GOYA AND THE Satirical Print Reva Wole Goya and the Satirical Print Artist, hi your timeless art. Wit must weep, and Horror laugh. From Rafael Alberti, “Goya” . . . lam not wrong In calling this comic version of myself The true one. For as change is horror. Virtue is really stubbornness From John Ashbery, “The Picture of Little J. A. IN A Prospect oe Flowers” -■-Wl Goya and the Satirical Print IN England and on the Continent, 1730 to 1850 Reva Wolf Boston College Museum o e Art © 1991 BY Boston College Museum of Art and Reva Wolf All rights reserved Boston College Museum of Art Chestnut Hill, MA 02167 Published in conjunction wth an exhibition of the same title Reva Wolf, Curator Boston College Museum of Art January 28-April 20, 1991 The Spanish Institute, New York May 7 -June 29, 1991 This exhibition is partially funded by The National Endowment for the Arts and by the Consul General of Spain in Boston Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 90-85719 ISBN: 0-87923-925-5 softcover (Boston College Museum of Art) ISBN: 0-87923-897-6 hardcover (David R. Godine, Publisher, in association with Boston College Museum of Art) Photo Credits: Photographs courtesy of the collections indicated on pp. 101-108 Cover illustration: Francisco Goya, the Caprichos, plate 29, Esto si que es leer, c. 1797-98 (no. 23) Frontispiece: Francisco Goya, the Caprichos, plate 26, Ya tienen asiento, c. 1797-98 (no. 38) Poetry Excerpts, p. i: Rafael Alberti, “Goya,”/! la pintura (1953), trans. Nigel Glendinning, Goya and his Critics, London and New Haven, 1977, P- ^51 John Ashbery, “The Picture of Little J. A. in a Prospect of Flowers,” Some Trees (1956), New York, 1978, p. 29 Design: Boston College Office of Communications, Jana Spacek uath Pat Dunbar Tv'pesetting: WordTech Corporation Printing: Macdonald & Evans Contents Pretace, Nancy D. Netzer vi Acknowledgments vii Goya .\nd the Satirical Print in Exgl.ynd .\nd on the Continent, 1730 to i 850 , Reva Wolf Introduction i The Caprichos and the Dissemination oe the English Satirical Print 5 Goya, the Print Trade, and Anglomania in Spain i i The Caprichos and the Satirical Print in Society: Entertainment and Interpretation i 5 Literary Allusions in the English Satirical Print and in the Caprichos 27 The Caprichos and Stock Motifs of the English Satirical Print 3 3 Pose, Gesture, and Expression: Sign Language in the Caprichos \^ r> in the Satirical Print 6q Conclusion 89 Notes 9 1 Abbreviated References and Selected Bibliography 97 List of Works in the Exhibition i o i List of Figures 105 Index of Illustrations, by Artist and Printmaker 1 09 V P R E FAC E Although the graphic work of Goya has been explored by many scholars and in several recent exhibitions, the sources of his work in the printed satirical images of his predecessors and contem- poraries have been largely ignored. The Museum ot Art at Boston College is therefore pleased to present the first exhibition and accompanying book to illustrate the extensive recycling of stock images in satirical prints, and to show how this imagery was passed down from one generation to the next of artists of lesser talent, and transformed by Goya into statements (tf extraordinary visual power. It also emphasizes in a new way the importance ot commerce for the dissemination of satirical prints, especially from England to the Continent. Reva Wolf, .\ssistant Professor of Fine Arts at Boston College, a scholar of Goya’s work, conceived of the show, organized it, and wrote this essay. T) her the Museum owes its greatest debt of gratitude. We are indebted as well to Alston Conley, who, as acting director, oversaw the project at its inception, assisted in the prelimi- nary stages of securing loans, and submitted grants for funding. Of course, none of this could have been done w ithout the invaluable assistance of the Museum’s indefatigable Administrative Assis- tant, Helen S. Swartz. The enthusiastic support and assistance of J. Robert Barth, S.J. (Dean of the College of Arts and Sciences), Charles F. Flaherty (Director of University Research) and his staff, Jeffery W Howe (Chair of the Department of Fine Arts), Julio Jose Lopez Jacoiste (Consul General of Spain in Boston), William B. Neenan, S.J. (Academic Vice-President), Jana Spacek (Director of Design Services), and the Friends of Art at Boston College are also gratefully acknowledged. A portion of this exhibition, which under the terms of its bequest to Harvard University could not be lent, is exhibited simul- taneously in the rotunda of the Widener Library at Harvard. For this displa\' we are grateful to James Lewis, the collection’s curator. We are also pleased that the exhibition is traveling to the Spanish Institute in New York, and thank especially Suzanne Stratton, curator of exhibitions, for her indispensable role in making this possible. The complex elements of this show made it a costly endeavor. Were it not for the generous support of the National Endowment for the Arts, neither the exhibition nor this book would have been possible. We have also been fortunate in the way in which lending institutions agreed to our requests to borrow fine works of art. It is due to them above all that the new ideas explored in this exhibition emerge so clearly and that the contents are as visually compelling as they are. A final word of gratitude is due the administration of Boston College, whose continuing support of the Museum of Art, and whose understanding of the Museum’s mission to serve both the university community and the public is essential to the achievement of every project. Nancy D. Netzer Director Boston College Museum of Art VI A C K N O VV L E D G M ENTS Several individuals and organizations contributed to making this exhibition and book possible, and 1 would like to express my gratitude to them. A Faculty Research Incentive Grant from Boston College allowed me to begin work on the project. I benefitted invaluably from mv study of the print holdings at the Yale Center for British Art, the Beinecke Rare Book Library, and The Lewis Walpole Library during my tenure at the Yale Center for British Art as a Vdsiting Fellow. A Special Exhibitions Grant from the National Endowment for the Arts helped to fund the exhibition and this publication, the content of which I hope the Endowment will reflect on with regard to its relevance for contemporary art. I thank the individuals at the lending institutions who so generously agreed to loan the works, and who assisted me in count- less other ways in the process of putting this exhibition together: Vincent Giroud, Curator of the General Collection, and Christa Sammons, Curator of the Yale Collection of German Literature, Beinecke Rare Book Library, Yale University; Sinclair Hitchings, Keeper of Prints, and Karen Smith Shafts, Assistant Keeper of Prints, Print Department, Boston Public Library; Marie Devine, Librarian, and Joan Sussler, Curator ot Prints, The Lewis Walpole Librarv, Yale University; Bernard Reilly, Curator, Prints and Photo- graphs Division, and Timbra Johnson, Exhibits Office, Idbrary ol Congress; Colta Ives, Curator in Charge, Department of Prints and Photographs, The Metropolitan Museum of Art; Clifford Ackley, Curator, Sue Welsh Reed, Associate Curator, and Stephanie Loeb Stepanek, Research Associate, Department of Prints, Drawings, and Photographs, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston; Cara Denison, Curator of Drawings, Ehe Pierpont Morgan Library; David L. Acton, Cura- tor, Department of Prints and Drawings, Worcester Art Museum; Duncan Robinson, Director, Joan Friedman, Curator of Rare Books, and Patrick Noon, Curator of Prints, \ale Center for British Art. I would also like to thank the other staff members of the Center for British Art who helped me in numerous ways while I was a Resident Fellow there, including Constance Clement, Assistant Director tor Education and Information, Anne -Marie Logan, Reference Librar- ian and Photo Archivist, Betty Muirden, Public Services Assistant, Library, and Laura Guadagnoli and Laura .Malkus, Print Room •Assistants. In addition, I am grateful to James Lewis, Curator of the Houghton Library and of the Widener Memorial Room at Harvard University, tor having arranged tor the pre.sentation of a segment of this exhibition at the Rotunda of the Widener Library. .A few individuals at the lending institutions— Karen Smith Shatts, Patrick Noon, and Joan Sussler— gave considerably of their time and knowl- edge, and without their on-going support this exhibition would not have occurred. I am deeply indebted to them. TTie support of the Fine Arts Faculty and .Administration of Boston College have also been essential to the realization of this project. 1 especially thank Jeffery W Howe, Chair of the Fine .Arts Department, J. Robert Barth, S. J., Dean of the College ot Arts and Sciences, William B. Neenan, S. J., Academic Vace President, and Katharine Hastings, Assistant to the .Academic \’ice President, for standing behind me at every stage. I also thank .Mary Carey, .Adminstrative Secretary, Fine Arts Department, for always being there at times of need. Tlie staff of the Museum of .Art assisted in details large and small of making arrangements for the exhibition. .As acting director, .Alston Conley, with the advice of John Chandler, helped me prepare the grant proposal for the National Endowment tor the .Arts. I lelen S. Swartz, .Administrative .Assistant, helped with everything from grant proposals to photograph orders. Nancy D. Netzer went beyond the call of duty in helping with funding and loans before officially taking up her post as Director. A special thanks goes to my student Jason Drucker, who patiently and with great care assisted me in filling out loan request forms. Another student, Laura Channing, tracked down bibliography. Several colleagues, friends and relatives offered support and advice while I wrote this essay. Thomas Frick, Editor at David R. Godine, Publisher, Inc., provided invaluable editorial assistance. Joanna E. Eink and Sherry Hahn were also excellent editors. In addition, they both most generously spent several hours discussing with me various problems that the essay posed. Also generous in this regard were Gerard Malanga and Susan Wides. My father, Abraham Wolf, and my sister, Beverly Hartzman, stood by me throughout. The subject of this study is based on a section of my Ph.D. dissertation, Francisco Goya and the Interest in British Art and Aes- thetics in Late Eighteenth-Century Spain. I reiterate here my grati- tude to my dissertation advisors, Jonathan Brown and Robert Rosenblum, for many years of guidance. They also offered wise V advice concerning this exhibition. I am especially grateful to Jona- than Brown for having proposed the exhibition to the Spanish Institute in New York. This essay is built on several previous studies, many of which are cited at the appropriate places within the text, and which I would like to acknowledge here. The main studies to have suggested connections between Goya and England are Lopez-Rey, 1945 and 1953, Klingender, 1948, Malraux, Antal, Salas, Hofmann, Busch, and Hasse (refer to the bibliography for a key to the abbreviations). The most important contributions to our understanding of the dissemination of satirical prints are George, all publications. Eor the development of specific themes in caricature, the most significant works are Klingender, 1944, Antal, and Hasse. Reva Wolf NOTE: Numbered plates are works in the exhibition. Additional plates are designated as “figures.” Introduction A keen observer of society, Francisco Goya penetrated both artistic and social conventions in his art, and confronted directh’ the darkest but most basic human impulses. In his print series, the Caprichos, executed from around 1 796 to 1 798, he ridiculed the foibles of society with a power and subtlety in imagery concept, and technique that have left a strong impact on viewers since the early nineteenth century. Contributing to the force of these works is the fact that Goya never placed himself above the society that he criticized; he recognized that he was as much a product of that society as the next person. He was even capable of making himself the subject of his ou n mockery. In a caricature that he drew of himself at the close of a letter to his friend iVlartin Zapater (fig. i ), the extreme protrusion of his chin is of course a gross exaggeration, while his paunch makes him amusingly similar to his own satirical depictions of gluttony. As if to ensure that Zapater would know that the subject of the caricature was Goya, the artist included a caption, which emerges from his mouth: “this is how I am” (“asi estoy "). The dateline of this letter reads “London August 2 , 1 800” (fig. 2). It is generally assumed that the dateline is a joke, since, so far as we know, Goya never went to London.' Although the specific meaning of the reference to London is unknown, Goya’s intuitive as.sociation of caricature with the English capital strongly suggests that he viewed caricature as an English genre. The similarities of several of the eighty plates of the Caprichos to the imagery of English satirical prints indicate, further, that his knowledge of such prints was extensive. I le had by this time incorporated the vocabulary of the English works, along with tho.se of other print traditions (most notably, that of the Italian capriccio), into his own richly associative artistic language. ^ Gova was interested in English satire of all types, ranging from William I logarth’s detailed, engraved narratives of the i 7 30s to social and political prints in which the tigures are caricatured, a format that had made its appearance in the 1 750s, and grew rapidly in quantity and popularity over the next several decades. ^ In the I 17305, Hogarth began to sell collections of his prints in bound volumes. This procedure was inherited by his successors in England as well as by Goya. Several elements of the English prints are found in Goyas work. He borrowed stock settings and characters of the English caricatures, such as the barber shop or hairdresser’s, or the over- indulgent cleric seated at a table. He also appropriated specific poses, such as that of a man with spraw led legs. The faces of his figures are often exaggerated, as in the English images. The Caprkhos are accompanied by brief, often ironic captions that are inscribed under the image, like many of their English counterparts. In concept, Goya’s work is closely related to that of Hogarth. Both Hogarth and Goya were painters who viewed their prints as an extension of their other work and of equal artistic merit. Both compared their work to traditions of satire in literature. Both endeav- ored to produce satirical art that would transcend specifics of time and place. In style, however, Goya’s work is unrelated to that of Hogarth, but has more in common with the English caricatures of Gova’s contemporaries. These images are often simple in composition, in contrast to Hogarth’s crowded scenes, with only one or a few figures and undefined backgrounds. Several of the English works, like the Caprichos, were executed in etching combined with aquatint, a then recently discovered technique for producing tonal variations.^ In some instances, the u.se of several layers of aquatint and the abstract patterns that it produced on the page in the English prints come close in their subtlety to Goya’s images. Goya, howe\’er, tended to cover the entire sheet with the aquatint tone, while the English printmakers tended to apply it to selected passages, leaving the background white. The darker backgrounds of the Caprichos parallel the darker psychological tenor of Goya’s work. Ti be sure, Goya had his own agenda. W hile he borrowed various conceptual and stylistic elements from the English artists, his work, unlike theirs, is not funny. Hogarth claimed to be a moralist; Goya never referred to his work as moralizing. In the w'ell- known advertisement for the Caprichos that was published in the newspaper Diario de Madrid on Eebruary 6, i 799, the prints are characterized as ridiculing vice and error, but the word “moral” is nowhere to be found. ^ Goya knew that he was as prone to folly as the Fig. I. Francisco Goya, Caricature Self-Portrait Drawing in a Letter to Martin Zapater, dated “Landres 2 de agnsto de 1800,” brown ink ■,0 (t Oc^ 'Ur /fe c Ai'y^ ^ -S»=^ I c c JDie ^unfc^ -- 0efelIfd)aft, I geijloolle ®nr(1fDung ein« P3?fell|'d)aft , tie pd) ju cmem be* , tradjtlic^en 0ra6 ten ©cipfopgfeit i ^lerab- ) .1 ,'///«/<■//■/• .'A '/M/’.v ^'o\rv.7.-.yiy/av / I ///-. • zA ^Z‘/Zf Af No, 3a. Ernst Riepenhausen, after William Hogarth, A Midnight Modern Conversation / Er[r] huveurs de Ponche ( The Punch Drinkers), plate 2 of a bound volume of 7 engravings made to accompany Georg Christoph Lichtenberg, Ausfiirliche Erklarung der hogarthischen Kupferstiche, I, Gottingen, 1 794, engraving No. 3b. Georg Christoph Lichtenberg, Ausfiirliche Erklarung der hogarthis- chen Kupferstiche, I, Gottingen, page 81, 1794, letterpress 8 friend, the playwright Leandro Fernandez de Moratin, who spent one year in England during 1792 and 1793, observed in his travel notes that in London there were “shops that could be called ware- houses of them [caricatures], such is their abundance.”*'^ He proba- bl\' borrowed the term “warehouse” from inscriptions on the prints themselves, as in “at the Caracature Warehouse X® 3 Piccadilly” of a print issued by Fores in 1783.'* Moratin’s interest in English caricatures has led some scholars to suggest that Goya would have known such prints through the playwright, with whom he was in close contact during 1796 and 1797, exactly when Goya was at work on the Caprichos.^'^ Whether Goya became familiar with the imagery through Moratin, or through the collections of Hogarth prints owned by Luis Paret or Sebastian Martinez, whom he visited in Cadiz in 1793 and 1796, or through other sources, is unknown; most likely, it was through a combination of these. His fascination w ith them is first manifested around 1 796, when he was becoming interested in producing uncommissioned works that would give him the freedom to depict subjects of his own choosing.® TTie Caprichos is the first set of prints in which that desire was realized, and English satirical imagery provided him w ith an important model. In a sense, the English prints symbolized freedom of expres- sion. V isitors from the Continent were keenly aware that the satirical print was so visible a part of London life due to the fact that England, unlike the neighboring Catholic countries of France or Spain, was largelv free of censorship. TTie German historian Johann Wolfgang von Archenholtz, who had lived in England from 1771 to 1784, pointed out in his Picture of England ( 1 788) that, “It is necessary to count among the privileges of this country, the liberty to make satirical prints that ridicule the enemies of the moment.”^' TTie Spanish art critic and historian Antonio Ponz, who vis- ited England in 1783, also underscored the tolerance of the English government on this issue. In his own essay about England, he observed that “the renowned English liberty is most used, in my opinion, to write satires, and to each day put ridiculing prints, which mock the Ministry, on the d(K)rs of b(K)k shops and other stores . . .”® Ponz, however, felt that this liberty was abused by the satirists. “The impunirv of those who engrave and publish,” he w rote, “leads them to constantly put out defamatory libel and cruel satire, with which No. 4. V'incenz Raimund Griiner, after Ernst Riepenhausen, after William Hogarth, A Midnight Modern Conversation / Les buveiirs de Ponche I The Punch Drinkers), fold-out plate tipped in at the end of G. C. Lichtenberg's li'itzige und Launige Sittengemahlde nach Hogarth, 1 , Vienna, 1 8 1 1 , etching the\’ torment whomever they please, even the honest, the hard- working, the educated, the beneficent or those in high-ranking positions.”^ Ponz’s negative response to the English caricatures is perhaps partly explained by the fact that a large subset of them were anti-Papal, and therefore would ha\e been an affront to the Catholic viewer.-'’ ■More liberal-m..ided Spaniards, however, favored England’s free speech policy Caspar Melchor de Jovellanos, a supporter of Goya’s work, was the most notable of these thinkers. Jovellanos regarded British “liberty” as a model that he would have liked to have seen implemented in Spain, where the Inquisition still oversaw the censorship of images and texts that were deemed either obscene or sacreligious .25 Goya’s adaptations in the Caprichos of the anticlerical and “obscene” imagery of the English caricatures (such as nos. 1 8 and 20, and no. 39 and fig. 24) can be understood as a means — conscious or otherwise— of putting into practice this “liberty.” (The same idea is also behind the fact that caricature, often also based on English models, flourished in Erance for the first time during the Revolution.^^) Predictably, the endeavor caused Goya a few problems. In a letter of 1825 he recalled that the Inquisition had threatened him when he first issued the Caprichos. Whether this was indeed the case has been a subject of debate.^ Documentation does exist, however, of the censorship of his work some years later. During the 1820s, the religious btiard (“Jimta de Fe") removed some plates from sets of the Caprichos that were on the market in Valencia due to their “satirical and anti-religious nature.”