ΗΡΟΔΟΤΟΥ 
 
 ΟΙ ΑΙΓΥΠΤΙΟΙ ΛΟΓΟΙ. 
 
 THE 
 
 EGYPT OF HERODOTUS: 
 
 BEING 
 
 THE SECOND AND PART OF THE THIRD 
 BOOKS OF HIS HISTORY. 
 
 WITH 
 
 NOTES AND PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS, 
 
 JOHN KENRICK, M.A.W 
 
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 LONDON: 
 
 B. FELLOWES, 39, LUDGATE STREET. 
 
 1841. 
 
 BOSTON COLLEGE LIBRAS 
 
 rcTM I IT UIS 1 ft^rtCO 
 
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 PRINTED BY RICHARD AND JOHN E. TAYLOR, 
 RED LION COURT, FLEET STREET. 
 
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 TO 
 
 MY PUPILS DURING THIRTY YEARS, 
 
 THIS MEMORIAL 
 
 OF THE CLASSICAL AND HISTORICAL STUDIES OF 
 
 MANCHESTER COLLEGE, YORK, 
 
 IS AFFECTIONATELY INSCRIBED. 
 
“ Reperies librum accommodatum captui auditorum, quem adbibeant ut praesens 
 intelligentiae subsidium ; et pleraque omnia referri ad grammaticam rationem, ad in- 
 terpretationem sententiae, liistoriae, antiquitatis, observationem orationis Graecae. 
 Quod vero magis discentibus quam doctis scriptus est, quod etiam pars materiae ex 
 prioribus assumta interpretibus est, hoc in ejusmodi consilio aliter fieri non poterat." 
 —Vita Wyttenbach. a Mahnio, p. 240. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 There is nothing in this work which requires to be 
 explained, unless it be the publication of a detached 
 portion of an author who so well deserves to be stu¬ 
 died throughout. I am strongly opposed in general to 
 the use of extracts, and, if it were possible, would de¬ 
 tain a student in the perusal of each of the great 
 masters of style, till he had thoroughly imbibed their 
 spirit and familiarized himself with their idiom 1 . But 
 to this there is a practical limit. In a single session or 
 term it is not possible to read with the necessary accu¬ 
 racy the whole of such an author as Herodotus or Thu¬ 
 cydides ; and in the wide and varied field of Greek lite¬ 
 rature, it would be an injury to the student to confine 
 him to one, however eminent. I have been accus¬ 
 tomed, therefore, to select for each academical period a 
 
 1 “ Secundum est, ut lectio sit perpetua, neque interpelletur aliorum 
 lectione scriptorum. Apertum est enim quo quis plura simul tractet eo 
 magis distrahi attentionem animi rerum varietate impedirique quo mi¬ 
 nus ea percipiat, quae propria singulorum sunt; quo fit ut confundantur 
 omnia ac permisceantur, nec distingui quae diversa sunt possint. Quod 
 a plerisque non satis animo reputari videmus.”—Herm. Praef. ad Horn. 
 II. Op. 3. 77. 
 
VI 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 portion of some one author, which might with the least 
 violence be detached from the rest, to be carefully read 
 and commented upon, giving such an introductory view 
 of the whole work and the personal history, style and 
 dialect of the writer, as would enable any one who was 
 disposed, to read the remainder with improvement at 
 any subsequent time. There could be little doubt what 
 portion of Herodotus was most suitable for this pur¬ 
 pose. The history of the Persian War, contained in the 
 three last books, has been already published in a sepa¬ 
 rate form, and as it presents few difficulties, it is well | 
 fitted for the schoolboy’s use. But for an academical 
 preelection, and for the purpose of combining the study 
 of ancient history with that of the classics, the account 
 of Egypt is far better adapted. It is so much of an epi¬ 
 sode, that it scarcely suffers at all by being taken out of 
 its connexion. It needs detailed illustration more than 
 any other part of the work ; the materials for this illus¬ 
 tration are more ample; it contains some of the best 
 specimens both of the descriptive and narrative powers 
 of Herodotus ; and the recent discoveries in Egyptian 
 antiquities and history have given a new interest to the 
 most ancient written memorials of this extraordinary 
 country. 
 
 The plan of selection which I have mentioned, com¬ 
 prehended, in addition to Herodotus, the Sicilian Expe¬ 
 dition from Thucydides, the Gorgias and Phsedon of 
 Plato, the rival Orations of Demosthenes and iEschines, 
 the Poetic and part of the Rhetoric of Aristotle, and 
 some of the Odes of Pindar. Herodotus came first in 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 Vll 
 
 order, and formed the commencement of a five years’ 
 course. The mode in which ancient languages are com¬ 
 monly studied at school, makes their syntax appear a 
 mixture of arbitrary rules and capricious anomalies ; and 
 to correct this erroneous conception, I was led to enter 
 into fuller explanations of the principles of construc¬ 
 tion, in commenting upon Herodotus, than was neces¬ 
 sary in subsequent stages. Perhaps this is not so much 
 required now as when I first began to teach; yet I be¬ 
 lieve it will still be found that the rational and philoso¬ 
 phical principles of Buttmann and Matthise have pene¬ 
 trated to a very small depth in the system of our school 
 instruction. 
 
 I have adopted for my text the edition of Gaisford. 
 To form a new one would have been a presum¬ 
 ptuous undertaking without familiarity with MSS., 
 which I have never had the opportunity of using; and 
 would, after all, have been of little benefit to those for 
 whom my work was designed. The sound critical judg¬ 
 ment of the Dean of Christ Church is acknowledged not 
 only by English but by continental scholars, and Bahr, 
 the last editor of Herodotus, has reprinted his text. 
 A few omissions and one alteration have been made 
 without critical authority, from motives which will be 
 readily understood. 
 
 York , Nov . 1840. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 £*?·; „ 
 
 
 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 
 ' 
 
 
 
 
 
PRELIMINARY DISSERTATIONS. 
 
 L 
 
 SECTION I. 
 
 GREEK HISTORY BEFORE HERODOTUS. 
 
 History is first poetical, then narrative, then philoso¬ 
 phical. The cultivation of poetry has preceded that of prose, in 
 every country whose literary history can be traced, because the 
 imagination and passions are developed at an earlier stage in 
 the progress of men than the reason and the judgment; and 
 imagination and passion are excited by the marvels of poetry, 
 by its diction, and that faint echo of music which its rhythm 
 preserves. In the earliest stage of both it is impossible to de¬ 
 fine the limits of history and poetry; poetry borrows facts from 
 history, and lends to it invention and metre. Truth in history 
 is not valued, till the practical relation in which the past and 
 the future stand to each other has been in some measure dis¬ 
 cerned. When men begin to see that the moral world is go¬ 
 verned by laws which bring the consequences of their social 
 actions within their own control, they desire to obtain an accu¬ 
 rate record of past events. Hence free governments, in which 
 alone a nation possesses the power of determining its own con¬ 
 dition, are favorable to the grow T th of history ; in ancient times 
 it flourished only in republics; under the despotisms of the East, 
 true and instructive history has hardly even now an existence. 
 Till this love of truth begins to control imagination, poetry and 
 history differ only in the degree in which fiction enters into 
 their composition. 
 
 b 
 
ii GREEK HISTORY BEFORE HERODOTUS. 
 
 The poetry of different nations partakes of narrative in dif¬ 
 ferent degrees; in Greece those kinds were earliest studied 
 and most highly prized, of which narrative is the principal in¬ 
 gredient. Epic poetry, which must have been cultivated by a 
 long succession of forgotten bards before it could produce an 
 Iliad, is essentially narrative ; the earliest extant hymns, the 
 Homeric, are of the same class, and many even of the odes of 
 Pindar have as much a narrative as a lyric character. So 
 closely, indeed, was the idea of a description of action asso¬ 
 ciated with that of poetry in the mind of a Greek, that Ari¬ 
 stotle’s definition of it as μίμησιο,, excludes mere sentiment and 
 the description of nature 1 . Even the theology of the Greeks 
 bears testimony to their love of narrative. The mythological 
 tales of Egypt or the East are cumbrous and unnatural, com¬ 
 pared with those of Greece; they have neither their fulness 
 nor their harmony; the symbolical meaning appears too plainly 
 through the thin garb of narrative which is awkwardly thrown 
 over it, and the freedom of invention is checked by religious 
 awe. This was owing, partly to the existence of a sacerdotal 
 caste in the countries first mentioned, who kept up the theolo¬ 
 gical tradition, and did not suffer it to be wholly buried be¬ 
 neath popular tales and poetical ornament, but partly also to 
 the different genius of the people. The theology of the Greeks 
 became history and anecdote, from the loves of Earth and 
 Heaven down to the births of Hercules and Pan. At the 
 same time, no nation ever used more freely, what Livy 2 calls 
 the venial liberty of antiquity, to exalt its own origin by fictions 
 which connect its history with the gods; and even so late an 
 event as the founding of Cyrene, about the 37th Olympiad, 
 has received a mythical explanation 3 . 
 
 The early history of a people so full of active energy as the 
 
 1 Poet. init. 2 Hist. Prsefat. 5. 
 
 3 Muller, Proleg. zu einer wissenschaftliche Mythologie, p. 63. 
 
GREEK HISTORY BEFORE HERODOTUS. 
 
 Ill 
 
 Greeks, made up of numerous communities, united by a com¬ 
 mon descent, but each pursuing its independent course, fur¬ 
 nished ample materials for the heroic muse. In what proportion 
 a true historical tradition has been mingled with mythical fiction, 
 in that compound which the nation received as its heroic history, 
 is a question which we cannot undertake to answer: nor is the 
 answer important to us, who are tracing the progress of the 
 art, not estimating the value of its earliest productions. It is 
 enough, that from the mixture of these ingredients a large body 
 of poetic history was formed, which afterwards assumed the 
 shape of prose. The poets who preceded Homer having per¬ 
 ished, we cannot tell whether they, like him, selected only an 
 interesting part of a great action for the subject of their epos, 
 or comprehended all the exploits of a single hero, and the whole 
 series of a great event. But the first of those whose school 
 succeeded the Homeric, and who lived about the commence¬ 
 ment of the Olympiads 1 , the Cyclic Poets, are not less remark¬ 
 able for the inferiority of their genius, as far as we can judge 
 of it by their fragments and the testimony of those who read 
 their entire works, than by the nearer approach they make to 
 the historical form 2 . The Cypria 3 , which even in the time of 
 Herodotus (2. 117.) some attributed to Homer, began with the 
 deliberation of Jupiter and Themis respecting the Trojan War, 
 and the strife of the goddesses ; and ended with the Catalogue 
 of the forces: the JEthiopis of Arctinus (775 B.C.) gave the 
 history of the arrival of Penthesilea and Memnon, terminating 
 with the death of Achilles and the contest for his arms: the 
 
 1 “ Omnes poetse, quorum carmina certe dici possunt Cyclica fuisse, 
 inde a prima Olympiade ad quinquagesimamv ixere.” Midler, Cycl. Epic. 
 Grsec. p. 67. 
 
 2 Proclus, Chrestomathia ap. Phot. p. 981. ed. Hoescli. Heph. ed.‘ 
 Gaisf. p. 471. 
 
 3 If the work of Cinsethon, about 765 B.C.; if of Lesches, 657 B.C., 
 according to Clinton, Fasti Hellenici s. ann. Others place him at the 
 commencement of the Olympiads. 
 
 b 2 
 
IV 
 
 GREEK HISTORY BEFORE HERODOTUS. 
 
 Little Iliad related the issue of that contest, and continued 
 the story to the introduction of the wooden horse : the Ιλίου 
 ΤΙερσις of Arctinus carried it on to the burning of the city and 
 the sacrifice of Polyxena. To these succeeded the Νοστοι of 
 Augias of Trcezene, who related the fortunes of the chiefs during 
 the voyage and on their return. The Telegonia of Eugammon 
 of Cyrene (556 B.C.) took up the story of Ulysses, left un¬ 
 finished in the Odyssee, and brought it down to his death by 
 the hands of his son Telegonus. The order in which these 
 poems have been arranged, and the name Κύκλοα 1 , belong to 
 later times ; but the subjects of them have been evidently 
 chosen, in order to give historical unity and completeness to 
 the action of the Iliad and Odyssee. In a larger sense, the 
 name of Κύκλος is given to the whole series of events, from 
 the loves of Ουρανός and Τη to the death of Telegonus, in¬ 
 cluding the war of the Titans and Giants, the history of Pho- 
 roneus, the Argonautic expedition, the Heracleis, Theseis, 
 Amazonis, Dionysiaca, Thebais, Alcmseonis, to which in order 
 of time the Cypria came next. The titles of these are sufficient 
 to show that their plan approached more nearly to history and 
 biography than to the epic, and thus the name of cyclic came 
 to denote an inferior order of poets, prolix and unpoetical in 
 the treatment of their subjects 2 . 
 
 In this cyclic poetry the Greeks possessed a complete body 
 of historical tradition, or what they were content to receive as 
 such, nearly to the return of the Heraclidse ; after which time. 
 
 1 On the time at which the name K vkXos came to be used, see Clin¬ 
 ton, Fasti Hell. 1. 348. Its use before the Alexandrian times rests 
 mainly on the assumption, that Dionysius of Miletus, about 500 B.C., 
 wrote a K vkXos. But the K νκλογράφοε of that name lived much later, 
 and appears to have made a prose K vkXos out of the contents of the ar¬ 
 ranged cycle of the Alexandrian critics. 
 
 2 Hor. A. P. 136. Του επικόν κύκλον τα ποιήματα διασώζεται και 
 σπουδάζεται toIs ί τυλλοϊς, οΰχ υΰτω διά την αρετήν ι os διά την ακολουθίαν 
 τών εν αίιτψ πραγμάτων. Procl. ap. Gaisf. Heph. p. 378. 
 
GREEK HISTORY BEFORE HERODOTUS. 
 
 v 
 
 their history, though still mixed with the supernatural, relates 
 to persons of human parentage, and becomes scanty, but gene¬ 
 rally falls within the order of natural causes. This seems to 
 have been the limit below which the epic or cyclic poet did not 
 commonly descend. The olden times were magnified in im¬ 
 portance by their very distance, their events were romantic, and 
 their uncertainty gave ample scope to fiction, which could not 
 be employed on recent events without a more violent demand 
 on credulity. 
 
 From the Cyclic poets we pass to the Aoyoypatyoi or Λογο- 
 Ίτοιοι l , who, when the familiar use of writing and facility of 
 procuring materials had prepared the way for the circulation of 
 books, in the modern sense of the word, turned into prose the 
 poetical narratives of their predecessors. It is difficult to de¬ 
 cide who first published a work in prose : Pliny in one passage 
 (7. 57.) attributes this honour to Pherecydes 2 , in another 
 (5. 31.) to Cadmus; both statements, perhaps, resting upon 
 no other basis, than that Pherecydes was the oldest philoso¬ 
 phical and Cadmus the oldest historical writer whose works 
 had been preserved. The age of the latter is uncertain. Jo¬ 
 sephus 3 makes him and Acusilaus to have lived only a short 
 time before the Persian expeditions into Greece, but it was his 
 object to depreciate the authority of Greek history, in com¬ 
 parison with the scriptural, and therefore his words are not to 
 be literally taken. As Bias of Proconnesus, who epitomised 
 the history of Cadmus, lived in the time of Pherecydes (Mus. 
 
 1 These names are used as convenient for designating the earliest 
 writers of history, but the word Xoyos is equally applicable to narra¬ 
 tive, legend and fable. HCsop and Hecatseus (2. 133. 143.) are both 
 called λογοποιοε by Herodotus, and he claims no higher name for his 
 own work than λόγοι, though posterity have regarded him as the father 
 of history. 
 
 2 The historian Pherecydes is here out of the question. He died in 
 the year 396 B.C. 
 
 3 Contra Apion. 1. 1. e. 2. 
 
VI 
 
 GREEK HISTORY BEFORE HERODOTUS. 
 
 Crit. 1. p. 82.), it is reasonable to suppose that Cadmus him¬ 
 self was older than Pherecydes, and to Cadmus we may award 
 the honour of being the author of the first prose history. Mi¬ 
 letus, of which he was a native, was one of the most flourish¬ 
 ing of the Ionian cities, connected with the rest of the world by 
 extensive traffic and colonization; and its citizens w T ere emi¬ 
 nent for the cultivation of philosophy. Anaximenes, Thales, 
 and Anaximander, who first made maps and erected a gnomon, 
 were all natives of Miletus. It was therefore well fitted to be 
 the cradle of the historical art. 
 
 Of these συγγράφεις Μιλϊ/σιακοί, as they are called by a 
 writer in Bekker’s Anecd. Grseca (1. 713.), Hecat^us, son η 
 of Hegesander (Her. 6. 137.), was by far the most eminent. 
 The time of his birth is uncertain; but as he seems to have 
 been a man of mature age, at the revolt of the Greek colonies 
 in Asia (500 B.C.), and had then made those extensive re¬ 
 searches which enabled him to point out to the Ionians the 
 magnitude of the Persian power which they were rashly pre¬ 
 paring to encounter (Her. 5. 36. 125.), we can hardly suppose 
 him to have been bom later than 540 B.C. His ancestry must 
 have been noble, for he traced himself up through sixteen ge¬ 
 nerations to a god (2. 143.). Agathemerus 1 calls him πολυ- 
 πλαυίς’ we know that he had visited Egypt, and it was proba¬ 
 bly by his own research that he had gained his accurate know¬ 
 ledge of the Persian empire, which had become easily accessible 
 to strangers by the peaceful order and internal communication 
 which Darius had recently established from the Indus to the 
 Egean. The title of the geographical work which contained 
 the fruits of his travels was Περίοδος, for Strabo quotes it by 
 this title, and Herodotus is generally supposed to allude to him 
 in the passage (4. 36.) in which he somewhat captiously con¬ 
 demns this title, as if it necessarily implied that the earth w r as 
 
 1 Agathem. 1.1. Strabo, 1. 13. 
 
GREEK HISTORY BEFORE HERODOTUS. vii 
 
 a circular disk. It has perished ; but it was highly esteemed 
 and largely borrowed from by his successors. Herodotus is 
 said to have been much indebted to him, and in particular to 
 have copied with slight variations the account of the phoenix, 
 the hippopotamus, and the crocodile, in his Second Book. A 
 description of objects of natural history will be nearly the same, 
 even if proceeding from two independent observers; and no one 
 has alleged that in these passages there is such a difference of 
 style from the rest of Herodotus as to warrant a suspicion of mere 
 compilation. His authority must have stood high among his 
 Ionian countrymen, if Dahlmann be correct in the supposition, 
 that the opinions which Herodotus in more than one passage im¬ 
 putes to them, and contradicts (2. 15. 17.), were derived from 
 Hecataeus 1 . His other principal work was entitled 'I στοριαι 
 or TeveriXoyiai, for they are probably only different titles of one 
 book, in which history was related in the genealogical form. 
 Four books are quoted from it; the first appears to have begun 
 with the incunabula of the Hellenic people from Deucalion, but 
 probably the whole did not extend below the heroic age; at 
 least, no quotation has been preserved that refers to the histo¬ 
 ric times. He might with more propriety begin his work with 
 a declaration, that he wrote as seemed to him to be true, the 
 fables of the Greeks being many and ridiculous. He appears 
 to have corrected these ables, however, to his own notions of 
 credibility, in the superficial method in which he has since had 
 so many followers, lowering the speciosa miracula of an essen¬ 
 tially poetical fable, to a prosaic statement more false than the 
 fable itself. Thus, to remove the improbability of the descent 
 of Hercules into Hades, and his dragging Cerberus thence, he 
 supposes that there was a huge serpent in a cave near Tsena- 
 rus, called A ΐ'δου κυων, whom Hercules vanquished and dragged 
 from his den. He transplanted Geryones arbitrarily to the 
 
 1 Herodot, aus seinem Buche sein Leben, p. 114. 
 
GREEK HISTORY BEFORE HERODOTUS. 
 
 • · · 
 
 Vlll 
 
 neighbourhood of Ambracia and Amphilochia 1 ; and adopted 
 the common method of explaining the names of places from 
 imaginary founders, and relating as historical facts his own 
 etymological deductions. 
 
 Of the style of Hecatceus, reduced as his works now are to 
 fragments, in which scarcely a sentence is entire, we must j udge 
 from the testimony of those who read them in their integrity. 
 Hermogenes 2 3 praises him for a distinct, pure, and often plea¬ 
 sing style, less mixed with poetic diction than that of Herodo¬ 
 tus, less highly elaborated, but with more of the actual Ionic 
 idiom. Longinus (περί *Y ψ. c. 27.) quotes with praise a pas¬ 
 sage, describing the interview of Ceyx with the Heraclidce, for 
 the liveliness with which the author changes at once from the 
 
 narrative form to direct address. Ου yap υμΊυ 8υνατόζ είμι 
 
 » / ^ 
 apriyeiv . 
 
 The writings of Hellanicus of Lesbos, who preceded Hero¬ 
 dotus by twelve years 4 , comprehended a very wide range of 
 history and geography. From the titles of his works it ap¬ 
 pears, that he wrote on the history of almost every Grecian 
 tribe, on the foundation of their cities, and also on the history 
 of Lydia, Persia, and Egypt. What is quoted from the last- 
 mentioned works relates to historical personages and times ; 
 but his Greek histories, judging from the quotations, were al¬ 
 most entirely occupied with mythical events and genealogies. 
 
 1 Arrian, Exped. Alex. 2. 16. 
 
 2 De Genere Dicendi, 2. 12. Καθαρό* μεν έστι και σαφής, εν U τισι 
 /cat r/dvs ον μετρίωε. 
 
 3 The fragments of Hecateeus have been collected by Creuzer (Hist. 
 Graecor. antiquissimorum Fragmenta, 1806.) and Klausen (Hecatiei Mi- 
 lesii Fragmenta, 1831.). 
 
 4 Pamphila ap. A. Gell. 15. 23. She was a literary lady, who lived 
 in the reign of Nero, a native of Epidaurus according to Suidas, s. voc., 
 of Egypt according to Photius (p. 387.), who recorded in a sort of com¬ 
 mon place-book ( υπομνήματα συμμιγή) the fruit of her own reading, 
 the instructions of her husband, and the conversation of eminent per¬ 
 sons who frequented his house. 
 
GREEK HISTORY BEFORE HERODOTUS. 
 
 IX 
 
 Even in writing the history of Lacedaemon, he is said to have 
 made no mention of the historical Lycurgus, but to have attri¬ 
 buted the settlement of the constitution to the mythical per¬ 
 sonages, Eurysthenes and Procles l . His works were local and 
 partial: far from taking one subject, like Thucydides, he had 
 not even the art of Herodotus to unite his various materials in 
 one connected story; and though he introduced into history 
 the important improvement of a fixed chronology, reckoning 
 by the succession of the priestesses of the Argive Juno, yet 
 even his chronology gave Thucydides occasion (1.97.) to com¬ 
 plain of a want of accuracy, and this too in his Άτθίς, which 
 treated of a period so recent as the interval between the Me¬ 
 dian and the Peloponnesian wars 2 . 
 
 Among the works of the predecessors or contemporaries of 
 Herodotus, Xanthus the Lydian is distinctly mentioned by 
 Athenaeus (12. 11. p. 515. e.), on the authority of Ephorus, 
 as tolq αφορμαα Ήρυδοτω δεδωκοτοα, an expression which 
 more naturally denotes excitement of emulation than contri¬ 
 bution of materials. At all events, the obligation of Herodo¬ 
 tus to Xanthus cannot have been very great; the former treats 
 only incidentally of the Lydian history, the latter appears in 
 the four books of his work to have included much of the natu¬ 
 ral history and description of his native country. The few 
 passages which admit comparison rather indicate that Hero¬ 
 dotus pursued an independent path 3 . The Περσικά of Dio¬ 
 nysius of Miletus, and the τα μετά Ααρείον of the same 
 author, may have furnished materials to his history, but this is 
 merely a possibility. The historical works of Dionysius are 
 little known, but he was a great authority in mythology. See 
 Diod. 3. 52. Heyne ad Apollod. 2. p. 355. 
 
 1 Strabo, lib. 8. p. 366. quoted by Sturz. p. 12. 
 
 2 Hellanici Lesbii Fragmenta, ed. Sturz. 1S26. 
 
 3 The fragments of Xanthus are collected in the work of Creuzer 
 referred to, note 3 , p. 8. 
 
X 
 
 LIFE AND WRITINGS OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 It marks a step in the progress of the art of history, that it 
 had thus begun to occupy itself with contemporaneous events. 
 While confined to the fabulous times, it was impossible that it 
 should form any sound principles of criticism, the very mate¬ 
 rials being wanting by comparison of which truth is drawn 
 forth ; and what seemed like a critical judgment, was only an 
 arbitrary preference. But the events which occurred in Asiatic 
 Greece, at the end of the 6th and commencement of the 5th 
 centuries B.C., the war between the Persians and the Ionian 
 cities, and its subsequent transfer to the shores of Greece it¬ 
 self, gave a new direction to history, and opened a field for the 
 exercise of industry in collecting materials and judgment in esti-^ 
 mating their value. If we except Hecatseus, there appears to 
 have been none among the predecessors of Herodotus whom it 
 was difficult for him to throw into the shade. Cicero com¬ 
 pares them in regard to style to the Roman Annalists : u Qua- 
 lis apud Greecos Pherecydes, Hellanicus, Acusilas fuit, aliique 
 permulti, tabs noster Cato et Pictor et Piso, qui neque tenent 
 quibus rebus ornatur oratio, et dum intelligitur quid dicant, 
 unam dicendi laudem putant esse brevitatem.”—De Or. 2. 
 12. 1 
 
 SECTION II. 
 
 LIFE AND WRITINGS OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 The life of Herodotus included the most memorable century 
 of Grecian history, that of the Persian and Peloponnesian wars. 
 
 1 On the whole subject of this Section, see Creuzer, Historische Kunst 
 der Griechen in ihrer Entstehung und Fortbikjung, 1803. 
 
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 xi 
 
 According to the account of Pamphila, which has been received 
 without dispute, he was fifty-three years old at the commence¬ 
 ment of the latter (in 431 B.C.), and must therefore have been 
 born in 484 1 . Being a native of Halicarnassus, he would be 
 by descent a Dorian of Troezene (7. 99.): his family according 
 to Suidas was noble : he was the son of Lyxus and Dryo or 
 Rhoio, and nephew of the poet Panyasis 2 . It has been sug¬ 
 gested, that Herodotus, son of Basilides (mentioned 8.132.), 
 was a relation of the historian, who names him without any 
 obvious reason ; if so, he was probably his grandfather, as the 
 Greeks, to prevent confusion, often gave the grandfather’s name 
 to the grandson, passing over the intermediate generation. The 
 Asiatic Greeks had been reduced again by Persia, after their 
 unsuccessful attempt to emancipate themselves ; and his own 
 birthplace was under the sovereignty of Artemisia, the widow 
 of a former king, whom the Persians allowed to retain a sub¬ 
 ordinate power. Herodotus has done justice to the sagacity 
 and valour which she displayed in the expedition of Xerxes, 
 though employed against the liberties of Greece (7.99., 8.68.). 
 At the time of his birth, Xerxes, who had just succeeded to 
 the throne (485 B.C.), was continuing the preparations which 
 Darius had begun for invading Greece, and for effacing the 
 dishonour of Marathon. The battles of Salamis and Plateea 
 were fought in his early childhood (480, 479 B.C.); and as 
 
 1 “ Hellanicus, Herodotus, Thucydides, historise scriptores in iisdem 
 temporibus fere laude ingenti floruerunt, et non nimis distantibus fue- 
 runt setatibus: nam Hellanicus initio belli Peloponnesiaci fuisse quin- 
 que et sexaginta annos natus videtur, Herodotus tres et quinquaginta, 
 Thucydides quadraginta: scriptum hoc libro undecimo Pamphilce.”—A. 
 Gell. 15. 23. 
 
 2 Panyasis began to be known B.C. 489, continued in reputation till 
 467, and was put to death by Lygdamis about 457. Clinton, F. Η. 1. 
 p. 27. He wrote a Heracleid, and a poem on the Ionic migration. Suid. 
 s. voc. Nothing remains by which we can judge of the poetic merit 
 which induced some, according to Suidas, to rank him next (“proximus, 
 non secundus”) to Homer. Quintil. x. 1. 54. 
 
XU 
 
 LIFE AND WRITINGS OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 he was rising into manhood, Athens, following up the successes 
 thus gained, was establishing her naval and insular empire, and 
 compelled the Persians to withdraw from the Grecian seas. 
 Lygdamis, the son of Pisindelis and grandson of Artemisia, 
 whose family still continued to rule in Halicarnassus, put Pany- 
 asis to death. Whether Herodotus withdrew immediately on 
 this event to Samos, or after his return from his travels, cannot 
 be ascertained ; for in the scanty account of his life given us 
 by the ancients, his travels are passed over without any particu¬ 
 lar description. It has been generally inferred by the following 
 reasoning, that he had finished them about the twenty-eighth 
 year of his age. Lucian, in his Aetion 1 , represents him as 
 having recited his history at the Olympic games. According 
 to Marcellinus, the biographer of Thucydides, and Suidas in 
 θουκ. Thucydides was present at the recitation and wept, and 
 Herodotus congratulated his father Olorus upon this manifesta¬ 
 tion of a promising disposition in his son. Now such a com¬ 
 pliment implies, that the person to whom it is paid is of an age 
 at which character has not fully developed itself. In the year 
 456 (01. 81.) Thucydides was sixteen years of age, Herodotus 
 being twenty-eight. The fact of the recitation and the presence 
 of Thucydides, have till lately passed unquestioned, and have 
 been made the basis of the chronology of our author’s life; but 
 they have been called in question by Dahlmann, late Professor 
 of History in the University of Gottingen, in a work of great 
 originality and acuteness 2 . According to him, the whole story 
 of the Olympic recitation is a fiction of Lucian, an author who 
 never scrupled to take a liberty with history for a rhetorical or 
 satirical purpose. Dismissing this story, as resting on no suf¬ 
 ficient authority, we gain the whole interval till the fortieth 
 year of Herodotus, at which time he migrated to Thurii, for his 
 
 1 Luc. Op. ed. Bip. 4. 117. 
 
 2 Herodot, aus seinem Buche sein Leben, being v. 2. p. 1. of liis For- 
 scliungen aus dem Gebiete der Geschichte. 
 
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 Xlll 
 
 travels in Egypt and the East, which, according to Dahlmann, 
 even a flying Englishman could not have performed before his 
 twenty-fourth year. Certainly, if we are bound to take or re¬ 
 ject the story of Lucian in every particular, and, if we believe 
 in any recitation at the Olympic games, must admit that it was 
 of the whole history exactly as it now stands ; we must reject 
 it, both because the length of the work makes such an exercise 
 of voice on the part of the author, and patience on that of the 
 hearers, incredible; and still more, because the history itself 
 contains passages which cannot have been written till a much 
 later period. But Lucian may have known the general fact of 
 a recitation at the Olympic games; and it seems more agree¬ 
 able to his character to suppose that he has carelessly reported 
 or rhetorically exaggerated the circumstances attending it, than 
 that he boldly feigned what had never been heard of before. 
 So Voltaire, to whom Lucian stands as a prototype in ancient 
 literature, dealt with history and biography ; and so the very 
 purpose for which such writers use anecdote requires that they 
 should proceed. Absolute and notorious falsification would 
 defeat their end. 
 
 That such recitations, even of historical works, were not un¬ 
 known in Greece, may be inferred from the fact that the history 
 of Herodotus is said to have been rehearsed at Athens (Euseb. 
 Chron. 01. 83. 4.), and (though Larcher, p. lxxxv. has too 
 strongly asserted this on conjectural grounds,) it was probably 
 at the Panathensean festival, when the poems of Homer, and 
 that of Chaerilus on the Persian war, were recited ’· Diyil US, 
 who lived about 250 B.C. 1 2 , reported that Herodotus received 
 ten talents from the Athenians, and named the proposer of the 
 decree : now this could have been earned only by some public 
 
 1 Naeke, Chseril. p. 89. 
 
 2 According to Plut. Malign. Her. c. 26. p. 862. B. Diyllus was 
 άνηρ 'Αθηναίος ου των παρημελη μενών εν ίστορίφ. Heyse, Qusest. Hero- 
 doteee, p. 51. 
 
XIV 
 
 LIFE AND WRITINGS OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 recitation; for a diffusion in manuscript in that age, sufficient 
 to procure such a reward, is out of the question 1 . A recitation 
 at Athens must probably have taken place before the migra¬ 
 tion to Thurii, from which we are not told that he returned; 
 and therefore some portion of the history, and a portion flatter¬ 
 ing to the Athenians, must have existed before the fortieth year 
 of the author’s life. If the whole story of the Olympic recita¬ 
 tion was a wanton fiction of Lucian, the anecdote of the im¬ 
 pression made upon Thucydides, which is related on independ¬ 
 ent authority, must have been invented after the age of Lu¬ 
 cian. The turn of the phrase, however, beautifully expressing 
 the impulse of the youthful mind to put forth its blossom and 
 ripen its fruit, is too characteristic to have been the invention 
 of a later age ; opya rj φυσις του υίου σου προς τα μαθήματα. 
 Comp. Her. 4. 199. ο εν τρ κατυπερτατη της γηα (καρπός) 
 πεπα'ινεται τε και opya. ib. τα παραθαΧασσια των καρπών 
 opya αμασθαι τε και TpoyuaOai. This remarkable metaphor 
 is retained by all who quote the saying. Marcellinus does not 
 mention Olympia, but he uses the word επιόεικνυμενου, which 
 is appropriate to such an exhibition. The passage in Thuc. 1. 
 22., in which he says that his own history was not αγώνισμα 
 ες το παρα'χρημα ακουειν , but κτήμα ες αει , has generally 
 been understood as an oblique reference to Herodotus, αγώ¬ 
 νισμα being equivalent to επίόειζις. This is uncertain, but it 
 is at least a presumption that the practice of public recitation 
 of historical works was not unknown in that age, or why should 
 Thucydides protest, that to give pleasure to an auditory in this 
 way was not the object at which he aimed? That Thucydides 
 
 1 So Thuc. 1. 21. λογογράφοι ζννέθεσαν επί το προσαγωγότερον rrj 
 άκροασει. ibid. 22. καί ες μεν άκρόασιν ’ίσως το μη μυθώδες αυτών 
 άτερπέστερον φανείται. If, then, it was the custom to recite history, 
 what particular difficulty is there in a recitation at Olympia ? Euse¬ 
 bius, in the passage above-quoted, says, έτιμηθη παρ’ Αθηναίων βουλής 
 επαναγνονς αντοΐς τας βίβλους. 
 
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 xv 
 
 had seen or heard the history of Herodotus, is generally, and I 
 think justly, inferred from 1. 20., in which he speaks of two 
 errors caused by men’s shrinking from the labour of painful re¬ 
 search : one, that the Lacedaemonian kings voted μη μια ψηφω, 
 άλλα Svolv ; the other, that there existed in the Lacedaemonian 
 army a λοχοο ΤΙιτανάτηο. The first of these statements is found 
 in Her. 6. 57., the second 9. 53., and it would be a most extra¬ 
 ordinary coincidence, if Herodotus were not the person against 
 whom the remark was levelled. In undergoing this censure, 
 he has only received the same measure from a successor which 
 he himself had dealt to Hecatasus. 
 
 The objection of Dahlmann (p. 25.), that the history of He¬ 
 rodotus would have earned him no applause at Olympia, be¬ 
 cause it exposed the weaknesses of the Greeks, has not I think 
 much force. The Spartans would be proud of the tale of Ther¬ 
 mopylae, and forgive the slight blame implied in the narrative 
 of Marathon ; the Athenians, of Salamis and Artemisium; 
 and no Boeotian would venture to hiss, when by so doing he 
 would revive the memory of his countrymen’s want of patriot¬ 
 ism. Rhetorical historians, in describing great national strug¬ 
 gles, make every citizen patriotic, every soldier valiant; real 
 history, such as Herodotus wrote, exhibits less flattering pic¬ 
 tures ; and the Greek taste in that age was not so depraved as 
 to require the sacrifice of truth, such as the Attic dramatists 
 sometimes made. What is the theme of the Iliad ? Delirant 
 reges , plectuntur Achivi. 
 
 A recitation at Olympia seems, therefore, in itself not incre¬ 
 dible, if it can be reconciled with the chronology of the life of 
 Herodotus. But was it the whole history, as we now have it, 
 or only a part; and if a part, what part ? That the whole of 
 the nine books, as they stand, should have been read there in 
 the youth of Thucydides, is impossible, for they contain marks 
 of time of a much later date. These have been carefully col¬ 
 lected by Dahlmann (p. 38—47.), and it will be convenient to 
 
xvi LIFE AND WHITINGS OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 exhibit them here. They all refer to events later than the ter¬ 
 mination of the history of Herodotus, that is, than the battles 
 of Mycale and Platsea, in 479 B.C. 
 
 Her. 01. B.C. 
 
 5. 32. Pausanias aspires to marry a Persian prin¬ 
 
 cess (Thuc. 1. 128.). 76*.1 477 
 
 7. 170. Defeat of the Tarentines and Rhegians 
 by the Iapygian Messapians (Diod. 11. 
 
 52.), in the sixth year after the battle 
 of Salamis (Herodotus ten years old) 76.3 474 
 
 7. 107. (Comp. 113.) Brave conduct of the Per¬ 
 sian commander Boges, when Cimon 
 besieged him in Eium. (Comp. Thuc. 
 
 1. 98.) This happened, according to 
 
 Dodwell, (Ann. Thuc.).77.3 470 
 
 but probably a few years earlier. 
 
 6. 72. Leotychides, king of Sparta, deposed for 
 
 corruption, and dies in banishment, 
 
 not earlier than.457 
 
 (Comp. Manso, Sparta, 1.2. Beilage, 
 
 26.) 
 
 9. 33-35. Mention of the (so-called) third Mes- 
 
 senian war, lasted from.465 to 455 
 
 7. 106. Death of Xerxes ; succession of Arta- 
 
 xerxes .? 465 
 
 7. 7. War of Inaros in Egypt, began in . . . 79.3 462 
 
 3. 15. Execution of Inaros, whose son is permit¬ 
 ted to reign in Libya. 80.4 457 or 456 
 
 9. 35. Battle of Tanagra. 80.4 457 
 
 2. 156. AEschylus mentioned as no longer living. 
 
 He died. 457 or 456 
 
 9. 75. Unsuccessful battle of the Athenians with 
 the Edones for the gold mines. (Dod¬ 
 well de Cyclis, p. 742.). 81.2 453 
 
 5. 93. Prophecy of Hippias respecting the Co¬ 
 rinthians, probably alluding to the 
 events which preceded the Peloponne¬ 
 sian War. 86.4 433 and 432 
 
 The Peloponnesian War begins, He¬ 
 rodotus FIFTY-THREE YEARS OLD . . 87 431 
 
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 XVII 
 
 Her. 01. B.C. 
 
 4. 80. Sitalces spoken of as a personage generally- 
 known, probably, therefore, after his 
 
 alliance with Athens. 87.1 431 
 
 7.233. Surprise of Platsea by the Thebans * . * .... 431 
 
 7. 137. Seizure and execution of the Spartan am¬ 
 bassadors to Persia by the Athenians 
 (Thuc. 2. 67.).. 87.2 430 
 
 7. 114. Cruel action of Amestris in her old age, 
 probably during the Peloponnesian War, 
 for, judgingfromCtesias, Amestris must 
 have died not long before Artaxerxes 
 Macrocheir, who was under her in¬ 
 fluence; therefore not long before * 88.4 425 
 
 3. 160. Zopyrus, the son of Megabyzus, takes 
 refuge in Athens, and perishes in the 
 attempt to procure Caunus for the Athe¬ 
 nians. (See Ctes. Phot. cap. 36. 42.) 
 
 Probably a short time before the death 
 of Artaxerxes, mentioned immediately 
 
 after.* . 88.4 425 
 
 6. 98. On occasion of the earthquake in Delos, in 
 the time of Darius Hystaspis, Herodo¬ 
 tus observes, that in the three genera¬ 
 tions of Darius, Xerxes, and Artaxerxes, 
 
 Greece had suffered more calamity than 
 in twenty generations before. That this 
 refers to the Peloponnesian War is evi¬ 
 dent from the remark, that these cala¬ 
 mities did not wholly originate from the 
 Persians, but were brought on by the 
 ambition of the cities of Greece. As 
 Artaxerxes is here spoken of as dead, 
 
 it must have been written after.425 
 
 9. 73. Decelea spared in the devastation of At¬ 
 tica by the Spartans, in consequence of 
 a service anciently rendered to Sparta, 
 probably referring to a well-known 
 event of the year 1 .91.3 413 
 
 1 Dalilmann calls in question the fact of this forbearance, said to have 
 
 c 
 
xviii LIFE AND WRITINGS OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 Her. ΟΙ. B.a 
 
 3. 15. Amyrtaeus, king of Egypt, dies; according 
 toEus. (Ch. Can. p.172.) (See note on 
 
 3. 15.) . 93.1 408 
 
 1. 130. The Medes revolt from Darius, hut are 
 conquered and reduced again to sub¬ 
 jection. This Darius was Darius No- 
 thus, and this event occurred, accord¬ 
 ing to Xenophon, in the twenty-fourth 
 year of the Peloponnesian War. (Hel- 
 len. 1. 2. fin. Καί o eviavros εΧηγεν ού - 
 tos, iv ω και Μ ήΰοι, άπο Aapeiov τον 
 
 Π ερσών βασιΧέω$ απ oaravres, πάΧιν 
 
 ττροσεγωρησαν αντω) . 93.1 40S 
 
 (Dodwell Ann. Xen. ρ.38. Larch. Vie η 
 
 d'Herod. p. lxxxix.) 
 
 In my note on 3. 15. I have expressed my doubts respect¬ 
 ing the date assigned to the death of Amyrtseus, and the lan¬ 
 guage of 1. 130. seems to suit an event more ancient than the 
 reign of Nothus ; but there is no record of any earlier insur¬ 
 rection. If, therefore, we consider the entire composition of 
 the history of Herodotus to be at least as late as 408 B.C., 
 he had advanced no further than the middle of his first book 
 in the seventy-seventh year of his age. He must in that case 
 have been indeed “ long choosing and beginning late*” or 
 rather have begun late without the excuse of a long choice, 
 since his travels, which at all events must have been concluded 
 by his fortieth year, are so intimately connected with the pur¬ 
 pose of his history. This is scarcely credible, notwithstanding 
 what Dahlmann says of the green old age of the Greek men of 
 letters, and it is absolutely irreconcilable with the knowledge of 
 his history which Thucydides appears to have possessed. Nor 
 is this all. From 1. 106., where he promises to speak of the 
 capture of Nineveh, ev ετεοοισι Xoyotat, and 1. 184., where he 
 
 been the consequence of the services of its inhabitants to the Tyndaridae, 
 when Helen had been carried off by Theseus; and supposes the story to 
 have originated in the fortification of Decelea. 
 
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 XIX 
 
 mentions his Assyrian history, it appears that he meditated an¬ 
 other work when he had completed this. We seem then obliged 
 to recur to the supposition of an earlier publication, and of ad¬ 
 ditions subsequently made by the author to his work, to the 
 end of his life. The more perfect edition would displace its 
 predecessors, and if discrepancies existed for a time, the labours 
 of the Alexandrian critics would produce an uniformity of text 1 . 
 The history of Herodotus, though, as we shall see, not without 
 a plan, and that steadily pursued, is, from its digressive nature, 
 well adapted to such a mode of composition. Τϊροσθηκαο μοι ο 
 λογοζ εζ apyr\c, εδϊζητο, is his own account of it (4. 30.). If 
 we suppose that the portion which contains the Persian invasion 
 was the first composed, it might very well have been read in the 
 twenty-eighth year of the author’s age, when Thucydides was 
 sixteen ; and his extensive travels, which were unnecessary as 
 a preliminary to this part, may have been performed between 
 this and the next ascertained event in his life, his migration to 
 Thurii. Even the preface would be as appropriate to the ac¬ 
 count of the Persian wars, as to the entire history. 
 
 The extent, and in some measure the order, of the travels of 
 Herodotus, may be gathered from his works. Asia Minor, at 
 least its coasts and islands, would be known to him. He seems 
 also to have visited the southern shores of the Euxine, Meso¬ 
 potamia, Assyria, and Babylon ; he describes Ecbatana with 
 minuteness, but there is something romantic in the account of 
 the gilding, silvering, and painting of its walls ; as maps were 
 already in existence, his knowledge of the distances and posts be¬ 
 tween Sardes and Susa does not prove that he had travelled this 
 road. That he had not seen the shores of the Caspian is evident 
 from his extraordinary mistakes about the Araxes (1. 202., 4. 
 40.); of the three circumstances which he mentions, its rising 
 in the mountains of the Matieni and flowing eastward belongs 
 
 1 The first might bear the name of 'Ιΐροΰότον Άλικαρνασσήοε, the other 
 θονρίου, as Aristotle quotes the proem. Rhet. 3. 9. 
 
 c. 2 
 
XX 
 
 LIFE AND WRITINGS OF HERODOTUS, 
 
 to the true Araxes, the northern boundary of Media ; its nu¬ 
 merous islands and its channels, to the Wolga 1 ; its flowing 
 through the country of the Massagetse, to the Oxus or Jaxar- 
 tes 2 . From 2,104. it is evident that he had been in Colchis* 
 and from ]. 193., in Assyria; from 2. 5., that he came to* 
 Egypt by sea. In Egypt he appears to have remained chiefly 
 at Memphis and Heliopolis. He went however to Thebes and 
 Elephantine, and must have stopped at Chemmis, but probably 
 saw this part of Egypt only hastily, or he could hardly have 
 failed to describe some of the wonders of Thebes 3 . His gra¬ 
 phic description of the inundation (2. 148.) shows that he was 
 in this country during the season of its prevalence. Westward 
 of Egypt, Cyrene was probably the limit of his travels. From 
 2. 44. it appears that he sailed from Egypt to Tyre, and pro¬ 
 bably from thence to Thasos. Macedonia, Byzantium and the 
 Pontus (4. 87.), there can be no question that he had person¬ 
 ally visited ; and Scythia, on the north side of the Euxine (4. 
 81.). The Gerrhus seems to have limited his eastern travels, 
 and though he sailed around, he did not traverse by land the 
 Tauric Chersonesus. He speaks of the forts which Darius had 
 erected on the Oarus as still existing in his time, but this lan¬ 
 guage by no means proves that he had visited this region ; in¬ 
 deed, where tumuli of earth so much abound, some of these 
 might easily be mistaken by the Greeks to whom Herodotus 
 was indebted for his information, for ancient military works. 
 
 1 The unwillingness of his editors to acknowledge an error in Hero¬ 
 dotus, has led them to do violence to his meaning. Wesseling sup¬ 
 poses him to have intended the Wolga; Schweighseuser maintains that 
 ρεών 7 rpos ήέλιον ανίσχοντα, means “flowing in a country which lay 
 towards the east,” though with a westerly course, and renders στόμ ασ& 
 
 εζερεΰγεται. τεσσεράκοντα, “ gushes out from forty springs,” instead 
 of “ discharges itself by forty mouths.” 
 
 2 Τοϊσι μη άπιγμέ volcl εε την Β αβυΧωνίην χωρην καί τα είρη- 
 μένα εε άπιστίην πολλ ην απ'ικται. 
 
 3 Creuzer (Symb. 1.272.) says, that it was owing to Hecataeus having 
 enlarged so much upon Thebes, that Herodotus passed over it so slightly. 
 
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 XXI 
 
 The inaccuracy of his conception of Scythia will account for 
 his representing the army of Darius as marching in little more 
 than sixty days from the Danube to the Wolga, crossing of 
 course all the mighty rivers which flow into the Euxine on the 
 northern side, through a hostile country, where they must have 
 carried their provisions with them, building a chain of forts 
 forty-eight miles in length on the Wolga, making an excursion 
 in their way homeward as far as Novogorod in the south of 
 Russia (see Rennell’s Map, Geogr. of Her. 1. 45.); thence 
 crossing to the Carpathian mountains, and so returning to the 
 bridge of boats over the Danube, which fortunately the Ionians 
 had not destroyed. The attempt which Rennell makes to save 
 the credit of our historian for the main fact, the march to the 
 Wolga, by supposing Darius to have been attended by a fleet, 
 does not make the story at all more credible. In a country 
 which had eight months’ hard winter (4. 28.), a considerable 
 portion of the time of operations having been previously con¬ 
 sumed, the expedition could not have been effected, if the time 
 be doubled, which is the least that can be allowed : for it would 
 require sixty days’ incessant marching for an army to reach the 
 Wolga ; and as Darius is said to have returned by Novogorod 
 and Hungary, more than an equal time must be allowed for 
 the return, to say nothing of halts, of the crossing of rivers, of 
 the erection of eight forts, 600 stadia apart (4. 124.) 1 . Nie¬ 
 buhr has remarked the epic character of some parts of Hero¬ 
 dotus ; this passage affords us a good example; the restric¬ 
 tions of time and space are as little considered as in a romance 
 
 1 See Dahlmann, p. 159. seq. Major Rennell calculates that five 
 months would be necessary; Gillies slips in five months without notice; 
 Mitford (2. 37.) and the authors of the Anc. Univ. Hist. (5. 208.) make 
 no remark upon the time or distance; Thirlwall (Hist, of Greece, 2. 
 200.) extends the march only to the Don, but acknowledges the impos¬ 
 sibility of giving a correct historical outline of the transaction. Pro¬ 
 bably the Dneister (Tyras) was the real limit of the expedition, and 
 Bessarabia, Moldavia and Buckovina, the scene of it. 
 
xxii LIFE AND WRITINGS OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 of the middle ages, in which a hero might leave England in the 
 morning and be in Bagdad by night. Of the countries north 
 of the Danube it is evident that Herodotus knew little ; he de¬ 
 scribes them as lying υπό την άρκτον (5. 10.), and being un¬ 
 inhabitable from the cold, or as the Thracians said, from the 
 number of bees. His mention of the Getse (4. 93.), who lived 
 on the south of the Danube, as δικαιότατους θρη'ικων, seems 
 like the language of one who, not having seen a distant tribe 
 of barbarians, falls into a popular exaggeration of their virtues. 
 His knowledge of Italy was no doubt acquired after his settle¬ 
 ment at Thurii; of Gaul and the western parts of Europe it is 
 evident that he knew nothing, but by vague and inaccurate re¬ 
 port 1 . 
 
 There is no necessity for supposing that all these voyages 
 and journeys were performed before the twenty-eighth year 
 of Herodotus, since we have seen that his history cannot have 
 existed in its present extent and form so early; but no impos¬ 
 sibility is involved in the supposition. He was not a Pallas 
 or a Humboldt: he took no astronomical observations; kept 
 no meteorological register; and, as far as we know, brought 
 home neither a herbarium nor a mineralogical collection. He 
 does not appear to have resided any where long enough to ac¬ 
 quire a foreign language ; for the specimens of philology which 
 he gives us betray, by their scantiness and superficial nature, 
 that he depended for them on others. His descriptions, even 
 of the countries and the manners on which he expatiates the 
 most, show nothing of long and patient research, or a residence 
 during many vicissitudes of the seasons. But it is more pro¬ 
 bable that some of his travels were performed later, and in the 
 interval before his fortieth year, when it is generally agreed 
 that he migrated to Thurii. From the account of Suidas it 
 might be supposed that he had returned to Halicarnassus, and 
 
 1 See what he says of the source of the Danube, 2. 33. 
 
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 xxiii 
 
 was living there when this settlement was determined on, and 
 that he joined it on account of the envy of his fellow citizens 1 . 
 The epigram to be quoted in p. xxv. leads to the same conclu¬ 
 sion : but it is generally thought probable that he lived at Samos 
 after his return, and that he left it at the time of the expedition 
 of the Athenians against it (01. 84. 4. or 85. 1.) (440 B. C.). 
 Pericles commanded the expedition, and Sophocles was one of 
 the generals (Strab. 14. p. 638.), between whom and Herodotus 
 a friendship is said to have existed (Plut. Mor. p. 785. B.). 
 The argument for their intimacy, however, founded upon the 
 similarity of Antig. 900. to Her. 3. 119., and CEd. Col. 338. 
 to Her. 2. 35., is of little force, for the sentiment of the wife 
 of Intaphernes, that the loss of husband and children is not so 
 irreparable as that of a brother, might have occurred to more 
 than one mind; and the contrast between Egyptian and Gre¬ 
 cian manners, in respect to the employments of the sexes, must 
 have been known to many besides Herodotus. 
 
 The occasion of the colonization of Thudi was the follow¬ 
 ing. The people of Sybaris, in the south of Italy, having been 
 expelled from their country by those of Crotona, had sent am¬ 
 bassadors into Greece, to Sparta and Athens, to request aid in 
 replacing their population: Sparta refused; but Athens, in¬ 
 fluenced by an ancient oracle that the Athenians should colo¬ 
 nize Siris, in this neighbourhood (8. 62.), sent ten ships, under 
 Lampon and Xenocritus 2 . This is generally placed in the year 
 443 B.C. (01. 84. 2.), twelve years before the commencement 
 of the Peloponnesian war. If Herodotus accompanied the first 
 colonists, he was in the forty-first year of his age when he left 
 Greece for Italy. If Pliny 3 be correct in saying that in the 
 
 1 Έλθών els 'Αλικαρνασσόν και τον τύραννον έξελάσαε, επειδή ύστερον 
 βίδβν εαυτόν φθονοΰμενον υπό των πολιτών eis τό Θοΰριον, αποικιζόμενον 
 υπό ’ Αθηναίων, εθελοντής ήλθε . 
 
 9 Diod. Sic. 12. 9. 
 
 3 Ν. Η. 12. 4. “ Tanta ebori auctoritas erat urbis nostrae trccentesimo 
 
XXIV 
 
 LIFE AND WRITINGS OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 year 31 0 U. C. Herodotus “ historiam condidit Thuriis in Ita~ 
 lia,” this must have been the case ; for the year 310 answers 
 to 443 B. C. Probably, however, Pliny had no other reason 
 for assigning the composition of the history to this particular 
 year, than the tradition that Herodotus had been among the 
 colonists ; at least there is nothing in the history itself which 
 fixes its date to that time, nor does a newly arrived colonist 
 usually sit down to write a history. A short time after the 
 colonization under Lampon, the new settlers, dissatisfied with 
 the haughty conduct of the Sybarites, rose upon them and killed 
 nearly all, and sent for a large supply of colonists from Greece. 
 Among these were some from Athens (Diod. 12. 11.). Lysias 
 was one of them. Dion. Halic. in Lys. init. etc θουρίονε <ρχε- 
 to π\εων — κοινωνησων ttjq αποικιαο, ην εστελλον Αθηναίοι τε 
 και η άλλη Έλλαε δωδεκάτω πρότερον ετει τον Πελοποννη - 
 σιακον πολε/χου. But it is doubtful if Herodotus was included 
 even in this second migration; if he were, he must have re¬ 
 turned for a while to Athens; perhaps at the time when the 
 Sicilian expedition made those who were supposed to Atticize 
 unpopular in Magna Greecia (Dion. Hal. u. s.); for (5. 77.) he 
 speaks like an eye-witness of the Propylsea, which were five 
 years in building, and were finished in 01. 87.1. (431 B. C.) 1 . 
 There are several indications that he was not actually in Greece, 
 at least in Athens, when the history received its present form. 
 Thus in the context of the passage just quoted, he says of the 
 fetters suspended in the Acropolis, ετι και ec εμε εσαν περί - 
 εουσαι, and (8. 121.) of the trireme at the Isthmus, ηπερ ετι 
 και er, εμε ην. It may be plausibly inferred, too, that he wrote 
 in the south of Italy: (4. 15.) speaking of the story of Aristeas, 
 he says, τάδε δε οίδα Μ.εταποντίνοισι τοΊσι εν Ιταλ/ρ συγκυ- 
 ρησαντα , and (4. 99.) speaking of the form of the Tauric Cher- 
 
 decimo anno, tunc enim auctor file historiam earn condidit Thuriis in 
 Italia.” 
 
 * Harpocr. p. 302., quoted by Jaeger Disp. Herodot. p. 26. 
 
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 XXV 
 
 sonesus, which he compares with Attica, he adds, that if any 
 one had not sailed along the coast of Attica, he might form a 
 conception of it from the shape of Iapygia. At whatever time 
 he may have removed to Thurii, that he spent the latter portion 
 of his life there, is evident, from his having acquired the sur¬ 
 name of ο θούριος. Indeed, in the time of Aristotle (Rhet. 3. 
 9.), the author’s name seems to have stood as Ή p άδοτος θού- 
 ριος , in his copy of the opening paragraph,—a circumstance 
 which favours the notion of a double recension l . The name 
 θούριος was still current in the time of Plutarch 2 . Nothing 
 leads us to conclude that he made any extensive travels in 
 Italy. Rome, in the fourth century of its existence, when he 
 removed thither, is never mentioned by him. The Scholiast 
 on Arist. Nubes 331. (where, among other impostors, θου- 
 ριομάντεις are mentioned,) has preserved an inscription upon 
 his tomb: 
 
 Ηρόδοτον Αύζεω κρύπτει kovis ηδε Θανόντα 
 ’Id^os άρχαίης ίστορίης πρΰτανιν, 
 
 Δωριέων πάτρης βλάστοντ ’ από’ των άρ άπλητον 
 Μ ώμον ύπεκπροφυγών θονριον έ'σχε πάτρην. 
 
 Dionysius of Halicarnassus, in the passage in which he con¬ 
 trasts Herodotus with Thucydides (ad Cn. Pomp. 3.), celebrates 
 the skill with which Herodotus has united the subordinate parts 
 of an action which involved so many nations of Europe and 
 Asia. The circumstances in which he undertook his history 
 suggested the arrangement which gives at once variety and pro- 
 
 1 Phot. (c. 190. p. 478. ed. Hoeschl.) quotes Ptolemy, the son of He- 
 phsestion, as saying, that Plesirrhous the Thessalian, a writer of hymns, 
 and heir to Herodotus, prefixed the introductory words to the history, 
 which originally began, ΤΙερσέων οι λόγιοι Φοίνικας αίτιους γενέσθαι φασί 
 της ΰιαψορής. This is absurd, for there is nothing to which η διάφορη 
 should refer. Photius says of the work of this Ptolemy, εχει πολλά και 
 τερατώδη και κακόπλαστα. 
 
 2 Plut. de Malign. Her. c. 35., 4. 486. Wytt. Θούριον μέν υπό των 
 άλλων νομιζόμενον, αυτόν δέ 'Αλικαρνασσέων περιεγόμεινν. 
 
xxvi LIFE AND WRITINGS OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 gressive interest to his work. The first words announce its pur¬ 
 pose. “ Herodotus of Halicarnassus sets forth this result of his 
 research, in order that neither human events may be obliterated 
 by lapse of time, nor the great and wonderful works of Greeks 
 and Barbarians, especially their wars with each other and their 
 causes, may remain uncelebrated.” In the next sentence he 
 mentions what the learned Persians (oi λόγιοι) alleged to have 
 been the first aggression, namely, the carrying off of Io by the 
 Phoenicians, followed up by the affairs of Europa, Medea and 
 Helen (1—5.) 1 . Passing by these legends, with a hint of their 
 uncertainty, he next comes to the historic times, and to the 
 person whom he considered to have been the aggressor in in¬ 
 juries against the Greeks. This was Croesus, king of Lydia 
 (6.), who had attacked the independence of the Asiatic colo¬ 
 nies of Greece. This leads him to the rise of the Lydian power, 
 and that to the Median and the Persian, by which the Lydian 
 had been overthrown (1.46.). The alarm which the approach 
 of the conflict with Persia produced, led Croesus to seek alliances 
 with the Greeks, whose principal states are described in a di¬ 
 gression which extends to the seventieth chapter, when the 
 history of the war which proved fatal to Lydia is related. The 
 existence of the Persian power could not be understood with¬ 
 out a reference to the Median and Assyrian, which had pre¬ 
 ceded it, but these are briefly touched upon, for it was not their 
 power, but that of the Persians, which was to come into collision 
 with Greece. He proceeds, therefore (1. 107.), to relate the 
 origin of Cyrus and the Persian monarchy, and thenceforward 
 pursues its history, interweaving with it sometimes very long 
 details of the history and manners of other nations who cross 
 his path, in the case of Egypt extending through an entire 
 book and part of another, but always returning to his theme, 
 till the wave of Persian power, having attained its full magni- 
 
 1 Both the Persians and Phoenicians appear to have accommodated 
 their traditions to what they had learnt of the Greek. 
 
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 xxvii 
 
 tude, burst on the shores of Greece. It is not, however, till 
 the seventh book that he arrives at this point; and the history 
 closes with the battles of Plataea and Mycale, without any for¬ 
 mal resume, or valediction, such as a modern author would have 
 thought necessary. Yet the termination cannot be said to be 
 abrupt or premature : the fate of the expedition had been sealed 
 by these two events, and there was not a formal winding up by 
 a treaty of peace. That he intended to have continued his 
 work is argued from 7. 213., in which he promises to give 
 further information, ev τοις όπισθς λόγοις , respecting the death 
 of Epialtes. The phrase does not necessarily denote a distant 
 part; oi όπίσω λόγοι, promised 1. 75., are given 1. 107., and 
 he may have forgotten his intention to speak again of Epi¬ 
 altes. So much has he made the growth of the Persian power 
 his main object, that even the history of the two chief states of 
 Greece, Athens and Sparta, is given in fragments and in dif¬ 
 ferent parts. 
 
 Such is the principle of his arrangement. The fifth section 
 of the first book 1 discloses another motive which influenced his 
 selection of events, to exhibit the mutability of human affairs 
 and the fluctuations of national prosperity. The gods watch 
 over the world, to prevent any individual or state from rising 
 to so high a degree of prosperity, or retaining it so long, as 
 to seem to become independent on themselves. The φθόνος 
 of the gods is as real a cause to Herodotus as the μήνις of 
 Achilles to Homer; and altogether the supernatural agency is 
 of an epic cast, and brought prominently forward as an expli¬ 
 cation. The doctrine of the instability of human things is 
 strongly conveyed in the well-known discourse of Solon with 
 
 1 Προβησομαι es τό πρόσω του λόγου, ομοίως μικρά καί μεγάλα άστε a 
 ανθρώπων έπεξιών. τα γαρ τό παλαι μεγάλα ην, τα πολλά αυτών σμικρά 
 γέγονε * τα όέ επ' εμευ ην μεγάλα, πρότερον ήν σμικρά. την άνθρωπηιην 
 ών επιστάμένος ευόαιμονίην ουόαμά εν τώυτώ μένουσαν, επιμνησομαι 
 άμφοτέρων ομοίως . 
 
xxviii LIFE AND WRITINGS OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 Croesus (I. 30—32.), and the story of Polycrates and Amasis 
 (3. 40.) teaches the same lesson. Various passages show the 
 firm belief of Herodotus in a Providence, itself however over¬ 
 ruled by fate, by which punishment was awarded to crime. 
 Vengeance falls on Polycrates from Orcetas, and on him again 
 from Darius (3. 128.). Pheretime, who has been cruel in her 
 own vengeance (4. 205.), is visited with retribution in her turn. 
 That crime may be punished, a supernatural influence is exer¬ 
 cised over men’s minds, as in the case of the Greeks, who would 
 not believe the Trojans, though they truly protested that Helen 
 was not within their walls (2. 120. fin.). Common instances 
 of retribution the historian appears to have considered as the 
 effect of a moral law; more remarkable ones, of a divine inter¬ 
 position. That the anger of Talthybius should fall upon the 
 Spartans for their murder of the Persian heralds, was δίκαιον 
 (7. 137.); that the punishment, though remitted by the hu¬ 
 manity of Xerxes to the men whom the Lacedsemonians sent as 
 an expiation, should fall upon their children, was θειον πρη*/μα. 
 These two principles may be called the philosophy of his 
 history; and the review of the period of which he treated 
 might seem to justify the conclusion, that the rule by which 
 human affairs were made to revolve was vicissitude and ven¬ 
 geance. The field of history was even then strewed with ruins, 
 and all who had tyrannized had fallen in their turn beneath 
 conquerors and tyrants. In the short period to which his re¬ 
 searches extended, he had to relate how Lydia, Assyria, Me¬ 
 dia and Egypt had fallen under the dominion of Persia; how 
 Persia, in the pride of dominion, had attacked the liberties of 
 Greece, and aggrandized the states which she meant to crush; 
 how Athens and Laceda3mon had destroyed, in civil war, the 
 prosperity which they had gained by the repulse of the Per¬ 
 sians. He could not discern, from his limited experience, that 
 this law of vicissitude was only the partial aspect of a more 
 comprehensive law,—that of progressive amelioration. As our 
 
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 xxix 
 
 notions of credibility are influenced by a desire that certain 
 facts may be found true because they accord with our belief, 
 he may have been led to give the preference among varying 
 traditions to that which exemplified his own philosophy. The 
 death of Cambyses, as he relates it (3. 64.), probably accord¬ 
 ing to the Egyptian account, is a striking illustration of divine 
 vengeance on an atrocious act of sacrilege ; that given by 
 Ctesias, who represents him as wounding himself with a plane 
 and dying at Babylon, is to us the more credible, because less 
 in accordance with popular superstition. The account of the 
 death of Cyrus also, which Herodotus selected as most credible 
 (1. 214.) from among many that were current, may have been 
 recommended to him not so much by superiority in external 
 evidence to the rest, as because it illustrated in a more striking 
 manner his doctrine of the reverse which awaits prosperity. The 
 account of Ctesias is confirmed by the existence of a sepulchre 
 of Cyrus at Pasargadee. 
 
 The deep religious feeling of Herodotus shows itself in va¬ 
 rious ways. He acknowledges the divine προνοία (3. 108.) 
 in the opposite laws respecting the increase of animals of prey 
 and those which serve for food ; he shuns the topic of religion 
 and especially of religious mysteries l , when not absolutely 
 necessary for making himself intelligible; he lends a ready 
 belief to the popular accounts of oracles and omens, and of the 
 special interpositions of the gods. We may call it superstition 
 when (8. 122.) he attributes the drowning of the Persians by 
 a sudden swell of the sea, to the vengeance of Neptune for a 
 sacrilegious attack upon his temple ; but, omitting the name 
 of Neptune, in what country would an event at once so remark¬ 
 able and so interesting to patriotic feeling, not be interpreted 
 as a special act of Providence ? The interference of superior 
 
 1 These involved the death or sufferings of the gods. “ Considera 
 sacra ipsa et mysteria; invenies exitus tristes, fata, funera miserorum 
 deorum.” Min. Fel. 21. 195. 
 
XXX 
 
 LIFE AND WRITINGS OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 powers by omens, dreams and signs, for the warning of men, 
 was the creed even of the philosophic theist 1 , and denied only 
 by those who denied Providence altogether; nor are we en¬ 
 titled to stigmatize the father of history and the founder of 
 philosophy as superstitious, merely because Herodotus or So¬ 
 crates called the unseen source of this knowledge by a differ¬ 
 ent name from ourselves. The religious feeling of Herodotus 
 was entirely free from bigotry ; he is the earliest teacher of re¬ 
 ligious toleration (3. 38.), placing the duty of mutual forbear¬ 
 ance upon its true ground, the impossibility of our changing our 
 own deep-rooted religious associations, or entering into those of 
 others. 
 
 In natural philosophy Herodotus fell below the standard of 
 his age. From his description of the Indians (3. 104.), whose 
 sun was hottest in the morning, it is evident that he had a very 
 confused notion of the relation of the heavenly bodies to the 
 earth, conceiving probably of the heavens as a sphere, super¬ 
 imposed upon the earth so that its edge came closer to it than 
 its central part, and consequently the inhabitants of the re¬ 
 motest east must have been nearest to him at his first rising. 
 His explanation of the cause of the swelling of the Nile and 
 the sun’s retirement to the south in winter (2. 24.), shows also 
 an almost childish simplicity in his conception of the laws of 
 nature and the structure of the universe. His denial of the 
 possibility of snow lying on the tops of high mountains in south¬ 
 ern latitudes (2. 22.), is a more natural error. Sometimes he 
 appears to be guided by fancy rather than reason in his gene¬ 
 ralizations, as in his remark, that the most beautiful things 
 come from the extremities of the earth ; gold and cotton from 
 India, spices and gums from Arabia, gold, ivory and ebony 
 from Ethiopia, tin and amber from Europe (3. 106—116.). 
 Errors in regard to natural philosophy are however of little 
 consequence in an historian, as it is not from historical evi- 
 
 1 Xen. Mem. 1.1. 
 
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 xxxi 
 
 dence that its laws are ascertained. Herodotus possessed what 
 was far more important for one who went to see men and their 
 manners, and to describe the face of countries scarcely known 
 before, an active and vigorous mind, ever on the watch for in¬ 
 formation, and sparing no labour for its attainment 1 , great 
 modesty and candour, which prevented him from rejecting 
 dogmatically even what appeared to him erroneous 2 ; frank 
 simplicity of character, which attached all those with whom 
 he had intercourse, and a most scrupulous adherence to the 
 first law of historical writing, to say nothing false and conceal 
 nothing true. His veracity in recording what he saw is now 
 very generally admitted; but to be an intelligent recorder of 
 the appearances of nature requires some knowledge of nature, 
 as the most accurate draughtsman seldom makes a correct 
 copy of an inscription in a language which he does not under¬ 
 stand. What was plainly and palpably in contradiction to fa¬ 
 miliar laws of nature he rejected without scruple ; he could 
 not believe in the existence of men with the heads of dogs, or 
 no heads at all (4. 191.), nor in that of men changed annually 
 into wolves, though the relators swore to its truth (4. 105.); 
 but his knowledge being limited, he did not venture to push 
 his incredulity so far as he might have done. Where so much 
 was wonderful, it was unsafe to deny that which seemed im¬ 
 possible, but might be only a fresh case of the wonderful. 
 In many instances, in describing natural appearances, he adopts 
 popular errors, which were known to be such by those who in 
 that age cultivated natural science. At other times things are 
 related as prodigies, which more accurate investigation, or the 
 possession of means of measurement 3 , would have reduced to 
 
 1 He had measured the pyramids himself. 2. 127. 
 
 2 Tai7ra el μεν εστι άΧηθέωε ονκ ol£a, τα c)e Χέγεται γράφω. 
 
 €ΐη 
 
 * 
 
 ο a 
 
 αν 
 
 παν κ. τ. λ. 4. 195. 
 
 3 See the observations of Sir J. W. Herschel, Disc, on the Study of 
 Natural Philosophy, p. 122. 
 
xxxii LIFE AND WRITINGS OF HERODOTUS, 
 
 the common laws of nature. The thermometer would have 
 shown that the Fountain of the Sun (4. 181.), which so won¬ 
 derfully grew warm at midnight, preserved a uniform tempera¬ 
 ture, but seemed cold at one time and warm at another, be¬ 
 cause it was compared with the temperature which the air gave 
 to surrounding objects· His geographical knowledge was ex¬ 
 tensive, but it was popular, not scientific. Attempts have been 
 made to represent it by the construction of maps founded upon 
 the data which his works furnish, but this must always be un¬ 
 satisfactory, however much the true form and extent of coun- 
 tries is disturbed to suit his conceptions ; for the very construc¬ 
 tion of a map gives definiteness and completion to that which 
 w r as vague and incomplete in the author’s mind. 
 
 It must be admitted that Herodotus loved a striking story, 
 showing himself in this respect a man of the people. A cer¬ 
 tain marvellous air is sometimes thrown over an occurrence by 
 the force of contrast, and by placing things in more exact and 
 definite relations and proportions than strictly accords with 
 nature. Thus it is w 7 ell known that men despise the manners 
 and institutions which are the most remote from their own, and 
 regard the inhabitants of distant countries as hardly belonging 
 to the same class of beings. But according to Herodotus (1. 
 134.), the respect of the Medes and Persians for strangers ap¬ 
 pears to follow a mathematical ratio, and vary inversely as the 
 distance 1 . The same kind of colouring appears in the story 
 of Democedes (3. 131.), who, beginning the practice of medi¬ 
 cine without appliances or means, in the first year surpasses the 
 most eminent physicians, in the second is hired for a talent by 
 the iEginetans, in the third by the Athenians for 100 minse, 
 and in the fourth by Polycrates for two talents. So in what 
 he says (1. 137.) of the Persians making a balance of the good 
 
 1 T ιμώσι δε εκ πάντων rovs άγχιστα εωντών οίκεόνταε μετά ye εων- 
 rovs' δεύτερα δε rovs δευτέρους' μετά δε κατά Χόγον προβαίνοντεε τι- 
 μώσι. 
 
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 XXXlll 
 
 and evil of a man’s actions, and only inflicting capital punish¬ 
 ment, either on a slave or a public malefactor, when the evil 
 preponderated, we may suspect that some simple fact, such as 
 the admission of evidence to past good conduct, as a set off 
 against a charge of crime, may have been heightened by the 
 mode of stating it into a remarkable peculiarity. He readily 
 accepts popular stories of the origin of great events from per¬ 
 sonal motives and causes, as in the case of Democedes and 
 Atossa, and the consequent invasion of Greece (3. 134.); and 
 refers to single causes and individual actions the results of cir¬ 
 cumstances long in operation. It is certainly more probable, 
 that under the loss of liberty and the discouragement of mili¬ 
 tary exercises and arts, the Lydians became luxurious and effe¬ 
 minate, and occupied themselves in petty traffic, than that an 
 edict of Cyrus, commanding them to wear tunics and buskins 1 , 
 to sing and play on the harp, and make tradesmen of their 
 children (1. 155. 6.), produced a sudden change in national 
 character. So all the canals in Egypt are represented as be¬ 
 ing made by Sesostris (2. 108.), and the country as becoming 
 at once ανιπποα καί αναμάζβυτος. But there is no appearance 
 of wilful and conscious exaggeration to produce effect. The 
 very disappointment which the reader feels in not having a more 
 grand and impressive picture of the battles of Salamis and Pla- 
 taea, is a proof of his honesty ; for we know that no one can 
 give from authentic sources such a picture of an engagement 
 as the reader of history delights to receive, and the rhetorical 
 historian is ever ready to give. Livy would not have left his 
 readers so dissatisfied. It cannot be said that Herodotus had 
 any desire to impose his statements on his readers as of higher 
 authority than they really possess. If he is unable to decide 
 
 1 The wearing of a double garment, i. e. a γ^των, was a mark of the 
 effeminacy of the men in Egypt (2. 36.). The same story is told of 
 Darius attempting to make the Babylonians effeminate. Plut. Apophth, 
 Reg. Op. p. 688. 
 
 d 
 
XXXIV 
 
 LIFE AND WRITINGS OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 between testimonies he tells us so, and often enters bis protest 
 against the supposition that he believes what he records 1 . He 
 by no means blindly followed the first statement which was 
 given him, though he commonly set down what local traditions 
 or local monuments supplied 2 ,· he also exercised a freer judg¬ 
 ment. Thus he made a journey to Heliopolis and Thebes, to 
 see whether the accounts of their priests corresponded with 
 what he had heard at Memphis, and followed the traditions of 
 Hercules from Egypt to Tyre, and from Tyre to Thasos (2.44.). 
 He ventures to call in question a fact (2. 120.) which is the 
 foundation of the Iliad, the presence of Helen in Troy.during 
 the siege; and though religion was generally sufficient to in¬ 
 duce him to abstain from inquiry, he gives an historical explana¬ 
 tion of the legend of Dodona (2.56.57.). Though an ardent 
 lover of Greeee and liberty, he does not conceal the crimes of 
 his countrymen, nor the virtues of Darius, Xerxes and Pisistra- 
 tus. I have already noticed a futile charge made against him 
 by the Corinthians. Plutarch, whose patriotism is in this more 
 conspicuous than his philosophy, has written a treatise ex¬ 
 pressly to fix upon him the imputation of malignity, because, 
 in strict conformity with truth, he had exposed the dishonour¬ 
 able conduct of his Boeotian countrymen. His charges, which 
 amount to twenty-seven, are for the most part of such a kind, 
 that, instead of establishing malignity in Herodotus, they rather 
 prove his impartiality. The great men of the Greek republics 
 were heroes and demigods to Plutarch, and he could not bear 
 that the purity of their virtue should be called into suspicion ; 
 Herodotus paints them with that mixture of selfishness and 
 laxity of patriotic principle which characterized the public men 
 of Greece as contrasted with those of the best days of Rome. 
 
 1 Oi5ros μεν ο πιθανωτεροε των λόγων ε'ίρηται’ bei be και τον ήσσον 
 πιθανόν, επεί γε bp λέγεται, ρηθηναι. 
 
 2 Έμοι be παρά πάντα τον λόγον νπόκειται, οτι τά λεγάμενα υπέρ 
 έκαστων άκορ γράφω. 2. 123. 
 
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 XXXV 
 
 In regard to others, as no opposite authority is alleged, we may 
 boldly claim the preference for Herodotus as a contemporary, 
 over a critic in a remote age ; and in the few instances in which 
 opposing testimony is produced, (as in the case of Charon of 
 Lampsacus, Hellanicus and Ephorus,) there is either no dis¬ 
 crepancy, or it is so slight as not to impeach the veracity of 
 Herodotus. In some instances, Plutarch himself has in other 
 parts of his works made statements which justify Herodotus. 
 See Mitf. Hist. Gr. 2. 158. 213. 241. 
 
 His detractors, but in a much later age, referred his evident 
 fondness for Athens to the present which he had received 
 (Plut. Mai. Her. c. 26.); and to the refusal of a similar pre¬ 
 sent from other states, as Corinth (Dio Chrys. Or. 3 7.) and 
 Thebes (Plut. Mai. 31.), the unfavourable accounts which he 
 had given of them. But the panegyrics of Herodotus on 
 Athens had a purer source ; a desire to do justice to the noble 
 spirit of self-devotion which she had displayed in the Persian 
 wars (7. 139.), and her sacrifice of her own claims to com¬ 
 mand to the general welfare (9. 27., 6. 108.), and admiration 
 for the ιστορία, which was the root of her grandeur and pros¬ 
 perity (5. 78.). The Boeotians showed no such devotion to 
 the liberty of Greece, and in the passage (8. 94.) which gave 
 occasion to the story which Dion relates, though he mentions 
 the Athenian account, he acknowledges that the rest of Greece 
 supported the Corinthians in their claim to have fought in the 
 first rank at Salamis. It was natural that one who had seen 
 many men and lands should dislike the narrow and jealous 
 system of the Spartans, and the charge which he brings against 
 them, of saying one thing and meaning another (9. 54.), is but 
 too well founded. 
 
