of 
 
 indirect routes through Egypt, and has adopted the 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 305 
 
 principle of the direct route from Suez to the Medi- 
 terranean. 
 
 "2nd. It has rejected the plan for supplying the 
 maritime canal with the I^ile water, and has adopted 
 the plan for supplying it with salt water. 
 
 " 3rd. It has discussed the advantages and draw- 
 hacks of a canal with continuous banks from one sea 
 to another, and has in the end decided that there shall 
 be no banks where the canal passes through the Bitter 
 Lakes. 
 
 '-'■ 4th. As the interposition of the Bitter Lakes left 
 open will have the effect of deadening the tidal cur- 
 rents, the Commission was of opinion that locks at the 
 two extremities of the canal would not be necessary, 
 subject, however, to the possibility of having to 
 establish them afterwards. 
 
 "5th. The Commission has adhered to the breadth 
 of 325 ft. at the water line and 150 ft. at the bottom for 
 the whole of the distance (12 J miles), which is to be 
 walled in between Suez and the Bitter Lakes, reducing 
 it by one-fifth in the remainder of the canal. 
 
 " 6th. The outline of the preliminary project of the 
 engineers appointed by the Yiceroy is retained. 
 
 " 7th. Entrance from the Mediterranean (Port 
 Said). — The Commission adopts for the port of Port 
 Said the proposal for jetties made by those of its mem- 
 bers who went to Egypt, except that the width of the 
 channel shall be 440 yds. instead of 550 yds., and 
 that a second basin shall be made. 
 
 VOL. I. X 
 
3o6 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 " 8th. Port of Suez on the Eed Sea. — The Commis- 
 sion accepts the site and direction of the canal, but 
 the breadth to be 330 yds. instead of 440 yds., and a 
 second basin to be made. 
 
 " 9th. The Commission is of opinion that the coasts 
 both of Egypt and the Eed Sea should be provided 
 with first-class lighthouses against the opening of the 
 canal. 
 
 "10th. A port for revictualling and repairs and 
 graying dock to be formed in Lake Timsah. 
 
 "11th. "With regard to the auxiliary canals of sweet 
 water derived from the Nile, the Commission declares 
 that it leaves the selection of the best mode of execu- 
 tion to the judgment of the engineers who may be 
 appointed to superintend the works, by arrangement 
 with the Egyptian Government. 
 
 " 12th. Lastly, that it appears from the detailed 
 information given by officers of the ISTavy who have 
 sat upon the Commission that the navigation of the 
 Eed Sea is as good as that of the Mediterranean and 
 the Adriatic, and his opinion, accepted by the Com- 
 mission, sums up in so many words the judgment of 
 Captain Harris, who has made the voyage from Suez 
 to India twenty times." 
 
 To Count TJh de Zesseps, Paris. 
 
 "Vienna, Julij 8, 1856. 
 "After the International Commission had closed 
 its sittings, it was my duty to go and report to the 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 307 
 
 Viceroy the definite results of its deliberations. But, 
 at the same time that I submitted to his Highness the 
 scientific consultations of the engineers, I deemed it 
 advisable to let him have the political consultation of 
 the ^Nestor of European diplomatists. 
 
 "Please communicate to Count Walewski the opinion 
 of Prince Metternich, which I committed to writing 
 after my interview with him, and to the accuracy of 
 which he was pleased to testify." 
 
 Opinion of Prince Metternich. 
 
 "His Highness the Viceroy had the right to decree 
 the making of the Suez Canal. All the measures 
 taken by him merit the assent of the statesmen of 
 Europe ; but in a question of this importance, on 
 which it was to be expected that foreign policy would 
 have something to say, he was well advised in applying 
 for the ratification of the Porte. 
 
 " The official approval of an enterprise so manifestly 
 beneficial to the interests of the Ottoman Empire, as to 
 those of all other nations, cannot fail to be given, now 
 that science has pronounced in its favour, and that 
 sufficient capital is ready to carry it out. 
 
 "Admitting, then, that the Sultan, to begin with, 
 is with one accord with his vassal, the Viceroy will 
 place himself in a very favourable posture as regards 
 Europe, if, in order to prevent any further difficulties 
 between the friendly Powers themselves or with Egypt, 
 he asks the former to designate plenipotentiaries to 
 
3o8 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 Constantinople for the purpose of regulating by means 
 of a convention the perpetual neutrality of the passage 
 through the Suez Canal, the principle of which, in so 
 ♦ far as regards the Ottoman Empire, is already set forth 
 in Clause 14 of the Act of Concession. 
 