^ TTie fear of persecution is in all likeli- hood what prevented Goya from publishing during his own lifetime the subsequent print series, the Disasters of War (c. 181 0-20), which also contained several anticlerical images. Goya, the Print Trade, and Anglomania in Spain Anglomanui possessed the minds of the Freiich at the e^id of the eighteenth century: all the fashions, styles, manners, and even extravagances of the English, veere foolishly imitated in Paris this vogue, like many others, was passed on to us frojn the French. Pedro Estala, i 805' I t G()\a adapted various motifs of the English satirical print because he saw in it a model vehicle tor exercising a belief in freedom of expression, he was attracted to the genre at least as much because it was the height of fashion. The sheer number of copies and offshoots of a print such asAMid?iight Modern Conversa- tion^ both at home and abroad, is a good indicator of the international currency of this vogue. The foreign interest in English prints was not confined to the area of satire, however. Nor was curiosit)' about England limited to printmaking. Erom Erance to Russia, the litera- ture of England was translated, its manufactured goods were imported, and “English” gardens were designed. Spain took its cue from the rest ot Europe. The anglomania that spread throughout Europe during the last quarter ot the eighteenth century v\as intimately related to the active pursuit ot the export market on the part of English merchants, and to Imgland’s recentl)' consolidated economic strength. Goya was as susceptible to this vogue as were his patrons. In Spain, as eksewhere, the copies of English prints and emulations of English print techniques that were advertised in the newspapers with increasing frequency beginning in the early 1780s attest to their growing popularity. England was gradually replacing Erance as the leader in the field of printmaking. Earlier in the century, the Madrid Royal .Academy of Eine .Arts had routinely sent students of printmaking to Paris to master their art.^ In the 1 790s, it was possible to go to England for this purpo,se, as did Bartolome Sureda .Miserol ( 1 769-1 85 i ), whose portrait Goya painted in around 1805 (National Gallery of .Art, Washington, D.C.).^ Spanish ari.sto- crats, who earlier in the century had built up their collections primarily from Erench and Italian works, collected English prints in quantitv for the first time.^ It is worthy of note that the long-standing II antipathy between Great Britain and Spain had little or no bearing on this trend. Taste and marketing had the power to transgress the boundaries of politics. England’s ability to create a market for its prints was due largely to the entrepreneurial skill of certain print dealers. The most successful among these (according to his own word, but probably also in deed) was John Boydell, who aggressively pursued the foreign market. T) this end, he published a two-volume catalogue in hrench of his print inventory,^ and his business dealings with printsellers in Paris and Nuremberg have been documented.^ Boydell also formed contacts in Spain. A 1787 article in the London journal The World boasted of the recent triumphs of the British print trade, noting that “Spain is beginning to deal largely in this commodity A late order from Madrid to Messrs. Boydell exceeded 1,500 pounds sterling.’”^ Boydell’s shifiment can be traced to the Madrid bookdealer Anumio Sancha. He advertised a large selection of Bovdell’s prints in the following year. The Duke and Duchess of Osuna, who were among Goya’s most important patrons, purchased .several of these from Sancha in 1787 and 1790.** This newly established fashion for English prints also had an impact on Gtn a’s commissioned work of those years, most obviously in the genre of portraiture. Portraiture, like caricature and print- making more generally, was considered to be a genre in which the English e.xcelled, and English portrait conventions were therefore deemed worthy of emulation. ^ In Goya’s painting Duke ofAlha, of 1795 (fig. 3), the sitter’s cultural sophistication is emphasized. He holds sheet music by Eranz Joseph Haydn and leans on a pianoforte, possibly one of the three English pianos owned by the duke.'° It is most peculiar that Alba wears his riding boots indoors. Riding w'as considered to be a specialty of the English, and this out-of-place detail was probably meant to be a sign of an English-style gentleman. The casual pose, one leg crossed over the other, which Goya used in several other portraits from around 1 790 on, was in itself an allusion to the English— it is found in numerous English portraits of the second half of the eighteenth century." Goya would have been aware of this convention through prints, examples of which were in the collections of his patrons. .\mong the several portrait prints in Martinez’s collection, for instance, is a framed portrait of the West Family (fig. 4);‘2 the painter’s son Fig. 3. Francisco Goya, 1 795, oil on canvas 12 George Sigmund Facius and Johann Gottlieb Facius, after Benjamin West, West Family , 1779, stipple engravnng Raphael, at the far left, is shown standing in the ubiquitous crossed- leg pose that would soon be taken up by Goya. Goya certainly would have been aware of the cultural and national references that were encoded in such a pose, just as he knew the symbolism of character- istic poses of English satirical prints (see pp. 69-78). Goya’s endeavors to incorporate into his work the latest artistic trends from abroad probably reflects a desire among Spanish intel- lectuals to modernize the arts of their country. Spain suffered from what can be characterized as a collective self-image of lagging behind the rest of Europe in all areas, from the fine arts to industry. .\mong the steps taken by the Spanish government to bring the arts up to date was the establishment in 1789 of the Calcografia Sacmial, a branch of the Madrid Royal Academy that was dedicated to the ad\ancement of printmaking through instruction and through the publication of prints. TTie importation of the latest prints from England was another, less official, manifestation of the desire to modernize the arts in Spain. Goya's use of these prints as models can be viewed as an indication of his ow n ambition to be regarded as an artist whose work was on the cutting edge. Go\a’s interest in English culture was not limited to the fine arts. He v\as also receptive to the recent and prevalent fascination with English literature among cultured Spaniards. One of the many English authors whose work was issued in translation during the I 780s and I 790s was Samuel Richardson, and Goya’s name is on the list of subscribers to the Spanish version of Richardson’s novel Clarissa^ which appeared in installments beginning in 1794.'^ Like numerous similar translations, it was based on a Erench rendition. Clarissa was highly regarded at the time; according to a 1795 advertisement for the Spanish edition, eminent critics had rated it as “the best novel to be compo.sed in any period, and in any language.”'-* premium was also placed on English manufactured ginids, and again this was a judgment that Goya shared with his contempo- raries. Goya owned a pair of English boots, and he purchased two “very expensive” English knives for his friend .Martin Zapater, which he claimed were “the best to be found” in a letter to Zapater.'^ He was especially proud of the English carriage that he had acquired in 1786, boasting to Zapater that “(there are only three like it in .Madrid). ... It has fine ironwork— gilt and polished; 1 tell you, even here people stop to look at it.”'^ Tlie high value that Goya attached to these items echoed an opinion that was frequently voiced in the press.'’ Contemporar\’ writers were keenly aware of the role that economics had played in fostering both the development and the dissemination of English art and industry. This perception went hand in hand with the widespread stereotype of the English as commerce-oriented.'* Moratin’s visit to the Royal Academy exhibi- tion of I 793 in London prompted the following amusingly sarcastic analysis: “The arts in England depend so much on trade and com- merce, that what is not made to be sold by the dozen is not made well; it is for this reason that their prints are so excellent, and their statues so ridiculous.”'^ Another writer maintained that the fine arts had only recently begun to flourish in England, a phenomenon that he attributed to the fact that the English viewed them as “parts of commerce.”’" Although overtones of envy can be heard in these statements, it is nonetheless hardly coincidental that anglomania spread throughout Europe during the last two decades of the eigh- teenth century, exactly at the moment when England had become the main economic power of the West.’' The Caprichos and the Satiric at Print in Society: E N T E R T A I N Al E N T AND INTERPRETATION Who ^i'ould seek sjeill alvsays find soi^iething. Perhaps it ivas precisely that feature, so favourable to the artist, which prevented him fivm writing a commentary to the work himself, although he had often been asked to do so by his friends. ... It certainly would not have been to his advantage. In order that something should he thought very deep, it should never he known how deep it is. Lichtenberg on Hogarth, 1794' T O entertain was the main purpose of the English caricatures. Phrases such as “Humourous and Entertaining Prints” were characteristically inscribed on the plates or on the title pages of volumes of the prints.^ The exhibition rooms of Pores and Holland were settings in which friends could meet to view and discu.ss the latest display of caricatures. \'olumes of the prints were used to do the same in the privacy of ones home, where the perusal of their contents was a customarv source of entertainment for guests. Volumes could even he rented; a common inscription on Fores’ plates was “Folios of Caricatures lent out for the evening.”^ Through the rental system, hosts could var\' their offerings, or keep them up to date. One participant in the soirees of the time, George Berkeley, recalled that it was routine to “get all the novelties of this kind from London as regularlv as the fashionable novel or the last new ballad.” He told of how thew were “the unfailing resource for the entertainment of guests in large country houses,” draw ing out even the shy ones, who “become social over a portfolio of ludicrous scenes in w hich celebrated personages have acted with more or less success.”^ It is probable that Goya’s Caprichos also functioned as vehicles for conversation. The Duchess of Osuna purchased four sets of the prints from Goya in early 1 799,^ and conceivably she had in mind discussing them with visitors to her country house, in emulation of the English aristocracy. Tlie duchess’s countr\- hou.se itself along with the accompanying irregular “English” garden, know n as the Alameda or the Capricho, was built in the later 1780s and 1790s on the pattern of tho.se of her English counterparts.^ Goya himself spent time at the .dlamedaP and several paintings by him served as decorations within the house. .Among these are two scenes from the Spanish theater, perhaps conceived as Spanish variations of the paintings in Boydell’s famous Shakespeare Gallery.* Such imagery, then, would have been appropriate to the duchess’s English-style house, just as the Caprichos was probably viewed by her as a Spanish variant of the English caricatures— a suitable addition, that is, to the library of x}ne Alameda. One way in which the duchess and other Spaniards would have been familiar with the practice of interpreting the prints as a form of socializing, was through English travellers such as the writer and art collector William Beckford. Beckford recorded in his travel diar\’ on August 20, 1787, while he was visiting Portugal shortly betbre his trip to Spain, that his companions were “tumbling over” two of his folios of Hogarth’s prints. One of the companions explained the prints, while another “fell into a gentle slumber,” and Beckford, “into a sort of doze.”^ (In the interpretation of the satirical imagery, skill did count for something.) TTie English had also established a tradition of writing inter- pretations of satirical prints. TTiis practice, too, was taken up by viewers of the Caprichos. Sex eral explanations of Goya’s set of prints were written during his life. TTiese commentaries, which often accompanied volumes of the prints, vary in their analyses of specific images, and scholars have attempted to discern which of them provides the interpretation that was intended by Goya. It was gener- ally believed that, among the three most often cited of these hand- written commentaries, known as the Ayala, BibliotecaNacional, and Prado manuscripts, the Pracio variation was the one that Goya himself had composed. With the discovery in recent years of numerous copies and variants of the commentaries (see no. 5), the questions of their authorship and correctness have become further complicated." The commentaries are perhaps better explained as Spanish variants of the English convention of providing written explanations to satirical prints. TTie most extensive of the commentaries to the English works, not surprisingly, were written to serve as roadmaps to the complex network of symbols encountered in Hogarth’s images. These were issued to accompany sets of the prints, and for both native and foreign viewers of Hogarth’s engravings. The commentaries that were published in languages other than English show that the custom was known abroad, and it is perhaps through these publica- tions that Spaniards had become familiar with the practice. I Hogarth himself had hired the engraver Jean Rouquet to write commentaries in French to accompany sets of his prints. Rouquet’s pamphlet, published in 1 746, was sent to Germany and Italy as well as France. One purpose of Rouquet’s and other foreign commentar- ies was to explain the English customs pictured in the prints to the non-English viewer. For example, Rouquet provided a lengthv description of English taverns as a kind of preamble to his discussion of plate 3 of A Rake's Progress (no. 49). He remarked, with obvious overtones of nationalistic chauvinism, that the scene is somewhat “crude,” and that in this can be found a “marked distinction between our customs and those of the English.” He then gave an account of the physical appearance of the taverns, their quantity in London, and explained that men could bring “one of the unfortunate women of which the streets of London are covered” into the place, as the Rake has done in Hogarth’s engraving. Foreign commentaries to the Caprichos similarly served the purpose of explaining the customs of one country to the natives of another. In a manuscript written in English, for example, the expla- nation of the witchcraft scene depicted in plate 65 reads, “In Spain the superstitious believe that witches are carr’d by the Devil.”'* A French set of commentaries introduces the series of prints by charac- terizing them as satires against the superstitions and vices, especially prostitution, of the Spanish populace (no. 6). Fifteen of the plates are then identified as depictions of prostitutes in Madrid (included in this list are nos. 32 and 35, and figs. 26 and 34). The French commentary was written b}' a Spaniard, Juan Antonio Llorente, a No. 5 . Valentin Carderera, manuscript explanation of the Caprichos, Explicacion de In que representan . . . , pen and brown ink No. 6. Juan Antonio Llorente, manuscript explanation of the Cir/)r/c/!ior, Caprices de Goya, pen and brown ink Car Cci\tieH^ J^t- ' 7f j«r^ itJfUjrtJ G>fUrA cnrcdJtte^ ,, certjJ^C^ ^ d//a>^^/ ^w ^I ’^J/ /V ri7,, 2i,< ■7^rJZ‘AWJ^‘r ^ , <.;J ^ tr%»i e^' -i^ /^ “ dc ttJ ^ ^ , «7 u W,'* * ■ ■‘^ S, <,lr>-f‘' / i - .. ^ r iJl . former functionary of the Inquisition who had hoped to reform it, and u ho, during the French occupation ( 1 808-13 contributed to its abolition. He wrote his e.xplanatory remarks on the Caprichos after the occupation, while living in exile in France.*^ More interesting than Llorente’s descriptions of the individual plates is his attempt to explain to French viewers the subtleties in the relationships between word and image. He pointed out that in all the plates, “The Spanish captions . . . are w itticisms, the comprehen- sion of which is derived through a meditation on the subject matter of each print” (see no. 6). Llorente understood the complexity of Gova s work, and that its interpretation required the active participa- tion of the viewer. similar position was taken by Gregorio Gonzalez Azaola, a scientist by profession w ith broad interests who published an article on the Caprichos in 181 i.>’ GonzMez Azaola explained that, “each person in their manner and according to their own sphere of know 1- edge, with more or less happy results, works out the subtle concepts contained in each of the satires.”'** .\gain, the emphasis is on the role of the viewer. Moreover, Gonzalez .\zaola plainly indicated that such interpretation was a social activity. The vices depicted in the prints, he maintained, “provide much material for discussion.”'^ The prints served a purpose, then, comparable to those of Hogarth and his successors. It even seems likely that Gonzalez .\zaola borrowed some of the ideas expressed in his article from the commentaries on Hogarth’s work.^ Just as the Spanish writer had observed that each person arrives at his or her own understanding of Goya’s prints, so Lichteiiberg noted with regard to Flogarth that, “Part of the pleasure provided b\' the immortal work of our artist depends, just as with the w orks of Nature, upon the exercise of one’s own ingenuity, w hich must play its own part.”^' GonzMez Azaola’s emphasis on the moral significance of Goya’s prints, and its relation to literature — he referred to them as “80 engraved moral poems”— also has parallels in Fichtenberg’s commentaries, as well as in all of the other major publications on Hogarth that were w ritten in the eighteenth century (see no. 16). (However, as was noted previously, in the 1799 adver- tisement for the Caprichos, the word “moral” is nowhere to be tound.) The Spaniard, further, maintained that the intelligent viewer I of the Caprichos recognized that each plate “contained a certain mystery,”22 a quality that Lichtenberg had also claimed for Hogarth’s work when he philosophized that, “In order that something should be thought very deep, it should never be known how deep it is.” Published commentaries on the English prints served pur- poses other than the interpretation of the specific symbols and o\erall messages. These were also applied to Goya’s Caprichos. One standard function of the commentaries was to identify, or at least to speculate about the identities of the persons pictured in the prints. The naming of the tarious individuals in Hogarth’s A Midflight .Modem Conversation (no. i ) in particular was a favorite subject of discussion. W riting in 1 768, John Trusler pointed out that Hogarth in this instance did depict specific persons in a specific club. He then explained that, for the sake of decorum, since some of said individu- als were still alive, he would discuss the image only in general terms, “there being many, at present, whom each character will fit.”^ Some twenty years later, John Nichols, perhaps because all of the individu- als had by then been put to rest, identified some of them by name.^-* Lichtenberg, who had read the commentaries of both Trusler and Nichols in preparing his own text, claimed that the figures in A Midnight Modern Conversation were portraits. “1 am prepared to believe this,” he explained, “since Hogarth expressly states that it is not so.”^ He was referring to the \erses that Hogarth himself had inscribed below the image; TTiink not to find one meant Resemblance there We lash the V'ices but the Persons spare Some of the commentaries to the Caprichos also identified figures in a few of Goya’s plates as specific persons, even though Goya, like Hogarth and perhaps even in emulation of him, denied the inclusion of portraits in his set of prints. According to the Diario de Madrid advertisement. One vw)uld be presuming too much ignorance of the fine arts on the part of the public to ha\ e to point out that in none of the compositions that make up this collection has the author intended to ridicule the particular defects of this or that person . . .^ 19 No. 7. Francisco Goya, Subiry hajar(Tn rise and to fall}, the Caprichos, plate 56, c. 1 797-98, etching and aquatint The person who was most often identified with a particular character in the Caprichos was Manuel Godoy, the prime minister during the years in which Goya produced his set of prints. Godoy s rise to power through his relations with Queen Maria Luisa was an endless source of gossip. According to some of the commentaries on the prints, Godoy is the depraved man being hurled by a satyr (a traditional symbol of lust) in plate 56, To rise and to fall (Suhir y bajar) (no. 7).^ Whether contemporary identifications of the figures in A Midnight Modern Conversation or in To rise and to fall are correct has never been adequately resolved. It may be that in each case the artist did have specific individuals in mind, and that he then generalized to make a more “universal” statement. In this regard, Goya’s aims are much closer to those of Hogarth, who like himself was a painter as well as a printmaker, than to the political caricaturists. The latter made specific individuals and events the sole focus ot their work. In The Political Balloon (no. 8), issued anonymously in 1 7 8 3 , a figure in pow er is seated on top of the w orld as others plunge off it, upside down, as in Goya’s Capricho.^ The subject of the British print is Charles Fox’s India reform bill; this is indicated through the placement of Fox on the globe just above the map of India. (Fox was a favorite subject of the caricaturists during these years, and his visage is easily recognizable in the prints — see nos. 9 and 36). Goya, on the other hand, did not indicate where on the globe the satyr sits, nor are the other figures in the scene securely identifiable. He did not overtly depict specific people or events. Gtn a’s symbolic figure is comparable to that of another English print, Brittannia Roused (no. 9). In this image, etched bv Rowlandson in 1 784, Fox and Lord North are subjected to the wrath of Britannia, w ho is angered by their coalition. Again, the English print is specific in its references. In later works where the theme of these prints is carried on, such as James Gillray’s depiction of Englanci’s struggle with Napoleon, Fighting for the Dunghill (no. 10), or Honore Dau- mier’s The new Icaruses (Les nouveaux Icares) (no. 1 1 ), which con- cerns the 1 848 power struggle of Louis-Napoleon,^^ Eox and North are replaced by new players of the political arena. Go\’a understood a significant implication of the fill-in-the-blank iconography of politi- cal caricature, as the caption To rise and to fall implies — that those who reach the top echelons of political power are inevitably corrupt, 'i'lv'. L-’oi.ir rAt> }L\LijOON:or.ih, fall of East Inijia Stock. 