 But though we may boldly maintain that Herodotus never 
 designedly misrepresented, we must not exaggerate his credi¬ 
 bility. He visited countries of whose language he was gene- 
 
 d 2 
 
XXXVI 
 
 LIFE AND WRITINGS OF FIERODOTUS. 
 
 rally ignorant, and was obliged to trust to interpreters, when 
 he found no Greek colonists. Supposing that his interpreters 
 were both intelligent and faithful, how many things must he 
 have apprehended imperfectly or erroneously, from inability to 
 put questions freely and from the impulse of his own mind ; 
 from how many errors with regard to names, persons and 
 places, might not an accurate knowledge of language have 
 preserved him ! He must have passed hastily through many 
 of the countries which he visited,—hastily, if we consider the 
 number and novelty of the objects which they presented, and 
 the slight examination which they had previously received : in 
 a more familiar intercourse, many connexions illustrative of the 
 true relations of things would have disclosed themselves, and 
 reasons have appeared for doubting the soundness of his first 
 impressions. The history and antiquities of the nations which 
 he visited had not been critically examined ; historical criti¬ 
 cism was in its cradle even in Greece ; in Persia, Assyria and 
 Egypt, it had no existence; and it was impossible for Hero¬ 
 dotus, in attempting to collect and combine his materials, to 
 discriminate the spurious from the genuine. We know how 
 much remains uncertain in the history of our country, after the 
 labour of centuries has been employed upon it. Herodotus is 
 evidence, not of truth, but of what was received as such among 
 those whom he visited. The just method of estimating the 
 value of his work, is to consider it as a picture of the age in 
 which he lived, with its superstitions and prejudices, its imper¬ 
 fect knowledge of nature and history, its crude notions of re¬ 
 ligion and morals. In this picture what extent and variety, 
 from Thrace to Ethiopia, from India to Mount Atlas ; from the 
 stable institutions of Egypt to the active, restless, ever-chan¬ 
 ging republics of Greece ! Herodotus himself exhibits the best 
 characteristics of his age, but he belongs essentially to it, and 
 must be judged by its standard. His commentators and in- 
 
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 XXXV11 
 
 terpreters have been much too eager to defend him from the 
 imputation of errors, which, if admitted, are no impeachment 
 either of his diligence or his sagacity. 
 
 Besides a tinge of the marvellous in the narrative of Hero¬ 
 dotus, there is another circumstance which shows that the 
 provinces of poet and historian were not entirely separated ; 
 the historian was allowed, as the poet was required, to fill 
 up the blank which tradition necessarily leaves in regard to 
 speeches. Even of public discourses a very imperfect record 
 could then remain, and private conversations must have been 
 in general wholly lost. Herodotus might know generally what 
 passed in the council of the Grecian chiefs at Salamis (8. 60.); 
 he may have heard a tradition of the conversation between So¬ 
 lon and Croesus, though his report of it is evidently coloured 
 by a prophetic anticipation of the monarch’s fate; but whence 
 could he obtain authentic knowledge of what passed between 
 Gyges and Candaules (1. 8. 9.), or between Artabanus and 
 Xerxes, in the bedchamber of the king and in the dead of 
 night (7. 12. seq.), or what was said by Darius to Atossa in 
 similar circumstances (3. 134.); or of the letter which Har- 
 pagus sent to Cyrus in the belly of a hare, and which Cyrus 
 was to read when no one was present? In these and similar 
 cases the historian considered it as a legitimate exertion of 
 his art, to supply from slight materials or general probability 
 the deficiency which would have impaired the interest of his 
 narrative ; and unless there be some special ground of credit 
 bility, we are not required to place greater faith in them than in 
 the speeches of the Iliad l . In one remarkable instance (3. 80. 
 seq.), the deliberation of the chiefs after the death of Smerdis, 
 what form of government should be established in Persia, he 
 tells us that some of the Greeks denied that the speeches had 
 
 1 Marcellinus, in his Life of Thucydides (p. xxxii. ed. Arnold.), justly 
 calls the speeches of Herodotus πρυσωποπόίαε μάλλον ηπ ep ΰημηγορίαε, 
 more dramatic than political. 
 
XXXV111 
 
 LIFE AND WRITINGS OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 ever been made ; εΧεγθησαν Xoyoi άπιστοι μεν ενιοισι Ελ¬ 
 λήνων, εΧεχ^θησαν δ’ ών. If he was in any degree influenced 
 in his own belief by the reason which he himself gives (6.43.) 
 for considering the Greeks as extravagant in their scepticism, 
 namely, that Mardonius established democracies in Asia, put¬ 
 ting down all the tyrannies, it has not much force. It was the 
 interest of the Persians to conciliate the democracy and to 
 weaken the Asiatic Greeks by the division, which such a form 
 of government would produce. The whole of the three dis¬ 
 courses contain such a condensed and well-contrasted view of 
 monarchy, aristocracy and democracy, and the evils ascribed 
 to the last in particular are so exactly those which in the age, 
 of Herodotus himself were experienced in Greece, that we can¬ 
 not hesitate to ascribe them to Greek invention, though the 
 general fact may be true, that the conspirators deliberated 
 whether they should establish a conjoint government of all, or 
 the monarchy of one. 
 
 The noblest qualities of style are derived from the heart and 
 the intellect; “pectus est quod disertos facit, et vis mentis” 
 (Quint.); and if they are not appreciated by sympathy, it is to 
 little purpose that they are pointed out by criticism. The su¬ 
 periority of Herodotus to his predecessors in all the graces of 
 historical narrative, was the result of his moral and mental qua¬ 
 lities, and to endeavour to detect the source of the charm by 
 which he fascinates the reader 1 , after the manner of the rhe¬ 
 torical critics, by an analysis of his rhythm and his sentences, 
 is like dissecting to find the soul. The love of truth and know¬ 
 ledge which impelled him to travel led him to pour out the re¬ 
 lation of what he had seen and observed with simple, earnest, 
 and graphic liveliness. It is the spirit of gentle humanity in 
 his own bosom 2 , which gives to his history the character of 
 
 1 To βιβΧίον ήν αυτόν Χάβωμεν, μέχρι- τής έσχατης συΧΧαβής aya- 
 μέθα και άει το πΧεΊον έπιζητοΰμεν. Dion. Hal. ad Cn. Pomp. 3. 
 
 2 Η μέν '[\ροεύτου ΰιάθεσις έν άπασιν επιεικής, και τυΐς μεν άγαθοις 
 
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 XXXIX 
 
 rjOoc. Quintilian, in describing this quality in public speaking, 
 seems to be drawing the picture of Herodotus as an historian. 
 “ Ήθος id erit quod ante omnia bonitate commendabitur: non 
 solum mite ac placidum, sed plerumque blandum et humanum 
 et audientibus amabile atque jucundum ; in quo exprimendo 
 summa virtus ea est, ut fluere omnia ex natura rerum hominum- 
 que videantur, quo mores dicentis ex oratione pelluceant et quo- 
 damtnodo agnoscantur” (Inst. Or. 6. 2.) 1 . A specimen of the 
 tjOoQ of Herodotus, in a narrative entirely free from painful cir¬ 
 cumstances, may be seen in the story of the Amazons (4. 111. 
 seq.); of a graver cast in the account of the feelings of Xerxes 
 in reviewing his armament (7.45. 46.); with a mixture of what 
 is painful in the account of the intended exposure of Cyrus by 
 the herdsman of Astyages (1. 11 1.); while the narrative of 
 the scene displayed before the captive Psammenitus (3. 14.) 
 is a model of the manner in which the deepest chords of feel¬ 
 ing may be touched with so gentle a hand, as never to pass 
 the limits of a pleasing sympathy. 
 
 Of the dialect of Herodotus, considered philologically , we 
 shall have to speak separately ; as an instrument of expression, 
 the Ionic, and the Ionic only, was fitted for his use. It had 
 been consecrated to epic poetry by the Homeric school, and 
 divested as it is in Herodotus of something of the full and 
 sonorous character which was necessary to sustain the gran¬ 
 deur of the epos, it retained enough of its original character to 
 be appropriate to the most epic of all histories. It was not an 
 
 συνηΰομενη tois δε κακοΐς συραΧγονσα' η δε θουκυδίδου δίαθεσις αυθεκα- 
 στός τις και πικρά. D. Η. u. s. Herodotus is the sympathizing specta¬ 
 tor of the events of history; Thucydides seems to “ dwell apart” from 
 the scene which he describes so forcibly, and allots praise and blame, 
 like a judge stern in his principles but impartial in their application. 
 
 1 “ Affectus hos (πάθος) concitatos; illos (ήθος) mites atque compo- 
 sitos dixerim; in altero vehementer commotos, in altero lenes; deni- 
 que hos imperare, illos persuadere, hos ad perturbationem, illos ad bene- 
 volentiam pnevalere.” Quint. 6. 2. 
 
xl 
 
 LIFE AND WRITINGS OF HERODOTUS, 
 
 arbitrary selection, which assigned the iEolic to lyric poetry, 
 the Ionic to Homer and Herodotus, the old Attic to Aeschylus 
 and the prose tragedy of Thucydides; each dialect was fitted 
 for its several use, thought and language having grown to¬ 
 gether as an organic whole 1 , like mind and body, so that the 
 master-works in each could be produced only at a certain pe¬ 
 riod of development. Herodotus is regarded as the model of 
 the prose Ionic, τηα Ιαδος άριστοο κανών (Dion. Hal. u. s.), 
 though Hermogenes allots this praise, of using the purest Ionic, 
 rather to Hecatseus, τη άιαΧεκτω άκράτω Ιαδι και ον μεμι- 
 γμενρ οωμενοο, ουδέ κατά τον Ηρόδοτον ποικίλη 2 3 . 
 This variety was the natural consequence of a more copious 
 and diversified subject, and a more extensive intercourse with 
 tribes of Greeks using a different dialect, in Attica and Magna 
 Gracia. 
 
 Style had not yet been submitted to the fetters of the pe¬ 
 riod. The historian wrote his tale much as he would have 
 told it, and no man narrates in periods. Aristotle (Rhet.3.9.) 
 divides λεξιρ into την ειρομενην και τω συνάεσμω μίαν 3 (de¬ 
 riving its unity only from the conjunction of its parts), and την 
 κατεστραμμενην, or την εν περιόάοιο. The λέ^ις ειρομενη is 
 that η ονοεν εχει τέλος καο αυτήν , αν μη το πραγμα Λεγό¬ 
 μενόν τεΧειωθί j, and this he says all anciently used, quoting 
 as an example, Ηροδότου θουρίου ηά ίστορίηε απόδε^ις. His 
 remark, we presume, was meant to apply not only to these 
 
 1 Jakobs, Vorzug der griechischen Sprache in ihren Mundarten, a work 
 which I know only in the Extracts of Muhlenfels, 1. 244. 
 
 2 See Thiersch Gr. Gr. p. 348. 
 
 3 The Xe£is εΐρομένη (εϊρω, eipiov), which may be drawn out like wool 
 or thread to any length, provided the material lasts, may be illustrated 
 by the seaman’s phrase of spinning a long yarn : “ oratio perpetua, quam 
 Graeci ειρομενην λέζιν appellant, ita connectitur, ut superiorem elocu- 
 tionem semper proxima sequatur, atque ita seriem quandam significatus 
 rerum explicet. Ea praecipue historiae descriptioni convenit, quae trac¬ 
 tion ct fusum (Cic. Or. 2. 15.) genus eloquendi, non conversum neque 
 circumscriptum desiderat.” Aquila Roman. De Fig. § 18. 
 
EGYPTIAN HISTORY OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 xli 
 
 words, but to the whole introductory sentence, and especially 
 to the manner in which the concluding words, τά re άλλα, και 
 δι ην αιτ'ιην εποΧεμησαν άΧΧηΧοισι , are loosely hung on at the 
 end, instead of being encased towards the middle, as they 
 would have been in the periodic construction. Aristotle, as 
 was natural to a critic of logical understanding, decides in fa¬ 
 vour of the period, which enables the reader to foresee the end 
 of the sentence in which he is engaged; but the easy, rambling 
 progress of the Χεζις ειρομενη was far more appropriate to the 
 narrative of Herodotus. The redundant copiousness of his 
 style, and his frequent άνακοΧονθον, which sometimes makes 
 grammatical analysis by ordinary rules impossible, are charac¬ 
 teristic of a man trained more by intercourse with the world 
 than by study, and of an age in which written language was 
 still strongly redolent of the freshness and natural freedom of 
 conversation. Though redundant in construction, however, 
 Herodotus is never prolix, and he knew where a few words are 
 more efficacious than a multitude. 'Qr, δε ωρα πάντα μεν τον 
 Έ,ΧΧησττοντον νπο των νεών αποκεκρνμμενον , πάσας δε τάς 
 ακτάς και τά Άβνδηνων πεδία επ'ιπΧεα ανθρώπων , ενθαντα 
 Ξερξης εωντόν εμακάρισε ’ μετά δε τούτο εδάκρυσε (7.45.). 
 
 SECTION III. 
 
 EGYPTIAN HISTORY OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 The Egyptian history, as related by Herodotus, is composed 
 of two portions, very different in character and credibility. All 
 that precedes the arrival of the Greeks in Egypt, in the reign 
 
xlii 
 
 EGYPTIAN HISTORY OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 of Psammitichus, is vague, indefinite, full of mythological 
 tales, with no certain chronology ,· from this time it becomes 
 consistent and really historical. It is of the former part that 
 we are about to endeavour to ascertain the origin and value. 
 
 Herodotus professes to have received his history entirely 
 from the Egyptians, and probably the priests (2. 99 .) l , what 
 he has intermixed of his own is only what was obvious to the 
 sight; he makes no pretension to have consulted either anti¬ 
 quarian or literary monuments ; and the priests, agreeing in 
 this with all the other authorities (Manetho, Africanus, Diodo¬ 
 rus, 1. 45.) described Menes as the first of the kings, and 
 founder of the city of Memphis. Of him, however, they 
 had nothing to relate beyond the fact that he was so, and 
 that he diverted the course of the Nile, and built the temple 
 of the tutelary god of the city 2 . We naturally ask, were 
 these things related upon written or engraved authority, con¬ 
 temporary or nearly contemporary, or are they mere legends, 
 such as every history gives respecting the founders of states 
 and cities ? It is so obvious and ready a resource to refer the 
 foundation of a kingdom to the builder of its capital city, and 
 to suppose the founder to have called the metropolis from him¬ 
 self, that to the cautious inquirer all such stories are suspi¬ 
 cious, and he will not receive them as fact unless he has inde¬ 
 pendent reason to believe that the stream of real history can 
 be traced so far 3 . If we find no marks of fiction or mytho¬ 
 logy in the reigns which follow, if they have a definite and 
 
 1 2. 142. es μεν τοσόνΰε του Χόγον Αιγύπτιοί re και οι ipees εΧεγον. 
 
 2 According to Diodorus (1. 45.), he was the author of luxurious 
 living, and one of his successors having accidentally discovered the su¬ 
 periority of temperance and simplicity caused an imprecation against 
 Menes to be engraved on the temple of the Theban Jupiter, which was 
 the reason why his glory and fame did not reach posterity. 
 
 3 Every ancient history will furnish examples of this. The modem 
 Arabs have duly followed the ancient method, and represent Besser 
 (Busiris) as having four sons ; Copth (Coptos), Ishmoun (Mendes, p. 66.), 
 Atrib (Athribis) and Sa (Sais). Minutoli Reisen, p. 106. 
 
EGYPTIAN HISTORY OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 xliii 
 
 probable chronology, and are filled np with events which have 
 an historical air, we may reasonably suppose that the name, 
 and the fact of the foundation of the city, have been preserved. 
 If, on the contrary, there succeed a long interval, during which 
 we have no historical memorials and no reason to believe that 
 such were regularly kept, instead of catching at a name as if 
 it were a gain to history, we shall reasonably conclude that 
 tradition 1 , always impatient of a chasm, and striving to hang 
 its chain from the highest possible point, has invented a per¬ 
 son, from the name of the country or city, on whom to make 
 it fast. Now we find from Herodotus (2. TOO.), that imme¬ 
 diately after Menes, the priests recited from a book the names 
 of 330 sovereigns, of whom nothing further is specified, than 
 that eighteen of them were Ethiopians and one a queen Nito- 
 cris, but that none of them had performed any public works 2 , 
 except Mceris. As the names were read from one papyrus, 
 it is evident that this could only have been a chronological 
 table , not a document ; it proves what the priests believed, or 
 wished others to believe, respecting their own antiquities in the 
 age of Herodotus, but can hardly pass for a roll in which each 
 of the 330 kings from Menes to Mceris had been entered by a 
 contemporary hand for 6000 years 3 , the lowest number that 
 we can allow to such a succession of kings. That it was not 
 
 1 I use this word to express merely the fact of popular belief and 
 statement. The assumption involved in it, according to its etymology 
 ( trado ), that such belief and statement have been transmitted from a 
 preceding age, much more from the supposed age of the occurrence, 
 has been a most fruitful source of historical error. 
 
 2 Των όε άλλων βα σιλέων ου γάρ ελεγον ουόεμίην έργων άττό- 
 Ζεζιν κατ ουόεν είναι Χαμπρότητοε πΧήν ένοε τυΰ εσχάτου αυτών Μοι- 
 pios. τούτον ΰε άποδέξασθαι μνημόσυνα. 2. 101. This must be here 
 the sense of εργ. <x7roc). See 1. 182., 2. 148., 3. 
 
 3 The Egyptians indeed pretended to know accurately that Bacchus 
 had lived 15,000 years before Amasis, αεί τε Χογιζόμενοι και άεί άπογρα- 
 φόμενοί τά ετε α (2. 145.); but the remoteness of the date, no less than 
 the mythical nature of the event which marks it, exposes the preten¬ 
 sion. 
 
xliv EGYPTIAN HISTORY OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 an historical record is further evident, from the circumstance 
 that Herodotus says (2. 142.) that there had been 341 gene¬ 
 rations from Menes to Sethos, and an equal number of kings 
 and high priests. This alleged coincidence of successions with 
 generations, so contrary to what has been observed in histo¬ 
 rical times 1 , betrays later invention. The reason given by the 
 priests for their silence respecting the 330 monarchs so sum¬ 
 marily disposed of, their having erected no public works, may 
 seem to confirm the interpretation of Heeren, that the history 
 was really derived from monuments, and therefore authentic, but 
 necessarily imperfect when no monuments had been erected 2 . 
 We know that it was the custom of the Egyptian kings to inr 
 scribe the temples and obelisks which they reared with their 
 own names or distinguishing hieroglyphics ; but in no one in¬ 
 stance do these names, as read by the modern decypherers of 
 hieroglyphics on monuments said to have been raised by kings 
 before Psammitichus, correspond with the names given by He¬ 
 rodotus. Besides, is it credible that, Menes having executed 
 those vast works which were necessary for the foundation of 
 Memphis, in 6000 years no single king among his successors 
 should have erected a monument which he inscribed with his 
 name, or that none should have been preserved ? It is far 
 more agreeable to probability and analogy to suppose that the 
 earliest names in Egyptian, as in other ancient history, have 
 been devised to account for remarkable public works or ob¬ 
 jects ,* and that having explained the name Memphis or Men· 
 phis , from a supposed Menes 3 , the next task which invention 
 
 1 Newton, Chronology, p. 52. 
 
 2 Ideen 2, 2. p. 484. Germ. 1815. 
 
 3 A name, which has been read phonetically Mena, has been found 
 at Thebes (Hier. of Eg. Soc. pi. 98. no. 2.), and Mr. Wilkinson sup¬ 
 poses it to be Menes. It is remarkable, however, that the names which 
 follow are not phonetically written, so that it is probable that this is 
 not to be read Mena. Besides, the cartouche, which immediately fol¬ 
 lows, is that of a king of the 18th dynasty; so that, at all events, it 
 
EGYPTIAN HISTORY OF HERODOTUS. xlv 
 
 imposed on itself was to account for the name Moeris, given to 
 the great lake which received the overflowings of the Nile. 
 The fictitious chronology which has been at work here bounds 
 with equal ease over a gulph of 5,000 or of 50 years. 
 
 The great lake which Herodotus describes 2. 149., bore, 
 from some cause or other, the name of Moeris, and popular be¬ 
 lief attached to it the idea of a king by whom it was excavated. 
 But every one who has viewed it with scientific eyes in later 
 times, has pronounced it to be a natural receptacle of the waters, 
 not an artificial excavation. Indeed the absurdity of supposing 
 a lake of 3,600 stadii in circumference to have been excavated 
 is obvious, and Herodotus has heightened it by the addition 
 that the earth was carried off and thrown into the Nile, which 
 is distant fifty or sixty miles from the furthest point of the lake 
 and ten from the nearest l . The lake, therefore, not having been 
 excavated, cannot have taken its name from its excavator, and 
 it is only an arbitrary supposition, that the canal has been con¬ 
 founded by tradition with the lake 2 . Of this canal it is said 
 (2. 149.), that for six months of the year the Nile water flowed 
 through it into the lake, and for six months back again. But 
 the level of the lake is from 126 to 100 feet below that of the 
 Nile opposite to the opening of the valley of Faioum, and 
 therefore there can have been no such reflux. Nor can there 
 have been a change of level to account for the difference; the 
 water on the shore of the lake must stand nearly where it did, 
 because there are ruins, as of baths, upon the shore, and the 
 
 cannot have been engraved till many centuries after the supposed age 
 of Menes, and the occurrence of the name no more decides the question 
 of historical existence, than that of Cecrops on the Parian Chronicle. 
 
 1 Pococke’s Travels, 1. 64. 
 
 2 If the pyramids which Herodotus says he saw in the lake (p. 194.), 
 really went down as many feet below the surface as they stood above 
 it, the lake would seem to have been excavated. But is it likely that 
 he had measured the depth below the water ? They may have stood 
 upon an island. 
 
xlvi EGYPTIAN HISTORY OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 rise of the bed of the Nile by deposition is not more than seven 
 or eight feet 1 . 
 
 Again, Herodotus assigns to the age of Moeris the date of 
 900 years before his own time, alleging that, according to the 
 priests, such a change had taken place since his days, that 
 whereas then a rise of eight cubits sufficed to make the Nile 
 overflow the lands (2. 13.), now fifteen or sixteen at the least 
 were necessary for this purpose. If a fact of this kind were 
 accurately ascertained, it would be a strong presumption that 
 the priests spoke from some authentic contemporary record, 
 and Herodotus, trusting to them, naturally infers that if the 
 increase of the soil went on at the same rate, the Delta mustj 
 rise above the level of the inundation and become sterile. And 
 he argued rightly upon this assumption; but nearly thrice the 
 interval from the supposed Mceris to himself has elapsed, and 
 still the rise of the river is, and through all the intermediate 
 time has been, when we can ascertain it, what it was in his 
 time, fifteen or sixteen cubits. It had not been considered 
 that the bed of the Nile rises by deposition as well as the ad¬ 
 jacent soil, and that the inundation, depending on their rela¬ 
 tive heights, is not affected, and for a similar reason would not 
 be affected in the 900 years which had preceded Herodotus. 
 It is evident, therefore, that the priests spoke not from records 
 but from estimation; they neither knew the fact which they 
 attributed to the reign of Moeris, nor had they made their esti¬ 
 mation accurately ; they had observed the rise of the soil, but 
 had not ascertained its law , and therefore imagined a state of 
 things as existing 900 years before, which we have no reason 
 to believe did exist within the reach of historic records. Much 
 in the same way, having observed that there are certain secu¬ 
 lar variations in the position of the heavenly bodies, but in utter 
 ignorance of the law and the amount , they ventured to say that 
 
 1 Wilkinson, Eg. and Thebes, p. 355. 
 
EGYPTIAN HISTORY OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 xlvii 
 
 in the 11,000 years which had elapsed since the reign of the 
 gods, the sun had twice risen where he sets, and twice set 
 where he rises (2. 142.) 1 . 
 
 To Moeris, in the list of Herodotus, succeeds Sesostris. 
 He reckons (2. 142.) 341 kings from Menes to Sethos, and 
 (2. 100.) 330 from Menes to Moeris; now Sethos was the 
 eleventh from Moeris, which makes up the whole number, and 
 shows that he considered Sesostris as the immediate successor 
 of Moeris. There can be no doubt that the facts attributed 
 to Sesostris are in the main historical, but it is questionable 
 whether all imputed to him was performed by any one indi¬ 
 vidual. Though the historical sculptures on the walls of Me- 
 dinet Habou and elsewhere cannot be brought into any exact 
 correspondence with the narrative of the campaigns of Seso¬ 
 stris, there is such a general resemblance, as warrants our say¬ 
 ing that what Herodotus and Diodorus relate of his under¬ 
 takings, has an historical foundation. He is the only one of 
 the Egyptian kings of early times to whom Herodotus ascribes 
 any foreign conquest, assigning to him the honour of first esta¬ 
 blishing a marine on the Red Sea, of overrunning Asia and sub¬ 
 duing Scythia and Thrace. But the monuments on which the 
 victories of the Egyptian kings are recorded, bear the names 
 of many different sovereigns. Again, Herodotus says that Se¬ 
 sostris was the only king of Egypt (2. 110.) who ever ruled 
 over Ethiopia, but the buildings and excavations of that coun¬ 
 try exhibit the cartouches of many sovereigns, proving this also 
 to be an erroneous assertion. The reasonable conclusion is, 
 that into the reign of Sesostris, according to the tradition which 
 
 1 The soil around the obelisk of Osirtasen at Heliopolis, erected B.C. 
 1700, has risen only five feet ten inches. Wilkinson, Anc. Eg. 1. p. 9. 
 Thebes, p. 313. In fixing upon eight cubits as the rise of the Nile in 
 the reign of Moeris, the priests had perhaps been influenced by the love 
 of contrast, this being the height which in their own time was the mini¬ 
 mum, and the cause of dearth and famine. 
 
xlviii 
 
 EGYPTIAN HISTORY OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 Herodotus followed, facts belonging to many have been crowd¬ 
 ed, and that when a more accurate chronology and distribution 
 can be established from other sources, his authority need not 
 stand in the way 1 . There are marks of a similar condensa¬ 
 tion in other circumstances which Herodotus relates of him; 
 he is the general constructor of the canals which intersect 
 Egypt (2. 128.), a work which, being prompted by the wants 
 of the people, would surely be of gradual extension, not the per¬ 
 formance of a single reign ; he is also said to have distributed 
 the lands of Egypt 2 , assigning to each man a square piece of 
 ground, and to have established a land-tax, things which in 
 the usual course of historical events are gradually carried into 
 effect. We cannot therefore regard even the reign of Seso- 
 stris as strictly historical, though it is not like that of Proteus, 
 mythical, or those of Menes and Moeris, fictitious 3 . 
 
 Pheron, called the son of Sesostris (2. 111.), appears to 
 be the name Pharao (Ph’ouro), common to all the Egyptian 
 kings, converted into a person. If we except a wonderful tale, 
 calculated to exalt the sanctity of the Nile, the only fact re¬ 
 lated concerning him, is the erection of two obelisks in the 
 temple of the Sun. 
 
 The story of his successor Proteus (2. 112. seq.) shows 
 how early the Egyptian priests had begun to accommodate 
 their own history to the legends of the Greeks. Proteus, whom 
 Homer (Od. S', 385.) represents as a sea-god, dwelling in the 
 island Pharos, and having a daughter Είδοθέα (S', 365.), was a 
 divinity of Grecian name (Πρωτοα 4 ), but probably of Phceni- 
 
 1 As all great things were attributed to the age of Sesostris, the Phoe¬ 
 nix was said to have appeared in his reign (Tac. 6. 28.) : for his Ram¬ 
 ses is the Sesostris of Diodorus and Herodotus. 
 
 2 The account of Herodotus is quite at variance with the view given 
 of landed property in Egypt in the history of Joseph, Gen. c. xlvii. 
 
 3 The sovereign to whom the Sesostris of the history most nearly ap¬ 
 proaches, is Rameses II. Wilkinson, Anc. Eg. 1. 63. 
 
 4 ΐίρωτώ is made a daughter of Nereus, Hes. Theog. 243. 
 
EGYPTIAN HISTORY OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 xlix 
 
 cian origin, a symbol of the primaeval element of water, whence 
 all things were created, and thence supposed not only to be 
 capable of transmuting himself into all, but to know all things, 
 like other sea divinities 1 ; and consequently oracular. Hero¬ 
 dotus speaks of his having a τεμβνοα at Memphis, in the quar¬ 
 ter which was called the Phoenician camp, in which was a 
 temple dedicated to Venus the Stranger. Without attempt¬ 
 ing to ravel out the mythological thread which connected 
 Helen and her history with Egypt and Phoenicia, as well as 
 Troy, it is sufficient to observe these circumstances, which so 
 clearly mark that Proteus, instead of being a king of Egypt, 
 is a mythical personage. The name which Diodorus (I. 62.) 
 says he bore in Egyptian, Ker^c ( κητω ) 2 , is only another 
 Greek designation of a god or monster of the sea. The priests 
 had not only much to relate concerning the expedition of Me- 
 nelaus, but professed to have received it from the most authen¬ 
 tic source, himself; they could tell not only the circumstances 
 of the transaction, but the discourses which had passed 800 
 years before between Proteus and Paris. History, which had 
 nothing to relate of 330 native kings, furnished them with a 
 full narrative of the gallantries of a foreign adventurer. The 
 Egyptian priests knew from the Greeks that Menelaus was re¬ 
 ported to have come to Egypt, and to have seen Proteus and 
 Thorns 3 , and they availed themselves of the opportunity to 
 show the extent of their own historical knowledge, and to cele¬ 
 brate the justice and hospitality of their ancient sovereigns, 
 especially (2. 115.) to repel the imputation of putting strangers 
 to death, and even retort the charge upon the Greeks (119.). 
 Herodotus, however, was so much convinced by the circum- 
 
 1 As Nereus, Glaucus, Periclymenus, Metra, Hes.Theog. 233.; Apoll. 
 Rhod. I. 310.; Ov. Met. 12. 556., 8. 737. They were also deemed to 
 have power over the winds. Diod. 1. 62.; Hor. Carm. 1. 15. 
 
 2 Κητω (Hes. Theog. 233.) is a daughter of Π ovros and sister of Ne* 
 reus. 
 
 3 See p. 145. 
 
 e 
 
1 
 
 EGYPTIAN HISTORY OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 stantiality of their narrative, that he proceeds to argue that 
 Helen must have been in Egypt, not in Troy, during the siege, 
 from the improbability that Priam should not have given her 
 up. The improbability on the other side, that during ten 
 years he should have been unable to convince the Greeks that 
 she was not in his possession, he endeavours to explain by 
 divine interposition 1 . 
 
 To Proteus succeeded Rhampsinitus (2.121.), in the first 
 part of whose name we probably have that of Rameses, borne 
 by so many sovereigns of Manetho’s eighteenth and nineteenth 
 dynasties, in the other that of the goddess Neit, the tutelary 
 divinity of Sais (Psamme-mta, Nit- ocris, Amun-wezV-gori,&c.). 
 Of his reign, again, the history is comprised in two anecdotes, 
 one comic, the other mythological. The resemblance of the 
 story of the treasury (2. 121., 1 6.) with that of Trophonius 
 and Agamedes (Paus. 9. 37.), and the treasure house of Au- 
 geas at Elis (Charax. ap. Schol. Nub. 504.), has given rise to 
 the inquiry, whether it were transferred from Egypt to Greece, 
 or Greece to Egypt. The foundation of it appears to me to 
 be mythological, and to be connected with the Egyptian doc¬ 
 trine of an invisible world. The primary conception of the 
 deity who presided over the infernal regions was not that of a 
 judge or an executioner, but a god of wealth, whose riches in¬ 
 cluded both the mineral treasures of the earth and those de¬ 
 rived from its boundless fertility 2 . The Πλουτωι> and Πλού¬ 
 τος of the Greeks are one and the Same 3 ; the Dis of the Latins 
 is Dives ; the assignment of the daughter of Ceres to Pluto as 
 his bride, the connection of Bacchus, representing wine as 
 Ceres does corn, with the subterraneous regions, all point 
 to this as the original conception of the θβοΐ γβονιοι, to which 
 
 1 See note on the Cabiri, p. 265. 
 
 2 nXoiros. */ εκ των σπερμάτων επικαρπία. Hesych. 
 
 3 Cic. N. D. 2. 26.; Tib. 3. 3. 28.; Aristoph. Thesm. 305. ενχεσθε 
 ταϊν θεσμοψόροιν, rfj Δήμητρι και rrj Kopy και τω ΥΙΧοντψ. 
 
EGYPTIAN HISTORY OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 li 
 
 the other ideas are accessory. The story of the descent of 
 Rhampsinitus into Hades, his game of dice with Ceres, and 
 the golden napkin (2. 122.), point to the same origin. Repre¬ 
 sentations of the region of the dead, Amenthe, are common 
 among the Egyptian antiquities, and the wolf is conspicuous 
 in them 1 . We must distinguish the fact that such a festival 
 was kept as Herodotus here describes, from the theory that it 
 represented the return of Rhampsinitus. As to the pleasant 
 history of the treasury and the thief, that is probably alto¬ 
 gether a fiction, arising from the supposed boundless wealth of 
 the king; the principal feature of it, the abstraction of the 
 gold by means of the moveable stone, appears in other popu¬ 
 lar stories ; I remember to have heard it in the nursery. Such 
 tales, of uncertain or originally fictitious origin, are wafted 
 about the world, and becoming accidentally connected with 
 definite persons and places, pass for realities. Shylock’s bar¬ 
 gain and Tell’s apple are well-known instances. 
 
 The builders of the pyramids, Cheops, Chephren and 
 Mycerinus, succeed to Rhampsinitus. The date which is 
 thus assigned to the oldest, according to the chronology of 
 Herodotus, w 7 ould be about 800 B.C. But this is proved by 
 many concurrent circumstances to be far too late. It would 
 have been only 150 years before the entrance of the Greeks 
 into Egypt, and being so recent, there could not have been 
 such a want of all definite information respecting them (Diod. 
 1. 64.). The style of the architecture, so massive, vast and 
 plain, and the entire absence of hieroglyphics in every part, 
 even on the sarcophagus in the central chamber, indicate either 
 a very remote age, when this art was yet unknown, or the occu¬ 
 pation of the country by foreigners, by whom it was not prac¬ 
 tised 2 * * . Manetho, whose dynasties have received so much 
 
 1 See Denon, pi. 77. Lond. ed. 
 
 2 This statement must be modified, in consequence of the discoveries 
 
 of Col. Howard Vyse, who has entered some chambers in the Great 
 
 e 2 
 
lii EGYPTIAN HISTORY OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 confirmation that we may fairly quote him as an historical 
 authority, refers the building of the pyramids with much 
 greater probability, to kings of the fourth dynasty. Popular 
 tradition was very likely to connect the erection of the largest 
 of them with a period of despotic and impious rule ; this “ la¬ 
 bour of an age in piled stones” being without any apparent 
 use, and without any trace of a recognition of religion, such as 
 abounds even on the monuments of civil architecture in other 
 parts of Egypt. 
 
 With Mycerinus, the son of Cheops (2. 129.), we fall again 
 into the domain of mythology. Herodotus describes a heifer 
 made of wood and adorned with gold, which in his time vyas 
 kept in the palace of Sais, and had costly perfumes burnt be¬ 
 fore it, and at night had a constant illumination; it was co¬ 
 vered with a purple cloth, and between the horns had a golden 
 disk of the sun ; it was resting on its knees, and was brought 
 out of the hall in which it was usually kept once a year, on 
 occasion of the festival of Osiris (2. 132.). Other circum¬ 
 stances, related respecting Mycerinus and his daughter, ex¬ 
 cited the suspicion of Herodotus himself, and from his own 
 description we infer that the figure was really the image of a 
 goddess, not the memorial of a mortal. Zoega, in his work 
 De Obeliscis (p. 415.), justly called the story in question. 
 Plutarch (Is. et Osir. c. 39.) mentions that Isis was worshiped 
 under the form of a gilded cow, which on the annual solemnity 
 of mourning for Osiris, was brought out, covered with a black 
 robe, and carried seven times round the temple. Wesseling’s 
 edition of Herodotus contains a drawing and description of a 
 figure, which corresponds very nearly with this; the great 
 
 Pyramid, which to all appearance have never been seen since the con¬ 
 struction of the work, and found hieroglyphics written in red chalk by 
 the architects. Among these is a cartouche, which has been read Chu- 
 fu, supposed to be the Cheops of Herodotus and Suphis of Manetho. 
 The same traveller has entered the third pyramid, and found there the 
 fragment of a mummy-case, with a cartouche. 
 
EGYPTIAN HISTORY OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 liii 
 
 French work on Egypt (Antiq. II. 169.) mentions one, still more 
 exactly corresponding, found in the sepulchres of the kings. 
 After this, little doubt can remain that the image in question 
 was one of the goddess Isis, and as little, that the story of the 
 daughter of Mycerinus is a fiction, to account for its peculiari¬ 
 ties and the custom attached to it. 
 
 The reign of Asyci-iis (2. 136.), who erected the eastern 
 propylsea of the temple of Vulcan, and built a pyramid of brick, 
 contains nothing remarkable except the supposed institution of 
 the law by which a son might raise money on the pledge of his 
 father’s mummy. In the reign of his successor Anysis, the 
 invasion of Egypt by Sabaco, the Ethiopian, took place. He 
 is said to have compelled the Egyptian criminals to labour at 
 raising the mounds which had been constructed by Sesostris 
 around the cities. Such a work, being rendered necessary by 
 the rise of the soil from the depositions of the Nile, would 
 probably, like the construction of canals, be gradual ; but 
 popular history is seldom satisfied, unless it can assign consue¬ 
 tudinary laws to some single legislator, and public works to a 
 single reign. On the evacuation of the kingdom by the Ethio¬ 
 pian, for which again a superstitious reason is alleged (2.139.), 
 the blind man returned from the marshes and resumed his 
 sceptre. After him reigned Sethos, a priest of Vulcan ; and 
 here we meet with the first event by which we can connect the 
 Egyptian history with that of any other people,—the defeat of 
 Sennacherib. We know from Scripture that this took place 
 710 B.C., and the marvellous tale which Herodotus tells (2. 
 141.) is the sacerdotal version of his miraculous defeat, related 
 2 Kings xix. 35. The ancient constitution had been disturbed 
 by the depression of the military caste in the reign of Sethos, 
 and on his death the Dodecarchia, or government of the twelve 
 chiefs, was formed. In beginning their history (2. 147.), He¬ 
 rodotus, who knew nothing of the occurrence of the name and 
 defeat of Sennacherib in the Jewish annals, observes, that what 
 he has hitherto said has been on the authority of the Egyptians 
 
liv 
 
 EGYPTIAN HISTORY OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 themselves, what follows, on the joint authority of Egyptians 
 and other nations 1 . The establishment of the Greeks in 
 Egypt in the reign of Psammitichus, enables us to control the 
 traditions and fictions of the natives ; and yet, when Herodotus 
 refers the erection of the Labyrinth to the period immediately 
 preceding, we are compelled to doubt. The Dodecarchia can¬ 
 not have lasted more than twenty-one years ; the revenue of 
 Egypt, divided among twelve chiefs, must have been less avail¬ 
 able for public works than when it was disposed of by one; 
 and yet in this time a work is said to have been accomplished, 
 not only surpassing in labour and expense all the public build¬ 
 ings of the Greeks, but the pyramids themselves, the work of 
 three reigns, two of which occupied 106 years (2. 128. 148.). 
 Probably it was only the circumstance of the principal apart¬ 
 ments being twelve in number (2. 148.), which caused the 
 erection of them to be attributed to the Dodecarchs. Per¬ 
 haps it would not be too much to say, that the existence of 
 the Dodecarchia in that regular, voluntary and settled form 
 which Herodotus attributes to it, is doubtful. It is likely 
 enough that the expulsion of the Ethiopians, and still more 
 the death of Sethos, was followed by a period of anarchy and 
 subdivided dominion, which was terminated by the ascendency 
 of Psammitichus, who upheld his power by Grecian auxiliaries; 
 but Manetho makes the Saitic dynasty, which he founded, im¬ 
 mediately succeed the expulsion of the Ethiopians ; and as 
 Herodotus himself says (2. 152.) that the people of the Saitic 
 nome brought Psammitichus back from Syria, ως απαλλαχθώ 
 εκ της οφιος του ονείρου ο Αίθίοψ, we may infer that even 
 during the reign of Sethos he exercised, or at least claimed, a 
 sovereignty, and when finally successful dated the commence¬ 
 ment of his reign from this time. 
 
 1 Ύαντα μεν αυτοί Αιγύπτιοι Χέγονσι’ οσα t)e οι τε άλλοι άνθρωποι και 
 Αιγύπτιοι Χεγονσι ομοΧογεοντες τοΊσι άΧΧοισι /caret ταυτην την \ωρην 
 γενεσθαι ταντ ήδη φράσω' προσέσται δέ τι αυτοϊσι και τή$ εμής oxpios. 
 
 2. 147. 
 
EGYPTIAN HISTORY OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 lv 
 
 With the reign of Psammitichus, and the entrance of the 
 Greeks into Egypt, we reach the firm ground of history. 
 There is nothing of mythological origin, no vast spaces with¬ 
 out events, succeeded by others in which trifles are told with 
 an unnecessary minuteness. The transition is not absolutely 
 instantaneous ; for from the reign of Mycerinus we have ob¬ 
 served a growing approach to the historical character; yet the 
 improbable account of the building of the Labyrinth shows 
 what errors might prevail even in reference to so recent a pe¬ 
 riod. 
 
 The Egyptian history of Diodorus, contained in the second 
 section 1 of the first book of his Bibliotheca, without having 
 more pretension to be founded on documents than that of He¬ 
 rodotus, is in some respects fuller. It opens with a speculation 
 put into the form of history, upon the successive stages of 
 Egyptian culture, beginning with the use of herbs and ending 
 with that of bread. He too makes Menes the first king of 
 Egypt after the gods, whose posterity, to the number of fifty- 
 two, reigned for 1400 years, in which there was nothing 
 worthy of remark. Afterwards comes Busiris, of whom 
 neither Herodotus nor Manetho knew anything, but who was 
 much celebrated in the later legends of the Greeks ; the name 
 was probably derived from a town of the Delta, and intro¬ 
 duced to explain its origin. Busiris the Second, eighth 
 in descent from the First, is the builder of Thebes. An¬ 
 other king, not mentioned by Herodotus or Manetho, is Osy- 
 mandyas, whose tomb, as described by Diodorus (1. 47.), 
 
 1 The first section (1-42) is chiefly occupied with the history of the 
 gods, and especially Osiris and Isis. The adulteration of Egyptian 
 history to accommodate it to the Greek, which we have noticed in the 
 story of Proteus, is gross and palpable in Diodorus, who wrote after the 
 Macedonian dominion. Osiris is made, after the example of Sesostris, 
 to overrun Asia and part of Europe ; he is accompanied by his son Ma- 
 cedo (1. 18.), and by Maro, who gives his name to the Maronean wine, 
 &c. (1. 20.). 
 
lvi 
 
 EGYPTIAN HISTORY OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 is generally admitted by recent investigators to be the Mem- 
 nonium or Remeseion of Medinet Abou. Though it is im¬ 
 possible in the present state of the ruins to trace every part 
 of the description of Diodorus, some coincidences, especially 
 the mention of the lion and the mutilated captives 1 , make 
 it very probable that this is the building which he meant to 
 describe. The next variation between Herodotus and Diodo¬ 
 rus is, that the latter makes Ucherecs, eighth in succession 
 from Osymandyas, to be the builder of Memphis, and dates 
 thence the decline of Thebes. Mceris, to whom nearly the 
 same works are attributed as by Herodotus, succeeds after 
 twelve generations; and seven generations later, Sesostris. 
 The account given of his reign is in general accordance with 
 that of Herodotus, but more full. Sesostris the Second, 
 answering to the Pheron of Herodotus, succeeds to his father. 
 Then follows a succession of several generations to Ammosis, 
 whose pride caused the Egyptians to revolt, and Actisanes, 
 king of Ethiopia, enters the country, to whom Diodorus attri¬ 
 butes, in part, what Herodotus gives to the later reign of Sa- 
 baco. On the retirement of the Ethiopians, the Egyptians 
 set up Mendes as their king, by others called Marcs, who 
 built the Labyrinth ; an interregnum of five generations fol¬ 
 lowed, after which Cetes was chosen, whom the Greeks call 
 Proteus. To him succeeded Remfhis, the Rhampsinitus of 
 Herodotus. Seven generations followed, marked by nothing 
 memorable, except the change of the name of the river from 
 jEgyptus to Nilus, in honour of a king Nileus; then came 
 Chemmis, Chephren and Mycerinus, the builders of the 
 pyramids. The Arm^eus 2 , whom he mentions as alleged to be 
 the builder of one of them, is probably the same as Rameses, 
 in whose name, phonetically spelt, only the consonants R. M. S. 
 
 1 Hieroglyph, of the Eg. Soc. pi. 15. 
 
 3 The Armais of Manetho, whom Eusebius makes to be Danaus, but 
 placed by him much earlier. 
 
EGYPTIAN HISTORY OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 Ivii 
 
 sometimes appear. Next we have Bocchoris, whose name 
 would lead us to suppose him an Ethiopian, but who is not so 
 called by Diodorus, son of Tnephactus or Gnephactus (Diod. 
 1. 45.), then πολλοις νστβρον χ povom Sabaco and the Dode- 
 carchia. 
 
 Even had we known nothing more of Egyptian history than 
 what Herodotus and Diodorus relate, we must have felt that it 
 was deserving of very little credit. It bears every where the 
 marks of being devised in order to solve historical and my¬ 
 thical problems, and the variations in chronology and succes¬ 
 sion are such as could never exist in an authentic history. But 
 our wonder is great when we find that the temples and palaces 
 of Egypt were full of records, from which, when the knowledge 
 of hieroglyphics was still preserved and its buildings unmuti¬ 
 lated, a regular list of kings might have been made out for 
 many hundred years, and many facts of their domestic and 
 foreign history have been precisely stated. That such mate¬ 
 rials for history existed cannot be doubted : for whether Cham- 
 pollion and his school have rightly decyphered the names of 
 the Pharaohs or not, it is at least certain that they are pre¬ 
 served in the cartouches , or oval rings, along with historical 
 facts, dates and numbers : and this being the case, it would be 
 strange if there had not been in the possession of the priests 
 historical writings, of a more comprehensive character than that 
 mentioned 2. 100., in which this information was collected and 
 arranged. Herodotus was not a traveller who satisfied him¬ 
 self with popular reports ; he knew what the \6yioi of Egypt 
 said of their own history, and compared the accounts of the 
 priests at different temples with each other. How has the re¬ 
 sult been a history which bears so little the character of being 
 derived from historical documents ? In that age there can 
 have been no interruption to the knowledge of hieroglyphics, 
 for it is evident that they continued to be used even in the 
 time of the Csesars. I can only explain this by supposing that 
 
EGYPTIAN HISTORY OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 lviii 
 
 among the various orders of priests, those to whom belonged 
 the duty of conducting strangers around the sacred buildings, 
 were an inferior class, whose knowledge was not deeper or 
 more accurate than modern ciceroni usually exhibit 1 . That 
 even when of a higher class they did not think it beneath them 
 to impose on strangers, is evident from the story respecting the 
 fountains of the Nile, told to Herodotus by the Ύραμματιστηο of 
 Sais (2.28.). We must not suppose that every one amongst the 
 vast multitude of priests was a man of literary attainments 2 ; 
 their offices were chiefly practical and ceremonial, and they 
 would find ample employment in that endless variety of re¬ 
 ligious rites which the sculptures exhibit. If the further pro¬ 
 gress of hieroglyphical discovery should make it appear that 
 the language which these characters express was not the com¬ 
 mon dialect of the country at the time when the Greeks visited 
 it, but one bearing perhaps the same relation to it as Sanscrit 
 does to the vernacular languages of India, into all of which it 
 enters, though not identical with any one, it will be the more 
 readily understood that the power to interpret them was by no 
 means universal, even among the priests in the age of Herodo¬ 
 tus 3 . Yet when this is taken into the account, the discre- 
 
 1 Such as alone remained at Heliopolis in Strabo’s time, ιεροποιοϊ 
 μόνον ical εζηγηται roTs ζένοιε των περί τα ιερά. Strab. 1143. ed. Οχ. 
 
 2 It was one of the seniores sacerdotes who interpreted to Germani- 
 cus, and as far as we can judge, faithfully, the patrius sermo of the The¬ 
 ban inscriptions. Tac. Ann. 2. 60. 
 
 3 Manetho (Jos. c. Ap. 1. 14., where he is speaking of the word 
 Ύκ:σώ«) says, ό ΎΚ καθ’ ίεραν γλώσσαν βασιλέα σημαίνει, το όε 
 ΣΩΣ 7 τοιμην έστι και ποιμένες κατά την κοινήν διάλεκτον. It is 
 evident, therefore, that there was a difference, and as the compound, 
 when formed, must have been wholly significant, it should seem as if 
 vk, for king, had gone out of use in the common dialect, while σως had 
 continued current. According to Lepsius (Lettre a Rosellini, p. 20.), 
 “from the time of Psammitichus, the hieratic writing and the sacred 
 dialect were exclusively employed on writings of a sacred or scientific 
 nature, whilst, on the contrary, the demotic character and the popular 
 language, served only for civil and private life. In the older times, the 
 same dialect and the same language served for all purposes.” 
 
DIALECT OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 lix 
 
 pancy between his history and that derived from the monu¬ 
 ments is very surprising, and throws a doubt on what he re¬ 
 lates from popular sources respecting other countries, whose 
 traditions we are not able to confront with monumental re¬ 
 cords. 
 
 SECTION IV. 
 
 DIALECT OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 The existence of dialects 1 in a language is one of those phe¬ 
 nomena which precede the commencement of authentic history. 
 We presume the existence at some previous time of a common 
 language from which they are deviations, but historically we 
 seek for it in vain. However deep we may dig below the sur¬ 
 face, we find only a divided stem, never the single root, which 
 nevertheless we are prone to believe lies at some greater but un¬ 
 attainable depth. 
 
 This deficiency in historical evidence is usually supplied by 
 mythical fiction. The Greeks, bearing the collective name 
 Hellenes , and being subdivided into Dorians , Malians and Io~ 
 nians , speaking separate dialects, naturally supposed them¬ 
 selves to have had a common progenitor Hellen , from whom, 
 either in the first or second generation, Dorus, Molus and Ion 
 were descended 2 . They were not embarrassed by the shortness 
 
 1 AiaXenTos, is properly sermo , the language in which the inhabitants 
 of any country διαλέγονται. Her. 1. 142. The cia does not imply di¬ 
 versity, but reciprocity. 
 
 2 If all that is quoted as from Hesiod proceeded from him, the story 
 is as old as his day. "EXX^jos eyevovro θεμιστοπόλοι βασιλήες Aiopos 
 
lx 
 
 DIALECT OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 of the time which they thus allowed for the origin of such 
 marked peculiarities, any more than by the rapid progress of 
 civilization according to the fable of Prometheus, who begins 
 with bringing fire from heaven, and advances to the invention 
 of all the arts (Pr.V.515.). Mythologists and poets, not phi¬ 
 losophers and linguists, were the authors of these fictions. The 
 historical existence of the supposed founders of the three great 
 tribes of the Hellenic people is now very generally abandoned; 
 nor can we even infer from the existence of the names Hellenes 
 and Hellas that of an Hellenic language, different from Doric, 
 AEolie and Ionic, and the parent of them all. The original 
 Hellenes, inhabitants of a little district of Epirus or Thessalv, 
 spoke in the former case Pelasgic, in the latter Doric or AEolic, 
 or something very closely allied to them. The name spread 
 subsequently throughout Greece, but it was not till many ages 
 after that there arose in speech and writing a common or Hel- 
 
 τ€, Βουβός re καί Αίολος ίππιοχάρμης. Tzetz. ad Lyc. 284. Gaisf. Fr. 
 xxviii. Xuthus is the father of Ion. Apollod. 1.7.3. The introduction 
 of an additional step in the genealogy may have been meant to mark the 
 Ionians as a younger tribe than the Dorians, but whence the name of Xu¬ 
 thus ? Those who admit Ion and Hellen to be mythical (Thirlw.l. p. 106.) 
 cannot well contend for the personality of Xuthus; the son of an ima¬ 
 ginary father, and father of an imaginary son, can hardly be other than 
 imaginary himself. Yet there was no people named Xuthi, or city 
 Xuthopolis, to lead to the fiction of his name. The word itself, derived 
 from ξέω or ξνω, <c to polish by rubbing,” appears to have properly de¬ 
 noted “ bright,” and to have been nearly equivalent to ίανθός, which is 
 of similar origin ( ξαίνω ). In Aristoph. Pax. 1143., ξυυθός is used of a 
 bright red, Schol. ώς φοίνικα πτερά εχοντα όηλοΊ. The other senses 
 attributed to it by Lexicographers, as sharp, fine (tenuis), soft (see Hes. 
 and Phavor.), all resolve themselves into the effect of polishing and rub¬ 
 bing. Applied to the nightingale it appears to mean (Arist. Av. 676.) 
 light brown. Fulvus is the Latin word which most exactly corresponds 
 to it, as a designation of colour, being applied to the brilliancy of the 
 stars, the yellow lustre of gold and golden hair, the brown plumage of 
 the eagle. See examples in Facciolati. I conjecture, then, that ξονθος 
 has been, like ξανθός, an epithet of the yellow-haired god Apollo, con¬ 
 verted into a substantive hero, claiming to divide with the god the pa¬ 
 ternity of Ion. See Eur. Ion. 10. 58. Apollo was the θεός πατρώος of 
 the Ionians. 
 
DIALECT OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 Ixi 
 
 lenic language, not the parent of dialects but the offspring of 
 one, and that the latest, the Attic. 
 
 We must therefore acquiesce in the immemorial existence of 
 at least two great characteristic dialects in Greece, answering 
 to the great distinctions of blood and institutions, Dorian and Io¬ 
 nian 1 , iEolian being so nearly allied to Dorian that it is reckoned 
 one with it 2 , as the old Attic is with the Ionic. Historically 
 we can trace the Dorians no further than to the mountain val¬ 
 leys of Dryopis, from which they came down to the conquest 
 of the Peloponnesus. When we first find the lonians in history, 
 they occupy the northern shore of the Peloponnesus and other 
 lines of sea coast. Whether or not the name Ίαονία be de¬ 
 rived from Ήιονία 3 , and that of ΑωρΙα from δα and opoc,, as 
 I conjecture, it is certain that the distinction between Doric 
 and Ionic in later times answered very well to that which has 
 been observed to prevail between the speech of mountaineers 
 and of littoral nations,—one being harsh and broad, the other 
 smooth and liquid 4 . No monuments remain of the Ionic, in¬ 
 deed, as spoken in the European Ionia or in Attica, previous 
 to the migration, but the oldest monument of Greek, the Ho¬ 
 meric poems, exhibit a language in all its leading character¬ 
 istics clearly Ionic. An Asiatic residence might make some 
 change in the dialect which the colonists brought with them, 
 but would leave its great stamina unchanged. The earliest ex¬ 
 tant specimens of the Attic literary dialect, e. g. the Iambics of 
 Aeschylus, and even the history of Thucydides, exhibit a closer 
 affinity to the Ionic than later compositions of the same coun¬ 
 try. The laws of Solon are generally preserved to us in a 
 
 1 Her. 1. 56. ταΰτα yap (the Ionian and Dorian yevos ) ήν τα προ - 
 κεκριμενα έόντα το αρ^αϊον. So, speaking of the letter Σ, he says, 
 το Aojptees μεν Σαν καλέουσι, ’Ίωνεε Se Σίγμα, as if these comprehended 
 all the varieties. 
 
 2 Strab. 8. init. Την μεν Ιάΰα rrj παΧαιά Άτθίδι την αυτήν φαμέν’ 
 την δε Δωρίΰα rrj Αίολίΰι. Pierson, ad Mcer. ρ. xxvi. 101. 
 
 3 Philol. Mus. 2. 366. 4 Adelung Mithr. 2. 226. 
 
lxii 
 
 DIALECT OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 modernized phraseology, but a quotation of some of them in the 
 original by Lysias ( κατά θεομν. p. 81. 82. Taylor.) shows in 
 the form οικηοο, for θεράποντοε, and πωλεΤσθαι for βαδί£ειυ, an 
 approach to the Ionic l . It seems reasonable to conclude, there¬ 
 fore, that in their European home the Tonians spoke a dialect 
 characteristically resembling the Homeric and Asiatic Ionian. 
 And when we consider that the Homeric or epic was the gene- 
 ral dialect of Grecian poetry, till the rise of the iEolic school 
 of lyrists, we can hardly avoid concluding that the basis of it 
 must have been diffused, as a spoken dialect, in European 
 Greece, even beyond the limits of Peloponnesian Ionia and 
 Attica, in Southern Bceotia and Euboea. The Achseans of the 
 Peloponnesus in the mythic times are little known to us, but 
 those who, like Strabo (8. p. 383. ed. Cas.) and Apollodorus 
 (1. 7. 2.), made Ion and Achseus ·brothers, must have consi¬ 
 dered the affinity of the two nations to be very close. 
 
 As the Ionians of Asia formed no political body, being only 
 federatively united, minor varieties of dialect sprung up among 
 them. (Her. 1. 142. γλώσσαν ου την αυτήν ούτοι νενομίκασι 
 άΧΧά τρόπους τεσσερας παραγωγεωυ.) Miletus, Myus and 
 Priene, which were situated in Caria, spoke alike ; Ephesus, 
 Colophon, Lebedus, Teos, Clazomense and Phocsea, which were 
 in Lydia, τρσι πρότερον Χεγθείσ^σι ομοΧο-γεουσι κατα γλωσ- 
 σαν ουάεν, σφι δε ομοφωνεουσι . Of the insular Ionians, the 
 Chians and Erythraeans spoke alike, the Samians stood alone. 
 Notwithstanding the strong expression of Herodotus, these 
 differences cannot have been so great as to render the Ionians 
 unintelligible to each other, and the peculiarities which he 
 notices were probably in the speech of the common people, 
 which may have contracted barbarisms from the old popula¬ 
 tion of the colonized countries. As prose history (see p. vi.) 
 arose in Miletus, it is probable that the dialect which it formed 
 
 1 Compare also the use of άρθρα, in Her. 3.87., 4.2., with the law of So¬ 
 lon, which Lucian (Eun. c. 10.) quotes from ύιε'Άζων. Pet. LL. Att. 562. 
 
DIALECT OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 Ixiii 
 
 to itself, and in which Hecatseus and Herodotus wrote, would 
 most resemble the Milesian. 
 
 The common treatises on the dialects, as Gregorius Corin- 
 thius and Maittaire, include under the name Ionic (ή ’lac) 
 either the dialect of Homer or that of writers later than Hero¬ 
 dotus. I propose to exhibit only that of Herodotus, referring 
 to the common Greek, that of our Grammars and Lexicons, as 
 the standard from which he is supposed to deviate. It is not 
 easy to ascertain always what the author wrote. The MSS. 
 vary, and few of the editors have been even consistent with 
 themselves. It seems now, however, to be admitted, that we 
 are not arbitrarily to correct the text in order to introduce a 
 systematic Ionism, and that in general MS. authority must de¬ 
 cide. It is not probable that a writer who was so long engaged 
 on his task as Herodotus, and who had lived where almost 
 every variety of Greek was spoken, should preserve a perfect 
 uniformity, in an age when typography did not exist to furnish 
 a standard. Who watches his own pen so carefully, as to be 
 sure that it never varies between honour and honor , cypher 
 and cipher ? 
 
 The varieties which dialects exhibit are not accidental or ca¬ 
 pricious, but depend on the organs of speech and the mode of 
 their action. A dialectic form often preserves the true etymo¬ 
 logy of a word, which is imperceptible in the common form, or 
 discloses the remains of an almost obliterated analogy. When 
 the dialect of Herodotus, therefore, is spoken of, for brevity’s 
 sake, as deviating from common Greek, it must be understood 
 as merely expressing the fact of a difference, and by no means 
 as implying that the common form existed first and that the 
 Ionians innovated upon it. Nor must it be supposed that every 
 deviation from the common Greek which is found in Herodotus 
 is peculiar to the Ionic dialect; those which in their general 
 character are most opposite to it, as the Doric, have some 
 peculiarities in common with it. 
 
lxiv 
 
 DIALECT OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 Changes of Vowels. 
 
 The difference in the vowel sounds arises from the wider or 
 narrower opening of the lips in uttering them. Taking them 
 according to the pronunciation of the continental nations, their 
 natural order is as follows, i, e, a, ο, v ; i being pronounced 
 with the widest opening, v with the narrowest 1 . The two ex¬ 
 tremes are rarely interchanged, but e ( 17 ), a and ο (ω), approach 
 by imperceptible degrees, and furnish the great proportion of 
 dialectic varieties in Greek. 
 
 1 for e; ιστίη for εστία ; Ιστιητόριον, επίστιος. Probably con- 
 
 - 
 
 nected with ίσταναι, “to set up,” like ιστός, ιστίον. 
 
 € for a, with a liquid following; ερσην for άρσην, τεσσερες for 
 τ εσσαρες (t εσσαρας 1.51. sine var.), τεσσεράκοντα with v. 
 r. of τεσσαράκοντα in many MSS., τεσσερεσκαίόεκα. 'ΎεΧος 
 for υαΧος, after the analogy of νέτος, so πυεΧος, μυεΧος, of 
 which also a form in -αΧος exists of less authority. 
 a for e ; με^αθος, ταμνειν, αποτάμνειν, επιταμνειν , κατεστρά- 
 φθησαν, with ν. r. κατ^στραφησαν (I. 130.), τραφθεντες 
 (4.12.), v.r.r ραφεντες, τραπώ for τρέπω, through the voices 
 (τ ρεπονσι, 1 . 63. s. ν.), except before φ, ετρεφατο. This 
 change is found in other dialects, especially the AEolic. 
 Hence from Θαρσος, “ impudentia,” Θερσίτης, 
 e for η ; εσσων, εσσωθηναι for ησσων. 
 
 η for a, with a vowel or a liquid ; ηηρ, ιητρός, θωρηξ, πρησσω, 
 πρη~γμα, κρητηρ, ίρηξ (ιέραξ), Στ ταρτιηται, τριηκοντα (τρι¬ 
 άκοντα), τριηκας, τριηκόσιοι, νηός (temple), Ίησων, ΊηΧνσ- 
 σος, ΈτνμφηΧία Χίμνη, νεηνίης (νεανίας), φΧνηρειν, αξιοθε - 
 ητος . See also the rules of the first declension. 
 η for a, in the diphthong αν ; νηυς, ~γρηΰς, for ναυς, γραυς. 
 η for a, only in τεσσερηκοντά, διπΧησιος, ποΧΧαπΧησιος for Βι- 
 πΧασιος. 
 
 1 Bekker, Organismus der Sprache, p. 31. 
 
DIALECT OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 Ixv 
 
 η for e ; ηως for ewe, not, however, to the exclusion of the 
 former. See Schweigh. s. voc. 
 η for e, in the diphthong ei in στρατί? 117, μνημηιον , αΧηθήίη, 
 κΧη'ί q. 
 
 a for η ; μεσαμβρίη for μεσημβρία , Χαζιε, for Χηζιε;, Χαζεσθαι 
 for Χηξεσθαι, from λαγχανω. Ου^αμα is not for οϊ)8αμη, 
 but is a neut. pi. used as an adverb. 
 a for η ; it is said in αμφισβατεειν for άμφισβητείν. In 4. 14. 
 αμφισβητέειν is found in all the MSS. of Her., and is re¬ 
 tained by Gaisford, but Origen (c. Cels. 4. 3. p. 126. ed. 
 Spencer) has preserved αμφισβατεειν . It is probably formed 
 according to the analogy of 7 ταραβατεΊν. ’A μφισβασίη (8. 
 81.) is not Ionic for αμφισβησίη ) which does not appear to 
 exist, but is distinctly formed. 
 
 The long a is sometimes changed into e, the following o 
 being lengthened into ω, especially in Xaoc and its com¬ 
 pounds, as MeveXecac, Χεωφόροε ,, όπεωνεα for ότταονεε, (also 
 οπάων ), όρμεωμενοε;. Naoq is always νηόε, in Her, 
 a for ο ; αρρωδε?ν for όρρωδεΐν. 
 
 ω for a, in θωκοε for Θακο c, “ a seat,” and in the diphthong 
 ου, Θωυμα , θωυμαό,ω. The ν is probably derived from the 
 digamma, Θάω, OaFio, θαύμα , and from the same letter, 
 strengthened into π and β , θαπαν, Hes. φόβον , Θαμβοα, 
 and, with interchange of the aspirated and unaspirated 
 letters, the Homeric τ αφοε, u fear.” Struve (Spec. Dial. 
 Her. 3.) has successfully vindicated the orthography θωυμα 
 against θωμά and θωυμα. Τρώρα (4. 180.) appears to be 
 immediately derived from τρώω, and has been substituted 
 (4. 130.) where τ ρωυματων or τρωυματων used to be read. 
 For εμαυτου, σεαυτοΰ, εαυτου, Her. has εμεωυτου, σεωυτου, 
 εωυτου. Struve (ib. p. 10.) would read in the accus. εωΰ- 
 τόν, on the authority of Eust. (ad II. e', 596.), who says, 
 that where αύ is changed into ωυ without crasis, ωυ is a dis¬ 
 syllable. Now in the accusative e αυτόν , there can be no 
 
 / 
 
Ixvi 
 
 DIALECT OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 crasis. On the other hand (see Buttmann, Ausf. Gram. 1. 
 p. 301.) the av in αυτός undergoes no change, but o αυτός, 
 οι αυτοί, and το αυτό suffer a crasis, and are written ωυτός 
 (or ωυτός, see Schw. Lex. s. v.), ωυτοί (or ωυτοί), τωυτό. 
 ω for η ; πτωσσειν for πτησσειν (4. 48.), but this seems rather 
 an independent form; whence πτό)ζ, in Horn. u a hare” 
 (comm, πτάξ), πτωγός, “ a beggar.” 
 ω for ου is a Doric peculiarity, but found in Ionic in ών for ovv, 
 ουκω v, γων for γουν . 
 o for ω, ζόη for ζωη. 
 
 υ for ο ; Αευτυγ^ίόης for Aeo τύρβης, πλεΰν for πλέον (επι πλέον 
 6. 42.), 7rAeuve<; for πλεονες, ποιευμενος for ποιεόμενος, If 
 ου arises in contraction from any other combination than eo, 
 it is not changed into ευ. 
 
 e is inserted in some words ; Ποσειδεων, ηελιος (also ήλιο c 1 ), 
 αόελφεός, άόελφεη, κενεός (8. 28.), doubtful. 
 
 (See also under the declensions for the insertion of e.) 
 e in other words is said to be excluded ; ίρός, ίρευς , ίρωσυνη, 
 κ, τ. λ., ίρείη, ίρηίη, but also (1. 175.) Ιερείη. This is more 
 properly contraction, as the i is lengthened, 
 e is said to be taken away at the beginning in κείνος for εκεί¬ 
 νος , but, on the contrary, the e here is a mere euphonic pre¬ 
 fix. Keivoc stands in the same relation to κει or /cp, there , 
 the old dative fern, of κος , as τηνος, Dor. to rip. The old 
 demonstrative and relative was written with π, κ or r. So 
 κε’ϊθεν, κεΊΘι for εκείθεν. 
 
 Diphthongs interchanged with simple vowels . 
 
 Simple vowel sounds have a tendency to run into diphthongs 
 when prolonged, especially when another vowel follows, or a 
 liquid letter, e becoming ei; a, αι ; ο, ου or ot. 
 
 1 The root is probably εΧη, “ splendour,” whence, with the intensive 
 a, aeXws, fjeXios and ηΧιοε, the aspirate of εΧη having been transferred 
 to the initial letter. 
 
DIALECT OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 lxvii 
 
 ei for e ; δε/ρειν, είνεκα (έίνεκεν), είνυσθαι, είριον, ε'ιρομαι, είρω- 
 ταω, Keivoc, (/cevoc), £e?voc, στεινόζ, είλίσσω, but διεξεΑ/σσω, 
 κατ εξελίσσω. 
 
 at for a ; αιεί , καίω, κλαίω, ελαία , for the Attic αεί, κ. τ. Α. 
 The ι appears to be here the remnant of a digamma, αιών, 
 cecum, κλαίω, κλαΡω, κλαυσω, καυσω , oliva, αιετδε, avis, 
 οι for ο; ποίη, for πόα, “ herb.” 
 
 On the other hand, i is omitted in proparoxytones in 
 -eioc ; νπωρεοα, επιτηΰεοε, τεΑεοε, except 9. 110., τυκτα, 
 κατα δε t»jv των Ελλήνων -γλώσσαν τελειον. 
 ε for ει, where the ε would be long by position; ΰεικνύειν , εδε/- 
 κνυε ( κν not lengthening the e), but δεξω, εδεξα, aor. 1., and 
 so the compounds generally; but δε?£αι is found s. var. 6.61., 
 and επιΰέιξαι. μεΖ,ων for μείζων, μεΖ,όνωε ; κρεσσων. εωθεναι, 
 εωθωα for είωθ. εργειν for είργειν ( ερκοε,). 
 
 erapoc for εταιροε, is doubtful (5. 95., w 7 here see B'ahr’s 
 
 ου for o ; vovaoc (but νοσεειν ), Ουλυμποε, ovpoc for opoc, u a 
 limit,” ovpoc for opoc, “a mountain” ( opoc 1.43.), ουρίξειν, 
 ουνομα, ουνομαΖ,ειν, yovvaroc, and so through the plural ; 
 ^ονρασι. Of πουλυε. for πολύ c, see Koen. ad Greg. D. 
 Ion. § 12. Her. 1. 56., 3. 38., in both which Gaisf. reads 
 πολύ. Of ovSatv for οδών, see B’ahr ad Her. 2. 7. 
 i for ευ ; i9vc, ίθυ, ιθύνω, κ. τ. Αν 
 
 Resolution of Contraction. 
 
 The Ionic dialect is distinguished, especially from the Attic, 
 by a fondness for uncontracted forms. Thus for the η, ει, ου, 
 ων of the Attic, in τείγη, ρείθρον, κείται, χρνσοΰν , vovc, 
 πλoυc, the Ionic has τε/χεα, ρεεθρον, κεεται, -χρυσεοο, vooc, 
 πλόoc^ In the nouns in ηίη, ηιον, &c., the Ionic resolves the 
 contraction as well as substitutes ε for η, and with ω the i is 
 adscribed, πaτpωιoc. 
 
Ixviii 
 
 DIALECT OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 Crasis. 
 
 The ordinary (Attic) Crasis of o in the Article with a length¬ 
 ens it, as ταΧτιθε c, ανηρ , αντός ; in Her. it produces ω. Τώ- 
 ya\pa, ωνθρωττοι , ωνηρ, ών<$ρες, τωΧηθες, τωργαίον, τώττο 
 τούτον. 'Έτερος forms with the Article ο ντερος, τοντερον , 
 not ατερος, Θατερον 1 S 
 
 In the crasis with αντός the aspirate is lost, according to 
 the form found in 2. 79., σνμφερεται ωντός είναι (s. var.), 
 but 5. 52. wutoc ονομαζόμενος , ού /c wvtoc εώι>, also s. var. 
 The common text of Suidas has ώλλοι αντί τον οι άλλοι . 
 The MSS. of Her. vary between ώλλοι, 'ώλλοι and ώλλοι. 
 See Gaisf. 1. 125., 2.36. The omission of the aspirate would 
 be agreeable to the genius of the Ionic dialect. See Buttm. 
 Ausf. Gr. 1. 120. 
 
 Aspirates and tenues. 
 
 The Ionic dialect manifests a repugnance to the aspirates, 
 and substitutes the unaspirated letters; δεκομαι and its com¬ 
 pounds for λέγομαι, παντακη (ιτανταγη, 5. 78. s. var., 2. 124. 
 with v. r.), ονκί , αν τις, αντι-γενέες, 4. 48. (with v. r. av6ty. T 
 
 2. 149., avOiyev&e, s. var.). 
 
 In composition also the tenuis is not changed into an aspi¬ 
 rate before an aspirate ; μετισταναι, and other compounds of 
 Ισταναι, νπιεναι , and the other compounds of ιεναι, ίζειν } ε\εΊν , 
 opaVy ατττειν , ησθαι (κατημενος , κατησαι, but καθηστο, 1. 45., 
 
 3. 83.), εττε^ρη (έδρα) but εφεδροε, κατα , καταπερ for καθ’ a , 
 καθ’ αττερ. 
 
 So in the case of the elision before an aspirate, a particle 
 preceding, the tenuis is not changed ; επ’ όσον , επ ον , εττ’ ω. 
 
 1 Along with the form els existed another, as (Lat. as, “ unity,” 
 whence hares ex asse, Engl, ace), from which txrepos was formed by the 
 same analogy as erepos from els. So the German ein stands related to 
 our an. 
 
DIALECT OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 lxix 
 
 απ οτεο, €7r ωτε (on condition), μετ’ ημερην, απ’ ίππων, ουκ 
 οσιον. 
 
 The aspirate is sometimes transposed, as in κιθων for χιτων. 
 In ενθευτεν and ενθαυτα there is no transposition, as appears 
 from ένθα, ενθεν, but the second aspirate has been changed 
 into a tenuis to avoid the succession of two aspirates in ενθευ- 
 θεν, as πεφευχα was used instead of πεφευχα, and ’ Έπαφοε 
 (p. 250.) for ' Έφαφορ . 
 
 Changes of Consonants, 
 
 These are not arbitrary, but in general connected with ana¬ 
 logies of the language. 
 
 δ is said to be substituted for σ in ί^μεν, ο$μη, but ιδμβν be¬ 
 longs to e’ /δω not ίση μι (Buttm. Ausf. Gr. 1. 571.), and the 
 δ in ο<$μη to the root, ο£ω (οσδω), οδωδα, odor. So the δ in 
 the perf. and plup. pass, of some verbs in £ω, εσκευαδαται, 
 κεχωρίΰαται, belongs to the root, the interposed a being 
 here the substitute of the v characteristic of the 3rd plur. 
 perf. pass, and pluperf. ( πεφίΧηται, πεφίΧηνται), but which 
 could not be pronounced between δ and t. 
 ξ is said to be substituted for σσ in δι^όο, τριζόα, but the ana- 
 logy of δίχα, 8ιχου, τρίχα, τρίξου, and the Homeric τρ ι- 
 χθα, proves that it is a part of the root. 
 κ is used instead of π in the derivatives of the obsolete koq, 
 “who or what,” indef. and interrog. Lat. qui, quis, (quus,) 
 quse, quod (quum), as κη, κοθεν , /core, κώε, κοΰ, ko7og, κό - 
 σος, κότεροο, οκόθεν, οκότε, οκοΊοη, κ. τ. Α. 
 
 Declension. 
 
 The Article is regular, except that, like the nouns of the 
 first and second declension, it makes the dat. plur. in τοΊσι 
 and τρσι *. 
 
 Nouns of the First declension, which in common Greek end 
 in a, have η in Her.; Ιστορ'ιη,-ης, -η, - ην, ναυτιΧίη, χενεη, χω- 
 
 Matthiae (Gr. Gr. § 65. Obs. 3.) quotes Her. 1. 186. as an instance 
 
 1 
 
Ixx 
 
 DIALECT OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 I οη, ήμερη, ωρη. Those which end in a, having an acute on the 
 antepenult or a circumflex on the penult, as payaipa, μοίρα 1 , 
 πρόπειρα , -γέφυρα , because, though ending in pa, they have a 
 long penult, are declined pa , prjc, py, pav. So the feminines 
 in εια and oid, from eve, ηο and ovc ; εμμελεια, ευμενεια, εύ¬ 
 νοια (ευνοίην, 7.104. ευττετείη, 5.20. s. v.). The substantives 
 in εια, from eve, and ηα, are commonly formed by Her. in ηιη. 
 Of αληθε’ιη, for which αληθηίη is the common form in Herod., 
 see Scliw. s. voc. B ασιΧη’ίη (4. 33.) and βασίλεια, -ηε, (queen, 
 1 . 205.), are both used by him. Μήδεια makes Μηδε/ικ, -ην 
 (1. 2. 3.), with v. r. Μηδίηα. The cause of the lengthening of 
 the a in the gen., probably, is that the original declension was 
 μούσα, μονσαοα or μουσαιε, , whence, in Latin, musai and pater¬ 
 familias, while ’the Greek has thrown away the c and con¬ 
 tracted the two short vowels into a long one. 
 
 In the gen. plur. e is inserted before ων ; ’Α.Θηνεων,'Σκ.υθεων, 
 Θυρεών, ημερεων , -γεων (4. 194.), the remnant of the old de¬ 
 clension μουσαΡ ων, Lat. Musarum . The dative is in yai. 
 
 Nouns in ac, pure, and par,, have η ; 'Ιπττίηε, ' Αριστα-γόρης. 
 The gen., originally aoc, became ao and εω in Horn., and in 
 Her. εω only; 'Αλυάττεω, Γορδίεω, the ω reckoning short in 
 accentuation, but Βορεω, nom. TSoprjc, acc. Έίορην or B ορεην. 
 Άστυu.yηG makes (1.73.) Αστυαγεου. Κυαζάρηα makes Κυ- 
 αζάρει (1.74.). 
 
 The accus. sing, of some words of this declension is formed 
 in ea ; Κανδαί/λεα, δεσποτεα, Άστυάγεα ; which Buttm. (p.210.) 
 explains by the practice of the Ionians to vocalize the v. 
 
 e is said to be inserted in the acc. plur., but δεσποτεα^ (1. 
 111.) is doubtful, and e<~nynreac (1. 78.) should be eζηyητeωv. 
 
 Tiie Second declension is regular, except that the dat. plur. 
 
 of τοί used for the nom. pi. of the article. It is not easy to understand 
 how the reading rot Βαβυλώνιοί crept into the text, or how it should 
 have been left there by Wesseling, since all the MSS. appear to have 
 ol. See Schw. 
 
 1 Μοίρην is found 1. 91., 4. 161., in the common editions, and 1. 
 204. in all the MSS., but see Schw. Lex. s. voc. 
 
DIALECT OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 lxxi 
 
 is formed in οισι. The gen. in εων appears to rest on false 
 readings; πεσσεων (1. 94.) has been changed into πεσσών; 
 
 7 τυρεων still stands (2. 36.), but with v. r. πυρών, and it is 
 suspicious from being joined with κριθεων. 
 
 Some proper names in oq form the gen. in ew. Βάττεω, 4. 
 159. (Βάττου, ib. 162.), Κροίσεω (generally K ροίσου), Μφ- 
 βΧιαρεω, ΚΧεομβροτεω , also του. 
 
 What is called the Attic second decl. is found in Her. in 
 Χεών for λαόν, also with the common form. So in the com¬ 
 pounds of λαός, MereXewq uniformly, ΆρκεσίΧεως, ΆργεΧεω, 
 Νικολ εω, Νικόλαέ, and 'ίλεως, though of a different derivation. 
 Κάλωα and λάγωο are not found in the best MSS. 
 
 No'oq and πλόος are generally uncontracted; 1. 27. εν νώ 
 εχοντε q, elsewhere εν νόω εχειν ; TrXooq, 7. 123., περιπΧόον, 
 6. 95., Βιεκπλόον, 4. 179., πΧόου, 2. 5., ανάπλους, 2. 4. 
 
 Adjectives and Pronouns in oc form their feminines after the 
 first, and the masc. and neut. after the second declension. 
 They should therefore have the inserted e only in the gen. 
 plur. fern., as άλλεων, τουτεων, πασεων, μουνωθεισεων. There 
 are a good many passages in which, in the common text (as 1. 
 200.), αυτεων refers to masc. or neut., but the MSS. generally 
 give -ών. As, however, αυτεω is found s. var. 1. 133., it may 
 have been that e was inserted before the long vowel in αυτός, 
 generally, as Buttmann (1. 299.) asserts, and as we find in 
 Hippocrates. Comp. Matth. § 69. Τουτεων is found s. var. 
 1. 60. as neut., but in most places Gaisford has substituted 
 τούτων. See his preface, p. xxxvi. 
 
 The adjectives in eoc and ooc are not contracted. ΑιπΧεη 
 occurs 3. 42. 
 