 ''In this way the internal question of the execu- 
 tion of the canal is kept separate, as it should be, 
 from the external question of neutrality. The prero- 
 gatives of the territorial sovereignty remain intact, 
 and the Ottoman Empire, assuming for the first time 
 since the conclusion of peace the influential position 
 which it has a right to occupy in a negotiation of 
 public European law, satisfies the political and com- 
 mercial interests of all the Powers, while it at the 
 same time obtains, by their accession, a fresh guarantee 
 of its integrity and independence. 
 > " The Viceroy of Egypt, who has so faithfully served 
 his Suzerain during the war, will have rendered, by 
 his conduct in regard to a work of peace, a not less 
 signal service, and thus will be fulfilled the prediction 
 of JSTapoleon I. at the beginning of the century, that 
 the execution of the canal from sea to sea would con- 
 tribute to the glory and to the maintenance of the 
 Ottoman Empire." 
 
 To Mr. Richard Cobden^ 31. P. ^ London. 
 
 " Cairo, November 22, 1856. 
 "Five years ago I informed you that the Viceroy 
 of Egypt had determined to make a maritime canal 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 309 
 
 tlirough the Isthmus of Suez. It was a time when 
 our two countries were united in war that I called 
 your attention to a work of peace, of progress, and of 
 civilisation. I invoked the aid of your enlightened 
 influence in case some members of the aristocracy, 
 masters of the course of affairs, should be blinded by 
 inveterate prejudice and narrow sentiments of exclu- 
 siveness and rivalry to oppose the execution of a work 
 of universal interest. Since then I have had the oppor- 
 tunity of discussing with you personally this interest- 
 ing question. I told you that the resistance which I 
 had foreseen had become a fact, but that in a country 
 of free discussion like yours I considered that the 
 main point was to enlighten public opinion, still but 
 partially informed, and to clearly demonstrate the 
 feasibility of the undertaking. 
 
 " This appeal to public opinion has been made. The 
 most experienced engineers in Europe have visited 
 the scene of o^Derations^ and have published their final 
 report ; capital has been subscribed to commence the 
 work ; the Viceroy himself has placed himself at the 
 head of an enterprise which has the unanimous and 
 hearty support of the press in Europe and America ; 
 and, finally, the adhesion of the different governments 
 has kept pace with public opinion. 
 
 " One only difiiculty has arisen, and that is the op- 
 position of your Government, which, through the in- 
 fluence of its ambassador at Constantinople, has suc- 
 ceeded in obtaining the suspension of the formality 
 
310 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 of the ratijB.cation asked for from the Porte by the 
 Yiceroy in favour of a concession which he had legally 
 granted. In so just a cause I shall not be at a loss 
 for means to overcome this obstacle, against which I 
 have deemed it useless so far. to struggle, because it 
 could not up to the present hinder the march of the 
 enterprise, and because all the preliminary investiga- 
 tions not being yet terminated, we were not yet in a 
 position to put the work practically into execution. 
 
 " In a short time the situation will have altered, and 
 in order to avoid if possible the drawbacks which would 
 result from a conflict, you will not be surprised to 
 find me still appealing to the good sense of the public. 
 My opinion is that all this business is calculated to 
 revive ill-feeling between France and England, 
 whereas it would be desirable to see the sincere union 
 of the two peoples succeeding the uncertain and 
 already weakened union of the two Governments. If, 
 upon the one hand, the country which has proclaimed 
 freedom of trade is so inconsistent with itself in a 
 question relating to the freedom of commercial trans- 
 actions, and if, upon the other hand, France becomes 
 persuaded that her former ally has two weights and 
 measures, it is clear that all the ejfforts of sensible 
 men will one day fail before a fresh explosion of the 
 ancient prejudices which have so long separated the 
 two nations. 
 
 "For how can it be imagined that people on the 
 Continent will believe in the sincerity of England, in 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 311 
 
 her zeal for universal progress, civilisation, and public 
 wealth, if it is seen that England, where public opinion 
 reigns supreme, allows her Government to continue 
 its incredible opposition to the Suez Canal, a private 
 enterprise, in the origin, constitution, and object of 
 which there is Tiothing to awaken any suspicion of 
 political rivalry ? How can the apostles of free trade 
 and open competition propagate their doctrines when 
 the two leading members of the Cabinet, who recently 
 figured in their ranks, will not agree, through fear or 
 horror of competition, to the suppression of a narrow 
 neck of land which divides the two most opulent 
 of seas, and stands as a feeble barrier against all the 
 navies of the globe ? 
 