20 No. 8. Anonymous [Samuel Collings.’], The Political Balloon; or, the fall of East India Stock , 1783, etching OR rm COAUTLON MQKSTEKS BESTROYm No. 9. TTiomas Rowlandson, Brittannia Roused, or the Coalition Monsters Destroyed, 1784, hand-colored etching hi4jhtuu) fnr (Jie DuXttHlLL : or Jach Tar , Settling Bl'OX.\PARTE . "~-‘ No. 10. James Gillray, Fighting for the Dunghill: or Jack Tar Settling Buonaparte , 1 798, hand-colored aquatint uith etching ALTUALITES Les nouveaux Icares 4 ^: No. 1 1 . Honore Daumier, Les nouveaux hares (The new Icaruses), 1850, lithograph While some commentators on the Caprichos identified certain of Goya’s characters as public figures (such as Godoy), others grafted alternative identities onto them. In an early nineteenth century copy of plate 20 of the Caprichos, They already go, plucked (Ya van desplumados) (figs. ^ and 6), a commentary was included on the plate itsell, in the form of rhyming verses, which can be translated as follows: Look into this mirror, heedless lovers, This is how women please those v\ hom they have plucked. The verses elaborate on Goya’s scene, which the copyist transformed into a specific reference to the French occupation of Spain. The plucked bird on the left was turned into Napoleon Bonaparte, while his companion is probably Napoleon’s brother Joseph.^^ Goya’s image w’as treated in exactly the same way as several English prints that were recycled during the invasion years, as for example the Span- ish version of Henry William Bunbury’s A Long Story (no. 12, and fig. 7). 33 The inclusion of verses in the copy of They already go, plucked is another indication that Goya’s prints were treated in much the same way as the English caricatures. Rhyming verses were often inscribed on the English prints, as in The Evacuations (no. 42). In some instances, the verses were handwritten on the print and served to elaborate on the significance of the image. One impression of The Last Drop (fig. 8), a print included in the various volumes of Darly 's Comic-Prints that were issued during the mid-i 770s, was embellished with handwritten verses in Spanish that reflect and even establish a clever dialogue with the accompanying image of a man who drinks himself to death: Look at this brute, shaped like a wine pouch. Drink his death, drop by drop. These verses show that Spaniards had a sophisticated understanding of the English practice of interpreting caricature prints. It is reason- able to think, then, that the commentaries to the Caprichos, which were in one set of the prints written under the captions,34 like the verses written on The Last Drop, developed out of an established English custom. 2 Fig. 5 - * v/7/? . Francisco Goya, Ya van desplumadns (They already go, plucked), the Caprichos, plate 20, c. 1797-98, aquatint and etching YthWIt'nttii'X . tfu/ putftifi ttiY mwftrr^' a It/ ifut uu turn lii'/plmtuiitt' -)•(/// (/c.y?////r/(r(/v Fig. 6. Anonymous, El castigo de la goksina / Ya van desplumadns ( The punishment of desire / They already go, plucked ),c. 1812-13, etching A lArSi; STOUT No. 12. Henry William Bunbury , Long Stary , 1802 ( reissue of a print published in 1 782 ), stipple engraving with etching 4 Fig. 7. Anonymous, Snrpresa que causn d los parientes y amigos de Jnsef Bntellas, estandn en sus diversiones favoritas, la noticia de su salida precipitada de Madrid (The Surprise zeith n-hich the relatives and friends of Joseph “Bo tellas," involved in their favorite entertain- ments, received the news of his sudden departure from Madrid ),c. 1813, hand-colored engraving IlASI' DB-OP, BcUr .r. ~~rr, Fig. 8. Anonymous [.Mary or .Matthew Darly.'], The Last Drop, 1773, etching Lichtenberg maintained in the preface to his commentaries on Hogarth’s prints that there were two ways to explain the engravings: the “prosaic,” which involved a detailed reading of the objects w ithin the picture, and the “poetic,” an attempt to verbally recreate the scene rather than to simply describe it. He then stated that in his own interpretations he would take the latter, more inventive approach. 35 The notion of a text that parallels the image reflects an association betw'een satirical imagery and literature that had been firmly established by Hogarth himself, and that Goya w'ould adapt to suit his own ends. 26 Literary Allusions in the English Satirical Print AND IN THE CaPRICHOS ^ The author is convinced that the criticism of human error and vice (although it seems to he a subject peculiar to eloquence and poetry) can also he the subject of painting. From the Diario de Madrid advertisement for the Caprichos, i 799' T he comparison of the visual arts to literature v\as of course hardl\' new or unusual. However, its association w ith w rit- ing that ridiculed “human error and vice”— satire, that is— was a fairly recent phenomenon, and can he traced directly to the ideas of Hogarth. 1 logarth s own likening of his v\ork to satirical w riting was well know n through, for instance, two lines of verse that accom- panied his celebrated engraving A .Midnight .Modern Conversation (no. i): Prints should he prizd as .Authors should he read Who sharply smile prevailing Foll\- dead Hogarth’s likening of verbal satire to its visual counterpart would become, by the 1 790s, a well established convention. It was known to the playwright .\Ioratin, who in his notes about his trip to England had compared the humor, poses, and exaggerated gestures in the caricatures that he had seen in London to those of the theater.^ The analogy \ ery probably came directly from English writing on the subject, and specifically from that of Hogarth’s faithful supporter, the novelist I lenry Eielding.^ TTie distinction that Moratin made, in continuing his discussion, between “caricature,” which he viewed as similar to a “farse,” and “draw ing in the humor- ous genre,” which he likened to “high comedy,”^ is extremely close to a well known passage from the prologue to Eielding’s no\el Joseph Andreves ( i "42 ), in w hich he compared caricatura to burlesque, and character to the more elevated comic history painting. ^ Fielding’s remark was w ritten in defense of I logarth’s ow n distinction between his work and that of the “caricaturists” who were just then becoming fashionable. This distinction was also the subject of a print that Hogarth issued in 174^, Characters, Caricatnras, on w hich he inscribed, “For a farthar Explanation of the Difference Betw ixt (Taracter & Caricatura See y*^ Preface to Jot' .Andrews.”* It is ^7 / ^//'//// /////// V ) /// // v//^ 28 No. I 3 . Francisco Goya, Fraw." Goya y Lucientes Pintor i Francisco Goya y Lucientes Painter), the Caprichos, plate I , f . 1 797-98, etching and aquatint probable that Moratin took his own explanation of the distinction directly from Fielding, whom he could have read at lirst hand, as he had a good knowledge of the English language.'^ Other associations between Hogarth’s imagerv' and literature can be found in Fielding’s novels, and these were known abroad through translations of his work. In Spain, translations ot Amelia and Tom Jones were published in the mid-i 790s. In both novels, the talents of Hogarth (along with Shakespeare) were evoked as a way to describe the vividness of the characters’ physical manifestations of their emotions. \n Amelia, the rage ot Miss Matthews (“Matthieu” in the Spanish version, a telltale sign that it had been based on a French translation), as evidenced in her voice, expression, and actions were such that “Shakespeare was not able to describe more perfectly a rage, nor Hogarth paint one.”* In Tmi Jones, it is declared that it only Shakespeare’s pen were at hand, or Hogarth’s paintbrush, then perhaps the sadness, horror and trembling of the servant could be successfully “painted.”'^ Gova’s ow n awareness, through Moratin and/or other available sources, of the customary association of satirical imagery with literature is signaled b>- his use of a self-portrait as the first plate of the Caprichos (no. i 3). In literary works, a portrait of the author was of course the image that was most commonly found on the frontispiece. It was undoubtedly this literary association that had led Hogarth, some five decades earlier, to engrave a self-portrait for use as a frontispiece to his volumes (no. 14). To underscore the association, Hogarth placed himself in a framed oval picture within the picture, above a stack of three books. (In the painting on which this engraving is based, the names of Milton, Shakespeare and Swift are written on the spines.") Go\a probably intended to establish a similar relationship to Spanish literature by quoting two lines from the satirical poem A Arnesto bv Jovellanos fttr the caption of plate 2 of the Caprichos (fig. 9)— that is, the plate following his self-portrait. TTie fact that this caption is two lines long sets it apart from those of the other plates, w hich consist of one line, and in several instances only one or a few words. TTie distinct nature of this caption underscores the literary connection that Chn a set up in the first two plates of his book. This connection is further emphasized by the prominence given to the masks in plate 2 . The idea of combining a self-portrait No. 14. William Hogarth, Gultelmus Hogarth, 1 749, etching and engra\-ing Fig. 9. Francisco Goya, El si pnmuncian y la mano alargan Al primero quc llega (They say yes and give their hand to the first who takes it), the Caprichos, plate 2, c. 1 797-98, etching and aquatint 3 with a mask to indicate the satirical artist s area of specialization had again been developed by Hogarth. He had designated a mask as the attribute of the Comic Muse in a self-portrait that he engraved in 17^8 for use, like his earlier self-portrait, as a frontispiece to collec- tions of his work. '3 The association with the traditional theatrical symbol of comedy is obvious. This idea was reinterpreted some years later, in i 769, by Thomas Patch, a caricaturist w'ho lived in Italy and who also used a sell-portrait as a frontispiece to his collection of etched caricatures of people whom he knew (no. 15). Patch is here seen measuring a mask, an operation that denotes the act of drawing caricatures. His mask has the face of a satyr, perhaps a pla\’ on “satire.”*'^ A more general association with literature is evident in the book format of both Hogarth’s and Patch’s w'ork. Again, Goya probably took his cue from the English artists. From Hogarth onward, English satirical prints were customarily sold in collections that were bound by either the publisher or the purchaser. In 1799, when Goya first advertised the Caprichos, he offered only the com- plete set of eighty prints, which could then be bound by the owner (fig. lo).'^ The advertisement makes no mention of the sale of individual plates from the series, a deviation from the standard procedure tor selling prints in Spain. London printseller-publishers, however, routinely sold bound volumes of satirical prints. Hogarth had established this practice in 1736, and continued it until his death in 1 764,''^ after which his wife sold the volumes.’*. In the i 790s, the enterprisingjohn Boydell, who had purchased Hogarth’s plates in 1789, marketed three editions of the artist’s work in volumes (see nos. 1 6 and 17).’^ The book format was adapted by publishers of caricatures beginning in the 1750s. During the 1780s and 1790s, w'hen the satirical print reached new levels of popularity, phrases such as “Books of Caracaturs” were routinely inscribed on the prints as advertisements for these volumes.^o VV’illiam Holland ran this adver- tisement in 1 789: “Caricature Collectors may now be supplied with the greatest variety in London of political and other humourous prints, bound in volumes and ornamented with an engraved title and a characteristic vignette.”^’ The arrangements of the prints w'ithin books of caricatures may prtn ide an explanation for the unusual ordering of Goya’s No. 1 5 Thomas Patch, Tammasn Patch Autore (Thomas Patch Author), from Caricatures, 1768, etching Fig. 10. The Caprichos, front cover of binding, c. 18 30-40 I THE ORIGINAL G E X U I X E ORES OF V^ILLIAM HOGARTH ** HiE . I'routtapwvr Portrait of llufortli Milh Iim ' Pi^tnut llugnrth, whutr Irni^h l>iM, . Th< iiarloC'i I'hir I . DUto. . Plat* il PUlr^ M. I‘ia(t ( Platr II PUtr III inalv IV PUU V Plate VI Plalp Vll mate \lll . Southwark Fair. A MuliKiflX Mixfem Co tniHiriK \clivaaca an-«*iD( In Iw iWlrtal Port, Le I'liraitcil MiuK'ian. (arm.'*- « la kfuar. Plate I. Mtu. . I'latc II I. Dair.. . - mate V. DiUo. . male VI. Mr. Oameti in llte ebarartcr ot Rirhanl III. . .Suboii LicI 1/ttai. . Marlin Folkea, Pa oT Wincheatar. • I. Tile Induatnou* ami t|>r«fltice, mate I i. Ditto, . . - mi I Ihllo, . . - pi< L Diiiu. m ' Diuo. . m I. TItc Hleepiog <*i>aim|nlton, k The Country Inn Nam. I. O the KumI lieer«fUM Itneliuid, Ac. The March to Kiachley, I Beer Street, • • k. Cm Imu. ... ASH 0 ‘i A ‘ ash: I) I M I* I A 0 lU U UAH 0 « U .it The Ural sta«r of Cruelly. .V$. TIh' acoinii Sla((v nf Cmellv. .W Cniell> »■ Pcrtwliuo. ' - ,7. Tin- Rewafil of Cruelly. 4S. Tb* Iwuichin^ kiiatraee. .V) '4V {.ektiira. nil RcheHrsul of till) OrwhiTHi of JmJilh, til. 'Hie Ci>nn>any 111 Cmh rtakem, i&t 4 ‘harartcr* and CorKBlum*, tn. St IVul Iwfnr.- Friia, in tlie Manner uT (M. St Paul, iirearhiac twhire Felik, tWS Ditto, witn xanatKina, AIF Slo.*. ImMiKfat In Pliatanh'r IHo^or, ttr.-ITl, Htorh. tM. -i'nluinliua lireakiau the RcR, ni. An Kln-luM FjilertaiiiMenl. . 7<>. (‘anroMiUif Ibr VtMea, 71 Thr Pullin|C, 7a.' Chainox Im Mcmlwra, • • tA France, 76. Thu Corkpit, • • 7rt Tb« Fi»p Ordera of Pcrnwi**, 77 Enlhu^in.m lUlioented. 7H. Tbr Midicy. Vi. rW Time.. Plalr I M). Tlw Tune*, mate 11. N| John Wilkra, F>m • . S2"<'harlea (Tiurcbill. • M Don l^uikolle, Bo»k 11 Chon 6. NI Ditto. Rook III. Chap t. N6 Ditto. Book ill Chap 7. M. Ditto, Book III. Chap. N. M DiUo. Bonk ill Chaii. O NN. Drtbi. Rm4 ill Chap IS KO. Receipt for tba March to Pinrhlay. ftO. i)ittu, for Mimc« and SI. Wai. 'll. TbaUaltUofllvPielurea. (U. Kempt for the Klectioa Pnul*. fM Time Mmdiiac a Ptetare, U4. IlcaiU frxm the ('aitooBa. t<6. View near Chwwtck. > M. Hymnt ami Capnl, . 07. -lie Shnmp (I, A. IH. The Puliiirian. 00. The Oraal .Saiuarilaa, Ioo..TIm Pool of llribcMia. lOI. BefiaFa Onna, . • lost. Cumpipal lA Metteo, ... ||)Ml SigtaaiDiiila. - . • . ii>l, .Cnalyata of Beaut*. PlaU I. Iii& Ditto, - ’ Plato II. loo -Taate in llieh Lifo, ... lo7, Tba Royal Ma»>|ucfmio at Somrraet llouac, KH. Fww. 0 H B |o lu 0 ■*0 I o 0 1 0 O I «l 0 I « O i o U I 0 II B A 0 lo A 0 10 A 0 to 6 0 lo a 0 10 A 0 T • 0 10 6 0 10 A 0 6 0 MF^SRS. ROYDKLL ami Co Ihiub it their doly, frum tba miM-ralile cnpiea of tba Work* of IKKiARTH, that are puhliahad la tbia oad other counlrir*, lo iufi>ria iIr PubiM' IhsI they am the MpMa with (Iw orifmolt. The Oaiiiiatt Wooat or ilmitarN. in use tidunw (rand 00^)* foltuy tavO*. coatainlBf lOfi plate*, may ba Imd of Moaora. RoyAatl aad Co. pnee XAI , half hound rn Hutata, TiA . Ibmio«I m Koaaia, etlra. T9A. 6 . wyatrair PnnU a) the prtewa marked in the Catahifaa. Where alto a poldwhed. lloutaTH Itti rrmarao, try John laai.tm, in three votuawa Royal (n« pne« f4.aiit..Ad. w baaala. eoatainiaf 166 Print*, the thi|d I-Idilvm corrected.— Thu Work not only oa|>Uifla cock Priat, lait mcltalc* vonow Anocdolea of tbot (raal Artat. and of tba liaua in wbwb ba ttv<«l N.B The Ihtfvl Volume, o>«apilcd from IfogaAb't Manaacripta, may ha had mparatr, prK« £1 .lA* for the coiapMiua of mCi, to areommmiato iWaa who purrhaaed the two Aral «ola«e*. bafare the third «•* poMutiad , oad to parebaaer* of Ibi velama of tba Oriftoal Woria will be aoid the two lint voluBr* of the tuptamlkwa ••(6**/ I'rmti. price £l..l«. boartfo. 2 images. Books of caricatures ranged from collections on one subject, such as the ill effects of alcohol (no. ^5, and fig. 28), to sets of thematically unrelated caricatures, to a combination of series and single prints, such as the collections of Hogarth’s work (see no. 17). TTie often random ordering of the prints is comparable to the lack of a narrative unity in the Caprichos, in which thematically-related pairs or groups, and seemingly unrelated images are placed in sequence. Goya’s unusual ordering of the plates has prompted on-goir.g specu- lation about the meaning of their arrangement. 22 Understood within the conte.xt of the volumes of English satirical prints, an established t\ pe b\' the mid-i 790s, the arrangement of the plates in the Caprichos seems less peculiar. More interesting is what Goya did with this open-ended model. He positioned one image next to another within his book so that, viewed in sequence, they produce subtle associations. For instance, plate 1 7 (fig. 26), a depiction of a prostitute who pulls up her stocking, is followed by one of a man pulling up his pants (no. 47), while plate 25, a depiction of a child being spanked in the rear, is followed by No’u: they have a seat (no. 38), as if to play up the pun in “seat” through the juxtaposition of the two images. The comparison ot Goya’s prints to poetry that was made in the advertisement for the Caprichos, and the characterization of the work as “visual poetry,” a cliche that was already established in the first decades of the nine- teenth century, have their linguistic justification. If Hogarth wanted his prints to be “read” like stories, Goya wanted his to be “read” like poems. TTie subject matter of Ixith the English prints and the Caprichos, like their book formats, has parallels in literature. The criticism of No. 16. John Boydell, publisher, title page. The Original and Genuine Works of William Hogarth, London, 1790, letterpress No. 17. John Boydell, publisher, contents page. The Original and Genuine Works of William Hogarth, London, 1790, letterpress old men pursuing marriage with or sexual favors of women who are at least halt their age, for instance, was depicted by the English caricaturists (nos. 36 and 58, and fig. 32 ) as well as by Goya (no. 37), and was one of the most popular themes in eighteenth-century European literature. 22 The stock character of the barber was also repeatedly used in the caricatures as well as in literature. The character Marquitos in a theatrical production written by Tomas de Iriarte for the Duchess of Osuna, for example, has the role of “barber and blood-drawer.”2^ This is of course a play on the closeness of the word “barber” to the word “barbarous,” as is the scene of a barber whose razor cuts the flesh of his customers in a remarkably large number of caricatures. The frequent appearance of these and numerous other sub- jects and character types in literature partly explains their popular- ity in the caricature prints. More significant, however, is the fact that they were familiar types in art because they were familiar types in life. Thus, the viewer’s relationship to the depicted scene could be established immediately — the most often repeated motifs were also those that were the most ordinary and unintimidating. The images that travelled the furthest in time and place, from I logarth to Daumier and beyond, were of the barber shop and dining room, not of the game of croquet, or of the royal palace. The artists took advantage of these everyday motifs to develop ideas and illustrate events that played against the comfort ot familiarity inherent to them; the threatening, ri.sque, or bizarre potential of the motifs was frequently elaborated, as will become clear through a closer exami- nation of the prints themselves. ///// ^ V//// '///f ' / 34 No. 1 8. Francisco Goya, Estan calientes ( They are hot), the Caprichos, plate i 3, c. 1797-98, etching and aquatint The Caprichos and Stock Motifs of THE English Satirical Print Now w'e behold in w'hat unite The Priest, the Beau, the Cit, the Bite; Where Law and Physick join the Sword, And Justice deigns to crown the Board: How Midnight Modern Conversations Mingle all Faculties and Stations. From “The Bacchanalians: Or a Midnight Modern Conversation. A Poem, adress’d to the Ingenious Mr. Hogarth.” Anonymous broadside, c. 1733 A rtists v^ho adapted well established motifs of English satiri- cal imagery used them to their own ends, often focusing on a particular aspect of a motif and developing it. Goya’s depiction of three monks sitting around a table in plate 1 3 of the Caprichos, They are hot (Estan calientes) (no. 18) can be traced to A Michiight Modem Conversation (no. i ). Goya’s work is also related to a number of subsequent English prints that focused on the well-fed clergyman who stirs the punch in Hogarth’s print. He is clearly the model, for instance, for the self-satisfied minister who sits in front of a punch bowl in Thomas Rowlandson’s The Parsonage (no. 19). The stereotypically obese clergyman is again the subject of Fast Day!, by Richard Newton (no. 20). In this instance, two of the shameless clerics offer a toast to the Church while another two focus their attention on the roast beef that they are about to eat. Ehe image, and the ironic title and verses inscribed below it (“Easting and Praver, attending the Church Bell, That, that’s the way, good Chris- tian, to live well!”) refer to a specific occasion, one of the fast days that the gmernment had asked the population at large to observe from time to time during the war against Erance. The print is dated April 19, I 793, which the King had designated for a public fast in supplication tor God’s intervention in the armed struggle, and for the restoration of peace and prosperity.' The patent anti-clericism ot this caricature in all likelihood reflects the revolutionary sympathies of its publisher, W’illiam I lolland.^ TTie satirical depiction of clerics seated at a table endured for decades, and was not isolated to England. Daumier used the formula for his Capucinade: Poverty Content ( Capucinade: La Pauvrete Contetite) of 1831 (no. 21), which was occasioned by the recent passing of the Eallou.x Law fiir free education. Portrayed here are the capuchin fathers, who have just returned from voting. TTiey are received by Louis \euillot and Count Montalembert, who, like \’iscount Falloux, v\ere ultramontanes who fa\()red free education 35 No. 19. Thomas Rowlandson, The Parsonage, n.d., black chalk, pen and brown ink, and watercolor No. 20. Richard Newton, Fast Day!, 1 793, hand-colored aquatint with etching .U ACTBALITES. V C.'noi’-lloi SK No. 2 I No. 2 2 Honore Daumier, Capucinade: La Pauvrete Cnntente i'Capucinade': Poverty Content), 1 85 1 , lithograph Henry William Bunbury, etched by William Dickinson, A Chop-House, 1781, stipple engraving 38 but were against freedom of the press.