 In the Third declension, nouns in ic, iSoc, especially proper 
 names, are declined in toq, κ. t. X. θεμιος, θετι, ’'Ισι,’Όσιριν, 
 Those in tq, ewe, sometimes in this way, sometimes with ei in the 
 dat. ( στασει s. v. 1. 60. 150.), and iq in the nom. and acc. 
 plur., πόλις, acc. pi. 7. 122. ( πόλιας , 4. 43.). Σαρΰις, 1.15. 
 
 Nouns in ευς are said by the grammarians to be inflected by 
 
lxxii 
 
 DIALECT OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 the Ionians in ηοε, ηι, κ. τ. λ. Herodotus, however, com¬ 
 monly inflects them in εος, εϊ, κ. τ. λ. The MSS. generally 
 authorize the substitution of this form, and Struve (Spec. 
 Quaest. Her. 2.) would correct the few which remain, and read 
 in the proem Ήροδοτου A Χικαρνασσεοε· 
 
 Nave is declined by Herodotus, νηΰε, νηόε (νεόε), νη'ι, νέα, 
 νέες, νέων, νηυσί, νεαε. See Greg. D. Ion. § 19. Where νηαε 
 is found in our common texts, the MSS. generally have νέας. 
 See Schweigh. Lex. s. voc. 
 
 Some feminine nouns, increasing in the gen., have the in¬ 
 serted e in the gen. plur.; χηνέων, αΧωπεκεων, χιΑιαδέων, μυ- 
 ριαδεων. The dative plur. sometimes retains v, μηνεσι, δαιτυ- 
 μόνεσι, ττΧεόνεσι. Π 
 
 Nouns in ας, -ατος, are declined, κεραε, κερεοε , κερει, κε- 
 ρεων, κερεα. Τέρας, τέρεος ( τερατοε , 2. 82.), τέρεα ( τέρατα , 
 2. 82.). Γέρας, γέρεα. Γήρας, -γηραοε , yvpai. Κρέαε, /ερέα, 
 ρΐ. κρεών ( κρεεσσι in verse, 1.47.). 
 
 Ιώ makes lovv (1. 1.), Τιρώ, Τ ιμουν, Αητω , Αητουν (2. 
 156.). Greg. Cor. adds (c. 35.), that the Ionians write ηουν, 
 aiSovv, but Herodotus has alSio (1. 8.) and ηω, or εω (4. 40.), 
 never ηουν. E ικω is found in the accus. (7. 69.), but εικόνα 
 (2. 143.), from the common form εικων. 
 
 Nouns in κΧηε are variously formed. Ή ρακΧεηε (Ηρα¬ 
 κλής τε, ΐΙρακΧηε δε, 2. 145.), Ηρακλέος, Η ρακΧει 9 Ήρα- 
 κΧ εα. θεμιστοκΧεηε, -κΧεουε (-κλέος, 8. 75., -κΧηοε in the 
 majority of MSS., 8. 63.), -κΧει, -κΧηα (8. 79.), s. var. (- κλέα 
 twice, Gaisf. 8. 112. but with var.) - κλέες . There is much 
 variety in the other names, but on the whole - κΧηοε and - κΧηα 
 seem to preponderate. 
 
 Contracted nouns in ηε and ος, τριηρηε, τείχος, are formed 
 without contraction. 
 
 The adjectives follow for the most part the analogy of the 
 substantives. ΑποΧιε makes dat. airoXi (8. 61.), and αχάρϊ 
 Jat. is probably the true reading (1. 41.). See Gaisf. and 
 B’ahr. Matth. § 114. 3, 
 
DIALECT OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 Ixxiii 
 
 Of the feminine of the adjectives in υς, Gregorius (c. 41.) 
 says, τηα θηΧείαζ το I εζαιρονσι και επί ττάσηα πτώσεως τούτο 
 ττοιουσιν, which would make the declension εα, εας, εα, ear , 
 but this is not the uniform practice of Herodotus. 
 
 We have ύ ιθεα των οδών (2. 17.) with v. r. [Oela; but ίθείηα, 
 Weiy, We7ar (See Schw. Lex. s. v.); the three last in fixed 
 phrases. Βαθε7α is found (7. 23.) s. var., ΘηΧείαν , 1 . 105. s. 
 var. with rovaor, perhaps, therefore, a technical name. θηΧεαν, 
 with v. r. ΘηΧείαν , in several MSS., 3.102. Buttmann conjec¬ 
 tures that Herodotus declined έα, εης, ey, ear (eu)r f εας), but 
 this is not in perfect accordance with our present text, although 
 it will comprehend the greatest number of cases. 4. 23. τρη- 
 \βη, where no MS. reads τραχέα. 
 
 Πολλός is declined regularly as of three terminations, along 
 with πολύς, which last occurs chiefly in the neut. (2. 106.), 
 πολύ της αΧηθηίηα cnroXeXeipperoi. The epic form πολέας is 
 found (2. 107.) with v. r. πολλούς, but πολέες, alleged by 
 Greg. Cor. c. 16. from Herodotus, does not occur in our pre¬ 
 sent text. 
 
 Numerals. 
 
 The feminine of είς is μια , ριης, piy, piar. MSS. of 
 authority offer μία and piar, wherever μίη and μίην are found 
 in the common text 1 . Δύο is used, not δύω, gen. δυάώ 
 (Buttm. 1. p. 282., note ## ), not Svivv, dat. δυοΐσί. It is also 
 indeclinable. 
 
 In the teens , τεσσερες is used with neuters (1. 86.) and fe¬ 
 minines (7. 36. accus.). Δυώδεκα not δώδεκα (8. 1.); the 
 majority of the MSS. read δύο και 8εκα, τρία και §εκα, s. var. 
 (1. 1 19.) 
 
 Όγδώκοντα ( octoginta ), the Ionic form, seems more analo¬ 
 gical than ογδούκοντα. See also p. lxiv. 
 
 In the ordinals τεσσερεσκαιΰεκάτη occurs for τεσσαρακαιδε- 
 κάτη (1.1 84.). 
 
 Schw. Lex. s. vocc. OvSeif, μη7είί, μηγανη. 
 
 i 
 
Ixxiv 
 
 DIALECT OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 Pronouns. 
 
 Έγώ makes έμεο and έμευ, end. μεν. PI. ημεες, ημέων, η- 
 μέας. Συ, gen. σεο and σευ, dat. σοί emphatic, τοι end. PI. 
 νμέες, υμεων, υμεας. For ού, εο, εύ enclit . (3. 135.), μίν, μιν 
 end. Ρ1. σφέων, σφίσι and σφί, σφέας. Matthise (in a note 
 in his ed. of Her., 1. 57.) says, “ Pronomina σφίσι et σφί ab 
 Herodoto ita usurpantur, ut σφί pronomen sit tertiaa personae 
 pro αυτοίς Us, illis, σφίσι vero semper reciprocum sibi , sibi ipsis, 
 εαυτό7σι,” and produces many passages in proof of this distinc¬ 
 tion, which however is not universal, according to our present 
 text. (7. 23.) Έυθαυτα δε λειμών εστι ίνα σφι ay opr] τε 
 εγίνετο και ττρητηριον' σΊ,τος δε σφισι πολλοί έφοίτα εκ 
 της Ασίης. s. var. 
 
 Relative . 
 
 The Relative is in Herodotus in the nom. sing, or,, η, to ; 
 in the plur. ot, αί, ra. In 2. 51. I ought not to have left τοι 
 περ , but changed it to οίπερ, on the authority of several MSS. 
 In 2. 113. there is no MS. authority for reading το και νυν εστι 
 ΐΐρακλέος ίρόν, as Struve proposes (Spec. Quaest. 1. p. 13.). 
 
 In the oblique cases τ is generally prefixed, if there be no 
 preposition or adverb governing a case, like αχρι, μέχρι· 
 Some of the passages which militate against this rule, as (6. 
 92.) ανηρ ω οννομα Έυρνβάτης, (3. 98.) φΧοίνην ην , may be 
 corrected on critical grounds; in (2. 8 3.) θυσανωτούς ους κα- 
 Χέονσι καΧασίρις, the preceding termination may have given 
 rise to a false reading, though more likely to have produced 
 τους than ους ; but there remain several others, in which the 
 form without τ is found in all the MSS., without any apparent 
 corruption; (3. 140.) ευεργέτης ω εγώ προαι^ευμαι, with var. 
 r. ον, (1. 62.) ττροσερρεον οισι. 
 
 Where a preposition susceptible of apostrophus is joined with 
 a relative, the final vowel is cut off, and the aspirated form of 
 the relative retained, αντ ών, αττ ού, κατ ην. There are a 
 few passages which militate against this rule also. 
 
DIALECT OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 Ixxv 
 
 If the preposition is not susceptible of apostrophus, the rela¬ 
 tive has the form with r; ev τω, ev τρ, ev τήσι ; except when 
 ev with the relative has the sense of whilst , ev ω δε βουλβυον- 
 rai. ’Ec, used with the relative generally, has the form with 
 τ ; in the sense of donee , ec, o. Further, according to Struve, 
 we should read εξ ου, ev ω , where time generally is meant, 
 and μέχρι ου ; but του, τω, where there is a definite antece¬ 
 dent, a distinction which prevails in the majority of cases, but 
 could not be carried through without many arbitrary correc¬ 
 tions. 
 
 Tic, interr. makes gen. τευ (rev, end.), τεο, dat. τεω, all 
 genders, gen. pi. τίων, dat. τεοισι. 
 
 In the compound δστια, the form of the relative in r never 
 occurs, and the oblique cases are gen. δτευ ( απ’ οτον, 1.145., 
 altered by Schsefer to απ’ δτευ), dat. δτεω, gen. pi. οτεων , dat. 
 οτεοισι. 
 
 Conjugation of Verbs. 
 
 One of the principal peculiarities of the Ionic dialect, is the 
 irregular use of the Augment, the result, probably, of the late 
 establishment of this analogy in the Greek language, to which 
 w r e find nothing corresponding in the Latin 1 . 
 
 1 I cannot agree with Buttmann’s view (Ausf. Gr. § 82. 1 . p. 319.), 
 who considers the augment as a half-worn remnant of reduplication. 
 The Latin has the reduplication, but its perfect without reduplication 
 ( scripsi , &c.), which is really the aor. 1. of the Greek, has no trace of 
 augment; for the lengthening the syllable, as in egi, is owing to the 
 suppressed s, and is found equally in legi. So in Greek, the short vowel 
 is lengthened in the aorist, in the conjugation in which σ is suppressed. 
 The reduplication is the essential characteristic of the completed act, 
 and extends through all the moods; the augment, in the most perfect 
 state of the analogy, never extended beyond the indicative. I rather 
 regard the augment as allied to the euphonic prefix of e or other vowels, 
 to which we owe the double forms of θέλω and έθέλω, κέλλω and όκέλλω, 
 ελπομαι and έέλπομ at, Taos and einos. I believe it will be found in other 
 instances, that in the progress of language, and the development of the 
 reasoning faculties, an appropriation has been gradually made of forms 
 which were originally equivalent in sense, and owed their variety to dia¬ 
 lect or the love of euphony. 
 
Ixxvi 
 
 DIALECT OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 The syllabic augment is not omitted by Herodotus in the 
 imperf. and aor., if we except \prjv, for εχρην, being an approach 
 to regularity, when compared with the Ionic of Homer. The 
 e prefixed to the pluperfect is sometimes omitted, sometimes 
 inserted ; SeSoi /λωντο , ενεκεκόΧαπτο, ^eSo/cro, 7 τεριεκατεατο, 
 κατε^εΒεκτο ($είκννμι), κατα$ε$αττάνητο, παρεσκευά^ατο (7. 
 218» s. var.), παρασκευάδατο (7. 219. with v. r.). 
 
 The Ionic imperf. and aor. in σκον (see p. 217.) do not 
 take the augment. 4. 130. all the MSS. have εΧάβεσκον, 
 though elsewhere Χάβεσκον is found. 1. 100. εσεπεμττεσκον 
 and εκπεμπεσκε both occur, s. var. See Schweigh. not. crit. 
 on 4. 130. 
 
 The temporal augment is used or omitted, without any per+ 
 ceptible rule, even in the same words ; ayov και εφερον (1.65., 
 with v. r.), εφερε και r?ye (3. 39.), ωρμητο , εργασμαι, περι- 
 ειρ-γαζοντο, προσενειγθησαν, ανηνειγθησαν. The temporal 
 augment of the pluperf. is commonly retained, but ορμητο is 
 now read (7. 4.), and ερημωτο (6. 22.). ’Ίδον scarcely ever 
 occurs without v. r. of ειδον. 
 
 The e prefixed, instead of the temporal augment, is found 
 in eaSe, eavSare (but also ηνΰανε), εόρ-γεε , κτατεΐϊγότα, but 
 ηΧωσαν , ηΧωκότα. Ο ικα is used, not εοικα , and ο’ικωο, οί /coc 
 (probable), but 2. 22. ε’ικοι;. 
 
 Active Voice. 
 
 The first future of verbs in a σω, έσω, ίσω, όσω, is formed 
 by throwing out the σ and making a, e and o coalesce with the 
 vowel which follows ; $ικαν for δικασειν, $ιασκε$αα, eXav f εΧώσι , 
 for εΧάσειν, εΧάσονσι (but also εΧάσει ), καταγιεΐν, καταποντιεΊ. 
 The uncontracted form also occurs, μενεομεν , ερεω, αποκτενί- 
 οντας, αγγελέωι>. 
 
 The plup. act. is formed in ea, eac, εε, εαμεν, εατε, εσαν. It 
 is a tense comparatively rare, and the 3rd pers. sing, chiefly 
 occurs. 
 
DIALECT OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 lxxvii 
 
 What is called the Attic imperative is found in Herodotus ; 
 Χεγόντων (1. 89.), φοβεόντων (7. 235.), for -τωσαν. 
 
 The 3rd pers. sing of the subj. in σι occurs 1. 188., eXavvy- 
 σι, with v. r. eXavvy. It is properly epic, and the remnant of 
 a subj. in ωμι. 
 
 Some verbs, usually barytone, have in Herodotus ew, eo- 
 μαι; ριπτέουσι (4. 188. ριπτενσι, 4. 94.), εφεε (1. 47.), eW- 
 X ee (1. 118.), ωφλεε (8. 26., ώφλε, Gaisf. See Buttm. 1. 
 § 112.), αγεομενον (3. 14.), σνμβαΧΧεόμενοα (6. 63.), with 
 συνεβαΧΧετο (1. 68.), πιεζευμενοι (3. 146. and elsewhere). 
 Μ α-χησεσθαι, -σασθαι, as if from μαγ^έομαι, are found, though 
 generally with v. r. of ε. 
 
 Passive and Middle Voices. 
 
 The second pers. sing. pres, of the passive was probably 
 formed according to the same analogy with the verbs in μαι , 
 τύπτεσαι, whence the Ionic εαι, the Attic ει, and the common 
 y (Buttm.). Herodotus never uses the contracted form. So in 
 the subj., whence this person is formed in ηαι ; συνέγ^ηαι, ιδηαι 
 (Matth. § 208.). 
 
 The Ionic dialect frequently vocalises the v in flexion, 
 changing it into a , especially in the third pers. plur. Thus 
 ντο of the imperf. and 2nd aor. became aro, and the pre¬ 
 ceding vowel was changed to ε ; απεγραφέατο, έγινέατο , έδυ- 
 νέατο , έπιστέατο, έκέατο, απικέατο, δ ιεφθαρέατο (s. var. 8. 
 90.), a very rare example of the aor. 2. mid. used in a passive 
 sense. Matth. § 496. 8. (Hermann and Buttm. 2. p. 249. 
 would read διεφθάρατο, plup. pass.) 
 
 In the perf. and pluperf. passive the third pers. is formed by 
 vocalizing the v, inserted in the usual conjugation, when a 
 vowel precedes, and resuming the characteristic of the perf. 
 active, αναμεμιγαται (μέμιχα), αποδεδέγαται (for αποδεδει¬ 
 γμένοι εισί ), τεθάφαται, τετ ριφαται. Απίκαται , for σφιγμέ¬ 
 νοι ε’ισ'ι , retains the tenuis. Plup. διετετάχατο, κατε/λ/χατο, 
 εσεσάχατο (σάττω), εστάλατο (στέλλω), απίκατο. 
 
lxxviii 
 
 DIALECT OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 The verbs in ζω take δ instead of σ ; κε^ωρίδαται, εσκενα- 
 δαταί, αγωιαδατα*, 7 ταρεσκευα^ατο, έστολίδατο. 
 
 Even the verbs in ω pure, although no difficulty of pronun¬ 
 ciation existed, sometimes vocalize the v ; αρτεαται, κατεαται 
 ( καθηνται ), υμνεαται , έδεδέατο, εκεκοσμέατο , αποκεκΧέατο 
 (απεκέκΧειντο ), but also επέπαίΦτο (1. 83.). 
 
 A similar change of vtakes place in the opt.; βουλο/ατο, 
 y ενο/ατο, απεΧοίατο , υττοταμοιατο , ανιωατο. 
 
 The second pers. sing, of the aor. 1. middle is resolved; εζ- 
 εpyάσao, κατεγ^ρησαο, έφθέγξαο. The 2nd pers. sing. aor. 2. 
 mid. sometimes ends in ευ ; ετραπευ (7. 39. Gaisf.). - 
 
 The 2nd pers. sing, imperative is found in ευ ; ανεχευ, 
 αγευ, βουλευ. The Attic imper. -σθων for -σθωσαν is found ; 
 μαγέσθων, κτεινέσθων, χ ράσθων (Valck. ad 7. 10.). 
 
 The perf., and especially the perf. pass., of verbs beginning 
 with a vowel, followed by a liquid, undergoes a reduplication 
 of the two first letters, the long vowel or diphthong being 
 shortened ; ηΧακα , εΧηΧακα, αΧηΧεσμένος, ορωρυκτο , αρηρο- 
 μένος. ΑΙρέω makes αραίρημαι , the augment being dropped, 
 according to the Ionic dialect. 
 
 Contracted Verbs. 
 
 Herodotus uses only the uncontracted form of the verbs in 
 εω, but ευ is sometimes substituted for εο, εου ; έποιενντο , 
 ποιεΰνταο, ποιευσι (dat. pi.), τελεύμενα, Ιστορευστρ , φόβεν, 
 
 but also φοβέο, εξτιγεο, άπικνέο. Of the accentuation, see 
 Buttm. Ausf. Gr. 1. p. 501. In the 2nd pers. sing. ind. pass, 
 the termination εαι is used ; επαινεεαι , φιΧέεαι. 
 
 Of the verbs in αω, Herodotus either uses the contracted 
 form, ορώντες , απεπειρατο, εφοίτα, yeXav , or changes the 
 a into e, φοιτέειν. This is sometimes accompanied with a 
 change of the following o into ω, analogous to that of Μενέ¬ 
 λαο*;, Μενέλεωε; as χρεωνται for 'χράονται, ορμεώμενος for bp- 
 μαόμενος , επορεωσι , αμιΧΧεωμενοι . But we have also χρέον- 
 ται, ορεομεν, κομεουσι, φοιτεοντες, επειρωτεον , πη$έειν. 
 
 
DIALECT OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 lxxix 
 
 Some verbs, however, as νικάν, avSav, occur only in the com¬ 
 mon form. Buttm. 1. p. 500. Έμηχανεατο is found s. var. 
 (5. 63.) for εμη^ανάοντο. It is a solitary instance, and Mat- 
 thige would read εμεμηγανεατο pluperf. 
 
 ευ is sometimes substituted for ω in contraction, as ειρω- 
 r evv, άγαπευντεε ; and sometimes o is inserted before ω, as 
 κομόωσι , ηγορόωντ ο 1 . 
 
 In the verbs in οω, the contracted form generally prevails, 
 δικαιω, -ηντιουτο , σεμνουν ; but ευ is sometimes substituted for 
 ου, παρισεύμενορ, εδικαίευν, δικαιευν (inf.), εδφευν. 
 
 Verbs in μι. 
 
 The forms in εω and οω are commonly used instead of 
 those in η μι and ωμι, in the 2nd and 3rd persons sing, pre¬ 
 sent and imperf., as τιθε ?q, τιθεί, κατίει (demittit), άν'ιει , διδοΊε, 
 διδοΊ, ετίθειε, εδίδουε, εδίδου j 3rd plur. in ε7σι or εασι ; τι- 
 θείσι{2. 91.), τ τροτιθεασι (5. 8.), and immediately after, τι- 
 θέϊσι , s. var. εκδιδόασι (1. 93.), εκδιδουσι (4. 49.). The ν in 
 the 1st pers. imperf. of τίθημι is vocalized υττερετίθεα (3.155.). 
 MeTcevat ( μεθιεναι ) makes μετε'ιθην , aor. 1. pass, μεμετιμενοε , 
 perf. pass, εμετίετο. 
 
 The opt. mid. of τίθημι is found both in ειμην and εοιμην , 
 προθείτο (3. 148.), υποθεοιτο. In the subj. e is generally in¬ 
 serted in the aorist; προτιθωμεθα (5. 18.), but ύττερθεωμαι (5. 
 24.), 67 τιθεωνται, διαθεωνται. 
 
 Herodotus uses the aorists middle εθηκαμην, επεθηκατο , 
 συνεθηκαντο , which are not found in the Attic writers. Fisch. 
 2. 467. 
 
 Of ϊστημι only the form in μι is used, except that ιστα oc¬ 
 curs s. var. in the sense of erects (4. 103.). Ανιστεασι, 3rd 
 plur. pres. (5. 71.). The 3rd pers. sing, of the imperf. is 
 
 1 Of the irregular forms which occur in Herodotus, βώσαι, βώσομαι, 
 βωσθηνα t, βεβωμένοε, from βοψ,ν and έινωσαε, έννενώιαχσι, ένένωτο from 
 εννοέειν, άΧλογνωσαε from άΧΧογνοέειν, see Kidd’s Dawes, Misc. Crit., 
 
 p. 166. 
 
Ixxx 
 
 DIALECT OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 
 formed in a or η; ιστα (2. 106.), with v. r., ανίστη (1. 196.), 
 κατιστα (6. 43.), εν'ιστη (2. 102.). 
 
 The perf. substitutes an e for a ; ανεστεασι , τηοοεστεατε, 
 κατεστεασι , but (1. 179.) ενεστασι. In the sing, the form in 
 ηκα is used. Pluperf. προεστηκεε, κατεστηκεε, απεστηκεε ; 
 plur. εστασαν , συνεστασαν , απεστασαν. Part, κατεστεωσηε ? 
 σννεστεωσηε, ενεστεωτων. Inf. αττισταμεναι , with ν. r. αττι- 
 στάναι (1. 76.), εσταμεναι , with ν. r. εστάναι (1. 17.), βεβά- 
 ναι, σνμβεβάναι. 
 
 The ν is vocalized in the 3rd pers. pi. τιθεαται, νπανιστε- 
 αται , imperf. επανιστεατο (4. 80.), (' ίσταντο , 9. 28.) perf. 
 pass, κατεστεαται. 
 
 The form in υω is used in the singular; in the plur., both 
 that and the form in μι ; προ^εικννει , προ^εικννασι, άπο- 
 £εικννσι (1. 171.), ομνυουσι , απεΰε'ικννε, ε£ευγνυσαν, εττε£ευ- 
 yvvov. Part. fevyvvc; and Ζ,ευ^ννων. 
 
 The ν is sometimes vocalized in the 3rd pers. plur., εναπο- 
 § εικνυατο (9. 58.), but άπε^είκνυντο (1. 176.). 
 
 E ιμί, “ I am,” forms its tenses with the following irregu¬ 
 larities; 2nd pers. etq, with v. r. εϊ (9. 76.), pi. ειμεν . Imp. 
 ea or εην (which Struve, S. Q. Η. 1. p. 20. condemns as epic), 
 for ήν, εαο (ήε in many MSS., 7. 17.), ηε \ pi. εατε, εσαν or 
 ησαν. An iterative form of the imperf. is also used ; εσκε, 
 εσκον. Opt. ενεοι (7. 6.). Conj. εωσι (1. 155.). Part, εών. 
 
 εουσα, εον. 
 
 Ε ϊμι, “I go.” 2nd pers. etc. Imperf. τμα (note, p. 153.), 
 ηΐες, ηΐε ; plur. ηΐσαν. The present has the force of a fut., 
 as in the Attic writers (3. 72.); ε^ηγεο αυτός, οτεω τρόπω 
 7 ταριμεν ες τα βασιληια και ετ τι^ε ιρησομεν αυτοϊσι. The 
 middle Ίεμαι has the sense of u to go eagerly ,” and is perhaps 
 only an unaspirated Ionic form of the middle of ίημι, “ milto. 
 
 
 » 
 
ΟΙ ΑΙΓΥΠΤΙΟΙ ΛΟΓΟΙ. 
 
 The title here given to that part of the work of Herodotus 
 which treats of the geography, productions, manners and his¬ 
 tory of Egypt, accords with his own mode of reference. 
 ’Ev τοΐσι A σσυρ'ιοισι λόγοισι μνι'ιμην ττοιησομαι 1, 184. Έγ 
 τοισι ΑίβυκοΊσι λόγοισι απηγησομαι 2, 161. His whole work 
 he sometimes calls in the singular Xoyoc, ετερωθι του λόγου 6, 
 19 ,· sometimes λόγοι. It is not probable that it had origin¬ 
 ally either a general title, or division into books, the present 
 arrangement, which is perhaps the work of the Alexandrian 
 grammarians, sometimes interrupting the connexion of the par¬ 
 ticles. See the close of the 7th book and the commencement 
 of the 8th, and the close of the 8th and commencement of the 
 9th, where μεν and £e are separated from each other. He says 
 indeed, 5, 36, speaking of the temple at Branchidae, rd Be 
 χρήματα r)v ταυτα μεγαλα , ojq ΒεΒηλωταί μοι εν τω πρώτω 
 των λόγων : and the passage referred to is actually 1, 92. 
 But this is an accidental coincidence, and we should render, 
 not “in the first book,” but “in the earliest part of my work,” 
 as 6, 39. εν αλλω λόγω, “in another part of my work,” the 
 passage referred to being 6, 103. 
 
 When the books were first distinguished by the names of 
 the Muses is uncertain. The oldest MSS. give them in ad- 
 
 B 
 
 4 
 
HERODOTUS. 
 
 dition to the numbers, and as some of these are of the 10th 
 century, the practice must have become established at a much 
 earlier period. See Schweighseuser Var. Lect. lib. i. p. 4. 
 From Lucian (Herodotus s. Aetion 4, 117. Ed. Bip.) it is evi¬ 
 dent, that the name of the Muses was commonly applied to 
 the books of the history in his time : κηλω v tovc παρόυταα, 
 αχρι του κα\ Μούσαε κληθηναι rac, βίβλονα αυτου. The an¬ 
 cient critics and scholiasts cite them by the number. 
 
 Herodotus never gives his work the name of ιστορία or ίστο- 
 ρίαι. He sometimes uses this word to denote the act of ob¬ 
 taining knowledge by inquiry 2, 118. ιστορίησι φάμανοι είδε- 
 rai παρ’ αυτου Μει>ελεω : 2, 99. μέχρι per τούτον oipic, τε 
 eprj και άγνωμη και ιστορίη ταντα λέγουσά εστι : some¬ 
 times for the knowledge thus acquired, as in the proem, 1,1. 
 ’Hpo δοτού ιστορικά αποδε^ε ??δε. 7, 96. ουκ arayKaiy e(;ep- 
 
 yopai ec; ίστορίηα λογον (I am not compelled to mention these 
 names for my historical narrative), but never, as we use history , 
 for the writing itself, the literary work. 
 
 As Herodotus saw the field on which the battle of Papremis 
 had been fought (3, 12) between Inarus and the Persian com¬ 
 mander of Egypt, he must have visited this country after 462 
 B.C. Inarus was subsequently assisted by the Athenians. 
 Thuc. 1, 109, 110. Dahlmann thinks that his visit was pro¬ 
 bably subsequent to the suppression of the revolt 455 B.C., 
 but he may have taken advantage of the occupation of Egypt 
 by an Athenian force. 
 
Η E R O D Ο T U S. 
 
 BOOK II. ok EUTERPE. 
 
 Τελευτή ςαντος sa κ^ου, παρ έλφ φ βασι\ η ΐ ην ι 
 
 Κ αμβυσην, Κυ^οου εών παίν καί Κ ασσανΖάνην, την Φαρνάσπεω 
 θυyaτpόv' την προαποθανουσην , Kiijooc αυτόν τε peya πενθον 
 εποιησατο, και τοισι άΧΧοισι προείπε πάσι , των ήρχε, πενθον 
 ποιεεσθαι . τ αυτήν δε την yvi ιαικόν άων παίν και Κ υρου Κ αμ¬ 
 βυσην, ’Ίωναν μεν και A ιοΧεαν urn SovXovc, πατρωίονν εόνταν 
 evopiCe' επί δε Α’ιγυτττον ει τοιέετο στρατηΧασιην, αΧΧουν τβ 
 παραΧαβων των ηρ\€, και Sr) και ΕΧΧηνων, των επεκράτεε. 
 
 Οι δε Αίγυ7ττ ιοι, πρίν μεν η Ψαμμιτικόν σφεων βασιΧευ~ 2 
 σαι, ενόμιζον εωυτουν τ τρωτουν γει >εσΟαι πάντων άνθρώπων* 
 
 Sect. 1. Cyrus died in 530 or 
 529 B.C. See Fynes Clinton F. 
 
 H. 2. 12. and Cambyses invaded 
 Egypt in the fifth year of his reign. 
 It appears from 3.2. that the Egy¬ 
 ptians pretended that Cambyses 
 was the son of Nitetis, the daugh¬ 
 ter of Apries, the last of the Pha¬ 
 raohs. Xenophon, Cyrop. 8. 6. 1. 
 
 I. represents it as a report that Cy¬ 
 rus invaded Egypt (η els Αίγυπτον 
 στρατεία λέγεται γενεσθαι) ,h\xt the 
 authority of Herodotus is justly 
 preferred. 
 
 ws όουΧονς eovras ενόμιζε, “re¬ 
 garded them as being his heredi¬ 
 tary slaves.” The mode of ex¬ 
 pression is emphatic, marking the 
 feeling of the writer, and not a mere 
 variation of the common ενόμιζε v 
 είναι. The same remark applies 
 to several of the instances quoted 
 by Matthise §. 569. 5. Plat. Eu- 
 thyd. I. 273. εγώ Se περί υμών όι- 
 ενοουμην έτι ώϊ έεινοΐν όντοιν εν 
 οπΧοις μόιχεσθαι. they having just 
 professed themselves, αρετήν οίω 
 re παραόονναι κάΧΧιστ ανθρώπων 
 
 15 
 
 και τάχιστα. 2 Cor. χ. 2. Δ ογί- 
 ζομαι τοΧμησαι επί Tivas τους Χο- 
 γιζομενονε ημάς ώς κατά σάρκα πε- 
 ριπατοΰντας. 
 
 'ΈΧΧηνων των έπεκρόιτεε, “those 
 of the Greeks of whom he had the 
 recently acquired dominion.” Xen. 
 
 .1.1. Kf/pos— ηρί,ε και Βα/ο- 
 τρίων και Κ ιΧίκων—επηρζε όε και 
 'ΊόΧΧηνων των εν τρ ’Ασίμ. Cam¬ 
 byses indeed had made no con- ' 
 quests over the Greeks, but Hero- 
 dotus uses επικρατεϊν not only of ~c.uiv -F x 
 acquiring dominion, but of the ex¬ 
 ercise of a dominion recently ac¬ 
 quired. 4. 119. of the Scythians, 
 and their temporary conquest of 
 Asia. επεκρατ έετε Π ερσεων, 
 
 (ίσον χρόνον υμΊν ό θεός παρεόί- 
 όον. 3. 52. of Periander’s recent 
 dominion over Corcyra. 4. 162. 
 
 Τ η s όε ΣαΧαμΊνος τούτον τον χρό¬ 
 νον έπεκράτεε Έ,υεΧθων. Wyt- 
 tenbach (Sel. Princ. Hist. 370.) 
 renders it here, insuper imperabat. 
 
 Sect. 2. ενόμιζον εωυτους πρώ¬ 
 τους γενεσθαι. This deviation from 
 the more usual construction of the 
 9 
 
 b-tAuus , ψ. ο ί o·, 
 
 fr * -A·.·. H“ 
 
 L (JLi Ux,4J>-Apb-> 
 
 '**■"*' iLiX-· t 
 φ, ίΤίί-νΑΓί’ · 
 
4 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [ΙΙ·2. 
 
 εττειδϊ) δε Αόαμμ'ιτ i\oc βασιλενσαα ηθελησε eiSevai, οι Tivec 
 yevoiaTO πρώτσι, από τούτον νομίζονσι Φ pvyac, προτερονε, 
 yeveaOai εωυτών, των δε άλλων εωυτους. 'ί'αμμ'ιτιγ^οο δέ GJC, 
 ουκ eSvvctTO πυνθανόμενοα πόρον ονδίενα τούτον avevpelv , οι 
 yevoiaTO πρώτοι ανθρόυπων, επιτβγναται τοιόνόε. Παιδία δυο 
 veoyva ανθρόοπων των επιτνχόντων SiSo7, ποιμενι τρδφειν ec. 
 
 verbs of thinking, when they refer 
 to the person who thinks, as kv ό¬ 
 ρισε έκτήσθαι. 1. 49. νομίζοντες 
 γενναιότατοι είναι 'Ελλήνων. 1. 
 146; is evidently caused by the op¬ 
 position, νομίζονσι Φρυγας. After¬ 
 wards, when the simple fact of the 
 opinion is announced, 2. 15. it is 
 δοκέοντες πρώτοι ανθρώπων γεγο- 
 νέναι. In 1. 171. νομίζονσι αυτοί 
 εωυτους είναι αυτόχθονος ήπειρώ- 
 ras, αυτοί contrasts the opinion 
 which the Carians themselves en¬ 
 tertained of their own origin, with 
 the account which the Cretans gave 
 of them. 
 
 Φρυγας. Herodotus, 7. 73. re¬ 
 lates, on the authority of the Ma¬ 
 cedonians, that the name was ori¬ 
 ginally borne by a Thracian tribe 
 called Bpiyes or B ρυγες, who had 
 migrated into Asia; and 8. 138. 
 on the same authority, he refers 
 to Macedonia and the vicinity of 
 the Bermian mountains, the fable 
 of Midas and Silenus. B ρυγες was 
 the Macedonian pronunciation of 
 Φ ρυγες. To β τω φ συγγενές εστι * 
 δηλον έκ του Μ ακεδόνας μεν τον 
 Φίλιππον Βίλιππον καλεΊν καί τον 
 φαλακρόν βαλακρόν’ καί τους Φρυ¬ 
 γας Βρυγας. Etym. Μ. s. ν. ’Αφρο¬ 
 δίτη. and the story of the migra¬ 
 tion may have been only an histo¬ 
 rical hypothesis, to explain the 
 similarity of the Thracian and the 
 Phrygian orgies. Clem. Coh. ad 
 Gentes, p. 12. Potter. Even ad¬ 
 
 mitting such a migration, it is not 
 probable that this Thracian horde 
 constituted the ancient and wealthy 
 Phrygian nation, to whom the E- 
 gyptians conceded the claim of pri¬ 
 ority. This people called Ashke¬ 
 naz, Gen. x. 2.3. (whence Ascanius) 
 w 7 ere probably allied to the Arme¬ 
 nians, the Togarmah of Scripture. 
 From a scholium quoted by Osann 
 (Midas p. 59.) it appears that the 
 Phrygians represented Midas as 
 making conquests in Europe. 
 
 άνθ. τ. επιτυχύντων. Literally, 
 “ men who chanced to come in the 
 way,” and as the consequence of 
 no selection being used, men of 
 the ordinary class. Ei δεί ημάς 
 κριταίς χρησθαι προς ευδαιμονίαν 
 τοίς έπιτυχουσιν άνθρώποις, Plut. 
 Cons, ad Uxor. 9. p. 611. A. qui- 
 busvis hominibus. The definite ar¬ 
 ticle is necessarily used with these 
 participles, though the description 
 seems indefinite, because they ex¬ 
 press the only circumstance by 
 which the class is defined. Her. 1. 
 51. ου γάρ τό συν τυχόν φαίνε¬ 
 ται μοι έργον είναι, “ an ordinary 
 piece of workmanship.” Longin. 
 de Subl. 10. 'Ο των Ιουδαίων θεσ¬ 
 μοθέτης ουχ ό τυχών άνήρ. Plat. 
 Apol. Socr 1 . Ου κεκαλλιεπημένους 
 λόγους — άλλ’ άκουσεσθε εϊκτ} λε¬ 
 γόμενο τοΊς έπιτυχοΰσιν όνό- 
 μασι, “ the first words that offer 
 themselves.” On the other hand 
 Her. 6.108.01 ΪΙλαταιέες έδίδοσαν 
 
Π. 2.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 5 
 
 τα ποίμνια τροφήν τινα τοιην^ε' evreiXapevoc, μηΰενα αντίον 
 αυτών μη$€μίαν φωνήν tevai , ev στβγΐ] Se eprpnj €7Γ εωντών 
 κεεσθαι αυτα, και την ωρην ει rayivceiv σφι alyap' π\ησαντα 
 Sc του γάλακτορ, ταλλα ΰιαπρησσεσθαι. ταυτα δ εποίεε τε και 
 
 πρώτα παράτυπου σι Κ λεομενεί re 
 και Αακεόαιμονίοισι σφέαε avrovs, 
 because there is no definition of a 
 class. Herodotus even uses the 
 article with άπας, 7. 153. in the 
 sense of quivis ; τα τοιαϋτα γάρ έργα 
 ου προς τον α π α ντο s avipos νε- 
 νόμικα γίνεσβαι. whereValckenaer 
 would omit the article, or read τοΰ 
 ' πιόντος , as (Ed. Tyr. 393. Mat¬ 
 thias omits the article in his quo¬ 
 tation, Gr. §.316. Obs. but retains 
 it in his own edition of Herodotus. 
 
 τρέφειν is τα ποίμνια, “to place 
 them among· his flocks and bring 
 them up there.” By this combina¬ 
 tion of a verb describing an action, 
 with a preposition or adverb imply¬ 
 ing the movement which is either 
 the preliminary or consequence of 
 the action, the Greeks attained a 
 conciseness of expression which 
 we cannot imitate. Her. 4. 78. γυ¬ 
 ναίκα εγημε is τα οικία, “married 
 a wife and took her to his house.” 
 2,54. is Αιβυην πρηθείσαν , “taken 
 to Libya and sold,” not as Larcher 
 renders, vendues pour dire transpor¬ 
 ters en Libye. So 8. 71. it is said 
 of the Greeks after the battle of 
 Thermopylae, σννΰραμόντες εκ των 
 πολίων is τόν'ίσθμον'ίζοντο, “they 
 went and took post at the Isth¬ 
 mus,” but immediately afterwards 
 of their state when so posted, ίζό- 
 μενοι εν τω ’ίσθμώ. See Valck. 
 on 8. 71. Hes. Op. 609. T2 ΪΙέρση, 
 τότε π avras άπόόρεπε οίκαόε βό- 
 Tpvs. Thuc.6.54. is τα ιερά εθυον. 
 Of the construction τρέφειν τροφήν, 
 see Matth. §.421. Obs. 3. 
 
 επ' εωντών. ’Έπί with the geni¬ 
 tive is used of things which are in 
 contact or contiguity with others, 
 and thence επ' εωντών, “in con¬ 
 tact with themselves and no one 
 else,” is apart, independent. The 
 English “by themselves” means 
 the same thing; for by (Germ, bei) 
 is near. 1 . 201. Ι^ασπίη θάλασσα 
 εστι επ' εωυτης, ον σνμμίσγουσα τβ 
 ετέρρ θαλάσσρ. 1. 155. επ' εμεων- 
 του βaλόμevos έπρηζα, “ delibera¬ 
 ting only with myself.” In the 
 same way όι εωντου κτάσθαι, Xen. 
 Cyrop. 1 . 1 . Βι εωυτον κατασκενά- 
 ζειν, ib. 8. 1. are used of what is 
 done without the intervention of 
 another. 
 
 την ώρην, “at the proper time.” 
 άωρίαν ηκοντεε, “coming late.” A- 
 ristoph. Ach. 23. More commonly 
 the accusative denotes duration of 
 time, as 2. 24. την χειμερινήν ώ¬ 
 ρην. 7. 50. and Her. 1. 31. uses 
 εν ώρρ in the same sense as the 
 accus. here, ol βόες ον παρεγίνοντο 
 iv ώρρ. The accusative however 
 is also used to denote a point of 
 time, no point being so small as 
 not to involve duration. Herod.4. 
 181. τον μεν όρθρον γίνεται χλια¬ 
 ρόν, άγορτ]ς Βε πληθυονσηε ·φνχρό- 
 τερον. "Ω,ρην. ακμήν, Hesychius, 
 “ at the precise time,” and the ad¬ 
 verbial use of άκμην is to be ex¬ 
 plained by the same sense of the 
 accusative. By Xenoph. Anab. 4. 
 3. και ό όχλος άκμην Βιέβαινε, it is 
 used for “ was in the very midst 
 
 of crossing ;” by later writers -for 
 
 >/ 
 
 ert. 
 
6 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 2. 
 
 ενετελλετο ο Ψαμμίτιχος, θβΧων ακουσαι τώ παιδίων, απαΧ- 
 Χαχθέντων των άσημων κνυζηματων, ηντινα φωνήν ρηζουσι 
 πρώτην. τάπερ ων καί εγενετο. ως yap διετής -χρόνος eye- 
 yovee ταυτα τω ποιμβνι πρησσοντι, avoiyovn την Θνρην και 
 εσιόντι τα παιόία αμφότερα προσπίπτοντα βεκός εφώνεον, 
 όρεχοντα τας χείρας. τα μεν όη πρώτα ακουσας, ήσυχος ην ο 
 ποιμην. ως δε ποΧΧακι φοιτεοντι και επιμεΧομενω ποΧΧόν ην 
 τούτο το έπος, ουτω $η σημτηνας τω δεσπότη, ηχαχε τα παιδ/α 
 κεΧευσαντος ες όφιν την εκείνου, ακουσας δε καί αυτός ο Ταμ- 
 μίτιχος, επυνθάνετο ο'ίτινες ανθρώπων βεκός τί καΧεουσι. πυν- 
 
 ρηζονσι πρωτην. 1. 85. of tlie 
 son of Croesus, suddenly acquiring 
 the power of speech, υπό δέους re 
 και κακόν ερρηζε φωνήν. 5. 93. of 
 the allies who after long previous 
 silence break into acclamations at 
 the conclusion of the speech of 
 Callicles. The same idea of pre¬ 
 vious silence is included in the 
 Latin 7'umpere vocem. Virg. iEn. 2. 
 129. Tac. An. 6. 20.— άπαΧΧαχ- 
 θέντων agrees with παιδιών, “ha¬ 
 ving laid aside their inarticulate 
 cries.” 
 
 ojs διετής χρόνος εγεγόνεε. A- 
 mong the less common uses of the 
 dative is this by which, with a par¬ 
 ticiple of past or present time, it 
 marks 1) the occurrence or 2) the 
 duration of an event by which time 
 is measured. 1) 2. 13. Μ οίρι ου κω 
 ην έτεα eiva κόσια rer εΧευτηκότ ι 
 ore ταΰτα ηκουον. 2) 2. 124. Χρό¬ 
 νον δε εγγενεσθαι τριβομένω τω 
 Χαω δέκα erea. If only the exist¬ 
 ence of such a portion of time is 
 to be indicated, eb ai is used; if 
 its successive lapse, γίγνεσθαι. II. 
 β' , 295. ΊίμΊν δ’ ε’ίνατος έστι πε- 
 ριτροπέων ενιαυτός Ενθάδε μιμνόν- 
 τεσσι. Her. 1. 113. ws δε τρίτη 
 ημέρη τω παιδίρ εκκειμένω εγ ε¬ 
 
 νετό. In 2.145. 'Ηρακλεί οσα φασι 
 είναι ετεα ες”Αμασιν βασιΧ έα, the 
 participle is wanting but is easily 
 supplied, as the author himself re¬ 
 fers to what he had said of the birth 
 of Hercules 2. 43. This use seems 
 to be derived from that of the ac¬ 
 quisitive dative, the increased time 
 being a gain of antiquity to that 
 which continues to exist, whether 
 as a real being or only figuratively, 
 as an event. Ίϊμέραι ησαν τη Mu- 
 τιΧηνη εαΧωκνία επτά. Thuc.3.29. 
 post captain Mitylenam. Ternaque 
 transierint Rutulis hiberna subactis 
 Virg. JEn. 1 . 266. 
 
 βεκός. The Scholiast on Apoll. 
 Rhod. 4. 262. very rationally ex¬ 
 plains this as an imitation of the 
 bleating of the goats. According 
 to the comic writer Hipponax, Stra¬ 
 bo 8. p. 495. ed. Ox. βεκός signi¬ 
 fied bread in the language of Cy¬ 
 prus, which from its vicinity to Asia 
 Minor might have words in common 
 with the Phrygian. In βεκκεσέΧηνε, 
 used by Aristophanes Nub. 397. (J 
 μώρε σν καί K ρονιών όζων και βεκ¬ 
 κε σεΧηνε) for a man of antediluvian 
 notions, there is an allusion to the 
 claims of the Phrygians to high 
 antiquity founded on this story, 
 
HERODOTUS. 
 
 7 
 
 ΪΙ. 3.] 
 
 θανόμενος δε , ευρισκε Φ ρυγας καλεοντας τον άρτον, ουτω συν - 
 εγμοιρησαν Αιγύπτιοι, και τοιουτω σταθμησάμενοι πρηγματι, 
 τους Φ ρυγας πρεσβυτερους είναι εωυτών. 'Ωδε μεν γενεσθαι 3 
 των [ρεών του Ήφαιστου εν Me /ιφι ηκουον. 'ΊάλΧηνες δε Χέ- 
 γουσι αλλα τε μάταια πολλά, και ως γυναικών τάς γλώσσας ο 
 ^αμμιτι\ος εκταμών, την δίαιταν ούτως εποιησατο των παι- 
 δων παρά ταυτρσι τρσι γυναιζι. κατά μεν δη την τροφήν των 
 7 Γαίδωυ τοσαυτα ελεγον. ’Ήκουσα δε καί άλλα εν Μ εμφι, 
 άλθών ες λόγους τοάσι ιρεΰσι του Ηφαίστου, και δη και ες 
 Θήβας τε και ες Ήλιουτολιν αυτών τούτων είνεκεν ετραπό- 
 μην, εθελων ε’ιάεναι ει συμβησονται τοάσι Χόγοισι τοισι εν 
 ΙΜεμφι. οί γάρ ϋλιουπολάται λέγονται Αιγυπτίων είναι Χο- 
 
 and those of the Arcadians who 
 were called προσέΧηνοι ( antelunar) 
 from a similar pretension. The 
 Scholiast on Aristophanes ubi s. 
 relates this story of Sesoncliosis, 
 by whom he evidently means Se- 
 sostris— βεκυε τί καΧέυυσι, which 
 Gaisford reads instead βειώε π iox- 
 Χέουσι as in Bahr’s and other edi¬ 
 tions, involves a double inquiry, 
 “ what nations used the word and 
 what they called by this name?” 
 This including of two questions in 
 one cannot be imitated in English, 
 but is common in Greek. Gem. 
 pro Cor. 249. 8. άπο τούτων εξετα- 
 ζομένων τίε tivos αίτιόε εστι γενη- 
 σεται φανερόν, “ who has been to 
 blame, and for what ?” It is com¬ 
 mon in the tragedians ; Herm. ad 
 Aj. 1164. (1185 Br.) and especially 
 in Plato. Matthise § 488. 12. I 
 have not observed elsewhere in 
 Herodotus tls dependent onWs, but 
 he uses the relatives in this way 
 in the oblique construction. 2. 82. 
 τη εκαστοε ήμερη γενόμενυε ore- 
 οι σι εγκυρήσει. 3. 42. γρόιφει εε 
 βιβΧίον τα ποιήσαντά μιν οι α κα~ 
 ταΧεΧαβήκεε. 
 
 Sect. 3. εποιησατο , “caused it 
 to be carried on.” 2. 100. ποιησα- 
 μένην οίκημα περίμηκεε, “having 
 caused to be constructed.” 2. 28. 
 πΧεζάμειων κάΧον, “having caused 
 a rope to be woven.” 
 
 τοΊοα Χόγοισι τοΊσι εν Μ έμφι SC. 
 
 Χεγομένοισι. - Χογιωτατοι. “Non Vfl/r. XuyLf: · τ 
 
 tarn disertissimos quam quidem doc- 
 tissimos et patriae antiquitatis egre- 
 gie peritos Χογιωτόιτων vocabulo de- 
 signat.” WesselingadDiod. Sic. 2. 
 
 4,35. who quotes many instances of 
 this use. So Herodotus, 4. 46. ha¬ 
 ving called the Scythians a μ αθεσ- 
 Tc'irovs,goes on to observe that Ana- 
 charsis was the only άνήρ Χόγιοε 
 whom they had produced. 2. 77. 
 
 Phrynicli. p. 198. ed. Lobeck. Λό- 
 yios, ώε οι 7Γ οΧΧοι Χέγυνσιν, επ\ του 
 όεινοΰ ειπεΤν και υχήηΧοΰ ου τιθέασιν 
 οι αρχαίοι, άλλ’ έπι του τα εκάστιρ 
 εθνει επιχώρια εξηγούμενου εμπεί - 
 ρωε. Moerisp.249. ed. Pierson, λό- 
 γίουε τουε ποΧυίστοραε Άττικωε και 
 Ήρό όοτοε, Χογίουε, τουε Χεκτικονε, 
 
 "Ελλη res. Heliopolis long conti¬ 
 nued the university of the Egyp¬ 
 tians, the chief seat of their sci¬ 
 ence. Strabo 17 p. 1143. ed. Ox. 
 
8 
 
 HERODOTUS. [II. 4, 
 
 - γιωτατοι, 
 
 τά μεν νυν θεία των απηγηματων οϊα ηκουον, owe 
 ειμι πρόθυμος εξηγεεσθαι, εξω η τα ουνοματα αυτών μουνον ’ 
 νομίζων π'αντας ανθρώπους ίσον περί αυτών επίστασθαι * τα δ 
 civ επιμνησθώ αυτών, υπό του λόγου εξαναγκαζόμενος επιμνη- 
 σθησομαι. 
 
 'Οσα δε ανθρωπηια πρηγματα, ώδε ελεγον ομολογεοντες 
 σφίσι. Π|θώτουε Αιγυπτίους ανθρώπων απαντων εξευρεειν 
 τον ενιαυτόν, όυώόεκα μερεα όασαμενους τών ωρεων ες αυτόν, 
 ταυ τα δε εξευρεειν εκ τών άστρων ελεγον . αγονσι δε τοσώόε 
 σοφώτερον Ελλήνων, εμοί όοκεειν, όσω Ελληνες μεν δια τρί¬ 
 του ετεος εμβόλιμοι· επεμβαλλονσι, τών ώρεων είνεκεν’ Λι¬ 
 
 τά ουνοματα αυτών μουνον, i. e. 
 the names of the gods, θεών being 
 supplied from the preceding θεία, as 
 1. 36. νεόγαμός έστι και ταΰτα (sc. 
 οι γάμοι)οί μέλει. The words which 
 follow, νομίζων 7 τόιντας ανθρώπους 
 ' ίσον περί αυτών επίστασθαι, are 
 rendered by Lobeck, Aglaophamus, 
 p. 1287. “ omnes homines de re¬ 
 bus divinis idem sentire,” scil. non 
 temere evulgandum esse si quid in 
 occulto traditum sit; but the mean¬ 
 ing seems rather to be, that as their 
 names were equally well known to 
 all men, there was no need for any 
 scrupulosity in regard to them; but 
 the θεία άπηγήμα ra were of a more 
 mysterious nature, and these Hero¬ 
 dotus never mentions, but when he 
 could not otherwise make his histo¬ 
 ry intelligible .2.65. Such a neces¬ 
 sity existed, 2. 63, 64. 130 seq. 
 
 Sect. 4. έζευρέειν τον ενιαυτόν, 
 i. e. the true, solar year, the in¬ 
 terval after which the sun returns 
 to the same place among the stars. 
 — όυώόεκα μερεα όασαμένος, “dis¬ 
 tributing through it twelve por¬ 
 tions of the seasons.” τ Ω,ραι is used 
 here for the whole series of the 
 changes of the year. “ Arbor ipsa 
 
 (the citron) omnibus horis pomi- 
 fera est.” Plin. N. H. xiii. 3. He¬ 
 rodotus uses this word and avoids 
 μήνας, because they were not re¬ 
 gulated by the moon. 
 
 διά τρίτου ετεος. From 1. 32. 
 where Solon says ei oe Οη εθελησει 
 τουτερον τών έτέων μηνϊ μακρό- 
 τερον γίνεσθαι ίνα όή αί ώραι συμ- 
 βαίνωσι παραγινόμεναι es τό όέον, 
 
 it is clear that the Greeks inter¬ 
 calated between the second and 
 the third year. Διά, connected 
 with δ /s and όνο, is properly “with 
 an interval of” whether of space 
 or time. 4. 1. Διά χρόνου τοσοΰτου 
 κατιόντας es την σφετέρην of the 
 Scythians who returned to their 
 country after an interval of twenty- 
 eight years. 1. 179. διά τριηκοντα 
 όόμων “ at intervals of thirty 
 courses.” It was the Greek idiom, 
 in speaking of events periodically 
 occurring, to assign them to the 
 period just commencing, rather 
 than that which had just closed. 
 Thus the Egyptian priests, who 
 shaved themselves every other day, 
 2. 37. are said ί,υρέϊσθαι διά τρίτης 
 ημέρης, and 3. 97. those who paid 
 tribute διά τρίτου ετεος are evi- 
 
HERODOTUS. 
 
 9 
 
 II. 4.] 
 
 γυπτιοι $ε τριηκοντημερους άγοντες rove, $υω§εκα μήνας, 07 ru- 
 γουσι ava παν έτος 7 reyre ημέρας πάρεζ του αριθμού, καί σφι ο 
 κύκλο c τωυ ωρεων ες τωυτο περιιων παραγίνεται. Δυώδεκά 
 re θεών επωνυμίας ελεγον πρώτους Αιγυπτίους νομίσαι, καί 
 Έλληνας παρά σφεων άναλαβε7ν. βωμούς τε και αγάλματα καί 
 
 hint. 0Aw.fj.Tr.: 
 Ken, . Aw, Sj. X, λ 
 
 dently opposed to those who paid 
 ava παν eras. “ Graeci annos civi- 
 les sic statuerunt, ut intercalando 
 facerent alternos xii mensium, al- 
 ternos xiii, utrumque annum sepa- 
 ratim vertentem; junctos ambos 
 annum magnum vocantes, idque 
 tempus τριετηρίΰα appellabant, 
 quod tertio quoque anno interca- 
 labatur, quamvis biennii circuitus 
 et revera ΰιετηριε esset.” Censori- 
 nus De Die Nat. c. 18. §. 2. There 
 is nothing in the preposition itself 
 however to limit it to the com¬ 
 mencement of the period; δια ετέων 
 πεντακοσίων. 2. 73. means “ after 
 500 years,” and £ια ενδεκάτου ετεοε 
 απίκοντο όπίσω, “in the course of 
 the eleventh year.” It was the 
 practice which limited the idiom 
 in the cases first mentioned. 
 
 καί σφι ο k{jk\os των ώρέων κ. τ. λ. 
 If the Egyptians really reckoned 
 their year only at 365 days, since 
 this is nearly six hours shorter than 
 the true solar year, instead of the 
 seasons arriving at the same time 
 (comp, παραγίνεσθα i es το £άον in 
 the extract from 1.32) they would 
 fall short of the true time by a day 
 in the course of four years, a month 
 in the course of 120 years, and so 
 on. It might have been supposed 
 that Herodotus had neglected the 
 fraction ; but Geminus of Rhodes, 
 who lived in the time of Sylla, ex¬ 
 pressly says that the priests did 
 not intercalate the quarter day, in 
 order that the sacrifices to the gods 
 might travel through all the year, 
 
 και γίνεσθαι την θερινήν εορτήν 
 και χειμερινήν και φθινοπωρινήν 
 και εαρινήν. And the old Latin 
 Scholiast on the translation of A- 
 ratus says, that the Egyptian priests 
 made the kings swear at their in¬ 
 auguration at Memphis that they 
 would keep up the old reckoning 
 of 365 days, and not allow the in¬ 
 tercalation. Ideler Historische U 11 - 
 tersuchungen p. 66. Diodorus 1. 
 50. asserts that the inhabitants of 
 Thebes intercalated five days and a 
 quarter, and Strabo lib. 17. p. 1143. 
 ed. Ox. represents the true length 
 of the year as learnt from the books 
 of the priests of Heliopolis. It 
 does not however appear that be¬ 
 fore the cultivation of astronomy 
 by the Greeks in Egypt, a civil 
 year of 365^ days was in common 
 use; and strange as it may seem, 
 that even festivals which were most 
 appropriate to a particular season, 
 as that of Isis to winter, should be 
 allowed to fall at other times, the 
 Egyptian priesthood, like the pa¬ 
 tricians at Rome, seem to have 
 found their account in this con¬ 
 fusion. 
 
 δνωδεκα θεών. See 2. 43, 145. 
 Herodotus appears sometimes to 
 use υνομα and επωννμίη as syno¬ 
 nymous ; but υνομα describes the 
 name in itself, επωννμίη with re¬ 
 ference to its imposition or origin, 
 as in this place and 1. 14. ’Όνομα 
 is name and επ. denomination or 
 appellation. Comp. 2. 52. 
 
 
10 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 5. 
 
 K .JL. /di>- 
 
 νηοί)ς θεοίσι άπονείμαι σφεας πρώτους, και ζωα εν Χίθοισι ey- 
 yXufai. και τούτων μεν νυν τα πΧεω εργω εύηΧουν ο ύτω γε- 
 νόμενα. Β ασιΧευσαι 8ε πρώτον Αίγυπτου ανθρώπων εΧεγον 
 Μήνα, επί τούτου, πΧην τού θ ηβαικού νομού, πάσαν Α’/γυπτον 
 είναι έλος’ και αυτής ε'ιναι ούύεν ύπερεγμον των νύν ενερθε Χίμ- 
 νης της Μοίριος εοντων * ες την ανάπΧους από θαΧασσης επτά 
 ημερεων εστι άνά τον ποταμόν. Καί ευ μοι εύόκεον Χεγειν 
 περί της χώρης. ύηΧα yap ύη καί μη προακούσαντι, ιύόντι 8ε, 
 όστις γε σύνεσιν όχει, ότι Αίγυπτος ες την 'ΈΧΧηνες ναυτίΧ- 
 Χονται, εστι Αιγυπτ/ο^σι επίκτητος τε yη, καί όωρον τού πο¬ 
 ταμού '* καί τα κατύπερθε ετι της Χίμνης ταυτής, μέχρι τριών 
 
 ζώα εγγλνφαι, ‘‘engrave fi¬ 
 gures,” a parte poiiori ; for the 
 Egyptian sculpture is not con¬ 
 fined to animals. So 1. 203 of 
 the painting of the Caucasian 
 tribes, ζώα έωντοϊσι es την εσθητα 
 εγγράφειν. Herodotus does not 
 use the compound ζωγραφεϊν but 
 ζώα γράφεσθαι with an accusatrve. 
 4. 88. ζώα γραφόμενος πασαν την 
 ζευζιν του Β οσπόρου. ΥΧνφω in 
 the older Greek writers is used 
 only of hollow carving, such as all 
 the Egyptian is ; in later times it 
 was applied also to works in re¬ 
 lief .— πρώτον ανθρώπων, the gods 
 had reigned over Egypt many thou¬ 
 sand years before. 
 
 Sect. 5. επίκτητος τε γη και 
 ΰώρον του ποταμού. See 2. 10. 
 Hence Lower Egypt is called by 
 Diodorus ποταμόχωστος. 1,34. The 
 opinion here delivered by Herodo¬ 
 tus is that of the best ancient and 
 modern geographers ; the objec¬ 
 tions of Wilkinson, Manners and 
 Customs of the Ancient Egyptians, 
 i. p. 5. apply to the time in which 
 the deposition is supposed to have 
 taken place, not to the fact. 
 
 Larcher objected, Trad. vol. 2. 
 
 Ί 
 
 159-166. that if the soil of Egypt 
 had gone on constantly rising, the 
 height of the inundation could not 
 have been still, as it was in the time 
 of Herodotus, sixteen cubits, which 
 he shows by an accumulation of 
 authorities to be the fact. But he 
 had not observed that if the soil 
 of Egypt rises, the bed of the Nile 
 rises equally, and therefore the 
 same increase above its mean level 
 will produce an equally extensive 
 inundation, though the height of 
 both above the sea is much greater 
 than in the time of the historian. 
 
 kc u τα κατύπερθε ετι, της πέρι 
 ουοεν ετι τοιόνύε εΧεγον, “of which 
 they did not make a similar asser¬ 
 tion.” This may seem inconsistent 
 with § 4., in which he says they 
 told him that all but the Theban 
 nome was once marsh ; but he di¬ 
 stinguishes between being a marsh, 
 which was the case with what lay 
 between the Theban nome and the 
 lake Moeris, and being a deposit 
 of the river where nothing had 
 been previously above water. T rjs 
 is used, although τα κατύπερθε had 
 preceded, because the writer had 
 περί της χώρης in the beginning of 
 
 
HERODOTUS. 
 
 11 
 
 II. 6.] 
 
 μμερεων πλόου, της περί εκείνοι ούάεν ετι TOiovSe εΧεγον, εστι 
 $ ετερον τοιοΰτον. 
 
 Αίγυπτου yap φυσις της γίορης εστί τοιηάε. Π ρωτά μεν 
 προσπΧ’εων, ετι καί ημερης δρόμον άπεγων άπο γης , κατείς κα- 
 ταπειρητηριην, πηΧον re ανθίσεις, καί εν ενάεκα οργνιησι εσεαι. 
 τούτο μεν επί τοσουτο άηΧοί πρόγυσιν της yrjc, εοΰσαν. Αν - 6 
 
 της 3ε της Αίγυπτου εστί μήκος το παρά ΘάΧασσαν, εζηκοντα 
 σχοΊι>οι, κατά ημεες άίαιρεομεν είναι Αίγυπτον άπο του ΓΤλιι^Θί- 
 νητεω κόΧπον μεγ^ρι Έερβωνίάος Χίμνης, παρ ην το Κάσιον ορος 
 
 tlie section in his mind— εστι S’ 
 ετερον τοιοΰτον, “is indeed another 
 suchcase.” 2.151. τοιοΰτον erepov ό¬ 
 ρυγμα, but erepov usually precedes. 
 So erepov τοσοΰτο 2. 149. “another 
 sum or measure of the same amount, 
 i. e. as much more.” 
 
 ημερης ορόμον. Bruce (1. 6.) re¬ 
 lates that the sounding line brought 
 up mud seventeen leagues from 
 land. Rennell, from an average of 
 many ancient voyages, reckons a 
 day’s sail at 35—37 miles. G. of 
 Her. 2. p.358. Herodotus himself, 
 4. 86. reckons a long day’s sail at 
 70,000 fathoms, or 700 stadia, 
 which according to the calculation 
 of the length of a stadium derived 
 from other parts of his works, Ren¬ 
 nell 1. 26. makes to be 58^ miles ; 
 but the mention of along day shows 
 that it was above the average. 
 
 Sect. 6. Αυτής cie της Aty. i. e. 
 of Egypt, as distinguished from 
 this 7 τρόχυσις. — Kara ( καΟ a) ημέες 
 ΰιαιρέομεν elvai Aty. With this 
 word Herodotus sometimes inserts, 
 sometimes omits, elvai. Comp. 7. 
 16. with 7. 47. and uses it with 
 other words of the same class, when, 
 according to the common idiom, 
 it seems pleonastic. 1. 103. Φρα- 
 όρτης — πρώτος διέταζε χωρίς έκα¬ 
 στους elvai. 5. 25. άπεδεζε δικα¬ 
 
 στήν elvai τον παΊδα τοϋ Σισάμ- 
 νεω. 1. 114. οί παίδες εΐΧοντο Ιίΰ- 
 ρον εωυτών βασιΧέα elvai, and 
 with verbs of naming 4, 33. τάς 
 οΰνομάζουσι ΑηΧιοι elvai ’Υπερο¬ 
 χήν re και A αοδίκην, and after the 
 analogy of this, 2. 44. επωνυμίην 
 έχοντας θασίου elvai. The in¬ 
 finitive expresses the purpose of 
 the verb on which it depends, but 
 when the purpose is effected by 
 the very act itself, as in the case 
 of dividing, naming, appointing, 
 making, the infinitive is left out 
 with scarcely any change in the 
 meaning. So in English, “ ap¬ 
 pointed him commander,” or “ to 
 he commander.” Vig, V. 6, 11. 
 Matth. §. 420. 
 
 άπο τοΰΐίλινθ. κύΧπου. So called 
 from Plinthine near the lake Ma- 
 reotis, the frontier town of Egypt 
 towards Libya. There are no re¬ 
 mains which can be decisively re¬ 
 ferred to it, but it must have been 
 very near Taposiris (Abousir), of 
 which the ruins are still visible in 
 about 25 miles W. of Alexandria. 
 Minutoli Reisen. p. 47. The Ca- 
 sian mountain is a sandy hill run¬ 
 ning out into the sea (Strabo lib. 
 16. p. 1081.), the place where the 
 body of Pompey was thrown. The 
 ancients fabled that Typhon had 
 
12 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [ίΐ.7. 
 
 reive i* ταύτην ων άπο οι εξηκ 
 
 κοντά σχοινοι εισι. οσοι μεν γαρ 
 
 ^ f 
 
 γεωπειναι ei σι ανθρώπων , opyvnjai μεμετρηκασι την χωρην' 
 
 7ΓΟ/ 
 
 οσοι 
 
 δε ησσον γεωπεΊναι, σταδ/οισι* οϊ δε ποΧΧην εχουσι, 7τα- 
 ρασάγγιρσι' οί δε άφθονον Χίην, σχοίνοισι. Svvarai δε ο μεν 
 παρασάγγην τριηκοντα στάδια’ ο δε σχοινον έκαστον, μετρον 
 εων Αιγύπτιον, εξήκοντα στάδια, ούτω άν είησαν Αίγυπτου 
 στάδιοι εξακόσιοι και τρισχίΧιοι, το παρά ΘάΧασσαν. Ένθεΰ- 
 
 been buried in the Serbonian lake, 
 an inundation of the sea, formerly- 
 connected with it by a channel 
 called "Έκρηγμα, but now detached 
 and nearly dried up. Both Plin- 
 thine and the Casian mountain lay 
 considerably beyond the inunda¬ 
 tions of the Nile; so that it is evi¬ 
 dent that Herodotus here follows 
 a political division, not the natural 
 one which he mentions, § 19. 
 
 σχοϊνοι. σχ. is properly a rush, 
 thence a rope made of rushes. Je¬ 
 rome observes in his Commentary 
 on Joel 3. 18. where the Septua- 
 gintreads χειμαρροϋν σχοίνων, “In 
 Nilo flumine, sive in rivis ejus, so- 
 lent naves'funibus trahere, certa 
 habentes spatia quae appellant fu- 
 niculos ut labori defessorum recen- 
 tia trahentium colla succedant.” 
 The schoenus of Herodotus is about 
 miles, but Strabo informs us 
 that it varied in different parts of 
 Egypt 17, 1139. as was natural, 
 since the length depended on the 
 power of towing, which must have 
 varied with the strength of the cur¬ 
 rent. 
 
 στάόιοί εζακάσιοι teal τρισχίλιοι. 
 Herodotus 2.149. defines the length 
 of the cubit, the foot, the fathom, 
 and the stadium, and it appears 
 that the stadium was 600 feet. 
 This we must suppose him always 
 to have meant; for he nowhere 
 alludes to any variety ; nor indeed 
 
 does it appear that the Greeks had 
 any such variety in their stadium 
 as we know they had in their cu¬ 
 bit and their talent. See Ukert. 
 Geogr. I. 2. p.55—68. It was the 
 length of the Olympic course and 
 therefore not liable to such vague¬ 
 ness as the Egyptian schoenus. I 
 cannot therefore accede to the opi¬ 
 nion of Rennell(1.20.) “that every 
 portion of distance throughout He¬ 
 rodotus’ history is measured by a 
 stade of a much shorter standard 
 than the Olympic.” But he may 
 often have been misled, in reducing 
 the computations of the countries 
 which he visited, expressed in 
 vague measures; and at best, the 
 distances of the ancients, estimated 
 before the application of astronomy 
 to geography, and before the con¬ 
 struction of measured roads like 
 those of the Romans, must have 
 been very inaccurate. The real 
 length of the coast of Egypt be¬ 
 tween the points which Herodotus 
 assigns is 195 G. miles ; his num¬ 
 ber of stadia would amount to a- 
 bove 400. Diodorus 1. 31 makes 
 it 2000 stadia, which agrees nearly 
 w r ith the fact. 
 
 ro παρά θάλασσα v, “along the 
 sea.” So 2. 8. τά irpos ηώ, “ to¬ 
 wards the East,” the article both 
 singular and plural often serving to 
 form with a noun and preposition 
 an adverbial phrase. 
 
HERODOTUS. 
 
 II. 7.] 
 
 3 η 
 
 1 «.Ί 
 
 τεν /Lieu και μέχρι Ηλιουττολιοο ec την peaoyaiav, εστι ευρεα 
 A'lyvTTTOc, εουσα πασα υπτίη re και avvSpoc, και iXvc. εστι δε 
 0§0Q ec την Ηλιουπολιν απο ΘαΧάσσι jc ανω ιόντι , παραπΧησίη 
 το μηκοε ττ? ες Άυηνεων οοω, τρ απο τωυ ο υωοεκα υβών του 
 βωμού φερουσΎ) ec τε. Υίίσαν και επι τον νηδν του Αιοε του 
 Ολυμπίου, σμικρόν τι το διάφορον ευροι tic αν Xoyi^opevoc 
 των 6$ων τουτεων, το μη ίσαε, μηκοε είναι, ου πΧεον τ τεντεκαί- 
 
 Sect. 7. Heliopolis stood on the 
 Pelusiac branch of the Nile on its 
 eastern bank, not far from the apex 
 of the Delta. Its site is marked 
 by an obelisk bearing the cartouche 
 of Osirtasen I. Wilkinson M. & 
 C. 1.44. The scriptural name On 
 (Gen. xli. 45. in the Sept.) means 
 in Coptic Sun (Champollion Eg. 
 sous les Pharaons 2. 41.), and a 
 well here is still called Ain Sherns, 
 
 ‘ fountain of the Sun/ 
 
 υπτίη και άνυδρος. Suidas. ύπτια 
 πει)ία τα ομαλά. Appian. Bell. Mi- 
 thrid. § 42. of the plain of Chaero- 
 •nea; ύπτιον και ενπετες es διώξιν και 
 άναχώρησιν ήν πεδίον. So Epami- 
 nondas (Plut. Ap.Reg. 2.ρ. 193E.) 
 called Boeotia, υπτίαν ουσαν καί 
 άναπεπταμένην, πολέμου ορχήσ¬ 
 τραν. Larclier would read ένυδρος, 
 but a country which, except on the 
 banks of the river, had none but 
 brackish water (2. 108. σπανίζον- 
 τεε νδάτων. Plut. Is. et Osir. 40. 
 IlaVcu δε πηγαί καί φρέατα πάντα, 
 πολλών υπαρχόντων, αλμυρόν ύδωρ 
 καί πικρόν εχουσι.) might well be 
 called άνυδρος. Her. 4. 47. ένυ¬ 
 δρος appears to be used of springs, 
 in distinction from the water of the 
 rivers of Scythia. 
 
 TT} από των δυώδεκα θεών του 
 βωμόν. This altar had been erected 
 by Pisistratus, the grandson of the 
 usurper, during his Archonship 
 
 (Thuc. 6. 54) in the Agora at 
 Athens. “ It was the milliarium 
 aureum from which the roads of 
 Attica were measured, and would 
 therefore stand in some central 
 spot as did its counterpart at 
 Rome.” Wordsworth’s Athens and 
 Attica, p.167. So in the laying 
 out of the imaginary city in the 
 Aves of Aristophanes, Meton says 
 εν μέσω 'Αγορά, φέρουσαι o’ ώσιν 
 eis αυτήν οδοί ’Όρθαι προς αυτό τό 
 μέσον. 1005. An Attic inscrip¬ 
 tion, published by Chandler and 
 Boeckh, Inscr. I. p.484, now much 
 mutilated, contains the words με¬ 
 ταξύ θεώμ. προς δώδεκα βωμόν, and 
 has evidently marked a distance 
 measured from this altar. 
 
 τό μ ή ισας είναι. The infinitive, 
 whether as here with the article, 
 or as just after with ώς, or with 
 ώστε, or without either as 6. 130. 
 τής άξιώσιος τής εξ εμεΰ γήμαι, 
 “ your estimation of my daughter 
 so as to marry her,” denotes the 
 result; “ they differ, so as to be un¬ 
 equal in length, only by a small 
 matter.” The Latin construction 
 with quin or quominus (haud mul- 
 tum differunt quominus pares sint 
 longitudine) is really the same : 
 for quo minus is equivalent to ut 
 eo minus or non ; and quin is the 
 old ablative qui for quo with ne. 
 With words expressing a defect 
 
14 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 8. 
 
 δε /c a σταδίων, η μεν yap ec Τί'ισαν εζ ’Αθηνεων, καταοεδ 7τεντε- 
 καί^εκα σταδίων, ωη μη είναι πεντακοσίων και χιΧίων' η δε ec 
 Ήλ ιοιπτοΧιν α.7το ΘαΧασσηε, 7τΧηρο7 ec τον αριθμόν τούτον. 
 
 Από δε ΐίΧιονπόΧιοε ανω ιόντι , στεινη εστι Atyin ττοα. Ty μεν 
 yap, τηα Αραβιηε opoc παρατεταται, φερον απ άρκτον ττροε, 
 μεσαμβρίηε τε καί νότον, αιει ανω τεινον ec την Έ*ρνθρην καΧε- 
 ομενην ΘάΧασσαν' εν τω αι Χιθοτομιαι ενεισι, αι ec rac 7 τνρα- 
 μιόαε, κατατμηθεΊσαι rac όν Μ εμφι. ταυτρ μεν Xrjyov, ανα- 
 
 μη ου is used after a negative. Eur. 
 Iph. 41. Kcd των απόρων ovOevds 
 ενδεές M>) ου μαίνεσθα i. but I have 
 not observed this construction in 
 Herodotus. 
 
 καταδεί πεντεκαίδεκα σταδίων. 
 The genitive with the verbs of de¬ 
 ficiency denotes not only that of 
 which something else falls short, 
 but also the measure of the defi¬ 
 ciency, as in the common phrases 
 πολλου γε και Set, ολίγου δει. and 
 so the Greek usually expresses de¬ 
 ficient numbers. 1. 94. ere α δυών 
 δέοντα είκοσι, 18 years. 1. 130. 
 έτεα τριί/κοντα και εκατόν ύυών δέ¬ 
 οντα, 298years. 9.70. τριηκονταμν- 
 ριέιδων στρατού καταδεουσέων τεσ- 
 σέρων, where καταδ. agrees with μυ- 
 ριέιδων. 4. 43. έπεί τε του πλεΰνος 
 αίει έδεε, “when he was still short 
 by more than a half of the execu¬ 
 tion of his task.” Comp. Matth. § 
 141. The other construction, in 
 which the deficient number is used 
 in the gen. abs. ενός δέοντος πεν- 
 τηκοντα άνδρες is not found in He¬ 
 rodotus ; and 8. 82. δυο νηών κα¬ 
 τέδεε es τον αριθμόν, which is 
 quoted by H. Stephens as an ex¬ 
 ample of the impersonal use, is 
 better explained by Schweighseu- 
 ser as referring to the preceding 
 το ναυτικόν. Here again it is ob¬ 
 served by Rennell, 2. p. 105. that 
 
 the distance of Pisa from Athens 
 is 105 G. miles, of Heliopolis from 
 the Canopic mouth only 88, and 
 that the sea is even much nearer 
 at some points. q 
 
 πληροί es τον άρ. τούτον, “ fully 
 amounts to this number.” 2. 19. 
 πελεισας es. The construction is 
 unusual with πληρούν, which is 
 commonly an active verb. 
 
 Sect. 8. ’Άνω ίόντι, “as you go 
 inland,” see note on 2. 29. So 
 afterwards άει άνω τείνυν “tend¬ 
 ing inland,” i. e. away from the 
 Mediterranean, though towards 
 the southern sea. The contrac¬ 
 tion here spoken of is the interval 
 between the termination of the 
 Arabian chain of hills and the ex¬ 
 pansion into the nome of Arsinoe 
 or Faioum. Herodotus reckons all 
 beyond the limit of the inundation 
 on the western side to belong to 
 Arabia, on the eastern to Libya. 
 
 εν τω αι λιθοτ. ενεισι. These 
 quarries are those of Gebel el Mo- 
 kattam opposite to Memphis, 
 whence the stone for the pyra¬ 
 mids wrns really derived. 
 
 ταυτρ μέν ληγον. This refers 
 to the termination of that face of 
 the range which runs between 
 Cairo and the Arabian Gulf, par¬ 
 allel to the canal of Neco, 2. 158; 
 ανακάμπτει to the bend which it 
 
HERODOTUS. 
 
 15 
 
 II. 8.] 
 
 κάμπτει ec, τα είρηται το opoc,. τη δε αυτό εωυτου εστί μα- 
 κρότατον , ωε εγώ επυνθανόμην δυο μηνών αυτό είναι τηρ οδού 
 απο ηονρ προρ εσπερην' τα δε προρ την ηω, λιβανωτοφόρα 
 
 αυτόν τα τέρματα είναι, τούτο μεν νυν το opoc τοιουτο εστ'ι. 
 Τδ δε πράε Αιβυηε τηε Αίγυπτου, υροε άλλο πετρινον τείνει , 
 
 makes to the South, after which 
 it continues to run parallel to the 
 Nile to Syene, and spreads its 
 branches over the space between 
 Egypt and the Arabian Gulf. This 
 space does not indeed amount any¬ 
 where to a journey of two months 
 from East to West, nor was the 
 frankincense produced on the west¬ 
 ern side of the Arabian Gulf. 3.107.; 
 but Herodotus included the west¬ 
 ern side in Arabia, as he says that 
 it does not end with the Gulf, (4. 
 39.) el μη νόμω “ by conventional 
 usage.” 
 