 " One of your greatest ministers spoke as follows at 
 a sitting of the House of Commons, when a vote was 
 taken which has reflected so much glory upon him : — 
 
 "'You have to choose between progress towards 
 liberty and a return to prohibition ; you have to choose 
 the motto in which the commercial policy of England 
 will be made manifest. Will it be : " Advance," or " Go 
 back " ? "Which of the two words best suits this great 
 Empire ? Consider our position, the advantages which 
 Providence and nature have conferred upon us, and 
 the destiny which awaits us. We are situated at the 
 extremity of Western Europe, the principal ring, as 
 it were, which connects the Old World and the New. 
 The discoveries of science and the improvements in 
 navigation have already brought us within ten days 
 
312 RECOLLECTIONS OF FORTY YEARS. 
 
 of St. Petersburg, and will soon bring ns within ten 
 days of ]^ew York. A larger stretch of coast, in pro- 
 portion to our population and the superficies of our 
 soil, than is possessed by any other nation, ensures 
 for us maritime superiority and force. Coal and iron, 
 the nerves of industry, give our manufacturers great 
 advantages over those of our rivals. Our caj)ital 
 exceeds that of which they dispose. In inventive 
 power, in skill, and in energy we are second to none. 
 Our national character, the free institutions under 
 which we live, our liberty of thought and action, an 
 unfettered press, which rapidly spreads abroad dis- 
 coveries and progress — all this places us at the head 
 of the nations which naturally develop by the free 
 exchange of their produce. Is this the country to 
 dread trade, a country which can only prosper in the 
 artificial atmosphere of prohibition ? Choose your 
 motto, "Advance," or "Go back" ?' 
 
 " It was on March 27th, 1846, that Sir Eobert Peel 
 made this speech, and when the Free Trade Bill 
 subsequently came back to the House of Commons, 
 having been passed by the House of Lords, he added : — 
 
 " 'The name which must and will be placed at the 
 head of this achievement is not that of the noble lord 
 (Lord John Eussell) who leads the party which has 
 voted with us, nor my name ; it is the name of one 
 who, by the purity of his motives and his indefatig- 
 able energy, has appealed to the reason of us all, and 
 who has compelled us to listen to him by force of an 
 
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUEZ CANAL. 313 
 
 eloquence all the more admirable because it was with- 
 out pretence or ornament — ^it is the name of Eichard 
 Cobden.' 
 
 "To you it now belongs, armed with the expe- 
 rience of the last ten years of progress and pros- 
 perity, which have been assured to the British Empire 
 by the triumph of your system, to maintain the prin- 
 ciple of free competition abandoned by some of your 
 former companions-in-arms, and to place before your 
 fellow-countrymen once more the alternative of pro- 
 gress or retrogression. The force of your convictions 
 and of public opinion will not fail to secure for you 
 a success in which the honour and profit of England 
 are alike involved. 
 
 " I have no doubt that the question will be brought 
 before Parliament. If you will consent to take up its 
 defence, my friend and fellow-worker M. Barthelemy 
 St. Hilaire, a Member of the Institute, will give you 
 all the information which you may desire. He will 
 shape his course as you may advise, and, at the time 
 you may think proper, he will put himself in concert 
 with you and other friends. I have asked him to hand 
 you this letter, and to establish with you the relations 
 which you will, I am sure, be happy to form with so 
 distinguished and honourable a man." 
 
 END OF VOL. T. 
 
 PRINTED BY J. S. VIRTUE .VND CO., LIMITED, CITY ROAD, LONDON. 
 
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 MR. DICKEMS'S READINGS. 
 
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 CHRISTMAS CAROL IN PROSE, is. 
 CRICKET ON THE HEARTH, is. 
 CHIMES: A GOBLIN STORY, is. 
 STORY OF LITTLE DOMBEY. is. 
 POOR TRAVELLER, BOOTS AT THE HOLLY-TREE 
 INN, and MRS. GAMP. is. 
 
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 REPRINTED FROM THE ORIGINAL PLATES. 
 
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 Illustrated by John Leech, D. Maclise, R.A., R. Doyle, 
 
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 THE FORTNIGHTLY REVIEW. 
 
 Edited by FRANK HARRIS. 
 T'HE FORTNIGHTLY REVIEW is published on the ist of 
 
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