^ Tlie irony of this last fact with regard to Daumier, who had been imprisoned for his satires against the previous government back in 1832, would not have been lost on the contemporary viewer of the print. W hen Goya appropriated this most elastic motif of clerics seated at the dining table for plate 1 3 of the Caprichos, he typically avoided the e.xplicit portrayal of particular people or events, in contrast to his English counterparts and their French successor. Instead, Goya established multiple allusions to more than one symp- tom of corruption within the church. This was achieved through the double meaning in the caption. They are hot. “They” lacks a specific referent, and can denote either the food or the monks, as has often been pointed out. If the food is “hot,” the implication is that the monks are such gluttons that they are com- pelled to eat their food before it has had a chance to cool off. If, on the other hand, it is the monks who are “hot,” then the reference is to their sexual appetites. TTiis second implication had developed out of an emphatically risque drawing, in which a double meaning is found in the visual rather than verbal component of the design (fig. i i ). The nose of the monk on the left is also a phallus— not implied but represented graphically— and his open mouth is also an anus. In the Capricho, Go\a repeated this last detail, but omitted the crude reference, in his rendering of the mouth of the monk who faces the viewer. The waiter in this Capricho is derived from another subset of English caricatures that grew out of A Midnight Modem Conversation (see no. 2 2 ). In some of these prints, a human head is the dish either served b\ the waiter or eaten b\' the diners. Goya borrowed this image for another draw ing that he made in the process of developing his concept for plate 1 3 of the Caprichos.* The motif of the barber shop and/or hairdressers was equally flexible. .\s with his depiction of monks seated around a table, when Go\a adapted this image for inclusion in the Caprichos (no. 23), he elaborated on it to produce a variety of associations, rather than to ridicule a particular individual. TTie subject, predictably, had devel- oped out of the work of Hogarth, and was taken over by the caricaturists of the following generations, frequently for the purpose of mocking a politician. Cioya’s own generalized satire was derived from these later images. 39 Fig. 1 1 . Francisco Goya, Caricatura akgre I Happy caricature). Album B (.Madrid Album), page 63, c. 1796-97, indian ink wash / ) ^ ,// ^y///' f'j Ay 40 No. 2 3 . Francisco Goya, Estn si que es leer { This is certainly being able to read), the Caprichos, plate 29, c. 1 797-98, etching and aquatint Hogarth had included a barber who doubles as a hairdresser among the many figures in his engraving Night, from the series The Four Times of Day of 17^8 (no. 24). Through the window of the building at the tar left, a barber can be seen lifting up the nose of his customer, whom he has cut; this is not surprising, since his eyes are closed. The shop sign just outside of the window alludes to the scene within; “Shaving Bleeding and Teeth Drawn with a Ttuch.” The p(K)r customer knits his brow and clinches the arm of his chair in pain, as bl(K)d drips onto his smtxrk. Still, the client is hardly more virtuous than the barber. Lichtenberg e.xplained in answer to his rhetorical question, “And why should the old gentleman at that hour of the night find it necessary to dispose of his beardr,” that the man is actually in a brothel, as a sign above the one for the barber shop— “A New Bagnio” — indicates.^ The moral of this story is of course that the cust(tmer deserxed what he received. The technique used by Hogarth of criticizing both sides of a story was reinterpreted by Goya in a most disturbing manner. In Goya’s own rendition of the barber shop/hairdresser scenario, plate 29 of the Caprichos, This is certainly being able to read ( Esto si que es leer) (no. 2 D. both the seated man who is being grtxomed and the valet who puts on his shoe are caricatured. The one has a cleft lip and an almost non-e.xistent chin — indicators of his animal nature — w hile the other has an e.xaggeratedly large nose and broad grin. I le laughs at the seated man, who acts as if he is reading despite the fact that his eves are taped shut. The laughing valet contributes in large part to the haunting effect, and to the meaning of Goya’s print. He laughs at the folly of the protagonist, yet he too appears to be demented. In Hogarth’s print, both the barber and his client are ridiculed, and the viewer is merely an observer of the scene. In Goya’s, however, the viewer is warned not to laugh tcK) hard, lest he or she appear too much like the demented \alet. In several of the English barber shop- hairdresser caricatures of politicians, the clients, like the man in Goya’s image, have a newspaper or other reading material in hand (nos. 25 and 26, and fig. 1 2 ). I lenry Fox is the subject of ridicule in The Young Politician, of f. I 77 I ( no. 26). Fox is attacked as an enemy of liberty: he tears up 41 No. 24. William Hogarth, Sight, The Fnur Times of Day. plate 4, 1738, etching and engraxnng the Magna Charta and uses the scraps as curling papers.^ Thus, good government is destroyed in the name of vanity. Fo.x is portrayed as a fo.x, both as a play on his name and in reference to the cause of his vanity, which is the pursuit of the opposite sex. TTiis objective is depicted symbolically in the statu- ettes of Venus and of the Three Graces that decorate the back \\ all. Fox was already in his late 60s when The Young Politician was published— hardly “young”!^ The ironic relationship between image and text is a device that Goya would apph’ with extraordinary power in, among other plates of the Caprichos, his own rendition of a politician being groomed. In Goyas print, the caption. This is certainly being able to read, is an obvious contradiction of the image. Tliis is emphasized through the placement of the figures hand on the page, as if he is actually able to read it. It is noteworthy that both the Ayala and the Biblioteca Nacional commentaries on this print identify the subject as a govern- ment minister.* TTie association of the barber shop and hairdressers’ with politicians was firmly established by the end of the eighteenth century; the caricaturist’s language had become internationalized. 1 logarth’s representation of a barber cutting his customer in the engraving Night also became a stock motif of the caricatures. TTie motif was effective largely because it placed the subject in a vulnerable position. Goya appropriated it for two drawings (figs, i 3 and 14). So codified was the language of the caricaturist that stock themes such as this one were accompanied by stock gestures and props. As in Goya’s drawings, the client often wriggles or holds up his arms and/or legs in surpri.se, fear, and/or pain (nos. 27 and 31, and tigs, i 2 and i 3-18). TTie barber is often shown lifting the client’s nose (nos. 24 and 29, and fig. i 5). The client or other people in the shop frequently hold a newspaper, which sometimes functions as the di.straction that causes the barber’s carelessness (no. 29, and figs, i 2, I 5 and 19). Stock motifs of this kind served as vehicles for elaborating stereotypes of the professions, but also of the social classes. A barber lifts the nose of his customer while being distracted by the nev\s in Barber (fig. 12), designed by George Murgatroyd Woodward and etched bv Thomas Rowlandson in 1 799. This is one in a set of i 2 prints entitled Country Characters, in which country bumpkins of various professions are ridiculed. Decades later, the motif was still T ill' rOMTI riAN . ORtlilX If. /) R. I l*/.V fS .S' // OHIMM No. 25. Anonymous, after Samuel Hieronymous Grimm, The Politician, 1771, engravang 42 'I'll K roi'.N'fi !"■{) I.rri ! AX No. 26. Anonymous, The Young Politician, c. 1771, hand-colored etching and engraving 43 Co// //fry CI//1 r//i / 1- /\i- Fig. I 2 . George Murgatroyd Woodward, etched by Thomas Rowlandson, Barber, Country Characters, no. 3, 1799, etching P 5 .V 1! 13 .11 U Fig. I 3 . Francisco Goya, untitled (barber), c. 1 797, sanguine u-ash and red chalk drawing e^a. h/ / Fig. 1 4. Francisco Goya, Gran mano para hurtar stmajas { Par (f. era tremula ) {A fine hand for robbing tambourines ( Because he was trembling)). Album C, page 80, c. 1810-20, sepia w'ash 44 No. 27. Thomas Rowlandson, A Sufferer fir Decency, 1 789, hand-colored etching and aquatint No. 28. Thomas Rowlandson, A Penny Barber, i 789, hand-colored etching and aquatint (pendant to no. 27) 45 INTKI.I.KiKVCK on 111.- < II A.VCK. ol ll..- .'IIMSTKV. Fig. I 5. Anonymous, Intelligence on the Change in Ministry, 1782, hand-colored mezzotint being used, as tor example in Daumiers lithograph ll’hai the tiens- paper is too interesting (Qiiand le journal est trop interressant) (no. 29) trom the series Les Bons Bourgeois. T~he English and French series each targeted a particular social class. Hogarth himself had taken great care to delineate the distinct social classes in his engravings. Compare the clothing of the Rake with that of the man and w oman on the far right in plate ^ oi'A Rake's Progress {no. 49), tor instance. In addition, commentators on Hogarth’s work were quick to point out that his subjects were drawn from all classes. In “TTie Bacchanalians,” an unsigned poem about A Mid- night Modern Conversation , it was observed that what united “all Faculties and Stations” was the vice of over-drinking that Hogarth had ridiculed in the engraving. Goya, too, was keenly aware of the point that vice and folly were common human denominators. The belief that all the social classes were apt subjects of ridicule was emphasized in the i 799 advertisement for the Caprichos-. the author . . . has selected as subjects that are appropriate to his work, trom among the multitude of extravagances and errors that are common in all civil societv, and from among the prejudices and falsities of the commoner, which are authorized by custom, ignorance or self-interest, those that he believes to be mo.st apt to furnish material for ridicule.^ The barber shop motif endured partly because it was an appropriate context for depictions of all classes and types. In the political arena, the portrayal of a barber posing a threat to his client proved to be suitable to seemingly any circumstance. Henry Wil- liam Bunbury incorporated it into his design for A Barbers Shop (fig. 19), which concerns the heated campaign for the Westminster Election of 1784. The large size of this print— the plate measures 1 8 X 25 1/2 inches — makes it an anomaly in the history of political caricature. While Hogarth’s prints were also large, those of the caricaturists who succeeded him were not. It would seem that Bunburv was attempting to move the status of caricature up from its low position in the established hierarchy of artistic genres, just as Hogarth had hoped that his “modern moral subjects” would be placed on the top rung along with history painting. (Horace Wal- pole, who avidly collected the work of Bunbury, referred to him as “the second Hogarth.”'®) Goya also had ambitions for the genre of 4b L[S BQNS BOURGillS No. 29. Honore Daumier, Qttand k journal est trnp interressant ( When the newspaper is too interesting), 1 846, hand-colored lithograph 47 ACTUALITES ^4 ? S’: lm^Q> iTax^'^trv'k'i^tlrt 4 ?»'i — Comment! le ioomal annonce y\t le Wil a tonru a la Wise ^ue les ftusses out (ranclii le Prulh!... _IK' Eien,mosie« Panotel ...(juand bien memf...c’esl pas one taison parte^ue les Russes auraienl commence lej KosUllles pouT (jue voiis n'acheviez pas de foire voir* lari)* No. 30. Honore Daumier, Comment! le journal annonce que le bruit a couru d la bourse que les Russes ont franchile Pruth! (What! The newspaper reports that Russta has passed through ‘le Truth!'}, 1853, lithograph 48 caricature when he incorporated it into the Caprichos. The caption that accompanies his self-portrait in plate i of the series (no. 13) identifies him as a painter rather than as a printmaker, a less presti- gious title. In addition, the Caprichos was described in terms of painting, not printmaking, in the Diarin de Madrid advertisement. .Another, related e.xplanation for the unusually large dimen- sions of Bunbury’s,"! Barbers Shop lies in the fact that the drawing for it was in the collection of Sir Joshua Reynolds, as the inscription on the plate indicates. Reynolds, as president of the Royal Academy, had enormous power when it came to matters of taste. I le used this power to promote the work of Bunbury, with whom he was friendly, by allowing him to show his caricatures at the Royal Academy as an honorary exhibitor from 1770 onwards." (Bunbury was not able to become an official member of the Academy because he was not a professionally-trained artist.) The drawing of A Barbers Shop was exhibited there in 1785, and Reynolds reportedly had stated that it was “one of the best drawings he had ever seen, and that it would be admired in every age and every country.”'^ Although this prophesy turned out to be mistaken, it would have appeared to be correct during Bunbury’s own lifetime, when several English as well as foreign copies of the image were made. TTie large size of the print certainly would have contributed to its reputation, for it would have bestowed it with an aura of importance. As Bunburys image moved in time and place, it was trans- formed by copiers to suit their own needs. In order to eliminate the timeliness of the subject, the author of an English copy of 1802 omitted the inscriptions that refer to the 1784 Election, such as the names “Hood & Wray” and “Eox” on the ribbons of the two dogs who struggle over a wig (“WTig”) in the foreground. In Erance, a copy was made in 1785, the year in which the print had originally been issued. ,A smaller version ot this copy, entitled The Patriotic Barber {Le Perriiquier Patriote —perriiqitier akso signifies wigmaker, and both meanings are applicable to the image), was published in 1789. The rhyming verses that accompany it cleverly associate the three activities depicted in the print (see fig. 19) with the cau.se of the Erench Revolution, which had just gotten under way: .\ly heart lies with the fate of the Nation That 1 have free rein, is no longer debatable: 49 I lirl'.VTKIO l U K a.VKKKK ..I NK>V VOKK.iir ll>r C.\I'T.M> iii iIk Si Iks n.iu-iii A.y No. 3 I . Anonymous, The Patriotick Barber of Nen' York, nr the Captain in the Suds, 1 775, hand-colored mezzotint and engraving Fig. 1 6. “Argus,” The Continental Shaveing Shop, 1 806, hand-colored etching e. rEMERAL Frost SkoArMt/ JLJtL Bqney - ~A, Alo-iuj Fig. 17. Anonymous, General Frost Shaveing Little Boney, 1812, hand-colored etching I Shave the Clergy, I comb the Nobility, I dress the Third Estate.'^ No stKtner did the ideals of the Revolution fall to pieces with the violent upheavals of the early 1 790s and Napoleon Bonaparte’s subsequent rise to power, than the role of the threatening barber found a new actttr. Bonaparte appeared in several roughh’ etched barber shop scenes that chronicle the various stages of his career. In the earlier ones, he “shaves” various countries (fig. 16). With his fall from power, they “shave” him (figs. 17, 18, 20 and 21). In some instances, the fact that he was short was played up: his razor looks like a giant cleaver (fig. 16); or, he is groomed by unnaturally large mice (fig. 2 i ). In an offbeat variation of the barber shop theme, the barber is a woman (nos. 32-34). She is used to ridicule exaggerated advertis- ing ploys in Cap. tn Puff, in the Suds or the Fashionable Advertiser of 1787 (no. 34), and in reference to political circumstances, as in a French Revolution anti-clerical print entitled The Happy Monk Profttting from the Occasion. The sexual conceit is the focus of The Female Shaver (no. 33), published by Darly in 1773 and reissued in the assorted volumes of Darly 's Comic-Prints that appeared during the 1 770s. This image is blatantly erotic. The shaver sits on the lap of her customer, strokes his temple, and each of them wears a smile of sexual enjoyment. But the woman holds her razor to the man’s neck. In these prints, the vulnerability of the customers who put their trust in the barber acquires a significance worthy of Freud. In Goya’s rendition of the theme (no. 32), the relation.ship between the barber and her client is still more complex. As in the Darly print, the man and woman eye each other with desire, but the female barber now stands, and her client coyly looks up at her; she is still in control. The caption. She plucks him (Le descanona), under- scores the fact that he is being taken. The presence of the two women in the background are indica- tions that the barber shop setting is a disguise for a brothel (as in I logarth’s engraving Sight). This is how some contemporaries inter- preted the scene. Llorente listed it with the numerous representa- tions of prostitutes in the Caprichos (see no. 6). According to the Biblioteca Nacional manuscript, ‘A cortesan shaves her naive lover, who is delighted, and she plucks every last penny from him.”'*’ The Fig. 18. Anonymous, The Allies Shaving Shop or Boney in the Suds, 1813, hand-colored etching I 1 Fig. 1 9. Henry William Bunbury etched by John Jones, A Barbers Shop, 1785, stipple engraving and etching 52 Fig. 20. Christian Gottfried Heinrich Geissler, Die Leipziger Fig. 2 i . Barhierstuhe (The Leipzig Rarhershap), c. 1813, hand-colored etching and aquatint Anonymous, Des grnssen Mannes kkine Hnfhaltung auf der gluckseligen Ivsel { The great tnan's little royal household on the blissful islatidj, c. 1814, hand-colored etching 54 No. 3 2 . Francisco Goya, Le dcscamna ( She plucks him j, the Caprichos, plate 3 5, c. 1 797-98, etching and aquatint ' n lu* K' i.\ :l b .s h . w k', k y*?,/ . r( Oi, j Fig. 2 3 . Anonymous [Mary or Matthew Darly?], The Petticoat at the Fieri Alaschareta, 1775, hand-colored etching Fig. 24. Anonymous [Mary or Matthew Darly.’], The Breeches in the Fiera Maschereta, 1775, hand-colored etching 60 No. 39. Francisco Goya, El Vergonznso (The Shame- faced), the Caprichos, plate 54, c. 1797-98, etching and aquatint 61 No. 40. Thomas Rowlandson, Inn Yard on Fin\ 1791, hand-colored etching and aquatint 62 like the barbers razor, it was used as a weapon. All of these connota- tions are embedded in Goya’s print, captioned Sivallon' it, dog ( Tragala perm J ( no. 4 1 ) . TTie English prints that depict men armed with clysters (which can be traced to Hogarth’s illustration of 1 726 of the Lillipu- tians giving Gulliver an enema^), like those of the barber shop, were usually occasioned by specific political events. In The Evacuations of 1762 (no. 42), Henry Fo.x, at the left, portrayed with the head of a Fo.x (as in The Young Politician, no. 26), points a clyster at a female allegory of Britain, who vomits the colonies that she was to return to France according to a treaty then being drawn up.^'^ .Almost one hundred years later, Daumier adapted the motif of administering an emetic to a sick female, now an allegory of France, u hose constitution is shown being threatened on account of the rise to power of Napoleon III (no. 43). TTiis was one of several themes that Daumier recycled as political circumstances deemed them appropriate. In one of his early caricatures, he used it to depict the upheavals that had been brought on bv the lulv Revolution of 1820 (no. 44).25 .\t times the clyster was used by the English artists for subjects related to medicine, .so that an interplay between its literal and figurative significances was produced. The Siege of Warwick- Castle of 1767 (no. 45) concerns a political dispute between the Fellows of the College of Phy.sicians at Warwick Lane in London and the government of Lord Bute (his Scottish background is indicated b\’ the scotch plaids that the attackers wear, and Bute himself is show n in a scotch plaid in The Evacuations). The Scotch faction is armed with various weapons, including a syringe. 2*’ tool of the medical profession is thus being used against its own trade. This idea was adapted by Thomas Row land.son for Mercury and His Advocates Defeated, or Vegetable Intraichment of 1789 (fig. 25). On the right, a man named Isaac Swainson, who had claimed that .Mercury had no medical benefits, offers in its stead a known quack remedy of the time, Velnos.^^ .Among his opponents is a man armed with a clyster. .Another print by Rowiand,son, issued in the same year (no. 46), ridicules the underlying weakness of medicine — its inability, in the end, to save anyone. .A doctor at the bedside of a sick man aims his clyster not at the patient, but rather at the figure of death who enters through the v\ indow. No. 4 1 . Francisco Goya, Tragala perro { S'lealliiv: it, dog), the Caprichos, plate 58, r. 1 797-98, etching and aquatint Tut: Kvaciwtioxs. „ or .\s K M K Tl I ' f'>r * M .l> I'.xc; I . AND ti I.DRY.'' — Tun- Krry Drv... (J„r < wo -pp- f 'u.ldi PJI W 't . vino.. l\oL-Rl*H hUuH^uUU'l 0.. (^,1,1, kn ; ■ /:-mhrr\W...l 'I'tntr f>tt- t HBi' '\inl 'l/l.XO f \ I TF... •‘I'.f' ifft ofiherli ■••.fir 1 Rril.»fut-v Krj^int R»*e«t ' ^ ’ Sr r /y»i,h/i nf I’/. \if) A..»W1 : i»y A. oh .... 0/ (H' ... fi’t/'f 1 ,, infrrh It, U ■1 1 *f/./ - ; It fi, fa. ' '«■ "'H L.ind hi;. ‘c/ < ;.# ' •/. 1, ||f 44.- . „Ut f- I ''•(/ rii*"/. ,.,.y ff 64 No. 42. Anonymous, The Evacuations, or an Emetic far Old England Glorys-Tune Derry Down, 1762, etching and engraving L£ fl£0£O£ 0£ 0/0/ ¥£0O0 apothicaire en chef du Constitnbonnel ■ -Prenez prenei il n’y a qae cela qui paisse vous sanver* No. 43 . Honore Daumier, Le Remede de Mimi Veron ( The Remedy of Mimi Veron), 1 850, lithograph No. 44. Honore Daumier, Monseigneur s'ih persistent nous mettrons Paris en etat de siege (Monseigneur, if they persist we will put Paris in a state of siege), 1831, hand-colored lithograph 6 nr 1 1 r. s 1 j; o y IV A !l «.• A N 'r 5 66 No. 45. Anonymous, The Siege of Warn'ick-Castk; nr The Battle hetn'een the Fellnu's ^Licentiates, 1 768, etching and engraving No. 46. Thomas Rowlandson, The Doctor Dismissing Death, 1785, etching and aquatint Fig. 25. Anonymous [Thomas Rowlandson?], Mercury and his Advocates Defeated, or Vegetable Intrenchment , 1789, hand-colored etching In Gtnas own adaptation of the clyster motif, the object is again used as a weapon, but the subject matter is wholly distinct from that of its English counterparts. The man who carries the syringe is a monk with an angry and frighteningly monstrous face.