 τή όέ αντο εωυτου earl μακρότα- 
 τον, “ where its length is greatest 
 of all.” The origin of this phrase 
 is the Greek idiom, by which εωυ- 
 του is not only used of the relation 
 of a single agent to himself, but of 
 the whole to all its own parts, and 
 each part to every other. 1. 98. 
 ταντά κη λέγοντεε πείθουσι εωυτουε 
 βασιλευεσθαι, not each himself but 
 one another. Hence it is used when 
 the same thing is compared with 
 itself in different parts, at differ¬ 
 ent times, or in different circum¬ 
 stances. 2. 149. eovaa βάθοε rrj 
 βαθύτατη αντί) εωυτήε. 4. 85. το 
 ευροε rrj ευρότατοε αύτόε εωυτου. 
 4. 198. εκατοστά, έπεάν αυτή eiov- 
 τήε άριστά ενείκη, εκφέρει, “ it bears, 
 when it bears best of all, a hun¬ 
 dred fold.” Eur. Antiop. ap. Plat. 
 Gorg. 484. E. εκαστοε επί τοΰτ 
 επείγεται "\v αυτόε αυτοϋ τνγγάνη 
 βέλτιστοι ών. The superlative ex¬ 
 
 presses absolute, the comparative 
 relative preeminence. Plat. Resp. 
 3. 411. C. ευ ίσγων το σώμα civ- 
 όρειότεροε γίγνεται αυτόε αυτόν. 
 In Her. 8. 86. an epexegesis with 
 ή is subjoined to the comparative, 
 to point out the relation more 
 clearly : εγένοιτο μακρώ άμείνονεε 
 αυτοί εωυτών ή προε Ε υβοίη. The 
 same construction is used with 
 other words which involve compa¬ 
 rison. 8. 137. Αυτόε εωυτου όιπΑή- 
 aios έγένετο. 4. 48. ’Ίστροε ’ ίσοε 
 alei αυτόε έωντώ ρέει καί θερεοε καί 
 γειμώνοε. Matth. § 452. 
 
 ώε εγώ έπυνθανόμην — είναι. 
 The construction with ώε which 
 requires the indicative, is here 
 followed by the infinitive, which 
 would have been proper had έπυν¬ 
 θανόμην alone been used. This 
 negligence is common in Herodo¬ 
 tus. 4. 5. 'Os όε Σικυθαι λέγονσι 
 νεώτατον άπόιντων έθνέων είναι το 
 σφέτερον. 3. 14, 'Os ce λέγεται υπ ’ 
 Αιγυπτίων έακρύειν Κροίσον. 5. 
 10. the sentence begins 'Os ΰέ 
 θρηίκεε λέγουσι, μέλισσαι κατέγριυ- 
 σαι τα πέρην τον ’Ίστρον εισι. but 
 goes on καί υπό τούτων ονκ είναι 
 διελθεΐν. 
 
 το όε προε Αιβυηε τήε Αίγυπτου , 
 “ on the side of Egypt towards Li¬ 
 bya.” An/. is here the genitive, 
 by which the whole of a country 
 is distinguished from a part of it. 
 Matth. § 321.6. επί ΑΙΘίοπαε, οικη- 
 μένουε Αιβΰηε επί τη νοτίη θάλασ - 
 ση, “ in the part of Libya which is 
 
16 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 9. 
 
 εν τω at πυραμί Sea ένεισι, φαμμω κατειΧνμένον, τεταμένοι’ τον 
 αυτόν τρόπον τον καί του Αραβίαν τα ττρόα, μεσαμβρίην φέ~ 
 ροντα. Το ων Srj από Ηλίονπολιοα, ουκέτι πολλον χωρίον, 
 ωα είναι Αίγυπτον’ αΧΧ' όσον τε ημερέων τεσσέρων αναπΧόον 
 στεινη εστι Αίγυπτος εουσα. των δε ουρεων των ειρημενων το 
 μεταζν, πεόιαα μεν γη' στάδιοι δε μάΧιστα εδδ /ce όν μοι είναι, 
 ττ} στεινότατόν εστι, όιηκοσίων ου πΧείουα, εκ του Αραβίαν 
 ουρεοα εα τό Αιβυκόν καΧενμενον. τό δε ένθεν τεν αύτια, ενρεα 
 9 Αίγνπτός εστι. Τίέφνκε μεν νυν η χόιρη αντη οί/τω. Από 
 δέ Ήλ ιονπυΧιοα εα Θήβας, εστι ΙινάπΧοοα εννέα ημερέων’ στα- 
 διοι δέ της οδού, εξήκοντα καί οκτακόσιοι καί τετρακισχιΧιοι, 
 
 on the southern sea.” 2. 56. r rjs 
 νυν 'ΊόΧΧάέυε — πρηβηναι εε θεσ- 
 πρωτουε, where the name of the 
 people is put for the country The- 
 sprotia. 1. 46. Αιβυηε παρα ’Άμ~ 
 μωνα άπεστειΧε άΧΧουε χρησομέ- 
 vovs, the name of the god being 
 put for the temple. 
 
 κατειΧυμενον. “Probare possum 
 φάμμω κατειΧυμενον uti ψαμάθω 
 είΧυμένα ποΧΧρ Od, %, 136. quan- 
 quam κατειΧημένον ex είΧέω non 
 minus bonum.” Wess. II. ψ', 319. 
 κάό όε μιν αυτόν Έ,ίΧΰσω ψαμάθοισι. 
 The primary idea of this and the 
 kindred form είΧεω (Buttm.Lexilo- 
 gus p. 253 seq. Fishlake’s Trans¬ 
 lation,) is that of rolling, whence 
 that of wrapping, closely invest¬ 
 ing, which belongs to είΧυω in this 
 combination. The root is pro¬ 
 bably the same as that of wheel , 
 ΡεΧυω, volvo, Philol. Mus. 1.405. 
 
 To ων Sfj από 'ϋΧιουπόΧιοε. 
 “ From Heliopolis then” (resu¬ 
 ming after the digression από 'Ηλ. 
 άνω ίύντι in the beginning of the 
 section,) “there is no longer much 
 space, to be a part of Egypt.” 
 Two hundred stadia would seem 
 to the traveller who came up from 
 
 the interminable Delta a very nay- 
 row space for Egypt. 4. 81. Her. 
 says that he had heard various re¬ 
 ports about the numbers of the 
 Scythians, καί γάρ κάρτα ποΧΧουε 
 είναι σφέαε καί όΧίγουε ώε Σκΰθαε 
 είναι not few absolutely, but few 
 for a wide-spread nation like the 
 Scythians. 2. 135. μεγάΧα χρή¬ 
 ματα ώε άν είναι ΐοοώπιν, large, 
 to be Rhodopis, a foreign cour¬ 
 tezan, though not large to build 
 a pyramid. Thuc. 1. 21. ώε πα- 
 Χαιά είναι άποχρώντωε, “sufficient¬ 
 ly for remote events.” Liv. 21.34. 
 Perventum est inde ad frequentem 
 cultoribus alium, nt inter montana, 
 populum. Tac. Germ. 30. of the 
 Catti. Multum, ut inter Germanos, 
 rationis ac solertke, on which Bou- 
 terwek Gesch. der deutschen Po- 
 esie vol. 9. 24. more patriotically 
 than correctly observes, that it 
 proves the Germans to have been 
 proverbial for practical wisdom in 
 the age of Tacitus. Matth. §. 545. 
 — Α’ίγυπτοε εουσα, “ quod quidem 
 riEgyptus sit,” riEgypt in the strict 
 sense, excluding the mountains on 
 either side. 
 
II. 10.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 17 
 
 σχοίνων ενός καί oy^wKOVTa εόντων. ουτοι συντιθέμενοι οι 
 στάδιοι Αίγυπτου, το μεν παρά θάλασσαν, ηδη μοι και πρότε· 
 ρον δεδηλωται ότι εζακοσίων τε εστι σταδίων και τρισγ^ιλίων' 
 όσον δε τι από Θαλάσσης ες peaoyaiav με^χρι θηβεων εστι, ση- 
 μανεω. στάδιοι ·γάρ εισι είκοσι και εκατόν καί εζακισχίλιοι. το 
 δε άπο θηβεων εο Ε λεφαντίνην καλεομενην πόλιν , στάδιοι χί¬ 
 λιοι και οκτακόσιοι εισι. 
 
 Τ αυτής ων της χωρης της ειρημενης η πολλή , κατάπερ οι 10 
 ιρεες ελε-γον, εδόκεε δε καί αυτω μοι είναι επίκτητος Αιγυπτί- 
 οισι. των y0p ουρεων των ειρημενων των υπέρ Μ εμφιν πόλιν 
 κείμενων το μεταζυ εφαίνετό μοι είναι κοτε κόλπος Θαλάσσης , 
 ώσπερ ye τα περί Ίλιον καί ΎευΘρανίην, και Έφεσόν τε καί 
 Μαιάνδρου πεδίον * ώστε είναι σμικρά ταντα μ εγάλοισι συμβα- 
 
 Sect. 9. ούτοι συντιθέμενοι οι 
 στάδιοι Αίγυπτον. The construc¬ 
 tion begins as if meant to be fol¬ 
 lowed by a predicate of the sepa¬ 
 rate numbers; but is interrupted 
 by the mention of the length of the 
 coast line, as already described, 
 and the substitution of δεδήλω- 
 ται ότι έζακοσίων εστι σταδίων for 
 στάδιοι εισι. Συντιθέμενοι means 
 here, brought into one statement, 
 rather than one sum: for the length 
 of the coast was.not to be added to 
 the rest. 1500 + 4860 are 6360 
 instead of 6120. There is there¬ 
 fore some error in the numbers. 
 
 Sect. 10. εδόκεε δέ. In the 
 same way δε is joined with the 
 verb, when a relative clause inter¬ 
 venes, 2. 5. καί τα κατυπερθε έτι 
 
 - εστι δ’ έτερον τοιοΰτον. It is 
 
 here confirmatory, * indeed, tru¬ 
 ly.’ Being originally the same 
 as δη, it is not in itself adversa¬ 
 tive, but derives this force from 
 the proposition which it intro¬ 
 duces. 
 
 &στε είναι σμικρά ταντα. είναι 
 is here used in the sense of έζεϊναι, 
 4. 99. λέγω δέ ms είναι ταντα σμι- 
 κρά μεγέιλοισι συμβαΧέειν. Eur. 
 Hec. 234. Et 5’ εστι tois δονλοισι 
 tovs ελευθέρου! Έξιστορησαι, to 
 which Ulysses replies, ’Έξεστ, 
 έρωτα. Modern travellers fully 
 confirm the accounts given by 
 Herodotus of the changes made 
 on the coasts of Asia Minor by 
 the rivers. See Chandler’s Tra¬ 
 vels, ch. 21. 53. The Meles and 
 the Hermus are producing the 
 same effect in filling up the Bay 
 of Smyrna, as the Mseander has 
 already produced on the Bay of 
 Miletus, and the Cayster on the 
 port of Ephesus. Χοω or χων- 
 ννμι (allied to χέω) is the appro¬ 
 priate word for this deposition 
 of alluvial soil, and land so form¬ 
 ed is called ποταμόχωστοε, Diod. 
 1. 34. Thuc. 2. 102. uses πρόσ¬ 
 χωσα of the deposits of the Ache- 
 lous. 
 
 c 
 
18 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 11. 
 
 Χεειν. των yap ταυτα τα χλώρια ιτροσγωσάντων ποταμών , ενι 
 των στομάτων του Νείλου, εδντος πενταστόμου , ουρείς αυτών 
 πΧηθεος περί άζιο c, συμβΧηθηναί εστι. είσί δε και άλλοι ποτα¬ 
 μοί ου κατά τον Νεΐλον εδντεε μεγάθεα, οΐ τινες epya απο$εζα- 
 μενοι μeyάXa εισι' των εγώ φράσαι εχω ουνόματα, καί αλλ ow, 
 και ουκ ήκιστα Αχελώου’ δε ρεών δι Α καρνανίης, και εζιεις 
 ες Θάλασσαν, των Εχινάδων νήσων τάς ημίσεας ήπειρον 
 
 πεποίηκε. '' Εστι δέ της Αραβίης χωρης, Αίγυπτου δε ου πρό¬ 
 σω , κόΧπος θαΧάσσης , εσέχων ε /c Trjc Ερυθρής καΧεομενης θα- 
 Χάσσης, μάκρος ουτω δτ) τι καί στεινος, ώς εργομαι φράσων . 
 
 έόντοϊ πενταστόμου , not έπτ. as 
 some MSS. read; for Herodotus, 
 2. 17. reckons only five natural 
 channels. As the larger mouths 
 of rivers have themselves smaller 
 branches, the number is easily in¬ 
 creased. Herodotus, 4. 47. attri¬ 
 butes five mouths to the Danube; 
 Pliny, N. H. 4. 24. six; Ovid. 
 Trist. 2, 189. Strabo, 7. 441. ed. 
 Ox., seven. 
 
 ovEets αυτών. Of this redundant 
 use of αυτών, see Weiske Pleo¬ 
 nasm. Αυτός. No. 7. 
 
 ον κατά τον Νείλον, “not corre¬ 
 sponding in magnitude with the 
 Nile.” 2. 92. peyaOos κατά μηλον. 
 1.121. ον κατάΜιτραόόιτην τον βου¬ 
 κόλον, “not corresponding in rank 
 toMitradates the herdsman.” Plat. 
 Symp. 211. D. ου κατά χρυσιόν, 
 “ not to be compared to gold.” 
 
 των Έχινάόων νήσων. The ex¬ 
 pectation expressed by Thuc. u. s. 
 ελ7π$ καί πάσας ουκ εν πολλώ τινι 
 άν χρόνιρ τούτο παθε'ιν, has not 
 been fulfilled. Dodwell’s Travels, 
 1.105. Pausanias, 8.24.attributes 
 this to the uncultivated state of 
 AEtolia, in consequence of which 
 the Achelous did not bring down 
 
 so much alluvium, but it is more 
 probably owing to the form of the 
 coast, the deposition ceasing when 
 not protected by the still water of 
 a bay. 
 
 Sect. 11 . έρχομαι φράσων. This 
 phrase seems to have been derived 
 from a messenger announcing the 
 purpose for which he has come; 
 but it is used by Her. to announce 
 his purpose of describing, 3. 6; or 
 with λείων, simply of saying some¬ 
 thing. It must not be supposed, 
 therefore, to have any analogy to 
 the English “ I am going to de¬ 
 scribe,” although it may be so ren¬ 
 dered. 4. 82. άναβησομαι is τον 
 κατ’ άρχάς η ία λείων λόγον, is 
 a phrase of the same kind, ex¬ 
 pressing a past purpose; but not 
 1. 122. η ιέ τε ταυτην a ι νέων did 
 παντός, ‘he went on praising her;’ 
 nor II. σ', 180. ε’ίκεν τι νέκνς ησχν- 
 μένος ελθρ (see Matth. § 560. c.); 
 nor Pind/Nem. 7. 102. εί πάρ μέ¬ 
 λος έρχομαι εννέπων, where 
 έρχομαι does not belong to the par¬ 
 ticiple. See Boeckh. Pind. 2. p. 2. 
 page 433. In the use of ηκω with 
 a partic., by Plato, Gorg. 491. C. 
 518. B., the idea of an unexpected 
 
II. 11.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 19 
 
 μήκος μεν ττΧόου, αρζαμενω εκ μυχόν 8ιεκττΧώσαι ες την εύ- 
 ρεην θάλασσαν, ήμεραι αναισιμουνται τεσσερακοντα, ειρεσιη 
 % ρεωμενω* εύρος 8ε, ry ευρύτατος εστι ο κόΧττος, ήμισυ ήμε¬ 
 ρης πΧόον. ρηχίη 8 εν αύτω και αμπωτις ανά πάσαν ήμερην 
 * γίνεται · ετερον τοιούτον κόΧπον και την Αίγυπτον 8οκεω γε- 
 νεσθαι κου. τον μεν, εκ της βορηίης ΘαΧάσσης κόΧπον εσε- 
 χοντα €7 τι Αιθιοπίης * τον δε ’Αραβιον, τον έρχομαι Χεζων, 
 εκ της νοτιης φεροντα επί £ νριης ” σχε8όν μεν αΧΧηΧοισι συν - 
 
 arrival is involved ; j ύν δ’ αύ έτερόν 
 η ήκεις εχων, “now you are come 
 with a different story.”— μήκος μεν 
 πΧόου is in appos. with ήμερ. τεσσ. 
 1. 72. μήκος όόοΰ, εύζωνω avdpt 
 πέντε ήμέραι αναισιμουνται. 
 
 Rennell, 2. ρ. 356, gives the 
 length of a ship’s track through the 
 Red Sea at 1300 G. M. or less, 
 which is about 32 miles a day; 
 but as it is much more than half a 
 day’s sail across, Her. has probably 
 taken the breadth of the Bay of 
 Heroopolis, which runs up to Suez, 
 for that of the Red Sea itself. 
 
 ρηχίη και αμπωτις, “ high and 
 low tide literally, “ surge and 
 absorption.” “Quae aliis πλημμύ¬ 
 ρα, πλημυρ'ις vel πΧήμη, Ionibus et 
 Herodoto dicta fuit ρηχίη. άμπω- 
 τιε maris est recessus άναποθέντος 
 του t/0aros quum aqua velut resor- 
 betur.” Valck. ad Her. 8. 129. 
 Comp. 7. 198, where it is used of 
 the Melian bay, which, like some 
 other bays and straits of the Me¬ 
 diterranean, has an irregular tide. 
 'Ραχία in the Attic writers signi¬ 
 fies the beach on which the surge 
 breaks, the root being ρήσσω. The 
 phsenomenon of the recess of the 
 tide was attributed to the sea be¬ 
 ing sucked in to vast caverns. Virg. 
 Georg. 2. 479. Qua vi maria alta 
 
 tumescant objicibus ruptis (Job. 
 38. 8. 11.) et rursus in seipsa re- 
 sidant. Ov. Med. Jas. 125. of Scyl- 
 la. “ Quseque vomit totidem fluctus 
 totidemque resorbet,” after Horn. 
 Od. μ, 105. 
 
 τον μεν —rov δε are placed in a 
 loose apposition with έτερον τοιού- 
 τον, as if parts of the whole, be¬ 
 cause έτερος necessarily implies 
 two, though singular. 
 
 σχεδόν μεν — τής χωρης, “ near¬ 
 ly excavating their recesses into 
 contact with each other, but be¬ 
 ing some little space apart.” Συν- 
 τετραίνω seems to have been a 
 word of mining, for carrying on 
 two adits or levels till they met. 
 Plat. Phsedon. 1. 111. D. τούτους 
 δέ πάντας υπό γην εις άΧΧήΧους 
 συντετρήσθαι ποΧΧαχή και δί- 
 εζόόους έχειν ή ποΧυ ύόωρ ρεΐν εζ 
 άΧΧήΧων εις άΧΧήΧους. Diod. 3. 
 19. of the caves of the Troglo¬ 
 dytes, κάτωθεν αυΧώνας προς άΧ¬ 
 ΧήΧους συντετρημενους κατασκευά- 
 ζουσι. The perf. pass, expresses 
 the state of actual union, the pres, 
 act. the endeavour and tendency to 
 produce it. The idea, therefore, 
 is the very reverse of parallelism, 
 which Blomfield, Gloss. Choeph. 
 444. attributes to συντετραίνω . 
 Herodotus probably thought that 
 
 2 
 
20 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 12. 
 
 τετραινοντας rove, μυχούς, oX'iyov Se τι παραΧΧασσοντας της 
 χωρης. ei ών Sp εθεΧησει εκτρεφαι το ρεεθρον ο NeiXoc ec 
 τούτον τον Αράβιον κόΧπον, τι μιν κωΧύει ρεοντος τούτον 
 εκχωσθηναι εντός ye S ισμνρίων ετεων ; εγώ μεν yap εΧπομαί 
 γε καί μυρ'ιων εντός γωσθηναι αν. κού ye 8η, εν τιρ προαναισι- 
 μωμενω χρόνο) πρότερον η εμε yeveaOai , ούκ αν χώσΘείτρ κόΧ- 
 πος και ποΧΧω μεΖ,ων ετι τούτον, υπό τοσοντου τε ποταμού και 
 2 ούτως ερχατικού ; Τα περί A’iyvi ττον ών και τ οισι λεγουσι 
 
 the gulfs had been excavated by 
 the force of their respective waters, 
 and that the Red Sea still conti¬ 
 nued to wear away its μυχόε. 
 
 el ών δη εθεΧησει. εθεΧω in the 
 present tense, like φιΧεω, is used 
 of inanimate things, in the sense of 
 soleo, because will produces habit¬ 
 ual action. 1, 74. avev αναγκαίηε 
 ισ\νρηε σνμβ curies ίσχνραί ουκ ede- 
 Χουσι συμμένειν. but as the will 
 involves the idea of uncertainty 
 and caprice, (2. 13.) it is used of 
 the future, and with a particle of 
 contingency, to increase the un¬ 
 certainty which the future alone 
 would have. See 2.14., 7.49., 1. 
 109. ei δε θεΧησει (probably el δ’ 
 εθεΧησει, for Her. everywhere else 
 uses the longer form in this phrase) 
 is την θυγατέρα ταύτην άναβήνα t 
 η τνραννίε, a possible contingency. 
 From its use in 1.32. (see note on 
 Sect. 4.) we may conclude that the 
 intercalation of the month was not 
 a settled and universal practice. 
 It is by no means therefore a mere 
 elegant periphrasis. 
 
 εΧπομαι is used of the expected 
 or probable but uncertain result of 
 a case supposed, 2. 26. fin., 2. 43., 
 2. 120., and 1.65.; of a probable 
 opinion, ert καί μάΧΧον θεόν εΧπο- 
 μαι, ώ Αυκόοργε. It has in itself 
 no reference to the good or evil 
 
 anticipated. It answers to the 
 Latin opinor, which, as distin¬ 
 guished from puto and existimo, 
 implies uncertainty, and in nec- 
 opinato (Cic. N. D. 1. 3.) has the 
 meaning expect. Od. ζ' , 297. επην 
 ημεαε εΧπ η ποτι δώμα τ άφίχθαι. 
 Eust. ad loc. avri του στογάζεσθαι 
 κεϊται το εΧπεσθαι. 
 
 κοΰ γε δή. These interrogative 
 expressions have the force of nega¬ 
 tions, and with negatives, of affirm¬ 
 ations. κώε ουκ εζέπΧωσαε των 
 φρένων ; 3. 155. “you are surely 
 mad ? ” Κοΰ is not commonly used 
 in this wa)^, but that which is no¬ 
 where possible is not possible at all. 
 
 Sect. 12. Τα περί Αίγυπτον— 
 πείθομαι , “ I both give credit to 
 the facts relating to Egypt, on the 
 authority of those who report them, 
 and I myself am strongly of opi¬ 
 nion that they are so, because I 
 see,” &c. 8. 81. ol πΧέοιεε των 
 
 στρατηγών ουκ επείθοντο τα εί,αγ- 
 γεΧθέντα. So in the other sense 
 of πείθομαι , “ to obey,” the accu¬ 
 sative neuter is used of the thing 
 done in obedience to others, the da¬ 
 tive of those on whose authority it 
 is done. 3.128. Ιδών δε rovro σφεαε 
 ο ΒαγαΓοϊ πειθομένουί τψ βιβΧίω. 
 Plat. Phsedr. ρ. 271. μη πειθώμεθ’ 
 αυτοίε τέγρ>η γράφειν, “ give them 
 credit for writing with art.” “ Cre- 
 
II. 12.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 21 
 
 «υτα πείθομαι, καί αυτός ουτω κάρτα §οκεω είναι , ίϊων τε την 
 Αίγυπτου προκειμενην της επόμενης yrjc, κογχυλίά τε φαινό¬ 
 μενα επί τόισι ονρεσι, καί άλμην επανθεουσαν , ώστε καί τας 
 πυραμίδας <$η\εεσθαι' καί ψάμμον μουνον Αίγυπτου opoc, τούτο 
 το υπέρ Μεμφιοι; εχου* προη δέ, τρ \ό>ργ) ούτε τη ’ Αραβίη 
 
 don tibi hoc, nunc peperisse hanc 
 e Pamphilo ?” Andr. 3.2. 
 
 προκειμενην. This projection of 
 Egypt beyond the adjacent coast 
 is obvious on the map. Rennell, 
 
 2. 108. observes that Deltas natu¬ 
 rally assume a fan-like shape. The 
 greatest projection will be oppo¬ 
 site to the principal current of the 
 river which carries its deposit 
 furthest into the sea. The shells 
 found upon the mountains (Plut. 
 de Iside et Osiride §.40. says kv 
 rots μέταλλο ts και rois ορεσι) 
 may have been fossil, and there¬ 
 fore affording no evidence of the 
 retiring of the water; the efflores¬ 
 cence of salt is also not decisive ; 
 for the whole soil of Egypt is im¬ 
 pregnated with it, stalactites of 
 fibrous salt forming in the cata¬ 
 combs of Thebes ; Mem. sur l’Eg. 
 
 3. 19., and the sand on the Liby¬ 
 an hill, where the pyramids stand, 
 Her. 2. 8. is brought by the west 
 wind from the desert. There can 
 be no doubt, however, that the 
 general conclusion of Herodotus 
 is right, and “that the space which 
 the Delta occupies was originally 
 a part of the sea, from the neigh¬ 
 bourhood of Pelusium or of Mount 
 Casius to that of Alexandria, and 
 southward to the foot of the hills 
 of the pyramids and of Mokattam.” 
 Rennell 2. 107. 
 
 προς δε. Connect with ibivv be¬ 
 fore “and besides seeing.” Gram- 
 'marians say that the prepositions 
 
 are sometimes used adverbially; 
 but in fact they are all originally 
 adverbs, added to the cases of 
 nouns to express more precisely 
 the relations which the cases them¬ 
 selves denote. In Homer, almost 
 all the prepositions are used some¬ 
 times with and sometimes without 
 cases, and in Herodotus this is 
 much more frequent than in the 
 Attic writers, generally with be or 
 ye. Έυ. 2. 43. πολλά μοι και άλλα 
 τεκμήριά εστι , εν be και robe, “and 
 amongst them or also this.” It 
 generally gives a superlative mean¬ 
 ing, “ and especially,” to the se¬ 
 cond clause ; as that which is spe¬ 
 cified, wdiile others of the same 
 class are passed over with a gene¬ 
 ral mention, is supposed to have 
 the common quality in a higher 
 degree. So και btj και, and turn 
 following cum, in Latin give a su¬ 
 perlative meaning to the clause 
 which they introduce. Hence ev 
 be is often joined by Her. with the 
 emphatic δη, turn vero, turn vero 
 etiam. Έπι, also with be, “next.” 
 8. 113. ϊζοντο πρώτος μεν o Hiibo- 
 vios β ασιΧευς' μετά £e b T vpios' 
 επί be ωλλοι. 7.219. επί c)e καί αυ¬ 
 τό μολοι ηίσαν, “ over and above.” 
 Mera, “ afterwards,” with δη, 7 « 
 12. Upas, “besides,” sometimes 
 with be or ye, sometimes without. 
 6. 125. και προς, ετερα δωρέεται. 
 This is the only preposition com¬ 
 monly used in this way in Attic 
 prose; άμφί, εν, επί, παρά, πρός, 
 
22 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 13 
 
 [II. 13. 
 
 προσουρω εουσρ την Αίγυπτον προσεικελιιν, ούτε rr} Αιβν y, ου 
 μην ουδέ τρ livp'iy, (τής yap ’ Αραβίης τα παρά θάλασσαν Έν- 
 ριοι νεμονται ,) αλλά μελάγγαιόν τε και κατερρηγνυμενην, ώστε 
 εονσαν ίλνν τε και πρόγνσιν εξ Α’ιθιοπίης κατενηνειγμενην νπο 
 του ποταμού, την δε Αιβνην ίδμεν ερνθροτερην τε γην, και υπο- 
 ψαμμοτερην' την δε Αραβίην τε και Ένρίην άργιλω^εστερην τε 
 καί νπόπετρον εονσαν. 
 
 *Ελεγον δε και τοδε μοι μεγα τεκμήριον περί της γ^ωρης 
 ταντης οι Ιρεες, ως επι Μοίριος βασιλέος, όκως ελθοι ο ποτα¬ 
 μός επι οκτώ πήγεας το ελάχιστου, άρ^εσκε Αίγυπτον την 
 ενερθε Μέμφιοε. καί ΑΙοίρι ον κω ήν ετεα εινακόσια τετελεν- 
 τηκοτι , δτε των ίρεων ταΰτα εγώ ηκουον. νυν δε, ην μη επ 
 εκκαί^εκα η πεντεκαίΰεκα πήχεας άναβή το ελάχιστον ο ποτά- 
 μος , ουκ υπερβαίνει ες την γωρην. δ οκεονσί τε μοι Αιγυπτίων 
 οι ενερθε της λίμνης της Μ οίριος οικεοντες τα τε άλλα χωρία 
 και το καλεόμενον Δέλτα, ην ουτω η χωρη αυτή κατά λόγον 
 επιδιδο? έε ύψος , και το ομοΊ,ον αποδιδοι έε ανξησιν, μη κατα- 
 
 σύν, υπό, occur in the trage¬ 
 dians. 
 
 rrjs γαρ ’Αραβίης. The Syrians 
 inhabited the coast of Arabia from 
 Serbonis to Jenysus, and it was 
 here only that Egypt and Syria 
 were conterminous; elsewhere A- 
 rabia interposes. 3.5. 
 
 μεΧαγγαιόν re και κατερρηγνυ- 
 μενην, “black and crumbling.” 
 “ Et viridem ^Egyptum nigra fce- 
 cundat arena Usque coloratis amnis 
 devexus ab Indis.” Virg. Georg. 4. 
 291. The native name of Egypt, 
 Chemi (Ham), signifies black. 
 Plut. Isid. et Osir. c. 33. την Αί¬ 
 γυπτον εν rots μάΧιστα μεΧάγ- 
 γειον ουσαν ώσπερ το μέΧαν του 
 όψθαΧμοΰ Χημίαν καΧοϋσιν. and 
 this is confirmed by Jablonski from 
 the Coptic. Champollion Eg. sous 
 les Pharaons, 1. 101. seq. The 
 
 comparatives ερυθροτερην, &c. de¬ 
 note a slight degree of the quality 
 reddish, and υπό, like sub, in com¬ 
 position has nearly the same force. 
 
 Sect. 13. Motpi — τετεΧευτηκότι. 
 See the note on 2. 2. 
 
 εκκαίόεκ a rj πεντ. Pliny, N. H. 
 36. 9. speaking of the statue of 
 the Nile, surrounded by sixteen 
 diminutive figures, which Vespa¬ 
 sian placed in the Temple of Peace, 
 says, “ totidem cubita summi in¬ 
 crement! augentis se amnis intelli- 
 guntur.” This statue is preserved 
 in the Vatican. Visconti Mus. P. Cl. 
 1. p. 291. The sixteenth cubit on 
 the Meqyas or Nilometer of Cairo 
 is called “the water of the Sultan,” 
 because no tax is paid unless the 
 river attains this height. 
 
 ήν ουτω ή χώρη επιΰιΰοϊ—και 
 αποδιδοΐ. The apparent tautology 
 
HERODOTUS. 
 
 23 
 
 II. 13.] 
 
 κλυζοντ oc αυτήν του Νείλου πείσεσθαι τον πάντα χρόνον τον 
 επίλοιπου Αιγύπτιοι, τό κοτε αυτοί 'Έλλη^αε εφασαν πείσεσ- 
 Θαι, πυθόμενοι γάρ ως υεται πάσα ή χωρη των Ελλήνων, αλλ’ 
 ου ποταμοισι άρδεται, κατάπερ η σφετερη, εφασαν “ 'Έλληνας 
 (< φευσθεντας κοτε ελπίόος μεγάλης, κακώς πεινήσειν.” το δε 
 έπος τούτο εθελει λεγειν, ως “ εί μη εθελήσει σφι υειν ο Θεός, 
 αλλ* αυχμιρ ΰιαχράσθαι, λιμω οι 'Έλληνες αιρεθησονται' ου 
 yap οη σψι εστι υοατος ουοεμια αΑλη αποστροφή, οτι μη εκ 
 
 u 
 
 it 
 
 of this passage has given rise to 
 various conjectures, and the diffi¬ 
 culty is not removed by the re¬ 
 mark of Wesseling, ” es ύψος alti- 
 tudinem soli, es άυζησιν ejusdem 
 incrementum, quo latius in vici- 
 num mare protenditur, declarant,” 
 for what Greek author has ever 
 used άποδίδοναι for “ to increase?” 
 We should translate, “ and should 
 yield the like quantity for in¬ 
 crease,” i. e. send down an equal 
 quantity of earthy matter to be 
 deposited. \E7ri<h£oT and άποδιδοϊ 
 are Ionic forms of the pres, indie., 
 which mood Herodotus uses with 
 ήν. Comp. 1. 206. where ήν, not 
 et, is found in the oldest MSS. 
 Matth. §. 526. d. 
 
 μη κατακΧυζ. τον N. Ου might 
 be expected, as it is only by an 
 actual failure of the inundation 
 that the calamity could be pro¬ 
 duced. But this clause is to be 
 considered as still depending on 
 ή v, and is equivalent to “ and if 
 the Nile should not overflow.” 
 Comp. C. 14. et σφι θεΧυι .. , .πεινή- 
 σουσι, el μήτε ye νσεται η χώρη. 
 From the remoteness of the nomi¬ 
 native Αιγυπτίων oi ενερθε, it is 
 here resumed with Αιγύπτιοι, a 
 practice common with Herodotus. 
 
 veiv 6 θεός. 3.117. τον μεν χει¬ 
 μώνα vet σφι ο θεός. i. e. Jupiter, 
 
 under whose care the phenomena 
 of the atmosphere were. II. μ, 25. 
 Hence Polycrates, who was cruci¬ 
 fied, εΧυυτο υπό τον Aios όκως νοι, 
 εχρίετο δε υπό του ήΧίου, avieis 
 αυτός εκ του σώματος Ικμάδα. 3, 
 124. 125. 
 
 ανχμώ διαχράσθαι, “i. q. sim¬ 
 plex χράσθαι, Uti, accedente in- 
 terdum, (sed rarius id quidem) vi 
 prsepositionis διά, durationis cu- 
 jusdam vel constantise aut perseve- 
 rantiae significatione.” Schw.Lex. 
 Herodotus, however, hardly ever 
 uses διαχράσθαι, except of an en¬ 
 during action (2. 127.) or state, a 
 custom, an event thathas a thorough 
 completion. The compound adds 
 the idea of duration to the simple 
 χράσθαι, but this idea may be un¬ 
 derstood from the connexion, or its 
 expression may be unnecessary for 
 the author’s purpose, and there¬ 
 fore the simple be used, where the 
 compound might have been. Most 
 of the instances in which com¬ 
 pound verbs are supposed to lose 
 the force of their prepositions are 
 of this kind. 
 
 ϋδατος αποστροφή, “ resource of 
 water,” a resource consisting in 
 water, as καταστέγασμα οροφής, 
 2. 155. "‘a covering consisting of 
 the roof.” 2. 139. reXos τής άπαΧ - 
 Χαγής τον ΑΙΘίοπος, “ a termina- 
 
24 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 14. 
 
 tc του Διόΐϊ μουνον .” Καί ταυτα μεν ec Έ,ΧΧηναε Αιγυπτίοισι 
 υρθωζ εχοντα είρηται. φερε δε νυν, καί αυτοΊσι ΑίγυπτΙοισι 
 ioc εχει, φράσω. el σφι ΘεΧοι , ώς και πρότερον ειπον, η χωρη 
 Τ 1 ενερθε Μ εμφιοε, (αυτή yap εστι η αυξανόμενη ) κατα λόγον 
 του παροιχομενου χρόνου ec vfoc αυξάνεσθαι, άλλο τι η οι 
 ταυτρ οικεοντεε. Αιγυπτίων πεινησουσι ; ει μήτε ye νσεταί σφι 
 η χωρη, μήτε ο ττοταμοε οιό c τ εσται ec τάε apovpac υπερβαί- 
 νειν. Η yap δη νυν ye οντοι απονητότατα καρπόν κομίζονται 
 εκ yηc ) τιον τε αΧΧων ανθρώπων απάντων, και τιυν Χοιπων 
 Αιγυπτίων * οι ούτε αρότρω αναρρηγννντεε. αυΧακαε εχουσι 
 ttovovc, ούτε σκαΧΧοντεε, ούτε άΧΧο εργαζόμενοι ονόεν των 
 
 tion consisting in the retirement 
 of the Ethiopian.” II. y , 309. θα- 
 νάτοιο reXos. reXos rrjs απαλλαγή 
 τον ζην, Stob. Gaisf. App. 4. 79. 
 Wesseling quotes from Thucydides 
 αποστροφή σωτηρία s. Ανχμον α¬ 
 ποστροφή, αποστροφή κακών might 
 have been used with equal pro¬ 
 priety, the gen. in this case ex¬ 
 pressing the relation from. 
 
 Sect. 14. εί σφι ΘεΧοι — πεινή- 
 σονσι. In Wesseling’s edition εθε- 
 Χήσει. The Sancroft MS., in which 
 this reading is found, is remark¬ 
 able for alterations designed to 
 avoid apparent solecisms. Of this 
 use of the future in the apodosis, 
 instead of the opt. with av, after 
 a protasis with el and the opt., 
 see Matth. § 524. 3. 
 
 "Αλλο τι ή is properly an in¬ 
 terrogative, implying a negative, 
 “ what else will happen than that 
 they will starve ?” i. e. they w r ill 
 assuredly starve. Plato sometimes 
 omits the ή. Gorg. 495. C. Vig. 
 III. 11.8. ibi Herm. 
 
 οι ούτε άρότρω. The relative has 
 here a causal force, quippe qui, and 
 refers to the preceding οντοι. 
 
 σκάΧΧοντε$. The letters σκ form 
 
 the root of a large class of words, 
 of which the general idea is that 
 of the inequality of the limbs % 
 σκαιοε, left-liandea (scsevus, Scse- 
 vola), the left, as the feebler, be¬ 
 ing considered as the shorter; or 
 crooked (Germ .schief, Engl, skeiv), 
 bent things being necessarily short¬ 
 ened : σκάζω, limp as those whose 
 limbs are unequal, το ασθενεί σκά¬ 
 ζει, Apoll. Lex. H. voc. σκαίρ. 
 (σκάόω) scando, the legs being made 
 of unequal length in climbing; 
 σκάΧΧω, dig, accompanied by the 
 same shortening of one leg: scala, 
 σκαΧη vos, a triangle, which is not 
 ΙσοσκεΧεε : σκαμβόε, scambus (fu- 
 isse traditur male pedatus scam- 
 busque. Suet. Oth. 12.) σκάνταλον, 
 because in tripping, the limb which 
 meets with the obstacle is neces¬ 
 sarily shortened. 
 
 What Her. here says of the 
 absence of plowing and digging 
 is not to be applied to all Egypt, 
 but to the Delta and the parts im¬ 
 mediately adjacent to the river, 
 where the deposit of slime would 
 be the deepest and softest. The 
 land of the Israelites in Goshen 
 must have lain near the extremity 
 
HERODOTUS. 
 
 25 
 
 Λ 
 
 II. 15.] 
 
 ωλλοι άνθρωποι περί Χηιον πονέουσΓ άλλ επεαν σφι ο ποτα- 
 μόα αυτόματοί; επεΧθων άρση ταα άρουρας, άρσας δε απολεπτρ 
 άπίσω, τότε σπείρας Σκαστοί; την εωυτου άρουραν, εσβάΧΧει 
 
 »>\·? r ■ - ο c \ χ ✓ >/ 
 
 ετ reav όε 
 
 ec αυτήν υς. 
 
 καταπάτηση τησι υσι το σπέρμα, αμητόν 
 
 άπο 
 
 $ινησας δε τησι υσ\ τον σίτον, ουτω 
 
 το απο τουτου μενει. 
 κομίζεται. 
 
 Εί ών βουΧόμεθα y νιομησι τησι Ιιυνων ^ρασθαι τα περί At- 15 
 
 of the inundations, and there it is 
 evident that laborious irrigation 
 was necessary to supply the want 
 of rain. Deut. xi. 10. The ope¬ 
 ration of plowing is represented 
 in the ancient Egyptian paintings, 
 Denon, PI. 55. Engl. ed. The fur¬ 
 row, however, is very shallow, and 
 when the Nile has been high the 
 plow is not even used; only a har¬ 
 row made of a hush is employed 
 to cover the seed. 
 
 έσβάΧΧει es avrijv vs. There 
 can be no doubt respecting the 
 correctness of the reading, ΑΕΙ. H. 
 Anim. 10. 16. Ενδοξο* όε φησι φει- 
 όομένους rovs Αιγυπτίους των υών 
 επί του σίτου σπαρεντος επάγουσι 
 tcis άγεΑαε αυτών. Plut. Symp. 2. 
 4. 5. The use of the swine in 
 treading in the seed may be ex¬ 
 plained from the necessity of em¬ 
 ploying an animal of lighter foot 
 than the ox, in so muddy a soil; 
 their use in the trituration of the 
 grain is more extraordinary. No¬ 
 thing appears on the Egyptian 
 monuments in confirmation of the 
 latter statement of Herodotus. 
 
 άποΰινησας. Δίνέω is “to revolve 
 inacircle”; II. σ', 494. κούροι S’ όρ- 
 γτ)στηρεε εόίνεον, “revolved in the 
 dance;” αποόινέω, “to extricate 
 by such a circular movement,” “ to 
 tread out corn in the threshing- 
 floor.” The common name for this 
 
 was άλως, which also denoted a 
 circular area (whence halo ) and 
 άπαΧοφν. Δϊι os ου μόνον τόρνος 
 άλλα καί ποόονιπτηρ κατα Κυρη- 
 vaiovs’ παρα όε τη Τελεσίλλα .... 
 καί η ά\ωε φησιν *Αθήι aios [xi. 
 ρ. 467. f.]. Eust. ad II. υ, 258. 
 
 αμητόν. Pro αμητόν cum 
 Schweigh. et Gaisf. rescripsi αμη¬ 
 τόν cum monentibus grammaticis 
 αμητόν sit metendi tempus, αμη¬ 
 τόν fruges demessae, Bahr. A simi¬ 
 lar distinction was made between 
 τρυγητός and τρυγητός, Suid. s. voc. 
 with little foundation, probably, in 
 the old pronunciation. 
 
 Sect. 15. εί ών βουΧόμεθα — 
 άποόεικνυοιμεν αν. The regular 
 construction is that an apodosis 
 with the opt. and av should have 
 a protasis with εί and the opt., 
 and hence βονΧοίμεθα has been 
 proposed. But the irregularity is 
 not uncommon with εθέΧω and 
 βουΧομαι. It is to be explained 
 by what was said Sect. 11. of the 
 idea of uncertainty involved in 
 these words, and should therefore 
 be distinguished from other usages 
 quoted by Matthiae §.524.1. Plat. 
 Symp. p. 208. C. τών ανθρώπων εί 
 εθεΧεις εις την φιΧοτιμίαν βΧε- 
 φαι, θανμά ζοις αν κ. τ. λ., where 
 Stallhaum produces other exam¬ 
 ples from Plato. Afterwards, 2.16. 
 εί όρθί] εστι — άποόείκνυμι. Ταρι- 
 
26 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 15. 
 
 γυπτον, οι φασι το Δέλτα μοΰνον el ναι Αίγυπτον, από ΓΓε/ο- 
 σεοε KaXeopevgc, σκοπιης λεγοντεο το παρά θάλασσαν είναι 
 αυτηρ μάχρ ι Τ αριχηιών των ΤΙηΧουσιακων, τρ δά τεσσερά- 
 κοντά €ΐσι σχοΊνοι' το δε από θαΧάσσηα Χεγόντων ec μέσο· 
 yaiav τβίνβιν αυτήν μέχρι Κ ερκασωρου πόλιοο, κατ ην σχίζε· 
 τ at ο Νεΐλοε, cq τε Πηλουσιον ρεών και εε, Κάνω)3 ον' τα δε 
 άΧΧα Χεγόντων τηε Αίγυπτον, τα μεν Αιβύηε, τά δε Αραβίηο 
 είναι * άποΰεικννοιμεν άν, τουτιρ τιρ λόγω χρεωμένοι, Αιγυπτί· 
 οισι ουκ εοΰσαν προτερον χωρην. η$η yap σφι το γε Δέλτα, 
 wc αυτοί Χεγονσι Αιγύπτιοι, και εμοι §οκεει, εστι κατάρρυτον 
 τε και νεωστι, tor, λόγω είπείν, άναπεφφνός. εί τοιννν σφι χώ- 
 ρη γε μ ηρεμία υπήρχε, τί περιειργάζοντο δοκεοντεα πρώτοι 
 
 χείαι, here and 2. 113. are not 
 mummy-pits, but salt-pits, as is 
 evident from their position on the 
 sea shore. 
 
 ηδη yap σφι τό Δέλτα, ηδη, “ as 
 already admitted,” §.10. 
 
 ώε λόγω είπείν, 2. 37., 2. 21. 
 λόγω δέ είπείν. 2. 53. μέχρι ού 
 πρώην τε καί χθεε ώε είπείν λόγω. 
 Like the analogous phrase ώε εποε 
 είπείν, it means “ to express it by 
 one word,” or “ phrase.” Διαπε- 
 πόρθηται τα Περσώΐ' πράγμαθ ’ ώε 
 είπείν εποε. -0Esch. Pers. 720. In 
 such brief descriptions, however, 
 extreme accuracy is often sacri¬ 
 ficed to conciseness, and hence 
 these phrases acquire a limiting 
 or qualifying force, prope, prope 
 dixerim, implying that the words 
 with which they are joined are 
 not to be strictly taken. Plato 
 de Leg. 656. E., speaking of the 
 paintings and sculptures of Egypt, 
 says, εύρη σείε αυτόθι τά μυριοστόν 
 ετοε γεγραμμένα η τετυπωμένα, 
 ουχ ώε εποε είπείν μυριοστόν 
 άλλ’ όντωε. Heind. ad Hipp. Maj. 
 §12. It may happen, however, 
 
 that a concise expression may fall 
 short of, instead of exceeding, the 
 truth. λΈΙ. N. H. 4. 36. Χευκην δε, 
 ουχ ώε είπείν εποε άλλα και 
 χιόνοε επέκεινα, “not simply white, 
 but surpassing snow.” In all these 
 uses the meaning is the same, “ to 
 express it briefly,” whether it be 
 with more energy or more laxity 
 than additional words would have 
 given. Here λόγω είπείν is used, 
 as 2. 53. to qualify the strong ex¬ 
 pression νεωστι. Cic. N. D. 2. 50. 
 “ Quid ea quse nuper, id est paucis 
 ante sseculis, medicorum ingeniis 
 reperta sunt ?” 
 
 υπήρχε, “ if they had originally 
 no land,” for this is the proper 
 meaning of υπάρχω. Suid. τό ΰπ- 
 άρχειν ουχ άπλώε τό είναι ση¬ 
 μαίνει άλλα τό πάλαι είναι και 
 προείναι, φθάνειν. In the instances 
 in which it is commonly said to 
 be equivalent to είναι, in the clas¬ 
 sic authors, it will be found to have 
 its appropriate meaning. Thus 
 Xen. CEcon. 21. (not Mem. lib. v.) 
 quoted by Vigerus, 5. 12. 4. as an 
 example of its use for είναι, και 
 
II. 16.J 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 27 
 
 ανθρώπων yeyovevai; ούδε εδει afpeac ες διαπειραν των παι- 
 δίων ιεναι, τίνα yXutaaav πρώτην απησουσι. Άλλ* ούτε Αι¬ 
 γυπτίους $οκεω αμα τω Δέλτα τω ύπ ’ Ίωνων καΧεομενω ye- 
 νεσθαι, αιεί τε είναι, εξ ου ανθρώπων yevoc εγευετο* προιούσηζ 
 δε τη ς \ωρι 7C, πολλούς μεν τούς ύποΧειπομενουο αυτών yevi- 
 σθαι , πολλούς δε τούς ύποκαταβαίνοντας. το δ* ώυ παΧαι αί 
 θήβαι, Αίγυπτος εκαΧεετο’ τηα το περίμετρον στα^ιοί εισι εί- 
 κοσι και εκατόν καί εξακισγ^ίΧιοι. Εί ών ήμείε; ορθώα περί 1 
 αυτών yιvώσκoμεv ) ’Ίωνεε, ουκ εύ φρονεουσι περί Αίγυπτου, εί 
 δέ ορθή εστι η τών Ιωνων yvώμη f 'Έ,ΧΧηνάο τε και αύτούς ^Ιω¬ 
 νάς απο^είκνυμι ουκ επισταμενουα Xoyίζεσθaι’ ο'ι φασι τρία μό¬ 
 ρια είναι yrjv πασαν , Εύ^οώπηυ τε και Ασίην και Λιβύην, τε- 
 
 παιόείας όεΐν φημί τώ ταΰτα μέΧ- 
 Χοντι όυνησεσθαι, καί φυσεως αγα¬ 
 θής ύπάρζαι, we should render 
 “ a good natural disposition to be¬ 
 gin with” 
 
 το δ’ ών π. αί Θ. Α’ίγ. εκαΧεετο' 
 τής το περίμ. κ. τ. λ. i. e. not of 
 Thebes, hut of Egypt, when the 
 Theban territory was synonymous 
 with Egypt. Arist. Meteor. 1. 14. 
 όρχαΐον ή Αίγυπτος θήβαι καΧου- 
 μεναι. This remark he opposes to 
 the opinion of the Ionians, that 
 the Delta alone was Egypt; when 
 the Delta did not yet exist, the 
 Thebais was Egypt. Αίγυπτος 
 was originally the name of the 
 Nile. Eust. ad Od. β', 300. ΑΪ- 
 γυπτον άρσενικώς τον Νει Χον φη- 
 σί, ως ποΧΧαχού εν τοϊς έζής φανή- 
 σεται’ αφΐ ου καί ή χωρά Αίγυπτος, 
 την Αίγυπτον δε θηΧυκώς ουκ οίόεν 
 ο ποιητης. _ Of the attraction of 
 εκαΧεετο to the predicate Αίγυπτος, 
 see Matth. § 305. 
 
 Sect. 16. ’Ίωνες ουκ εύ φρονε¬ 
 ουσι . The Ionians were the first 
 Greeks who had become acquaint¬ 
 ed with Egypt, 2. 152the first 
 
 also who had cultivated geography 
 and history, and therefore were led 
 to make these distinctions. It is 
 supposed that Herodotus has par¬ 
 ticularly in view the opinions of 
 Hecatseus. 
 
 τρία μόρια είναι γην πάσαν, 
 “ that the whole earth is three 
 parts,” consists of three parts. 2. 
 147. όυωέεκα μοίρας οασίιμενοι Αί¬ 
 γυπτον πάσαν. As the parts col¬ 
 lectively are equivalent to the 
 whole, they may be considered as 
 another name for it, and be pre¬ 
 dicated of it, as when we say the 
 “pound troy is 12 ounces.” This 
 equivalence of the parts to the 
 whole is the origin of their appo¬ 
 sition in the construction called 
 σχήμα καθ’ oXov καί κατά μέρος, 
 by W'hich έκαστος, πάς, aXXos, οι 
 μεν, οι δε, instead of governing 
 the whole in the genitive, are 
 placed in apposition with it. Xen. 
 Anab.2. 1. 15. Οντοι μεν, ώ Κλέ¬ 
 αρχε, «λλο$ άλλα, λέγει. Hence 
 also the apposition of the amount 
 or sum with the things composing 
 it. Her. 8. 4. πείθονσι θεμιστοκΧέα 
 
28 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 17. 
 
 ταρτον yap Βη σφεαρ δει προσλογίζβσθαι, Αίγυπτου το Δέλτα’ 
 εί μη τι ye εστι τηρ Ασιηρ μήτε τηρ Αιβυηρ. ου yap Βη ο Νε?- 
 λόε ye εστι, κατα τούτον τον λόγου, ο την Ασ'ιην ουριζων τηρ 
 Αιβυηρ' του Δέλτα δε τούτον κατά το οζυ περιρρ^νυται ο 
 Νειλοε, ώστε εν τω μεταζυ Ασ'ιηρ τε και Αιβυηρ γίνοιτ αν. 
 
 1 7 Καί την μεν Ίώνων yvωμηv άπίεμεν * ημεΐρ δε ώδε και περί τού¬ 
 των Xeyopev. Αίγυπτον μεν πασαν είναι ταντην την ύπ Αι¬ 
 γυπτίων ο Ικεομενην, κατάπερ Κι Χικίην την υπό Κιλικίων, και 
 ’ Ασσνριην την υπό Ασσυριών, ονρισμα δε Άσίρ και Αιβύφ οί- 
 Βαμεν ουδέν έόν ορθω λόγω, ει μό τονρ Αιγυπτίων ονρουρ . ει 
 δέ τω υπ’ Ελλήνων ϊενομισμενω γ^ρησόμεθα, νομιουμεν Αίγυ¬ 
 πτον πασαν, άρζαμενην από Καταδουπων τε καί Ε Χεφαντίνηρ 
 
 λ 
 
 επί μισθω τριηκοντα ταλάντοισι. 1. 
 14. σταθμόν εγοντεε τριηκοντα τά¬ 
 λαντα. 
 
 κατά το οξυ, “at the apex of 
 the Delta.” Pomp. Mela, 1. 9. 25. 
 calls it “acumen Deltse.” Rennell, 
 G. of Her. 2. 133. observes the 
 tendency which the heads of Del¬ 
 tas have to move lower down the 
 stream. The Pelusiac branch is 
 now nearly obliterated, and the 
 fork of the Damietta and Rosetta 
 branches is lower down than the 
 ancient Cercasorus. 
 
 Sect. 17. el τω νπ Έλλ//ν. ve- 
 νομισμενω. All the Greeks con¬ 
 curred in considering the Nile as 
 the boundary of Asia and Libya ; 
 the Ionians besides maintained, 
 that only the Delta was properly 
 Egypt. ^ 
 
 άρ£. άπο Καταδουπων. The Κα- 
 τάδουποι, the first Cataract or Cata¬ 
 ract of Syene, derived their name 
 from the loud sound with which 
 the water descends. Δονποε (poet. 
 yhovTos in composition with epi ) 
 is a word probably of imitative ori¬ 
 gin,. allied to κτύπο s (root τνπ), 
 
 and denoting the sound made by 
 the concussion of a falling body, 
 and thence the act of falling with 
 a sound. Eust. Od. μ , 443. ro έν- 
 ΰονπησα etc τοΰ παρακοΧονθονντοε 
 αντί τοΰ επεσον. παρακολουθεί γάρ 
 τί} τοιαΰτη πτώσει και ΰοΰποε. The 
 falls, which are eight in number, 
 begin just below the island of 
 Philse, which is not mentioned by 
 Herodotus, but which might more 
 properly be regarded as the bound¬ 
 ary between Egypt and Ethiopia, 
 and continue to Elephantine and 
 Syene. They are caused by gra¬ 
 nite rocks, which here cross the 
 river, and among which the Nile 
 boils and foams with great fury. 
 Sen. N. Q. 4.2. The ancients de¬ 
 scribe the noise of the fall in lan¬ 
 guage which might suit Niagara. 
 “ Ubi Nilus ad ilia quse Catadupa 
 nominantur prsecipitat ex altissi- 
 mis montibus, ea gens qum eum 
 locum accolit propter magnitudi- 
 nem sonitus sensu audiendi caret.” 
 Cic. Somn. Scip. 5. As the prin¬ 
 cipal fall, when the water is the 
 lowest, is only about five feet, and 
 
II. 17.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 29 
 
 πόΧιος , Si%a όιαιρεεσθαι, και αμφοτερων των επωνυμιεων εχεσ- 
 θαΓ τα μεν yap αυτής είναι της Λιβύης * τα $ε, της Ασ'ιης. ο 
 yap Sr) ΝεΊΧος αρξάμενος εκ των Καταΰονττων, ρεει, μεσην Αι- 
 yvTTTOV σχιζών, ες θάλασσαν. μέχρι μεν νυν Κ ερκασώρου πό 
 Λιο ς ρεει εις εων ο IM ειλος το οε αττ ο ταυ της της ττολιος, σχί¬ 
 ζεται τριφασίας όSovς ^ καί η μεν προς ηω τρέπεται, το καΧεε- 
 ται ΤΙηΧονσιον στόμα ’ η Sk ετερη των οδών προς έσπερην εχει' 
 τούτο οε ϊ^ανωμικον στόμα κεκληται. η οε οη ιοεα των οόων 
 τω Ne /λω εστι ηδε’ άνωθεν φερόμενος, ες το όζυ του Δέλτα 
 απικνεεται * το So από τούτον , σχιζών μέσον το Δέλτα, ες θά¬ 
 λασσαν εζίει, ούτε εΧαχίστην μο'ιρην του ΐ/8ατος παρεχόμενος 
 ταυτγ, ούτε ήκιστα ουνομαστην' το καΧεεται Σεβεννυτικόν 
 στόμα, εστι So και ετερα όιφασια στόματα , από του Σεβεννυ- 
 
 during the inundation they be¬ 
 come mere rapids, which boats 
 shoot, it has been supposed that 
 they must anciently have been 
 much higher. But the rock wears 
 away very slowly, and the inscrip¬ 
 tions and marks of quarrying on 
 the banks, show that there has 
 never been, in historical times, 
 any such change of level as to jus¬ 
 tify these descriptions: we must 
 refer them, therefore, to the ex¬ 
 aggerations which disfigure most 
 ancient, and especially oriental 
 accounts of remarkable objects or 
 phsenomena. Burckhardt had been 
 told that the water of the second 
 cataract (Wadi Haifa) fell down 
 as if from heaven: when he came 
 to it, he found that it was not 
 properly a cataract at all, but a ra¬ 
 pid ; the river running with great 
 velocity over sloping rocks. Tra¬ 
 vels in Nubia, p. 85. 
 
 αμφοτερων r. έπ. έχεσθαι, “ap¬ 
 pertains to both denominations/’ 
 
 Έχω with the accus. signifies “to 
 hold,” έχεσθαι with the gen. “ to 
 hold oneself from,” “ to support 
 oneself by, to adhere to, to be ad¬ 
 jacent to, or in contact with,” 2.92. 
 and hence, “ to be allied to in kind, 
 to belong to a class or denomina¬ 
 tion of objects.” In this last sense 
 it is frequent in Herodotus, 1.120. 
 t a των όνειράτων έχόμενα, “ the 
 whole class of dreams.” 2. 77. όσα 
 η ορνινων η ιχθύων εστι σφι εχο - 
 μένα. So έφάπτεσθαι 8. 105. παι- 
 όα s ε'ίόεοε έπαμμένονε, “ who had 
 any portion of beauty.” Pausa- 
 nias, an imitator of Herodotus, has 
 έχόμενα ιστορίας, 2.30. “partaking 
 of an historical character.” 
 
 σχίζεται τριφασίαε oCovs’ 1.180. 
 το άστυ — κατατ έτμηται τα: ό- 
 0ovs ίθεί as. 
 
 η όέ dr) ιθέα των υΰών τω Ne /λω. 
 Of this dative, see Matth. § 389.1. 
 The straight course is the middle 
 one, the Sebennytic. 
 
30 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. IB. 
 
 8 
 
 τικου αποσγ^ισθεντα, φεροντα εα θαλασσαν * τοΊσι ουνόματα 
 κεεται race, τω μεν Δαιτικον αυτών, τω be, Μενόησιον. το οε 
 Βολβίτινον στόμα καί Βουκολικόν ούκ ίθαγενεα στόματα εστι, 
 άλλ* ορυκτά. Μαρτυρεει $ε μοι τη "γνώμη, ότι τοσαυτη εστι 
 Αιγυπτοε, όσην τινα εγώ αποόείκνυμι τω λόγω, και το Αμμω- 
 voc γ^ρηστηριον γενόμενον' το εγώ της εμεωυτου γνωμηζ ύστε¬ 
 ρον περί Αίγυπτον επυθόμην. οί γαρ όη εκ Μ αρεηο τε ttoXioq 
 και ’'Απιοο, οικεοντες Αίγυπτου τα πρόσουρα Αιβύη, αυτοί τε 
 Βοκεοντεε είναι Αίβυεε, και ούκ Αιγύπτιοι, και αγβόμενοι τη 
 περί τα ιρα Θρησκίη, βουλόμενοι Θηλεων βοών μη εργεσθαι , 
 επεμφαν ec 'Αμμωνα, φαμενοι (< ουόεν σφίσι τε και Αίγυπτί- 
 
 τόΐσι ουνόματα κέεται τάόε. Of 
 the construction of this phrase with 
 a nominative of the name, see 
 Matth. §. 308. 
 
 ουκ ίθαγενέα. Greg. Cor. Dial. 
 Ion. 161. ιθαγενείς οί γνήσιοι παί- 
 les. So Juvenal, 3. 20. uses in - 
 genuus for natural, as opposed to 
 artificial. “ Quanto prsestantius 
 esset Numen aquae, viridi si mar- 
 gine cluderet undas Herba, nec 
 ingenuum violarent marmora to- 
 phum!” Her. 6. 53. ίθαγενέες is 
 native, as opposed to “of foreign 
 extraction”; φαινυίατο αν έόντες οί 
 των Δωριέων ηγεμόνες Αιγύπτιοι 
 ίθαγε νέες. 
 
 Sect. 18. της εμεωυτου γνώμης 
 ύστερον, i. e. υστ. του εμέ ούτως 
 γνώναι. Eur. Troad. 790. τής 
 ήμετέρας γνώμης μάλλον, “ more 
 than I approve.” So in Latin, “spe 
 citius,” i. e. “quam quis sperave- 
 rat”; “opinione citius”, i,e .“quam 
 quis opinatus erat.” 
 
 Marea was the town whence 
 the lake Mareotis took its name, 
 near the confines of Egypt on the 
 Libyan side, 2. 30. It had been 
 
 of considerable magnitude, but in 
 the Roman times only a village 
 remained. Athen. Deipn. 1. cap. 
 25. p. 33. The name of Mariuth 
 still remains to the district, which 
 is entirely desert. Apis was on 
 the same lake, Champollion, 2.265. 
 It appears from 2. 41., 4.186., that 
 the Egyptians did not sacrifice nor 
 eat cows, out of respect to Isis. 
 Sesostris (Diod. 1. 53.) is said to 
 have subdued the Libyans. 
 
 φάμενοι, “ alleging,” afterwards 
 ψάς, “saying.” The middle voice 
 has here its appropriate significa¬ 
 tion, describing an act which the 
 agent performs with reference to 
 himself, while the active expresses 
 simply the act itself. 1. 24. of 
 the sailors alleging that Arion was 
 safe in Italy; 2. 174. of those who 
 alleged that they had been robbed 
 by Amasis. It by no means im¬ 
 plies a false allegation, for 4. 81. 
 the historian uses it of a state¬ 
 ment of his own. Hence φάμενος, 
 “promising,” 6. 130; ου φάμενος, 
 “ refusing,” 1.37., 6. 86.; “ deny¬ 
 ing,” 4. 68. because a refusal or 
 
II. 19.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 31 
 
 “ οισι κοινόν εΐ ναι' otKeeiv τε yap εξω του Δέλτα, και ουκ ομο - 
 * ( Xoyeeiv αύτοϊσι' βούλβσθαί τβ πάντων σφίσι έξεΐναι yeve - 
 <f σθαι.” ο Se Θεός σφεας ουκ ea ποι eeiv ταυτα, φας “ Αΐ- 
 “ yvnrov eivai ταύτην την ο Νείλος βπιων apSei' και Alyvi ττί- 
 “ ovc eivai τούτους, οί evepOe ’Ελεφάντινης πόΧιος οίκέοντες, 
 “ από του ποταμού τούτου πίνονσι,” ουτω σφι ταυτα ςχρη- 
 σθη. επεργ^εται Se ο Νείλος, επεάν πΧηθύγ, ου μόνον το Δέλτα, 
 ύλλ^ κα\ του Αιβυκοΰ τε Xeyopevov χώρου eivai , και του Άρα- 
 ptou, €νιαχη και επι ουο ημερεων εκατ€ρωυι οοον, και πλευν ετι 
 τούτον, και εΧασσον. 
 
 denial implies, besides a negative 
 statement, a more emphatic rela¬ 
 tion to the person who makes it. 
 This distinction of the two voices 
 is not invalidated, though φάε is 
 found where φάμενοε might have 
 been used. The active voice is 
 general , and includes all modes of 
 saying, whether with reference to 
 the speaker or not; the middle is 
 special, and excludes all modes but 
 those which have a reference to 
 the speaker. The active, there¬ 
 fore, may be used for the middle, 
 within limits defined by usage, but 
 not the middle for the active. 3. 
 130. it is said of Democedes, ev- 
 Θαυτα brj ών έκφαίνει φαε άτρε- 
 κέωε μεν ουκ επίστασθαι, φΧαΰρωε 
 $ε έχειν την τέχνην, “ saying that 
 he did not accurately understand 
 the art,” where φάμενοε might have 
 been used: but it is sufficiently 
 evident from the connexion, that 
 Democedes professed ignorance, to 
 save himself from inconvenience. 
 Only the participle φάμενοε is so 
 used by Herodotus; and φάσκων 
 nearly in the same sense, 3. 58. 
 The Attic prose writers use the 
 imperf. and part. pres, of φάσκω in 
 the same way, and also the part. 
 φάμενοε. See Buttm. Ausf. Gr. 
 
 § 109. Anm. 2. Fishlake’s Transl. 
 p. 254. Comp. Matth. §. 215. 
 
 b c)e θεόε σφεαε ουκ ea, “the god 
 forbade them.” ουκ egv is the op¬ 
 posite to κεΧεύειν, and as that some¬ 
 times means to recommend, some¬ 
 times to command, so ουκ Igv is 
 sometimes “to forbid”, more com¬ 
 monly “to dissuade”. 5. 96. πέμ- 
 πουσι εε Σάρΰιε άγγεΧουε, ουκ 
 έώντεε τουε Π έρσαε πείθεσθαι Ά- 
 θηναίων τρΊε φυγάσι. Comp. 2. 
 30. Valckenaer, in his note on 
 that passage, says, “Apud Hero- 
 dotum ουκ egv nuspiam est impe- 
 rantis, at mitibus verbis dissua- 
 dentis;” this is not strictly true, 
 for here the oracle forbids, and it 
 was certainly not mitibus verbis 
 that the contest described, 2. 63. 
 was carried on. But as both the 
 present and imperfect denote an 
 attempt, as distinguished from a 
 completed act, ουκ egv is not used 
 in either of these tenses for actual 
 prevention. See Arnold’s Thuc. 
 6. 71. 19. 
 
 Sect. 19. του Αιβυκ"ΰ τε λεγο- 
 μένου. These genitives depend par - 
 titively on the descriptive phrase 
 ενιαχη και έπι duo ημερέων, &C., 
 and there is no occasion to sup¬ 
 ply n. 
 
 19 
 
HERODOTUS, 
 
 [II. 19. 
 
 32 
 
 Του ποταμού Si φύσιος περί, ούτε τι των Ιρεων, ούτε άλ¬ 
 λου οι/Βενος παραΧαβε7ν εδυνάσθην. πρόθυμος Si εα τάδε παρ 
 αυτών πυθεσθαι, ο τι κατέρχεται μεν ο Νειλοο πΧηθύων , απο 
 τροπεων των θερινεων αρζάμενος, επι εκατόν ημέρας' πεΧάσας 
 S’ ες τον αριθμόν τοντεων των ημερεων, οπίσω απέρχεται 
 αποΧείπων τδ ρεεθρον * ώστε βραχύς τον χειμώνα απαντα δια- 
 τελέει εώ^, μέχρι ον αντις τροπεων των Θερινεων. τούτων ών 
 περί ουδέ νος ovSiv οίός τ εγενόμην παραΧαβεΊν παρα των Αι- 
 
 έόννάσθην. The same form oc¬ 
 curs 2. 43., 7. 10. 6., but is rare 
 in the Attic writers, who use et)u- 
 νήθην or ήόννηθην. 
 
 on κατέρχεται πΧηθνων, “ why 
 (Matth. § 477. e.) the Nile de¬ 
 scends swelling.” The question 
 which Herodotus asked in vain, 
 and speculated on in vain, was 
 first answered satisfactorily by A- 
 gatharchides (Heeren. 2. 60.), who 
 referred it to the rains which be¬ 
 gin in Upper Ethiopia in May, and 
 continue till September. 
 
 πεΧάσας c>e k. r. X. “and having 
 gradually reached this number of 
 days, retreats, failing in its stream.” 
 Comp. 4. 181. of the Fountain of 
 the Sun at Ammonium, έπι Be μάΧ- 
 Xov Ιόν es το θερμόν ές μέσαε νύκ¬ 
 τας πεΧάζει, “graduallyreaches.” 
 Πβλάσα* leaves room for some va¬ 
 riation from the number. Accord¬ 
 ing to the observations of the 
 French at Cairo (Ritter Erdkunde, 
 p. 837.), the rise does not begin till 
 the first days of July, and the maxi¬ 
 mum is attained about the 20th of 
 September; so that the time may 
 have been about eighty days ; but 
 the river is stationary for about a 
 fortnight, and this time Herodotus 
 appears to have reckoned with the 
 rise. Schweighseuser,. Lex. Her. 
 s. voc. άποΧείπειν, would render 
 
 το ρεεθρον, “ leaving its chan¬ 
 nel,” i. e. its enlarged channel - 
 during the inundation, but άπο¬ 
 Χείπειν is used elsewhere without 
 an accus. 2. 22., 2. 14., and to 
 ρεεθρον must be rendered “ in ” 
 or “as to-its stream.” 7. 58. πο¬ 
 ταμόν ονκ αντίσχοντα Trj στρατίρ 
 τό ρεεθρον. 
 
 βραχύς, “ shallow.” “ Et pri- 
 mum in scopulo luctantem deserit 
 alto Sergestum brevibusque vadis”. 
 JEn. 5. 220. Id. 1. 111. 
 
 μέχρι ον. This construction be¬ 
 longs properly to μέχρι only when 
 used with a verb following; in 
 which case, as the relative pronoun 
 was originally demonstrative, it 
 serves, like the English “ that,” 
 in “ till that,” “ since that,” 
 
 “ if that,” and other phrases now 
 obsolete, to draw attention to the 
 proposition so introduced. From 
 frequently following μέχρι under 
 such circumstances, the relative 
 seems to have adhered to it at the 
 end, as to ενεκ a ( οννεκα ) at the 
 beginning, and to have been care¬ 
 lessly used with a single noun. 
 See 1. 183. μέχρι ον οκτώ πί>ρ- 
 γων. 2. 35., 2. 173. μέχρι οτοι> 
 πΧηθονσης άγορης. It is one of 
 the few instances of a real pleo¬ 
 nasm in Greek. 
 
II. 20 .] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 33 
 
 * γυπτίων, ιστό ρεών αυτοί) c, ηντινα δύναμιν eyei ο Νειλοα τα εμ- 
 παλιν πεφυκεναι των άλλων ποταμών, ταΰτά τε δη τα λελεγ- 
 μενα βουΧομενος ειδεναι, ιστδρεον * και ο τι αύρας άποπνεούσας 
 μούνος ποταμών πάντων ου παρέχεται. Άλλα Ελλη^ωΐ' μεν 20 
 τινες, επίσημοι βουΧόμενοι “γενέσθαι σοφίην, ελεζαν περί του 
 νδατος τούτου τριφασίας οδούς’ των τάς μεν δύο των οδών 
 ουδ άζιώ μνησθηναι , ει μη δσον σημηναι βουΧδμενος μούνον. 
 των η ετερη μεν λέγει τούς ετήσιας άνεμους είναι αιτίους πΧη- 
 
 τουτων ών περί ούΰειος, “ con¬ 
 cerning none of these things then 
 was I able to obtain anything from 
 the Egyptians, inquiring of them, 
 what virtue the Nile has, so as to 
 be of a contrary nature from all 
 other rivers.” Of this use of the 
 infinitive, to explain more pre¬ 
 cisely the preceding words, see 
 Matth. § 532. d. 
 
 ra λελεγμενα (a preferable read¬ 
 ing to λεγάμενα, which Bahr has 
 adopted,) is the rise and fall of 
 the Nile. 
 
 καί 6 τι αύρας. άπ. The Scho¬ 
 liast on Soph. Aj. 683. defines αύρα 
 to be a current of air from the sur¬ 
 face of water; AchillesTatius Isag. 
 in Arat. c. 33. to be άναθυμίασιν 
 yrjs. It is our breeze, i. e. a cur¬ 
 rent of air produced by a local dif¬ 
 ference of temperature, whether 
 from water to land, or vice versa. 
 The warmth of the water of the 
 Nile, remarked by Herodotus 2. 
 27.fin. 68., was the cause that the 
 cool breeze did not set from it to¬ 
 wards the land, as he had observed 
 in other rivers. 
 
 Sect. 20. 'Ελλήνων μεν rives. 
 Thales is said to have been the 
 author of the first of these hypo¬ 
 theses, see Sen. N. Q. 4. 2., who 
 enumerates them ; Hecateus, but 
 probably at the suggestion of the 
 
 Egyptian priests (Diod. 1. 37.), 
 had adopted the second; since he 
 made the Argonauts pass from the 
 Phasis to the ocean, from the 
 ocean to the Nile, Schol. Apoll. 
 Rhod. 4. 259.; unless, indeed, he 
 supposed them to have carried the 
 Argo over the intervening ground. 
 What is most extraordinary, Eu- 
 thymenes of Marseilles, who had 
 navigated the Atlantic, Sen. N. Q. 
 ubi s., maintained, in confirmation 
 of this opinion, that the water of 
 the Atlantic was sweet. “Dulcis 
 maris sapor est, et similes Niloti- 
 cis belluae.” He must have reached 
 the mouth of one of the great rivers 
 of the Western coast of Africa, in 
 which hippopotami and crocodiles 
 abound, and which freshen the sea 
 waters to a considerable extent. 
 This, joined with the phenomenon 
 of an ocean tide, running far in land, 
 would encourage the opinion that 
 the Nile originated in the ocean. 
 The third hypothesis was that of 
 Anaxagoras, which his pupil Eu¬ 
 ripides alludes to, Helena 1. Νείλου 
 μεν α'ίάε καλλιπάρθενοι poai 'Os 
 αντί άίας φεκάάοε Αίγυπτου πεύον, 
 Αευκης τακείσης γιόνος, υγραίνει 
 γυαε. Fragm. Archel. II. 
 
 αίτίουε πληθΰειν. Herodotus 
 varies his construction of this word 
 3.12. τώυτο άέ τούτο καί τού pi) φα~ 
 
 D 
 
34 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 21. 
 
 θυειν τον ποταμον, κωλύοντας ες θάλασσαν εκρεειν τον Νείλο»'. 
 πολλάκις δε ετησιαι μεν ουκ ών έπνευσαν, ο δε ΝεΤλοε τω- 
 υτο εργάζεται, προς δε, ε’ι ετησιαι αίτιοι ησαν, \ρην και 
 τους άλλους ποταμούς , οσοι το7σι ετησίτ\σι αντ'ιοι ρεουσι , 
 ομοίως πάσγ^ειν και κατά τα αυτά τω Νείλω’ και μάλλον 
 ετι τοσουτω, οσω ελασσόνες εοντες , ασθενέστερα τα ρεύ¬ 
 ματα παρέχονται, εισι δε πολλοί μεν εν ττ} Σιγκρ ποτα¬ 
 μοί, πολλοί δέ εν τρ Αιβυη, οί ούδεν τοιουτο πάσγουσι οίον 
 τι και ο ΝεΤλοα. 'Η δ* ετερη, άνεπιστημονεστερη μεν εστι 
 
 Χακρουσθαι αίτιόν εστι, and in the 
 same sentence, τοΰτό εστι αίτιον 
 ίσχνραε φορέειν ταε κεφαΧάε. 
 
 ει ετησιαι αίτιοι ησαν, χρην. 
 This omission of αν in the apodo- 
 sis, when the protasis has ει with 
 an indicative, is common to all the 
 words which express necessity and 
 propriety, εδει, χρην, προσηκε, κα¬ 
 λόν, αισχρόν ήν, εζήν, and the 
 verbal in τέοε. Her. 1. 39. εΐ μεν 
 yd p υπό όδόντοε είπε τεΧευτησειν 
 με — χρην δη σε ποιείν. So in La¬ 
 tin, oportebat, par erat. Zumpt, 
 Sect. 75. 1. note 1. Schsefer Me- 
 let. Critt. p. 130. 
 
 The Etesian, or summer winds 
 (eVos) blew in Greece and Italy, 
 and on the opposite coasts of A- 
 frica, not only from the north, but, 
 as is evident from Arist. Meteor. 
 2.6. Diod. Sic. 1.39., deviating on 
 either side of north to east and 
 west. The Maestro, mistral of the 
 Mediterranean, the Argestes of the 
 Greeks, is a north-west (Άργέσται' 
 οι ετησιαι, Hes.), the Tramontano, a 
 north and north-east wind. TheE- 
 tesian winds, therefore, might have 
 produced an effect on the Syrian 
 rivers, which discharge themselves 
 to the west, as well as on the Afri¬ 
 can, which discharge themselves 
 to the north. Nor are these winds 
 
 wholly without such an effect, ac¬ 
 cording to Larcher, though by no 
 means adequate to produce^the 
 entire rise of the Nile. They are 
 the primary cause of the inunda¬ 
 tion, bringing the cooler air of the 
 north to the regions of Ethiopia, 
 as the sun rises towards Cancer, 
 and thus producing condensation 
 and rain. 
 
 Sect. 21. άνεπιστημονεστέρη, 
 “ the second is more unscientific 
 than that which has been men¬ 
 tioned ;” θανμασιωτέρη, “ leaning 
 to the marvellous.” The compa¬ 
 rative is similarly used, 7. 13. av- 
 δρα πρεσβύτερον. 3. 145. άδεΧφεόε 
 υπομαργύτεροε. Acts xvii. 22. tvs 
 δεισιδαιμονεστερονε νμάε θεωρώ, 
 “inclined to superstition;” where, 
 if I may be allowed to differ from 
 great authorities, the softened ex¬ 
 pression of the comparative is the 
 utmost extent that can be allowed 
 to oratorical art, consistent with 
 the sincerity of an apostle, ad¬ 
 dressing a people, whose δεισιδαι¬ 
 μονία, in the worst sense of super¬ 
 stition, was remarked by the hea¬ 
 thens themselves. See Plut. Περί 
 Δεισιδ. τ. Άθην. In 4. 8. 36. He¬ 
 rodotus again ridicules those who 
 thought that the earth was circu¬ 
 lar, and that the ocean flowed 
 
II. 22 .] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 35 
 
 τηε Xε\εyμεvηε ) λογω δε ειπεΤν, θωυμασιωτερη * η \eyei από 
 του Ωκεανού ρεοντα αυτόν ταυτα μηχανάσθαι, τον δ Ω¬ 
 κεανόν yrjv περί πάσαν ρεειν. Η δε τρίτη των οδω ν, πολλδν 
 επιεικέστατη εουσα, μάΧιστα εφευσται. λέγει yap δτ) ούδ’ αυτή 
 ουδέν, φαμενη τον Νείλον ρεειν απο τηκομενηο, χιόνοο' oc, ρεει 
 μεν εκ Αιβυητ, διά μέσων Αιθιόπων, εκόιόοΊ δε εα Αίγυπτον. 
 κωα ών όητα ρεοι αν απο χιόνοε, απο των θερμότατων τόπων 
 ρεών εε τα ψυχρότερα των τα πολλά εστι άνόρί yε λογι- 
 ζεσθαι τοιουτων περί οίω τε εόντι, ώε ουδέ εικόε από χ iovoc 
 μιν ρεειν. πρώτον μεν και /ιέγιστον μαρτυριον οί άνεμοι παρέ¬ 
 χονται, πνεοντεε από των χωρεων τουτεων θερμοί, όευτερον 
 δε, ότι ανομβροε η χώρη καί άκρυσταΧΧοε διατελέει εουσα * επι 
 δε χιόνι πεσουση, πάσα αν^κη εστι ϋσαι εν πέντε ημερησι. 
 
 22 
 
 round it. By the epithet θαυμα- 
 σιωτέρη, he probably meant to de¬ 
 scribe it as one of the speciosa mi - 
 racula of poetry. II. if, 245. Od. 
 X, 638. He calls it afterwards, 
 μύθος, 2. 23. 
 
 Sect. 22. ποΧΧόν επιεικέστατη, 
 “ though by much the most plau¬ 
 sible is the most false.” ονόέν λέ- 
 γειν, “ to say nothing to the pur¬ 
 pose,” or “nothing true;” not very 
 different from ουόέν υγιές Χέγειν. 
 So in Latin, nil ay is, “ you do 
 nothing to the purpose.” Χέγειν 
 τι is “ to speak to the purpose.” 
 ταντ ειπύντος αυτόν, έόοζέ τι Χέ¬ 
 γειν τώ Άστυάγει. Cyrop. 1.4.20. 
 Herodotus was not aware that 
 snow lies even under the equator, 
 at a certain height. 
 
 των τα πολλά' εστι, “ of which 
 countries ( i. e. those from which 
 the Nile flows) there are nume¬ 
 rous circumstances in proof, to a 
 man who can reason about such 
 things, that it is not probable it 
 should flow from snow.” There 
 is a similar use of ώς, 2. 105. 
 
 Φέρε νυν και άλλο ε’ίπω περί των 
 ΚόΧχων ως Αίγυπτίοισι προσφε - 
 ρέες εισί, “in proof that they re¬ 
 semble the Egyptians.” He goes 
 on to enumerate the phsenomena 
 of the Ethiopian climate, which 
 prove that snow could not exist 
 there. The chief difficulty of the 
 passage is the article before πολλά, 
 which commonly means “ the ma¬ 
 jority;” yet not, it should seem, 
 always: Τϊ έεΐ τα πολλά Χεγειν; 
 “ quid multa ?” Dem. de Cor. p. 
 278. 2.; or Herodotus may have 
 meant to say, that the greater part 
 of the ascertained facts respecting 
 Ethiopia were inconsistent with 
 the notion of snow falling there. 
 
 επί όε χιόνι πεσ. “ after a fall 
 of snow.” έπι with dat. denotes a 
 closer succession than μετά, a con¬ 
 tact of the two events. Ωρτο ποΧυ 
 πρώτος μεν άναξ άνόρών ’ Αγαμέμ¬ 
 νων ' τω S’ επι Ύυόείόη s —τοϊσι X 
 επ’ Α’ίαντες. II. η, 162. Eur. 
 Phoen. 1230. ουκ αν γε Χέζαι μ 
 επ’ άγαθοϊσι σοΊς κακά, “ on the 
 heels of your good fortune.” In 
 
36 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 23. 24. 
 
 ωστβ el εχιδνιζε, ύετο αν ταυτα τα χωμία. τρίτα δε, οί άνθρω¬ 
 ποι υπο του καύματοε μ eXaver, εοντεε,. ΙκτΊνοι δε και χελιδδνεβ 
 Si’ ereoc eovrec ουκ αποΧείπουσι ‘ yepavoi δε φβιτγουσαι τον 
 χειμώνα τον εν ττ) Έικυθικη χώμρ γινόμενόν, φ οιτέωσι ec χει- 
 μασίην ec tovc τόπουε τούτουε * ei τοίννν εχιόνιζε και οσονων 
 ταυτήν την χώμην, δι ηε τε μέει καί βκ τηε αμχεται ρεών ο 
 
 23 Νε?λοα, τ?ν αν τούτων ούδεν, ώο η ανάγκη ελέγχει. Ο δε 7Γεμι 
 του Ωκεανού Xe^ac, ec αφαν ec τον μύθον άνενείκαε, ου /c έχει 
 έλεγχον, ού γαμ τινα έγω γε οιδα ποταμον Ωκεανόν εοντα' 
 Όμηρον δε, τ) τινα των 7 τροτερον γενομένων ποιητεων , δοκέω 
 τούνομα εύμόντα ec την ποίησιν εσενείκασθαι. 
 
 24 Εί δε δει μεμφάμενον γνώμαε ταυ προκειμεναε^ αυτόν περί 
 
 pronouncing that rain must fol¬ 
 low snow in five days, Herodotus 
 judged probably from bis own ex¬ 
 perience of the soft climates of 
 Asia Minor and the south of Italy. 
 It has been remarked that Al- 
 cseus, writing at Lesbos, makes no 
 mention of snow (Fragm. Ale. 1. 
 Mus. Crit. 1. p. 423.), but that 
 Horace, imitating him at Rome, 
 adds this circumstance : “ Vides 
 ut alta stet nive candidum So- 
 racte.” Ideler, Meteorol. p. 145. 
 
 οσονων, “ if it usually snowed 
 in this country, even in any quan¬ 
 tity whatever.” 1. 199. το δε αρ¬ 
 γύρων μέγαθόε εστι οσονων, “ the 
 money is of any amount.” In such 
 phrases, however, as it is not the 
 largeness but the smallness which 
 is remarkable, the meaning is 
 “ however little.” So 6 πως τι ovv, 
 “ in the smallest degree.” Plat. 
 Symp. 219. D. ωστ ονβ’ όπως ovv 
 όργιζοίμην ειχον, “I had no cause 
 to be angry in any way whatever.” 
 Έχιόνιζβ is an impersonal expres¬ 
 sion of the state of the weather. 
 Matth. § 295. 1. 
 
 Sect. 23. ονκ έχει έλεγχον, 
 “ having referred his story to an 
 obscure matter, cannot be brought 
 to the test.” Ava<pepeiv es is used 
 of the authority appealed to; 1. 
 157., 7. 149. as these were poet¬ 
 ical and fabulous, it was impos¬ 
 sible to apply the test of argument 
 to them. 1. 209. καταστήσης τον 
 παϊΰα es έλεγχον, “ submit the 
 youth to the test.” Plat. Gorg. 
 474. B. "Ορα ovv el eOeXyaeis ev 
 τω pepet StSovai έλεγχον, “ allow 
 yourself in your turn to be brought 
 to the test of argument.” Phsedr. 
 273. C. έλεγχον παραδοίη, “afiford 
 an opportunity for his own refu¬ 
 tation.” 
 
 των τροτερον γενομένων 7r. The 
 same in meaning as ποιητέων των 
 7Γ| οογενομένων, 2. 156. “ poets of 
 former times.” Larcher renders 
 “ poete plus ancien.” The poet 
 who invented the name, if not 
 Homer, cannot indeed have lived 
 after him, since it is found in Ho¬ 
 mer, but this is not probably what 
 Herodotus meant. Comp, how¬ 
 ever, 2. 53. 
 
II. 25.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 37 
 
 τωυ αφανεων -γνώμην αποάεζασθαι, φράσω διότι μοι δοκεει 
 πΧηθυεσθαι ο Νείλου του θερεορ. την χειμερινήν ωρην άπεΧαυ- 
 νομενορ ο ηΧιορ εκ της άρχαίηρ διεξόδου ύπο των -χειμώνων, 
 έρχεται τι;υ Αιβυηρ τα άνω. ωρ μεν νυν εν εΧαχίστω άηΧωσαι, 
 παν είρηται * τίκ αν άγχοτάτω η χωρηρ θύτου ο θεόρ, και 
 κατά ην τινα, ταυτην οίκου άιφην τε υδάτωυ μάΧιστα, και τα 
 eyyjopia ρεύματα μαραίνεσθαι των ποταμών. 'Ωρ δε ευ πΧεονι 
 Xoyio άηΧώσαι, ώδε εχει. άιεζιων τηρ Αιβυηρ τα άνω ο ηΧιορ, 
 τάδε π οιέεΓ ατε δια 7Γαυτόυ του χρόνου αίθριου τε εόντορ του 
 ηερορ του κατά ταυτα τα χωρία , και άΧεεινηρ τηρ χωρηρ εου- 
 
 25 
 
 Sect. 24. πΧηθυεσθαι. In the 
 same sense, 2. 19. πληθνη. The 
 active voice, comprehending in 
 itself all kinds of activity, may 
 be used for that particular kind 
 which the middle more precisely 
 expresses, namely, that which 
 is exerted upon the agent, in 
 which case it is called neuter ; 
 and πληΟΰω may be used of the 
 same act as the middle πΧηθυ- 
 εσθαι. So in Latin, cresco — au- 
 geor. But though active verbs 
 generally are capable of this neu¬ 
 ter middle use, the cases are few 
 in which both forms are used. 
 Στρατευειν and στρατευεσθαι are 
 both found ; so εσδύνειν and εσδυ- 
 εσ'3αι ; εισβαΧΧεΙν and είσβάΧΧε- 
 σθαι; φερειν and φέρεσθαι ; though 
 even with these some slight dif¬ 
 ference of meaning between the 
 voices will be found to prevail. 
 
 άρχαίηε διεξόδου, “ his ancient 
 path,” or “ circuit,” so afterwards 
 διεξιών 25. Herodotus seems to 
 have conceived of the sun, as dri¬ 
 ven from his accustomed beat, du¬ 
 ring winter, by the cold and storms 
 of the northern hemisphere. 
 
 Sect. 25. ώε μεν νυν εΧαχίστω δη- 
 Χώσαι, “ to give an explanation in 
 the smallest space, everything has 
 
 been said.” The whole explana¬ 
 tion, according to Herodotus, lay 
 in this, that the sun was vertical 
 over Libya in winter, and conse¬ 
 quently the rivers, not being swol¬ 
 len by rain but exhausted by eva¬ 
 poration, were the lowest during 
 that season. It is obvious, that, 
 if the question had been, why the 
 Nile fell below the average height 
 in the winter, this would have ex¬ 
 plained it; but the real difficulty 
 was, why it should be above the 
 average in the summer, and of this 
 Herodotus affords no explanation. 
 
 κατά ijv τινα. Kara denotes co¬ 
 incidence in extension and direc¬ 
 tion, and hence is used of objects 
 which are in the same line, hori¬ 
 zontal or perpendicular. 2.121.4. 
 Kara rovs φυΧάσσονταε, “ opposite 
 the place where the guards were.” 
 2.158. Kara Μέμφιν, “over against 
 Memphis.” It may be rendered 
 here “over whatever country,” but 
 Kara implies only the coincidence 
 of the sun’s place in the heaven 
 with the terrestrial place of that 
 country. So in κατά ras γεφυράε 
 1. 75. Kara την σχεδίην 4. 89., 
 Kara is properly “ along,” though 
 it may be rendered “ over.” 
 
38 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 25. 
 
 σηε, ουκ Ιόντων άνεμων ψυχρών, όιεζιών ποιεει οιον περ και το 
 θεροε εωθε ποιεειν , Ιων το μέσον του ουρανου. ελκει yap επ 
 εωυτον το ύδωρ* εΧκυσαε δε, άπωθεει εε τα άνω -χ ωρια' νπο- 
 Χαμβάνοντεε δε οι άνεμοι , καί c Ηασκιόνάντεε, τηκουσι' και εισι 
 οικότωε οι άπό ταντηε τηε \ώρηε πνεοντεε } ο τε νοτοε, και ο 
 Χΐψ, άνεμων ποΧΧόν των πάντων υετωτατοι. όοκεει δε μοι ουδέ 
 παν το ύδωρ τδ επετειον εκάστοτε αποπεμπεσθαι του Νείλου 
 δ ηΧιοε, άλλα και ύπολείπεσθαι περί εωυτον. πρηυνομενου δε 
 του γ^ειμωνοε, απέρχεται ο ηΧιοε εε μέσον τον ουρανόν οπισω' 
 και τό ενθε ΰτεν ηόη ομοιωε από πάντων ελκει των ποταμών, 
 τεωε δε οι μεν } όμβριου υόατοε συμμισyoμεvoυ ποΧΧου αυτοισι , 
 άτε υομενηε τε τηε γμυρηε καί κε^αραόρωμενηε, ρεουσι μεya- 
 λοι* του δε θερεοε, των τε όμβρων επιΧειποντων αυτουε, και 
 υπό του ηΧ’ιου εΧκόμενοι , άσθενεεε εισί. ο δε Νείλος εων ανομ- 
 βροε , εΧκόμενοε δε υπό του ήλιου, μουνοε ποταμών τούτον 
 
 Ιων τό μέσον. Of this use of 
 the accusative with verbs of mo¬ 
 tion, see Matth. § 409. 4. Thuc. 
 3. 64. μετά ’ Αθηναίων, άδικον οδόν 
 ιόντων. Δ. ζο. ηιε αν τα ανω της 
 Ευρώπης. The middle of heaven 
 is the sun’s place in the summer 
 months, high up in the sky, as 
 opposed to his depression towards 
 its verge in winter. 
 
 έλκύσας δε, απωθέει , “ and ha¬ 
 ving attracted the moisture, drives 
 it to the inland regions” (of Libya). 
 But the inland regions of Libya, 
 according to Herodotus, were al¬ 
 ways hot, 2. 26., and therefore the 
 moisture did not fall there in rain, 
 but, being taken up by the winds, 
 was dispersed to other countries, 
 and gave the south and south¬ 
 west winds their peculiarly rainy 
 character, ’'Ανω is used here for 
 the parts remote from the Medi¬ 
 terranean, as 2.26. These regions 
 were indeed mountainous, but that 
 
 is not the idea which άνω is meant 
 to express, though there must al¬ 
 ways be some rise in the countries 
 whence rivers flow. Hence the 
 use of ava and κατά in Greek, for 
 from, and towards the sea. 
 
 αλλά /cat ύπολείπεσθαι περί έω- 
 ντόν. To nourish its flames, ac¬ 
 cording to the ancient doctrine. 
 “ Flaminiger an Titan ut alentes 
 hauriat undas Erigat Oceanum.” 
 Luc. 1.415. Lucian Icaromenipp. 
 c. 7. v. 7. p. 10. ed. Bip. Cic. N. D. 
 2. 15. 
 
 τέως δέ οι μεν, “up to that time 
 (the return of the sun into the 
 middle of heaven) the other rivers, 
 much rain water being mixed with 
 them, since the country is rained 
 upon and worn into gullies, flow 
 abundantly; whereas, during the 
 summer,” &c. The contrast to oi 
 μεν is not του δε θέρους, but 6 δε 
 Νείλος. 
 
II. 26. 27.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 39 
 
 τον -χρόνον οικότως αυτός εωυτον ρέει ποΧΧώ υποδεέστερος η 
 του θέρεος' τότε μέν yap μετά πάντων των υδάτων ίσον έΧ- 
 κεται, τον δε χειμώνα, μοΰνος πιέζεται, οντω τον ηΧιον νενό- 
 μικα τούτων αίτιον ε'ιναι. Αίτιος δε ώυτός ούτος, κατά γνώ- 26 
 μην την εμην, και τον ηέρα ξηρόν τον ταυτη είναι, διακαίων 
 την διέξοδον αυτώ * οντω της Λιβύης τα άνω θέρος αιει κατ¬ 
 έχει, Ει δε η στάσις ηΧΧακτο των ώρέων , και του ουρανου 
 τη μέν νυν ο βορέης τε και ο χειμών έστάσι, ταυτη μέν του 
 νότου ην η στάσις και της μεσαμβρίης, τη δέ ο νότος νυν έστη- 
 κε, ταυτή δέ ο βορέης’ ει ταυτα οντω είχε, ο ηΧιος άν άπε- 
 Χαυνόμενος εκ μέσου του ουρανου υπό του χειμώνος και του 
 βορέω , ηιε άν τα άνω της Ευρώπης, κατάπερ νυν της Λιβύης 
 έρχεται, διεξιόντα δ άν μιν διά πάσης Ευρώπης, έΧπομαι ποι- 
 έειν άν τον ’Ίστρον τα περ νυν έpyάζετaι τον Νείλον. Της 27 
 αυρης δέ πέρι, οτι ουκ άποπνέει, τηνδε έχω yvώμηv, ώς κάρτα 
 από θερμών χωρέων ουκ οικός έστι ουδέν άποπνέειν * αυρη δέ 
 από ψυχρου τίνος φιΧέει πνέειν. 
 
 νενόμικα. This verb, like ηγέ- 
 ομαι, is often used by Herodotus 
 in the perf. 3. 38. νομίζουσι and 
 νενομίκασι are used in the same 
 context; but the perf., according 
 to analogy, denotes more precisely 
 the fixedne*s of the opinion. Xen. 
 Mem. 1. 4. 2. Είπε, μοι, έφη ώ ’Α¬ 
 ριστόδημε, έστιν ovs τιν as άνθρώ - 
 πων επι σοφία τεθανμακαε; for 
 whom you entertain admiration ? 
 αυτός έωυτου ρέει υποδεέστεροί. 
 See the note on 2. 8. p. 15. 
 
 Sect. 26. Ει δέ η στάσις ηλλακτο 
 των ώρέων, “ if the position of the 
 seasons were changed;” not “ si 
 permutaretur,” as Schw. renders, 
 but “si permutata esset.” The per¬ 
 fect denoting the present continu¬ 
 ance of a state produced by a past 
 act, the pluperfect is so used of past 
 time. And as the tenses of past 
 time serve with ei to express a con¬ 
 
 dition that has not been fulfilled, 
 the pluperf. here takes the place 
 of the aorist or imperfect, which 
 would have been used if the ma¬ 
 king of the change, not the alter¬ 
 ed condition of things in conse¬ 
 quence of the change, were to be 
 expressed, ώρέων is here put for 
 the parts of the heavens in which 
 the sun is at the opposite seasons. 
 
 τη μέν νυν — ταΰτρ μέν. In the 
 construction of this sentence, the 
 demonstrative which answers to 
 77 / μέν is distinguished by the same 
 particle, ταΰτρ μέν, and that which 
 answers to τη δέ by c>e. See note 
 on Sect. 102. The genitive του 
 ουρανου depends on the whole de¬ 
 scriptive phrase, τρ μέν, &c. See 
 before. 
 
 τά άνω της E υρώπης. See Sect. 
 25. 
 
 Sect. 27. φιλέει 7rveetv,“is wont 
 
40 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 28. 
 
 28 
 
 T αυτα μεν νυν έστω ώα εστι re και ioc, αρχήν eyevero. 
 Του Se Νείλου raq 7 τηyάci ούτε Αιγυπτίων, ούτε Λιβυων, ούτε 
 Έ*\\ηνων των εμοι απικομενων εο, \oyovc, ovSei-s υπεσχετο ει- 
 
 to blow;” a mode of speaking com¬ 
 mon in Herodotus. 3.82 . εν Ιέ 6Xi- 
 γαρχίγ} έχθεα Idia Ισχυρά φιΧέει 
 έγγίνεσθαι. 8. 128. ομιΧος oia φι- 
 Χέει γίνεσθαι εν ποΧέμω. The in¬ 
 stances alleged of a similar use of 
 amo in Latin, as Hor. Od. 3.16. 9. 
 “ aurum per medios satellites ire 
 amat·,” Tac. An. 4. 9. “ plerisque 
 additis ut plerumque amat posterior 
 adulatio,” are examples rather of 
 poetical and rhetorical personifi¬ 
 cation. 
 
 Sect. 28. ταΰτα μεν νυν έστω. 
 This is a mode of taking leave of 
 a subject of which no more is to 
 be said; analogous to those ex¬ 
 plained 2. 33. 
 
 ώς αρχήν εγένετο. “Passim idem 
 est ac prorsus, quomodo ex emen- 
 datione Viri celeberrimi Latina. 
 Melius Laurentianum (Valla) ab 
 initio, nexu orationis postulante.” 
 Wess. It is not only the con¬ 
 nexion, however, which here for¬ 
 bids the rendering jirorsus. That 
 which does not begin to be, or to 
 be done, can never go on to any 
 subsequent stage, and therefore 
 άρχην, with a negative or the equi¬ 
 valent of a negative, is sometimes 
 prorsus or omnino. But it by no 
 means follows that what does begin 
 will go on to be entire or perfect, 
 and therefore άρχην, without a ne¬ 
 gative, is no longer to be rendered 
 by prorsus, but means originally. 
 This distinction has not always 
 been attended to by critics. Thus 
 8. 132. οι στασιώται έόντες άρχην 
 επτά, is rendered by Schweighaeu- 
 ser, “ erant omnino septem nu- 
 
 mero,” instead of originally. John 
 viii. 25. την άρχην on και λαλώ 
 υμΐν, where the present tense ex¬ 
 tends the action down to the mo¬ 
 ment of speaking ; “ even what I 
 said to you at the beginning and 
 all along.” 1.9. άρχην εγώ μηχα- 
 νησομαι οΰτω ώστε μηΰέ μαθεϊν μιν 
 όφθεϊσαν υττο σεΰ, αρχήν belongs to 
 μηΰέ μαθεϊν. Dem. Kard.’Arc)jO. ρ. 
 603. 12. την ούν άρχην τοϊί τοιου- 
 tois άπεϊττε μή μετέχειν του συμβου 1 
 Χεΰειν, is an example of a similar 
 construction. The English at all 
 corresponds exactly with άρχην, 
 as it is used only with a negative 
 or the equivalent of a negative; 
 as τί τότε αρχήν έζεστρατεύσαμεν, 
 “why did we march out at all?” 
 and the passage quoted from the 
 Lysis of Plato by Herm. ad Vig. 
 p. 723. Germ. So άρχήθεν. 5. 18. 
 κρέσσον γάρ είναι άρχήθεν μή εΧ- 
 θεϊν Tas γυναίκας, “ that they 
 should not have come at all.” Even 
 with a negative, άρχην or τήν αρ¬ 
 χήν is sometimes to be rendered 
 “originally;” as 3. 16. ον μοι eo- 
 κεουσι άρχήν γενέσθα i, where the 
 original fact is opposed to the 
 Egyptian fiction. Thuc. 2.74. ούτε 
 τήν άρχήν άείκως ήλθομεν-—ούτε 
 νυν άοικήσομεν. ’Αρχήν is an ac¬ 
 cusative of the same construction 
 as τήν ώρην 2. 2. 
 
 ΰττέσχετο, “ professed.” “ To 
 hold oneself under,” which is the 
 meaning of υτισχνεϊσθαι, is the 
 same as “to take upon oneself;” 
 and this, in regard to an obliga¬ 
 tion, is “to promise,” in regard to 
 knowledge or facts, “ to profess.” 
 
II. 28.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 41 
 
 c evaiy ει μη εν Αιγύπτω εν Σαι πόλι o y ραμματιστης των ιρων 
 χρημάτων της Αθηναίης. ούτος δ εμοί ye παίζειν εόοκεε , φά- 
 μενος είδεναι ατρεκεως. έλεγε δε ώδε* “ Ειναι δύο ούρεα ες 
 u οϊςυ raq κορυφας amypeva , μεταξύ Συηνηε τε πόΧιος κεί- 
 tl μένα της θηβαίόος, και Έ Χεφαντίνης' ούνόματα δε είναι 
 τοισι ούρεσι , τω μεν , Κ ρωφι, τω δε, Μωφι. τα<; ών δη ττη- 
 γαα τού Νείλου, εούσαα αβύσσους, εκ του μέσου των ούρεων 
 τούτων ρεειν' και το μεν ημισυ τού ύόατος, επ’ Αίγυπτου 
 ρεειν και προς βορεην άνεμον ' το δ’ ετερον ημισυ , επί Αι- 
 “ Θιοπίης τε και νότου, ως δέ άβυσσοί εισι αι πηγαί, ες διά- 
 “ πείραν εφη τούτου Ψαμμιτικόν Αίγυπτου βασιΧεα απικε- 
 “ σΟαι. ποΧΧεων yap αυτόν χιλιάδων όpyυιεωv πΧεΙζαμενον κά- 
 “ Χον , κατεΊναι ταύτ ρ, και ούκ εζικεσθαι ες βυσσόν.” Ούτω 
 μεν δη ο γ ραμματιστης , ει αρα ταύτα yevopeva ελεγε, απε- 
 
 a 
 (( 
 tt 1' 
 
 γραμματιστηε commonly means 
 “ a school-” or “ writing-master,” 
 but in Herodotus it is equivalent to 
 γραμματεΰε, which does not occur 
 in his work, and means' “ secretary” 
 or “accountant.” The person here 
 mentioned was probably the bur¬ 
 sar of the sacred revenues of the 
 Saitic Minerva, an office of im¬ 
 portance and trust. It seems sin¬ 
 gular, that Herodotus, who had 
 himself ascended the Nile as high 
 as Elephantine, should not more 
 decidedly contradict the story. 
 There are no mountains at the 
 place described, though the hills 
 here draw very close to the river, 
 and the Nile seems to force its way 
 between them. The flowing of half 
 the water towards ^Ethiopia must 
 be a great exaggeration of the back 
 currents which accompany a rapid, 
 and the depth ascribed to the river 
 is rationally explained by Herodo¬ 
 tus from the same cause. Seneca, 
 N. Q,. 4. 7., repeats a part of this 
 account, but places the mountains 
 
 a long way from Syene. Cham- 
 pollion Eg. sous les Pharaons, 1. 
 p. 115., explains Mophi, from the 
 Coptic, to mean the good, and Cro- 
 phi, the bad ; but perhaps they are 
 only a jingle of sound, in charac¬ 
 ter with the rest of the story. 
 
 πΧεζάμενον. See note on 2. 3. 
 1.31. Matth. § 492. c. 
 
 el apa ravra yeiopeva eXeye, 
 “ if, indeed, these were facts which 
 he mentioned; so that I perceive 
 that there are certain strong ed¬ 
 dies here, and a back current; and 
 that, inasmuch as the water rushes 
 against the mountains, a sounding 
 line, when let down, cannot de¬ 
 scend to the bottom.” 2. 93. ποΟεν 
 i)e ohcos avrovs ytreadai, έγώ μοι 
 ΰοκέω Kara voeeiv rovro. The 
 verbs of knowledge and percep¬ 
 tion, though commonly joined with 
 a participle, may also take an in¬ 
 finitive, and ΰΰνασβαί is probably 
 used here instead of ουναμενην, in 
 consequence of the participle κα- 
 τιεμενην. οΐα, like are, is joined 
 
42 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 29. 
 
 φαινβ, ως epe κατανοββιν $ινας τινάς ταυτη βουσας ισχυρας και 
 7 ταΧιρρο'ιην’ ο ία δε βμβάΧΧοντος του ύπατος τοΊσι ουρβσι, μη 
 29 δ υνασθαι κατιεμενην καταπβιρητηρίην ες βυσσόν ιεναι. 'Αλλου 
 δε ovSevoc ουΕεν ε8υνάμην πυθεσθαι. αΧΧα τοσδνδε μεν άλλο 
 £7Γί μακροτατον εττυθομην, μέχρι μεν ΕΧεφαντίνης ττοΧιος αν - 
 τότττης εΧθων, το δ απο τουτου, α /cop η^η Ιστορεων. Απο 
 ΕΧεφαντίνης πόΧιος ανω ιόντι, αναντες εστι χωρίον * ταυτη 
 ών δε' ί τδ πΧοιον $ια§ησαντας αμφοτέρωθεν, κατάπερ βουν, 
 
 with the participle, and sometimes 
 an absolute case. 6. 79. are γάρ 
 πυκνόν έόντοε του άΧσεοε ουκ ώ- 
 ρων οι έντόε τουε εκτόε. 2. 175. 
 τον αρχιτέκτονα άναστενάζαι old 
 re χρόνου έκγεγονοτοε ποΧΧοΰ. 
 6.107. ota όέ οι πρεσβυτέριο εόντι 
 των όόόντων οι πΧεννεε έσείοντο. 
 
 Sect. 29. έπι μακρότατον έπυ- 
 θόμην, “thus much besides I ascer¬ 
 tained to the remotest point,” viz. 
 “ to which I could carry my inqui¬ 
 ries.” 2. 34. 1. 171. of time, όσον 
 και εγώ όυνατόε ειμι μακρότατον 
 εζικέσθαι άκορ. 9. 15. έε ταότην δη 
 έκαστάτω τηε Έυρώπηε η στρατιη 
 άπίκετο. 
 
 άνω Ιόντι, “as you go upwards.” 
 This use of the dative, which may 
 be called the dative of reference, 
 is very common in Herodotus. 1) 
 of places, distances, &c., defined by 
 reference to a person moving. 1. 
 181. μεσοϋντ i τηε άναβάσιοε έστι 
 καταγωγή τε καί θώκοι άμπαυστη- 
 ριοι. 1. 198. πρώτη μεν νυν πόλιε 
 έστι εν τω κόΧπω Ιόντι από Άχαι- 
 ίηε. Ι.δΐ.έσιόντι. 6.33. έσπΧέοντι. 
 “ Est urbe egressis tumulus tem- 
 plumque vetustum.” HCn. 2. 713. 
 2) reference to the mind of a per¬ 
 son judging. 7. 143. es τοίιε ποΧε - 
 μίουε είρησθαι τό χρηστηριον συΧ- 
 Χαμβάνοντι κατά τό ορθόν, “ if 
 one judges rightly.” 1. 14. αλέ¬ 
 
 θει δε Χόγω χρεωμένο) ου Κοριν- 
 θίων έστιν ο θησαυρόε. Hence 
 συνεΧόντι, συντεμόντι, “ to speak 
 concisely,” sometimes with, some¬ 
 times without είπείν. 3) reference 
 of an event to a person by whose 
 act it is defined in time. 6. 21. 
 ποιησαντι Φρυνίχω όραμα Μ ιΧη- 
 του ''ΑΧωσιν έε δάκρυα έπεσε τό 
 θέητρον. 9.10. θυομένω δε οι έπί 
 τω ΐΐέρσρ ό ηΧιοε άμαυρώθη, “ as 
 he was sacrificing.” 5. 97. νομί- 
 ζουσι δη ταϋτα Άρισταγόρηε άπί¬ 
 κετο έε Άθήναε. None of these are 
 properly datives absolute, Matth. 
 § 388 b. 
 
 Longinus, IT. Ύφ. 26., praises 
 the graphic vividness of the follow¬ 
 ing description: 'Οραε, ώ εταίρε, 
 ώε παραΧαβών σου την φυχην διά 
 των τόπων άγει, την ακοήν όφιν 
 ποιων ; It is singular that this 
 praise should be given to a passage 
 describing what the historian him¬ 
 self had not seen. The rapids of 
 the Nile continue above the Cata¬ 
 racts, and it is still necessary to 
 tow the boats through them. 
 
 διαδησανταε αμφοτέρωθεν. Troad. 
 540. κΧωστοϋ ό’ άμφιβόΧοιε Χί- 
 νοισι ναόε ώσει σκάφοε κεΧαινόν 
 εΐε έδρανα ΤΙαΧΧάδοε θέσαν, of the 
 dragging of the wooden horse into 
 Troy. 
 
II. 29.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 43 
 
 πορευεσθαι' η v δε άπορραγτ}, το πλοίου oiyjcrai φερομευον 
 vi το ισχύος του ρόου. το δε χωρίου τούτο εστι επι ημέρας 
 τεσσεραο, πΧδορ' σκοΧιοο δε ταυτη, κατάπερ ο ΑΙαίαυδροε )} 
 εστι ο Νε?Λος. σχοΊυοι δε δυωδεκά είσι ούτοι, τους δε? τουτιρ 
 τιρ τρόπιρ διεκπΧωσαι. και επειτα άπίζεαι ες πεδίου ΧεΊου, ευ 
 τω νήσον περιρρεει ο Νείλος* Ύαχομφω ουυομα αύτρ εστί. 
 οικεουσι δε τα άπο Ε Χεφαντίνηο ουω Αιθίοπεε, ηδη, και τηε, νή¬ 
 σου το ημισυ * το δε η μ ισυ, Αιγύπτιοι, εχεται δε της νήσου 
 Χίμυη μεγάΧη, την περιζ νομάδες Αιθίοπες, υεμουται * την διεκ- 
 πΧώσας, ες του Νείλου τδ ρεεθρου ηζεια, το ες τηυ Χίμυην 
 ταυτηυ εκδιδο7. καί επειτα άποβάς, παρά του ποταμού οδοιπο- 
 ριηυ ποιησεαι -ημερεωυ τεσσεράκουτα’ σκόπεΧοί τε γάρ ευ τω 
 
 ο’ίχεται φερόμευου, “it is in¬ 
 stantly carried off.” 1. 189. 6 πο¬ 
 ταμός του 'ίππον υποβρυχίου οίχώ- 
 κεε φέρωυ . Comp. 2. 115. ο’ίχεαι 
 εχωυ έκκλέφαε, ib. 118. Ο’ίχομαι, 
 like ήκω, though present in form 
 is perfect in sense, and means not 
 “I go,” or “am going,” but “am 
 goneas 6 οΐχόμευοε, “ the de¬ 
 parted,” “ the deceased.” Hence 
 it is used with απιευαι, φεΰγειυ, 
 φέρεσθαι, and other words of the 
 same class, to express either the 
 instantaneous or the complete na¬ 
 ture of the action described. See 
 Lucian, 4. 157. ed. Bip. Weiske 
 de Pleonasm, sub voc. says, “ o’i- 
 χομαι άπίίυν non dubius est pleo- 
 nasmus : nam άπειμι est abeo et 
 ο’ίχομαι item abeo but ο’ίχομαι 
 is abii not abeo. 
 
 Ταχομφώ ουυομα abrrj εστί. No¬ 
 thing like the island of Tachom- 
 pso, or the lake, now appears in 
 this part of the Nile’s course, nor 
 any trace of its former existence. 
 See Burckhardt’s Travels. The 
 district of which Herodotus speaks 
 was afterwards called ΰωΰεκάσχοι- 
 vos, and included from Syene to 
 
 Meharraka. Herodotus evidently 
 means that Ethiopians inhabited 
 one half of the island of Tachom- 
 pso, the Egyptians having also a 
 settlement here. Strabo says that 
 the island of Philse, a short distance 
 above Syene, was a common ha¬ 
 bitation of Egyptians and Ethio¬ 
 pians; and this is not inconsistent 
 with the account of Herodotus, 
 though he does not mention Phi- 
 lse. Str. 17. p. 1158. ed. Ox. 
 
 παρά του ποταμού όΰοιπορίηυ 
 π οιήσεαι ημερεωυ τεσσεράκουτα. 
 The part of the Nile from Mehar¬ 
 raka to Wadi Haifa, or the second 
 cataract, is full of rapids, and for 
 120 miles not fit for navigation. 
 But this was not the only reason 
 why the land journey of forty days 
 was made : for the Nile is not ob¬ 
 structed to such an extent as that. 
 It was to save the great bend which 
 the river makes to the west, that 
 the travellers disembarked, and 
 cutting across the desert rejoined 
 the river twelve days’ sail below 
 Meroe, and above what may be 
 called the third cataract, that near 
 Merawe. Παρα' του ποταμού must, 
 
44 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 29. 
 
 Ne /λω o^eec avkyjovai, και yoipaSec, πολλά/ εισι , Si ών ουκ out 
 τ € ean π Χεειν. 8ιεζεΧθων Se εν τησι τεσσεράκοντα ημερησι 
 τούτο το γ^ωρίον, αυτιο, ες ετερον ττΧοΊον εμβάς, 8υω8εκα μμε- 
 ραο, πΧευσεαι' και επειτα ηζεια εα πόΧιν με^άΧην, rrj ουνομά 
 εστι Μ ερόη. Xεyετaι 8ε αυτή Ύ] πόλις ε'ιναι μητρόττοΧιε, των 
 αΧΧων Αιθιόττων. οι S εν ταύτφ Αία θεών καί Αιονυσον μον- 
 vovq σέβονται, τούτους τε με'γαΧωε τιμώσι * καί σφι μαν - 
 
 therefore, be taken as indicating 
 a general parallelism between the 
 course of the river and the road. 
 Polybius Bell. Pun. (Hist. 2 . 50.) 
 says of the march of Hannibal 
 from the Island, ev ημέραις δέκα 
 7 τορευθείς παρά τον ποταμόν els 
 οκτακόσιους σταδίους, ηρζατο της 
 προς τάς ’Άλπεις αναβολής : and 
 those who suppose his march to 
 have been from the Rhone at Vi¬ 
 enne to the same river at St. Di- 
 dier, cutting across the plain to 
 save the angle which the river 
 makes to Lyons, are fully justified 
 by this passage of Herodotus. 
 See Dissertation on Hannibal’s 
 passage of the Alps, by a Graduate 
 of the University of Oxford, ch. 2 . 
 Philolog. Mus. 2 . p. 682. 
 
 Μ ερόη. The country of Meroe, 
 now Sennaar, is sometimes called 
 an island; for, lying between the 
 Astaborus, which descends from 
 Abyssinia, the Astapus, and the 
 Nile, it is insulated during the in¬ 
 undations. Meroe was the seat 
 of the independent monarchy of 
 the Ethiopians. From Syene to 
 Merawe, the grotto temples, along 
 the banks of the Nile, bear the 
 memorials of Egyptian conquer¬ 
 ors ; above this point, though the 
 use of hieroglyphics continues, no 
 names of Egyptian kings are found 
 upon the monuments. The city 
 of Meroe; whence, according to 
 
 Herodotus, the rest were colonies, 
 μητρόπολις των άλλων Αίθιόπων, 
 stood near the modern Shendy. 
 Its site is marked by mouldering 
 sphinxes and forty-seven pyra¬ 
 mids. One of these, recently 
 opened by Dr. Ferlini of Bologna, 
 contained a quantity of gold orna¬ 
 ments and precious stones, some 
 evidently of Greek workmanship ; 
 so that this mode of interment 
 must have continued till very late 
 times. Fouilles de la Nubie, Rome 
 1838. 
 
 Αία θεών και Αιονυσον μοΰνους 
 σέβονται. By Jupiter, is meant 
 probably Ammon, the ram-headed 
 god of Thebes, and by Bacchus, 
 Osiris. 2 . 42. The circumstance 
 which Herodotus afterwards men¬ 
 tions, that military expeditions 
 were made according to the com¬ 
 mands of the oracle, marks the 
 ascendency of the priesthood, 
 which was more powerful here 
 than in any other country of the 
 ancient world; so that it is said 
 the king put himself to death 
 when the priests commanded. 
 Diod. 3. 6 . Ί . εκεϊσε, “thither,” 
 answers to the relative τρ αν, 
 which commonly signifies “wher¬ 
 ever,” but may also be rendered, 
 “ in whatever direction,” as π η, 
 which is of similar origin. Π 17 καί 
 επι στάσεως και κινησεως τίθεται. 
 
 Schol. Arist. Plut. 447. 
 
II. 30.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 45 
 
 τηιον Διος κατάστηκε, στρατεύονται δ επεάν σφεας ο θεδς 
 ούτος κεΧευφ διά Θεσπισμάτων' και , τρ άν κελευρ, εκεΊσε. 
 Άπο δε ταυτης της πόλιος πλεων, εν ίσω γ^ρονω αλλω ?]£- 
 ειε εε τουε ΑυτομόΧους, εν δσω περ εϊζ Ε Χεφαντίνης ήλθες 
 ες τηΐ' μητρόπολιν την Αιθιδπων. τοΊσι δε Α υτομολοισι του - 
 τοισι ουνομά εστι Άσ^ιάχ' δυναται δε τούτο τδ εποε κατα 
 την Ελλη^ωι^ γλώσσαν, οι εζ αριστερής χειρος παριστάμενοι 
 βασιλει. άπεστησαν δε αύται τεσσερες και είκοσι μυριάδες Α’ι- 
 γυπτίων των μαχίμων ες τους Αιθίοπας τουτους, δι αιτίην τοι- 
 ηνδε. επι Έαμμιτίχου βασιλεος φυλακαι κατεστασαν εν τε 
 *Ελεφάντινη πάλι προς Αιθιοπων , και εν Δάφνησι τησι Πη- 
 λουσίησι άΧΧη δε προς Αραβιών τε και 2 υρων, και εν Μ αρεη 
 προς Αιρυης άλλη, ετι οε επ εμευ και ιίερσεων κατα ταυτα 
 αί φύλακα) εχουσι, ως καί επι ^αμμιτίγ^ου ησαν * καί yap εν 
 Ελεφάντινη Υίερσαι φρουρεουσι, και εν Λάφνησι. τουε ων δη 
 Αιγυπτ/ουε τρία ετεα φρουρησαντας άπελυε ουδεις της φρου - 
 
 Sect. 30. εν ’ίσω χρόνω αλλω. 
 In all, fifty-six days from Ele¬ 
 phantine to Meroe (4 + 40 + 12). 
 The double of this he calls (31) 
 four months. Some time would 
 be spent in the change from one 
 mode of conveyance to another, 
 and in the passage from the end 
 of the Dodecaschoenos to the com¬ 
 mencement of the land journey 
 through the desert. 
 
 dvvarat δε τούτο το επυε, 
 “ means,” like the Latin valet. 
 “ Cognomen in pueritia Becco fu- 
 erat, id valet gallinacei rostrum.” 
 Suet. Vit. 18. for which the same 
 author commonly uses “ id est,” 
 “hoc est.” Δΰναται is used here 
 like άκονει or καλείται, with a no¬ 
 minative. Matth. § 307. 
 
 των μαχίμων, “ of the warrior 
 caste.” Their number, constitu¬ 
 tion, and prerogatives, are fully 
 explained 2. 164-168. The ac¬ 
 
 count of Herodotus is not very 
 credible, as concerns those in gar¬ 
 rison at Pelusium and Marea, who 
 must have marched through all 
 Egypt to have been on their way 
 to Ethiopia, but probable enough 
 of those who were in Elephantine. 
 Diodorus, 1. 67. relates that they 
 were offended at being placed on 
 the left in an expedition into Sy¬ 
 ria, the right being given to the 
 foreign troops. It was the policy 
 of Psammitichus to support his 
 throne by means of the Greeks 
 and Carians, and he would gladly 
 humble and break a powerful mili¬ 
 tary body, who must have been as 
 obnoxious to him as the Strelitzes 
 to Peter the Great, or the Jani¬ 
 zaries to Sultan Mahmoud. 
 
 Αάψνρσι 2. 107. Probably the 
 Tahpanhes of Scripture, Ezek. 
 xxx. 18. Jer. xliii. 7. es T άφναε 
 Septuag. 
 
 30 
 
46 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 31. 
 
 31 
 
 ρηε' ol 8ε, βουΧενσαμενοι και κοινω Χόγω χ ρησαμενοί, πάντεε 
 από του Ψαμμιτικόν άποσταντεε, ηισαν εε Αιθιοπίην. Ψαμ¬ 
 μιτικέ 8ε πνθόμενοε, ε8ίωκε. ωε 8ε κατεΧαβε, ε8εετο, πολλά 
 λέγωυ, καί σφεαε θεονε πατρωουε αποΧιπε^ν ονκ εα, και τέκνα, 
 καί γυναικαε . των 8ε τινα Χεγεται ειπεΊν “ εσεσθαι αντοίσι και 
 u τέκνα και γυναΓικαε” Ουτοι επεί τε εε Αιθιοπίην απίκοντο , 
 8ι8οΰσι σφεαε αυτουε τω Αιθιόπων βασιΧει. ο 8ε σφεαε τω 8ε 
 αντι8ωρεεται. ησαν ol 8ιάφοροί τινεε γεγονότεε των Αιθιόπων * 
 τοντονε εκεΧευε εξεΧόνταε, την εκείνων γην οικεειν. τούτων 8ε 
 εσοικισθεντων εε τόνε Αίθίοπαε , ημερωτεροι γεγόνασι Αιθίοπεε, 
 ηθεα μαθόντεε Αιγύπτια. 
 
 Μέχρι μεν νυν τεσσερων μηνών πΧόον καί ο8ου γινωσκεται ό\ 
 Νείλος παρεξ του εν Αιγύπτιο ρενματοε. τοσουτοι γαρ συμ- 
 βαΧΧομενω μηνεε ευρίσκονται αν α ισι μου μεν οι εξ ΈΧεφαντίνηε 
 πορευομενο) εε τούε Α υτομόΧουε τουτουε. ρεει 8ε από εσπερηε 
 τε και ήλιου ουσμεων. Ιο oe απο τουόε, ουοειε εχει σαψεωε 
 
 κοινω Χόγω γ^ρησάμενοι, “ com¬ 
 bining together. 5 ’ 1. 141. κοινω 
 Χόγω πέμπειν αγγέλουϊ es Σπάρ¬ 
 την. 1. 161. κοινω Χόγω γρησά- 
 μενοι, of the combined attack on 
 the Phoceans by the Tyrrhenians 
 and Carthaginians. 
 
 tovtovs εκεΧευε et,eX0vras, “he 
 commanded them (the Egyptians), 
 having expelled these to occupy 
 their land.” 5. 16. rovs ev rrj Χίμ- 
 vy κατοικημένονε έζαιρέειν. 
 
 ημερωτεροι γεγόνασι Αίθίοπεε. 
 It is doubtful whether Herodotus 
 means this of all the Ethiopians, 
 or only of those among whom the 
 Egyptians settled. In itself, it is 
 not probable that the civilization 
 of Meroe should have been due to 
 a body of men, whose settlement 
 was as remote from it, as Meroe 
 itself was from Egypt. 
 
 Sect. 31. πάρεζ του εν Αιγύ¬ 
 πτιο ρεύματος, “ independently of 
 
 its course through Egypt.” 2.168. 
 πάρεζ is “ except.” 
 
 ρέει όε από έσπέρης τε και ηΧίου 
 όυσμέων. Notwithstanding the 
 censure of Heeren, 2, 426. Eng. 
 Tr., I believe that Niebuhr is right 
 (Geogr.of Her. p.l 6.) in sayingthat 
 Herodotus supposed the course of 
 the Nile, above Egypt, to be from 
 the west. Immediately above Ele¬ 
 phantine, indeed, it is nearly north, 
 but it soon makes a bend from the 
 south-west, which continues as 
 far as to Merawe ; and he clearly 
 distinguishes its course as far as 
 the Automoli, from what follows, 
 by το άπό τονόε. Besides, his 
 comparison of the Danube with 
 the Nile, shows that he conceived 
 the latter to flow from the west, 
 through that part of its course 
 which was known. So Polybius, 
 3.47. speaks of Hannibal as march¬ 
 ing eastward along the Rhone, 
 
II. 32.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 47 
 
 φράσα Γ έρημον yap εστι η \ωρη αυτή υπο καυματον. ’Αλλά 32 
 τάδε μεν ηκουσα άντρων Κ υρηναίων, φαμενων ελθεάν τε επι το 
 Αμμωνον γ^ρηστηριον, κα\ απικεσθαι ec λογουν Έτεά/^χω τω 
 Αμμωνίων βασιλει * καί κωε εκ λόγων άλλων απικεσθαι εν 
 λέσχην περί του Νείλου, ώε οί/δείε αυτου οι δε τάο πηγάν’ καί 
 του Ετέαρχου φάναι ελθεΊν κοτε παρ’ αυτόν Ν ασαμωναν άν¬ 
 τραν· το δε εθνον τούτο εστι μεν Αιβυκον, νεμεται δε την 
 Έυρτιν τε και την πρόν ηώ γ^ωρην την 'Συρτιον ουκ επι πολ- 
 λου. άπικομενουν δε τουε Νασαμωναε, και ειρωτεωμενουν ει τι 
 εγουσι πλεου λεγειν περί των έρημων την Αιβυην, φάναι, παρά 
 σφίσι γενεσθαι uv$p ων δυναστεων 7 ταΤδαα ύβριστάν * τουε, άλλα 
 τε μηγανάσθαι άνΰρωθενταν περισσά, και δη και άποκληρωσαι 
 
 whose general course, from its 
 rise to the sea, is from north-east, 
 though in that part along which 
 his march lay it runs nearly south. 
 Cailliaud has traced the Nile to the 
 south as far as lat. 10. N., beyond 
 which it is unknown; not because 
 the country is uninhabited through 
 heat, but because its banks are oc¬ 
 cupied by negroes too ignorant to 
 give any account of it. 
 
 Sect. 32. ’Άμμωνοε χ ρηστηριον . 
 The Oasis of Siwah, lat. 29° 9' 50 n 
 N., long. 26. 20. E., visited by 
 Browne, Hornemann, Edmonstone, 
 and Minutoli, who has given en¬ 
 gravings of its ruins, which show 
 its ancient magnificence, and the 
 identity of its god Ammon with the 
 god of Thebes, 2. 42. Diodorus, 
 17. 50. attributes the foundation of 
 the oracle to Danaus. The name of 
 the king is Greek. The Samians 
 occupied the Oasis of El Wall, in¬ 
 termediate between Thebes and 
 Ammonium. 3. 26. 
 
 απικεσθαι εε Χεσ^ην. This word 
 denotes either conversation or the 
 place in which the inhabitants of 
 
 a city assembled to converse. In 
 this latter sense it was used of the 
 portico at Delphi, adorned with 
 the paintings of Polygnotus. Paus. 
 10. 25. Horn. Od. 18. 329. They 
 were considered sacred to Apollo, 
 who was hence called Αεσχηνό- 
 pios. Harpocr. in voc. Herodotus 
 uses several compounds of this 
 word; εΧΧεσ^οε, 1. 153. περιΧε- 
 σχήνεντοε, 2.135., both signifying 
 “ much talked of προΧεσχηνευ- 
 εσθαι, 6. 4. 
 
 πάΐόαε υβριστάε’ “high-spirited 
 youths.” Κτησιπποε — μάΧα καΧόε 
 τε καγαθόε την φυσιν, νβριστηε όε 
 όιά το νεοε είναι. Plat. Euthyd. 1. 
 273. "Υβριε does not necessarily im¬ 
 ply vice, but a bold uncontrollable 
 spirit. 1.189. it is used of a high- 
 spirited horse, “ ferocientis equi.” 
 Pind. Pyth.10.56. yeXa όρων νβριν 
 όρθιάν κνωόάΧων, of the sportive¬ 
 ness of the victims. 
 
 περισσά ,“ extraordinary things,” 
 2. 139. 
 
 καί όή και, “ and specially.” See 
 p. 21. The effect is sometimes 
 heightened by an addition. 5. 20. 
 
48 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 32. 
 
 ττεντε εωυτων, οφομενους τα έρημα της Λιβύης, και εί τι πλέον 
 ’ί^οιεν των τα μακροτατα ι$ομενων. (Τ ης yap Λιβύης τα μεν 
 κατά την βορηίην θάλασσαν , απ’ Αίγυπτου αρϊζάμενοι με^ρι 
 
 και ύη καί rode, το πάντων μέγι¬ 
 στοι'. When και ΰη και means 
 “moreover,” as 2. 154. καί όη και 
 παϊύας παρέβαλε αντοΐσι Αιγυπτί¬ 
 ους. 2. 33. καί ύη καί 6 λόγος ούτω 
 αϊρέει, it still marks the circum¬ 
 stance thus introduced as more im¬ 
 portant than what preceded. 
 
 και ei τι πλέον 'ίόοιεν των τα μα- 
 κρότατα ίύομένων, “ and whether 
 they could see anything more than 
 those who had viewed the remotest 
 parts.” Herodotus evidently di¬ 
 stinguishes in use the active ao- 
 rist from the middle of this verb, 
 the former being simply “to see,” 
 the latter “ to see with a reference 
 to some result .” 2. 121. 3. τον αν 
 ’ίύωντα,ι άποκλαύσαντα σύλλαβό ν- 
 τας άγειν. 1. 207. ίόόμενοι αγαθά 
 πολλά τρέφονται προς αυτά, “when 
 they get sight of many good 
 things;” whereas, 210. the fact 
 of their seeing them is related 
 with ίύόντες την προκειμένην όαϊτα. 
 So of an unusual or interesting 
 sight, 5. 18. οι Περσαι ίύόμενοι 
 γυναίκας ευμόρφους έλεγον, and 1. 
 88., Croesus, who sees the troops 
 of Cyrus plundering Sardis, έπι- 
 στραφείς καί ίύόμενος τούς Περσαι 
 το των Λυύών άστυ κεράίζοντας. 
 So εστιν ιΰεϊν, “you may see; for 
 the thing exists and is visible.” 
 εστιν ίύέσθαι es τόύε παντί τω βου- 
 λομένω, 2.135., “any one may in¬ 
 spect it,” and satisfy himself. Com¬ 
 pare what was said of the middle 
 voice under φάμενος, 2. 18. The 
 aor. indie, είεόμην or ίύόμην, is 
 never so used by Herodotus, proba¬ 
 
 bly for distinction from the tenses 
 of ε’ίύεσθαι, “ to resemble.” In 
 Homer ιόεύν is to see, ίόέσθαι, to 
 behold. II. a , 262. Οΰ γάρ πω τοί- 
 ους ’ίύον άνέρας ούύέ ίύωμαι, “I 
 have never yet seen, nor must I 
 think to behold.” ALsch. Pers. 
 177. άλλ’ ουτι πω τοιόν o’ erapyes 
 είύόμην. In the tragic writers, it 
 occurs chiefly in the forms ’ίύεσθε, 
 Ιΰού, and in Attic prose only in 
 the latter,for en, ecce. Thom.Mag. 
 p. 468. ίύού ’ Αττικοί λέγουσιν, ουκ 
 ’ίδε. In the same way, προορφν is 
 “to foresee,” προοράσθαι, “to fore¬ 
 see with a view to precautionary 
 measures.” Dem. Phil. 1. 52. 4. 
 compared with De Pace 63. 11. 
 Xen. Anab. 5. 2. 20. Ό Ξενο¬ 
 φών καί οί λοχαγοί έ σκοπούν .... 
 σκοπού μένοις ύ’ αύτοΐς εύοζε, “as 
 the result of their reconnoitring.” 
 Plato Gorg. 474. D. εν τω θεω- 
 ρείσθαι χαίρειν ποιεί τούς θεω¬ 
 ρού ντ ας. 
 
 τα μεν κατά την βορηίην θάλασ¬ 
 σαν, “along the northern (i.e. Me¬ 
 diterranean) sea coast of Libya.” 
 See the note on τά κατύπερθε, 2. 5». 
 This should properly have been 
 followed by οίκούσι, but Herodo¬ 
 tus ex abundanti, as his manner is, 
 adds παρηκουσι παρά πάσαν. The 
 principal Greek settlement was 
 Cyrene; the Phoenician were nu¬ 
 merous, Carthage, Utica, Tysdrus, 
 &c. Soloeis has been supposed 
 by some to be Cape Boiador, but 
 this is too far to the south ; for it 
 is evident, both from this passage 
 and from 4. 43., that Herodotus 
 
HERODOTUS. 
 
 49 
 
 II. 32.] 
 
 Έολοεντος άκρης, rj τελευτά/ της Αιβΰης, παρηκουσι παρά 
 πάσαν Αίβυες, και Αιβύων εθνεα πολλά, πλην οσον 'Έλληνες 
 και Φ οινικες εχουσ/. τα δε υπέρ θαλάσσης τε και των ετ τι θά¬ 
 λασσαν κατηκόντων άνθρΐοπων, τα κατυπερθε θηριωάης εστι η 
 Αιβυη’ τα δε κατυπερθε της θηριωάεος, φάμμος τε εστι, και 
 άνυάρος 8εινως, και έρημος πάντων.) “ Έπε/ ων τους νεηνιας 
 
 ) \ I τ 
 
 ασι τε και σιτιοισι ευ 
 
 “ άποπεμπομενους υπο των ηλίκων, υδ 
 “ εζηρτυ μένους, ιεναι τα πρώτα μεν δ/ά της οικεομενης * ταυ- 
 11 την δε άιεζελθοντας, ες την θηριωάεα άπικεσθαι' εκ δε ταυ- 
 41 της, την έρημον άιεζιεναι, την οάον ποιευμενους προς ζεφυ- 
 ί{ ρον άνεμον * άιεζελθόντας δε γ^ωρον πολλον φαμμωάεα, και 
 
 considered it as the north-west 
 angle of Africa. It was probably 
 Sallee in Morocco. Τα κατυπερθε 
 is subjoined in the same redun¬ 
 dant way to τά υπέρ θαλάσσης, as 
 παρά πάσαν before. 
 
 Tripoli and Tunis, Algiers, Fez 
 and Morocco, are τά κατά την θά¬ 
 λασσαν ; Biledulgerid, (region of 
 palms,) η θηριώδης Αιβυη ; and the 
 Great Desert of Sahara, η έρημος. 
 
 rj τελευτάϊ της Λ. The read¬ 
 ing of the MSS. is fj τελευτή της 
 Αιβΰης. Reiz conjectured, rj τε¬ 
 λευτή. τά της Αιβΰης. There is 
 no necessity for the change of ή 
 into 
 
 ΈπΉ ων τους νεηνίας, “when, 
 therefore, the youths, taken leave 
 of by their coevals,” &c. Άπο- 
 πέμπειν, or more commonly the 
 middle άποπεμπεσθαι, signifies not 
 only “ to dismiss,” as one who 
 commands the departure of an¬ 
 other, but “to part with,” or “take 
 leave of,” after accompanying a 
 certain distance. Cyrop. 1. 41. 
 27. τους συγγειεΊς φιλοϋντας τώ 
 στόματι άποπεμπεσθαι αυτόν. 
 There is an evident anacoluthon 
 in the structure of this sentence, 
 
 which Reiz endeavoured to re¬ 
 move by reading είπον for επεί. 
 Έττ€ΐ and ore, being relative par¬ 
 ticles, are followed, like relatives, 
 in the oblique discourse, by an in¬ 
 finitive which the protasis here 
 does not appear to contain. Her¬ 
 mann. ad Vig. p. 784. ed. Germ, 
 would make ίέναι τά πρώτα the 
 infinitive of the protasis, and the 
 apodosis to begin with ταΰτην ΰε, 
 
 “ when-they had gone first of 
 
 all through the inhabited country, 
 having past through this, they 
 came to that which abounds with 
 wild beasts.” But though an 
 apodosis often begins with ck, a 
 protasis could hardly end with a 
 clause including μέν. I therefore 
 regard the apodosis as beginning 
 with Ιέναι τά πρώτα, and άναπεμ- 
 πομένους as having been used with 
 the intention that it should be fol¬ 
 lowed by an infinitive, which has 
 been forgotten. Matthise, not. ad 
 loc., supposes that this infinitive 
 was ιέναι, which the author omit¬ 
 ted, because of its occurrence im¬ 
 mediately after. 
 
 προς ζέφυρον άνεμον, i. e. to the 
 west. It is evident, however, that 
 
 E 
 
50 
 
 HERODOTUS, 
 
 [II. 32. 
 
 “ εν ποΧΧησι ημερησι, ιόειν δ /j kotg όενόρεα ev π εδί<ρ πεφυ- 
 “ κότα * κα'ι σφεας προσεΧθόντας, απτεσθαι του επεόντος ειτι 
 “ των 8εν8ρεων καρπού, απτομενοισι δε σφι επεΧθεΊν ανόρας 
 “ μικρούς , μέτριων εΧασσονας άντρων, Χάβοντας δε αγειν 
 u σφεας’ φωνής δε ούτε τι της εκείνων τους Νασαμώνας yi- 
 “ νωσκειν, ούτε τους ayo ντας των Ν ασαμωνων. ayeiv τε όη 
 “ αυτους δι εΧεων μεγίστων, καί όιεζεΧθόντας ταυτα, απι- 
 “ κεσθαι εε πόΧιν, εν τρ απαντας είναι τοόσι αγουσι το μεγα - 
 “ θος ίσους , γρωμα δε μεΧανας. παρα δε την πόΧιν ρεειν ποτα- 
 u μόν μεγαν’ ρεειν δε από εσπερης αυτόν προς ηΧιον ανατέΧ- 
 
 the Nasamones, setting off from 
 the gulf of Syrtis, could never 
 have reached the country of the 
 negroes, which lies southward of 
 the Great Desert, by travelling 
 westward. Whether the mistake 
 were that of Herodotus, or of those 
 whose report he follows, cannot be 
 ascertained. He conceived of the 
 course of the Nile from the west 
 as in a valley of the Great Desert. 
 2. 34. eprjpos η Αιβυη di i)s ρέει. 
 
 απτεσθαι τον έπεόντοξ έπι των 
 δενδρέων καρπόν, “ were laying 
 hold of the fruit.” Atoyev^s ποτέ 
 Πλάτωνα εν δείπνο) πολντελεΐ κα- 
 τενόησε ε\άαε αψάμενον, Diog. 
 Laert. 6. 25., “having helped him¬ 
 self to olives.” Larcher would 
 render, “were eating,” but the in¬ 
 stances which he produces are not 
 sufficient to support this sense. 
 Σίτον απτεσθαι (Xen. Mem. 2. 1. 
 2.) is not to eat, but to take food, 
 which, as a preliminary stage to 
 eating, may be used for it, espe¬ 
 cially with a negative, as descri¬ 
 bing more strongly the act of abs¬ 
 tinence. As applied to wild beasts 
 (Thuc. 2. 50. Paus. 4. 18. 4. Ov. 
 Met. 7. 549. “Non ilia canes avi- 
 daeque volucres Non cani tetigere 
 
 lupi”), it describes their action in 
 reference to the practice of men, 
 who shrink from the touch of a 
 corpse. 
 
 avSpas piKpovs. Sataspes, 4.43. 
 describes the inhabitants of the 
 western coast of Africa as small; 
 and the negro race, from the 
 crookedness of the tibia, are gene¬ 
 rally short. The first discoverers 
 of a race unusually large or small, 
 commonly exaggerate this pecu¬ 
 liarity. The Norwegians repre¬ 
 sented the Esquimaux as only two 
 cubits in height. Magelhaens made 
 the Patagonians twelve feet high, 
 Byron eight, Falkner six or six and 
 a half. 
 
 ρεειν 0k από εσπερη8. When 
 Mungo Park found the Niger at 
 Timbuctoo flowing towards the 
 east, it was natural that it should 
 be supposed to be the Nile. The 
 discovery of Lander, that the Ni¬ 
 ger (Joliba) discharges itself into 
 the Bight of Benin, on the west¬ 
 ern coast, has set this hypothesis 
 aside, but it still seems probable 
 that it was the Niger which the 
 Nasamonians reached. It con¬ 
 tains crocodiles; and the circum¬ 
 stance mentioned afterwards, that 
 
Π. 33.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 51 
 
 “ λοντα’ φα'ινεσθαι δε εν αυτώ κροκοδείλου c.” 'Ο μεν δη 
 του Αμμωνιου Ετεα/οχου X6yoc ec τούτο μοι δεδηλωσθω' 
 πλην οτι “ άπονοστησαι τε εφασκε τουε Ν ασαμωναε, ωε οI 
 “ Κυρηνάιοι ελεyov ^ και εε τούε ούτοι άπίκοντο ανθρωπουε, 
 “ yόητaε είναι πάνταε.” Τον δε δη ιτοταμδν τούτον τον πα- 
 ραρρεοντα και Έτεα^χοα συνεβάλλετο είναι τον ΝβΤλ ον* και 
 δη και ο λόγοε ουτω αίρεει . ρεει yap εκ Αιβυηε δ NeiAoc, και 
 μεσην τάμνων Αιβυην' και (ώο εγώ συμβάλλομαι } τοάσι εμφα- 
 νεσι τα μη yιvωσκ6μεva τεκμαιρομενοε) τω ’Ίστρω εκ των ίσων 
 
 all the people were magicians, is 
 characteristic of the negro belief 
 in charms and witchcraft. 
 
 Sect. 33. ΰεοηλώσθω" This is 
 a mode of taking leave of a sub¬ 
 ject, expressing at the same time 
 that enough has been said about 
 it, the perfect implying the com¬ 
 pleteness of the act. Her. 2. 76. 
 fin. τοσαΰτα θηρίων περί ίρών εί~ 
 ρησθω. Plat. Euthyd. 278. D. 
 ταΰτα μεν οΰν π επ αί σθ ω τε νμιν 
 και Ίσωε ικανώε έχει. Her. 2. 125. 
 λελέχθω γάρ ημΐν επ άμφότερα 
 κατάπερ λέγεται, “ let it suffice 
 that both have been mentioned.” 
 Or the perfect imper. may express 
 that the speaker wishes an act not 
 performed by him, to be taken as 
 fully performed. 3. 81. τά μέν'Ο- 
 τάνηε είπε λε λεχθώ καμοι ταΰτα, 
 “ let it be assumed as said by me.” 
 4. 98. η μεν πρότερον γνώμη—με- 
 τείσθω μοι, “ let it be considered 
 as recalled.” 
 
 ο λόγο»' ουτω αιρέει. Αιρείν is a 
 judicial word, αιρεϊν γραφήν, “to 
 prove” or “establish an accusa¬ 
 tion.” With λόγοε it here denotes 
 that the reason of the case proves 
 it to be so. 3. 45. ουδέ λόγοε a t- 
 ρέει — τούτον έσσωθηναι, “it is not 
 reasonable to suppose.” It takes 
 
 E 
 
 also an accusative of the person 
 who is convinced, or persuaded 
 to do anything. 4. 127. ην μη η- 
 μέαε λόγοε atprj ου σνμμίζομέν τοι, 
 “ unless we see good reason.” 
 
 teal μέσην τάμνων Λιβύην. Καί 
 appears to Wesseling to be super¬ 
 fluous, but is justly defended by 
 Schweighaeuser. The Nile not 
 only flows from Libya, but dividing 
 Libya through the middle ; had it 
 not done so, the parallel which he 
 endeavours to establish between it 
 and the Danube, which ρέει μέσην 
 σχιζών την Ευρώπην, would have 
 been imperfect. 
 
 εκ των Ίσων μέτρων δρμάται , 
 “ from an equally remote point.” 
 2. 34. τον Νείλον ΰοκέω έζισοΰσΟαι 
 τω ’Ίστρω. Had Herodotus been 
 acquainted with our astronomical 
 geography, he would have said 
 “ under the same longitude,” for 
 this is evidently what he meant. 
 He endeavours to prove after¬ 
 wards, that they terminate under 
 the same longitude (2. 34.), Si¬ 
 nope being on the same line as 
 the mouth of the Nile, and the 
 mouth of the Danube, as Sinope. 
 He supposed the course of the 
 Nile, as far as it was known above 
 Egypt, to be from the west; the 
 
 2 
 
 33 
 
52 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 34. 
 
 μέτρων όρμαται. 'Ίστροα τε yap ποταμοε, αρζαμενοο εκ Κελ¬ 
 τών και Τίυρηνηε πόΧιοε, peel μεσην σχί£ων τήν Ευρώπην. οί δε 
 Κελτοί εισι εζω Η ρακΧηίων στηΧεων' ομονρεουσι δε Κυνησι- 
 οισι, οί έσχατοι πρόε, 8υσμεων οικεονσι των εν τρ Ευρωπρ κα - 
 τ οικημενων. τελευτά δε δ ’Ίστροε, εε θαΧασσαν ρεών την του 
 Ε υζεΐνον πόντου 8ιά πάσηο Έ,νρωπηε, τη Ιστρίην οι Μ ιΧησίων 
 οικεονσι αποικοι. Ο μεν 8η ’Ίστροε, ρεει yap 8ι οικευμενηε? 
 πρόε, ποΧΧών yιvωσκετaι' περί δε των του Νείλου πηyεωv 
 ουδείε εχει λεγεχν* αοικητόε, τε yap εστι και ερημοο, η Αιβυη, 
 8ι r)c, ρεει. περ'ι δε του ρευματοε αυτόν, επ όσον μακρότατον 
 Ιστορευντα ην εζικεσθαι, είρηται. εκ8ι8ο7 δε εε Αίγυπτον, η δε 
 Α’/γυπτοε τηε όρεινηε Κ ιΧικίηε μαΧιστα κη αντίη κεεται’ εν - 
 
 journey of the Nasamonians to be 
 towards the west: he therefore 
 naturally concluded, that the 
 source of the Nile was in the ex¬ 
 treme west of Africa. And as the 
 western limits of Europe and Afri¬ 
 ca do not differ much in longitude, 
 had he been correct in his assump¬ 
 tions, the sources of the Nile and 
 the Danube would have been about 
 equally remote. 
 
 εκ Κ εΧτών καί ΤΙνρήνηε πόΧιοε. 
 No such town as Pyrene is known; 
 perhaps in the time of Herodotus 
 some place near the Pyrenean 
 mountains may have borne this 
 name, or it may be a mere error. 
 The Danube rises not near the 
 Pyrenees, nor among Celts li¬ 
 ving beyond the pillars of Hex·- 
 cules, but in the Black Forest in 
 the south of Germany. Here is 
 an enormous geographical error. 
 The Celtae did anciently inhabit 
 Spain, part of which was called 
 from them Celtiberia: and as the 
 promontory of Nerium, Cape Fi- 
 nisterre, is placed by Strabo (lib. 
 3. p. 153. 207. ed. Ox.) among the 
 
 Celts, and Mela calls it Promonto- 
 rium Celticum (3. 1.), they must 
 have extended themselves to the 
 most western coast of Spain and 
 Portugal. Herodotus places still 
 further to the west the Cynesians 
 or Cynetes (4. 49.), and as these 
 inhabited the country between the 
 Guadiana and Cape St. Vincent, 
 Promontorium Sacrum (Festus A- 
 vienus, v. 200.), it is probable the 
 Celts, of whom he speaks, lived on 
 this river. It was long before the 
 real breadth from east to west of 
 Gaul and Spain was known. Eu¬ 
 doxus (Ukert. Geogr. 2. 1. 249.), 
 a contemporary of Plato, made the 
 Tartessus (the Guadalquiver) and 
 the Ister both rise in the moun¬ 
 tain Pyrene. Comp. Nieb. G. of 
 Her. p. 11. 
 
 Sect. 34. The difference in lon¬ 
 gitude between the Pelusiac mouth 
 of the Nile and the mountainous 
 Cilicia, which lies opposite to Cy¬ 
 prus, is trifling; but between Ci¬ 
 licia and the mouth of the Danube, 
 there is a difference in longitude 
 of four degrees. 
 
HERODOTUS. 
 
 53 
 
 11.35.] 
 
 Θευτεν δε, ec Σινωπην την ev τω E υζείνιο πόντω πέντε ημερέων 
 tueict oboe ευζωνω avbpi η be Σινώπη τω ίστρω eicbibovTi ec 
 θαλασσαν αντίον κέεται. ουτω τον Νείλον όοκέω δια πάσηα 
 τ rjc Αιβυηε όιεζιόντα έζισουσθαι τω ’Ίστρω. Νείλου μεν νυν 
 περί τοσαυτα ειρησθω. 
 
 ’Έρχομαι δε περί Αίγυπτου μηκυνέων τον λόγον, ότι 7τλει- 35 
 στα Θωυμασια έχει η άλλη πασα χωρη, και έργα λδγου μέζω 
 παρέχεται πρόε πασαν χωρην' τούτων είνεκα πλέω περί αυτηε 
 
 % 
 
 •Νί 
 
 
 ενζώνω άνΰρί' “ for a man lightly 
 equipped.” This is a usual mea¬ 
 sure of a land journey with Her., 
 1. 72. μήκος odov, ενζώνω avdpi 
 πέντε ημέραι άναισιμούνται. The 
 flowing garment was girt short 
 and tight around the waist for ex¬ 
 peditious travelling, and few in¬ 
 cumbrances attached to it; for, 
 having no pockets, the Greeks and 
 Romans carried their purses and 
 similar necessary appendages at 
 the girdle. Hence οΐόζωνος QEd. 
 Tyr. 846. “ a solitary traveller.” 
 E νζωνος. μη εχων φορτίο)', Hesy- 
 chius. From 5. 53. it appears 
 that the common itinerary rate 
 was 150 stadia per day, along a 
 great road, as that from Sardis to 
 Susa. Her·, himself, 4.101., reck¬ 
 ons a day’s journey at 200 stadia. 
 Ή odds η ημερησίη άνά διηκόσια 
 OTCtdia συμβέβληταί μοι. 
 
 άντίον κέεται. “ Herodotus here 
 delicately discriminates the use of 
 the genitive and dative, η £>e Αί¬ 
 γυπτος της ορεινής K ιλικίης 
 μάλιστα κη άντίη κέεται, Ties uni¬ 
 formly extended over against Ci¬ 
 licia;’ afterwards, η dk Σινώπη τω 
 ’ Ίστρω έκέιδόντι ές ΘάΧασσαν 
 άντίον κέεται, ‘the single point, 
 Sinope, lies in a line with the 
 mouth of the Danube’.” Bern- 
 hardy Griech. Synt. p. 140. The 
 
 distinction appears rather fanciful. 
 The line of mutual bearing of two 
 objects at rest, may with equal 
 propriety he indicated as from or 
 to the one or the other. Hence 
 άντιος and ενάντιος in Greek, con- 
 trarius, and analogous words in 
 Latin, are used with the genitive 
 or dative. 
 
 Sect. 35. πλεΊστα θωνμάσια έ¬ 
 χει η, “ very numerous wonders, 
 and more than any other country.” 
 “ Graeci ibi superlativum pro com- 
 parativo dicunt ubi hsec duo simul 
 indicare volunt et majus quid esse 
 alio et omnino maximum. ^Esch. 
 Eum. 30. και νυν τυχεΐν με των 
 πρίν εισόδων μακρω άριστα dolev. 
 Her. 3. 119. os καί άΧΧοτριώ τα - 
 τός τοι των παίδων και ήσσον κε-< 
 χαρισμένος τού civdpos εστι. 2.103,, 
 ές τούτους δέ μοι δοκέει καί ον προσ- 
 ώτατα άφικέσθαι δ στρατός. Ubi 
 non debebant editores quidam ού 
 cum perpaucis codicibus delere. 
 Conficit rem alius locus ejusdem 
 scriptoris 2.35.” Hermann.Opusc. 
 3.169. Not. ad Med. Elmsl. 1. 67. 
 
 έργα λόγου μέζω, “ surpassing 
 description.” See Matth. § 451, 
 The έργα appear to be chiefly 
 monuments and public works. 
 Comp. 2. 101. 
 
 προς πάσαν χώρην * Ilpds is “to¬ 
 wards,” “ in comparison with.” 
 
54 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 35. 
 
 ειρησεται. Αιγύπτιοι άμα τω ονρανώ τω κατά σφεαρ εόντι 
 ετεροίω, και τω ποταμω φνσιν άλλο'ιην παρεγομενω η οι άλλοι 
 ποταμοί, τα πολλά πάντα εμπαλιν τοισι άλλοισι άνθρωποισι 
 εστησαντο ηθεά τε και νομονρ' εν το?σι αί μεν γυναΊκερ αγορά - 
 ϊ,ονσι και καπηλενονσι * οι £e άνάρερ, κατ ο'ίκονρ εάντερ, υφαί- 
 νουσι. νφαίνουσι <$ε οι μεν άλλοι , άνω την κροκην ωθέοντερ , 
 
 Thuc. 3. 37. οί φαυλότεροι των αν¬ 
 θρώπων προς τους ζυνετωτέρους ώς 
 επί το πλεΤον ίίμεινον οίκουσι τάς 
 πόλεις. Being frequently joined 
 with a comparative degree, it is 
 sometimes used alone, and may be 
 then rendered “ beyond.” Her. 8. 
 44. ’ Αθηναίοι προς πάντας tovs 
 άλλους παρεχόμενοι vrjus όγόώκον- 
 τα και εκατόν μοϋναι, “ beyond all 
 the rest.” 
 
 τά πολλά πόιντα. Plat. Leg. 1. 
 639. τά πολλά ζυμπαντα ws είπεΐν 
 όιημαρτημένα. 1.203. εθνεα πολλά 
 εχει 6 Καύκασος τά πολλά πάντα 
 απ’ ύλης άγριης ζώοντα. 5. 67. τά 
 πολλά, is “ for the most part,” 
 with πάντα, “nearly all.” Schsefer. 
 ad Bos. Ell. Gr. p. 265. 
 
 εν τοΊσι, “ quippe apud quos.” 
 The relative has the same force, 
 4. 85. πελαγέων απάντων ό Πό>'- 
 ros πέφυκε θαυμασιώτατος’ τον τό 
 μεν μήκος στόιόιοί είσι εκατόν και 
 χίλιοι καί μυριοι. 4. 28. Ανσχεί- 
 μερος αΰτη η καταλεχθεϊσα πάσα' 
 ένθα τους μεν οκτώ των μηνών άφό- 
 ρητος oios γίνεται κρνμός, “ quippe 
 ubi.” 
 
 αί μεν γυναίκες άγοράζουσι. Ύη 
 μεν γυναικί κάλλιον ενόον μένειν 
 η Θνραυλε7ν' τω όε άνόρί α’ίσχιον 
 ενόον μένειν η των έζω έπιμελεϊ- 
 σθαι. Xen. GEcon. cap. 7. These 
 contrasts are not to be taken as 
 true universally and exclusively. 
 The condition of women in Egypt 
 would strike our historian the 
 
 more forcibly, because the Ionian 
 women were peculiarly sedentary. 
 Haase ad Xen. R. L. 1. 4. CEd. 
 Col. 337. The carrying of bur¬ 
 dens on the head (of course light¬ 
 er) by the men, and on the shoul¬ 
 ders by the women; the exclu¬ 
 sion of women from the priest¬ 
 hood ; the obligation on them, 
 and them only, to maintain their 
 parents; show the tyrannical su¬ 
 periority which the male sex ex¬ 
 ercised. The practice of weaving 
 by the men characterizes the state 
 of the art, which in Greece was a 
 part of domestic economy, in E- 
 gypt,acurious manufacture. “Nam 
 longe prsestat in arte Et solertius 
 est multo genus omne virile.” 
 Lucr. 5.1354. speaking of this art 
 of weaving. The flax of Egypt 
 was celebrated for its fineness, 
 Exod. ix. 31., and the spinning 
 and weaving of it were carried to 
 the highest perfection. Her. 3. 47. 
 Prov. vii. 16. Ezek. 27. 7. In the 
 custom of eating in the streets 
 and roads Egyptian life resem¬ 
 bled the Neapolitan; the circum¬ 
 stance which Herodotus places in 
 contrast with it marks an atten¬ 
 tion to public health, characteris¬ 
 tic of the high civilization of E- 
 gypt. Compare Deut. xxiii. 13. 
 
 νφαίνουσι οί μεν άλλοι, “ others 
 weave pushing the woof upwards, 
 the Egyptians downwards.” This 
 seems to apply only to a perpen- 
 
11 . 35 .] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 55 
 
 Αιγύπτιοι δε, κάτω, τα ayOeci οί μεν clvSpec, επί των κεφαΧεων 
 (pope ουσί, α'ι δε γυναΊκεε επί των ωμων ’ ευμαρεη γ^ρεωνται εν 
 
 τοισι οίκοισι, εσΟίονσ ι δε εζω ey τρσι οδοισι* εττιλέγοί'τει;, ώα 
 τα μει» aloypa, avayKOLct δε, ει» αποκρυφω εστι ποιεειν ypeiov' 
 τα δε μύ αισγρά, αναφανδόν. Ιραται yvvrj μεν ούδεμία ούτε ερ- 
 σενοε Θεού, ούτε ΘηΧεηε’ αν^ρεε δε, πάντων τε /cai ττασεων. 
 
 dicular loom, in which, when the 
 woof had been inserted by .the 
 shuttle, other nations pushed it 
 by the pecten or reed, upwards, 
 i. e. from the weaver, the Egypt¬ 
 ians drew it downwards or to - 
 ivards the weaver. A painting of 
 women weaving (Wilkins. 2. 60.) 
 confirms this. In another, how¬ 
 ever, 3. 135., a man who is wea¬ 
 ving in a perpendicular loom ap¬ 
 pears to be pushing the woof up¬ 
 wards. Comp. Salm. not. ad Hist. 
 Aug. 2. 564. 
 