^’ The candle held by another monk, whom he faces, as well as the lamp-oil can on the ground suggest that the protagonist is bewitched (these details appear in one of the theater scenes that Goya painted for the Osuna Alameda at about the time he was working on the Caprichos, which portrays a monk who believes that he is bewitched*). The horned monster in the sky above him echoes his own expres- sion, and symbolizes cuckoldry. This reference is a play on the sexual connotation of the clyster, while its use as an emetic is implied by the caption, Szeallov: it, dog. Goya transformed this stock motif of the English caricaturists into a haunting, merciless expression of the relationship between aggressor and victim. 3' No. 47. Francisco Goya, Ysek quema la Casa (And he sets the house on fire), the Caprichos, plate 1 8, c. i 797-98, etching and aquatint 68 Pose, Gesture, and Expression: Sign Language in the Caprichos AND IN THE SATIRICAL P R I N T J ust as certain of the scenarios that were depicted in the English satirical prints were readily adapted to suit the needs of a specific artist, time, and place, so too were certain poses, gestures, and facial expressions. In addition, the meanings of these details of the human form were similarly malleable. An open mouth, for example, might signify a yawn in one context but an expression of rage in another. Gova was well versed in the sign language of the satirical print.' His fascinating quotations and permutations ot this language become obvious through the comparison of specific poses, gestures, and phvsiognomic particulars found in the Caprichos with their numerous English counterparts. Pose One of the most frequently repeated stock poses of the satirical print is that m which the legs are spread apart. It was used in depictions of men, and was applied equally to standing and to seated figures. The pose denotes either sexual or alcoholic excess, and sometimes both. The two connotations are implied in plate 1 8 ot the Caprichos, And he sets the house on fire ( Ysele quema la Casa) ( no. 47 ), in which a single figure holds up his pants while he takes a step forward with his legs extended. The pose can be traced directly to an engraving by I logarth ot 1736 entitled (no. 48). ^ In Hogarth’s image, the man who pulls up his pants has just finished engaging in sex. To ensure that the viewer would get the point, the artist included a few revealing objects in the scene. The open book on the floor contains a quotation from Aristotle, '^Omne Animal Post Coitinn TrLste" (“Every .\nimal Is Sad .\fter Intercourse”), which provides an apt explanation for the gentleman’s dazed look. In the picture on the wall that is illuminated bv the light, Cupid stands next to a fallen rocket — a blatant and exceedingly funny illustration of the protagonist’s physical state. (The picture above it, in shadow, shows Cupid launching the rocket; 6i) this picture had been in light in the companion piece to After, entitled Befi)re.) In his Capricho, Goya apparently borrowed the pose of the gentleman in After, but, typically, omitted the telltale symbols, thereby producing a more suggestive and open-ended image. The differences in interpretation among the commentaries on this plate reflect the distinct meanings implied. Both the Biblioteca Nacional and the Ayala manuscripts view the figure as a lascivious old man, while according to the Prado manuscript he has had too much to drink . 3 The sexual allusion is underscored by the relationship of this plate to the preceding one, a depiction of a prostitute (fig. 26). Just as the fire in plate 1 8 refers to the male sexual organ (a subtle variant of I logarth s rocket), so the caption to plate i 7, It is well stretched ( Biai tirada estu) refers to that of the female. A woman in the act of pulling up a stocking was by this time a standard symbol of the prostitute, and can be seen in numerous English as well as French prints of the eighteenth century. Hogarth included it in, among other engravings, plate 3 of A Rake's Progress (no. 49). In Hogarth’s engraving, T)m Rakewell, at the left, is an example of the seated variation of the sprawled leg pose. In this instance, even the expression on the face of Rakewell seems to have been adapted by Goya for his own figure.^ Goya apparently studied the diverse figures, gestures, and expressions in Hogarth’s engrav- ing, separating and recombining them in a few plates of the Caprichos, w hich he then paired up.^ The Rake’s demeanor, as the glass of wine in his hand indi- cates, is due to excessive drinking. This association was in Goya’s mind when he made a preparatory drawing for his print, on which the following is inscribed: “Drunk esparto-maker who does not manage to undress and, giving his good blessings to an oil lamp, sets the house on fire.”^ By the 1790s, the depiction of fire in combination with extended legs to indicate intoxication pervaded the caricaturists’ visual language. It is the dominant motif of The Committee of Public Vigilance (Met Committe van Algemem Waak Zaamheid), plate 8 of Ihdlandia Regenerata (fig. 27). TTiis was a widely disseminated set of 1 2 prints about the French Revolution, issued in 1 796 with texts on the facing pages in Dutch, English and French (an Italian edition Fig. 26. Francisco Goya, Rien tirada estd (It is well stretched), the Caprichos, plate 1 7, c. 1 797-98, etching and aquatint >/■ :■// '/>'/, \/y//r// y’/j //„ /tr/r///4/ ''•avv^v// v '/ir/r/'. t /i/* / aU-t -v/ . ... ////■/*• ; /,• ///•/,. // /y/U'/Z f// ,// -.t/fn ///■<«:'///./ | Z//f/ ////.■.■.-.■, . . . W///// • ///// V. /> / Z/^/Z/vA f ■ ' i/^ yZtt/rZ \(* 4 rZA/t':. Ml ./n'>r ■■/ /JM/i/i'Aii//*’'- ft '‘.-if/; : '* V. f > <'t y/// it// /'Z./.ri.i.- . //;,r ■<■."// "’/i’.,- //f/f i/tf/m . ^'y\Y/'-‘/i,'0 /At/ /Tt. .ii/Zo MvA At /rut/ /It/f.Wi A /Ai ir/ui/tiA/ti/*/'/i/ 4 1 ..4 / ■/ //'// /•ifiii/ ' ■■'4 A' '4/4 /i v^. -V ,, ///y/y/ii-i/ //'t/tf t ///,/ "■ Mt^/ ,v,v' V/.' i/i/i/i/^' 4 .,.fi -. Az// nit/ //u y, -. .-// z/ /■im ... - .-/v Z /.i/-/,-/.. . ■ A- A,-. ../. No. 49. William Hogarth, /i Progress, plate 3, 1735, etching and engra\'ing I Fig. 27. David Hess, etched by James Gillray Het Committe van Algemeen Waakzaamheid (The Committee of Public Vigilance), Hollandia Regenerata, plate 8 and text on facing page, 1 797, etching and letterpress No. 50. David Hess, etched by James Gillray (?), // comitato di puhhlica vigilanza (The Committee of Public Vigilance), La Rigenerazione delTOlanda speechio a tutti ipopoli rigenerati, Venice, 1 799, plate 8 and text on facing page, etching and letterpress appeared three years later, no. 50). Here, a citizen stands with his legs spread apart and, candle in hand, sets on fire the hair of the man seated next to him. He clearly has had too much to drink (as have his companions, who have fallen asleep while seated at the table). The obvious irony of the title is underscored in the accompanying text, a quotation from Isaiah: “The Lord hath poured out upon you the spirit of deep sleep, and hath closed your eyes: the prophets and your rulers, the seers, hath he covered.” Predictably, the association of fire with drunkenness can be traced to Hogarth. The figure seated at the far right in A Midnight Modern Conversation (no. i ) sets fire to his own sleeve. It is interest- ing that the political reference in Hollandia Regenerata was alreadv defined in Hogarth’s image; according to Lichtenberg, the man, “enjoying his peace and letting others enjoy theirs ... is about to set fire to his ruffles which w ill quickly ignite the neckerchief, and this will then do the same to the great hair magazine not far away . . . what politics and what a way to execute a good idea!”’ In another category of images, the candle and sprawled leg are combined with the indication of the time of day in the caption to portray alcoholic excess. This was another device that had its origins in A Midnight Modern Conversation . It was used by Bunbury for a watercolor sketch entitled Night (no. 5 1 ), by Row landson for a print of the series Matrhnonial Comfi)rts, entitled Late Hours! (no. 52), and b\’ Daumier for The Return Retveeen Eleven 0 'Clock and Midnight (La rentree entre onze heures et minuitj from the series Les Rons Rourgeois (no. 5 ). The sock that has fallen down on one leg of the man in plate 1 8 t)t the Caprichos is vet another detail of the extended leg pose that had entered into the vocabulary of the satirical print by way of Hogarth. .\s in Goya’s image, it is frequently combined with a pant leg on which the buttons are open. Hogarth had included this detail in his portrayal of Tom Rakewell in plate 3 of A Rake's Progress. In other instances, one shoe is on, one off. X’arious combinations of these signs of inebriation reappear in several depictions of single figures that were designed by George Murgatroyd Woodward during the 1 790s (nos. 34 and 55, and fig. 28). These works are close to Goya’s image in the simplicity of their compositions as well as in the use of etching in combination with several tones of aquatint. No. 5 I . Henry William Bunbury, Night, 1 794, pencil and w’atercolor 7,.\rK Hflrnv. No. 5 2 . George Murgatroyd Woodward, etched by Thomas Row landson, Late Hours!, Matrimonial Comforts, “Sketch” 2, 1799, hand-colored etching LES Bans BOURGEOIS. Lj renlrer ailre m/e iecm etmim;' No. 5 3 . Honore Daumier, La rentree entre onze heures et minuit { The return home hetn'een eleven o'clock and midnight), 1 847, hand-colored lithograph A CHOICE SPIRIT. B y anbclating with umlcr-ratc players ami itinerant fingers, he Ix-comcs a gnat Mimic, ami imitates ailmirably the cresting of acmk, and barks ttilh the greateft tatte imaginable. He can fing a fong of his own coinpofing in fo tlroll a manner diat he neser fails keeping the table in a roar, till their voices fink b\ degrees, and they arc no longer able to laugh, becaufe tint arc no longer able either to hear or lee. He lias now afeended another fcalc in the climax; and is aeknowlcdgcd bv all who know him, to be a CHOICE SPIRIT. Qy't CJivfce' Sp/j'U /C iint ufcfled mli •fui U Cut • h No. 54. George Murgatroyd Woodward,^ Choice Spirit^ Gradation from a Greenhorn to a Blood . . . , London, i 790, plate 6 and text on facing page, Etching and aquatint, and letterpress 7 ^ p J ( 77 ) A* I, H -lMUJyJo r' MAY THE PLEASURES OF THE EVESISG BEAR THE MORMXG S REFLECTIOX. Tins Sci'.i ir>nu has much lo recommend u, but like many others, it is generally inifapplied. The Vicar drinks it M-iih the greateft lulariiy, oti a Saturday evening, when ihecniuing morn- ing reminds him, that indcad of enjoying die flowing bowl, he ought to have prepared a Sermon for the inOruction ofhis Parilh- ioners. — Tlic Lavvyer drinks it after a day of full bufntfs ; and the unni'.i^Uucd Phyfician after vifiiing his Patients. — The gid- dy Spcitdil;rift, after his affairs arc totally deranged, with feem- ing umoiKern gives the Sentiment, while the finall portion of rt ilc^lion left, preys upon his mind, and damps his wonted fpi- riis. — 'I'hc Votary of Bacchus here reprrfentcd gives it with the greated folemnity, after his mental faculties arc totally abforbed in a date of intoxication, a fufheient proof to (hew how blind we arc to our own foibles. This Gentleman is ufually the lad in company, therefore he is placed towards ihcconclufion of this X’oliimc : his whole chara£lcr is comprifed in what the Baccha- nalians call a Jolty Dog, and a (launch friend to the other Bottle. If this Scniiinrnt was given with proper rcdection. and a refolu- tion to abide by its precepts, the fervice would be infinite to the community in general. The Citizen would find his beloved Spoufc come home from a Weflminder .VfTemblv at an earlv hour. No. 55 . George Murgatroyd Wood\eard, May the Pleasures of the Evening hear the Morning’s Reflection, Elements of Bacchus ; . . . , 1 792, plate and facing page (77), aquatint with etching, and letterpress fJu/tf ^ fimjM''! Fig. 28. George Murgatroyd Woodward, Quite finished?. Symptoms of Drunkenness, “Sketch” 6, 1 790, etching and aquatint Goya had already used the motif of one sock falling down as a sign of drunkenness in a small sketch for one of his tapestry car- toons, The Driinketi Mason of 1786 (fig. 29). He had been producing tapestry designs for the prince and princess of Asturias (who would become king and queen in 1 788) since 1774. Goya’s sophisticated use of a sign language of pose, gesture, and expression began to develop in these works. His vocabulary expanded with his exposure to English satirical imagery as well as to other foreign prints. It is conceivable, moreover, that he was already borrowing elements of the English prints when he composed The Drunken Mason. Eor, like the mason’s fallen sock, the crying boy in the pendant to The Drunken Mason, entitled The Poor at the Fountain (Museo del Prado, Madrid), may have been derived from figures found in works such as Noon and Evetting, two plates of Hogarth’s series The Four Times of Day (i738).s The Drunken Mason was never made into a full-size tapestry cartoon. Goya replaced it by an almost identical composition. The Injured Mason (Museo del Prado, Madrid). His patrons may have found the subject of the first design unsuitable for a tapestry that was intended to decorate the dining room of a royal palace— El Pardo— and perhaps asked that it be changed.^ They ma\’ have also censored another of Goya’s designs for a tapestry. Winter (fig. 30), which w'as intended for the same dining room. The imagery in this cartoon was apparently obscured by flakes of snow when it was made into a tapestry. 'o It is conceivable that the change was due to the fact that in the cartoon, one of the three men who trudge through the snow in the center of the composition— the one on the left — wears a skirt and sandals. TTiis is most peculiar not only because he is a man, but also because of the season. His devious smile further suggests that he was put into the scene as a subversive element. He anticipates the protagonist in The Shamefaced (no. 39), who also wears a skirt and sandals. By turning to uncommissioned v\’ork, Goya was more freely able to explore, in the mediums of drawing and printmaking, the risque but also more psychologically penetrating imagery that, as other, still earlier tapestry cartoons indicate, had long attracted him.*' Fig. 30. Francisco Goya, Winter, 1786-87, oil on canvas Fig. 29. Francisco Goya, The Drunken Mason, 1786-87, oil on canvas 79 Gesture A symbolic language of gesture, like that of pose and costume, was already used by Goya in his tapestry cartoons. In The Ball Game of around 1 779 (Museo del Prado, Madrid), for example, the observer of the game who is in the center of the scene presses his hand against his crotch. His hand forms a loose fist, and is positioned so that he appears to hold his sexual member (and echoes that of his other hand, in which he holds a cigar). The allusions are obvious, and have a parallel in the double meaning of the scene, a ball garne.'^ Such symbolism can also be found in the English caricatures. In Thomas Rowlandson’s The Parsonage (no. 19), the man at the far right similarly holds his fist against his crotch, and the significance of his gesture is made clear by the fact that he lustily sticks out his tongue. In the Caprichos, Goya explored the various significations of this fist-like gesture. He used it for both hands of the figure in the background of The Shamefaced (no. 39). TTie expression on this man’s face — the closed eyes and open mouth— can be interpreted as an indication of sexual pleasure (it is close to that of the man in And he sets the house on fire). The fist shape, as in the earlier tapestry cartoon, probably alludes to the act of masturbating and also to testicles.*^ The man in the Capricho holds his fists out, as if to make a display of himself. He is a counterpart to the protagonist of the scene, whose exhibitionism is more e.xplicit. Fists also contain sexual allusions in other plates of the Capriehos. In This is certainly being able to read (no. 2 3 ), the hairdresser directs his fist at the back of the customer’s head. It would hardly be an over-interpretation to suppose that the object that this hairdresser seems to be preparing to insert into the man’s head is phallic. Once the hairdresser’s activity has become apparent, the ironic signifi- cance of the caption is amplified. Goya has cleverly and subtlely fused the barber shop motif of the English caricatures with that of the world turned upside down.'^ TTie fist gesture is repeated in the following plate of Goya’s set ot prints. Why hide them? (Porque esconderlos? ) (fig. 31). In this instance, both the cleric in the foreground, who grasps two money bags, and the smiling man behind him and to the left, hold their hands in fists. The money bags imply greed (this is the meaning that 80 Fig. 3 I . Francisco Goya, Porque esconderlos? { Why hide them?), tlie Capriehos, plate 30, f. 1 797-98, etching and aquatint No. 56. Thomas Rowlandson (attributed to), Introduction, 1 793, hand-colored etching 81 No. 5 7 . Francisco Goya, Que sacrificin'. ( What a sacrifice!), the Caprichns, plate 14, c. 1797-98, etching and aquatint No. 58. TTiomas Rowlandson, Liberality ifDesire, 88, hand-colored etching H3 Fig. 32 Thomas Rowlandson, The Introductinn, 1798 (?) Fig. 3 3 . Anonymous [Thomas Rowlandson], Ladies Trading on their Ou'n Bottom, n.d., hand-colored etching is given in the commentaries), and sex; they double as testicles. This visual pun was used more explicitly by the English caricaturists. In an anonymous print of 1 785 entitled Introduction (no. 56), a madame feels the money bag of an old man, who eagerly reaches out to the young woman in front of him. The reference to prostitution is still more apparent in Ladies Trading on their Oivn Bottom (fig. 33), an unsigned and undated etching in the distinctive style of Thomas Rowlandson. Here, each prostitute suggestively caresses one of the old man’s money bags. Goya associated the money bags in his own print with prosti- tution by sequencing it just before a depiction of a prostitute (fig. 34) , the caption to which should be translated both as Pray fitr her and as She prays fitr her (Ruega por ella). The association with the money bags is emphasized by virtue of the fact that the Celestina— the renowned procuress ot Spanish literature — who sits next to the prostitute grasps her rosary beads with the same fist-like gesture that is seen in the previous plate. As in the placement of It is well stretched (in which the Celestina's hand is also formed into a fist) just prior to And he sets the house on fire, Goya expanded the significances of stock gestures and poses through subtle associations between consecutive images within his book. As Go\'a began to develop his ideas for the Caprichos in an album of drawings, known as Album B, or the Madrid Album, and executed around 1 796-97, he started to explore the hand sign lan- guage of sex in conjunction with his bizarre vision ot the world turned upside down. The genesis of images such as The Shamefaced (no. 39) is found in these drawings. On page 58 of the album (fig. 35) , one man has a phallic nose, while another has positioned his hand with the index and small finger out, a conventional symbol of cuckoldry. The drawing is the first of a group within Album B that Goya labelled “caricature.” It reveals that from his earliest explora- tion of the use of caricature, in the Album B drawings, he associated the term with disturbing and peculiar sexual references. The same associations were also made in two other groups of drawings in .Album B, “masks” and “witches.” Goya’s understanding of the significance of caricature, as well as of the other two categories, was inseparable from his exploration of the taboo. Fig. 34. Francisco Goya, Ruega par ella (Pray fiir her / She prays fiir her), the C.aprichns, plate 3 i , f . 1 797-98, etching and aquatint «5 Fig. 3 5 . Francisco Goya, Carkav. Le pide cuentas la muger al marido ( Caricatures The n'ife asks her husband far an explanation), .-Mhum B (.Madrid .\lbum), page 58, c. 1796-97, indian ink wash Expression Goyas unusual use of facial exaggeration in the Caprichos had been fully worked out as a visual language in the Album B draw ings that he labelled “caricature.” He had used the open mouth that appears in several plates of the series of prints (nos. i8 and 23, for in.stance) in three of the Album B caricature drawings (figs. 1 1, 36 and 37). In each case, the expression has a lewd connotation. Goya also explored the mouth/anus association in a draw ing of caricature heads (fig. 38) that is generally believed to have been made at the time that he was working on the Caprichos. In this variation of the conflation of caricature and the theme of the world turned upside down, Goya seems t(» have used as a model a draw ing that at the time was attributed to Leonardo da Vinci, and which was known through prints. >5 In his prints, however, Goya’s use of the open mouth is closer in form if not meaning to those seen in numerous English prints than to the “Leonardo” caricature. The meaning itself varied, depending upon the context. It functioned as a yawn in Bunbury’s/I Long Story (no. 12), in which the military officer has bored some and put to sleep other members of his audience. In a Spanish copy of Bunbury’s image (fig. 7), the yawning figures, according to the caption, are friends and relatives of Joseph Bonaparte, who “in the midst of their favorite entertainments” receive the news that he has fled Madrid.'* The yawn was at times ironic, as on the face of the “vigilant” who is about to fall asleep in Hollandia Regenerata (no. 50, and fig. 2-j).\nt\\chook Chesterfield Travestie oi i8o8(fig. 39),itisa sign of bad table manners. Elsewhere, the open mouth signals alarm or surprise. This application of the expression was found to be especially apt for portrayals of men being groomed or shaved (see no. 2 5, and fig. 1 2 , for instance). While the suggestion has been made that Goya derived his use of this expression specifically from the caricatures of James Gillray, in fact he could have known it through any number of images.''^ Goya, like his English counterparts, caricatured figures in his prints by giving them exaggerated noses and mouths (for instance, nos. 23, 39 and 57). He also apparently adapted from them the practice of making caricature portrait drawings. The history of the caricature portrait is well known. It is believed to have developed in Italy during the late sixteenth century. In the 1730s, it became Fig. 36. Francisco Goya, Caricatura dlas carracas (Caricature of the carracans). Album B (Madrid Album), page 62, r. 1 796-97, indian ink u’ash . ✓ Fig. 3 7 . Francisco Goya, Caricat'. es dia de su Santo ( Caricatures it is her [his?] Saint's day ), Album B (Madrid Album), page 6i, c. 1796-97, Indian ink wash Fig. 38. Francisco Goya, Caricature heads, c. 1798, red chalk drauing Fig. 39. George Murgatroyd Woodward, etched by TTiomas Rowlandson, Behaviour at Table, Chesterfield Travestie; or. School fiir Modern .Manners, f<)ld-out plate in bound volume, 1 808, hand-colored etching I Fig. 40. Francis Grose, Rules far Drasving Caricatures . . . , London, 1 789, plate I, 1788, etching fashionable for English aristocrats who visited Italy to have a carica- ture portrait done of them by Pier Leone Ghezzi. The practice entered England by way of two sets of prints that Arthur Pond had made between 1736 and 1742 after drawings by Ghezzi.'* English artists such as Thomas Patch (no. 15), who lived in Elorence, and Bunbury, who learned the technique from Patch, were well known for their caricature portraits.'^ Contemporar\’ accounts indicate that Goya also made carica- ture portraits of friends and acquaintances. The Countess of Merlin, who moved to Madrid in 1 803, described in her memoirs one of the social gatherings, called tertulias, in which the arts and political issues of the day were discussed. She stated that Goya joined with his talent as a painter, “the delightful practice of making excellent caricatures,” and recalled that, “often our table was the theatre on which he exercised his malice.’’^" In another account, Goya’s friend Bartolome Jose Gallardo had apparently told the Scottish art historian William Stirling-Maxwell that “During morning visits to his friends, he [Goya] would . . . amuse them with caricatures, traced in an instant by his ready finger”; the favorite target of these sketches was Manuel Godoy.^' In still another account, Goya was reported to ha\’e made his drawing of caricature faces ( fig. 3 8 ) at the tertuUa of the Ninth Marquis of Santa Cruz.22 Goya gave sexeral of the characters in the Caprichm the fea- tures of animals (see nos. 23 and 57). He probably drew on a number of sources as he explored the wider possibilities of physiog- nomy. Certainly one of these was English caricature. Like the English artists, Goya coupled human caricatures with animal-like faces. In plate 29 (no. 2 3 ), for instance, the valet is caricatured, while the seated man has the face of an animal, just as Henry Eox is a fox and those who groom him are caricatured in The Young Politician (no. 26). In Goya’s image, however, the animal and the human features of the client are fused; he is not simply a man who wears the mask of an animal. This has the effect of underscoring the person’s animal nature. In Goya’s caricature of himself (fig. i ), he also emphasized his more “primitive” side. It seems as though his curly hair, long face, and thick lips were meant to indicate his identification with “uncul- tured,” non-Western peoples. It is curious in this regard that the line of his face corresponds to that which Erancis Grose had character- ized as “concave” in his how-to book entitled Rules for Dravcing Caricatures ( 1 789). According to Grose, faces that were “convex,” as in “figure i ” of the first plate in his book (fig. 40) signaled dignity and grace, “whereas the concave faces [“figure 4” in the diagram], flat snub or broken noses, always stamp a meanness and vulgarity. The one seems to have passed through the limits of beauty, the other ne\'er to ha\’e arrived at them.”^^ Whether Go\a was familiar with such analyses of facial types, it is clear that he did not separate him.self from the figures that he ridiculed in the Caprichos. Conclusion He who lives among men will inevitably he vexed. If he wishes to avoid it, he will have to go live in the mountains, and remaining there, will realize that to live alone is also a vexation. Prado commentary on Capricho 58 (no. 41 )' I f Goya ridiculed himself in his self-portrait caricature, by the same token he warned the viewer of his prints not to laugh at the vices depicted in them without taking a hard look at himself or herself. The laughing onlookers in They are hot (no. 18), This is certainly being able to read (no. 23), Now they have a seat (no. 38), and Swallow it, dog (no. 41 ) are terrifying rather than funny. Thev are critical of the scenes that they witness, but hardly appear to have the faculties required for passing sound judgment. The viewer identifies with the depicted onlookers, and does not laugh for tear of resembling them. The English caricatures tend to be funny. The viewer is able to laugh at them because he or she is not implicated in the follies, which often involve specific individuals. Yet the viewer’s laughter is likely to contain within it a dose of hypocrisy. As has often tteen pointed out, the popularity ot works such as Hogarth’s print After (no. 48) was due at least as much to the fact that the depiction of vice was titillating as it was to any moral message that the imagery was intended to convey. ITie viewer of the image was, then, a vo\eur. This reverse aspect of prints such as After, and its pendant. Before, was recognized in the eighteenth century. John Nichols felt the need to justify the existence of these two prints in his Biographical Anecdotes of William Hogarth (1781). He noted that Hogarth had made them at the request of a patron, and that he later regretted having done so. Nichols then explained that their existence had caused a predicament for collectors of volumes of I logarth’s work, for, “To omit them, is to mutilate the collection . . . and to display them, would be to set decency at defiance.”^ The Reverend John Trusler chose to omit the two prints from his own study of I logarth’s prints, Hogarth Moralized (1768), “they being of too ludicrous a nature to have a place in this work.”^ Goya instinctively recognized the contradiction inherent to calling prints such sls After “moralizing.” The ability of this image to 8y titillate, as both Nichols and Trusler understood, forced viewers of the print to acknowledge a side of themselves that they perhaps would have preferred not to own up to. The Caprichos, on the other hand, are critical toward both vice and the hypocritical ridicule of it. As was stated in the advertisement for Goya’s set of prints, everyone is subject to vice and error. Goya used well-established devices of English caricature, among other resources, to expose the conflicts presented by the impulses of human desire facing the rules of societv, to which they are often opposed. The use of caricature to reveal the dark side of the human psyche in art is not “modern,” and it did not begin in the twentieth century nor even with Daumier in the nineteenth.'’ What seems “modern”— in the end, an arbitrary label— in the Caprichos to the present day viewer is simply Goya’s ability to look at human nature for what it is, and to then be able to communicate the resulting observations in his art. If Goya had one overriding message to convey, it w'as that human nature, at its w'orst but also at its best, is a common denominator that unites past and present, nationalities, and classes, and that its power should never be underestimated. Notes Introduction 1 . The postulation that the dateline w'as a joke is found in the literature on Goya beginning in the 1920S, in Beruete, 1922, p. 73, and Mayer, p. 55. The dating problem is discussed in Cartas, pp. 226-27, I . 2. For an overvie\e of the various sources for the Caprichns that have been suggested, see Bareau, pp. 23-41. 3. A good, concise account of the development of caricature in England during the eighteenth cen- tury is found in the introduction in Godfrey. 4. Excellent accounts of the history and technique of aquatint, as well as of other print techniques men- tioned in this essay, can be found in Griffiths. 5. The advertisement is reproduced in Helman, 1963, pp. 21-22 of the illustrations. There has been much speculation about whether Goya wrote this advertisement, or whether one of his friends com- posed it for him. In any case, it is reasonable to assume that the ideas expressed in it are his. The Caprichos the Dissemination OE THE P'nGI ISII SaTIRICAI PrINT 1 . Lichtenberg, p. 3. 2. Letter of January 1808 to Chevalier de Rossi. Memoires politiques et correspondance diplomatique de Joseph de Maistre, ed. Albert Blanc, 2nd ed., Paris, 1859, p. 306, as quoted by Glendinning, 1977, p. 63. 3 . TTie statement is in an anonymous manuscript commentary on the Caprichos, published by Lefort, p. 38, note. 4. See Alexander and Godfrey, p, 16. 5. Les Satyres de Guillaume Hogarth . . . A Londres, chez Robert Sayer, Marchand de Cartes et d'Es- tampes. On this set, see Paulson, 1 965, 1 , p. 7 i . 6. “Obras de Guillermo Hogarth Pintor Ingles, i vol. en fob,” was among the books that Paret had requested permission to bring with him w'hen he moved from Bilbao to Madrid in 1 787. “Lista de los utiles al Estudio de Pintura de Dn. Luis Paret Academico de Merito de la Rl. de Sn. Eernando en sery" de S.M.,” appended to a letter of March 26, 1787 from the Count of Floridablanca, then prime minister, to Pedro de Lerena, minister of the interior, on Paret’s behalf, as published in Pardo Canalis, p. 108. 7 . Among the books of prints in the 1 805 inventory of Sebastian Martinez’s collection is “Pint^ de Horgat.” Particidn Comhencional, fol. i 249r. I am grateful to Nigel Glendinning for having pro- vided me uith a copy of this inventory. “Horgat” is generally taken to be Hogarth. See Peman, p. 57, and Glendinning, 1981, p. 244. 8. See p. 93, note 8. 9. Other copies are described in Paulson, 1965, I, p. 151. 10. Lichtenberg, p. 173. On the numerous copies of this print in England, France and Germany, see Antal, p. 206, Paulson, 1965, I, p. 151, and George, 1967, p. 43 . 1 1 . On the two editions of the commentaries issued during the 1780s and 1 790s, see Lichtenberg, p. ix, and Paulson, 1965, 1 , P- 81. 12. On foreign copies of English prints that con- cerned England’s weaknesses, see George, 1959, I, pp. 153-55. Halsey, p. 81 i, and pp. 823-24. A Spanish copy was made of a print that criticized the taxes that English citizens w'ere forced to pay; George, (1938), no. 6914, and Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, no. 17885. I 3 . As cited in George, 1 959, 1 , P- 176. 14. /! Vieze of England Tozeards the Close of the Eighteenth Century, Vol. II, London, 1791, p. 2 I 3, as cited in Bruntjen, pp. 39-40. 15. Quoted from George, 1959, I, p. 205, Eor an interesting stud\' of the sophisticated advertising techniques that had developed in England by this time, see McKendrick, “George Packwood and the Commercialization of Shavnng: TTie Art of Eighteenth-centun,' Advertising,” in McKendrick, Brewer and Plumb, pp. 146-94. 16. See, for instance, George, \'II ( 1942), p. 94, no. 8469, and p. I 30, no. 8551. \-j . Apuntaciones, pp. 182-83. 18. George, \1 ( 1938), p. 265, no. 6875. 1 9. The possibility that Goya knew of English carica- ture through Moratin is suggested by Helman, 1963, pp. 37-38, and is further developed by Salas, pp. 71 1 -1 6. To make his case, Salas points out that Moratin’s diary entries indicate that he was in close contact with Go\a during 1 796 and 1 797, as is illustrated by Baticle, 1971. 91 20. Goya first expressed this interest in a letter of January 4, 1794 to Bernardo Iriarte, Vice-Pro- tector of the Madrid Royal Academy of Fine Arts, regarding a group of uncommissioned paint- ings that he had made. The letter is published in Gassier and Wilson, p. 382. 21. Tableau de TAngleterre, I, Brussels, 1788, pp. 149-50, as cited by George, V (1935), pp- xvi- xvii, and 1959, I, p. 13. The translation is mine. George’s excellent account of the rise in popular- ity of English satirical prints both at home and abroad is the basis for my own account of this phenomenon. 22. Ponz, p. 1 829. Originally published in 1785, the Viaje fuera de Espana sv’as an extension of Ponz’s ambitious, eighteen volume record of his travels within Spain, Viaje de Espana ( 1 772-92). 23. Ponz, p. 1828. 24. This explanation is suggested by Hilton, p. i 20. 25. On this subject, see Elorza, and Herr, pp. 181-82. 26. On this subject, and on censorship of the English prints before the Revolution, see Michel Melot’s interesting study, “Caricature and the Revolu- tion: The Situation in Erance in 1789,” in Erench Caricature, pp. 25-32. 27. Letter to Joaquin Maria Eerrer of December 20, 1825; for a transcription and publication history, see Canellas Lopez, pp. 389-90, no. 273. The view that the Inquisition posed no threat to Goya is argued by Harris, 1964, I, p. 106. The oppo- site position is held by Sayre, 1974, p. 61. 28. The incident was discussed in a series of letters between the publisher Mariano Cabrerizo, who svas selling the volumes of the Caprichns in Valen- cia, and an official of the Calcografia Nacional in Madrid. The relevant passages of this corres- pondence are published in Glendinning, 1989, p. 398. Goya, the Print Trade, .and Anglo.manta in Spain I . Estala, p. 20. 2 . On the Academy’s policy of sending printmakers to France to be trained, but students of the other arts to Italy, see Bedat, pp. 236-64, and Sayre, 1974, p. I. 3 . Descriptions of the print techniques that Sureda had learned during his mid-i 790s trip to England can be found in Spirit of Enlightenment, pp. 144-48, and Wolf, 1987, pp. 1 19-26, where their possible relevance for Goya is also considered. 4. On these trends, see Wolf, 1987, pp. 15-61, on which this discussion is based. 5. Boydell, 1779. 6. See Bruntjen, p. 39. 7. Eeb. 3, 1787, p. 3 . 1 am grateful to David Ale.xan- der for having looked up the original article for me, which was quoted without citation in Whit- ley, p. 72. 8. Gaceta de Madrid, Jan. 25, 1788, p. 64, and receipts for prints purchased by the Osunas, Archivo Historico Nacional, .Madrid, Osuna- Cartas, legs. 4 1 8 and 5 1 7. On the details of these transactions, see Wolf, 1987, pp. 37-42, and pp. 233-43- 9. See Wolf, 1987, pp. 58-61 . 10. These are listed in an inventory published by Ezquerra del Bayo, p. 201 . 1 1 . Tie similarity of this painting to British portraits has often been pointed out. See, for instance, Baticle, 1980, p. 76, and Gallego, pp. 65-66. For a discussion of other portraits in which Goya used this pose, and of its meaning, see Wolf, 1987, pp. 71-82. 12. Particinn Combencional, fol. 1320V. This was either the mezzotint after Benjamin West’s paint- ing by George Sigmund Facius and John Gotlieb Facius, published by Boydell in 1779 (fig. 4), or a French copy of it that w/as produced two years later by D. P. Pariset (which is probably the version that was announced in the Correa literario de Europa on Nov. 8, 1781, p. 366; the Correo was one of a handful of periodicals through which Spaniards could learn of the latest trends in the art world at large). Martinez also owned four volumes of English portraits, in colors, a framed print of General Eliot, and a painted portrait of “an English official.” Particidn Combencional, fols. i249r, 1318 V, i 252r, i3o6r. 13. “Sr. D. Erancisco de Goya,” subscription list appended to Clara Harbizce. Novela traducida del ingles al frames Por Mr. le Tourneur, Siguiendo en todo laedicion original revista porsu autor Richard- son, y del frames al Castellano Por Don Joseph Marcos Gutierrez, Vol. I, Madrid, 1794 , p. vii. I am indebted to Nigel Glendinning for having called my attention to this subscription list and for showing me his copy of it. 14. Gaceta de Madrid, Feb. 17, 1795, p. 200. On the interest in Richardson’s work in Spain during the 1780s and 1 790s, see Coe, pp. 56-63, and Wolf, 1 987, pp. 10-13. Thomas O. Beebee, Clarissa on the Continent: Translation and Seduction, Univer- sity Park, Pa., 1990, appeared while this essay w-as in press. A good survey of the range of English literature that w-as published in Spain during the eighteenth century is Effross, 1962. 15. Undated letter. Cartas, p. 213. Tie hoots were mentioned in a letter to Zapater of March 10, 1787. Cartas, p. 161. 16. Letter dated August i, 1786. Cartas, p. 15 i. 1 7 . A carriage that was built in Spain to rival imported models, the body of w'hich was designed “a la Inglesa" was described in the periodical Memorial literario. May 1786, pp. 122, 125. In a satirical dialogue of the following year, revealingly enti- tled “The Empire of Eashion,” a man asks his friend why his horse’s ears bleed. Tie owner replies that the animal is not sick, but rather that his ears have been clipped “a la moda inglesa" Since w'e all have English carriages, he asks, why not have horses to match.^ “Paris. El Imperio de la moda,” Espiritu de los mejores diarios, Oct. 6, 1787, pp. 329-31. 18. See Wolf, 1987, pp. 31-33. \(). Apuntaciones, pp. 225-26. Moratin elsewhere harshly criticized the English for their “selfish” monopoly of international trade; Apuntaciones , pp. 202-03. 92 20. “PARIS. Consideraciones sobre el tratado de comercio entre la Francia y la Gran Bretana, del 26 de Septiembre de 1786: en casa de Prault, 1789,” Espiritu de Ins mejnres diarins, Nov. 16, 1789, p. 252. 2 I . Braudel, p. 375. The Caprichos .wd the S.ATiRicAE Print in Society: Entert.ain.ment and Interpretation 1 . Lichtenberg, p. xvii. 2 . The passage quoted here is from the title page of A Political and Satirical History of the Years i~p6, '7S7’ ’7S^’ ^779’ ip6o, 5 th ed., London, 1763. 3 . See George, 1 959, 1 , P- >76. 4. Hon. George C. Grantley F. Berkeley, Aly Life and Recollections, IV, London, 1867, p. 133, as cited in Patten, pp. 333-34. 5. The bill is dated Jan. 17, 1799. See Gassier and Wilson, p. 384. TTie purchase was made about three weeks prior to the Diario de Madrid adver- tisement for the Caprichos, as has often been pointed out. 6. TTie garden at the Osuna. Alameda included all of the standard features of its models: winding paths, an artificial lake and grotto, fanciful garden orna- ments (in Spain these were cAledcaprichos), such as a colonnaded temple on a hill, a rustic house, and a hermitage furnished tvith the requisite dummy hermits. On the informal garden and country house of the Duchess of Osuna and for relevant bibliography, see Wolf, 1987, pp. 160-79. Several of the Boydell prints that the duchess had purchased in 1787 were views of famous English houses and gardens. Itemized bill of March 30, 1787, Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid, Osuna- Cartas, leg. 418. See Wolf, 1987, p. 162, and pp. 236-38. 7. In an undated letter to Zapater, probably from the late 1 780s or early 1 790s, Goya wrote, “I am going on horseback to the Alameda; the Duchess of Osuna is there and I must pay her a few visits.” Cartas, p. 208. On the dating of the letter, see Cartas, p. 208. 8. Gassier and Wilson, nos. 663 and 664, painted c. 1797-98. Tbe other paintings purchased by the Osunas to decorate the country house are Gassier and Wilson, nos. 659-662, of the same group, and nos. 248-254, of 1786-87. An article about Boydells Shakespeare Gallery was published in the Espiritu de los mejores diarios, Aug. 2, 1787, pp. 101-03, snd Moratin had visited the Shakes- peare Gallery while in London, according to an entry in his diary of Jan. 26, 1793. Dwrro, p. 95. It is suggested that Goya would have known of projects such as the Shakespeare Gallery through Moratin by Muller, pp. 214-15. 9. Beckford, p. 165. 10. This opinion is maintained in the standard cata- logue raisonne of Goya’s prints. See Harris, 1964, 1 , p. 98. Harris argued that the Prado commen- taries are close in style to the captions that accom- pany the preparatory drawings and the plates of the Caprichos, an opinion that was probably based on L 6 pez-Rey, 1953, 1 , p. 84- This view is refuted by Sayre, 1974, p. 57, and Spirit of Enlighten- ment, pp. ci-cii. The Av’ala, Biblioteca Nacional, and Prado manuscripts are published in their entirety, with a brief publication history, in Helman, 1963, pp. 2 1 9-4 1 . I I . Ten of these manuscripts are described by Sayre in Spirit of Enlightenment, pp. ci-ciii. An interest- ing comparative analysis of several of the variants can be found in Andioc, where it is proposed that the Ayala, Biblioteca Nacional and Prado manu- scripts are in themselves probably copies of copies. I 2. TTie dissemination of this volume is discussed in Antal, p. 197, Bruntjen, p. 38, note 58, and Paulson, 1965, 1 , pp. 77-78. 13. On this point, also see Paulson, 1965, 1 , p. 77. 14. Rouquet, pp. 19-20. 15. As quoted by Glendinning, 1964, p. 9. The commentary tvas copied by Francis Douce— a collector of caricatures of all types, who owned a copy of the Caprichos —imm another that had been made by a merchant named Samuel Dobree. On Douce, Dobree, and for the complete tran- scription of the commentary, see Glendinning, 1964, pp. 7-9. 16. See Spirit of Enlightenment , pp. 164-66, no. 73. Goya’s rendering of Juan Antonio Llorente (c. 1810-12; Museo de Arte, Sao Paulo) is among his most sensitive portraits. French copies of some plates of the Caprichos were issued in France in 1825; see Harris, 1964, I, pp. 12-13, P- 449. On the interest in Goya’s work in France at this time, see Lipschutz. 1 7 . The article appeared anonymously as “Satiras de Goya,” Semanario patridtico (Cadiz), Mar. 27, 1 8 1 I . It is published in Harris, ‘A Contemporary Review.” On Gonzalez Azaola and the essay, also see Glendinning, 1977, pp. 59-61. 18. My translation, from the Spanish published in Harris, “A Contemporary Review,” p. 42. 19. Harris, “A Contemporary Review,” p. 42. One set of the Caprichos even seems to have been modi- fied for the express purpose of discussing the plates in the form of a kind of guessing game. Commentaries were written on the verso of each print of this set. TTie images themselves had been cut out and mounted on sheets of paper. The captions were also cut out and pasted onto sheets of paper, and were placed in sequence just before the corresponding image. TTie set is described bv Sayre in Spirit of Enlightenment, p. cii (Sanchez Gerona commentaries). 