 ενμαρέρ. The root of this word, 
 denoting “ease,” “lightness,” and 
 here, alvei exonerationem, is, ac¬ 
 cording to the Villoison Scholiast, 
 II. o', 37. μάρη, used by Pindar 
 for “ the hand,” of which a trace 
 may also be found in μάρπτω, 
 “ to seize with the hand;” μάρ- 
 νασθαι, “ to fight with the hand.” 
 Έυμαρής will therefore be equiva¬ 
 lent to ευχερής, “ good, easy to 
 handle,” i. e. “ light.” See Pas- 
 sow’s Lexicon s. v. EiwoXos is a 
 word of the same signification, 
 κόΧον being the same as κώΧον, 
 which denotes either the hand spe¬ 
 cifically, or a limb capable of flex¬ 
 ure, or the intestine; the idea 
 which unites them all being that 
 of the kindred English words, hole, 
 hollow( koIXos, koXcos, “asheath”). 
 
 kiriXeyovres, “remarking on it,” 
 for this, and not “ dictis adjici- 
 
 entes,” as explained by Schw. in 
 the Lex. Her., is the meaning of 
 this compound in Her. Comp. 7. 
 147., where επιΧεγων introduces 
 the reason which Xerxes assigned 
 for not putting the spies to death. 
 5. 4. the reason which the Trausi 
 assigned for mourning at a birth 
 and rejoicing at a death. 
 
 ιραται, “ acts as a priestess.” 
 “ Grammatici recte tradunt lepov- 
 σθαι dici ea quse Diis consecran- 
 tur ; ιεράσθαι ii qui sacerdotio fun- 
 guntur. Quod discrimen non ipsi 
 veteres scriptores sed interdum eo- 
 rum librarii neglexerunt.” Ruhnk. 
 ad Tim. p. 147. Plerodotus has 
 been charged with inconsistency, 
 because a priestess is mentioned 
 2. 54. This occurs however in 
 a tale of the priests of Thebes, 
 which referred to a time of very 
 uncertain antiquity; and Her. him¬ 
 self, when he reasons on its pro¬ 
 bability, uses the word άμφπτο- 
 Χενουσαν ipdv Aids, which might 
 be applied to a woman employed 
 in an inferior capacity about the 
 temple. Women frequently ap¬ 
 pear in the Egyptian sculptures, 
 presenting offerings, and a priest¬ 
 ess (with a Greek name) is men¬ 
 tioned in the Rosetta Inscription 
 (Hierogl. of the Egypt. Soc. PI. 
 17. 1. 3.). Mummies, appearing 
 to be of priestesses, have also been 
 found. 
 
56 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 36. 
 
 36 
 
 τρεφειν τούε τοκεαε τοισι μεν παισι ovSepla ανάγκη, μη /3ου- 
 Χομενοισ ι* τρσι $e Θυγατράσι πάσα ανάγκη, και μη βονΧομε- 
 νησι. Οι ιρεεε, θεών τρ μεν aXXy κομεουσ Γ εν Αιγύπτιο 8ε, 
 ζνρευνται. τοισι άΧΧοισι άνθρωποισι νομοε, άμα κηΰει κεκάρθαι 
 τάε κεφαΧάε τόνε μάΧιστα ικνεεται’ Αιγύπτιοι άε νπο τόνε, 
 θανάτονε άνιεΊσι τάε τ piyac, αάζεσθαι, τάε τε εν τρ κεφαΧφ 
 και τω γενείω, τεωε εζυρημενοι. τοισι μεν άΧΧοισι άνθρωποισι 
 
 Sect. 36. κεκάρθαι τάε κεφαλάε 
 tovs μάλιστα ικνεεται, “ that the 
 persons most interested should go 
 with their heads shorn;” this is 
 the force of the perfect, as de¬ 
 noting the state induced by a past 
 act. So afterwards, άποκέκριται, 
 “ is kept distinct.” ικνεισθαι is 
 used by Herodotus either with or 
 without a preposition (9. 26. τον 
 ετέρου φαμέν ημέας ικνέεσθαι 
 ηγεμοι ευειν. 6. 57. es τον ικνέε- 
 ται.) in the sense of προσηκειν . 
 "Άκω and ίκω are probably the 
 same word (Lat. ico.), meaning 
 “ to touch,” “ to reach to,” and 
 figuratively, pertinere ad. 'I κνέε- 
 ται seems to be used here imper¬ 
 sonally ; or Krjdos may be sup¬ 
 plied. 
 
 υπυ tovs θανάτον5, “ upon occa¬ 
 sion of,” “just after.” 1.51. με- 
 τεκινηθησαν νπο τον νηον κατακα- 
 έντα, not, as rendered by Mat- 
 thi^e, § 565. Obs. 1. “about the 
 time when the temple was burnt,” 
 but “just after ;” the burning be¬ 
 ing the occasion of the removal. 
 6. 2. νπο την πρωτην έπελθονσαν 
 νύκτα, “ as soon as night had come 
 on.” Pausan. 4. 41. 2. φευγοντεε 
 νπο την τελευτήν του Άιά)ρο· 
 kXoovs ώγοντο es Σπάρτην. 
 
 Tas τε εν τη κεφαλή και τω γε- 
 νειω. 2. 57. η μάντη ίη, η τε εν 
 θηβησι τη σι Αιγυπτίησι και εν Αω- 
 
 ΰώνη. 7. 106. 07 τε εκ θρηΐκης καί 
 του'Ελλησπόντου. The omission of 
 the article with the second word 
 appears to be caused by the close 
 connexion of the things spoken of, 
 either in nature, as in the case of the 
 head and chin, or in the relation in 
 which they are considered, as in 
 the other passages. See Middle¬ 
 ton’s Gr. Art., Prelim. Observ. pp. 
 xxvii. xxviii., Rose’s edition. 
 
 rews έζνρημένοι, “having been 
 shaved up to that time.” 2, 45. 
 rews μεν ησν^ζίην έγειν. Such the 
 Egyptian sculptures show to have 
 been the universal custom. Tews 
 is the demonstrative form, answer¬ 
 ing to the relative ews, as tarndiu, 
 guamdiu. But as the relative and 
 demonstrative in Greek do not 
 originally differ, any more than 
 the relative and demonstrative that 
 in English, it is not wonderful 
 that their significations should be 
 interchanged. Thus Her. 4. 165. 
 uses rews for ew s, auamdiu, just as 
 in the oblique cases he uses the 
 forms with r for the common rela¬ 
 tive. The indefinite pronoun too 
 is originally the same with the 
 demonstrative, as we see in the 
 oblique cases, του for tivos, &c. 
 Hence rews is very commonly used 
 by Herodotus for aliquamdiu, 2. 
 169., in which sense again ews 
 occurs 8. 74. 
 
II. 36.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 w / 
 
 \ojpic θηρίων ciaira άττοκεκριται' AiyvxTfo ισι ce ouoi θηρίοισι 
 η c ίαιτά έστι. άττο τυρεων και κοιθεων ώλΧοι Ζώονσι' A ιν*>- 
 9τίων ce τω τοιενιιενω ατο το ντων ττξν ζόι fr, orei3oc μεγ ιστόν 
 έστι' αλλα α~ ζ>ε«#τ τοιευνται σιτια , toc Ζ,ειας μετεζέτε¬ 
 ροι καλέονσι. ψνρωσι το αέν στα c το.σι τοσι' τον ce τηΧεν 
 τγσι γερσι. και την κότοον αναιοέονται. τα aicoia ωΧλοι uei 
 έωσι ώα ε^,ενοντο. τΧην οσοι ατο τοκτοη · εααθον' Λιγί ττιοι ce 
 τεριταμνονται. έίματα. των uev άντρων έκαστος έ\ει do' hhp 
 ce * γυναικών εν έκαστη, των ιστίων tovc κρίκους kcu καλό vc, οι 
 με»· άλλοι εζωθεν τροσεέουσι' Αΐ~ήτ*τιοι ce. έσωθεν, ~,-&αιιυ.ατα 
 'γραψονσι και λογίζονται ί ηψοισι, 'Έλληνες μεν, ατό των αρι¬ 
 στερών έτη τα εεζια (γέροντες την jreipmT Αιγίττιοι ατο 
 
 όρον Θηρίοισι η ciai -ά km. 2. 
 64. ra f<tj σνττοαο a αϊτό -Γη τιΛτι 
 
 ά» θρώ τυΐσι. 
 
 ατο ολνοέων. It is net ascer¬ 
 tained what this grain was, whether 
 the triticum zea or the devra of the 
 present day. which appears to have 
 been grown in Egypt anciently, 
 AYilk. M. and C. 2. S97. The as¬ 
 sertion respecting - wheat and bar¬ 
 ley is probably a too hasty gene¬ 
 ralisation. See Exod. A. 31. 32. 
 /ie-efereoci is an Ionic word, which 
 Herod, uses for mormk/a. 
 
 ox ΰ&σι ro pet σταΐΐ. Iheknead¬ 
 ing of the dough with the feet is 
 confirmed from the sculptures, 
 TYilk. Thebes, p. 110. What is 
 said of the maxments must be un¬ 
 derstood of the ordinary cress of 
 the people: for men often appear on 
 monuments with one, and women 
 with two. Xymphodoms · Sobol. 
 (Ed.Col.337.Br.)attributes to So¬ 
 sos tris the imposition of women's 
 work on the men. 
 
 τβο itrr rers bh errs. From 
 b comparison with 1.194., it seems 
 that er« means towards the middle 
 
 of the ship, and EH towards the 
 edge. WEat the pecuhbrity meant 
 here is I am unaiie to explain. 
 
 * οάί,ίΐατα *ra-y.'. r. The Greens 
 in the time of Herodotus wrote 
 from left to right, as we do: they 
 mute originally like the Orientals, 
 item. rizht to left, or alternately, 
 in the manner cs_^ec >ci w:-:c rccr. 
 As Herodotus is contrasting the 
 manner in which the Greeks and 
 Egyptians calculated as well as 
 wrote, it is probable that he is 
 speaking of the demode charac¬ 
 ter. Now the cenzd? character 
 is written in the usual oriental 
 mode, from right to left, no cer¬ 
 tain method being obserred in the 
 arrangement of bier: gly tides, 
 Chanpcllizn Precis, p. 31 S. 
 
 irt teda. bYitn verbs denzting 
 a progressive acdzn. as moving, 
 carryinz. singing, cr drinking in 
 succession. H Πήά meant, "from 
 left to right." Flat. Symp. 223. C. 
 and according tc this analogy. k—t 
 ccita 'Mtc clv wculd signify. ** to 
 write, beginning at the left site." 
 It is net. however, '.woe-.:, but 
 
58 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [ 11 . 37 . 
 
 των Se^iiov ειτ\ τα αριστερά' καί ποιευντεα ταυτα, 
 φασι επί Se^ia ποιεειν, 'Έ ΧΧηνας Si επ αριστερά. 
 Si •γράμμασι γ^ρεωντα ι* και τα μεν αυτών, ιρά' τα 
 τικά καΧεεται. 
 
 1 \ / 
 αυτοί μεν 
 
 $ιφασίοισι 
 
 Si, Sgpo- 
 
 37 θεοσεβεεα Si περισσών, εοντεε, μάΧιστα πάντων ανθρώπων, 
 νόμοισι τοιοίσώε γ^ρεωνται. Έ /c χ α,Χκεων ποτ7)ριων πινουσι, 
 
 Sιaσμεωvτεc, άνά πάσαν ημερην' ουκ ο μεν, ο S ου, αλλα πάν- 
 
 ποιείν, that the Egyptians use, and 
 therefore I am inclined to think 
 that there is a play on έπιάεζια, 
 “ dexterously,” in natural order, 
 and επαρίστερα, “ awkwardly,” 
 d’une maniere gauche. Or as επι 
 ielili means “on the right,” 3.90. 
 έπι τα ετερα, “on the other side,” 
 5. 74., the Egyptians, who began 
 at the right side, might be justi¬ 
 fied by Greek idiom in saying that 
 they wrote επι οεξιά, although 
 the writing proceeded επι τα. αρι¬ 
 στερά. 
 
 ίάιφασίοισι ie γράμμασι. From 
 2.106. it is evident that ιρά means 
 the hieroglyphic, to which οημοτι- 
 κά, vulgar, is naturally opposed, as 
 δημότης (2. 712. δημότην εόντα 
 και οίκίης ουκ επιφανέοςβ means 
 “a common man.” The hieratic, 
 as it is called (Clem. Alex. Strom, 
 vol. 2. 657. Potter.), is not pro¬ 
 perly a distinct species of wri¬ 
 ting, but a running hieroglyphic. 
 In the Rosetta Inscription (Hie- 
 rogl. of the Eg. Soc. p. 30.) the 
 three kinds are distinguished as 
 Toils τε ίεροίε και εγγμυρίοις και 
 'Έιλληνικοϊς γράμμασιν . Hence 
 Dr. Young and others of our 
 countrymen have called the com¬ 
 mon character enchorial, which 
 however is not so appropriate as 
 demotic, which Champollion uses, 
 because έγχωρίοιε is not contrasted 
 
 with lopois, but Έ λληνικοΐς. Diod. 
 1. 81. distinguishes them as τά τε 
 ιερά καλούμενα και τά κοινοτέραν 
 άγοντα την μάΟησιν. 3. 3. he calls 
 the common characters δημώδη. 
 The demotic of Her. is the epistOr 
 lographic of Clem. Alex, ubi supra. 
 
 Sect. 37. διασμεωντεε . The 
 Tonic σμέω or σμάω, “ to scour,” 
 is of the same root as μάω, μάττω, 
 the σ being, as in σμικρόε, an eu¬ 
 phonic prefix. Of the same family 
 is σμηγω, whence σμήγμα, “soap.” 
 Brazen cups would require fre¬ 
 quent scouring, to prevent the in¬ 
 jurious effects of the metal. 
 
 ουκ 6 μεν, o δ’ oik 1. 139. ου τά 
 μεν, τα δ’ ου, άλλα πάντα ομοίως. 
 
 Καί τάδε Φωκυλιδέω ’ Αέριοι κακοί’ 
 ου Χ 0 os ο ου 
 Π αντες, πλην ΙΙροκλεουε’ καί Προ- 
 κλέη s Λέριοε. 
 
 Strabo χ. ρ. 712. Οχ. 
 
 Σάλωνα νομοθέτην άπεδειίαν, ου 
 
 ^ \ \ ^5 \ / t 
 
 τα μεν τα ο ουγι, παντα ο ο- 
 μαΧώς επιτρέψαντες. Blomf. ad 
 Pers. 807. συμβαίνει γάρ ου τά 
 μεν τά δ’ ου, “the prophecies are 
 accomplished, all alike.” Ό μεν, 
 6 c)’ ου implies a variety, one doing 
 or suffering what another does not; 
 the negative prefixed to the whole 
 phrase takes away this variety, and 
 declares an entire uniformity. 
 
II. 37.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 59 
 
 t€q. είματα δε Χίνεα φορεουσι , αιει νεοπλυτα* επιτηδευοντες 
 τούτο μάΧιστα. τά τε αιδοία περιταμνονται καθαριοτητοε εί- 
 νεκε * προτιμωντες καθαροί είναι η ευπρεπέστεροι. Οι δε Ιρεεα 
 ζυρευνται παν το σώμα δια τρίτης ημερης, ίνα μήτε φθειρ, 
 μήτε αΧΧο μυσαρδν μηδέν ε^^ίνηταί σφι θεραπενουσι τους θε¬ 
 ούς. εσθητα δε φορεουσι οί ίρεες Χινεην μουνην, και υποδήματα 
 βύβΧ ινα' αΧΧην δε σφι εσθητα ουκ εξεστι Χαβε7ν, ουδέ υπο¬ 
 δήματα αΧΧα. Χουνται δε δις της ημερης εκάστης φυχριρ, και 
 διε, εκάστης νυκτος. άΧΧας τε θρησκίας επιτεΧεουσι μυρίας, 
 
 περιταμνονται. Diod. Sic. 1.28., 
 3. 32., Strabo 17. ρ. 824., speak 
 of the custom as Herodotus does, 
 giving no intimation that it was 
 confined to the priests. In later 
 times, when Egypt was inhabited 
 b y a mixed colluvies, and the an¬ 
 cient institutions had decayed, it 
 seems to have been limited to them. 
 Jos. c. Apion 1. 22., 2. 13. Ori- 
 genComm.Ep.Rom.2.13. “Apud 
 AEgyptios nullus aut geometrica 
 studebat aut astronomise secreta 
 rimabatur nisi circumcisione sus- 
 cepta. Sacerdos apud eos, aru- 
 spex aut quorumlibet sacrorum 
 minister vel ut illi appellant pro- 
 phetse, omnis circumcisus est. Li- 
 teras quoque sacerdotales veterum 
 jiEgyptiorum quas hieroglyphicas 
 appellant nemo discebat nisi cir¬ 
 cumcisus.” The French Commis¬ 
 sion, Mem. 3. 83., confirm from 
 the mummies the fact of Egyptian 
 circumcision. Ezek. xxxi.fin., it is 
 threatened against Pharaoh, that 
 he should lie down among the un¬ 
 circumcised, as if this were a de¬ 
 gradation to an Egyptian. Ibid, 
 xxxii. 19.; in which chapter it is 
 remarkable, that it is said of the 
 Egyptians and Edomites (a branch 
 of the Abrahamic family, v. 29.), 
 
 that they lie down with the un¬ 
 circumcised, but of the Assyrians, 
 Elamites, Meshech and Tubal, and 
 Sidonians, with other princes of 
 the north, that they lie down un¬ 
 circumcised. “ Praeter AEgyptios, 
 Idumaeos, Ammonitas, Moabitas, 
 et Ismaelitas in solitudine com- 
 morantes, quorum pleraque pars 
 circumcisa est, omnes aliae nationes 
 in terra incircumcisae sunt.” Hie- 
 ron. ad Jerem. 9. 25. Mich. Mos. 
 Recht. § 184. 
 
 προτιμώντεε καθαροί είναι. Mat- 
 thiae § 456. explains this idiom 
 from the common use of the com¬ 
 parative in Greek; Her.3.65. εποί - 
 ησα ταχύτερα η σοφωτερα, “ more 
 hasty than wise,” the first compa¬ 
 rative being contained in προτι¬ 
 μώντεε, equivalent to βουΧόμενοι 
 καθαρώτεροι είναι η ευπρεπέστε¬ 
 ροι. 
 
 Sic t τρίτηε ημέρηε, “ every other 
 day.” See note on Sect. 4. 
 
 υποδήματα βυβΧινα. Some of 
 these sandals of papyrus have been 
 found in the Egyptian tombs. See 
 Minutoli Atlas xxxiii. 28. The 
 palm was used for the same pur¬ 
 pose. Wilkinson M. and C. Egypt, 
 1. 280. 
 
60 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 37. 
 
 <1>G ειπειν λόγω, πάσχονσι Se και αγαθα ονκ ολίγα, ούτε τι 
 γαρ των οικηιων τρίβουσι, ούτε δ απανεωνται * αλλα και σιτία 
 σφί εστι Ιρα πεσσόμενα , και κρεων βοεων και γηνεων πλήθος 
 τι εκαστω γίνεται πολλόν, ημερης εκαστης' δίδοτ αι 8ε σφι και 
 oii^oc αμπελινος. ιχθύων $ε ον σφι εζεστι πασασθαι. κυαμονα $ε 
 οντε τι μ άλα σπείρουσι Αιγύπτιοι εν τύ} χωρη τονς τε γενο- 
 
 ώ$ είπεΊν λόγω. See note on 2.15. 
 
 .ι \ '·*»./. / n 
 
 ovre γαρ των οικηιων τρφουσι, 
 
 “ do not consume by use any of 
 their own property,” furniture, 
 dress, &c. the whole expenses of 
 their maintenance, as well as their 
 diet, being provided out of the sa¬ 
 cred revenues of their respective 
 temples. From Gen. xlvii. 22. we 
 may infer that these revenues were 
 immediately derived from the so¬ 
 vereign. According to Diodorus 
 (1. 73.), a third part of the land, 
 free from all taxes, belonged to the 
 priests. 
 
 πάσασθαι. “ Πατεοραι, “ taste, 
 eat.” An Ionic deponent middle, 
 aor. επάσάμην, perf. πέπασμαι. 
 That these forms belong to each 
 other is shown by Her. 2. 47. and 
 the analogy of δατεΊσθαι, δάσα- 
 σθαι. Buttm. L. Gr. 2. 206. Πα¬ 
 σασθαι /Sjoa^eos μεν ovros του a το 
 γενσασϋαι δηΧοΊ’ εν εκτάσει δε τού¬ 
 τον το κτησασθαι. Ammon. Diff. 
 Voc. Valck. 107. Anim.187. The 
 prohibition of fish had no doubt a 
 sanitary motive; Larcher supposes 
 that this food causes elephantiasis. 
 
 κυάμονα — οντε τριογουσι, οντε 
 εψοντεε πατέονται. 'This prohi¬ 
 bition of the bean had also its mo¬ 
 tive in health. Cic. Div. 1. 30., 
 2. 58. “ Τρώγειν de crudis olim 
 placuit unice : testantur τρωκτα et 
 τρωζιμα, quse ώμα εσθιόμενα ex- 
 ponit Galenus : accedit verbi in 
 
 his libris usus 1. 71., 2. 92,, 4. 
 177. 3.” Wesseling. Τρώγω, how¬ 
 ever, does not in itself signify “ to 
 eat raw,” as is evident from 2. 92. 
 εν κΧιβάνω διαφανεί πνίζαντεε ούτω 
 τρώγονσι. It is allied to ρωχειν, 
 βρΰχειν toIs όοοΰσι. Hesych., and 
 is the same as the Latin rodo, “to 
 gnaw,” or “ nibble.” Hence it is 
 applied to those things which, be¬ 
 ing rather the accompaniments of 
 the meal, or dessert, than the meal 
 itself, are nibbled instead of being 
 masticated, as salad, roots, fruit, 
 confectionery. Comp. 1.71 .,where 
 σιτεονται, as used of food, is con¬ 
 trasted with σν /ca τρώγειχ'. N ήττας, 
 σχαδόνας, κάρυ εντραγείν, ώά, εγ- 
 fi|Oicas,'Pa0avi0as άπΧυτονς ,γογγν- 
 Χίδαε, χόνδρον, μέΧι. Athen.Ep. lib. 
 2.ρ.56. Confectionery the Greeks 
 called τραγηματα (from τρώγω), as 
 the Germans naschwerk (nibble- 
 work). What Herodotus (2. 92.) 
 expresses by οντω τρώγονσι, Theo¬ 
 phrastus 1 .p. 17 7 .Stackh. expresses 
 by χρώνται ώσπερ τραγημασι. Λα- 
 κεδαιμόνιοι εν toTs δείπνου toIs κα- 
 Χουμένοιε κοπίσι, διδόασι τραγη¬ 
 ματα, σΰκα τα ζηρα και κνάμονε 
 και φασήΧονε χΧωρονε, Athen. Ερ. 
 lib. 2. ρ. 56. Pliny 21. 50. (15.) 
 speaking of some of the esculent 
 vegetables of Egypt, calls them 
 “ oblectamenta magis quam cibos.” 
 Τράγοι, “a he goat,” is of the same 
 root. “ Rode caper vitevnA 
 
II. 38.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 61 
 
 μενουη ούτε τρώγουσι, ούτε εφοντεο, 7 τατβονται. οι δέ δ ί) Ipeec 
 ούδε opeovrec ανέχονται, νομίζοντερ ου καθαρόν μιν είναι όσπρι- 
 ον. ίραται δε ουκ etc, έκαστου των θεών, άΧΧά πολλοί, των εις 
 εστι άργιερεωε,' εττεαν δε tic άποθάνη , το υτου ό πα 7c, αντικα- 
 τίσταται. Tone δε βουρ τους ερσεναε του Επάφυυ ε'ιναι νο- 38 
 μίζουσι, και τουτου είνεκα δ οκιμάζουσι αυτουρ ώδε. τρίγα ην 
 και μίαν ί^ηται εττεουσαν μεΧαιναν, ου καθαρόν είναι νομίζει. 
 
 $ίζη ται δε ταυτα επί τουτω τεταγμενοο των τια ίρεων, και 
 ορθού εστεώτοε, του κτηνεοο καί υπτίου, καί την γλώσσαν εζει- 
 ρυσαα, ει καθαρή τών προκειμενων σημηίων, τά εγώ εν άΧΧομ 
 Χόγω ερεω. κατορα δε και τάρ τρίχαρ τηζ ουρηε, ει κατά φν- 
 σιν ενει πεφυκυίαρ. ην δε τούτων πάντων ρ καθαρόα, σημαί- 
 
 άρχιέρεωε, a form no where else 
 occurring in Herod., but adopted 
 here on the authority of some of 
 the best MSS. Ask. Med. Pass. 
 
 Sect. 38. Epaphus was the 
 Greek name of the sacred bull 
 Apis, 2. 153. The Greeks ety¬ 
 mologized the name to suit their 
 own legend of Io. Prom. V. 847. 
 Butl. Έιταΰθα έη σε Z evs τίθησιν 
 εμφρονα'Επαφών άταρβεϊ χειρί και 
 θίγων μόνον. Έπώνυμον όέ τών 
 Δ ιόε γεννημάτων τέζειε κεΧαινον 
 'Έπαφον. Being sacred to so great 
 a god, it was necessary that every 
 minute particularity in the victims 
 should be scrutinized. 
 
 ’ίΰηται, “if he espies a single 
 black hair.” See note on 2. 32. 
 He is the examiner, ό όοκιμάζων, 
 to be supplied from the verb. So 
 2.70. έπεάν όεΧεάσρ, “the sports¬ 
 man,” to be supplied from άγραι. 
 2.40. έπεάν θΰσρ, “the sacrificer,” 
 from Θυσίη. In 4. 68. the con¬ 
 struction is somewhat different, be¬ 
 cause a plural verb precedes, φι- 
 Χΰρηε ών φΧοιώ μαντεύονται . έπεάν 
 την φιΧνρην τρίχα σχίση κ. τ. X. 
 So 1. 195. έπενέύνει following 
 
 χρέωνται. 4. 22. Χοχάί following 
 ζώοντεε. 
 
 επί τουτω τεταγμένοε. The da¬ 
 tive is the usual construction with 
 επί and τετάχθαι. Τή ύε ποιμενικ /J 
 ον 0η που άλλον του μάΧει η έφ ’ ω 
 τετακται. Plat. Rep. 2. 345., and 
 has been rightly substituted here 
 for έπί τυΰτο, found in the majority 
 of the MSS. The genitive is also 
 used, with a stronger expression 
 of presidence, 5. 109. επ' ού έτάχ- 
 Θημεν, ταυτη πειρησόμεθα είναι 
 χρηστοί., and hence the common 
 expressions ό επί τών οπΧων, ο επί 
 τηε έιοικησεωε, though even here 
 the dative is not excluded, as we 
 find in Demosthenes, οι επί τών 
 πραγμάτων, and επί τοΐε πράγμα- 
 σι. The accusative denotes more 
 properly the purpose. Λ όγοε επ' 
 αυτά ταυτα τετακται. Plat. Tim. 
 
 3. 47. 
 
 τών προκειμενων σημηίων. 
 Schweighseuser supplies είνεκα 
 with καθαρή. The colour of the 
 pure victim was red-brown. Diod. 
 1 . 88 . 
 
 εν άΧΧω Χόγω. See 3. 28. 
 
 σημαίνεται, “ he marks it by 
 
62 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [Π. 39. 
 
 39 
 
 νεται βυβΧω περί τα κερεα είΧίσσων' και επειτ a yrjv σημαν- 
 τρίδα επιπΧάσας, επιβάΧΧει τον δακτυΧιον' και οίιτω άπά- 
 • γουσι. ασήμαντον δε θυσαντι θάνατος η ϊ,ημίΎ] επικεεται' δοκι¬ 
 μάζεται μεν νυν το κτήνος τροπω τοιωδε. θυσιη δε σφι ηδε 
 κατεστηκε. άyay6vτες το σεσημασμένου κτήνος προς τον βω¬ 
 μόν, δκον αν θυωσι, πυρην καίουσι. επειτα δε επ αυτόν οίνον 
 κατά του Ιρηίου επισπεισαντες, καί επικαΧεσαντες, τον θεόν, 
 σφάΖ,ουσι' σφάζαντες δε, αποταμνονσι την κεφαΧην . σώμα μεν 
 δη του κτηνεος δείρουσι * κεφαΧη δε κείνη ποΧΧά καταρησά- 
 μενοι, φερονσι, τόίσι μεν αν η ayopri, και 'Έλληνέε σφισι εωσι 
 επιδημιοι έμποροι, οί δε φεροντες ες την ayoprjv, απ ων εδον- 
 
 wrapping it round the horns with 
 a piece of papyrus, and then, ha¬ 
 ving smeared on it sealing earth, 
 he puts his ring upon it.” This 
 sealing earth was probably the 
 same with the creta spoken of by 
 Cic., Pro Flac. 37. “ Heec quae est 
 a nobis prolata laudatio obsignata 
 erat creta ilia Asiatica quEe utun- 
 tur omnes in publicis et privatis 
 literis.” It was a grey tenacious 
 earth. 
 
 Θάνατοί η ζημίη επικέεται' In 
 such phrases ζημία has the article. 
 ’^Αλλ’ άρα rovs vlels διδάσκονται, 
 έφ’ ois υνκ έστι Θάνατοί η ζημία. 
 Plat. Protag. p. 69. ed Stallb. and 
 επικεΐσθαι is considered as a verb 
 of existence. Isocr.de Pace 1.386. 
 ed Battie. θανάτου τηί ζημίαί έπι- 
 κειμέ νηί. 
 
 Sect. 39. θυσιη δέ σφι, “ And 
 this is their established mode of 
 sacrifice.” 
 
 κατα του Ιρηίου. Kara with the 
 genitive is “ down, so as to fall or 
 descend from.” Theoc. 7. 82. Ov- 
 νεκα οι γλυκυ Μοΐσα κατά στδ- 
 ματοί χέε νέκταρ. Her. 4. 62 .οίνον 
 εττισπένδουσι κατά των κεφαλέων. 
 ibid. κατ αχέου σ ι τό αίμα του ά- 
 
 Ί 
 
 κινάκεοί. 2. 121. 3. του φωρδί τον 
 νέκυν κατά του τείχεοί κατακρε- 
 μάσαι. 
 
 τοΊσι μεν αν η άγορη, καί σφισι. 
 A similar mixture of the relative 
 and demonstrative occurs 3. 34. 
 Πρηζάσπεα, τον έτίμ a re μάλιστα 
 καί οί τάί άγγελίαί έφόρεε ούτοί. 
 Matthise § 472. 3. gives many ex¬ 
 amples, both from Ionic and Attic 
 writers. Where subjects, con¬ 
 trasted by μέν and δε, are resumed 
 after some interposed words, μεν 
 is usually followed by μέν, δέ by 
 δέ. Plat. Gorg. 512. εί μέν τΐί 
 μεγαλοί νοσημασι συνεχόμενοί μη 
 άπεπνίγη ούτοί μεν άθλιόν έστι" εί 
 δέ τΐί κ. τ. λ.— τοΰτω δε βιωτέον 
 έστί. See Her. 2. 42. οσοι μεν — 
 ουτοι μέν. But sometimes, instead 
 of μέν answering to μέν, we have 
 δέ, as in this passage of Her. 11. 
 Λ 503. 'Os μέν τ αίδ έσεται κονραί 
 Αιόί άσσον ίοόσαίΎόν <5e(not τόνδε) 
 μέγ’ ωνησαν. 
 
 απ’ ων έδοντο, “ they sell it.” 
 See note to Matthise Gr. Gr. p. 
 1117., where it is explained that 
 this tmesis is used by Herodotus 
 only with the aorist in the fre¬ 
 quentative sense. 2. 172. κατ’ ων 
 
HERODOTUS. 
 
 63 
 
 11.40.] 
 
 το' τοισι δε αν μη 7 ταρεωσι Έλληνες, οι δ εκβίιΧΧουσι ερ τον 
 ποταμόν, καταρεονται Se, TctSe Xeyovrep, τρσι κεφαΧησι’ “ εί 
 “ τι μεΧΧοι η σφισι τοισι θυουσι, η Αιγυπτω τη συναπαση κα- 
 “ κόν yeveaOai, ec, κεφαΧην ταυτην τραπεσθαι. : ” Κατα μεν 
 νυν ταρ κεφαΧαρ των θυόμενων κτηνεων, κα'ι την επίσπεισιν του 
 οίνου, παντερ Αιγύπτιοι νόμοισι το?σι αυτοΊσι -χρεωνται όμοιωρ 
 ερ παντα τα ιρ α’ καί από τουτου του νόμου, ουδέ άλλου ου- 
 Sevop έμφυτου κεφαΧήρ γεύσεται Αιγυπτίων ουδείε. Η δε Sri 40 
 εζαίρεσιρ των Ιρων καί η καυσιρ, αΧΧη περί αΧΧο Ιρόν σφι κα- 
 
 \ ς\» -? 
 
 τεστηκε. την ο ων μεyιστηv τε ϋαιμονα ηyηvτaι είναι, και με - 
 γίστ ην οι όρτην avay ουσι, ταυτην έρχομαι ερεών, επεαν απο- 
 Seίpωσι τον βουν, κατευζαμενοι, κοιΧίην μεν κείνην πασαν εξ ων 
 
 Sail 
 
 Koxbas., the participle is not used 
 frequentatively, but ων, as it seems, 
 expresses the instantaneousness of 
 the act, in which sense there are 
 traces of its use in the Attic wri¬ 
 ters. Arist. Ran. 1045. ώστε ye 
 καυτόν σε κατ ούν εβαλεν. Άπο- 
 ΰιόόναι signifying “to give away,” 
 the middle, according to analogy, 
 is “to give for your own benefit;” 
 “ to sell.” αποόόσθαι. πίπρασθαι, 
 Hesych. Her. 6. 89. όιόοΰσι τάε 
 veas πενταόράχμουε απ oho μεν ο ι, 
 “ they give them, making a (nomi¬ 
 nal) sale of them for five drach¬ 
 mas.” In Herodotus it is used 
 in this sense only in the second 
 aor. 
 
 Commentators have remarked 
 the similarity of these impreca¬ 
 tions on the head of the victim, 
 with the ceremony of the scape¬ 
 goat under the Jewish law. Levit. 
 xvi. 6. &c. Wilkinson observes, 
 2. 377., that heads of animals ap¬ 
 pear from the sculptures some¬ 
 times to have been brought into 
 the temples; and probably it was 
 only on the heads of victims, and 
 
 not all of these, that the impreca¬ 
 tion was pronounced. 
 
 Sect. 40. εί,αίρεσις, “the evisce¬ 
 ration and burning is different in 
 regard to different victims.” 
 
 ταυτην έρχομαι ερεών. Schw. 
 reads ταντρ. Struve, Spec. Queest. 
 Her. p. 28., defends ταυτην : “ neg- 
 ligenter suo more Herodotus lo- 
 cutus est, ταυτην quod grammatica 
 cum την i. e. ην μεγίστην όαίμον a 
 jungit;, ad όρτην referens.” The 
 goddess in question is Isis. 
 
 επεαν άποόείρωσι. In several 
 of the MSS. is found the reading 
 
 έπήν προνηστευσωσι τιρ'Ισι και επην 
 κατευζωνται, Θΰουσι τον βουν' και 
 άποόείραντες, κ. τ. λ. This must 
 be either an original variation, or 
 a very ancient correction ; proba¬ 
 bly the latter, as the oldest MSS. 
 have the reading in the text. The 
 Sancroft MS. for τη’Ίσι has τήσι. 
 
 κοιλίην κείνην κ. r. λ. “they take 
 out the whole of the abdomen, but 
 leave his viscera in the body and 
 the fat.” “ κείνην ( i . e. κενήν) 
 κοιλίαν dicit quern alias κενεώνα 
 dicunt alvum, abdomen.” Schw. 
 
64 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 41 
 
 [11.41. 
 
 είλοιγ σπλάγχνα δε αυτου Χείπουσι εν τώ σώματι και την πι- 
 μεΧην* σκεΧεα δε αποτάμνουσι, και την όσφυν άκρην, και τους 
 ωμούς τε κα\ τον τράχηΧον. ταυτα δε ποιησαντες, το αΧΧο 
 σώμα του βοός πιμπΧασι άρτων καθαρών, καί μεΧιτος, και 
 ασταφ'ι^ος, καί σύκων, και Χιβανωτου, και σμυρνης και τών 
 αΧΧων θνωμάτων. πΧησαντες δε τούτων , καταγίζονσι, εΧαιον 
 αφθονον καταχεοντες. προνηστευσαντες -δε, θυουσι. καιομενων 
 δε τών ιρών τύπτονται παντες * επεαν δε αποτυψωνται, δα?τα 
 
 προ 
 
 τίθενται τα εΧί 
 
 ιποντο τών ίρών. 
 
 Τους μεν νυν καθαρούς βοΰς τους ερσενας και τους μόσχους 
 οι παντες Αιγύπτιοι θυουσι’ τας δε θηΧεας ου σφι εζεστι θυ- 
 ειν, αΧΧα Ιρα'ι εισι της Ίσιος, τό yap της Ίσιος ayaXpa εμν 
 yvvaiKt]iov, βουκερών εστι, κατάπερ Ί^ΧΧηνες την Ιου^ γ|θα- 
 
 not. ad var. lect. The σπλάγχνα 
 are “ the heart, liver, lungs, &c.,” 
 and πιμελη, “ the tallow or inter¬ 
 nal fat,” 2. 47. oalpvs, “the hips.” 
 In the Egyptian sculptures and 
 paintings, the victims frequently 
 appear with the head and limbs 
 cut off close to the trunk. 
 
 τύπτονται, “ beat themselves 
 with lamentation,” afterwards 
 used 2.42. 61. with an accusative 
 of the object in whose honour the 
 lamentation takes place. So τον 
 — τιλλεσθην II. ιο , 710. άπεκοψά- 
 μην νεκρόν Troad. 628. So in La¬ 
 tin, plango, properly “to beat one¬ 
 self,” is used with an accus. of the 
 person lamented. “ Te canit atque 
 suum pubes miratur Osirim Bar¬ 
 bara, Memphiten plangere docta 
 bovem” Tib. 1.7. 28. άποτυψων- 
 ται. πανσωνται τόπτεσθαι, Hesych. 
 2 . 73. επεαν όέ άποπειρηθη, is a 
 similar example of the force of 
 από. 9.31 . άπεκηόενσανΜ,ασίστιον, 
 “ finished their mourning for M.” 
 See Valckenaer’s notes. 
 
 Sect. 41. ras Θηλεα: ον σφι e£- 
 
 εστι Θΰειν. The prohibition to 
 sacrifice cows had an economical 
 motive, to favour the increase of 
 cattle, and religion was called in 
 to aid. 
 
 βυνκερων 'EXXrjj'es την Ίονν 
 γράφονσι’ The relation between 
 the Egyptian Isis and the Greek 
 Io was probably this, that Phoe¬ 
 nicians in early times had carried 
 to Argos the worship of the moon, 
 under the symbol of a heifer, or a 
 woman with heifer’s horns. The 
 symbol itself and the name of Io, 
 which is Coptic for the moon 
 (Jablonsky Panth. Eg. 2.6= 7.), re¬ 
 mained : the origin of it was for¬ 
 gotten, and the invention of the 
 Greek mythologists supplied its 
 place by the legend of an Argive 
 princess, beloved by Jupiter, turn¬ 
 ed by him into a heifer, and dri¬ 
 ven through Phoenicia into Egypt, 
 where she became the goddess 
 Isis. The name Io was used for 
 the moon in the dialect of Argos. 
 Eust. ad Dionys. Perieg. v. 94. 
 
II. 41.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 65 
 
 φουσι’ και τάς βους τάς θηΧεας Αιγύπτιοι πάντες ομοίως σέ¬ 
 βονται προβάτων πάντων μάΧιστα μακρω. των ε'ίνεκα ουτ* 
 άνηρ Αιγύπτιος, ούτε yvvrj, avSpa '* Ελληνα φιΧησειε άν τω 
 στοματι, ούδε μαχαίρι avSpoc 'ΕΧΧηνος χρησεται, ούδ οβε~ 
 Χοισι , ούδε Χεβητι , οοδε κρεως καθαρού βοός δ ιατετμημενον 
 ΈιΧΧηνικτ} μαχαίριρ γευσεται. θάπτονσι δε τους αποθνησκον- 
 τας βους , τρόπον τόνδε. τάς μεν ΘηΧεας ες τον ποταμόν απι- 
 ασι' τους δε ερσενας κατορυσσουσι έκαστοι εν τοισι προαστεί- 
 οισι, τό κεράς τό ετερον η και αμφότερα υπερεχοντα, σημηιου 
 είνεκεν. επεάν δε σαπ r?, και προσίη ό τεταχμενος -χρόνος, άπι- 
 κνεεται ες εκάστην πόΧιν βάρις εκ της Υίροσωπίτι^ος καΧευ- 
 μενης νήσον, η ο εστι μεν εν τω Ζλελ 
 
 τα, περίμετρον δε αυτής 
 
 προβάτων πάντων. Πρόβατα’ 
 παντα τά τετράποδα’ 'Ηρόδοτος τε- 
 τάρτω (4. 61.) Bekk. Anecd. 112.1. 
 “ Veteribus qusevis pecora inter 
 edendum quatuor pedibus προβαί- 
 νοντα, πρόβατα dicuntur. Earn 
 in rem hsec Herodoti advocat Eu¬ 
 stathius in Odyss. k. p. 384. 14.” 
 [pag. 1649. ed. Rom.] Valck. ad 
 Her.4.61. Comp. 1.133., 7.171. 
 
 φιΧησειε άν τω στοματι, ουδέ 
 χρησεται. Comp. 2. 47. ουκ άν ετι 
 γευσαίατυ. Though the optative 
 with άν approaches nearly to the 
 signification of the future, a dif¬ 
 ference is discernible ; “ would not 
 kiss a Greek,” in the improbable 
 event of being asked to do so ; 
 ** nor will he use his knife,” as 
 may often be seen. Matth. Gr. Gr. 
 § 514. 2. The reluctance of the 
 Egyptians to eat with foreigners, 
 in very remote times, may be seen 
 in Gen. xliii. 32. 
 
 τό κεράς το ετερον η και άμφό- 
 τερα υπερεχοντα, Matthise, § 427. 
 4. b., supposes an ellipsis of έχον¬ 
 τας, which is hardly necessary, 
 either here, or in the other in¬ 
 
 stances which he quotes from He¬ 
 rod. The descriptive circumstance 
 belonging to a part, is placed 
 loosely in apposition with the 
 whole, and thus, in grammar, made 
 to depend on the verb κατορύσ- 
 σουσι, although, separately con¬ 
 sidered, the horn was not buried. 
 So 4. 71. άναΧαμβάνουσι τον νε¬ 
 κρόν, κατακεκηρωμένον μεν τό σώμα, 
 την δε νηδυν άνασχ^ισθεΐσαν και κα- 
 Θαρθεϊσαν, the latter words really 
 depend on άναΧαμβάνουσι. 
 
 The island of Prosopis, accord¬ 
 ing to Champollion, Egypte sous 
 les Pharaons 2. 162., was formed 
 by the Canopic branch of the Nile 
 to the west, the Sebennytic to the 
 east, and a canal joining the Ca¬ 
 nopic to the Sebennytic to the 
 north. Here the Athenians who 
 had come to aid the rebellious E- 
 gyptians were besieged, B.C. 455. 
 (Thucyd. 1. 104. 109.), and ulti¬ 
 mately destroyed. Of the struc¬ 
 ture of the Baris, see 2. 96. It is 
 said to mean in Coptic “a basket.” 
 Champ. Eg. s. les Ph. 2. 203. 
 
 F 
 
66 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 42a 
 
 νησω ενεισι 
 
 είσι σ^οίίνοι εννεα. εν ταυτρ ών τρ ΤΙροσωπίτιόι 
 μεν καί άλλαι πόλιεο συγναί’ εκ τηο δε αι βάριο παραγίνονται 
 αναιρησόμεναι τα οστεα των βοών, ούνομα τρ 7τόλι Α ταρβη- 
 χια* εν S’ αυτρ A (ppoSίτηC ίρόν άγιον 'ISpvTai. εκ ταυτηο τηο 
 πόλιοο πλανεονται πολλοί άλλοι εο άλλαο πόλιο * ανορνζαντεο 
 δε τα οστεα, απάγουσι και Θάπτονσι εο ενα yjvpov πάντεο· 
 κατά ταυτα δε τοΊσι βουσι και τάλλα κτηνεα θάπτονσι απο- 
 θνησκοντα ’ και γάρ περί ταυτα ουτω σφι νενομοθετηται ' 
 κτείνουσι γάρ δη ου δε ταυτα. Όσοι μεν Sri Διόο θηβαιεοο 
 iSpWTai ίρόν, η νομού του Θηβαίου ε’ισί, ούτοι μεν νυν πάντεο 
 οίων άπε^όμενοι, αίγαο θυουσι. θεούο γάρ δη ου τουο αυτουο 
 άπαντεο ομοίωο Αιγύπτιοι σέβονται, πλην ’Ίσιόο τε καί ΌσΙ- 
 ριοο, τον δη Διόνυσον είναι λεγουσι' τούτουο δε ομοίωο άπαν¬ 
 τεο σέβονται . όσοι δε του Μένδητοε εκτηνται ίρόν , η νομού 
 του Μει^δησίου είσι, ουτοι δε α’ιγων άπεγομενοι, ο ιο θυουσι, 
 θηβαΊοι μεν νυν, και όσοι δια τούτουο οίων άπεγονται, Sia 
 
 Άτάρβηχιε. Atar, or Athor, was 
 the Egyptian Venus (Etym. Mag. 
 8 . voc. Άθυρ.) ; according to Ja- 
 blonsky, Panth. Eg. p. 1. p. 4. 5., 
 primeval night, whence all things 
 arose ; and baki is Coptic for 
 ** town.” 
 
 άποθνη σκόντα, “when they die.” 
 The present tense is here appro¬ 
 priate, because the circumstance 
 was continued and successive in 
 regard to the species of animals, 
 although complete before inter¬ 
 ment in regard to each individual. 
 
 Sect. 42. Aids θηβαιέοε. The 
 same form occurs in conjunction 
 with Atds, 1. 182., 2. 54., 4. 181. 
 When speaking of the Nome, Her. 
 uses Θηβαϊ os, as here, or θηβάίκόε, 
 2. 4. 
 
 ϊΰρυνται Ιρόν. The same idea 
 is expressed 2. 44. by ιόρυσάμενοι 
 εκτηνται. The temple had been 
 
 founded by the people of the The¬ 
 ban district, although not by the 
 actual generation. From this pas¬ 
 sage, Heeren, 2. 112. infers, that 
 the boundaries of the Nomes were 
 generally determined by the extent 
 to which the worship of particular 
 gods prevailed. 
 
 Metros. The Egyptian Men- 
 des was the Pan of the Greeks, 
 whence it will be understood why 
 his worshipers abstained from the 
 sacrifice of the goat. His Egyptian 
 name was Esmun, and the site of 
 the town of Mendes and temple 
 was at Ashmun-erman, in Lower 
 Egypt. Strabo, 1. 17. p. 1137. 
 Champoll. 2. 122. 
 
 οσοι διά tovtovs οίων απεγονται, 
 “ those who, owing to them abs¬ 
 tain from sheep,” i. e. in other 
 places where the worship of the 
 Theban Jupiter was established. 
 
Π. 42.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 67 
 
 τάδε λ εγουσι τον νόμον τδνδε σφι τεθηναι’ u ΉμακΑέα θελη - 
 “ σαι πάντωε ιδεσθαι τον Αία, και τον ουκ εθεΧειν όφθηναι 
 υπ αυτόν. τεΛοε οε, επει τε λιπαρεειν τον ηρακλεα , τον 
 ** Δία μηγμινησασθαι, κριόν εκ^ε'ιραντα , προεγ^εσθαί τε την 
 “ κεφαλήν αποταμόντα του κριού, και ενονντα τό νάκοε, οντω 
 u οι εωυτόν ειτι^εζαι.” Από τούτον κριοπρόσωπον του Δίδε 
 
 τωγαλμα ποιευσι Αιγύπτιοι* άπδ δε Αιγυπτίων, Αμμωνιοι , 
 εοντεε Αιγυπτίων τε και Αιθιόπων αποικοι, και φωνήν μεταζυ 
 αμφοτερων νομίζοντεε. όοκεειν δ’ εμοί, καί τδ ουνομα Άμμω- 
 
 as in Ammonium, and the same 
 religious scruple prevailed. Δια, 
 with the accus. of a person, ex¬ 
 presses a less direct instrument¬ 
 ality than with the gen., such as 
 the influence of example, and also 
 when the prevention of an action 
 is described, el μί) δι υμά s, “ but 
 for you. 5 ’ 
 
 τον Αία μηγανησασθαι κ. τ. λ. 
 “ Jupiter contrived, having flayed 
 a ram, both to hold the head of 
 the ram before him, after having 
 cut it off, and putting on the 
 fleece, so to exhibit himself.” This 
 story has been evidently devised 
 to account for the fact, that Amun, 
 or Ammon, the chief god of Thebes, 
 was represented with the head of 
 a ram, or in the more elegant spi¬ 
 rit of Greek art, with the horns of 
 a ram. The origin of this mode 
 of representation is doubtful. Ja- 
 blonsky (Panth. Eg. 2. 2. § 10.) 
 and others suppose him to be a 
 symbol of the sun in Aries; an 
 explanation which would be more 
 probable if we did not find other 
 Egyptian gods with heads of ani¬ 
 mals which are not in the zodiac. 
 In honour of Ammon, a double 
 row of sphinxes with the heads of 
 rams (κριόσφιγγεε), extended from 
 the temple or palace of Luxor to 
 
 that of Karnak in ancient Thebes, 
 a distance of about 6000 feet 
 (Descr. de l’Egypte, t. 2. p. 509.). 
 
 ’ Αμμώνιοι. See note on Sect. 
 32. The engravings of Minutoli 
 confirm the account of Herodotus; 
 the temple is built in the Egyptian 
 fashion, and dedicated to the wor¬ 
 ship of the ram-headed god, who 
 appears in the sculptures recei¬ 
 ving homage, with the cartouche 
 of a king whose name has not 
 been satisfactorily decyphered. 
 Minutoli Atlas, pi. 8. 9. 19. Her. 
 describes the Oasis at greater 
 length (4. 181.) in his general ac¬ 
 count of the chain of Oases, which 
 extend through the desert of Sa¬ 
 hara. He there makes Si Wah to 
 be only ten days’ journey from 
 Thebes ; but as the real distance 
 is near 400 geographical miles, he 
 must have omitted El Wah, or the 
 Greater Oasis. Heeren 1. p. 209. 
 
 φωΐΊ )v νομίζοντες. This word 
 is used by Her. not only with an 
 accus. of the thing habitually used 
 or practised, as πανήγυριν νομίσαι 
 2. 64., γΧώσσαν ον την αυτήν ve- 
 νομίι:ασι, 1 . 142., but also with a 
 dative, 4.117. φωνή νομίζουσι Σκυ- 
 Θικρ. Thuc. 2. 38., 3. 82., ευσε¬ 
 βείς μεν ουδέτεροι ένόμιζον. As 
 Herod. 1. 202. says εσθήτι δε νο- 
 
 F 2 
 
68 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 43. 
 
 43 
 
 νιοι άπο rovSe σφι την επωννμ'ιην εποιησαντο' Αμονν yap 
 A ιγνπτιοι καλεονσι τον Δία. rove 8ε κριονς ον θνονσι Θηβαίοι, 
 άλλ’ είσί σφι ιροι δια τούτο. μιτ} 8ε ημερη τον ενιαντον , εν 
 opTij τον Διόε, Κριόν ενα κατακόφαντες και απόπειραν Tec, 
 κατά των το εν8νονσι τ ώγαλμα τον Διος, και επειτα άλλο 
 άγαλμα Η ρακλεος προσάγονσι προς αυτό, ταντα 8ε ποιησαν- 
 τεα , τύπτονται οι περί τον ιρον άπαντες τον κριον } και επειτα 
 εν ιρη θηκη θάτττονσι αυτόν. 
 
 Ή ρακλεος 8ε ττερι τόν8ε τον λόγου ηκονσα, ότι ε'ιη των 
 8υώ8εκα θεών, τον ετερον δε περί Έρακλεος, τον ''Έλληνες 
 οϊ8ασι, ον8αμή Αίγυπτου εάυνάσθην άκουσαι. και μην οτι γε ον 
 παρ Ελλτίυωυ ελαβον το οννομα τον Ή ρακλεος Αιγύπτιοί , 
 άλλά' 'Έλληνες μάλλον παρ’ Αιγυπτίων , και Ελλήνων οντοι οι 
 Θεμενοι τφ Αμφιτρυωνος γόνω τοννομα Ή|θακλεα, πολλά μοι 
 και άλλα τεκμήριά εστι τούτο οντω εγειν } ev 8ε και το8ε , οτι 
 τε τον Η ρακλεος τούτου οί γονεες άμφότεροι ησαν, * Αμφι- 
 τρυων και Αλκμηνη, γεγονότες το άνεκαθεν απ’ Αίγυπτου, και 
 
 μίζονταε χράσθαι Φωκέων δέρμασι, 
 it has been supposed that the da¬ 
 tive is always governed by ·χρή- 
 σθαι, understood, which Schaefer 
 ad Bos. Ell. p. 413. ed. Oxon. 
 rightly pronounces to be unneces¬ 
 sary. 
 
 το οννομα Άμμώνιοι την επω- 
 ννμίην εποιησαντο, “ as it seems 
 to me, they, from this circum¬ 
 stance, made the name Ammoni- 
 ans their designation.” 1. 133., 
 5.52. οννομα ’έχει Τννδηε. In ap¬ 
 position with ονομα, or a similar 
 word, the name itself may be in 
 the nom. or accus. 6. 63. Αη- 
 μάρητον δε αντω οννομα εθετο . 
 iEsch. Fals. Leg. ρ. 191. ed. Bre- 
 mi. άνηρ δε γενόμενοε, προσείληφε 
 την των πονηρών κοινήν επωνυμί¬ 
 αν, συκοφάντηε. Matth. § 308. 
 
 'Αμοΰν. From this deity, Thebes 
 
 or its nome is called by the Jew¬ 
 ish prophets Amun-No, Jer. xlvi. 
 25. Ezek. xxx. 15., or No-Amun, 
 Neh. iii. 8., in the Sept. Αιόσπο- 
 \is. Amun-ei, in Egyptian, signi¬ 
 fies “ abode of Amun.” Wilkin¬ 
 son, M. and C. 1. p. 176. 
 
 κατα τώυτδ, in the same way as 
 Jupiter put on the ram’s skin. 
 τνπτονται. See note on Sect. 40. 
 Sect. 43. εν δε και τάδε. 2.176. 
 See note on προς δε, ρ. 21. The 
 emphatic δη is often added in this 
 phrase. See 3. 15. 
 
 ανέκαθεν, “ by remote origin,” 
 lit. “from far above.” So 2. 91. 
 of the opposite process of tracing a 
 genealogy downwards, άπδ δε τού¬ 
 των γενεηΧογέοντεε κατέβαίνον 
 έε τον ΐίερσέα. The genealogy of 
 Hercules was thus traced : Am¬ 
 phitryon, Alcaeus, Perseus, Danae, 
 
II. 43.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 69 
 
 διότι Αιγύπτιοι ούτε Ποσειύεωνοε ούτε Διόσκουρων τα ούνο- 
 ματά φασι ειύεναι, ovSe σφι Θεοί ούτοι εν τοΊσι αΧΧοισι ΘεοΊσι 
 α.7τούεύεγ^αται. και μην ει γε παρ’ Ελλήνων εΧαβον ούνομά τευ 
 ύαίμονορ, τούτων ούκ ήκιστα αλλά μαΧιστα εμεΧΧον μνημην 
 εζειν, είπερ και τότε ναντιΧίησι εχρεωντο, και ησαν Ελλή¬ 
 νων τινεε ναυτίΧοι, ωα εΧπομαί τε και εμη γνώμη αίρεε ι* ώστε 
 τούτων αν και μαΧΧον των Θεών τα ούνόματα εζεπιστεατο 
 Αιγύπτιοι η τού Η ρακΧεορ. ΆΧΧα tic cipyaioc εστι Θεόρ Αί- 
 γνπτίοισι ΊΐρακΧεηρ * ώρ δε αυτοί Χεγουσι , ετεά εστι επτά - 
 
 Acrisius, Abas, Lynceus, who mar¬ 
 ried a daughter of .HSgyptus. Alc- 
 mena was the daughter of Elec- 
 try on, the son of Perseus. 
 
 και μην ε'ίγε κ. τ. λ. “ and yet 
 if they had received from the 
 Greeks the name of any divinity, 
 they might have been expected to 
 have retained the memory of these, 
 not least of all but most, assuming 
 that even then they practised na¬ 
 vigation, and some of the Greeks 
 were navigators, as I suppose and 
 my judgment decides.” Neptune 
 and the Dioscuri, the fratres Hele¬ 
 na lucida sidera, being the patron- 
 gods of navigators, the Egyptians 
 were more likely to have borrowed 
 their worship or name from the 
 Greeks, than that of Hercules, 
 who had no particular interest for 
 them. The colon, which in Gais- 
 ford’s edition is placed after ναυ¬ 
 τίλοι, should stand after αίρέει. 
 
 εμεΧΧον μν. e£. Μέλλω, in the 
 pres., denotes an event which is 
 about to take place, or in the opi¬ 
 nion of the speaker is likely to 
 take place. II. v, 225. Άλλα που 
 οντω Μέλλει ΰή ι()ίΧον είναι ύπερ- 
 μενέϊ. Κ ρονίωνι, Να ivvpovs άποΧέ- 
 σθαι απ’ ’Άργεοΐ ένθάύ’ Άχα toys, 
 The Schol. says, αντί τού ειρκει. 
 In the imperfect it denotes not 
 
 only an event which at a past time 
 was about to take place, but also 
 one antecedently probable, yet not 
 realized by the event. Od. a, 232. 
 Telemachus says, Μέλλεν μεν 
 ποτέ dKos 6 S' άφνειοε και άμνμων 
 ’Έ μμεναι —Ννν S’ έτέρωε έβάλοντο 
 Θεοί. Comp, σ', 137. Eur. Hip- 
 pol. 392. Monk. Phaedra, having 
 descanted on modesty, adds, Taur 
 ουν €π€ίΰη τυγχάνω πρυγνονσ εγω 
 Ούκ εσθ’ οποίω φαρμάκψ ύιαφθερεΊν 
 "Ε μέλλον. “I might reasonably 
 have been expected not to forget 
 these things, under the influence 
 of any seduction whatever,” which, 
 however, she had done. Ovid. 
 Fast. 337. “ Venerat ad strati 
 captata cubilia lecti Et felix prima 
 sorte futurus erat εμεΧΧεν ; for 
 he was not really about to suc¬ 
 ceed in his design. Comp. Matth. 
 § 498. 
 
 εΧπομαι. See note on Sect. 12. 
 αιρέει Sect. 33. The clause which 
 follows, ώστε τούτων κ. r. λ. really 
 contains no more than had been 
 expressed before, but is added in 
 the characteristic fulness of our 
 author’s style. 
 
 ετεά εστι επτ. The chronology 
 is of course fabulous, nor is it pos¬ 
 sible to say to what change in the 
 system of Egyptian mythology 
 
70 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 44. 
 
 κισχίΧια καί μύρια ες 'Αμασιν βασιΧενσαντα, ετ ret re εκ των 
 οκτώ θεών οι $υώ8εκα Θεοί εγενοντο, τών Η ρακΧεα ενα νομι- 
 44 ζουσι. Καί θεΧων δε τούτων περί σαφές τι ειδέναι εζ ών οιον 
 τε ήν, έπλευσα και ec Τ υρον της Φοινίκης, πννθανόμενος αυτόθι 
 είναι ίρον Ή/> ακΧεος ayiov' καί ιδον πΧουσίως κατεσκευασμενον 
 αΧΧοισί τε ποΧΧοΊσι αναθημασι, καί εν αυτω ησαν στηΧαι δυο, 
 η μεν, χρυσόν άπεφθου' η δε, σμαρα-γ^ον λίθου, Χάμποντος 
 τ ας νύκτας, με-γαθο ς. ες λόγους δε εΧθών τοΊσι Ιρευσι τον θεού 
 
 this conversion of the eight gods 
 into twelve (for εγενοντο does not 
 necessarily imply were generated ) 
 refers. Jablonsky, Panth. Eg. 
 Prol. 62. 64., supposes the eight 
 to have been, the Universal Spirit 
 (of whom the Egyptians had re¬ 
 tained a knowledge from primitive 
 tradition), joined with the sun and 
 moon and five planets. The num¬ 
 ber twelve, which recurs in the 
 Greek and Northern mythology, 
 was probably derived from astro¬ 
 nomy. 
 
 €7ret re, an Ionic form, equiva¬ 
 lent to e£ ου or άφ' ου, “ since,” as 
 quum, in Latin, “ Biennium aut 
 triennium est, quum virtuti nun- 
 tium remisisti.” Cic. Fam. 15.16., 
 but also used in the sense of post - 
 quam. Greg, de Dial. Ion. § 36. 
 τό re πλεονάζει παρ’ αυτοίε και 
 παρελκει . Ήρό^ΟΓΟί “ επεί τε εγε¬ 
 νοντο ταΰτα” αντί του επε'ι εγενον¬ 
 το. This so-called redundant use 
 of re, which is really a trace of the 
 original identity of the relative and 
 demonstrative, is not confined to 
 επεί, but in the earlier state of the 
 language, as in the epic and lyric 
 poets, is found with most of the 
 relatives and relative particles, as 
 oQi re, Ίνα τε, are, ηυτε, οστε, and 
 many others. Herod. 1. 74. has 
 ορκια be ποιέεται ravra r« edvea 
 
 ra περ τε 'Έ,λληνεε. Comp.Matth. 
 
 § 626. Olos re (able), ώστε and 
 εστε (contracted from es o re), are 
 (when), remained in Attic prose. 
 ^Eschylus alone uses οστε in lam* 
 bic verse; the other tragedians only 
 in a chorus. Eur. Hec. 442. are. 
 Soph.Electr. 147. CEd.T. 694.Br. 
 
 Sect. 44. σμαράγΰου λίθου. “Nisi 
 potius pseudosmaragdus sit,” adds 
 Pliny, 37. 19. from Theophrastus , 
 Hept Λίθων. But this stone (prase) 
 is not transparent, and Larcher, 
 with great probability, supposes 
 the pillar to have been of coloured 
 glass, the manufacture of which 
 was known in Egypt, and pro¬ 
 bably in Phoenicia, at least 1500 
 years B.C. Wilkinson, 3.98. The 
 Catino exhibited at Genoa as the 
 emerald dish from which our Sa¬ 
 viour ate the paschal lamb, is evi¬ 
 dently green glass. Pliny, 37.75. 
 mentions the fabrication of eme¬ 
 ralds as a common practice. Sene¬ 
 ca, Ep. 90. attributes to Democri¬ 
 tus the discovery “ quemadmodum 
 decoctus calculus in smaragdum 
 converteretur.” 
 
 “ μεγαθοε insolentius videtur ; 
 hinc T. Fabri μεγάλωε indidem 
 Reiskii μεγα ψώε, non magno uti- 
 que molimine. Ego in Laurentii 
 et Porti partes eo” (Wessel.), who 
 take it to be used adverbially for 
 
II. 44.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 71 
 
 eij οόμην οκοσοε γ^ρόνοε είη εζ ου σφι το ιρον ίδρυται· εύρον δε 
 ουδέ τούτουε τοΊσι 'Έλλησι συμφερομενουε. εφασαν yap άμα 
 Ινρω οικιί,ομενη και το ιρον του υεου ιόρυυηναι είναι οε ετεα 
 αψ ου ϊυρον οικεουσι , τριηκοσια και οισ^ιΑια. ειοον οε εν ttj 
 Τ υρω και άλλο ιρον Ηρακλεοε, επωνυμίην εχοντοε θασίου εί¬ 
 ναι. άπικόμην δε και εε Θάσον, εν T7J ευρον ίρδν ΐίρακλέοε 
 υπό Φοινίκων Ιδρυμενον , οι κατ Ε υρωπηε ϊ,ητησιν εκπλωσαν- 
 τεε, Θάσον έκτισαν' και ταυτα κα\ πεντε yeverjai άνδρων προ - 
 τερά εστι η τον Άμφιτρυωνοε Ήρακλεα εν ttj Ελλάδι yεvε~ 
 
 μεγάλωε. It is certainly a very 
 unusual construction. 
 
 ere a τριηκοσια και δισχιλια. We 
 do not know exactly the year in 
 which Herod, visited Tyre, but 
 this date would carry us back to 
 at least 2750 B.C. . Little de¬ 
 pendence, however, is to he placed^ 
 on dates of which we do not know 
 the authority. Sidon was still 
 older than Tyre; its name alone, 
 not that of Tyre, occurs in Homer 
 and in the earlier biblical writers. 
 
 επωνυμίην έχοντοε θ. είναι. See 
 p. 11. Weiske de Pleon. είναι 5., 
 where examples of similar redun¬ 
 dancy with the verbs of naming 
 are given. 
 
 es Θάσον. This island, lying off 
 the coast of Thrace, early attracted 
 the Phoenicians by its gold mines, 
 which Herodotus describes, 6 . 46. 
 47. and they established here the 
 worship of their great national di¬ 
 vinity, Hercules, whose image is 
 seen on the Thasian coins. Eck- 
 hel D.N.Vet.2. p.53. The search 
 for Europa expresses the progress 
 of the Phoenicians in exploring and 
 colonizing this continent and the 
 islands of the HCgean. The geo¬ 
 graphical name Ευρώπη was given 
 by the Greek inhabitants of Asia to 
 
 the land of the west. Ευρώπη, χώ¬ 
 ρα της δΰσεως' η σκοτεινή Hes. 
 Comp. Eur. Iph. T. 627. It first 
 occurs inHym.Hom. Ap.Pyth. 73., 
 where it is distinguished from the 
 Peloponnesus. The mythical Eu¬ 
 ropa was a title of the Sidonian 
 Astarte (Luc. Dea Syr. 9. 88 .), 
 the moon. Ευρώπα, is broad-faced 
 or broad-eyed, an epithet of nearly 
 the same meaning as that of her 
 daughter, Πασι 0 αϊ 7 , and her mother, 
 Ύηλεψάσσα. The Minotaur, who 
 belongs to the same mythus, is Μη- 
 νόταυροε (moon-bull), and it is on 
 a bull that Europa is carried to 
 Crete, by which she is identified 
 with Artemis ταυροπόλος. The co¬ 
 incidence of the geographical and 
 mythical name is accidental, but 
 influenced the formation of the 
 mythus. 
 
 καί ταυτα καί πέντε y. άνδρών 
 πρότερά έστι, “ even five genera¬ 
 tions, not less than five genera¬ 
 tions.” 2 . 60. fin. συμφοιτέωσι δε, 
 καί es έβδομηκοντα μυριάδας, “not 
 fewer than 700,000.” As Thasus 
 and Cadmus, according to the com¬ 
 mon chronology, lived more than 
 five generations before the Theban 
 Hercules, some would read οκτώ, 
 some δέκα ycvefjat. 
 
72 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 44. 
 
 σθαι. Τα μεν νυν 
 Η ρακ\εα εόντα. 
 
 Ιστορημένα 8ηΧο7 σαφεωζ παλαιόν θεόν top 
 καί 8οκεονσι 8ε μοι ουτοι ορθότατα Έλλή- 
 
 παλαιυν Θεόν τον 'Ηρ. Ιόντα. 
 The worship of Hercules was pro¬ 
 bably indigenous in Egypt, and 
 was borrowed thence by the Phoe¬ 
 nicians, or may have belonged 
 equally from the first to both 
 these nations, whose early con¬ 
 nexion with each other is un¬ 
 questionable, though the time and 
 circumstances are very obscure. 
 By the Phoenicians he was made 
 the chief tutelary divinity of their 
 most enterprising city. Tyre, and 
 under the name of Melcartha 
 (KrnpHTO, Munter, Religion 
 der Karthager, p. 40.), king of 
 the city, the Melicertes of Greek 
 mythology, his worship was car¬ 
 ried wherever Phoenician colonies 
 were established. Thebes, in Boe- 
 otia, was a principal seat of his 
 worship. But the fancy of the 
 Greeks led them to convert the 
 gods of other nations, whose wor¬ 
 ship they had received, into per¬ 
 sons of divine extraction, or he¬ 
 roes, and their national vanity, to 
 claim a Greek nativity for these 
 foreigners. In the end, they im¬ 
 posed upon themselves, and really 
 believed that their own obscure 
 and barbarous country had sent 
 forth in remote times hero-chiefs 
 and princesses, whom Asia and 
 Egypt had received with submis¬ 
 sion, and placed in the rank of di¬ 
 vinity. Herodotus was not so far 
 imposed upon, but he was unable 
 to make out how the Grecian and 
 the Egyptian Hercules should be 
 the same, believing the Grecian 
 to be a true historical personage, 
 and supposed there must have 
 
 been two. In the time of Cicero, 
 however, two could not suffice. 
 N. D. 3. 16. “ Quamquam quem 
 potissimum Herculem colamus 
 scire sane velim : plures enim tra- 
 dunt nobis ii qui interiores scru- 
 tantur et reconditas literasand 
 he goes on to reckon up six, of 
 whom the Egyptian is the second, 
 the Tyrian the fourth, and the son 
 of Alcmena the last. 
 
 The Egyptian and Tyrian Her¬ 
 cules is generally believed to have 
 been originally a symbol of the 
 sun, and as such hot springs were 
 dedicated to him. Her. 7. 176. 
 Schol. Nub. Arist. 1034. (1047.) 
 But by the Greeks he seems to 
 have been considered rather as a 
 symbol of strength (Comp. Psalm 
 xix. 5.6.) than as the god of day; 
 and his Grecian name, Ηρακλή s, 
 in which the first syllable is of the 
 same root as in "Hpais, "Ηρα, he¬ 
 rns , denoting “strength” and “do¬ 
 minion,” alludes to this concep¬ 
 tion, as well as his mother’s name, 
 ’ Αλκμήνη (αλκή), and his grand¬ 
 father’s, Άλκαϊοί. His brother 
 Iphicles or Iphiclus, is only an¬ 
 other expression of the same idea, 
 I (pi being an Homeric word for 
 force. Once received as a symbol 
 of superhuman strength, all those 
 works which seemed to surpass 
 the power of man were attributed 
 to him ; and if his wanderings and 
 labours be examined, we shall find 
 them partly derived from the dif¬ 
 fusion of the Phoenician worship 
 from Tarsus to Gades, and from 
 the Euxine to Libya, partly from 
 the desire to account for natural or 
 
II. 45.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 73 
 
 νιυν ποιεειν, οί Βιζά Ηράκλειά ίύρυσάμενοι εκτηνται' και τώ 
 μεν, ώς αθανάτω , Ολυμπίω δε επωνυμίην, θύουσι' τω δε 
 ετερω, ως ηρωι εναγιί,ουσι. Αεγουσι οε ποΛΛα και αΛΛα αν- 
 επισκεπτωε οι Έλληνες' εύηθης δε αυτών κα'ι δδε δ μύθος εστι, 
 τον περί του Ή/οακλέοο λέγουσι* ώβ α αυτόν απικόμενον ες 
 Α'ίγυ~ ττδν στεψαντες οί Αιγύπτιοι, υπο πομπής εζηγον ώς 
 υυσοντες τω Διι τον όε 5 τεω£ μεν ησυγμην εχειν επει οε 
 “ αυτού προς τω βωμω κατάργγοντο, ες αλκήν τραπομενον, 
 
 (( 
 
 *( 
 
 45 
 
 artificial wonders, or explain the 
 traces of ancient religious rites. 
 When established in popular be¬ 
 lief, as an ancient hero-god, it was 
 natural that royal and noble fami¬ 
 lies should claim descent from 
 him. There is a remarkable re¬ 
 semblance between the Grecian 
 Hercules and the northern Odin 
 or Woden ; and as Herodotus en¬ 
 deavours to separate the hero 
 from the god, so the northern an¬ 
 tiquaries endeavour, but with equal 
 want of success, to distinguish a 
 hero Odin, the progenitor of Swe¬ 
 dish and Saxon kings, from the god 
 of war. The more insight we gain 
 into the relation of early Greek 
 history to mythology, the more 
 evident it becomes that the heroes 
 are often gods, often only obsolete 
 titles of deities. 
 
 “ εναγίζειν. το χοάε έτ τιφέρειν, 
 ή θνειν rots κατοιχομένοιε” Greg. 
 Cor. Dial. Ion. § 109. “ Ter- 
 tius est Hercules ex Idseis Dacty- 
 lis cui inferias afferunt.” Cic. N. 
 D. 3. 16. These funereal rites 
 marked the worship of heroes, they 
 being supposed to have been mor¬ 
 tals, with one divine parent, who 
 had died. Comp. Potter Arch. 
 Graec. 2 . Book 4. Chap. 8 . prop, 
 fin. Ruhnken.adTim.L. Plat. 101 . 
 The two characters of the Olym¬ 
 
 pian and the hero Hercules were 
 identified by the fable of the burn¬ 
 ing on Mount CEta. 
 
 Sect. 45. ευήθης δε και oSe, 
 “ and this tale of theirs is espe¬ 
 cially silly.” See 2 . 43. p. 68 . 
 
 V7 το πομπής. Of this use of υπό, 
 see Matth. § 592. From signify¬ 
 ing an instrumental cause, as in 
 ώρυσσον υπό μαστίγων, 7. 22 . it 
 was readily transferred to essential 
 accompaniments, as the trumpet to 
 the march, the flute to the dance, 
 the procession to the sacrifice. 
 
 κατάρχοντο, “ were performing 
 upon him the preparatory rite.” 
 Eur. Iph. Taur. 40. κατάρχομαι 
 μεν, σφάγια S’ άλλοισιν μέΧει. 
 Her. 4. 60. ούτε καταρζάμενος ούτ 
 έπισπείσαε. This preparatory rite 
 consisted in cutting off the hair 
 of the victim, and throwing it on 
 the fire. Monk, Alcest. 74. The 
 ceremony itself began by carrying 
 round the altar the lustral water 
 ( χέρνιβα ), and the canister (κα¬ 
 νόνι) which contained the sacri¬ 
 ficial instruments, the meal and the 
 garlands, and this was called έιάρ- 
 χεσθαι. See Markland’s note on 
 HEsch. Kara Kr. p.58. ed. Ox. It 
 was the inchoare of the Latins. Virg. 
 HEn. 6 . 252. with Servius' note. 
 Philol. Mus. 2 . p. 171. note 48. 
 
 τραπομενον es άΧκήν, “began 
 
74 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 46. 
 
 46 
 
 a πανταε σφεαε καταφονευσαι.” ΈμοΙ μεν νυν $οκεουσι , ταν- 
 τ α λεγουτες, ri?c Αιγυπτίων φυσιος και των νόμων παμπαν 
 απείρωε, εχειν οί 'Ελλι/νες. τοΊσι yap ούδε κτηνεα όσίη θυειν 
 εστί, χωρίε; όίων, καί ερσενων βοών και μόσχων, όσοι αν καθα¬ 
 ροί εωσι, και χηνών, κώε, αν οΰτοι ανθρώπους θυοιεν ; ετι Si 
 ενα εόντα τον Ή ρακλεα, και ετι άνθρωπον, ως Sr] φασι, κώ ς 
 φνσιν εχει ποΧλας pvpiaSac; φονενσαι ; Καί περί μεν τούτων 
 τοσαντα ημίν ειπουσι, και παρα τών θεών και παρα των ηρώων 
 
 ■> / >r 
 
 ενμενεια ειη. 
 
 Τας Si Sri αίγας και τους τράγους τώ vSε εινεκα ου θυουσι 
 Αιγυπτίων οι ειρημενοι. τον Τίανα τών οκτώ θεών λογίζονται 
 είναι οί Μ,ενόησιοι' τους Si οκτώ θεούς τούτους, προτερους 
 
 forcibly to resist;” said of those 
 who do not quietly submit to vio¬ 
 lence, but defend themselves stout¬ 
 ly. 4. 125. οντε προς αλκήν ετρά- 
 ποντο, επιλαθόμενοί re τής απειλής 
 εφενγον. 9. 70. ovre ns αντέων 
 αλκής εμέμνητο. 
 
 κώς φνσιν εχει ; “ how is it na¬ 
 tural ?” i. e. it is quite unnatural, 
 a stronger expression than λόγον 
 εχειν. Plat. Phaed. 1. 62. και γάρ 
 αν όόζειεν όντως γ είναι άλογον' 
 ον μέντοι' αλλ’ ’ίσως γ’ εγει τινά 
 λόγον. Dem. Olynth. 2. ρ. 25. 
 Αλλ οντ ενλογον οντ εχον εστι 
 φνσιν τοντό γε. 
 
 Human sacrifices in Egypt. Ac¬ 
 cording to Diodorus, 1. 88. the 
 Egyptians themselves professed 
 that they sacrificed red men (Eu¬ 
 ropean strangers ?) to Typhon, 
 and Plutarch, Is. and Os. p. 880., 
 quotes Manetho to the same effect. 
 Porphyry de Abstin. 2. p. 223. 
 Euseb. Praep. Evang., B. 4. c. 16. 
 mentions Amosis, on the authority 
 of Manetho, as having abolished 
 human sacrifices at Heliopolis, and 
 substituted images of wax. Comp. 
 
 Athen. 4. 21. Considering the 
 prevalence of this custom in early 
 times, there is nothing incredible 
 in the Egyptians having practised 
 it, and Amosis (the founder of the 
 18th dynasty) must have lived 
 more than 1500yearsB.C. I agree, 
 however, with Mr. Wilkinson, M. 
 and C. 1.398. that the representa¬ 
 tions of kings on Egyptian tem¬ 
 ples, as about to put a number of 
 captives to death, whom they hold 
 by their hair, are not intended to 
 refer to actual human sacrifices, 
 the same being found on monu¬ 
 ments erected long after Amosis, 
 and even by the Ptolemies and 
 Caesars. 
 
 ενμενεια είη. “Heliodori similis 
 formula. ACth. ix. p. 424. τοντό re 
 και ήμϊν ενμενεια μεν ε’ίη των 
 είρημένων, ret μνστικωτερα όε άρ- 
 ρήτω σιγή τετιμήσθω.” Wessel. It 
 is a deprecation of the displeasure 
 which they might be supposed to 
 feel at the freedom of these disqui¬ 
 sitions respecting them. On all 
 such topics our author spoke re¬ 
 luctantly. 2. 46. 47. 48. 
 
II. 47.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 75 
 
 των δυώδεκα Θεών φασι γενεσθαι. γράφουσί τε δη και γλυ- 
 φονσι οι ζωγράφο ι και οι άγαλματοποιοι του Πανος τώγαλμα, 
 κατάπερ 'Έιλληνες, αιγοπροσωπον και τραγοσκελεα * ου τι τοι- 
 οΰτον νομίζοντες είναι μιν, ά\\’ ομοίον τοισι άλλοισι θεοΊσι. 
 δτευ δε είνεκα τοιουτον γράφουσί αυτόν, ου μοι ηδιόν εστι λε- 
 γειν. σέβονται δε πάντας τους αίγας οι Μενδησιοι, και μάλλον 
 tovg ερσενας των θηλεων, και τούτων οΐ αιπόλοι τιμάς μεζονας 
 εγουσι * εκ δε τούτων εις μάλιστα, δστις επεάν άποθάνη, πένθος 
 μεγα παντι τη Μ ενδησίω νομω τίθεται, καλεεται δε ο τε τρά¬ 
 γος και ο Παν Αιγυπτιστι, Mev$»7C. Ύν δε Αιγύπτιοι μιαρόν 
 ηγηνται θηρίον είναι, καί τούτο μεν, ην τις ψαύση αυτών πα- 
 ριών υος, αυτοίσι Ιματίοισι απ’ ών εβαψε εωυτον, βάς επι τον 
 
 Sect. 46. αιγοπροσωπον καί τρα- 
 γοσκελέ α. It is singular that no 
 such representation has yet been 
 found. In a grotto at Biban el 
 Malook, opened by Belzoni, there 
 is a figure, supposed to he Men- 
 des, αίγοπρόσωπος, but not τραγο- 
 σκελης. See Atlas zu Minutolis 
 Reisen, tab. 21. 2. 
 