20. Gonzalez Azaola apparently knew both the English and French languages. See Glendinning, ■ 977 - P- 59 - 2 I . Lichtenberg, p. xidi. 22. Harris, “A Contemporary Review,” p. 42. 23. Trusler, p. 202. 24. Nichols, pp. 90-91. 25. Lichtenberg, pp. 175-76. 26. (Quoted from Helman, 1963, p. 21 of the illustrations. 93 2 7 . The Ayala, Biblioteca Nacional, Douce, and Lefort manuscripts all identify this man as Godoy. The caption to the print seems to refer to both politi- cal and sexual rises and falls. The sexual reference in the caption is discussed in Spirit of Enlighten- ment, pp. I 23-24, no. 56. Similar double mean- ings in other plates of the Caprichos are taken up on, for e.xample, p. 39 of this study. 28. In one of several studies about Goyas adaptations of traditional emblems, George Levitine suggests that the satyr-like figure in To rise and to fall, which he thinks is Pan, was derived from emblems, out of which Goya then made a kind of modern parody. However, it should be kept in mind that the English prints had in themselves developed partly out of, and also parodied this same emblem- atic tradition. It is reasonable to think that Goya looked at emblems, English caricatures, and other types of imagery as he worked on the Caprichos. The English works are particularly interesting with regard to Goya, how'ever, exactly because they would have contributed to his thinking about parody. In addition, the English prints, unlike the emblems, w'ere up-to-the-minute productions, and for this reason, too, would have had a special appeal for the artist. 29. See George, V (1935), p. 738, no, 6275, and 1959, 1, p. 170. 30. See Prevost, p. 146. 3 I . On Goya’s exploration of the fill-in-the -blank aspect of political imagery in his war prints and related drawings, see Wolf, 1990. 3 2 . This is one of a series of copies, to my knowledge unpublished, of the Caprichos. A group of these is in the collection of the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid. In another print that probably belongs to the series, based on plate 43 of the Caprichos, the image w'as also transformed into an anti-Napo- leonic political print. See Museo Municipal, II, p.475,no. 173-11. 3 3 . Several Spanish versions of English anti-Napo- leonic caricatures were made. These prints are discussed by Derozier. 34. This set is described in detail by Moralejo Alvarez. 35. Lichtenberg, p. xvi. Liter.ary Allusions in thl English Satirical Print and IN THL C.APRICHOS 1 . Helman, 1963, p. 2 i of the illustrations. 2. Apuntaciones, pp. 183-84. 3. The standard study of Hogarth’s associations with Eielding and other w’riters is Robert E. Moore, Hogarth's Literary Relationships, Minne- apolis, 1948. 4. Apuntaciones, p. 184; also see p. 243, where the analogy is repeated. These passages have been compared to Hogarth’s likening of his prints to scenes in the theater and his subjects to actors in \as Autobiographical Notes-, Effross, 1965, p. 50, and Helman, 1963, p. 198, and 1970, p. 126 (trans. rpt. ciT" Caprichos and Monstruos of Cadalso and Goya,” Hispanic Review, 26 ( 1958)). 5. The passage is quoted in Paulson, 1965, 1 , p. 1 89. 6. See Paulson, 1965, 1 , p. 189. 7. Moratin wrote the first Spanish translation of a play by Shakespeare, Hamlet, which was pub- lished in 1 798. 8. Amelia, 1795, p. 67. 9. Tom Jones, 1796, pp. 179-80. 10. It is believed that Goya had originally conceived of no. 43, The dream [or, sleep'\ of reason produces monsters, as the first plate of the Caprichos, in which case the association with the Spanish liter- ary tradition of the sueno would have been estab- lished. See Sayre, Spirit of Enlightenment, pp. xcviii-xcix, and pp. 1 10-15, 50. 51- I I . See Paulson, 1965, 1 , p. 2 i . I 2 . Go\'a’s quotation from the Jovellanos poem has long been known. See Mayer, p. 90, Sanchez Canton, pp. 27-28, and Helman, 1963, pp. 125-30. 13. See Paulson, 1965, 1 , pp. 237-38, no. 204. 14. The satyr was probably derived from Hogarth’s I 764 metamorphosis of his comic muse’s mask into a satyr. On his transformation of the plate, see Paulson, 1965, 1 , pp. 237-38. 15. Helman, 1963, p. 22 of the illustrations. 16. In Spain, collections of prints were ordinarily offered in installments, often over a period of several years. For example, Juan Battista Bru de Ramon’s collection of regional types from Asia was advertised two prints at a time, and these were sold individually; the first plates of the series were advertised in the Gaceta de Madrid on Jan. 2, 1784, p. I 2, while plates 69 and 70 were advertised in the same newspaper over four years later, on April 15, 1788, p. 248. 17. These volumes are discussed by Paulson, 1965, I, p. 70. 18. These sets w'ere advertised in the list of prints that could be purchased from Mrs. Hogarth that was included in Trusler. 19. On the various editions, and Boydell’s purchase of the plates, see Paulson, 1965, 1 , pp. 70-7 1 . 20. The inscription quoted here appears below Isaac Cruikshank’s The Political Pawn Brokers of 1793; George, VII ( 1942), p. 25, no. 8325. 2 I . The advertisement, appended to Jordans Elixir of Life, is quoted from George, VI ( 1938), p. xi. 22. It has long been known that the order in which Go\'a arranged the plates in his book does not follow the order in which they w’ere made. The open-ended, associative fashion in which he sequenced them in the book was part of his creative process. The most thorough study of the chronology' of the plates is found in Askew', pp. 425-89. Throughout the first half of this century, it was generally believed that the Caprichos was divided into two distinct parts, scenes that con- cern social interaction, up to plate 43, and super- natural imagery, in the remaining plates. See, for e.xample, Beruete, 1918, p. 36, Mayer, p. 91 , and Klingender, 1948, pp. 87-92. More recent schol- arship has argued against this interpretation; 94 Sanchez Canton, p. 12, Lopez-Rey, 1953, pp- 98-99, and Gassier and Wilson, p. i 28. 23. It has been suggested that Goya’s print was inspired by Moratins well-known comedy El viejo y la nina ( The Old Man and the Girl), which was first performed in Madrid in 1 790. Helman, 1963, p. 1 28, and 1970, pp. I 58-59 (trans. rpt. of “The Younger Moratin and Goya: on Duendes and Brujas,” Hispanic Review, 27 ( 1959)). 24. Dnnde menus se piensa salta la liebre, cited in Cotarelo y Mori, p. 384 and p. 386. The Caprichos and Stock Moi ifs OF THE English Satirical Print 1 . Tie fast was so described in the Gazette, Mar. i , 1793; cited by George, VII (1942), p. 24, no. 8323. 2. Holland was imprisoned during 1 793 for publish- ing “seditious” books. See Bindman, p. 33, and p. 1 91, no. 193. 3. See Provost, p. 148. 4. Gassier, 1975, P- 94 ' 57 - The depiction of a human head on a plate was a specialty of James Gillray. He had used it in A Dish of Mutton- Chop's of 1788, and it turned out to be an espe- cially fitting motif for satires of revolutionary France, in which the favored form of execution u-as by guillotine. See George, ( 1938), p. 470, no. 7286, and pp. 927-28, no, 8122, and VII ( 1942), p. 2 I , no. 83 1 8. TTie influence of Gillray ’s work on Go^’a’s drawing, and on plate i 3 of the Caprichos, have been suggested, respectively, by Hasse, p. 534, and by Paulson, 1983, p. 335. 5. Lichtenberg, p. 295. 6. See George, V ( 1935), p. 30, no. 4892. 7. The politician u-as identified as Charles James Fox ( I 749-1 806) in a handwritten inscription on an impression of this print in the collection of the British Museum (no. 4892), and this identifica- tion, which would mean that the caption is straightforward rather than ironic, is followed by George, 1959, 1 , p. 146, and pi. 45. However, the Last dyin/r Speech that hangs from the pocket of the valet who holds up the mirror strongly sug- gests that the politician is in fact Henr\- Fox (1705-74). 8. Helman, 1963, p. 227. 9. Helman, 1963, p. 2 i of the illustrations. 10. The quote is from Walpole’s 1780 advertisement for the final volume of Anecdotes of Painting in England. Cited in Riely, 1975, p. 36, and 1 983, p. 4. On Walpole’s large collection of works by Bunbury, see Riely, 1975. 1 1 . Riely, 1975, P- I 2. “Memoirs of the Late Henry William Bunbury, Esq,” The Sporting Magazine, 41 ( 1 8 1 2 ), as cited in Riely 1983, p, 5, and p. 7, note 7. For evidence of Reynolds’ long-standing friendship u-ith Bun- bury see Riely, 1975, pp. 29-30, and 1983, p. 3 and p. 5. I 3. See George, VI (1938), p. 269, no, 6882 A. The use of dogs to echo the activities of humans was a standard motif of eighteenth century art that Bunbury adapted with e.xceptional sensitivity and wit; also see A Long Story (no. 12), and A Chop-House ( no. 22). 14. Translated from the French transcription in George, VI ( 1938), p. 269, no. 6882A. I 5. Illustrated in Antoine de Baecque, La Caricature revolutionnaire , with a preface by Michel Vovelle, CNRS, 1988, pp. 32-33. 16. Helman, 1963, p. 229. 1 7 . The two figures are viewed as transvestites by Soubeyroux, p. 129. 18. As in She plucks him (no. 32), the women are identified as prostitutes in the Biblioteca Nacional commentary: “A night of strong svinds, bad for whores.” Helman, 1963, p. 229. 19. For example, see Teresa Lorenzo de Marquez, “Carnival Traditions in Goya’s Iconic Language,” Spirit of Enlightenment, pp. Ixxxv-xciv. 20. The two English prints were included in vol- umes of Darly 's Comic-Prints, as was The Female Shaver, which apparently had been a model for plate 35 of the Caprichos. It seems likely, then, that Goya was familiar u-ith the Darly works. 2 I . The apparent su-itched sexual identities, as well as speculation about the identities of the persons pictured, are discussed by George, V (1935), p. 2 10, nos. 5314 and 5315. 2 2 . This feature of depictions of the sans culottes is discussed by Jouve. 23. Paulson, 1965, I, pp. 132-33, no. 108. 24. Stephens, IV' (1883), pp. 1 39-41 , no. 3917, and ■Atherton, p. 250. The animal heads in this print are compared to Goya’s ass imagery in plates 37 to 42 of the Caprichos by Klingender, 1948, p. 177. 25. The clyster had been used by Daumier’s pub- lisher Charles Philipon a few years earlier for the depiction of an apothecary. See Cuno, pp. 347-48. In a discussion of other works by Daumier, Cuno suggests that Philipon had given Daumier as well as other artists the ideas for their subjects, and that the origins of some of these can be found in late eighteenth century English and French prints; p. 350, and p. 354, note 19. 26. The details of this incident are told by Stephens, I\’ (1883), pp. 410-1 1 , no. 4 1 73. 27. See George, \'I (1938), p. 643, no. 7592. 28. A reversed copy of this print is dated 1782. See George, VI ( 1 93 8 ), p. 649, no. 7608 . Rtm landson’s work poses a number of dating problems that remain to be resolved. These are discussed by Baum. 29. It has been suggested that this print was based on story found in several anonymous satirical poems of the time about a quarrel between a monk and a soldier over the latter’s lover or wife; Glendinning, 1961, pp. I 15-20. However, it should be noted that there is no soldier present in Go>-a’s scene. 30. Gassier and Wilson, no. 663. 3 1 . 7 he relationships between victimizers and vic- tims in the Caprichos is emphasized by Soufas; see especially pp. 322-24. 95 Pose, Gesture, and Expression: Sign Language in the Caprichos AND IN THE SaTIRICAI PrINT 1 . For other sources for certain gestures and expres- sions found in the Caprichos, see Sayre, 1981. 2 . The similarity of Goya’s figure to Hogarth’s was noted by Busch, p. 237. 3 . “Old lascivious men are burned alive, and alu’ays have their underpants in their hands”; “An old man who burns all up with lust does not manage to either put on or take off his socks”; and, “It vtill not occur to him to take off his breeches, or to stop talking to the candle, until the fire squad of the town freshens him up. Such is the power of wine!” Helman, 1963, p. 224. 4. The possibility’ that Gova borrowed individual faces from Hogarth is proposed by Busch, 1977, p. 235. 5 . It seems that a feature of Gov'a’s working process was to excerpt figures from prints, and to rear- range them. The practice is obvious in a group of drawings based on some of John Flaxman’s line engraving illustrations to Dante’s Inferno. These drawings, as well as instances in which Goya seems to have incorporated elements of Flaxman’s work into his prints, are discussed extensively by Symmons, 1971, 1979, and 1984. 6. See Gassier, 1975, P- 9 ^’ f'*’- ■ 7. Lichtenberg, p. 179. In another English print. The Flaming Politician Burning zcith Neics of 1789 (TTie Lewis Walpole Library, Yale Univer- sity, Farmington, Ct.), a politician setting hair on fire is associated with the French Revolution, as in plate 8 of Hollandia Regenerata. 8. Paulson, 1965, 1 , pp. 179-81, nos. 153, 154. TTie two tapestry designs have also been compared to French prints. See Tomlinson, pp. 175-78. 9. This possibility is suggested in Tomlinson, p. .78, o. The tapestry is described by Tomlinson, p. 52. Other sources suppose that a tapestry w'as never woven from Goya’s design for Winter. See Spirit of Enlightenment, p. 22, no. 10. Tlie scene is interpreted as an illustration of the hardships of the poor in both Tomlinson and Spirit of Enlight- enment, and Tomlinson implies that this would have been unsettling to Gov’a’s royal patrons, and that it was for this reason that the figures were hidden by the snow when the cartoon was trans- lated into a tapestry. I I . The observation that certain themes of the un- commissioned work had been introduced in the tapestry cartoons is developed by Tomlinson; see especially p. 228. 12. The sexual allusions in the Ball Game are fully explored by Tomlinson, pp. 89-93. 13. This interpretation is proposed by Askew, pp. 474"75- 14. This production of multiple significances through a reduction of forms is directly related to the “economy” of means from which the humor of caricature is often derived. For an overview of the literature on this aspect of caricature, see Varnedoe and Gopnik, p. 133. 1 5 . A series of etchings by the Comte de Caylus after the supposed Leonardo drawings was issued in 1730. On the significance of this series for the development of caricature in England, see Lippin- cott, p. 24 and p. 133. The relationship of these prints to Goya’s caricature drawing is discussed by Lopez-Rey, 1953, p. 58. Hogarth had used the particular face that appears in Goya’s drawing as an example of caricature in his print Characters, Caricaturas. According to Varnedoe and Gopnik, p. 101, and p. 138, “funny faces” and “weird bodies” only appeared in “serious art” in the twentieth century, but their study ignores Goya’s psychologically penetrating exploration of the con- ventions of caricature in plates of the Caprichos such as The Shamefaced. 16. The relationship of this print to Goya’s monks is noted in Goyay la Const it ucidn, p. 216. The print is also discussed by Derozier, II, p. 616, no. 191. 17. On the possible derivation of this and other motifs from Gillray, see Hasse, pp. 532-34. 18. On these sets, see Lippincott, pp. 132-34. 19. On Bunbury’s association with Patch, see Riely, I97.TPP- 30-3'- 20. Souvenirs et memoires de madame la Comtesse Merlin, publics par elle-meme, I, Paris, 1836, pp. 182-85, as quoted in Rodriguez-Monino, p. 299. 2 I . Sir William Stirling-Maxwell, Annals of the Art- ists of Spain, III, London, 1848, p. 1266, as quoted in Glendinning, 1977, p. 66. 22. See Boix, p. 65, no. 179. 23. These are discussed by Lopez-Rey, 1953, pp. 57-72. Lopez-Rey proposes that Goya was proba- bly familiar w'ith Johann Kasper Lavater’s writ- ings on physiognomv; then widely known in Europe. 24. As quoted in Godfrey, p. 37. Grose’s book has a precedent in Mary Darly’s /1 Book of Caricaturas, on yg Copper Plates, vcithye Principles of Designing, in that Droll dtP pleasing manner, of 1762, which also includes several diagrams. Among these is an example of a “concave” face that is even closer to Goya’s self-portrait. CONCEUSION 1. Helman, 1963, p. 235. "Jeringarf to vex, also means to syringe. 2. Nichols, pp. 94-95. 3. Trusler, introductorv’ remark on the page facing the dedication. 4. Caricatures in art “were still only good for a laugh” and were not used to bring out the irrational and mysterious in the human psyche until the twenti- eth century, according to Varnedoe and Gopnik; see especially p. 120, and p. 136. They also claim that Daumier, rather than Goya, added “literal and metaphoric” darkness to the language of carica- ture, p. 114. The omission of Goya from this history is probably in part due to the fact that it was taken wholesale from E. H. Gombrich, who had also proposed that it was Daumier who first recognized the potential of caricature to penetrate human psychology. See Gombrich, p. 355. Sev- eral writers have viewed Goya as a “modern” artist. The most extensive analysis of the “modem” aspects of Goya’s work is found in Licht. 96 A B B R E \ I A T E D R E E E R E N C E S AN D S E E E C T E D B I B E I O G R A P H Y Alexander and Godfrey Alexander, David, and Richard T Godfrey. Painters and Engraving: The Reproductive Print From Hogarth to Wilkie. New Haven (Yale Center for British Art), 1980. A.ndioc Andioc, Rene, “Al margen de los Caprtchos-. Las ‘explicaciones’ manuscritas.” Nueva revista de filologia hispdnica, 33 ( 1984), pp. 257-84. A.n'tal Antal, Frederick. Hogarth and His Place in European Art. London, 1962. Askew Askew, Mary Huneycutt. The “Caprichos" of Francisco Goya. Ph.D. diss., Stanford University, 1988. Atherton Atherton, Herbert .\ 1 . Political Prints in the Age of Hogarth: A Study of the Ideographic Represen- tation of Politics. Oxford, 1974. Bareau Bareau, Juliet Wilson. Goya's Prints: The Tomas Harris Collection in the British Museum. London (British Museum), 1981. Baticle, 1971 Baticle, Jeannine. “L’activite de Goya entre 1 796 et 1 806, vue a travers le ‘Diario’ de Moratin.” Revue de Tart, 13 (1971 ), pp. 1 1 1-13. Baticle, 1980 . “La Pintura espanola en el siglo XMII.” In E! Arte europeo en la Corte de Espaiia durante e! sigh XVIII. .Madrid (.Museo del Prado), 1980, pp. 45-49. Bac.m Baum, Richard .M. “A Rowlandson Chronology.” /I rr Bulletin, 20 (1938), pp. 236-50. Beckford The Journal of William Beckford in Portugal and Spain: t j8j-i ySS. Ed. Alexander Boyd. London, 1954. Bedat Bedat, Claude. L'Academie des Beau.x- Arts de Madrid 1^4.^-1808: Contri- bution d Tetude des influences stylis- tiques et de la mentalite artistique de PEspagne du XVIIT siecle. Toulouse, ' 973 - Beruete, 1918 Beruete y Moret, Aureliano de. Goya, grahador. .Madrid, 1918. Beruete, 1922 . Goya as Portrait Painter. Trans. Selwyn Brinton. Boston and New York, 1922. Bindman Bindman, David, with contributions bv .Yileen Dawson and .Mark Jones. The Shadow of the Guillotine: Brit- ain and the French Revolution . London (British .Museum), 1989. Boix Boix, Felix. Exposicidn de dibujos originales ijyo-1860: Catdhgo-Guia. Madrid, 1922. Boydell, 1779 Boydell, John. Catalogue raisonne d'un recueil d'estampes d'apres les plus beaux tableaux qui soient en Angkterre. 2 vols. London, 1779, 1783. Boydell, 1787 , and Josiah Boydell. A Cata- logue of Historical Prints, Various Subjects, Landscapes, Sea Pieces, Views, &C. After the most captia! Pictures in England. \bl. 1 . London, 1787. Braudel Braudel, Fernand. The Perspective of the World. Vol. 3 of Civilization and Capitalism: iyTH-i8th Century . Trans. Sian Reynolds. New York, 1984. Bruntjen Bruntjen, Hermann Xtr\o\A. John Boydell ( ijig-1804): A Study of Art Patronage and Publishing in Georgian London. Ph.D. diss., Stanford Universitv', 1974. Busch Busch, Werner. Xachahmung ais hurgeriiches Kunstprinzip: Ikono- graphische Zitate bei Hogarth und in seiner Xachfidge. Hildesheim and New York, 1977. Canellas Lopez Canellas Lopez, Angel, ed. Francisco de Goya: Diplomatario . Zaragoza, 1981. C.ARTAS Agueda, .Mercedes, and Xavier de Salas, eds. Francisco de Goya: Cartas a .Martin Zapater. .Madrid, 1982. Coe Coe, Ada .M. “Richardson in Spain.” Hispanic Review, 3 (1935), pp. 56-63. CoTARELO Y .MoRI Cotarelo y .Mori, Emilio. Iriarte y su epoca. .Madrid, 1 897. CuNO Cuno, James. “Charles Philipon, La .Maison Aubert, and the Business of Caricature in Paris, iSiq-^i." Art Journal, 43 ( 1983), PP- 347 - 54 - Derozier Derozier, Claudette. La Guerre d'hidependance espagnok d travers Testampe 1 1808-1814), 4 vols. Lille and Paris, 1976. 97 Effross, 1962 Effross, Susi Hillburn, English Influ- ence in Eighteenth-Century Spanish Literature, ipoo-1808. Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1962. Effross, 1965 . “Leandro Fernandez de Moratin in England.” Hispania, 48 (1965), pp. 43-50. Elorza Elorza, Antonio. La idenlugia liberal en la Ilustracitin espanola. Madrid, 1970. EsPlRlTU DE LOS MEJORES DIARIOS Espiritu de Ids mejnres diarins literarins que se publican en Eurnpa. i 787-9 1 . Estai.a Estala, Pedro. Quatro cartas de un espatiol d un anglumann: En que se manifiesta la perfidia del gobierno de la Inglaterra como pernicinsa al genera humann, potencias eurnpas y particularmente d la Espana. 2 nd ed. Cadiz, 1805. Ezquerra del Bayo Ezquerra del Bav’o, Joaquin. La duquesa de Alba y Goya: estudio biogrdfict) y artistico. Madrid, 1928. Fielding, Amelia Fielding, Henry, llistoria de Amelia Booth, escrita en ingles por el famoso Eielding, traducida al Castellano por n.R.A.D.Q Vol. 1. Madrid, 1795. Fielding, Tom Joses . Tom Jones 0 El expdsito. Obra escrita en ingles por M. Henrique Eielding. Traducida del Trances por D. Ignacio de Ordejon. Vol. II. Madrid, 1796. Fresch Caricature Cuno, James, et. al. French Cari- cature and the French Revolution, I /8g-i pgg. Los Angeles (Grunwald Center for the Graphic Arts, Wight Art Gallery, University of Cali- fornia), 1988. Gaceta de Madrid G ALLEGO Gallego, Julian. “Los retratos de Go\’a.” In Goya en las coke clones madriknas. Madrid (Museo del Prado), 1983. Gassier, 1973 Gassier, Pierre. Lcs dessins de Goya: Les Albums. Fribourg, 1973. Gassier, 1975 . Les dessins de Goya. Vol. II. Fribourg, 1975. Gassier and Wilson , and Juliet Wilson. The Life and Compute Work of Francisco Goya. Trans. Christine Hauch and Juliet Wilson. New York, 1971. George, V( 1935), VI (1938), AND VII (1942) George, Mary Dorothy. Catalogue of Political and Personal Satires Preserved in the Department of Prints and DravAngs in the British Museum. Vols. V-MI. London, 1935, 1938, 1942. George, 1959 . English Political Caricature: A Study of Opinion and Propaganda. 2 vols. Oxford, 1959. George, 1967 . Hogarth to Cruikshank: Social Change in Graphic Satire. New York, 1967. Glendinning, 1977 Glendinning, Nigel. Goya and his Critics. New Haven and London, '977- Glendinning, 1964 . “Goya and England in the Nineteenth Century.” Burlington Magazine, 1 16 (1964), pp. 4-14. Glendinning, 1984 . “Goya’s letters to Zapater.” Burlington Magazine, i 26 ( 1984), pp. 706-07. Glendinning, 1981 . “Goya’s Patrons.” /!/)«//», i 14 (1981), pp. 236-47. Glendinning, 1961 . “The Monk and Soldier in Plate 58 of Goya’s CaprichosP Jour- nal of the Warburg and Cnurtauld Institutes, 24 (1961 ), pp. 1 1 5-20. Glendinning, 1989 . “Nineteenth-Century Editions of Goya’s Etchings: New Details of their Sales Statistics.” Print Quar- terly, 6 (1989), pp. 394-403. Godfrey Godfrey, Richard T English Cari- cature 162010 the Present: Cari- caturists and Satirists, their Art, their Purpose and Influence. London (Victoria and Albert Museum), 1984. Gombrich Gombrich, E.H. Art and Illusion: A Study in the Psychology of Pictorial Representation. 2nd revised ed., 1961. Princeton, 1969. Goya y la Constitvcion Goyay la Constitucidn de 1812, Madrid (Museo Municipal), 1982. Griffiths Griffiths, Antony. Prints and Print- making: An Introduction to the History and Techniques. New York, 1980. Halsey Halsey, R.T H. “ dmpolitical Prints': The American Revolution as Pictured by Contemporary English Carica- turists. An Exhibition." Bulktin of the Neve York Public Library, 43 (1939), pp. 795-829- Harris, “A Contemporary Review” Harris, Enriqueta. “A Contempo- rary Review of Goya’s ‘Caprichos’.” Burlington Magazine, 1 06 ( 1 964), pp. 38-43. Harris, 1964 Harris, Tomas. Goya: Engravings and Lithographs . 2 vols. O.xford, 1964. Hasse Hasse, Max. “Spott mit dem Spott treiben Bildzitate in der Karikatur des ausgehenden 18. Jahrhunderts.” Zeitschrift fur Kunstgeschichte, 40 (1984), pp. 523-34. Helman, 1970 Helman, Edith. Jovellanns y Goya. Madrid, 1970. Helman, 1963 . Trasmundo de Goya. Madrid, 1963. Herr Herr, Richard. The Eighteenth- Century Revolution in Spain. Princeton, 1958. Hilton Hilton, Ronald. “Antonio Ponz en Inglaterra.” Bulletin of Spanish Studies, i 3 (1936), pp. 1 1 5-3 I . JOUVE Jouve, Michel. “L’lmage du sans- culotte dans la caricature politique anglaise: creation d’un stereotype pictural.” Gazette des Beaux-Arts, 91 (1978), pp. 187-96. Klingender, 1948 Klingender, Francis Donald. Goya in the Democratic Tradition. London, 1948. Klingender, 1944 . Hogarth and English Carica- ture. London and New York, 1944. Lambert Lambert, Susan. The Image Multi- plied: Five Centuries of Printed Repniductions of Paintings and Draw- ings. London, 1987. Lefort Lefort, Paul. Francisco Goya: Etude biographique et critique suivie de Fessai d'un catalogue raisonne de son oeuvre grave et lithoqraphie. Paris, 1877. Levitine Lesntine, George. “Goya’s ‘Subir y Bajar’: Pan and Ambition.” Studies in Romanticism , 3 ( 1964), pp. 177-85. Light Licht, Fred. Goya: The Origins of the Modern Temper in Art. New York, 1979. Lichtenberg Herdan, Gustav, and Innes Herdan, eds. and trans. Lichtenberg s Com- mentaries on Hogarth 's Engravings . London, 1966. Lippincott Lippincott, Louise. Selling Art in Georgian London: The Rise of Arthur Pond. New Haven and London, 1983. Lipschutz Lipschutz, Use Hempel. Spanish Painting and the Trench Romantics. Cambridge, M A, 1972. Lopez-Rey, 1953 L6pez-Re\-, Jose. Goya's Caprichos: Beauty, Reason and Caricature . 2 vols. Princeton, 1953. Lopez-Rey, 1945 . “Goya and the World Around Him: A Contribution to the Art- ist’s Life.” Gazette des Beaux-Arts, 28 (1945), pp. 129-50. McKendrick, Brewer and Plumb McKendrick, Neil, John Brewer, and J. H. Plumb. The Birth of a Consumer Society: The Commer- cialization of Eighteenth-Century England. 1 982 . Bloomington, 1985. Malraux Malraux, Andre. Saturn: An Essay on Goya. Trans. C.W Chilton. London, 1957. Martinez Ripoll Martinez Ripoll, Antonio. “Un dibujo inedito de Goya con cabezas caricaturescas.” Goya, 177 (1983), pp. 1 10-15. Mayer Mayer, August Liebmann. Erancisco de Goya. Trans. Robert West. London and Toronto, 1924. Me.MORI.^L LITER.^RtO Memorial literario, instructivo y curioso de la Corte de Madrid. Moralejo Alvarez Moralejo Alvarez, Maria Remedios. “Un ejemplar de la primera edicion de los Caprichos, de Goya, con comentarios manu,scritos, en la Biblioteca de la Facultad de Filosofia y Letras de la Universidad de Zaragoza.” Bolctin del Museo e Instituto "Camdn Aznar," y {1981), pp. 5-22. MoratIn, Apuntaciones Fernandez de Moratin, Leandro. “Apuntaciones sueltas de Inglaterra.” Obras pdstumas de I). Leandro Eerndndez de Moratin. Vol. i . Madrid, 1867, pp. 161-269. Muller Muller, Priscilla E. Goya’s Black Paintings: Truth and Reason in Light and Liberty. New York, 1984. Museo Municipal Carrete, Juan, Estrella de Diego, and Jesusa Vega. Catdlogo del Gabinetc de Estampas del Museo Municipal de Madrid: Estampas espanolas. 2 vols. Madrid, 1985. Nichols Nichols, John. Biographical Anecdotes of William Hogarth, and a Cata- logue of his Works. London, 1781. Pardo Canalis Pardo Canalis, Enrique. “Libros y cuadros de Paret en 1787.” Revista de ideas esteticas, 23(1 965 ), pp. 1 07- 1 2. Par TIC ION Combencionai. Particidn Combencionai de los Bicnes quedados por rnuerte del Sr. Don Sebastian Martinez, Thesorero Gen- eral del Reino. Drafted by Cayetano Rodriguez Villanueva y Moran. Archivo de Protocolos, Cadiz, leg. 11-5387. Patten Patten, Robert L. “Conventions of Georgian Caricature.” Art Journal, 43 (1983). PP- 33 '- 38 - Paulson, 1965 Paulson, Ronald. Hogarth’s Graphic Works. 2 vols. Nevr’ Haven and London, 1965. Paulson, 1983 . Representations of Revolution 1 1 jSq-i 820). New Haven and London, 1983. Peman Peman, Maria. “La coleccion artistica de don Sebastian Martinez, el amigo de Goya, en Cadiz ” Archivo espaiiol de arte, 5 i ( 1978), pp. 53-62. Pole Polt, John H. R. “Jovellanos and his English Sources: Economic, Philo- sophical, and Political Writings.” Transactions of the American Philo- sophical Society, 54 (1964). PONZ Ponz, Antonio. Viaje de Espaiia seguido de los dos tonios del Viaje fuera de Espana. Ed. Casto Maria del Rivero. Madrid, 1947. Prevost Prevost, Louis. Honore Daumier: A Thematic Guide to the Oeuvre. Ed. and intro., Elizabeth C. Childs. New York and London, 1989. Riely, 1983 Rielyjohn. Henry William Bunbury: I pyo-i 81 1. Sudbury (Gains- borough’s House ) , 1983. Riely, 1975 . “Horace Walpole and 'the Second Hogarth’.” Eighteenth- Century Studies, 9 ( 1975), pp. 28-44. Rodriguez-Montno Rodriguez-Monino, Antonio. “Incunables goyescos.” Ed. Nigel Glendinning. Bulletin of Hispanic Studies, 58 ( 1981 ), pp. 293-3 ' Rouquet Rouquet, Jean. Lettres de Monsieur ** d un de ses amis a Paris, Pour lui expliquer les Estampes de Monsieur Hogarth. London, 1746. Salas Salas, Xavier de. “Light on the Origin of Los Caprichos.” Bur- lington Magazine, i 2 i ( 1979), pp. 7 1 1-16. Sanchez Canton Sanchez Canton, Francisco Javier. Los Caprichos de Goya y sus dihujos preparatorios. Barcelona, 1949. Sayre, 1974 Sayre, Eleanor A., with the Depart- ment of Prints and Drawings, .Mu.seum of Pine Arts, Boston. The Changing Image: Prints by Eran- cisco Goya. Boston (Museum of Pine Arts), 1974. Sayre, 1981 . “Goyas Gebardensprache.” In Stuffmann, Margaret. Gnya: Zeichnungai und Druckgraphtk . Frankfurt (Stadtische Galerie im Stadelschen Kunstinstitut), 1981, pp. 82-87. SOUBEYROUX Soubeyroux, Jacques. “Ordre social et subversion d'ordre dans les caprices de Goya (Essai d’approche semiologique)," Imprevue, 2 (1981), pp. 107-37. SOUEAS Soufas, C. Christopher. “ ‘Esto si que es leer’: learning to read Goya’s Los Caprichos” Word & Image, 2 (1986), pp. 3 1 1-30. Spirit of Enlightenment Perez Sanchez, Alfonso E., and Eleanor A. Sayre, Codirectors. Goya and the Spirit of Enlighten- ment . Boston (Museum of Eine Arts), 1989. Stephens, III ( 1877), IV ( 1883) Stephens, Frederic George. Cata- logue of Political and Personal Sat- ires Preserved m the Department of Prints and Draveings in the British Museum. Vols. Ill, IV. London, 1877, 1883. Symmons, 1983 Symmons, Sarah. “Flaxman and the Continent.” In John Flaxman. Ed. David Bindman. London, 1979, pp. 152-64. Symmons, 1979 . Flaxman and Europe: The Out- line Illustrations and their Influ- ence. New York and London, 1984. Symmons, 1971 . “John Elaxman and Erancisco Goya: Infernos Transcribed.” Bur- lington Magazine, i i 3 ( 1 97 i ), pp. 508-1 2. Tomlinson Tomlinson, Janis A. Francisco Goya: The Tapestry Cartoons and Early Career at the Court of Madrid. Cambridge, 1989. Trusler Trusler, John. Hogarth Moralized, Being a Complete Exlition of Hogarth's Works. London, 1768. Varnedoe and Gopnik Varnedoe, Kirk, and Adam Gopnik. High and Love: Modern Art and Popular Culture. New York (The Museum of Modern Art), 1990. Whitley Whitley, William T Artists and their Friends in England ijoo-iyg<). 2 vols. London and Boston, 1928. Wole, 1987 Wolf, Reva. Goya and the Interest in British Art and Aesthetics in Late Eighteenth-Century Spain. Ph.D. diss.. New York University, 1987. Wole, 1990 . “Onlooker, Witness, and Judge in Goya’s Disasters of War." In Fatal Consequences: Callot, Goya, and the Horrors of War. Hanover, N. H. (Hood Museum of Art, Dartmouth College), 1990, pp. 37-52. List of Works in the Exhibition (Measurements are of platemarks, unless othern'ise indicated) W illiam Hogarth A Midnight Modem Conversation '732-33 Etching and engraving 34.5 X47 cm. Print Collection, The Lewis Walpole Lihrar); Vale L’niversitv Elisha Kirkall, after William Hogarth A Modem Midnight Conversation c - 1733 .Mezzotint 33-7 X 44 -^C' 2 ''- \’ale Center for British .\rt, Paul Mellon Eund 3a Ernst Riepenhausen, after William Hogarth A Midnight Modem Conversation / huveurs de Ponche (The Punch Drinkers) Plate 2 of a bound volume of 7 engravings made to accompany Georg Christoph Lichtenberg, Ausftirliche Ei'klarung der hogarthischeti Kupferstiche , I, Giittingen '794 Engraving 23.5 X 34.5 cm. Vale Collection of (German Literature 3 *> Cieorg Chri.stoph Lichtenberg Ausfurhehe Erkldrung der hogarthischen Kupferstiche, I, Gottingen, page 8 1 (first page of text on A Midnight Modem Conversation ) '794 Letterpress 14.5 X 8.5 cm. (page) Vale Collection of German Literature 4 \'incenz Raimund Griiner, after Ernst Riepenhausen, after William Hogarth A Midnight Modem Conversation / Les huveurs de Ponche ( The Punch Drinkers) Eold-out plate tipped in at the end of (j. C. Lichtaiberg's Witzige und Launige Sittetigemahlde nach Hogarth. Eiir Gehildete Leser Bearheitct und Herausgegehen von Johann SchvAnghamer , 1 , \denna 1811 Etching 19.9 X 28 cm. \alc Collection of Cicrman Literature 5 Valentin ("arderera Manuscript Explanation ot the Caprichos, Explicacion de lo que represetitan . . . Pen and brov\ n ink 30.2 x 2 1 .4 cm. (sheet) Museum of Pine .Arts, Boston (lift of Eleanor .A. Savre loi 6 Juan .Antonio Llorente ■Manu.script Explanation of the Caprichos, Caprices de Goya Pen and brown ink 23.5 X 36 cm. (sheet) .Museum of Eine .Arts, Bo.ston Gift of Eleanor .A. Savre Prancisco Goya Subir V bajar ( To rise and to fall) Tlie Caprichos, plate 56 c. 1797-98 Etching and aquatint 2 1 .5 X 15.1 cm. Worcester .Art .Museum, Worcester, Massachusetts 8 .Anonymous [Samuel (Villings.-^] The P4 George Murgatroyd Woodward A Choice Spirit Gradation from a Greenhorn to a Blood . . . , London, 1 790, plate 6 and text on facing page Etching and aquatint, and letterpress 39.4 X 48.2 cm. (plate and text) Francisco Goya Caricature Self-Portrait Drawing in a Letter to Martin Zapater Dated "Londres 2 de agosto de 1800" Brown ink .Museodel Prado, Madrid 2 Franci.sco Goya Letter to Martin Zapater, page i Dated “Londres 2 de agosto de iHoa" Brown ink .Museo del Prado, .Madrid Yale Center for British .\rt, Paul .Mellon Fund 55 George .Murgatroyd Woodward May the Pleasures of the Evening hear the Morning's Reflection Elements of Bacchus; . . . , 1 792, plate and facing page ( 77 ) .Vquatint with etching, and letterpress 24. 1 x 16.6 (plate only) Print Collection, The Lewis Walpole Library, Yale University 5 ^ Thomas Rowlandson (attributed to) Introduction 179.5 I land-colored etching 25.9 X 35.5 cm. Beinecke Rare Book and .Manuscript Library, Yale University 57 Francisco Go\a List of Figures Brown ink .Museo del Prado, .Madrid 3 Francisco Goya Duke of Alba 1795 Gil on canvas .Museo del Prado, .Madrid 4 George Sigmund Facius and Qiie sacriftcio! ( What a sacrifice!) The Caprichos, plate 1 4 c. 1797-9^^ Etching and aquatint 19.6 X 14.9 cm. Worcester .\rt .Museum, Worce.ster, .Massachusetts .5H Thomas Row landson Liberality cr Desire 1788 I land-colored etching 36.3 X 26.8 cm. Beinecke Rare Book and .Manuscript I.ibrarv, \’alc University 59 Tile Caprichos, bintling Bnm n calf 31.8x21.5 cm. Worcester .\rt .Museum, Worcester, .Massachusetts (unpictured) Johann Ciottlieb facius, after Benjamin West West Eamily '779 Stipple engraving Print Collection, .Miriam and Ira D. Wallach Division of .Xrt, Prints and Photographs, TTie New York Public Library, .\stor, Lenox and Tilden Foundations Francisco Cioya Ya ■van desplumados (They already go, plucked) The Caprichos, plate 20 c. 1797-98 Aquatint and etching Boston Public Library, Print Department 6 Anonymous El castigo de la golosina / Ya van desplumados { The punishment of desire / They already go, plucked) c. 1812-13 Etching Bihlioteca Nacional, Madrid Anonymous Sorpresa c/ue causd a los parientes y amigos de Josef Botellas, estando en sus diversiones favoritas, la noticia de su salida precipitada de Madrid ( The Surprise with which the relatives and friends of Joseph '■"Botellas," involved in their favorite enter- tainments, received the news of his sudden depar- ture from .Madrid) c. 1813 Hand-colored engraving Museo Municipal, Madrid 8 Anonymous [Mary or Matthew Darly?] The Last Drop >773 Etching Bihlioteca Nacional, Madrid 9 Francisco Gova El si proniincian y la mano alargan Al primern que llega ( They say yes and give their hand to the first who takes it) The Caprichos, plate 2 c. 1797-98 Etching and aquatint Boston Public Eihrary, Print Department 10 [Francisco Goya] The Caprichos, front cover of binding c. 1830-40 Boston Public Eihrary, Print Department Francisco Go\a Caricatura alegre (Happy caricature) Album B (Madrid Album), page 63 c. 1796-97 Indian ink wash Museo del Prado, Madrid George Murgatrovd Woodward Etched by Thomas Row landson Barber Country Characters, no. 3 1799 Etching TTie British Museum, Department of Prints and Drawings 13 Francisco Goya Untitled (barber) c. 1 797 Sanguine wash and red chalk drawing ■Museo del Prado, Madrid >4 Francisco Goya Gran mano para hurtar sonajas (For cp era tremulo) (A fine hand fir robbing tambourines ( Because he was trembling)) ■Mbum C, page 80 c. 1810-20 Sepia wash Museo del Prado, Madrid 15 Anon\mous Intelligence on the Change in .Ministry 1782 Hand-colored mezzotint The Harry Elkins Widener Collection, Har\ ard Universitv Librar\ 106 16 “Argus” The Continental Shaveing Shop 1806 Hand-colored etching TTie Houghton Eihrary, Harvard Universitv 17 Anonymous General Ernst Shaveing Little Boney 1812 Hand-colored etching The Houghton Eihrary, Har\ard Universitv- 18 Anonymous The . 4 llies Shaving Shop or Boney in the Suds 1813 Hand-colored etching The Houghton Librarv, Harvard University >9 Henry W illiam Bunbury Etched by John Jones A Barbers Shop >785 Stipple engraving and etching Print Collection, The Eewis Walpole Library, ^’ale University 20 Christian Gottfried Heinrich Geissler Die Leipziger Barbierstube (The Leipzig Barbershop ) c. 1813 I land-colored etching and aquatint The I loughton Library, Harvard University .\nonymous Des grossen .Mannes kleine Hofhaltung auf der gluckseligen Insel (The great mans little royal household on the blissful island) c. 1814 Hand-colored etching The I loughton Library, Harvard University Francisco Goya Jesus que Aire ( Jesus ivhat a Wmd ) Album B (Madrid Album), page 8 1 c. 1796-97 Indian ink wash Private Collection, Paris 23 Anonymous [Mary or Matthew Darly?] The Petticoat at the Fieri Maschareta '775 I land-colored etching The I larry fdkins Widener Collection, Harvard University Library 24 Anonymous [Mary or Matthew Darly?] The Breeches in the Tier a Maschereta •775 Hand-colored etching TTte I larry Flkins Widener Collection, Har\ard Universin Librarv 25 Anonymous [Thomas Rowlandson?] Mercury and his Advocates Defeated, or Vegetable Intrmchment 1 789 1 land-colored etching The British Museum, Department of Prints and Drawings 26 Francisco CJoya Biett tirada estd (It is ivell stretched ) The Caprichos, plate 1 7 c. 1797-98 Etching anti aquatint Boston Public Library, Print Department 27 David I less Etched by James Cfillrav (?) Met Committe van Algemeen Waakzaamheid (The Committee of Public Vigilance) Hollandia Regenerata, plate 8 and text on facing page 1797 Etching and letterpress Department of Printing and Graphic Arts, The Houghton Library, Harvard University 28 George Murgatnn d Woodward Qiiite finished? Symptoms of Drunkenness, “Sketch” 6 1790 Etching and aquatint TTie British Museum, Department of Prints and Drawings 29 Erancisco Goya The Drunken Mason 1786-87 Oil on canvas Museo del Prado, Madrid 3‘> Erancisco Goya Winter 1786-87 Oil on canvas Museo del Prado, Madrid 3 I Erancisco Goya Torque esconderlos? ( Why hide than ?} The Caprichos, plate to c. 1797-98 Etching and aquatint Boston Public Library, Print Department 32 TTiomas Rowlandson The Introduction i79H(?) Eitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge 33 Anonymous [Thomas Rowlandson] Ladies Trading on their Own Bottom n.d. Hand-colored etching Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid 34 Erancisco Goya Ruega por ella ( Pray fir her / She prays fi)r her) The Caprichos, plate 3 i c. 1797-98 Etching and aquatint Boston Public Library, Print Department 35 Erancisco Goya CaricaV. / Le pide cuaitas la muger al marido ( Caricatures / The wife asks her husband f)r an explanation ) Album B (Madrid Album), page 58 c. 1796-97 Indian ink wash Private Collection, Paris 3 ^ Francisco Go\a Caricatura dlas carracas ( Caricature of the carracans) Album B (Madrid Album), page 62 c. 1 796-97 Indian ink wash Musee du Louvre, Paris 37 Francisco Goya CaricaV. es dia de su Santo ( Caricatures it is her [Aif ?'] Saint 's day ) Album B (Madrid Album), page 61 c. 1796-97 Indian ink wash Musee du Louvre, Paris 3« Francisco Cioya Caricature heads c. I 798 Red chalk drawing Private (Collection, Barcelona 39 Cicorge Murgatroyd Woodward Etched by Thomas Row landson Behaviour at Table Chesterfield Travestie; or, School fi/r Modem Manners, fold-out plate in bound volume 1808 Hand-colored etching The Houghton Library, Harvard University 40 Francis Grose Rules fi)r Drawing Caricatures . . . , London, 1 789, plate I 108 1788 Etching Department of Prints and Photographs, TTie Metropolitan Museum of Art, The Elisha Whittelsey Collection, The Elisha Whittelscy Fund, 1963 Index of Works, BY Artist and P r i n t ai a k e r ANONA'MOL'S, nos. H, 26, 3 1, 34, 36, 42, 45; figs. 6, 7, 15, 17, 18,21 “ARGUS,” fig. 16 BUNBURY, Henry W'illiam ( 1 750-1 811), nos. 1 2 , 22, 51; figs. [7], 19 'DARLY, Mary or Matthew {fl. 1 741-80), no. 33; figs. 8, 23, 24' DAUMIER, Honore ( 1 808-79), nos. 11,21,29, 30,43,44, 53 DICKINSON, William (1746-1823), no. 22 FACIUS, George Sigmund (r. 1 7 50-after 1814) and Johann Gottlieb (c. 1750-after 1802), fig. 4 GEISSLER, Christian Gottfried Heinrich (1770-1844), fig. 20 GILLR.YY, James ( 1 756-1 8 1 5), nos. 10, 5o(?); fig. 2 7(-') GOYA, Erancisco ( 1 746-1828), nos. [5], [6], 7, 13, 18, 23, 32, 35, 38, 39, 41, 47, 57; figs. 1, 2, 3, 9. '4- ^2, 26, 29, 30, 31, 34, 3.>’ 36, 37 - 38 GRLMM, Samuel Hienmymous ( 1733-94), no. 25 GROSE, Erancis (1731-91), fig. 40 GRUNER, V’incenz Raimund (1771-1832), no. 4 HESS, David ( 1 770-1 843 ), no. 50, fig. 2 7 HOGARTH, William ( 1697-1 764), nos. 1, 14, [16], [17], 24,48,49 JONES, John (c. 1 745-97), fig. 19 KIRKALL, Elisha (c. 1682-1742), no. 2 MOSLEY, Charles (d. c. 1770), no. 37 NEWTON, Richard ( 1 777-98), no. 20 RVTCH, Thomas ( 1725-82 ), no. 1 ^ RIEPENl lAUSEN, Ernst ( 1 765-1839), no. 3a ROWL.\NDSON, Thomas ( 1 756-1827), nos. 9, 19, 27, 28, 40, 46, 52, 56(.2), 58; figs. 12, 25, 33 (.'). 39 WOODWARD, George .Murgatros d (c. 1760- 1809), nos. 52, 54, 55; figs. 12, 28, 39 109 '•‘.y AND THE SATIRICAL PRINT IN ENGLAND AND ON THE CONTINENT, 1730 TO 1850 BOSTON COLLEGE MUSEUM OF ART January 28 to April 20, 1991 THE SPANISH INSTITUTE, New York May 7 to June 29, 1991 BY SUBWAY: Boston College “B-Green Line” branch of the MBTA. Walk west on Commonwealth Avenue to main gate. BY CAR: Commonwealth Avenue (Route 30) to Chesmut Hill (Newton) BOSTON COLLEGE MUSEUM OE ART Deviin Hall Hours: Monday - Friday 10:30 AM - 4:30 PM Saturday, February 9, March 16, April 20, 12:00 - 5:00 PM 617 552-8587 THE WIDENER MEMORIAL ROOM Widener Library, Harvard University A Related Exhibition of Satirical Prints January 28 - March 29 Hours: Monday - Friday 9:30 AM - 4:30 PM THE SPANISH INSTITUTE 684 Park Avenue at 68th Street, New York, New York 1002 1 Hours: Monday - Saturday 1 1:00 AM - 6:00 PM, Closed Sunday 212 628-0420 rJl GO OPENING RECEPTION Thursday, February 7, 5:00 - 7:00PM Consul General of Spain in Boston, host LECTURE JOAN SUSSLER, Curator of Prints, The Lewis Walpole Library, Yale University Tuesday, April 9, 12:00 PM “Nobodies in English Satircal Prints of the Eighteenth to Mid-Nineteenth Centuries” Catalogue of exhibition available YA GALLERY TALK REVA WOLF, Curator of the exhibition and Assistant Professor, Boston College Tuesday, March 19, 12:00 PM LOWELL LECTURE BARBARA STAFFORD, Professor of Art History, University of Chicago Thursday, March 21, 8:00 PM, McGuinn Auditorium “Fantastic Images: The Tradition of Pictures Meant to be Seen in the Dark” fL^ AND THE SATIRICAL PRINT IN ENGLAND AND ON THE CONTINENT, 1730 TO 1850 BOSTON COLLEG] January 28 to i MUSEUM OF ART April 20, 1991 / 1 / THE SPANISH INSTITUTE, New York May 7 to June 29, 1991 An exhibition partially funded by the National Endowment for the Arts and The Consul General of Spain in Boston BOSTON COLLEGE MUSEUM OE ART Devlin Hall Chestnut Hill, Massachusetts 02167 Bulk Rate Non-profit US Postage PAID Permit No. 55294 Boston, MA ISBN: 0-87923-925-5