 ουκ ήΰιόν εστι λέγει v, “ it is 
 more agreeable not to say,”as 2.47. 
 ovi c ευπρεπέστερος εστι λέγεσθαι, 
 “ more decorous not to be men¬ 
 tioned.” “Ov/c άμεινον, (3.71.82.) 
 ον λωον, ον 'χείρον, ον κάκιον, multo 
 magis frequentantur.” Valck. 
 
 ' * a S' ' 7 f/\ * 
 
 τους αίγας. Αν οε νακην ελετ 
 αίγος έϋτρεφέος μεγάλοιο. Od. 
 ζ', 530. Apollon. Lex. Horn. voc. 
 νάκην. την τον αίγος ΰοράν, where 
 Villoison quotes from Arist. Hist. 
 Anim. 8. αΐξ άγριος, usually it is 
 fern. 
 
 e/c de τούτων εις μάλιστα, i. e. 
 one of the he-goats, not of the 
 goat-herds. So the death of Apis 
 was an occasion of general mourn¬ 
 ing. Lucian de Sacr. 3. 79. ed. 
 Bip. The name of Pan appears to 
 
 have been Khemo or Hemo (Wilk. 
 Thebes, 394.), and the Greeks 
 called Chemmis Panopolis. In 
 the Coptic it does not appear that 
 Mendes signifies “ goat.” 
 
 Sect. 47. τούτο μεν — τούτο ΰέ. 
 These words stand, unconnected 
 in syntax with the rest of the sen¬ 
 tence, when a general assertion is to 
 be exemplified in several instances, 
 like the Latin “ turn—turn,” “ in 
 the first place, in the second 
 place,” &c. A second τοντο ΰέ is 
 sometimes added, 3. 106., some¬ 
 times τοντο t)e is omitted altoge¬ 
 ther, 2. 99., 3. 106.; sometimes 
 τοντο μεν is omitted, 5. 45., and 
 sometimes a different particle sup¬ 
 plies the place of τοντο έέ, as 7. 
 176. η ΰέ αν. Vig. 1.1.17. Matth. 
 § 288. Obs. 2. 
 
 αυτοίσι ιματίοισι απ' ων έβαφε 
 έωυτόν, “ he plunges himself, 
 clothes and all.” There should 
 be no comma, as in Schweighseu- 
 ser’s and Gaisford’s editions, after 
 ιματίοισι, as if it were “ touches 
 with his very clothes.” This el¬ 
 lipsis of σύν is very common in 
 
76 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [11.47. 
 
 ποταμόν' τούτο δε, οί συβώται , εόντεο Αιγύπτιοι εγγενεερ, ec 
 ιρόν ovSev των εν Αιγύπτιο εσερχονται μουνοι πάντων' ovSe 
 σψι έκ3ίδοσθαι Θυγατέρα ο vSeip εθέΧει, ουδ αγεσθαι εζ αυτών * 
 αΧΧ εκ8ι8όαταί τε οι συβώται και αγέαται εζ αΧΧηΧων. τοίσι 
 μέν νυν αΧΧοισι θεοΊσι θνειν νρ ου διχαιευσι Αιγύπτιοι' ΣεΧηνη 
 δε καί Αιονυσω μουνοισι, του αυτόν -χρόνου, τη αυτή πανσεΧη- 
 νω, τους vc θύσαντερ, πατέονται των κρεών. διότι δε τουρ υρ 
 εν μεν τησι αΧΧησι όρτησι απεστυγηκασι, εν δε ταντη Θυουσι , 
 εστι μέν λόγοε περί αυτου υπ’ Αιγυπτίων Χεγόμενορ' έμοι μέν- 
 τοι έπισταμένω ονκ ευπρεπέστερόρ εστι Χέγεσθαι. θυσίη δε 
 ίδε των υών τη ΣεΧηνη ποιέεται' επεαν θυση, την ονρην άκρην 
 και τον σπΧηνα και τον έπίπΧοον σννθείρ ομον, κατ ών έκα- 
 Χυψε πόση τον κτηνεορ τη πιμεΧη τη περί την νηδυν γινόμενη' 
 καί επειτα καταγίζει πνρί. τα δε αΧΧα κρέα σιτέονται έν τη 
 
 Herodotus, as indeed in other 
 authors from Homer downwards, 
 where things naturally appurtenant 
 to one another are described as in¬ 
 volved in the same act. 3.100. αυ¬ 
 τή κάλυνι έχφουσι re και σιτέονται, 
 “husk and all.” 3. 126. αυτω 
 ίππφ, “horse and all,” 6. 132. 
 Hippol. 1184. αυταϊσιν άρβΰ- 
 λ a ι σ i v, “ boots and all,” just as 
 he had returned from hunting; 
 the άρβυλη being a high buskin, 
 especially adapted to walking over 
 rough ground. The omission of 
 σύν is analogous to that which 
 takes place with στρατοί and other 
 military expressions, and of cum in 
 Latin. Matth. § 405. Obs. 2. 3. 
 Zumpt, L. Gr. § 72.10. note. Her. 
 2. 111 . συν is used, but there the 
 things were not naturally appur¬ 
 tenant, as it was not their own 
 city. 
 
 eovres Aiy. έγγ. “though they 
 are native Egyptians.” There is 
 no need, with Valck., to insert 
 
 καί, as the participle alone has an 
 adversative force, 2. 41. το ” Ισιο: 
 άγαλμα εόν γυναικηίον βοΰκερων 
 εστι, “ though feminine.” 
 
 έκοίΰοσθαι, elocare, “to settle in 
 matrimony;” and as this was ac¬ 
 companied by the giving of a dow¬ 
 ry, the word required this asso¬ 
 ciated meaning. Her. 1. 196., 
 speaking of the custom of the 
 Babylonians, to sell the beautiful 
 maidens at a high price, in order 
 to raise a portion for the ugly, 
 says, οντω al εύμορφοι τάί άμόρ- 
 cpovs εζεέίΰοσαν. 1. 93. έκΰι- 
 ΰόασι u αυται έωντάί, “ they 
 provide themselves with portions.” 
 The middle is not exclusively used, 
 when the act of the father is spo¬ 
 ken of. 1.196. εκδου ναι την έωυ- 
 τοΰ Θυγατέρα οτεω βοΰλοιτο ουκ 
 εζην. 
 
 απεστυγηκασι. Of this use of 
 the perf. to denote some fixed and 
 settled sentiment or practice, 
 compare note on νενόμικα, p. 39. 
 
II. 48. 49.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 77 
 
 w > λλ v · n r\r . * *·\ \ S>' f ' * * 
 
 πανσέληνο), εν τη αι> τα ιρα ουσωσι εν άλλη οε ημερη ουκ αν 
 ετι γευσαίατο. οι δε πενητες αυτών ύπ άσθενειης βίου σταιτι- 
 νας πΧάσαντες ύς, καί οπτησαντες ταύτας, θύουσι. Τω δε Διο- 48 
 νύσω, της ορτης τη δ ορπ'ιη , χοίρον προ των θυρεών σφάζας 
 έκαστος, διδοι άποφερεσθαι τον χοίρον αυτω τω άποάομενω 
 των συβωτεων. την δε άΧΧην άνάγουσι ορτην τω Διονύσω οι 
 Αιγύπτιοι, πΧην χορών, κατά ταύτά σχεάον πάντα ^Ελλι/σι. 
 άντι δε φαΧΧων, άΧΧα σφί εστι εζευρημενα οσον τε πηχυαΊα 
 άγάΧματα νευράσπαστα, τα περιφορεουσι κατά κώμας γυναί¬ 
 κες. προηγεεται δε αύΧος’ αί δε επονται άείάουσαι τον Διόνυ¬ 
 σον. ^Ηδη ών άοκεει μοι Μελάμπουε ο Αμυθεωνος της θυσίης 49 
 ταύτης ουκ είναι άάαης, άΧΧ έμπειρος. 'Ε ΧΧησι γάρ ύ>η Με- 
 Χάμπους εστι ο εζηγησάμενος του Διονύσου τό τε ούνομα, και 
 την θυσίην , καί την πομπήν τού φαΧΧού. άτρεκεως μεν ου 
 πάντα συΧΧαβων τον Χόγον εφηνε* άΧΧ οι επιγενόμενοι 
 τούτω σοφισται μεΖ,ονως εζεφηναν. τον δ ών φαΧΧον τον τω 
 Διονύσω πεμπόμενον Μελάμπους εστί ο κατηγησάμενος * και 
 
 νπ' άσθενειης. 8. 53. it is said of 
 the poorest class of Athenians, νπ' 
 άσθ ev ί η s (al. άσθενειης) βίου ουκ 
 εκχωρήσαντες es Σαλαμίνα. 2. 88. 
 τούς χρήμασι άσθενεστέρονς. 
 Thuc. 1.5. έτράποντο προς ληστεί¬ 
 αν ένεκα ro2s άσθενέσι τροφής. 
 
 Sect. 48. τή Ιορπίη, “ on the 
 vigil,” the evening on which the 
 feast begins. Αόρπον or έόρπος 
 was a supper, and the first day of 
 the festival of the Άπατονρια was 
 called όορπία (sc. ήμερα), from the 
 supper which was then eaten in 
 common by the members of each 
 φράτρα. Muller, Proleg. zu My¬ 
 th ologie, p. 401. The festival was 
 specially Ionian, 1. 147., and He¬ 
 rodotus borrows a word from it, 
 using it in a wider sense. 
 
 κατά κώμας, “in their respective 
 villages.” So 2. 79. κατά εθνεα 
 
 οννομα έχει, “ among the respect¬ 
 ive nations.” 
 
 Sect. 49. b εζηγησάμένος, 3. 
 134.135., where it is used, as well 
 as κατηγ., of the information which 
 Democedes gave to the Persians 
 about Greece. 6. 135. of a divine 
 disclosure. 
 
 άτρεκεως μεν κ. τ. λ. “ he did 
 not accurately disclose it, having 
 a comprehensive knowledge of the 
 whole doctrine, but the ingenious 
 men who succeeded disclosed it 
 on a larger scale.” In the age of 
 Her., before the rise and abuse of 
 the sophistic art, σοφιστής had no 
 bad sense. 1. 29. he applies it to 
 Solon and the seven wise men, 4. 
 95. to Pythagoras. 
 
 πεμπόμενον, “accompanied with 
 a procession,” πομπή. 
 
 Melampus, according to Apol- 
 
78 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 49. 
 
 αττο τούτου μαθόντεε ποιεΰσι τα ττοιευσι 'ΕΧΧηνεε. Εγώ μεν 
 νυν φημι Μελα/χποδα yevopevov αν^ρα σοφον, μαντικήν τε εωυ¬ 
 τω συστησαι, και πυθόμενον απ Αίγυπτου, άΧΧα τε πολλά 
 εση-γησασθαι ' Ε ΧΧησι, και τα περί τον Διόνυσον, ολίγα αυτών 
 παραΧΧαζαντα. ου yap δύ συμπεσεειν γε φησω τα τε εν Αι- 
 
 lodorus, I. 9. 11., had his ears 
 purged by serpents as he slept, so 
 that he could understand the voices 
 of birds, and acquired from Apollo 
 the rest of the art of divination. 
 The women of Argos having been 
 driven frantic by Bacchus (Apoll. 
 ib. II. 2. 2.), he healed them on 
 condition of receiving a third of 
 the kingdom as his fee. Herodo¬ 
 tus regarded him as an historical 
 personage, but the name of his fa¬ 
 ther, Άμυθάων, and his mother, 
 ΈΙΰομενη, and the circumstance 
 that the soothsayers of Acarnania 
 claimed him as their progenitor, 
 induce the suspicion that he may 
 be only a mythic personage, re¬ 
 presenting the supposed founder 
 of the Bacchic rites, in that miti¬ 
 gated form in which they were 
 allowed a place in the Greek reli¬ 
 gion. The name was equivalent 
 to Egyptian. A'iyvirros — κατα- 
 στρεψάμενοε την M εΧαμπόΰων 
 χώραν, άψ’ εαυτόν ώνόμασεν Αί¬ 
 γυπτον. Apollod. Bibl. II. 1. 4. 
 His adventures appear to have 
 been the subject of a ΜεΧαμποΰία 
 attributed to Hesiod. Athen. XI. 
 p. 498. 
 
 μαντικήν τε εωυτω συστησαι, 
 “ framed (or combined) for him¬ 
 self a system of divination.” So 
 1. 103. Άσίην πάσαν συ στ η σ as 
 εωυτω, not merely acquiring, but 
 forming into an united empire. 
 Comp. Apoll. u. s. προσέλαβε 
 (in addition to the knowledge of 
 
 augury,) και την έπι των ιερών 
 μαντικήν’ περί Be τον ΆΧφειον συν - 
 τυχών ΆπόΧΧωνι, το Χοιπον άρι- 
 στος ήν μάντιε. Herodotus did 
 not suppose him to have learnt his 
 knowledge of the Bacchic rites in 
 Egypt, but from Egypt, i. e. as it 
 appears afterwards, through tl^e 
 medium of the Phoenicians. Diod. 
 1. 97. represents him as transfer¬ 
 ring to Greece not only the Bac¬ 
 chic rites, but the mythology of 
 Saturn and the Titans, and all re¬ 
 lating to τα πάθη των Θεών. 
 
 ου ycip Βη συμπεσεειν γε <ρησω. 
 “For I shall deny that the things 
 practised in Egypt in honour of 
 the god, and among the Greeks, 
 accidentally coincide.” This, 
 which is Wesseling’s rendering, 
 appears to me the true sense of 
 this disputed passage; although 
 it must be admitted, as urged by 
 Schweighseuser, that in no other 
 passage in which σνμπίπτειν is 
 used by Her., 6. 18. 6., 7. 151., 
 is the idea of accidental coinci¬ 
 dence so prominent as the sense 
 here requires it to be. He him¬ 
 self renders it, “ simul eodem 
 tempore extitisse ortumque cepisse 
 Bacchi cultum apud iEgyptios et 
 apud Grsecos;” to which it may 
 be objected in turn, that ortum 
 cepisse does not exist in συμπε- 
 σέειν. The connexion suits very 
 well with the interpretation of 
 Wess. 
 
II. 50.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 79 
 
 •γνπτω ποιευμενα τώ θεω , και τα εν το7σι Έλλησι* ομότροπα 
 yap αν ην τοισι Έλλησι, και ου νεωστι kaaypeva. ου μην ουδέ 
 φησω όκως Αίγι/7Γ τιοι παρ’ Ελλήνων ελαβον η τούτο, η άλλο 
 κου τι νόμαιον. πυθεσθαι δε μοι δοκεει μάλιστα Μελα/ιττουβ τα 
 περί τον Διόνυσον παρά Κάδμου τε του Τ υρίου, και των συν 
 αύτω εκ Φοινίκης άπικομενων ες την νυν Β οιωτίην καλεομενην 
 χωρην. 
 
 Έχεδον δε και πάντα τα ουνόματα των Θεών εζ Αίγυπτου εΧη - 50 
 
 ομότροπα γαρ αν ην, “ for they 
 would in that case have been 
 congenial to the manners of the 
 Greeks, and not recently intro¬ 
 duced.” Had the Bacchic rites 
 originated in Greece, and the co¬ 
 incidence with those of Egypt 
 been merely accidental, they would 
 have harmonised with other native 
 institutions, and been of high an¬ 
 tiquity, like the worship of the 
 other gods. Neither of these was 
 the fact. It is evident from the 
 mythic history of Bacchus, that his 
 worship was recent and introduced 
 by violent struggles (Comp. II. ζ', 
 130. of whatever age that may he, 
 and the story of Pentheus), and the 
 whole system of orgiastic religions 
 was abhorrent to the Greek sense 
 of propriety and beauty. The fran¬ 
 tic rites of Egypt and the East, 
 whether those of Bacchus or Cy- 
 bele, were accompanied and sti¬ 
 mulated by the pipe, and tabor, 
 and horn, the lyre having been 
 the accompaniment of Greek re¬ 
 ligious poetry. Bottiger, in an 
 Essay in Wieland’s Attisches Mu¬ 
 seum, 1. p. 281. seq., explains with 
 great probability the fable of the 
 destruction of Orpheus and his 
 lyre by the Msenades, from this 
 conflict of rites. Ov. Met. 11.15. 
 “ ingens Clamor et inflato Bere- 
 
 cynthia tibia cornu, Tympanaque 
 plaususque et Bacchei ululatus Ob- 
 strepuere sono cithara” The same 
 author refers the fables of Apollo, 
 the god of the lyre, vanquishing 
 and flaying Marsyas, the Phrygian 
 piper, and the indignant rejection 
 of the pipe by Minerva, to the 
 same feeling on the part of the 
 Greeks. The reading όμότροφα 
 for ομότροπα is not supported by 
 MSS., and does not suit the con¬ 
 nexion. 
 
 Sect. 50. Σχεόόν Se και πάντα 
 τά ουνόματα. “ Ssepe miratus sum 
 quid sit quod scriptor noster non 
 modo cultum sed etiam nomina 
 deorum ab ACgyptiis accepisse tra- 
 dat; quum tamen Grseca nomina 
 ab ACgyptiis plurimum differrent.” 
 Schweigh. This Herodotus can 
 scarcely have overlooked, as he 
 himself gives the Greek syno¬ 
 nyms of Egyptian deities (2. 59. 
 144.). A similar difficulty arises 
 with regard to the Pelasgi: for 
 though he says (1. 57.) that he 
 did not know what language they 
 spoke, he refers to them the ουνό¬ 
 ματα of many of the gods. Now, 
 though he might not perceive the 
 Hellenic origin of ΤΙοσειόών or 
 "Ηρα, yet Διόσκουροι , Ίστίη, θε /ns 
 and Xapires, are such obvious and 
 every-day Greek, that, had he 
 
80 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 51. 
 
 λυθε ες την Ελλάδα, διότι μεν yap e/c των βαρβάρων ηκει, πνν- 
 θανόμενος ο υτω ευρίσκω εον* δοκεω δ* ών μάλιστα άπ’ A ίγυπτου 
 απι \θαι. οτι yap άη μη Ποσειδεωνοε, και Αιοσκουρων , ως και 
 προτερον μοι ταυτα είρηται , και'Έίρης, κα'ι I στίης, και θεμιος, 
 και Χαρίτων, κα\ Αη μτμδων, των άλλων θεών Αιγυπτίοισι α’ιε'ι 
 κοτε τά ουνόματά εστι εν τρ χώμρ. λέγω δά τά λεγουσι αυτοί 
 Αιγύπτιοι. των δε ου φασι θεών γινώσ/εειν τά ουνοματα , οΰτοι 
 δε μοι δοκέουσι υπο Πελασγών ονομασθηναι, πλην Ποσειδεωνοε. 
 τούτον δε τον θεόν παρά Αιβυων επυθοντο. ούδαμοί yάp άπ’ 
 άρ^ης Ποσειδέωνοι; ουνομα εκτηνται, ει μη Αίβυες’ και τιμεωσι 
 τον αεον τούτον αιει. νομιί,ουσι ό ων Αιγύπτιοι ουο ηρωσι ου- 
 δεν. Ταυτα μεν νυν, καί άλλα προς τουτοισι τά εγώ φράσω» 
 'Έλληνες απ’ Αιγυπτίων νενο μίκασι. του δε Εμμέω τά αγάλ¬ 
 ματα ιθυφαλλικά ποιευντες , ου /c άπ Αιγυπτίων μεμαθηκασι , 
 άλλ' άπο Πελασγών* πρώτοι μεν Ελλήνων άπαντων Αθηναίοι 
 παραλαβοντες, παρά δε τούτων ώλλοι. Α θηναίοισι yap , τ/δι/ 
 τ ηνικαυτα ες Έλληνας τελέουσι, Πελασγοί σύνοικοι εγενοντο 
 
 really meant that these words 
 were assigned by the Pelasgi to 
 the gods, he could not have doubt¬ 
 ed about their language. We must 
 suppose, therefore, that he did not 
 mean the word, but a distinctive 
 name. In regard to religious abs¬ 
 tractions, to give a name, is to 
 create a being, and gods unnamed 
 were nearly the same as unknown. 
 So when he says that none but 
 the Libyans had the name of Po¬ 
 seidon, his idea seems to be, that 
 they alone had his distinct wor¬ 
 ship. 
 
 νομίζουσι δ* ων, “ neither do the 
 Egyptians pay any customary ho¬ 
 nours to heroes,” 2. 42. 44. fin. 
 This practice, therefore, like the 
 names of certain of the gods, was 
 of Greek, not of Egyptian origin. 
 
 Sect. 51. Άθηναίοισι γάρ, ήδη 
 
 τηνικαυτα. “ For the Pelasgi be¬ 
 came joint inhabitants with the 
 Athenians, at that time already 
 reckoned among Hellenes, whence 
 also they began to be deemed Hel¬ 
 lenes.” He is evidently speaking 
 here, not of a primitive Pelasgian 
 population of Attica, but of immi¬ 
 grants from Samothrace. Comp. 
 1.57., where the same expression, 
 σύνοικοι εγενοντο ’A θηναίοισι, is 
 used, τέλειν, “ to pay,” is originally 
 applied to taxation, censeri, hence, 
 “to be reckoned” or “ranked,” 
 ετεΧει. έτέτακτο. Hesych. Her. 
 6. 108. εάν Θηβαίους Βουντών τους 
 μη βονλομένους ες Boiarovs r ελε¬ 
 εί v. 6. 53. of the Dorian kings be¬ 
 fore Perseus, άποδεικνυμένους ως 
 είσι "ΈΑΧηνες’ ήδη γάρ τηνικαΰτα 
 ές "ΈιΧΧηνας ουτοι ετέΧεον. 3. 
 34. y Αστός εις αστούς τεΧώ. Soph. 
 
II. 52.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 81 
 
 ev Ty χώρφ' οθεν 7 rep και 'Έλληνεε ηρζαντο νομισθηναι. οστις 
 δε τα K αβείρων opyia μεμυηται, τα Έαμοθρηικες επιτεΧεουσι 
 7 ταραΧαβόντες 7 ταρα Πελασγών, ούτος ώνηρ ο ιδε το λέγω, ττ/ν 
 yap 'Σαμοθρηικην οϊκεον προτερον Πελασγοί ούτοι, τοι περ 
 Αθηναίοισι σύνοικοι έγένοντο, και παρά τούτων Έιαμοθρηικες 
 τα opyia παραΧαμβάνουσι. ιθυφαΧΧικά ών ταγάλ/χατα του Ε ρ- 
 μεω, ’Αθηναίοι 7 τρωτοί Ελλήνων, μαθοντες ιτα-ρα Πελασγών, 
 εποιησαντο . οι δε Πελασγοί Ιρον τινα λογον περί αυτου εΧε- 
 ζαν, τα εν τοΐσι εν Έαμοθρηίκη μυστηρίοισι ^εάηΧωται. ’'Έ*θυον 52 
 δε 7 ταντα πρότερον οι Πελασγοί θεοΊσι επευχόμενοι, ώς εγώ εν 
 Δωδώνη οιδα άκουσας * επωνυμίην δε οοδ ουνομα εποιευντο 
 ούδενι αυτών * ού γα^ο άκηκόεσάν κω. θεούς δε προσωνομασάν 
 
 CEd. Τ. 222. What he calls here 
 reAelv es "Έλληνας, he describes, 
 1. 59., as μεταβολή ks " Έλληνας . 
 Of the improbability of a change 
 on the part of the Athenians, from 
 a barbarous tongue, such as He¬ 
 rodotus supposes the Pelasgi to 
 have spoken, to the Attic, see 
 Marsh,HorsePelasgicse,p.29. The 
 Greek historians, not adverting to 
 the fact that geographical and na¬ 
 tional names, (as seen in the case 
 of Asia, Africa, Italy, and many 
 others,) spread gradually from a 
 limited to a wide comprehension, 
 were at a loss to explain the exten¬ 
 sion of the name Hellas and Hel¬ 
 lenes, and fictitious genealogies and 
 groundless historical hypotheses 
 were devised, to account for the 
 phenomenon. Comp. Thuc. 1.3. 
 
 Κάβειρων οργιά. See note on 
 3. 37. 
 
 τά — ΰεΰήλωται. Either ra is 
 used for καθά, i. e. κατά ταντα a, 
 or, according to the more probable 
 opinion of Bahr, the construction 
 is adapted to the sense, λελεγμέ- 
 ra, implied in λόγος. 
 
 Sect. 52. "Έθυον πάντα, not 
 “ quaslibet res et hostias et quo- 
 que animantium genere,” as Bahr 
 renders, for the object is not to 
 express that they made no distinc¬ 
 tion in their victims, but that in all 
 their sacrifices they prayed only to 
 gods generally, and not by name. 
 
 θεονς προσωνόμασαν, οτι κόσμιρ 
 θέντες είχον, “ because they had 
 arranged all things and all allot¬ 
 ments.” In some instances of this 
 periphrasis of έχω with the parti¬ 
 ciple, there is, as here, something 
 really kept, as the consequence of 
 the act denoted by the participle, 
 as in όουλωσας έ'χβί$, 1 . 27. Ηχε 
 καταστρεψάμενος, 1. 28., 7. 9. 1. 
 εχοιτο ζωγρηθείς, 1.84. Hence an 
 easy transition to cases in which 
 nothing remains as a result of the 
 act, beyond the fact of its having 
 been performed; as 6. 12. c ivSpl 
 Φωκαεί έπιτρέψαντες ημέας εγομεν. 
 So in the Latin periphrasis with 
 habeo. Zumpt, Sect. 79. 1. note 3. 
 Comp. Herm. ad Vig. 5. 7. 10. 
 Matth. § 559. b. 
 
 The etymology of θεός from rt- 
 
82 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [Π. 53. 
 
 σφεαε από του τοιουτου, ότι κοσμώ θεντεο, τα πάντα 7 -ρήγ¬ 
 ματα και 7 τάσαε νομάο, είχον. επει τε δε, χρόνου 7τολλου 0ιεζ~ 
 ελθόντοα, επυθοντο εκ τηε, Αίγυπτου άπικόμενα τα ουνόματα 
 των θεών των άλλων , Αιονυσον δε ύστερον πολλώ επυθοντο. 
 και μετά χρόνον εχρηστηριάζοντο περί των ουνοματων εν Αω- 
 δώνρ* τδ γάρ δ>7 μαντηιον τούτο νενόμισται αρχαιότατοι> των 
 εν 'Έιλλησι χρηστηρίων είναι , καί ην τον χρόνον τούτον μου - 
 νον. ε7τεί ων εχρηστηριάζοντο εν τρ Δωδώνη οι Πελασγοί 
 “ ει άνελωνται τα ουνόματα τα από των βαρβαρών ηκοντα 
 άνειλε τδ μαντηιον ί( χράσθαι,” από μεν δη τοντου του χρόνου 
 εθυον , τοισι ο υνόμασι των θεών χρεωμένοι, παρά δε Πελασγών 
 53 Ελληνεε ε^εδέ^αντο ύστερον. ’ Ενθεν δε εγενετο εκαστοο, των 
 θεών, εί τε δ αιει ησαν 7τάντεα, ο/εοιοί τε τινεε τά ε’/δεα, οδ /c 
 ηπιστεατο μ&χρι ού πρώην τε και χθεο, ώο ειπεΊν λόγω. Ησί- 
 
 θημι is not very probable, as the 
 word appears connected with the 
 Sanscrit Deva, the Persian Deev, 
 the Greek Aevs, Σόευς, Zevs, the 
 Latin deus and divus; but if it had 
 been true, it would have proved 
 that, so far as this word went, the 
 Hellenic language and the Pelas- 
 gic did not differ. 
 
 επεί re he. Reiz would read 
 επειτεν i. e. επειτα. ’ Αττικά μεν 
 τό EIra /cat "Ετεινα' τά he Elrev και 
 Έ πειτεν Ία /cci* hio και παρ’ Ήρο- 
 Ιότω κεΤνται. AElius Dionys. quo¬ 
 ted byEustath. ad II. p. 1158. 38. 
 ed. Rom. See Schweigh. Lex. s. v. 
 elrev. But επεί τε suits the con¬ 
 nexion better, and he in the apo- 
 dosis, after Αιονυσον, is no objec¬ 
 tion. Comp, the note on επει ών 
 τους νεηνίας, 2. 32. 
 
 el άνελωνται. This being a du- 
 bitative question, would be asked 
 in the subj. άνελώμεθα τά όνόμ. 
 η μη άνελωμεθα', κότερα εώμεν 
 }) άφελωμεθα τά έχων ήλθε, 2.114. 
 
 Changed to the oblique construc¬ 
 tion it may still remain in the sub¬ 
 junctive. 1. 53. ενετελλετο ο Kpoi- 
 σος επει ρωτάν τά 'χρηστηρια el 
 στρατευηται εττι Περσα^ και ε’ί 
 τινα στρατόν άνόρών προσθέοιτο 
 φίλον, “whether he ought to under¬ 
 take the expedition, and whether 
 he should unite any friendly army 
 with himself/’ the two moods dif¬ 
 fering as in Latin, “num proficis- 
 cendum esset ” and “ adjungeret.” 
 Herm. Opusc. 4. p. 90. Matth. 
 § 516. 3. considers the optative 
 here as equivalent to posset, which 
 from the answer of the oracle does 
 not appear to be the meaning. 
 
 Sect. 53. πρώην τε και χθες. 
 A proverbial expression, of which 
 the order is sometimes inverted, 
 for a very recent time. Wesseling 
 quotes, among other passages, Jos. 
 c. Apion 1. 2. παρά rols Έλλϊ 7 <τι 
 άπαντα νέα και χθες και πρώην, 
 ώε αν ε’ίποι ns ουρήσεις γεγονότα. 
 When Her. says that Homer and 
 
II. 53.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 83 
 
 oSov yap και Όμηρον ηΧικίην χεχρακοσιοισι exeat $οκεω μβυ 
 ττρβσβυχβρους yeveaOai, και ου πΧεοσι. ούτοι Se εισι οι ποιη- 
 σανχες Oeoyo νίην 'ΈΧΧησι, καί χοΊσι θεοΊσι xds επωνυμίας $6ν- 
 Tec, και χιμάς xe καί χεγνας TkeXovxec, και e’l^ea αυχών σημη- 
 νανχες. οι Se ιτροχερον ττοιηχαι Xeyόμevoι χουχων χων avSpiov 
 yeveaOai, υσχερον, εμοί ye SoKeeiv, eyevovxo χουχων. και τα 
 
 Hesiod were born 400 years be¬ 
 fore himself, and not more, I ap¬ 
 prehend that he uses the words 
 as we should four centuries, not 
 meaning to fix the time to exactly 
 400 years from his own birth. 
 This was sufficient to justify his 
 assertion of the comparatively re¬ 
 cent origin of the Greek religion. 
 We cannot therefore found on 
 this passage a determination of 
 the birth-year of Homer. 
 
 OVTOl de etui ol noii/aarres 6eo- 
 γονίην " Ελλησι . As it seems in¬ 
 credible that two poets, however 
 eminent, should have made a theo- 
 gony for a whole nation, in the 
 sense of inventing it for them, 
 Wesseling proposed to render ποι- 
 rjaavres “ composed in verse,” a 
 sense which tvoleIv certainly bears 
 (Her. 3. 38. όρθώε μοι dotted ILV- 
 dapos ποιήσαι cecinisse), but which 
 it can hardly have here, followed 
 by a dative (Wolf. Proleg. Horn, 
 p. liv.), and which will not suit 
 the connexion : for the mention of 
 their being ol ποιησαντες deoyori- 
 ην, is evidently intended to justify 
 the assertion that the Greeks had 
 only lately known whence each of 
 the gods was born, and whether 
 they had all existed for ever; and 
 it would have been nothing to the 
 purpose to have mentioned who 
 composed the first poetical theo- 
 gony. We must, therefore, admit 
 that Her. meant to say, that these 
 
 two poets first assigned to the 
 gods their births, their designa¬ 
 tions, their honours and their arts, 
 and their respective appearances. 
 In his view there had been three 
 stages of religious faith in Greece. 
 First, a confused belief in gods not 
 discriminated even by name ; then, 
 from intercourse with Egypt, the 
 reception of the names, but with¬ 
 out history of their birth, or their 
 designations (such as K .ρονιών, Ne- 
 φεΧηγερότηε, Παλλά?, Φοίβος, Ίο- 
 χέαιρα), or discrimination of their 
 attributes or forms. These things, 
 constituting the third stage, and 
 which are the essence of the Greek 
 mythology as it exists in poetry 
 and art, it derived from these two 
 poets. No two individuals can 
 indeed have had such a power over 
 national faith ; but if we consider 
 the names of Homer and Hesiod, 
 as representing the epic and theo- 
 gonic schools of poetry, the in¬ 
 fluence ascribed to them will ap¬ 
 pear less exaggerated. 
 
 ol de 7T |oorepor ποίηταί Xeyope- 
 voi. Orpheus, Musteus, Linus, 
 Eumolpus, who were commonly 
 supposed to have lived before Ho¬ 
 mer. It is probable that Her. does 
 not mean to correct the common 
 opinion on this point, but to refer 
 the works imputed to them to a 
 subsequent age. Comp. 7.6. Nieb. 
 R. Η. 1. note 50. And this is un¬ 
 questionable of the so-called Or- 
 
 c 2 
 
HERODOTUS, 
 
 84 
 
 [II. 54. 55. 
 
 μεν πρώτα αί Δωδωι ήδες ίρηιαι λεγουσι * τα δε υστέρα, τα ες 
 
 1 τ τ ί ξι / ν ’ ' Λ ' 
 
 χισιοοου τε και Όμηρον εγοντα, εγω Λέγω, 
 
 54 'Κρηστηρίων δε περί, του τε εν 'Έλλησι, και του εν Λιβύη, 
 τόυδε Αιγύπτιοι λόγον λεγουσι. εφασαν οι Ιρεες του θηβαιεος 
 Αιός “ δύο γυναίκας Ιρηίας εκ θηβεων εζαγθηναι υπό Φοινίκων * 
 u και την μεν αυτεων πυθεσθαι ες Λιβύην πρηθείσαν, την δε ες 
 u τους Έλληνας * ταυτας δε τ ας γυναίκας είναι τας ιδρυσα- 
 ί{ μενας τα μαντηια πρωτας εν τοΊσι ειρημενοισι εθνεσι.” Ει- 
 ρομενου δε μευ, όκόθεν ουτω ατρεκεως επισταμενοι λεγουσι, 
 εφασαν προς ταυτα, (( Ζ,ητησιν μεγαλην από σφεων γενεσθαι 
 ζ< των γυναικών τοντεων * και ανευρεΊν μεν σφεας ου δυνατοί 
 “ γενεσθαι * πυθεσθαι δε ύστερον ταυτα περί αυτεων ταπερ δη 
 
 55 11 ελεγον .” Ταυτα μεν νυν των εν θηβησι Ιρεων ηκουον’ τάδε 
 δε Λωδωναίων φασι αί προμαντιες' “ Δύο πελειαδας μελαίνας 
 
 phic poetry, which, so far from be¬ 
 ing ante-Homeric, has been thrust 
 down from the age of Onomacri- 
 tus, by whom it was supposed to 
 have been forged, to the fourth or 
 even fifth century after Christ. See 
 Hermann Orphic, p. 675. seq. 
 
 Sect. 54. γυναίκας ιρηίας. See 
 note on 2. 35. It is remarkable, 
 that here and in other instances, 
 the Phoenicians are made by He¬ 
 rodotus the medium of communi¬ 
 cation between Egypt and other 
 countries, which were supposed to 
 have derived thence their religion 
 or their arts ; but while we admit 
 the general fact, it is not neces¬ 
 sary to receive as history what is 
 said as to the precise mode. It is 
 not very probable that Phoenicians 
 should have kidnapped attendants 
 of the chief temple of the capital 
 of Upper Egypt; nor that Ammo¬ 
 nium, where the worship of the 
 Theban Jupiter was established in 
 such splendour, should have owed 
 
 its oracle to such a humble and 
 accidental source. If Dodona were 
 really founded from Thebes, it is 
 singular that we find no trace of 
 the worship of Ammon, or of the 
 use of hieroglyphics, or of rites 
 resembling the Egyptian. For the 
 ΣεΧλοί of Dodona, άνιπτόποόες χα- 
 μαιενναι (II . π , 235.) bear no great 
 resemblance to Egyptian priests. 
 Creuzer, Symbolik 4. 177. en¬ 
 deavours to establish an identity 
 of the system of Dodona with that 
 of Egypt, but with little success. 
 
 Sect. 55. προμαντιες, afterwards 
 ίρηιαι. From 8. 185. it seems that 
 πρόμαντις and προφήτης in Her. 
 mean the same, the person who 
 spoke or prophesied in the name 
 of the god. 6. 66. it is applied to 
 the Pythia; 1. 182. to the female 
 minister of the oracle of Patara. 
 As the fables of the origin of sa- 
 cred institutions were devised with 
 a reference to their actual usages, 
 the circumstance that the oracle 
 
Χϊ. 56 .] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 85 
 
 <e εκ θηβεων των Α ιγυπτιεων αναπταμεναε, την μεν αυτεων εε 
 <c Αιβνην, την δε παρα σφεαε απικεσθαι. ιζομενην δε μιν επι 
 U φηγόν , αυ^αζασθαι φωνή ανθρωπη'ίη, ώε 'χρεών ε’ιη μαντήιον 
 ζ( αυτόθι Δίδε γενεσθαι, και αντουε νττοΧαβεΊν ΘεΊον είναι τδ 
 u επαγγεΧΧόμενον αυτοΊσι, καί σφεαε εκ τούτον ποιήσαι. την 
 “ δε εε τους Αίβυαε οιχομενην πεΧειαόα Χεγονσι’Άμμωνοε χρη- 
 iC στήριον κεΧενσαι τοδε Αίβυαε ποιεειν.” εστι δη και τούτο 
 Δίδε. Δ ωόωναίων δε αί Ιρήιαι, των τή πρεσβυτατη οννομα ήν 
 ΤίρΟμενεια, τή δε μετά ταντην, Τ ιμαρετη, τή δε νεωτατη, Νί- 
 κανόρη, εΧεγον ταντα. συνωμοΧόγεον δε σφι και οί αΧΧοι Δω- 
 δωναΐοί οι περί τό Ιρόν. ’Εγώ δ εχω περί αυτεων γνώμην 56 
 τηνόε. ει αΧηθεωε οί Φ οίνικεε εζηγαγον ταε, ίραε γυναΓικαε, και 
 την μεν αυτεων εε Αιβυην , την δε εε την Έλλάδ α απεόοντο, 
 οοκεει εμοι η γυνή αυτή τηε νυν ϋλλαοοε, προτερον οε ΙΙεΛασ* 
 γίηε καΧενμενηε τήε αυτήε ταυτηε } πρηθήναι εε θεσπρωτουε * 
 
 of Dodona was administered by- 
 priestesses, may have caused its 
 foundation to be attributed to wo¬ 
 men. 
 
 Sect. 56. es r. 'Ελλάδα a7re- 
 δοντο, I do not know why this 
 and the corresponding πρηθήναι 
 es are rendered by Valck. 56 . 12. 
 “ venditam fuisse ut abduceretur.” 
 Her, 8. 105. παΊΰας άγινέων έπίο- 
 Xee es Σάρΰις, is not “sold them 
 that they might be taken to Sar¬ 
 des/’ but “ took them to Sardes 
 and sold them.” So Xen. Hell. 1. 
 1 . 15. εάλωσαν es ’Αθήνας, “taken 
 and carried to Athens.” Comp, 
 p. 5. 
 
 τής νυν Έλλάδο$ πρηθήναι es θ. 
 θεσπρωτοί is here used for the 
 country, and the sentence may be 
 rendered, “to have been sold into 
 Thesprotia, in what is now called 
 Hellas, the very same formerly 
 called Pelasgia,” the construction 
 being the same as that illustrated 
 
 pp. 15. 16. το Se προς Αιβυης τής 
 Αίγυπτου. 2. 158. έκ τής βορηίης 
 θαλάσσης νπερβήναι es την νοτίην 
 καί Ερυθρήν την αυτήν ταυτην 
 καλεομενην. This marks what, in 
 the opinion of Herodotus, was the 
 site of Dodona. No trace remains 
 by which it can be identified, the 
 very foundations having been rased 
 by Dorimachus, the general of the 
 Etolian league, 220 B.C., Polyb. 
 4. 67.; but the ancient authorities 
 agree in placing it on the confines 
 of Thesprotia and Molossia, and 
 beneath Mount Tomarus. Dr. 
 Holland and M. Pouqueville place 
 it near Yanina, Mr. Hawkins (Wal¬ 
 pole 2. 473.) at Paramythia. The 
 Dodona of Homer (II. β', 750.) ap¬ 
 pears to be in the north of Thes¬ 
 saly ; but a concurrence of testi¬ 
 mony leads us to regard Thespro¬ 
 tia as the earliest seat of the Hel¬ 
 lenes, and therefore the site of the 
 original Dodona. 
 
86 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [11.57. 
 
 επειτα 8 ουΧενουσα αυτόθι, ιόρυσασθαι υπο φη-γώ πεφυκνίφ 
 Αιόα Ιρόν. ώσπερ ην oncoc , αμφιποΧευουσαν εν θηβμσι ιρον 
 Αιόο, ένθα άπ'ικετο, ενθαντα μνημην αυτόν εχειν. εκ Se τούτον , 
 χρηστηριον κατμ^μσατο, επει τε σννεΧαβε την Ελλαόα ·γλωσ- 
 σαν. φάναι 8ε οι ά8εΧφεην εν Αιβυη πεπρησθαι υπό των αυτών 
 Φοινίκων , υπ’ ών και αυτί] επρηθη. Πβλειαδεο δε μοι So κεουσι 
 κΧηθηναι πράε, Αω8ωναίων επι του8ε αί γυναΊκες, 8ιότι βάρ¬ 
 βαροι ησαν’ ε8όκεον δε σφι όμοίωε, όρνισι φθεyyεσθaι. μετά 
 8ε χρόνον την πεΧειά8α άνθρωπηίμ φων y αυ8άζασθαι Xeyovai, 
 επει τε συνετά σφι ηυ8α η yvvrj’ ewe, 8ε εβαρβάριΖ,ε , όρνιθοη 
 τρόπον ε8όκεε σφι φθεyyεσθaι , επει τεω τρόπω άν πεΧειάη yε 
 άνθρωπηίΎ) φωνμ φθεγζαιτο ; μεΧαιναν δε Xεyovτεc, είναι την 
 πεΧειά8α, σημαίνουσι ότι Α^υπτίη η yvvη ην. Η 8ε μαντηίη 
 η τε εν θηβμσι τμσι Αΐ’γυπτίμσι και εν Δωδώ νμ, παραπΧησιαι 
 
 υπό φηγό) πεφ. “ under an oak 
 of native growth.” The φηγοε is, 
 according to Dr. Sibthorp, the quer- 
 cus esculus, whose acorns were sup¬ 
 posed to have nourished men be¬ 
 fore agriculture was known. Virg. 
 Georg. 1.147. “quum jam glandes 
 et arbuta saerse Deficerent sylvse, 
 et victum Dodona negaret.” 
 
 αμφιποΧευουσαν ipov. SeeMatth. 
 § 412. 
 
 την Έλλαεα γλώσσαν. To have 
 been consistent, our author should 
 have said the Pelasgic tongue. 
 Again, in the beginning of the 
 fifty-seventh section, he attributes 
 the nam ePeleiades, which is Greek, 
 to the Dodonaeans, who at the ar¬ 
 rival of the Egyptian fugitive must 
 have been Pelasgians. So 8. 44. 
 he says of the Athenians, επι Πε¬ 
 λασγών εχόντων την νυν ΈιΧΧάδα 
 καΧεομένην ησαν Πελασγοί, οννο- 
 μαζόμενοί Κ ραναοί : but κραναύε is 
 a Greek word; and thus all the evi¬ 
 dence which he furnishes, is in op¬ 
 
 position to his own view of the Pe¬ 
 lasgic as a barbarous language. 
 
 Sect. 57. διότι βάρβαροι ησαν. 
 Theocr. 15. 87. παΰσασθ’ ώ δνστα- 
 νοι άνάνυτα νωτίΧΧοισαι Τ ρυγόνεε, 
 says the Alexandrian to the Si¬ 
 cilian women whose Doric speech 
 grated on his ears. See Phil. Mus. 
 1. 612., other instances of a bar¬ 
 barous speech assimilated to the 
 language of birds. 
 
 'll μαντηίη — παραπΧησιαι τνγχ. 
 εουσαι. The similarity probably 
 consisted in this, that the oracle 
 was communicated to the priest 
 by the god himself, without the 
 intervention of the sortes or flight 
 of birds and other circumstances 
 which in Greece attended divina¬ 
 tion. Comp. 2.83., where Her. says 
 that divination did not belong, as 
 an art, to any men, but to certain 
 of the gods. There were none 
 therefore who, like Tiresias and 
 Melampus among the Greeks, made 
 it an independent profession. 
 
II. 58. 59.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 87 
 
 αλλτ/λρσι τυγχάνουσι εουσαι. "Έστι δε και των ίρών η μαντι- 
 
 ν ’ » λ * ' ’ / 
 
 oj αττ Αίγυπτου απιγμενη. 
 
 Πανηγύρια δε α^αα και πομπάα και προσαγωγάα πρώτοι αν- 58 
 Ορώπων Αιγύπτιοί εισι οι ποιησάμενοι * και παρά τούτων r EX- 
 Χηνεα μεμαθηκασι. τεκμηριον δε μοι τουτου, τδδε* αί μεν γαρ 
 φαίνονται εκ ποΧΧου τον χρόνου ποιευμεναι' αί δε Ί^λΧηνικαι 
 νεωστι εποιηθησαν. Π ανηγυρίζουσι δε Αιγύπτιοι ουκ απαζ 59 
 
 του ενιαυτόν, πανηγύρια δε συχνάο,' μάλιστα μεν και προθυ¬ 
 μότατα εα Β ονβαστιν πόλιν, τρ ’ Αρτεμιάι. δεύτερα εα Βου- 
 σιριν ποΧιν, tij ’Ίσι' εν ταυτή γαρ άη τρ πόΧι εστι μεγιστον 
 Ίσιοα ιρόν. ίάρυται δε η πόλια αυτή τηα Αίγυπτου εν μεσω 
 τω Δέλτα. Ίσια δε εστι κατά την ΚΧΧηνων γλώσσαν Αη- 
 μητηρ. τρίτα δ εα Σάιν πόΧιν τρ ’Αθηνα’η^ πανηγυρίζουσι' 
 
 των ίρών η μαντική, “ divination 
 by victims.” Προσέλαβε δε (Me- 
 lampus) και την έπϊ των ιερών 
 μαντικήν. Apollod. 1. 9. 11. 
 
 Sect. 58. προσαγωγείς, properly 
 “introductions” into the presence 
 of a king or other superior ; hence 
 religious access, πρόσοοος, “acces- 
 sio nempe ad deorum aras, suppli- 
 catio.” Schweigh. Comp, its use 
 in the N. T., Rom. v. 2. Eph. iii. 
 18. Schleusner Lex. s. voc. The 
 Egyptian sculptures are full of such 
 προσαγωγαί, the worshiper some¬ 
 times appearing to be introduced 
 into the presence of the god, by 
 one or more priests. Hierogl. of 
 the Eg. Soc,, pi. 70. 72. 
 
 Sect. 59. ουκ άπαζ τ. ενιαυτόν. 
 He had probably in his mind the 
 great festivals of the Greeks, the 
 Olympian, Isthmian, &c., one of 
 which only occurred in the same 
 year. 
 
 Βουβά στ iv πόλιν. This town was 
 in Lower Egypt, near an island 
 formed by the Pelusiac branch of 
 the Nile. It is the Pi-beseth of 
 
 Ezek. xxx. 17. (now Tel Bastah,) 
 formed from Pasht the Egyptian 
 name of the goddess (Wilkinson’s 
 Thebes, 379.) and the Coptic ar¬ 
 ticle. 
 
 Busiris is still called Boussir, 
 near the middle of the Delta, on 
 the left bank of the Phatnitic 
 branch. From it the name of Bu¬ 
 siris seems to have been intro¬ 
 duced into the list of Egyptian 
 kings. Diod. 1. 45. The exten¬ 
 sive ruins of Bahbeit are supposed 
 to mark the temple of Isis, the 
 majority of the sculptures having- 
 reference to her. Minutoli, Reise, 
 p. 301. 
 
 της Αίγυπτου εν μέσω τώ Δ. a 
 construction similar to that in 2. 
 56., της A Ιγ. being the gen. de¬ 
 noting the whole country of which 
 a part is specified. 
 
 Sais was about two leagues to 
 the east of the Canopic branch of 
 the Nile; only a few miserable 
 ruins remain at Ssa. Buto stood 
 upon the west side of the Seben- 
 nytic branch : its Egyptian name. 
 
88 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 60. 
 
 60 
 
 τέταρτα δε , ec Ηλιοηττολιν τιρ Ηλ/ω* πέμπτα δε, ec Βου- 
 τονν πόΧιν τη Λητοί* έκτα δε, ερ ΤΙάπρημίν πόΧιν τω >r Αρει . 
 *Ec μεν νυν Β ονβαστιν πόΧιν επεαν κομιζωνται, ποιευσι το ιαδε. 
 7 τΧεουσ'ι τε yap δη άμα άντρες γυναιζι, και ποΧΧόν τι πΧηθος 
 εκατερων εν έκαστη βάρι . αί μεν τινες των γυναικών κρόταΧα 
 ε^ουσαι κροταΧ’ιζουσι , οι δε αυΧεουσι, κατά πάντα τον πΧοον * 
 αί δε ΧοιπαΙ γυναίκες καί άνάρες αείδουσι, /cai rac ψείρας κρο- 
 τεουσι, επεαν δε πλεο^τεο κατά τινα πόΧιν άΧΧην γενωνται , 
 εγγ^ριφαντεο, την βάριν τη γη, ποιευσι τοιαδε. αι ριεν τιι>ες 
 
 according to Champollion, was 
 Pleneto, but the Greeks gave the 
 name of the divinity worshiped 
 there, whom they identified with 
 Αητω , to the town, Papremis, 
 which is not mentioned by any 
 other ancient author than Hero¬ 
 dotus, appears to have stood in 
 the western part of the Delta. 
 
 Sect. 60. κομίζωνται, “are con¬ 
 veyed,” “ travel,” used of journey¬ 
 ing both by land and water. 1. 
 185. οι αν κομίζωνται curb της 
 θαλάσσης es βαβυλώνα. 5. 98. 
 πεζή κομιζ ό μεν οι άπικέατο ές 
 ΐίαιονίην. 
 
 κρόταλα, “castanets,” hollow 
 shells of wood ; but probably He¬ 
 rodotus here uses it for cymbals, 
 the appropriate word for which, 
 κρέμβαλα, does not occur in his 
 writings. The flute, too, fre¬ 
 quently appears in connexion with 
 religious ceremonies, Wilkinson, 
 2. 308.; but probably what was 
 used in these noisy festivities was 
 the pipe or μόνανλος, said to have 
 been an Egyptian invention. J. 
 Poll. 4. 10. 
 
 κατά τινα πόλιν γεν. “ when 
 they arrive opposite any city.” 
 κατά is, properly, “on the same 
 line with.” Seep. 37. 1.76. Kara 
 Σινώπην κείμενη. 2. 158. κατά 
 
 Μέμφιν. 2. 70. /card την φωνήν, 
 “ in the line of the voice.” The 
 idea of proximity which is some¬ 
 times attributed to κατά, arises 
 from the connexion, and is not 
 contained in the preposition it¬ 
 self. 
 
 εγχρίφ/αντες. “ Verba χράω, 
 χραυω, χραίνω, χρίω, χρίπτω, χρίμ- 
 7 ττω, χρόω, χρωζω, χρωνννω nec 
 origine inter se differunt nec pri- 
 maria significandi potestate. Pri- 
 ma haud dubie vis est cutem vel 
 quamlibet superficiem rodendi,strin- 
 gendique, unde propagatae sunt re- 
 liquae notiones pungendi, stimulan- 
 di, leviter vulnerandi, ungendi et 
 illinendi.” Ruhnk.Tim.p. 104.seq. 
 χρίπτω, therefore, is properly to 
 gtaze upon, thence to touch the 
 shore. The orthography χρίμπτω 
 is more recent. 
 
 αί μέν τινες, i. e. not two sets 
 or definite portions of the women, 
 as αί μέν alone might have im¬ 
 plied. “ In his vis pleonasmi 
 haec est quod clarius significatur, 
 non certum hominem esse cogi- 
 tandum aut multos, sed ignotum 
 aliquem aut paucos quosdam,” 
 Weiske de Pleon. p. 51. Matth. 
 § 288. Sometimes the τις or τινες 
 is joined with οι όέ and not with 
 oi μέν, sometimes with both. 
 
II. 61. 62.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 89 
 
 Si 61 
 
 των γυναικών ποιευσι τάπερ είρηκα. αι δε τωθάζουσι, βοώσαι 3 
 τάς εν τη πόΧει τ αυτή γυναίκας' αι δ’ όργεονται’ ταυ τα παρά 
 πάσαν τ τόΧιν παραποταμίην ποιευσι. επεάν δε άπίκωνται ες την 
 Β ουβαστιν, ορτάζουσι, μεγάΧας άνάγοντες θυσίας' και οίνος 
 άμπεΧινος άναισιμουται πλέον εν τη ορτη ταυτη η εν τω 
 άπαντι ενιαυτω τω επιΧοίπω . συμφοιτεωσι δε, δ τι άνηρ και 
 γυνή εστι, πΧην παιδιών, και ες εβάομηκοντα μυριάδας, ως οΐ 
 επιχώριοι Χεγουσι. ταυτα μεν δη ταυτη ποιεεται. Εν 
 Β ουσίρι πόΧι ως άνάγουσι τη Ίσι την ορτην , ειρηται πρότερόν 
 μοι. τύπτονται μεν γαρ δη μετά την θυσίην πάντες καί πάσαι , 
 μυριάδες κάρτα ποΧΧαι ανθρώπων. τον δε τύπτονται ου μοι 
 όσιόν εστι Χεγειν. όσοι δε Κάρων εισι εν Αιγυπτω οικεοντες , 
 ούτοι δε τοσουτω ετι πλέω ποιευσι τούτων , όσω και τά μέτω¬ 
 πα κόπτονται μαγμιίρησι’ και τουτω εισι δηλοι ότι εισι ζεινοι 
 και ουκ Αιγύπτιοι. Ες Σάιν δε πόΧιν επεάν συΧΧεγθεωσι 62 
 τησι θυσίησι , εν τινι νυκτι Χυγνα καιουσι πάντες πολλά υπαί¬ 
 θρια περί τά δώματα κυκΧω. τα δε λυχνα εστι εμβάφια έμ¬ 
 πλεα άΧός καί εΧαίου * έπιπολης δε επεστι αυτό τό έλλυχνιον. 
 καί τούτο καίεται παννυχιον* καί τη ορτη οίίνομα κεεται Λυχ- 
 νοκαίη. οι δ' αν μη εΧθωσι των Αιγυπτίων ες την πανηγυριν 
 τ αυτήν, φυΧάσσοντες την νύκτα της θυσίης , καιουσι καί αυτοί 
 πάντες τά λυχνα* καί ουτω ουκ εν Έάι μουνη καίεται , άΧΧά 
 
 ο τι άνηρ καί γυνή εστι. The 
 neuter is used in a similar way, 
 1. 97. ττΧευνος αεί γινομένου του 
 έπιφοιτέοντος, “ those who resort¬ 
 ed.” 1. 164. χωρίε οτι χα Xkos η 
 Χίθος η γραφή ην. 7. 184. 7 τοιησας, 
 οτι πΧεον ην αυτών η έΧασσον άν 
 όγδώκοντα άνδρας ενειναι. 3. 155. 
 Ουκ εστι ούτος ώνηρ οτι μη συ. and 
 hence the use of οτι μη for εί μη. 
 
 ές έβδομηκοντα μυριάδας. This 
 number will hardly seem an ex¬ 
 aggeration, when we consider that 
 more than two millions of pilgrims 
 are said to come together at Hurd- 
 war on the Ganges. 
 
 Sect. 61. ου μοι όσιόν εστι Χέ- 
 γειν. Osiris, whom it would have 
 been improper to mention in refer¬ 
 ence to his death. The mourning 
 for Osiris, like that for Thammuz 
 or Adonis, Ezek.viii.13.14., is sup¬ 
 posed to refer to the sun, whose 
 strength seems to decline as he ap¬ 
 proaches the winter solstice, when 
 he expires, to be born again as he 
 returns to our hemisphere. 
 
 Sect. 62. τά Χυχνα. Schol. 
 Apoll. Rhod. 3. 137. Ίωνικως τά 
 κυκΧα αντί τους κυκΧους , ώς Χυχνα 
 καί δίφρα. Her. 2. 133. 
 εμβάφια, “ saucers.” 
 
90 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 63. 
 
 και άνά πάσαν Αίγυπτον, οτευ δε είνεκα φώς εΧαχε και τιμήν 
 
 d Ο Γ ν ν' Μ ι! ' V \ 5 ° A ' Λ ' 
 
 Οο Ύ] νυς αυτή, εστι ιρος περί αυτόν λογος λεγόμενός. ϊ±.ς οε 
 
 Ηλ/ου ποΧιν και BouroyV Θυσίας μουνας επιτεΧεουσι φοιτεον- 
 τες. εν δε θυσίας μεν και ιρά, κατάπερ και τύ} αλλρ, 
 
 ποιευσι. εύτ αν δε γίνηται καταφερης ο ηΧιος, οΧίγοι μεν 
 τινες των Ιρεων περί τώγαΧμα πεπονεαται * οι δε ποΧΧοι αυ¬ 
 τών, ζυΧων κορννας εγοντες, εστάσι τον ιρον εν τύ} εσδδω’ 
 άλλοι δε ευγωΧάς επιτεΧεοντες , πλεύσει; γ^ιΧίων άνορών, έκα¬ 
 στοι ε^οντες ζυΧα και ουτοι, επί τα ετερα άΧεες εστάσι. το δε 
 άγαΧμα, εον εν νηώ μικρώ ζυΧίνω κατακεγ^ρνσωμενω, προεκ- 
 κομίζουσι τύ} προτεραίττ) ες αΧΧο οίκημα ίρον. οί μεν Sr) οΧίγοι 
 οί περί τώγαΧμα ΧεΧειμμενοι, εΧκουσι τετράκυκΧον άμαζαμ, 
 άγουσαν τον νηον τε καί το εν τώ νηώ ενεον άγαΧμα. οι δε ουκ 
 εώσι, εν τοισι προπυΧαίοισι εστεώτες, εσιεναι' οι δε ευγωΧι- 
 μάϊοι j τιμωρεοντες τώ θεώ, παίουσι αυτοίις άΧεζόμενοι. εν- 
 θαυτα μάγη ζυΧοισι καρτερη γίνεται * κεφαΧάς τε συναράσσον- 
 
 φώα και τιμήν, ‘Tight and distinc¬ 
 tion/’ i. e. the distinction of an illu¬ 
 mination. The Chinese feast of lan¬ 
 terns, which has some similarity to 
 this, has been insisted on to prove 
 the Eastern origin of the Egyptians. 
 
 Sect. 63. θυσίας μεν καί ιρά —· 
 ποιευσι. There should be no full 
 stop after this, as in Gaisford’s 
 edition; for θυσίας μοΰνας is not 
 contrasted with θυσίας μεν teal Ιρά, 
 
 but these with the battle which 
 takes place at Papremis. “ At P. 
 they perform indeed sacrifices and 
 rites as elsewhere, and (also) when 
 the sun is declining/’ Thus μεν has 
 its proper correspondence to όε. 
 
 άλλοι όε ευγωΧάς επιτεΧεοντες, 
 “ others performing vows.” II. a, 
 65. ei τ cip’ ογ' ευχωΧής έπιμέμφε- 
 ται, εΐθ’ εκατόμβης. These were 
 the votaries, called afterwards ev- 
 χωΧιμαίοι, who had resorted to 
 Papremis to worship the god, and 
 
 therefore take part with those who 
 endeavour to reinstate him in his 
 temple. The reader will be strong¬ 
 ly reminded of the car of Jugger¬ 
 naut, and the conduct of his fran¬ 
 tic votaries. 
 
 τιμωρεοντες τω θεω, “ assisting 
 the god,” taking his part: τιμω- 
 ρείν, in the active voice and with 
 the dative, is “to assist,” 1. 141. 
 2. 100., or “to avenge any one,” 
 1. 103. τιμωρέων τω πατρί : in the 
 middle it is used with an accusa¬ 
 tive of the person on whom ven¬ 
 geance is taken. Kuster Verb. 
 Med. 30. Matth. § 394. 368. a. 
 
 παίουσιν a ντους, i. e. those who 
 endeavour to prevent the entrance 
 of the gods. άΧεζόμενοι, “ making 
 resistance.” 7.207. it is used with 
 an accus. of the persons resisted. 
 It may also be used with a dative 
 of the person to whom aid or pro¬ 
 tection is given. 
 
φ 
 
 11.64.65.] HERODOTUS. 91 
 
 ται , καί ως εγώ δοκεω, πολλοί και άποθνησκουσι εκ των τρω- 
 μάτων' ου μεντοι οι γε Αιγύπτιοι εφασαν αποθνήσκειν ουδει>α. 
 
 Ύι)ν δε πανηγνριν ταύτην εκ τουδε νομισαι φασι οι επιχώριοι. 64 
 ο’ικεειν εν τω Ιρω τουτω του 'Αρεος την μητέρα * και τον ' Αρεα 
 άπότροφον γενόμενον, ελθείν εξανδρωμενον, εθελοντα τ y μη - 
 τρι συμμίζαι * και τουι' προπόλονς της μητρός, οϊα ουκ όπω- 
 πότας αυτόν πρυτερον, ου περιοραν παριεναι, αλλ απερυκειν’ 
 τον δ εζ άλλης πόλιος άγαγόμενον ανθρώπους, τους τε προ- 
 πόλους τρήσεως περισπείν , καί εσελθεΊν παρα την μητέρα, από 
 τούτον τω 'Αρει ταυτην την πληγην εν τρ ο^οτρ νενομικεναι 
 φασί. 
 
 Εουσα δε Αίγυπτος όμονρος τρ Αιβύφ, ου μάλα θηριώδης 65 
 
 » I \ 
 
 εστι. τα 
 
 »\ ’ / 
 ε εοντα 
 
 Φ « « \ / \ \ \ / 
 
 ι απαντα ιρα νενομισται και τα μεν, σύν¬ 
 
 τροφο αυτόίσι τοίσι άν 
 
 ωποισι 
 
 \ 
 
 τα 
 
 >! 
 
 ου. 
 
 των 
 
 εινεκεν 
 
 Sect. 64. άπότροφον yer. “ ha¬ 
 ving been brought up away from 
 home, came when he had fully ar¬ 
 rived at manhood, desirous to have 
 an interview with his mother.” 
 άπότρυφοε. μακράν τεθραμμένοε. 
 Hesych. Her. 1.123. συμμίσγων 
 ενι εκάστω ό "Αρπαγοε των πρωτων 
 Μήδων. 8. 67. with similar mean¬ 
 ing. άνδρευμενοε is used, 1. 123. 
 of Cyrus growing to manhood. 
 
 περιοραν παριεναι, “ did not al¬ 
 low him to pass.” Of the con¬ 
 struction of this verb with the par- 
 tic. or infin., see Matth. § 553. 7. 
 and Obs. 2. The form όπώπα is 
 peculiar to Herod, and the poets. 
 Matth. Irreg. V. s. voc. 
 
 Sect. 65. Έουσα δεΑ’ίγ. “though 
 conterminous with Libya.” See 
 note on 2. 47. εόντεε Αιγύπτιοι. 
 Libya abounded with wild beasts, 
 a part of it being called θηριώδης, 
 and therefore Egypt might have 
 been expected to be so too. 
 
 rd μεν, σΰντροφ a. 2. 36. Her. 
 observes, that the Egyptians lived 
 
 with brute animals. The cause of 
 this general sanctity of animals in 
 Egypt has exercised speculation 
 both in ancient and modern times, 
 but has not been satisfactorily ex¬ 
 plained. Utility, no doubt, was one 
 motive (Cic. N. D. 1. 29. Tusc. Q. 
 5. 27.), fear another. It is, how¬ 
 ever, only the extent to which it 
 was carried in Egypt that is re¬ 
 markable, every ancient nation, 
 and many modern, partaking in 
 this practice. Its universality in 
 Egypt was probably the result, 
 therefore, neither of astronomical 
 nor mystical causes, but of the 
 multitude of temples, the power 
 and number of the priests, who 
 systematized superstition, and its 
 general luxuriance in that country. 
 It is evident, indeed, that the priests 
 assigned mystical reasons, but we 
 have no more reason to suppose 
 them true, than the story by which 
 the custom at Papremis has just 
 been explained. 
 
92 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 65. 
 
 άνείται τα ιρά ει λεγοι/χι, καταβαίην αν τω λδγω ες τα Θεία 
 πρη-γματα, τα εγώ φεύγω μαΧιστα άπηyεεσθaι. τα δε και εί- 
 ρηκα αυτών επιψαυσας, avayKa'iy καταΧαμβανόμενος είπον . 
 No^uoc δε εστι περί των θηρίων ώδε εχων. μελεδωνοί αποδε- 
 δεχαται τϊκ τροφής χωρίς έκαστων, και ερσενες και ΘηΧεαι 
 των Αιγυπτίων, των παιι; παρά πατρός εκόεκεται την τιμήν. 
 οι δε εν τρσι πόΧισι έκαστοι ευχάς τασδε σφι αποτελέουσι* 
 ευχόμενοι τω Θεω του αν y το θηρίον, ζυρουντες των παιδιών 
 η πάσαν την κεφαΧην , μ τδ ημισυ , τ) τδ τρίτον μέρος της κε- 
 φαΧης, ίστάσι σταθμω προς apyvpiov τας τρίχας * τδ δ* αν 
 
 άνείται, “ for what reason the 
 sacred animals are devoted.” άνι- 
 evai is properly, “ to loosen,” or 
 “untie.” 2. 173. ks παιγνίην εωυ- 
 rov άνιέναι, “ to relax himself in 
 mirth.” Hence it is applied to 
 things which being devoted to the 
 gods, are released as it were from 
 common uses. Callim. Cer. 47. 
 T έκνον oris τά θεοίσιν άνειμένα 
 ΰένΰρεα κύπτεις. Xen. Socr. Ep. 
 19. 6 χωροε άνείται lepos είναι, 
 “ is reserved to be sacred.” So 
 animals which, being consecrated 
 to the gods, were released from 
 other work, were called άφετα. 
 To be released from one kind of 
 duty, however, might involve be¬ 
 ing devoted to another; hence 
 Herod. 2. 167. calls the military 
 caste, who could engage in no me¬ 
 chanical labour, tovs ks τον πόλε¬ 
 μον άνειμένους. 1. 165. lin. άνέ- 
 ονται es το μάχιμον. So in Latin, 
 vaco, properly denoting a freedom 
 from occupation, is used with a 
 dative (“vacare legendis libris”) of 
 the occupation to which leisure is 
 devoted. 
 
 τα δε καί είρηκα, “ even what I 
 have mentioned of them, slightly 
 touching [upon them] , I have said 
 
 compelled by necessity.” 3. 65.i 
 καταλελάβηκέ με — τούτο es υμέας 
 εκφηναι, “ I have felt myself com¬ 
 pelled to disclose.” 
 
 μελεόωνοϊ άποόεΰέχ. “Egyptian 
 curators, both male and female, 
 are appointed for the maintenance 
 of each separately, of whom the 
 child inherits the honour from the 
 father.” This marks the high esti¬ 
 mation in which the office was 
 held; and we learn from Diodorus, 
 that it was eagerly sought after, 
 and that those who had the charge 
 of the sacred animals paraded them 
 through the country, and were re¬ 
 ceived with profound homage by 
 the people. As Her. does not men¬ 
 tion these μελεδωνοί as a separate 
 γένος, they were probably a sub¬ 
 division of the sacerdotal caste. 
 
 ευχόμενοι τ. Θ. Diodorus, u. s. 
 says, that these vows were under¬ 
 taken on behalf of children who 
 had been saved from sickness, and 
 that it was only in the case of the 
 ichneumon and the cat, that they 
 were paid in fish, other animals 
 being provided with their appro¬ 
 priate food. 
 
 Ιστάσι στ. “ they weigh with a 
 balance the hair against silver, and 
 
HERODOTUS. 
 
 93 
 
 II. 66.] 
 
 ϊλ / λ ^ Λ ^ ^ ^ Ο f Μ Λ < ft’ ' ' > « 
 
 eAKvay, τούτο Ty μελεοωνω των υηριων cic οι. η ο αντ αυτόν 
 τάμνουσα Ιγθυε, παρε^ει βορην τοισι θηρίοισι. τροφή μεν άη 
 αυτοισι τοιαυτη άποάεάεκται, To δ’ αν tig των θηρίων τού¬ 
 των anOKTeivy, ην μεν εκων, OavaTOQ η ζημίη" ην δε άεκων, 
 αποτίνει ί,ημιην την αν οι ipeec ταςωνται. ος ο αν ifJiv η ιρηκα 
 aTOKTeivy, ην τε εκων, ην τε άεκων, τεθνάναι ανα'γκη. Πολ¬ 
 λών δε εοντων ομοτρόφων τοισι άνθρωποισι Θηρίων, ποΧΧω αν 
 ετι πΧεω kyiveTO, el μη κατεΧάμβανε τους aieXovpovG τοιάδε. 
 Έπεαυ τεκωσι αί θηΧεαι, ουκετι φοιτεονσι παρα τους ερσεναα * 
 οι δε, προε ταυτα σοφίζονται τάδε* α^θ7τα£ουτες άπο των Θη- 
 Χεων και υπαιρεομενοι τα τέκνα, κτείνονσι. κτείναντεη μεντοι, 
 ου πατεονται . αί δε, στερισκομεναι των τέκνων, άΧΧων δε επι- 
 θυμεουσαι, οντω δ») άπικνεονται παρά τους ερσενας* φιΧά¬ 
 τεκνον δε το θηρίον. πυρκαι ης δε γενομενηε, θεία πρηγματα 
 
 66 
 
 whatever it draws down (weighs), 
 this he gives to the curatrix of the 
 animals; and she, cutting up fish 
 of equivalent value, offers it as 
 food to the animals.” 'Ίστημι, as 
 involving the idea of perpendicular 
 position, is used for setting up the 
 pole to which the beam of the ba¬ 
 lance is affixed, and which could 
 not be true, except when perpen¬ 
 dicular, and thence for the opera¬ 
 tion of weighing; as σταθμός, from 
 the same root, signifies either the 
 balance, or the weight which it in¬ 
 dicates, 2. 168., and στάθμη, the 
 square or plummet. As objects 
 whose relative value is to be ascer¬ 
 tained, are placed over against each 
 other, άντι acquired the force of 
 “ equivalent,” as in the Homeric 
 αντίθεος, άντιάνειρα (“a match for 
 a man”), αντίρροπος, άντισηκουν, 
 άντίσταθμος, the three last all de¬ 
 rived from weighing. 
 
 To iT άν τις. Examples of this 
 kind of construction, in which the 
 
 protasis is expressed by an inde¬ 
 finite relative, instead of an hypo¬ 
 thetical particle, may be found in 
 Matth. § 481. Obs. 1. Her. 1.136. 
 άνόραγαθίη ό’ αυτή άποόέόεκται — 
 ός άν πολλούς άποόέζη πάϊόας. So 
 ο στις is very commonly used by 
 the Attic writers for e’i τις or όταν 
 τις. IloXXijs ευηθείας os τις ο’ίεται 
 της άνθρωπείας φνσεως αποτροπήν 
 τινα εγειν. Thuc. 3. 45., 6. 14. 
 
 os ό’ άν ’ίβιν. Cicero, ubi supra, 
 reckons the cat, the dog, and the 
 crocodile also, among the animals 
 whom it was a capital crime to 
 kill. 
 
 Sect. 66. θεϊα πρηγματα, “some¬ 
 thing preternatural befals the cats.” 
 3.139. θείρ Tvyrj γ^ρειομενος. 8. 94. 
 θείρ πομπή „ 1. 174. μάλλον τι και 
 θειότερον τον οΐκότος. 8. 65. θεΊον 
 το φθεγγόμενον, in all of which 
 there is the same idea of something 
 supernatural. Larcher observes the 
 timidity of the cat, and thinks the 
 precautions taken drive it wild. 
 
94 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [IT. 67. 
 
 67 
 
 καταΧαμβάνει rove, αιεΧουρουε· ol μεν yap Αιγύπτιοι διαστάν- 
 τεε φυΧακάε εχο υσι των αιεΧουρων, άμεΧησαντεε σβει>νύναι 
 τδ καιόμενον' οί δε αιεΧουροι, διαδύοντεε καί υπερθρώσκοντεε, 
 τουε ανθρώπους, εσάΧΧονται εε το πυρ, ταυτα δε yιv6μεva ) 
 πενθεα μεγάλα τ ουε Αι γυπτίουε καταΧαμβάνει. εν οτεοισι δ* αν 
 οικ'ιοισι αιεΧουροε άποθάιηρ άπδ του αυτομάτου, οί ενοικεοντεε 
 πάντεε, ζυρεονται τάε ο φρύαε μούναε * παρ οτεοισι δ’ άν κύων, 
 παν το σώμα και την κεφαΧην. Aπayεaτaι δε οί αΙεΧουρ οι 
 άποθανόντεε, εε ίράε στέγαε, ένθα θάπτονται ταρι-χευθεντεε 
 εν Βουβάστι πολι. τάε δε κύναε εν τρ εωυτών έκαστοι ττδλι 
 θάπτουσι εν ιρτ}σι θηκησι. ώε δε αυτωε τγσι κυσί οί ίχνευταί 
 
 Ί 
 
 ’ταυτα Be γινόμενα. This is a 
 real example of a nominative ab¬ 
 solute, to which head construc¬ 
 tions are sometimes referred, which 
 do not properly belong to it. For 
 example, 4.50. άντιτιθεμενα ταυτα 
 άντισήκωσις γίνεται, is not exactly 
 the same construction as this, the 
 things set against one another be¬ 
 ing in fact the compensation. So 
 2. 133. fin. ινα οί ΒυώΒεκα erect 
 γενηται αι νύκτες ήμέραι ποιεύμε- 
 vai. Matth. § 562. 3. 95. to Be 
 
 χρυσίον τρισκαιΒεκαστάσιον λογι- 
 ζόμενον το ψήγμα εύρίσκεται εόν, 
 the χρυσίον and the ψήγμα are the 
 same. 
 
 από τού αυτομάτου, properly 
 from spontaneous impulse, as op¬ 
 posed to force; as applied to the 
 cause of death, what arises from 
 internal and therefore generally un¬ 
 known causes, distinguished from 
 what are external and violent, “ah 
 τάματος θάνατος qui quasi naturalis 
 et fatalis, nulla extrinsecus vi coac- 
 tus venit.” Aul.Gell.N. A. 13.1. 
 
 Sect. 67. Mummies of cats may 
 be seen in most collections of E- 
 gyptian antiquities, derived from 
 
 various pits, so that it is evident 
 all were not taken to Bubastis ; 
 and many other animals besides 
 those which Her. mentions have 
 been found embalmed. The appli¬ 
 cation of this practice to animals, 
 shows that it was designed to pre¬ 
 serve a cherished object from de¬ 
 cay ; and that, as applied to man, 
 it had no reference to the re-occu¬ 
 pation of the body after the me¬ 
 tempsychosis had been completed. 
 There is a great mummy-pit of 
 Ibis, at Saccara. Clarke’s Tr. 5. 
 229. seq. 
 
 ώς Be αύτως. As αυτός requires 
 the addition of the article, when 
 used for the same, so the adverb 
 the addition of ojs, which, from 
 the original identity of the demon¬ 
 strative, relative, and article, may 
 be considered as belonging to all 
 these. Buttm. Lexil. 1., p. 41. It 
 should therefore be written αύτώς. 
 
 ιχνευται, in later authors Ιχνεύ- 
 μονες, from ’ ίχνος ; so called from 
 their supposed habit of tracking 
 the crocodile to destroy its eggs. 
 It is equally destructive to ser¬ 
 pents and their eggs. 
 
11.68.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 95 
 
 Θάπτονται, raq δβ pvya\ap και rove Ιρηκαρ άπάyoυσι ερ Βου- 
 
 « /λ . \ >//0 ’'Τ7' 'Λ ·> / 
 
 τουν πολιν ταρ όε ifJip ερ ηρμεω πολιν. ταρ οε αρκτουρ, εου- 
 σαρ σπανίαρ, και τουρ λυκονρ, ον πολλ 
 
 μ τεω εονταρ a 
 
 a 
 
 ωπεκων 
 
 μεζοναρ, αυτόν Θάπτουσι τη άν ευρεθεωσι κείμενοι. 
 
 Των δε κροκοδείλων η φνσιρ εστι τοιηδε. τουρ γ^ειμεριωτά- 
 τουρ μηναρ τεσσεραρ εσθίει ονδεν. εδν δε τετράπονν , γ^ερσαΊον 
 και λιμναιόν εστι * τίκτει μεν yap ωά εν yig, καί εκλεπει, καί 
 τδ πολλδν τηρ ημερηρ διατρίβει εν τω ζηρω, την δε νύκτα 
 πασαν εν τω ποταμω' Θερμδτερον yap δη εστι τδ νδωρ τηρ τε 
 αιθρίηρ και τηρ δρόσον, πάντων δε των ημεάρ 'ίδμεν θνητών , 
 
 68 
 
 μυγαλη ( pvs γαλεη), as if uni¬ 
 ting the form of the weasel with 
 that of the mouse, is the shrew- 
 mouse, mus araneus, common in 
 Egypt, distinguished from the com¬ 
 mon mouse by the sharpness of 
 the snout and its smaller size. 
 
 Έρρεω πάλιν. Hermopolis magna, 
 in the Heptanomis, noW Achmu- 
 neyn or Schmoun. Champoll. 1. 
 288. The ibis was consecrated to 
 Thoth, whom the Greeks called 
 Hermes, and is the phonetic cha¬ 
 racter for this syllable. 
 
 Tas apKrovs. Wilkinson, M. 
 and C. 3. 26. observes, that bears 
 are unknown in Egypt, and that, 
 though they occur twice in The¬ 
 ban paintings, it is evident that 
 they were not natives of the coun¬ 
 try, being brought by foreigners. 
 I do not see, however, that this 
 proves Her. to have been in error. 
 The wolves not larger than foxes 
 have been supposed to be jackals, 
 and the mummy-pits of Lycopolis 
 (E* Sioot) contain (Mem. 3. 91.) 
 many jackals. Wilkinson, u. s. 
 however, maintains them to be the 
 mummies of wolves. There can 
 be no doubt as to the existence 
 of wolves in Egypt, in ancient as 
 well as modern times, and their 
 
 size is much below that which they 
 attain in colder climates. 
 
 Sect. 68. The crocodile of E- 
 gypt is of a different species from 
 that of the Ganges, and two va¬ 
 rieties are found in Egypt, distin¬ 
 guished by the number and po¬ 
 sition of the scales upon the neck. 
 Their usual length is eighteen or 
 nineteen feet, Wilk. 3. 79., but 
 travellers mention instances of 
 from thirty to thirty-five feet. That 
 they eat nothing during the four 
 months of winter is not confirmed 
 by modern observation, for they 
 are not in a torpid state, which 
 this would imply; but in the time 
 of Her., when they were common 
 in the Delta, they were probably 
 less active in this colder climate 
 in the winter; now they are rare¬ 
 ly seen, except in Upper Egypt. 
 Pliny, N. H. 8. 25. says, it hiber¬ 
 nates in caves. 
 
 αίθρίης, properly, “sky without 
 clouds,” 3. 86., 7. 37. The an¬ 
 cients were well aware of the 
 greater coldness of a cloudless sky. 
 Αια τί rrjs aidpias μάλλον ψνχρς 
 γίνεται η επινεφέλιον οντων. Arist. 
 Prob. 25. 18. ΑΙΘρίη is also used 
 for the open air. 
 
96 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [11.68. 
 
 τούτο εζ ελάχιστου μέγιστοι* γίνεται, τα μεν γάρ ώά, χηνεων 
 ου πολλω μεζονα τίκτει * και ο νεοσσοί κατά λόγον του ώου 
 γίνεται * αυξανόμενος δε, γίνεται και ες επτακαίδεκα πηχεας, 
 /ecu μεί,ων ετι. εχει οε οφοαλμους μεν υος, οόοντας οε μεγά¬ 
 λους και χαυλιόδονταν,, κατα λόγον του σώματος, γλώσσαν οε 
 μοΰνον θηρίων ουκ εφυσε ’ ουδέ την κάτω κινεει γνάθον, αλλά 
 και τούτο μουνον θηρίων την άνω γνάθον προσάγει τη κάτω, 
 οχει δε και όνυχας καρπερούς, και δέρμα λεπιδωτόν, άρρηκτον 
 επι του νόιτου. τυφλόν δε εν υδατι, εν δε τ rj αιθρίη ο ζυδερκέ- 
 στατον. άτε δη ών εν υδατι δίαιταν ποιευμενον, τό στόμα έν¬ 
 δοθεν φορεει παν μεστόν βδελλεων. τα μεν δη άλλα όρνεα καί 
 θηρία φεύγει μιν' ό δε τροχίλος ειρηναίόν οι εστι, άτε ώφε- 
 
 έξ ελάχιστουμέγ. γίνεται. “Cro¬ 
 codiles increase to 400 times their 
 original bulk, between the period 
 when they leave the egg and their 
 full maturity.” Buckl. Bridg. Tr. 
 1. 253. 
 
 γλώσσαν ουκ εφυσε' “ does not 
 get a tongue.” 8.104. φύει πώγω- 
 va, “gets a beard.” 4. 29. Αοκέει 
 ύέ μοι και το γένος των βοών το 
 κόλον όιά ταυτα ου φύειν κέρεα. 
 Soph. QEd. Col. Ώ ύυσμορ ’, ουδέ 
 τώ χρόνω φυσάς φανη φρένας 
 ποτ. “get sense.” Her. 5. 91. 
 ύόξαν φύσας, αυξάνεται, “ getting 
 a conceit of itself.” It is equiva¬ 
 lent to φύσει ουκ έχει, whether 
 from the birth, as in the case of 
 the tongue, or by subsequent de¬ 
 velopments, as in that of the 
 horns. 
 
 άλλα και τούτο. We may easily 
 supply ποιεί, but nothing is abso¬ 
 lutely necessary. Eng. “ and an¬ 
 other thing; it is the only animal 
 which brings the upper jaw to the 
 lower.” Who will say what is the 
 ellipsis here ? The fact is not true; 
 the crocodile does move its under 
 jaw, not its upper; but Mr. Wil¬ 
 
 kinson observes that the croco¬ 
 dile throws its head quickly up in 
 seizing its prey, and that this 
 might be mistaken for a move¬ 
 ment of the upper jaw. 
 
 τυφλόν ύέ εν vban. Aristotle 
 (Η. An. 2. 10.) and Theophrastus 
 (1. 175.) more cautiously say that 
 it does not see well in the water. 
 Even this is doubtful, as it catches 
 its prey there. The story of the 
 leeches and the trochilus is also 
 fabulous ; the Nile does not pro¬ 
 duce leeches. M. GeofFroy St. Hi¬ 
 laire, Mem. 24. p. 438., says that 
 a small bird does really deliver the 
 crocodile from the gnats which in¬ 
 fest its mouth, and which it can¬ 
 not get rid of because its tongue 
 (for according to him it has one,) 
 is immovable. Even in this modi¬ 
 fied form the story needs to be con¬ 
 firmed by further observation. 
 
 b δέ τροχίλος ειρηναΐόν οι έστί. 
 Comp. 2. 92. η ρίζα τού λωτοΰ — 
 έον στρογγυλόν, ibid, ο καρπός — 
 ομοιότατου. In these cases, as in 
 the familiar example in Latin, 
 “ Triste lupus stabulis,” it is not 
 the individual but the class, which 
 
11 . 69 .] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 97 
 
 Χεομενω 7 τρός αυτου. επεάν yap eq την yrjv εκ βτ} εκ του υδα- 
 toc ο κροκόΰειΧος, και επειτα \ctvy (εωθε yap τούτο ως επίπαν 
 7 τοιεειν προς τον ζέφυρον ,) ενθαυτα ο τροχίΧος εσ8ύνων eq 
 το στόμα αυτου, καταπίνει τάς βδeλλαq* 6 δε, ωφεΧευμενος 
 
 7 \ /Λ ΓΓΙ'·' \ \ <■> 
 
 ηοεται, και ουόεν σινεται τον τροχίλον. Ιοισι μεν όη των 
 
 Λ · I * / > * 'Λ Λ « Λ» A » Λ Λ ’ W \ 
 
 Ά^υπτιων ιροι εισι οι κροκοοειλοι τοισι ο ου, «ΛΑ ατε πολε- 
 μίους περιεπουσι. οί δε περί τε Θήβας και την Μ οίριος Χίμνην 
 οικεοντες , και κάρτα rjy ηνται αυτουε είναι ίρους . ε /c 7ται^τωυ δε 
 eVa εκάτεροι τρεφουσι κροκό^ειΧον, $ε8ι8αγμενον είναι χειροη- 
 θεα' άρτηματά τε Χίθινα χυτά. καί χρυσεα ες τα ωτα ενθεντεε , 
 και άμφι^έαε περί τούς προσθίους πόΰας, και σιτία απότακτα 
 
 69 
 
 the predicate characterises, and 
 hence the neuter. 
 
 ujs επίπαν, “almostuniversally,” 
 after the analogy of επί πλείστον, 
 έπϊ πλέον, where επί being used as 
 with numerals ( επί διηκόσια), to 
 denote extent and amount, has co¬ 
 alesced with παν into an adverbial 
 form, 'ils has the same force as 
 fere. Her. 5. 83. στάδια ws ε’ίκοσι 
 άπεχει. 
 
 Sect, 69. are πολεμίους περιέ- 
 πονσι. This may have been the 
 cause of the far-famed hostility of 
 Tentyra and Ombos. Juvenal. 
 Sat. 15. 35. “ Summus utrinque 
 Inde furor vulgo, quod numina 
 vicinorum Odit uterque locus.” 
 The Tentyrites were famous for 
 their skill in the destruction of the 
 crocodile, Plin. N. H. 8. 38., Sen. 
 N. Q. 4. 2. 14., while the Ombites 
 placed it on their coins, and mo¬ 
 thers rejoiced when their children 
 were carried off by it. The croco¬ 
 diles worshiped around the lake 
 Mceris were probably buried in the 
 labyrinth 2. 148. 
 
 άρτηματα λίθινα χυτά, “ molten 
 pendents of stone,” i. e. no doubt, 
 of coloured glass or paste, imitating 
 
 precious stones; “lapidescoctiles.” 
 Sen. Ep. 90. Of the skill of the 
 Egyptians in this art, Minutoli 
 Reise, 354., Nachtrag, 275. seq., 
 and Wilkinson, M. and C. 3. 100. 
 seq., afford abundant proofs. The 
 crocodile has no external ears, the 
 openings have the appearance of 
 eyelids; these were perforated, as 
 the crocodile mummies show, and 
 the pendents attached to them. 
 
 άμφιδέας. Greg. Cor. § 123. τά s 
 δε άλυσειε, άμφιδέας' οί δε τά ψελ- 
 λια. "Αλυσις is “ a chain,” Her. 
 9. 74. elsewhere “ a necklace 
 here άμφ. evidently means “brace¬ 
 lets.” Amsah or Hamsah is the 
 Coptic name for crocodile at this 
 day. Jabl. Opusc. ed. Te Water, 
 1. 387. The Greek name κροκό¬ 
 δειλος means “a lizard,” and it was 
 natural that the Ionians, the first 
 Greeks who settled in Egypt, 2. 
 154. should name the crocodile 
 from that animal known to them 
 which most nearly resembled it. 
 KpofCo^etAot χέρσαΊοι (monitors) τη- 
 σι σαυρρσι έμφερέστατοι 4. 192. 
 So the Romans, when they first 
 saw an elephant in the armies of 
 Pyrrhus, called it Bos Lucas. 
 
 H 
 
98 
 
 HERODOTUS. [II. 70. 71. 72. 
 
 διδουτεε και ιρηια, και περιεποντεε ωε κάΧΧιστα ξώονταε, άπο- 
 Θανόνταε δε ταριχευοντεε θάπτουσι ev iprjai Θηκγσι. οι δε περί 
 *ΈΧεφαντίνην πόΧιν οικεοντεε, και εσθίουσι αυτουε, ουκ ζεό¬ 
 μενοι ίρουε είναι. Κ αΧεονται δε ον κροκόάειΧοι , αλλά γ^άμψαι. 
 κροκοόείΧουε δε ^Ιωνεε ωνόμασαν , ε’ικάίξοντεε αυτών τα ειδεα 
 τοισι παρά σφίσι γινομένοισι κροκοόείΧοισι τοίσι εν τγσι αίμα- 
 
 70 σιρσι. Aypai δε σφεων τ τοΧΧαΙ κατεστεασι } και παντοίαι’ η 
 δ ων εμο'ι γε δοκεει άίζιωτάτη άπη-γησιοε είναι , ταυτην -γράφω. 
 επεάν νωτον υόε δελεάσρ περί ά-γκιστρον , μετίει εε μέσον τον 
 ποταμόν’ αυτόε δε επι του χείλεοε του ποταμού εχων SiX- 
 φακα Ζωήν, ταυτην τύπτει . επακουσαε δε τηε φωνηε ο κροκό- 
 δειλοε, ίεται κατά την φωνήν’ έντυπων δε τω νωτω , κατα- 
 πίνει οι οε ελκουσι. επεαν οε εςελκυσσρ εε γην, πρώτον απάν¬ 
 των ο Θηρευτηε πηΧω κατ ών επΧασε αυτόν τουε όφθαΧμουε * 
 τούτο δε ποιησαε, κάρτα ευπετεωε τα Χοιπά γείρονται’ μη 
 
 71 ποιησαε δε τούτο, συν πονώ. Οί δε ίπποι οι ποτάμιοι νομω 
 μεν τω ΐΐαπρημίτ*) ίροί εισι, τοΤσι δε άΧΧοισι Αιγνπτίοισι ουκ 
 ιροι. φυσιν δε παρέχονται ιάεηε τοιηνδε* τετράπουν εστι, δ/- 
 γηΧον, οπλαι βοόε , σιμόν , Χοφιην εχον ίππου, χ αυΧιόάονταε 
 φαίνον, ουρην ίππου και φωνήν’ με-γαθοε, όσον τε βουε ο με- 
 ’γιστοε * το δέρμα δ αυτόν ουτω δη τι παγυ εστι, ώστε αυον 
 
 72 γενομένου, ξυστά ποιεεσθαι ακόντια εξ αυτόν. Γίνονται δε 
 
 Sect. 71. Some circumstances 
 in this description of the hippopo¬ 
 tamus (which is said to have been 
 borrowed from Hecatseus, Eus. 
 Prcep. Ev. x. 3.) are not exact. It 
 does not show projecting tusks 
 (■χαυλιόδοντας) ; it has a hoof divi¬ 
 ded into four parts; it has no mane, 
 nor is its tail like that of a horse. 
 Aristotle says more correctly, H. 
 An. 2.4. κέρκον Devos’ but the name 
 of river-horse having been given 
 to it from a general resemblance, 
 others were fancied. The size, 
 however, is not exaggerated. Blu- 
 
 menbach Naturgesch. p. 128., says 
 it sometimes weighs 3500 pounds. 
 It is now not found in the Nile 
 below the Cataracts. A drawing 
 of it from Thebes may be seen in 
 Wilkinson 3. 71. pi. xv. 
 
 ξυστά ποιεεσθαι ακόντια. As 
 Homer always, and Herodotus 
 elsewhere, 1. 52. use ξυστόν as a 
 subst. Schaefer would omit ακόντια 
 as a gloss. It is however really a 
 verbal adjective, ξυστός, ό εξεσμέ- 
 νος. Suid. Βαίνω, ξέω, ξνράω, ξυω, 
 like the words enumerated 2. 60., 
 belong to one family, the general 
 
II. 73 .] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 99 
 
 και ενύδριερ εν τω ποταμω, τάρ Ιράρ ηγηνται είναι, νομίζουσι 
 δε και πάντων ιχθύων τον καλεύμενον λεπιδωτόν ίρον είναι, και 
 την εχχελυν. Ιρούρ δε τούτουρ του Νείλου φασι είναι' και των 
 ορνίθων τούρ χηναλωπεκαρ. 
 
 Ο,στι oe και αλλορ ορνιρ ιρορ, τω ουνομα ψοινις εγω μεν 
 
 meaning of which is “to scratch,” 
 “rub,” or “shave” Εανθόε, from 
 ξαίνω, properly denotes the bright¬ 
 ness which polish by rubbing gives 
 to a surface, as ξηρόε, the dryness 
 which the same operation pro¬ 
 duces. As the shaft is the shaved 
 part of the javelin, so ξυστόν, 1. 52. 
 is opposed to λόγχη, “the head.” 
 
 Sect. 72. evvdpies, otters, which 
 however do not now inhabit the 
 Nile. The λεπιΕωτόε was sup¬ 
 posed by Linnaeus to be the Cy- 
 prinus rubescens Niloticus, a spe¬ 
 cies of carp. Wilkinson (3. 59.) 
 thinks it may be the Salmo dentex, 
 which has large scales. The χηνα- 
 λώπηξ, or vulpanser, goose of Nile, 
 is the Anas tadorna of Linn. It de¬ 
 rived its name from living in holes 
 like the fox. It is of frequent oc¬ 
 currence on Egyptian monuments, 
 especially over the cartouches con¬ 
 taining the names of kings, where 
 it is read by Champollion Son. 
 Precis. 370. According to Hora- 
 pollo, 1.53. it was so used in con¬ 
 sequence of its affection for its 
 young. 
 
 Sect. 73. Φοίνιξ. This is the 
 accentuation of Buttmann, Ausf. 
 Gr. p. 171. v.2. p.399. The com¬ 
 mon mode, φοίνιξ, although sanc¬ 
 tioned by the grammarians, con¬ 
 travenes the rule that the circum¬ 
 flex is only placed over the penult, 
 when the last is natural^ short. 
 The phoenix who comes from the 
 east to the temple of Heliopolis, 
 
 H 
 
 the principal college of the Egy¬ 
 ptian astronomers, bearing the 
 body of his father, is a symbol of 
 some solar period. “ De numero 
 annorum varia traduntur : maxime 
 vulgatum quingentorum spatium : 
 sunt qui adseverent mille quadrin- 
 gentos sexaginta unum interjici.” 
 Tac.An.6.28. Herodotus reckons 
 it at 500 years. Pliny, 10.2. says 
 560, if the reading be correct; nei¬ 
 ther probably very precisely. Har- 
 duin supposes this to be the solar 
 and lunar cycle (19x28 = 532), 
 after the completion of which the 
 new and full moons return on the 
 same day, not only of the year, but 
 of the week. The use of such a 
 cycle would indeed imply that the 
 Egyptians divided their time into 
 weeks, and no ancient author tells 
 us this; yet we know from Dion 
 Cassius (37. 18.) that the custom 
 of assigning a day of the week to 
 each of the planets arose among 
 the Egyptians : and when we con¬ 
 sider the primeval antiquity of the 
 week, and of reverence for the 
 number seven among the Jews, we 
 shall perhaps think it more pro¬ 
 bable that it prevailed, although 
 not in civil life, from very ancient 
 times in Egypt, than that it was 
 introduced subsequently to the 
 time of Herodotus. There is no 
 difficulty about the second period, 
 mentioned by Tacitus, 1461 years. 
 The Egyptian year began originally 
 with the heliacal rising of the dog- 
 
 2 
 
100 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 73 . 
 
 μιν ουκ ειδον, ει μη όσον ypa(py' και yap δη και σπάνιος επι- 
 φοίτα σφι, δια ετεων (ως ΗλιονπολΊται λεγουσι) πεντακο - 
 σ'ιων . φοιτάν δε τότε φασι, επεάν οί άποθάνη ο πατήρ, εστι 
 δε, εί τη ypaφη παρόμοιος, τοσόσδε και τοιόσδε* τα ^ιέν αυτόν 
 γ^ρυσόκομα των πτερών, τα δε, ερυθρά * ες τα μάλιστα αιετω 
 περιηγησιν ομοιότατος, και τό μ^αθος. Τ ουτον δε λεγουσι 
 μη^ανάσθαι τάδε, εμοι μεν ου πιστά λέγοί'τεε* ε£ Αραβίης 
 ορμεωμενον, ες τό Ιρόν τον 'Ηλιου κομιί,ειν τον πατέρα, εν 
 σμνρνη εμπλάσσοντα, και Θάπτειν εν του 'Ηλ ίου τω ιρω. 
 κομίζειν δε ουτω* πρώτον, της σμνρνης ωόν πλάσσειν όσον 
 τε δυνατός εστι φερειν * μετά δε, πειράσθαι αυτό φορεοντα * 
 επεάν δε άποπειρηθη, ουτω δη κοιληναντα τό ωόν, τον πατέρα 
 
 star, Sothi, in the month Thoth, 
 Aug. 29., Porph. Antr. Nymph, 
 p. 123., but containing only 365 
 days it was an annus vagus, i. e. 
 the true commencement of the year 
 travelled in succession through all 
 the days and months (See p. 9.): 
 and being a quarter of a day too 
 short, it was only after 1460 E- 
 gyptian years (365x4), or 1461 
 Julian, that is true years, that the 
 solar year again began on the 29th 
 of August. Censor. D. Nat. c. 21. 
 Tacitus, ubi s. enumerates the al¬ 
 leged appearances of the phoenix ; 
 the first in the reign of Sesostris, 
 the second of Amasis, the third of 
 Ptolemy Evergetes, the fourth in 
 the reign of Tiberius, A.D. 34. 
 The philosophical historian is less 
 cautious than Her.: he concludes 
 his account, “ Caeterum aspici ali- 
 quando in Egypto earn volucrem 
 non ambigitur.” 
 
 el rrj γραψτ} παρόμοιος. Minutoli, 
 Atlas, tab. 20.6., 21.11., has given 
 two figures, supposed to be of the 
 phoenix. The first is from Kar- 
 nak, and has the head of an eagle 
 
 and human hands; the other from 
 a glass paste found at Apollinopo- 
 lis. The feathers are yellow, green 
 and blue ; the crest red, and a star 
 appears beside the bird. The same 
 figure, but of a blue colour, appears 
 on the sails of the splendid galley 
 in the tomb of Remeses III. Wil¬ 
 kinson 3. 211. 
 
 περιήγησιν. Schweigh. “le con¬ 
 tour.” μόιλιστα ομοιότατος. 2. 76. 
 μάλιστα κη έμφερέστατα. Matth. 
 
 § 461. ρ. 761. 
 
 άποπειρηθρ. See note on άπο- 
 τνπτωνται, ρ. 64. “ he makes a 
 trial by carrying it; and when he 
 has finished his trials, then (“turn 
 demum”) having excavated the 
 egg, he puts his father into it, and 
 with other frankincense plasters 
 in that part of the egg at which, 
 having made the excavation, he 
 put in his father; and his father 
 lying within, the weight amounts 
 to the same a correct conclu¬ 
 sion, if frankincense and the body 
 of a phoenix were of the same spe¬ 
 cific gravity. Of γίνεται, meaning 
 “amounts to,” see 3.95. τό μεν όή 
 
HERODOTUS. 
 
 101 
 
 II. 74. 76.] 
 
 ec αυτό εντιθεναι, σμυρνη Se aXXy εμπΧάσσειν τούτο κατ ο τι 
 του ώοΰ eyKOiXrjvac ενεθηκε τον πατέρα' εσκειμενου δε του πα- 
 τρος, γίνεσθαι τώυτο βάρος* εμπΧάσαντα Se, κομίζειν μιν επ’ 
 Αίγυπτου ες του Ήλιου το Ιρόν. ταΰτα μεν τούτον τον ορνιν 
 Χεγουσι ποιεειν. 
 
 Εισί Se περί Θήβας Ιροι οφιες, ανθρώπων ο^αμώς SηXη- 74 
 μονές' οί με^άθει εοντες μικροί , δύο κερεα φορεουσι, πεφυ- 
 κοτα εζ άκρης της κεφαΧης. τους θάπτουσι άττοθανόντας εν τω 
 ιρω του Α,ιός * τούτου yap σφεας του θεού φασι είναι ιρους» 
 Ήστι δε χώρος της Αραβίης, κατά Β ουτουν πδλιν μάΧιστά κη 75 
 κείμενος' και ες τούτο το χωρίον ηΧθον, πυνθανομενος περί 
 των πτερωτών οφίων. άπικόμενος Se, elSov οστεα οφίων και 
 άκάνθας, πΧηθει μεν αδύνατα άπηyησaσθaι' σωροί δε ησαν 
 άκανθεων και μεγάλοι, και onoSeeaTepoi, και εΧάσσονες ετι 
 τούτων πολλοί οε ησαν ουτοι. εστι οε ο χώρος ουτος, εν τω 
 αί άκανθαι κατακεχυαται, τοιοσδε tic* εσβοΧη εζ ουρεων στει- 
 νων ες πeSίov μεγα* το δε πeSίov τούτο συνάπτει τω Αιγύ¬ 
 πτιοι πεδίω. λόγοο δε εστι, άμα τω εαρι πτερωτούς οφις εκ 
 της Αραβίης πετεσθαι επ Αιγύπτου* τάς Se ίβις τάς όρνιθας 
 
 αργυρών το Βαβυλώνιον Kpos το 
 Εν/3 οεικόν σνμβαλλεόμενον τάλαν- 
 τον γίνεται τεσσεράκοντα και πεν¬ 
 τακόσια και εννακισγίΧια τάλαντα . 
 4. 86. 
 
 Sect. 74. This horned serpent, 
 specially dedicated to Ammon, oc¬ 
 curs frequently in Egyptian sculp¬ 
 ture, as on the obelisk of Luxor. 
 Those which Herodotus saw had 
 probably been rendered harmless, 
 for the cerastes are a venomous tribe. 
 
 Sect. 75. The Buto here spoken 
 of must be different from that men¬ 
 tioned 2. 59. 155. Winged ser¬ 
 pents are unknown in nature, but 
 as they are of frequent occurrence 
 in Egyptian art, it was a natural 
 inference that they must have a 
 real prototype. Had they invaded 
 
 Egypt as here described, the ibis 
 could not have destroyed them ; 
 for it is a bird of weak bill, of the 
 curlew species, feeding on worms 
 and fresh-water shell-fish (Cuvier, 
 Ossem. foss. Disc, sur les Rev. du 
 Globe, 1826. p. 175.), and quite 
 unfitted to take such prey as ser¬ 
 pents. Cic. N. D. 1. 36. brings the 
 serpents from Libya. In the Phil. 
 Mus. 1. p. 623. some reasons are 
 given for thinking that ίβιε ori¬ 
 ginally meant “a crane,” and it is 
 certain that the habits of the crane 
 and stork, which really feed on 
 reptiles, have been attributed to 
 the ibis. 
 
 άκανθαι, literally, “ thorns,” 
 used here, like the Latin spina , 
 of the “ back bone,” 4. 72, 
 
102 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [11.76. 
 
 απαντωσας ες την εσβοΧην ταντηο, τηο, χώρης, ον παριεναι 
 tovc, οφιο, αΧΧα κατακτείνειν. κα\ την ϊβιν δια τούτο το ερ- 
 yov τετιμησθαι λεγουσι Αραβιοι peyaXcvc προς ΑιγυτΓτ/ωυ* 
 oμoXoyeovσι δ! και AiyvTTTioi δια ταΰτα τιμάν τας ορνιθαο 
 76 τ αύτας. Είδος δε τηο, μεν ίβιοο τδ δε. μεΧαινα δειυως πασα, 
 σκεΧεα δε φορεει γερανού, πρόσωπον δε ες τα μάΧιστα επί- 
 ypvTrov' ι ιεγαθος δσον κρεξ. των μεν $η μεΧαινέων, των payo- 
 μενών προο τους ο<ρις, τ?οε icer/. των ο ευ ττοσι μάλλον ειλευ- 
 μενων το7σι ανθρωποισι * (δι£;αι γαρ δ?ί εισι αί ίβιες*) ψιΧη την 
 
 άπαντώσαε es την εσβόλην, “ go¬ 
 ing to meet them at the entrance.” 
 β.ΙΟΟ.ε/Ιονλεόοιτο εκλιπείν την πά¬ 
 λιν es τα άκρα Trjs Ε νβοιης. 8.134. 
 κατεκοίμησε es Άμφιάρεω, “went to 
 the temple of Amphiaraus and 
 slept.” See note on 2. 2. τρέφειν 
 es τα ποίμνια. 
 
 Sect. 76. κρέζ. The name of 
 this bird is derived from κρέκω, as 
 the English crake is allied to creak ; 
 in Latin for the same reason, ral¬ 
 lies, “landrail.” 4. 106. fin. εσβη- 
 τα Se φορέονσι rfj Σκυθικί} ομοίην' 
 γλώσσαν Se ίάίην. Μεγαθο$ pro¬ 
 bably stands here in the same in¬ 
 dependent way as μέγαθο5 οσον 
 τε βονε b μέγιστοε, 2. 71. Πρόσ¬ 
 ωπο v is properly the front part 
 of the head; here, the beak is 
 chiefly meant, though not exclu¬ 
 sively; for the character of επί- 
 γρνποε, aduncus, belongs to the 
 whole skull. 
 
 των μεν Srj μελαινέων. This 
 black ibis, according to Cuvier, 
 ubi s., is the Scolopax falcinellus 
 of Linn. It is remarkable, how¬ 
 ever, that no specimen of this kind 
 has been found embalmed. It is 
 to this bird, rarely seen, if at all, 
 in the days of Herodotus, that the 
 destruction of the serpents is at¬ 
 tributed, and the inaccuracy of the 
 
 story, therefore, could not be ascer¬ 
 tained by him. 
 
 των S’ ev ποσ'ι μάλλον ειλενμέ- 
 νων τοίσι άνθρώποισι' “ qui magis 
 inter homines versantur.” Three 
 notions are naturally connected 
 with lying at the feet; 1) that of 
 being obvious, 2) of being urgent, 
 3) of being an obstacle to pro¬ 
 gress. 1) 3. 75. εκτεινον πάντα 
 τινά των Μάγων τον ev ποσι γι¬ 
 νόμενον, “ that showed himself 
 abroad,” or, “ that came in the 
 way.” 1. 80. in the same sense, 
 έμπόόων γινόμενον. Plat. Theaet. 
 1. 175. καταγελάται—τά ev πο- 
 σιν άγνοών re και ev εκάστοιε 
 άπορων. 2) Soph. Ant. 1327. 
 βράγιστα γάρ κράτιστα τάν πο- 
 σίν κακά. 3) This is the usual 
 sense of εμποάών (ev ποδοιν), but 
 by no means to the exclusion of 
 the others. Suidas, εμποόώνθον- 
 κυόιϊηε άντι τον προγείρωε. Αν- 
 icofipyos Se άντι τον φανερόν. Πλα¬ 
 νώ»' Se άντι τον ev μέσω. Iσα?ο$ Se 
 αντί τον υπογυον και εν χερσι. 
 
 ειλενμένων. The Atticists imi¬ 
 tated from Herodotus this use of 
 ειλεΤσθαι. ΗΠ.Η.Ν. An.3.15. Πε¬ 
 ρίστεροί ev μεν Tais πόλεσι rols 
 ανθρώπου σνναγελάζονται και el- 
 λοννται παρά ro?s ποσίν. Id. 9 
 38., 13. 18. Heliod. JEtii. 2. 22 
 
II. 77.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 103 
 
 κεφαλήν, και την 8ειρην πάσαν* λευκή πτερο7σι, πλην κεφα¬ 
 λής και του αυ^ενος και άκρων των πτερύγων και του πυγαίου 
 άκρου’ ταυτα δε τα ειπον πάντα, μελαινά εστι 8εινώς’ σκελεα 
 δε και πρόσωπον, εμφερής τή ετερη. του δε οφιος η μορφή, 
 οίη περ των υ8ρων. πτίλα δε ου πτερωτά φορεει, άλλα τοίσι 
 τής νυκτερινός πτερό7σι μάλιστα κη εμφερεστατα. Τ οσαυτα 
 μεν Θηρίων περί ίρων ειρησθω . 
 
 Αυτών δε 8η Αιγυπτίων, όϊ μεν περί την σπειρομενην Αί- 77 
 γυπτον οίκεουσι, μνήμην ανθρώπων πάντων επασκεοντες μά¬ 
 λιστα, λογιωτατοί εισι μακρω των εγώ εα 8ιάπειραν άπικόμην. 
 Ύρόπω δε Ζ,οης τοιωδε 8ιαγ^ρεωνται. 'Συρμάίζουσι τρεις ημέ¬ 
 ρας επεζης μηνος εκάστου, εμετοισι θηρωμενοι την υγιείην και 
 κλυσμασι, νομίζοντες άπο των τρεφοντων σιτίων πάσας τάς 
 νουσους τοίσι άνθρωποισι γίνεσθαι. εισί μεν yap και άλλως 
 
 είΧοΰμαι περί τον τόπον, ώσπερ, 
 οίμαι tis όρνις. ήδε ίδέη must be 
 understood again with the 2nd 
 genitive. 
 
 Χευκή πτερόίσι, πΧήν κεφαΧής 
 και του ανχένος. Αυχην και δέρη 
 διαφέρει’ αυχην γαρ Χέγεται τό όπι¬ 
 σθεν τοϋ τραχήΧου' δέρη δε τό έμ¬ 
 προσθεν Ammonius de DifF. Voc., 
 quoted by Larcher. According to 
 the description of Cuvier, the head 
 and two-thirds of the throat of the 
 Ibis numenius are without feathers 
 (φιΧή) and black ; the plumage 
 white, except the tips of the great 
 penfeathers of the wings. 
 
 πτίΧα ον πτερωτά, “ wings not 
 covered with feathers,” therefore 
 membranaceous, such as those of 
 the flying lizard, Draco volans of 
 Linnseus, which has been supposed 
 to have given origin to this fable. 
 
 Sect. 77. οι μεν π. τ. σπ. Αί¬ 
 γυπτον οίκεουσι. These are op¬ 
 posed to the inhabitants of the 
 marshes, οι εν τοίσι έΧεσι κατοικη- 
 μένοι, 2. 92. init. 
 
 μνήμ. έπασκ. “inasmuch as they 
 exercise the memory most of all 
 men, are the most learned in hi¬ 
 story of all of whom I have had ex¬ 
 perience.” Schweighseuser would 
 understand μνήμη, of historical 
 knowledge, “memoria rerum gesta- 
 rum,” preserved by writing.* But 
 nothing in Herodotus shows that 
 the art of writing was in popular 
 use among the Egyptians for histo¬ 
 rical purposes; he never quotes any 
 such authority; nor can έπασκέειν 
 μνημην bear the sense which 
 Schw. attributes to it. Wess. ap¬ 
 positely quotes Proclus on Timse- 
 us, p. 31. Αίγυπτίοις δε έτι και τα 
 γεγονότα δια τής μνήμης αίει νέα 
 πόιρεστιν, ή δε μνήμη δια τής ιστο¬ 
 ρίας, αυτή δε από των στηΧών. 
 This is remarkably confirmed by 
 the modern discoveries. 
 
 Αιάπειρα is properly “ a trial 
 which affords the means of discri¬ 
 mination and comparison. ” 1.47. 
 άπέπεμπε έ$ την διάπειραν των 
 χρηστηρίων, of the embassy which 
 
104 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 77 . 
 
 Αιγύπτιοι μετά Αίβναε νγιηρεστατοι πάντων ανθρώπων, των 
 ωρεων (δ οκεειν εμοί) είνεκεν, οτι ον μεταΧΧάσσονσι αι ώραι. 
 εν yap τρσι μεταβοΧησι τοΊσι ανθρωποισι αΐ νονσοι μαΧιστα 
 γίνονται, των τε αΧΧων πάντων, καί $η καί των ωρεων μα - 
 Χιστα. Αρτοφαγεονσι δε, εκ των οΧνρεων ποιενντες αρτουε,, 
 tovc εκείνοι κυΧΧηστκ; 6νομάζονσι. οίνο) δ’ εκ κριθεων πεποι - 
 ημενω δ ιαχρέωνται' ον γαρ σφί είσι εν τη χωρτρ αμπεΧοι· 
 ι^θνων δε τόνε μεν, προε ηΧιον αιηρναντερ, ωμονε σιτεοντα ι* 
 
 Croesus sent to put to the test the 
 veracity of the Greek oracles. 
 
 νγιηρεστατοι. Of the same form 
 is σπονίαιέστερα, 1.8., 1. 133. su- 
 perl. άμορφεστάτην, 1 . 96. Her. 
 himself, 2. 187. where he recurs 
 to the healthiness of the Libyans, 
 uses νγιηρότατοι. Some of these 
 forms established themselves in At¬ 
 tic usage, along with the others, as 
 άφθονέστερος and άκρατέστατον in 
 Plato. Matth. § 128. Obs. 2. kp- 
 ρωμενέστερος, -τατος are the usual 
 form. To this mode of comparison 
 we must refer the comp, and su- 
 perl. of the contracted nouns in οϋς; 
 (απλοέστερος) άπλούστερος, (εννο- 
 εστατος) ευνουστατος. 
 
 οίνο) εκ κριθεων. “Άρσενάς τοι 
 τησΰε γης οίκητορας Έυρήσετ ου πί¬ 
 νοντας εκ κριθών μέθυ,” says the 
 king of Argos contemptuously to 
 the Egyptian herald. ./Esch. Suppl. 
 959. According to Diodorus, 1.34. 
 this barley wine or beer was called 
 ζύθος, Isaiah xix. 10. in the Sept. 
 και πάντες οί ποιουντες τον ζύθον 
 λυπηθησονται. Euseb. Caten. ad 
 Es. τους ποιουντας ον τον εζ άμπε¬ 
 λον οίνον, άλλα τον Αιγυπτιακόν 
 ζύθον. Alberti ad Hes. s. voc. ζύ¬ 
 θος. The word is probably Greek 
 and connected with ζΰμη, “ fer- 
 mentum,” and ζέω. Of the Egy¬ 
 ptian beer, see Wilkins. 2. 173. 
 ον γαρ σφί είσι ev rtj χάρη άμ¬ 
 
 πελοι. Herodotus has been at¬ 
 tacked and defended, as if he had 
 said that there were no vines in 
 Egypt; whereas, by the use of ( 
 σφί, he expressly limits his asser¬ 
 tion to the inhabitants of η σιΓει¬ 
 ρόμενη Αίγυπτος. This is distin¬ 
 guished on the one hand from the 
 marsh land of the Delta, and on 
 the other from the rocky and sandy 
 borders beyond the reach of the 
 inundation. The land, which was 
 annually overflowed at the very 
 time of vintage, could never be 
 suitable for the growth of the vine; 
 and hence it was in the district of 
 Fayoum, at Anthylla, and on the 
 borders of the lake Mareotis, that 
 the vine was cultivated. Strabo, 
 lib. 17. 1134. 1147. Athen. Ep. 
 lib. 1. p. 33. Even this, in the age 
 of Her., was probably of limited 
 extent, as there was so large an 
 annual importation from Phoenicia 
 and Greece, 3. 6. The cultivation 
 of the vine in very early times in 
 Egypt, is proved by Gen. xl. 10. 
 Num. xx. 5., and the assertion of 
 Plut., Is. and Os. 6., that before 
 the time of Psammetichus no wine 
 was drunk in Egypt nor offered to 
 the gods, is shown by the sculp¬ 
 tures to be inaccurate. Wilkinson, 
 2. 158. seq. 
 
 ιχθύων <5e τους μέν. The opera¬ 
 tions of catching, drying and salt- 
 
II. 78. 79.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 105 
 
 τους δε, εξ άλμης τεταριγευμενους. ορνίθων δε τους τβ όρτυ- 
 yac,, καί τάς νήσσας, και τα σμικρά των όρνιθίων, ωμά σιτεον- 
 ται, προταριγ^ευσαντες. τα δε άλλα όσα η ορνίθων η ιγβυων 
 εστι σφι επόμενα, χ ωρις η οκόσοι σφι ιροι αποδεδε^αται, 
 τους λοιπούς οπτούς κα\ εφθούς σιτεονται . Ευ δε τησι συν- 78 
 
 ουσίησι, τοίσι ευδαίμοσι αυτών, επεάν άπο δείπνου ·γενων- 
 ται, περιφερει άνηρ νεκρόν εν σορώ ξυλινον πεποιημενον, 
 μεμιμημενον ες τα μάλιστα και ^γραφη καί ερ^ω, με^αθος 
 όσον τε πάντη πηγυαΓιον, η δίπηγυν’ δεικνυς δε εκάστω των 
 συμποτεων, λέγει* “ Έε τούτον ορεων, π7νε τε και τερπευ’ 
 
 “ εσεαι yap άποθανών τοιουτος.” Τ αυτα μεν παρά τα συμ¬ 
 πόσια ποιεΰσι . 
 
 ΤΙατρίοισι δε χρεωμένοι νόμοισι, άλλον ουδενα επικτεωνται. 79 
 τοισι αλλα τε επαςια εστι νόμιμα, και οη και αεισμα εν εστι , 
 Αίνος, οσπερ εν τε Φοινίκη αοίδιμός εστι και εν Κυπρω, και 
 
 ing birds and fishes are represented 
 in the paintings of Egypt. Wilk. 
 2. 18. 
 
 Sect. 78. από ύ€ί πνου γένων- 
 ται. 1. 126. επεί re δε άπό δεί¬ 
 πνου ησαν, “had done supper.” 
 Matth. § 572. 
 
 μεμιμημενον is τα μάλιστα , “imi¬ 
 tated to the greatest perfection, 
 both in workmanship and paint¬ 
 ing.” εργω evidently relates to the 
 carving, γράφη to the colouring. 
 Schweighaeuser mentions a figure 
 of sycamore wood, of the size of 
 a cubit, in the public museum of 
 Strasburg, exactly resembling a 
 mummy, πάντη is here unusually 
 employed in the sense of omnino ; 
 with words of dimension it com¬ 
 monly means “every way.” 
 
 Sect. 79. επικτεωνται. Comp. 
 επίκτητος γη, 2. 5. επίκτητον γυ¬ 
 ναίκα, 3. 3. and the forces of επί 
 in επεκράτεε, 2. 1. 
 
 Aivos. The Phoenicians made 
 Maneros a son of the king of By- 
 
 blus, who died of sorrow at wit¬ 
 nessing the grief of Isis for the 
 loss of Osiris. Plut. Is. and Os. 
 §18. The circumstance that this 
 plaintive melody was common to 
 Egypt, to Phoenicia, which had so 
 close an affinity in its religious 
 rites with Egypt, and to Cyprus, 
 a Phoenician colony, is a presump¬ 
 tion that it originated in some¬ 
 thing common to the religion of 
 these countries: for what should 
 induce the Phoenicians and Cypri¬ 
 ans to lament for successive cen¬ 
 turies the premature death of the 
 son of the first king of Egypt ? 
 The reference of Maneros to Menes 
 looks like one of those arbitrary ety¬ 
 mologies with which the ancients 
 so easily satisfied themselves. The 
 Greek fable of Linus is connected 
 with Apollo and the worship of the 
 Muses, in Boeotia, for he is said to 
 be the son of Apollo and killed by 
 Hercules, or on the other hand, 
 the son of Urania and killed by 
 
106 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 80. 
 
 αλλρ* κατα μεντοι εθνεα ουνομα εχει, συμφερεται δε 
 eJvcti τον οι 'ΈΑΧηνεε Αίνον ονομαΖ,οντεα αείδουσι. 
 μεν καί αΧΧα αποθωυμάζειν με των περί Αίγυπτον 
 δε και τον Αίνον οκόθεν εΧαβον ' 
 τον άεί8οντεα. εστι δε Αιγυπτιστι ο 
 νερωε,. εφασαν δε μιν Αιγύπτιοι του 
 Αίγυπτου τ τα?δα μουνογενεα γενεσθαι' 
 ανωρον, θρηνοισι τούτοισι ύπ Αιγυπτίων τιμηθηνα ι* 
 3ην τε ταυ την πρωτην και μουνην σφίσι γενεσθαι. 
 ται δε καί τόδε αΧΧο Αιγύπτιοι ΉιΧΧηνων 
 νίοισι. οί νεωτεροι αυτών τοΊσι 
 
 Apollo. Paus. 9.29. These genea¬ 
 logies have an evident reference to 
 the antiquity of the fable and me¬ 
 lody, which was supposed to have 
 derived its origin fromLinus, whose 
 own name again appears to be only 
 a personification of the string of the 
 lyre, Χίνον, as Eumolpus and Mu- 
 sseus are evidently invented names. 
 Pamphus, who composed the old¬ 
 est hymns for the Athenians, gave 
 him the name of O ΙτόΧινος ( oTros , 
 “fate,” “calamity”), and Sappho, 
 borrowing the name from Pamphus, 
 celebrated jointly Adonis and CEto- 
 linus. Pausan. ubi s. This com¬ 
 bination, the mention of the song 
 of Linus among the Phoenicians, 
 and the connexion of the Grecian 
 story w r ith Bceotia, the seat of a 
 Phoenician colony, and Hercules,-a 
 Phoenician deity, render it probable 
 that the mourning for Linus was 
 allied in its origin to that men¬ 
 tioned Her. 2. 61., namely, the 
 grief of Nature for the loss of the 
 Sun in winter. Comp, αίΧινον 
 Blomf. JE sch. Ag .119. Philol. Mus. 
 2. p. 153.173. Heyne, Exc. ad II. 
 σ , 570. vol. 7. 550. and the Villoi- 
 son Schol. Eust. ibid., who quotes 
 
 > \ 
 lOVTQC, 
 
 ώστε ποΧΧα 
 
 "> / * 
 εορτών, ev 
 
 φαίνονται δε αεί κοτε τοΰ- 
 
 Aivoc καΧεύμενοα Μα- 
 
 πρωτου βασιΧεύσαντοα 
 
 αποθανόντα δ αυτόν 
 
 \ > 
 
 και αοι - 
 Έυμ φερον- 
 μούνοισι Αακε^αιμο- 
 πρεσβυτεροισι συντυγγανον- 
 
 Ύ 
 
 from Hesiod, Ουρανίη S’ dp’ ετικτε 
 Αίνον ποΧυήρατον νίον'Όν 0ή, όσοι 
 βροτοί είσιν άοιόοι και κιθαρισται, 
 Πί Wes μεν θρηνοΰσιν εν είΧαπί- 
 vats re j(opo7s τε, ’Αρχόμενοι όέ Αί¬ 
 νον και Χήγοντες καΧέουσι. Gaisf. 
 Frag. Hes. I. 
 
 κατα εθνεα ουνομα ε\ει, “ it has 
 a (different) name according to the 
 (different) nations.” 
 
 συμφερεται ώυτός είναι, ώυτός 
 είναι gives greater precision to the 
 general expression σνμφέρεται. 
 Afterwards, 2. 80. init. συμφέρον - 
 ται is used alone of a general co¬ 
 incidence. 
 
 αεί κοτε άείόοντες, “to have sung 
 it from time immemorial.” 
 
 καί άοιύην τε. This is not a mere 
 pleonasm, but should be rendered 
 “and also.” In poetry the two par¬ 
 ticles are used together. Theogn. 
 138. ΙΙοΧΧάκι yd p όοκέων θησειν 
 κακόν έσθΧον εθηκε Καί τε όοκών 
 θησειν έσθΧον, εθηκε κακόν . Hart- 
 ung. Griech. Part. 1.76.113. Her. 
 7.175 . στεινοτέρη yap έφαίνετο και 
 άμα άγγοτέρη τε τής έωυτών, where 
 there is no MS. authority for the 
 proposed omission of τε or the sub¬ 
 stitution of ye. 
 
II. 81.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 107 
 
 τεε,, ε'ικουσι της δδου και εκτράπονται * και επιουσι, εξ ε^ρηο 
 νπανιστεαται. Τοδε μεντοι αΧΧοισι ΕλΧτ/^ωυ ου^αμοΊσι συμ- 
 ( pepovrai * αυτί του 7 rpoaayopeveiv αΧΧηΧουε; ευ τρσι οδοΐσι, 
 
 7Γ ροσκυνεουσι κατιεντεε, μέχρι του γουυατοε την χε7ρα. Έυ- 81 
 δεδυκασι δε κιθωναε, Χινεονε, περί τα σκεΧεα Θυσανωτουε, ουε 
 καΧεουσι καΧασ'ιριε * επι τοντοισι δε ειρινεα είματα Χευκα επ- 
 avaf 3Χη$ον φορεουσι. ον μεντοι εε, yε τα ιρα εσφερεται ειρινεα, 
 ούδε συγκαταθαπτεταί σφι * ου yap οσιον. ομοΧο^/εουσι δε 
 
 Sect. 80. είκουσι της odov. ** Sem¬ 
 per in talibus casus adbibetur se- 
 cundus, praepositione plerumque 
 suppressa. Plene Tyrtseus in Stob. 
 Grot. p. 195. v. 41. ΤΙάντες c)’ εν 
 θώκοισι...νέοι...ΈΙίκουσ εκ χωρης.” 
 Valck. Mattli. § 354. S. So cedo 
 in Latin is used with an ablative 
 with or without a preposition. See 
 Facciolati Lex. s. voc. Similar re¬ 
 spect to old age was enjoined on 
 the Jews, Lev. xix. 32. 
 
 αΚΚοισι 'Έ,Χληνων ουΐαμόΐσι. 
 "Αλλοισι is not necessary with ovd. 
 yet is not altogether redundant, 
 because the author meant to say, 
 “ neither with the Lacedemonians 
 nor any others of the Greeks.” 
 
 προσκυνεϊν, like the Latin “ ado- 
 ror,” seems primarily to have 
 meant “ to place the hand on the 
 mouth and kiss it” ( κυω Eust. ad 
 Od. 8', 522. Germ. hilssen), in sign 
 of reverence, and thence to have 
 been applied to other acts of salu¬ 
 tation or religious homage, such 
 as bowing the head, genuflexion, 
 kneeling or prostration. Her. 7. 
 136. adds προσπίπτοντας, to de¬ 
 note the enforced prostration of 
 the Spartans before Darius. Comp. 
 Corn. Nep. Conon 3. An Egy¬ 
 ptian προσκυνησις may be seen, 
 Wilkinson, M. and C. 2. p. 222. 
 the head and hands are lowered 
 almost to the knees. 
 
 Sect. 81. κιθώνας Χινέους. “Χι- 
 τών ovv έστί Χεπτον Ιμάτιον νπο- 
 κάμισον, παρά το εγχεΐσθαι τοϊς 
 μέλεσι.” Suid. A great variety of 
 dresses appears upon Egyptian mo¬ 
 numents. “ The lower classes are 
 commonly clad in a short apron, 
 resembling the kilt of the High¬ 
 landers, or in short drawers. Priests 
 and persons of rank wore an under 
 garment similar to the apron, and 
 over it a loose upper robe with 
 fall sleeves, secured by a girdle 
 round the loins, or the apron and 
 a shirt with short tight sleeves, 
 over which was thrown a loose 
 robe, leaving the right arm ex¬ 
 posed.” Wilkinson, 3. 347.; who 
 observes that the calasiris, or frin¬ 
 ged tunic, mentioned by Her. does 
 not appear to have been generally 
 used, but that dresses are occa¬ 
 sionally represented with a fringe; 
 and pieces of cloth have been found 
 in the tombs with this kind of bor¬ 
 der. Kali, according to Jablonsky, 
 Voc. Eg. ed. Te Water, 1. p. 102. 
 signifies in Coptic leg. The χιτών 
 (Ion. κιθών), tunica, was a close- 
 fitting under-garment; the ίματί- 
 ov, called by Her. εϊμα, who never 
 uses ίματίον in this sense, was 
 thrown on over (έπαναβΧηΰόν'). 
 
 ου yap όσων. Most of the prac¬ 
 tices and prohibitions which form 
 a part of the ancient religions, in 
 
108 HERODOTUS. [11.82. 
 
 ταυτα τοισι ΟρφικοΊσι καλεομενοισι και Β ακ^ικόισι, εοΰσι δε 
 Α ιγυπτίοισι, και ΐΙνΘα"γορείοισι. ουδέ yap τούτων των opy^v 
 μετε^οντα όσιόν εστι εν ειρινεοισι είμασι θαφθηναι, εστι δε 
 περί αυτών ιρός \6yoQ \εyόμεvoQ. 
 
 Και ταΰε αλλα Α Ιγυπτίοισί εστι εζευρημενα * μείς τε και 
 ημερη έκαστη θεών ότεν εστι * και Ty έκαστος η pipy yεvo- 
 
 regard to dress, diet, ablutions, &e., 
 had originally a reference to health 
 and cleanliness; but having been 
 guarded by a religious sanction, 
 the idea of merit was attached to 
 their observance, and of impiety to 
 their neglect: and when the sim¬ 
 ple original motive was forgotten, 
 a lepos Xoyos, or a fanciful reason, 
 was devised to explain and dignify 
 the usage. In southern climates, 
 garments of animal materials en¬ 
 gender or harbour vermin, and 
 therefore their use was discounte¬ 
 nanced, and in religious rites for¬ 
 bidden in Egypt. “ Lana, segnis- 
 simi corporis excrementum, pecori 
 detracta, jam inde Orphei et Pytha- 
 gorse scitis profanus vestitus est. 
 Sed mundissima lini seges non mo- 
 do inductui et amictui sanctissimis 
 Egyptiorum sacerdotibus sed oper- 
 tui quoque rebus sacris.” Apul. 
 Apolog. p. 518. ed. Elmenh. 
 
 τοισι ’ΟρφικοΊσι καλεομενοισι. 
 The words which follow, και Βα κ- 
 γικοΊσι, εουσι ΰε Αιγνπτίοισι, are 
 wanting in the oldest MSS., and 
 were accordingly omitted by Wes- 
 seling, but have been restored by 
 subsequent editors. It has been 
 thought (Creuzer, Comm. He- 
 rodot. p. 167.) that their omis¬ 
 sion proceeded from the unwilling¬ 
 ness of the Greeks to have their 
 religious rites referred to Egypt; 
 and without them, καλεομενοισι 
 seems to want its proper contrast. 
 
 In this spirit Apollodorus, 1. 3. 
 attributes to Orpheus the inven¬ 
 tion of the Dionysiac mysteries. 
 The prohibition of woollen clothing 
 in the interment of those who par¬ 
 took in the Orphic mysteries anfi 
 the Pythagorean discipline was a 
 natural consequence of the disuse 
 of animal food. Hor. A. P. 391. 
 Ai άψυχου βοράί 2tirois καπήλευ’ 
 Όρφέα τ άνακτ Ζχων Β άκχενε. 
 Eur. Hipp. 955. where see Monk’s 
 note. Herodotus uses οργιά, like 
 μυστήρια, for a secret religion, with¬ 
 out reference to its enthusiastic cha¬ 
 racter ; a circumstance not neces¬ 
 sarily implied in οργιά, which is 
 probably derived not from οργή 
 but from εοργα (Lobeck Aglaophe- 
 mus, p. 305. note (e)), ερδω, like 
 operor in Latin, denoting speci¬ 
 fically tf a religious rite.” Pytha¬ 
 goras lived long in Egypt (Cic. 
 Fin.5.29. Porphyr.V.Pyth.§.ll.), 
 and was believed to have derived 
 much of his knowledge from the 
 priests : the society which he 
 founded resembled a priesthood 
 in the strictness of its rule, and 
 a mystery in the secrecy and gra¬ 
 dual communication of its doc¬ 
 trines. 
 
 Sect. 82. ore υ εστι' “ to whom 
 it belongsit is unnecessary to 
 supply ιρη. The number of the 
 gods was twelve, and to each of 
 them probably a month was as¬ 
 signed ; and as the subdivision of 
 
II. 83.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 109 
 
 μένος, ότεοισι έγκυρησει, και όκως τελευτήσει, και οκοιός τις 
 εσται. και τουτοισι τωυ 'Ελληυωυ οί ευ ποιήσει 'γενόμενοι 
 εχρησαντο. Τέρατα τε πλέα σφι άνευρηται η τοισι αλλοισι 
 άπασι άνθρωποισι. "γενομενου γαρ τέρατος, φυλάσσουσι •γρα¬ 
 φόμενοι τωποβαΊνον' και ην κοτε ύστερον παραπλήσιου του- 
 τω "γενηται, κατά τωυτό νομίζουσι άποβησεσθαι. Μαντική 83 
 δε αυτοΊσι ώδε διακεεται. ανθρώπων μεν ούδευί προσκεεται 
 η τέχνη, των δε θεωυ μετεζετεροισι . και γαρ Ηρακλέοε 
 μαντηιον αυτόθι έστί, και Απόλλωνος, και Α θηνα'ιης, καί 
 Αρτεμιΰος, και 'Αρεος, και Διοε' καί δγε ραλίστα ευ τιμή 
 αγονται πάντων των μαντηίων, Αητούς εν Βουτοι πολι έστί. 
 ου μεντοι αί γε μαντηιαι σφι κατά τωυτό εστάσι, αλλά δια- 
 
 tlie month into periods of seven 
 days must have been as ancient 
 as the bondage of the Jews in E- 
 gypt, and among the heathen na¬ 
 tions has been always connected 
 with the number of the planets, 
 this is probably what is meant by 
 each day belonging to a god. 
 
 έκαστος ημερρ γενόμενοε, i.e. 
 “ and according to the day on 
 which each man was born, what 
 events he will meet with, and how 
 he will die, and what sort of a 
 person he will be.” T rj is the Io¬ 
 nic dat. for rj, the relative being 
 used here form, as 2.121.2. γυω- 
 ρισθειε os ε’ίη. Matth. § 485. Of 
 this double use of the relative, see 
 note p. 7. 
 
 ol εν ποιήσει γενόμενοι. Os 
 άχρηστοι rots 7 τοΧΧοίε ol επιεικέ¬ 
 στατοι των εν φιΧοσοφίμ. Plat. 
 Rep. 6. 489. B. "Οσοι μεν ουν γρα- 
 φάε τε των παΧαιτερών ’Έχουσιν, 
 αυτοί τ’ εΐσίν εν μούσα is αεί. 
 Eur. Hipp. 454. with Valck. and 
 Monk’s notes. No poet prior to 
 the time of Herodotus, whose 
 works have come down to us or 
 are known by quotation, has treat¬ 
 
 ed of this system of horoscopy. 
 Bahr supposes that Her. had in 
 his view the precepts of Hesiod 
 ’Έργ. 763. seq. respecting lucky 
 and unlucky days, which however 
 have reference only to the moon. 
 
 γραφόμενοι, “ when a prodigy 
 has happened, recording it they 
 watch the result,” 1. 47. Croesus 
 commands the messengers whom 
 he sent to Delphi, ασσα ό’ αν εκα- 
 στα των χρηστηρίων θεσπίσρ συγ- 
 γραψαμενουε άναφέρειν παρ’ έωυ- 
 τόν. The force of the middle voice 
 is here preserved, since the record 
 enabled the messengers to acquit 
 themselves of their commission. 
 
 Sect. 83. ανθρώπων μεν ονόενι. 
 Compare note on 2. 57. Among 
 the Greeks, the art of divination 
 was hereditary in certain families, 
 as that of the Iamidse at Elis. 
 Pind. Ol. 6. 
 
 άγονται. 1. 134. ήκιστα τόνε 
 εωντών εκαστάτω οίκημενουε εν τι¬ 
 μή άγονται. 2. 172. εν ονΰεμιρ 
 μοίρρ μεγάΧρ ήγον. Of the va¬ 
 rious modes of Egyptian divina¬ 
 tion, see Isaiah xix. 3. which may 
 seem at variance with 2.57. 
 
110 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 84. 85. 
 
 84 φοροι εισι, Ή δε ιητρικη κατά τάδε σφι δεδασταί. μιης νου- 
 σου έκαστος ιητράς εστι, και ου πλεόνων. πάντα δ ιητρών 
 εστι πλεα. οι μεν yap, οφθαλμών ιητροι κατεστεασι' ο I δε, 
 κεφαλής' οι δε, οζόντων' οι δε, κατά νη8ύν' οι δε, τών 
 
 άφι 
 
 *ανεων νουσων. 
 
 85 θρήνοι δε καί ταφα'ι σφεων, εισι αιδε. τοΊσι άν άπογενηται 
 εκ τών οίκηιων άνθρωπος , του τις καί λόγος y, το θήλυ γένος 
 
 παν το εκ τών οικιών τούτων κατ ών ε 
 
 Ξπλά 
 
 ασατο την κε 
 
 φαλην 
 
 Sect. 84. πάντα S’ ιητρών εστι 
 πλέα. Od. S', 228. seq. of the drugs 
 and physicians of Egypt; ’I^rpos 
 Se έκαστος έπιστειμενος περί πάν¬ 
 των ’Ανθρώπων' ή yap ΐίαιηονός 
 εισι γενέθλης. Jerem.. xlvi. 11. 
 Besides its own productions, E- 
 gypt, by its commerce, obtained 
 those of Syria, Arabia, Africa, and 
 probably India, all countries rich 
 in medicinal herbs and shrubs. 
 Compare Genesis xxxvii. 25. 
 
 των άφανέων νουσων. “Les ma¬ 
 ladies internes.” Larcher. Better, 
 Miot; “ des maladies qui ne pa- 
 raissent point au dehors.” 
 
 Sect. 85. εκ τών οίκηιων άν¬ 
 θρωπος. I have departed here from 
 Gaisford’s text, who reads οικιών 
 in this and the following line. 
 There is no variety here in the 
 MSS. except that one reads in 
 both passages οίκιέων ; in the next 
 line the Passionei and AskewMSS. 
 read ο’ικίων, which I have also ad¬ 
 opted. “ To whomsoever a man 
 of their relations dies (provided he 
 be a man of any importance), all 
 the female sex belonging to these 
 households is accustomed to daub 
 the head or even the face with 
 mud.” Schw. objects, that if He¬ 
 rodotus had written οίκηιων ( i. e. 
 οικείων), he would have used the 
 gen. without εκ; but the partitive 
 
 gen., though it does not require, 
 does not reject the preposition. 
 8. 105. ’Εκ τούτων Si) τών ΙΊηόα^ 
 σέων 6 Έ| ομότιμος ην. Eur. El. 
 815. (820.) Έκ τών καλών κομ- 
 πονσι τοΊσι ΘεσσαλοΊς Ε ίναι toS’. 
 “ one of their accomplishments.” 
 Plat. Gorg. 525. Ε. έκ τών Svva- 
 μένων εισι καί οί σψόόρα πονηροί 
 γιγνόμενοι. Eur. Suppl. 909. Πολ¬ 
 λούς S’ έραστάς κάπυ θηλεΊων οσας 
 (’ίσας Pors. Adv. 241.). Matth. 
 § 322. Ohs. 2. 
 
 λόγος p. Matthiae § 527. fin. 
 observes, that άν is omitted with 
 the second relative, because the 
 second clause is dependent on the 
 first; but without this the sub¬ 
 junctive may be used with a rela¬ 
 tive or particle, without άν, if the 
 sense be general. Her, 4. 46. 
 ΤοΊσι yap μήτε άστεα μητε τείγεα 
 rj έκτισμένα άλλα πάντες έωσι ίπ- 
 ποτοζόται. 4. 66.τώνΣκνθέων τοϊσι 
 άνόρες πολέμιοι άραιρημένοι έωσι. 
 The subj. is not caused by άν, but 
 by the general nature of the pro¬ 
 position, which in common usage 
 is more distinctly pointed out by 
 the particle. 
 
 έκ τών οικιών. Her. 6. 58. 
 ανάγκη e£ οίκίης έκάστης έλενθέ- 
 ρονς όνο καταμιαίνεσθαι. The plu¬ 
 ral in the present instance is caused 
 by the reference of οικιών τούτων 
 
II. 86.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 Ill 
 
 πηΧώ η και το πρόσωπον. καπειτα εν τοΊσι οικίοισι Χιπούσαι 
 τον νεκρόν, αυτοί ανα την ττόλιρ στρωφώμεναι, τύπτονται 
 επεΖ,ωσμεναι, και φαίνουσαι toug μαΖ,ούε' συν δε σφι αι προσ - 
 ηκουσαι πασαι . ετερωθεν δε οι ανδρεε τύπτονται, επεΖ,ωσμενοι 
 και ούτοι. επεάν δε ταυτα ποιησωσι, ούτω εε την ταρίγ^ευσιν 
 κομίϊ,ουσι. Etnt δε οι επ αύτω τοντω κατεαται, και τεγνην 
 εγουσι ταύτην. ούτοι επεάν σφι κομισθτ) νεκρόε, δ εικνύασι 
 τούσι κομίσασι παραδείγματα νεκρών ζύΧινα, τη -γραφ ρ μεμι- 
 μημενα. και την μεν σπουδαιοτάτην αύτεων φασι είναι, τού ούκ 
 όσιον ποιεύμαι το ούνομα επι τοιούτω πρη^ματι ονομαζειν . την 
 δε δευτερην δεικνύασι ύποδεεστερην τε ταύτηε και εύτεΧεστε- 
 ρην · την δε τρίτην, εύτεΧεστάτην. φράσαντεε δε, πυνθανον- 
 ται 7 rap* αυτών κατά ηντινα βούΧονταί σφι σκευασθηναι τον 
 νεκρόν . οί μεν δη εκποδών , μισθω όμοΧο^ησαντεε, απαΧΧασ- 
 
 86 
 
 to τόίσι άν. Οικία (neut. plur.) in 
 Her. means only cedes, “ the build¬ 
 ing ;” οίκίη and ohos, domus, either 
 “ the building” or “ the family.” 
 See Schweighseuser’s Lex. 
 
 €7 τεζωσμέναι. It appears from 
 Diodorus, 1. 72., that they drew 
 down the garment so as to bare the 
 breast, and then passed the girdle 
 over the part thus folded back, to 
 prevent it from falling lower. See 
 Wilkinson, M. and C. 1.256. Av- 
 rai are “ the females living in the 
 house,” opposed to “ the female re¬ 
 latives,” αι προσηκονσαι πάσαι. 
 
 ούτω, “ita demum,” referring to 
 what precedes, “ not till this has 
 been done.” 2. 169. ούτω tb) 
 παραΰιύοϊ τον Άπρίην, “ then and 
 not till then.” 2. 85. ούτω θη- 
 σανρίζουσι. 2. 89. ούτω παραύι- 
 δούσι, “ turn demum.” 
 
 Sect. 86. οΐ επ αύτω τοντω κατ- 
 έαται. Many low trades and me¬ 
 chanical occupations were carried 
 on in the open air, or in sheds, by 
 artizans who sat on stools, and 
 
 thence καθησθαι with επί and a 
 dative was used for plying a trade 
 orbusiness. SeeValckenaer’snote. 
 Xen. Lac. c. 1. οί πολλοί των ταε 
 τέχνης έχόντων εύραίοί εισιν . 
 Ar. Plut. 162. 6 μεν γάρ αυτών 
 σκντοτομεί καθημε vos. Κατεαται 
 is Ionic for κάθηνται. The em- 
 balmers, from the nature of their 
 occupation, carried it on εν οίκη- 
 μασι, in covered apartments. 
 
 την μεν σπουδαιοτάτην, “ and 
 the most elaborate of them” (the 
 various ταριχεύσεις) “ they say is 
 that of Him whose name I do not 
 think it lawful to mention in such 
 a matter,” i. e. Osiris, whose body 
 was said to have been embalmed. 
 Athenag. Leg. pro Christ, p. 32. 
 The most expensive method cost, 
 according to Diodorus 1. 91., an 
 Attic talent, the next, twenty minse. 
 
 οι μεν δη έκποδών, — απαλλάσ¬ 
 σονται. To avoid the sight of the 
 incision of the body, which, though 
 a necessary part of the process, 
 was regarded with horror. 
 
112 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 86. 
 
 σονται * οι δε υποΧειπόμενοι εν οικημασι, ώ8β τα σπουδαιότατα 
 ταριγευονσι. πρώτα μεν σκοΧιω σιδηρω δια των μυζωτηρων 
 εζάγουσι τον εγκέφαλον, τα μεν αυτόν ουτω ε^άγοί'τεο, τα δε 
 δγχεοντες φάρμακα, μετά δε, Χίθω Αιθιοπικω όζει παρασχι- 
 σαντες παρά την Χαπάρην , εζ ων είΧον την κοιΧίην πάσαν' 
 εκκαθ^ραντες δε αυτήν, και διηθησαντεα οίνω φοινικηίο), αίιτις 
 διηθεουσι Θυμιημασι τετριμμενοισι. επειτα την νηδυν σμνρνης 
 άκηράτον τετριμμένης, και κασίης, και των άΧΧων Θυωμάτων, 
 πΧην Χιβανωτου, πΧησαντες, συρράπτουσι όπίσω. ταυτα δε 
 
 σκολιώ σιΰηρω. Athanasy says, 
 that in eighteen years’ researches 
 in Egypt, he has never met with an 
 implement of iron; all are of har¬ 
 dened bronze. Wilkinson infers, 
 however, from the blue colour of 
 some weapons represented in the 
 tomb of Remeses III., that the 
 Egyptians of an early Pharaonic 
 age were acquainted with the use 
 of iron, 3. 241. 7. 
 
 ra eyyeovres φάρμακα, “part¬ 
 ly by infusion of drugs.” This 
 does not refer to the introduction 
 of resinous substances into the ca¬ 
 vity of the head, such as are some¬ 
 times found there, but of some 
 solvent, to bring away those parts 
 which the hook could not extract. 
 
 Χίθω Αιθιοπικω. A black flint. 
 
 Cl 
 
 (such as formed the arrow-heads 
 of the Ethiopians, 7.69.) of which 
 kind specimens have been found 
 in the tombs of Thebes, Wilk. 3. 
 261. The use of such an instru¬ 
 ment shows the high antiquity of 
 embalment. So the Romans re¬ 
 tained the use of a flint in the 
 sacrifice of a hog by the fetialis. 
 Liv. 1. 24. 
 
 παρασχίσαντεε, “having made 
 a lateral incision along the flank.” 
 It appears from the mummies to 
 have been made on the left side. 
 
 κοιλίη properly denotes, the ca¬ 
 vity of the body, but is here used 
 for the contents; vrfivs (perhaps 
 connected with neath , nether ), the 
 belly, as the lower cavity; but here 
 the whole cavity, as in the account 
 of the sepulture of the Scythian 
 kings, 4. 71. On the other hand, 
 2. 87. κοιΧίη is used for the cavity, 
 and νηΰΰε for the contents. 
 
 ΰιηθεΊν is “ to wash and strain 
 off,” properly, in a sieve or colan¬ 
 der : this was twice done; once in 
 palm wine, and once with pounded 
 spices. There is no allusion here 
 to filling the cavity with spices, 
 the mention of which follows. 
 Herodotus does not say what is 
 done with the contents of the ca¬ 
 vity. Porphyry (see Larcher) says, 
 that they were thrown into the 
 river, after a prayer to the Sun, in 
 which all the evil which the de¬ 
 ceased had done was laid to their 
 charge ; and Plutarch agrees with 
 him in the general fact. Accord¬ 
 ing to Athanasy, they were some¬ 
 times placed in the vases called 
 Canopi, of which practice an ex¬ 
 ample may be seen in the Florence 
 Museum, sometimes wrapped up 
 in linen. The process which Her. 
 describes was evidently intended 
 for their preservation. 
 
II. 86.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 113 
 
 ποιησαστες, ταρι^ευονσι Χίτρω, κρυφαστες ημέρας εβδομη¬ 
 κοστά' πΧευσας δέ τουτεωσ ουκ εζεστι ταριγ^ευεισ. επεασ δε 
 τταρεΧθωσι αι εβδομηκοστά, Χουσαστες τδσ σεκρδσ, κατειΧίσ- 
 σουσι πασ αυτόν το σώμα σισδόσος βυσσίνης τεΧαμώσι κατα - 
 
 Χίτρω, not nitre, though the later 
 Greek writers use νίτρον for XI- 
 rpov, (Mceris, 246.) but natron, 
 soda in a mineral state, which is 
 found in great quantity in the 
 neighbourhood of Egypt, in a se¬ 
 ries of lakes in what is called the 
 Bahr be la ma, or River without 
 water, a valley running nearly par¬ 
 allel to the Canopic branch of the 
 Nile. The alkali, combining with 
 the fatty particles, leaves the fi¬ 
 brous part of the flesh behind. If 
 the process were continued too 
 long, this also would be corroded, 
 as has actually taken place in some 
 mummies, and even the space of 
 seventy days seems too long. Diod. 
 (1.91.) makes it last thirty or forty, 
 agreeably to Gen. 1. 3., where se¬ 
 venty days appear to include the 
 whole period of mourning. 
 
 σινδόσοε βυσσίνηε τεΧαμώσι, 
 “ with bandages cut in strips of a 
 sheet of byssus.” After an extra¬ 
 ordinary variety of conflicting 
 statements, it appears now to be 
 settled that the bandages of the 
 mummies are really of linen, not 
 cotton. See Thomson in Phil. Mag. 
 Nov. 1834. Wilk. 3. 115. Herod, 
 was acquainted with cotton, which 
 he calls (3. 47.) ε'ίριον απο ζνΧον, 
 (7. 65.) of the dresses of the Indi¬ 
 ans in Xerxes’ army; and from the 
 manner in which (3.106.) he speaks 
 of the cotton tree as peculiar to In¬ 
 dia, we may conclude that he did 
 not know of its growth in Egypt. 
 But as he also speaks of linen in 
 Egypt (2. 81.), what did he mean 
 
 by byssine ? Perhaps it was a name 
 used in commerce for linen cloth 
 in the piece, imported from Syria 
 and of a coarser quality than Egy¬ 
 ptian linen ; in the other instance 
 in which he employs it (7. 181.), 
 it is in the same combination as 
 here, σινΰόνος βυσσίνηε τεΧαμώσι. 
 Of σιιώώσ, see 2. 95. Of the later 
 cultivation of cotton in Egypt, Jul. 
 Poll. 7. 75., and the use of cotton 
 garments by the Egyptian priests, 
 there can be no doubt. Plin. N.H. 
 19. 1. Rosellini has found the 
 seeds of the plant in a vessel. 
 B ΰσσοε, in Paus. Eliac. 5., is gene¬ 
 rally considered to be cotton, but 
 there is nothing in his description 
 which necessarily implies this, nor 
 I believe does any ancient author 
 identify βΰσσοε with έριόζυΧον, or 
 gossypium, the proper name of cot¬ 
 ton. Pollux, in the passage cited 
 before, says, η βΰσσοε Χίνον u el£os 
 7 rap’ ’Irbols. The word does 
 not occur in Scripture earlier than 
 Ezek. xxvii. 16., and it is there 
 spoken of as a Syrian manufac¬ 
 ture; whereas xxvii. 7., where the 
 linen of Egypt is spoken of, it is 
 called which (or Ό) is 
 
 used in the Pentateuch and earlier 
 books. The βνσσοε was of a gold¬ 
 en colour (Paus. u. s.); such flax 
 Syria still produces (Robinson’s 
 Travels, ch. 18.), and hence the 
 name was applied to silk (Strabo, 
 lib. 15. p. 987.), a circumstance 
 which has involved the subject in 
 still further confusion. 
 
 1 
 
114 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 87. 
 
 τετμημενοισι, υποχρίυντεε τω κόμμι, τω δή αντί κόΧΧηε τα 
 πολλά γρεωνται Αιγύπτιοι, ενθευτεν δε παρα^εζάμενοί μιν οι 
 ττροσηκοντεε, ποιευνται ζυΧινον τύπον ανθρωποει$εα * ττοιησα- 
 μενοι δέ, εσεργνυσι τον νεκρόν * και κατακΧηίσαντεε ουτω Θη - 
 σαυρ'ιΖ,ουσι εν οικηματι θηκαίω, ιστάντεε ορθον ττροε το?χου. 
 Ουτω μεν τόνε τα πολυτελέστατα σκευαζουσι νεκρουε * τουι; 
 δε τα μέσα βουΧομενουε, την δε ποΧντεΧη'ίην φευγονταε, 
 σκευάζουσι ώδε. επεαν τόνε κΧυστηραε πΧησωνται του απδ 
 κε$ρου αΧείφατοε γινομένου, εν ών επΧησαν τον νεκρού την 
 κοιΧ'ιην, ούτε αναταμοντεε αυτόν, ούτε ε^ελουτεε τηυ νη(>ύν, 
 κατα δε τί]υ ε$ρην εσηθησαντεε' και επιΧαβόντεε το κΧυσμα 
 τηε οττίσω οδού, ταριχευουσι ταε ττροκειμεναε ημεραε' τρ δέ 
 τελευταίο? έ^ιεισι έ /c τί?ι; κοιΧίηε την κεΰρίην, την εσηκαν ττρο- 
 τερον' η δέ έχει τοσαυτην δ υναμιν, ώστε αμα έιυυτρ την νηΰνν 
 
 κόμμι, Gummi Arabicum, the 
 product of the Egyptian acacia, 
 mimosa Nilotica, 2. 96. The ban¬ 
 dages of the mummies are found 
 to he smeared with this resin. 
 
 ί,νΧινον τόπον. See note on 2. 
 106. This is the exterior case of 
 the mummy ; there is commonly 
 an interior one, also of wood, ουτω 
 θησανρίζουσι, 2. 85. ad fin. 
 
 οικηματι θηκαίω. Ο'ίκημα was 
 the appropriate word for a covered 
 apartment, 2. 100. or hypogceum, 
 and θηκη for the sepulchral reposi¬ 
 tory, 2. 69. It appears from the 
 papyri published by Pezron, 1.81., 
 that annual processions and cere¬ 
 monies (Χειτονργίαι) in honour of 
 the dead took place, to perform 
 which was the office of a set of 
 persons named XOAXYTAI (“li¬ 
 bation pourers”), not XOAXYTAI, 
 as the word has been read. See 
 Dublin Univ. Mag. No. 3. 
 
 Sect. 87. The close of the last 
 section and the beginning of this 
 cohere closely together. “ And 
 
 thus they prepare the dead who 
 desire the most costly process ; 
 but those who desire the middle 
 process, and shun expense, they 
 prepare thus.” In the commence¬ 
 ment of Section 86. the relations 
 are said to fix; but no doubt the 
 person to be interred often deter¬ 
 mined his own mode of embalm¬ 
 ment before hand. 
 
 επιΧαβόντεε τηε όπίσω oSov. 
 Έπιλ. is “to lay the hand upon,” 
 thence “ to check ;” επίΧαβε to 
 υόωρ, “ stop the water,” was the 
 common phrase in commanding 
 the person who had the charge of 
 the clepsydra not to let the water 
 run during the reading of a docu¬ 
 ment which was not to reckon as 
 a part of the orator’s speech. Dem. 
 p. 1103. It is here used, like 
 βΧάπτειν in Horn. Od. a', 195. 
 with a gen. of the result from 
 which any one is to be prevented. 
 Od. cT, 380. Πεδαα και εόησε κε- 
 Χευθον. Matth. § 338. but the 
 phrase belongs rather to § 353. 3. 
 
II. 88. 89» 90.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 115 
 
 και τα σπΧάγγνα κατατετηκότα εξάγει' τάε δε σάρκαε το Χί- 
 τρον κατατηκει' και 8η Χείπεται του νεκρού το 8ερμα μουνον, 
 και τα οστεα. επεαν δε ταντα ποιησωσι, άπ ών ε8ωκαν ουτω 
 τον νεκρόν , ου8εν ετι πρηγματευθεντεε. Ή δε τρίτη ταρί- 88 
 γμευσίε εστι η8ε, η τουε γ^ρημασι άσθενεστερονε σκευάζει, συρ- 
 μαίη 8ιηθησαντεε την κοιΧίην, ταριγενουσι τάε εβάομηκοντα 
 ημεραε , και επειτα άπ’ ών ε8ωκαν άποφερεσθαι. Taq δε γυ~ 89 
 ναΊ,καε των επιφανίων άνάρών, επεάν τεΧευτησωσι, ου παραυ- 
 τίκα 8ι8ουσι ταριγ^ενειν, ου8ε οσαι αν ώσι ευει8εεε κάρτα και 
 Χόγου πΧευνοε γυναΊκεε' αΧΧ επεαν τριταίαι η τεταρταΓιαι 
 γενωνται, ουτω παρα8ι8ουσι τυίίσι ταριγευουσι . ' Οε δ’ ay η 90 
 
 αυτών Αιγυπτίων, η ζείνων ομοίωε, υπο κροκο8είΧου άρπαγθειε 
 
 κατατετηκότα έζάγει. The oil 
 of cedar, though a powerful pre¬ 
 ventive of putrefaction, has no 
 such power of dissolving animal 
 substances as Her. attributes to it. 
 
 Sect. 88. χρημ ασι άσθενεστέ- 
 povs. Ar. Pax, 619. Tovs πένητας 
 άσθει Ovvras κάττορουντας αλφί¬ 
 των. Xen. Rep. Lac. 10. 4. Ουδέν 
 νπ ελογίσατο ούτε σωμάτων ούτε 
 χρημάτων ασθένειαν. 
 
 σνρμαίρ. From 2. 125. it ap¬ 
 pears that this was some esculent 
 vegetable, raphanus sativus, “ ra¬ 
 dish here, an infusion of the 
 same plant. The name, however, 
 seems to have been more exten¬ 
 sively used for purgative mixtures. 
 Comp, συρμαιζειν, 2.57. Hes.s.v. 
 Τίόμα δι υδατος και αλών. There 
 were some modes of making mum¬ 
 mies even cheaper than this: in 
 one, the corpse was merely filled 
 with salt; in another, with ashes; 
 in another, with chips of bitter 
 wood. 
 
 Sect. 89. Χόγου πλευνος. Comp. 
 
 85. init. 
 
 τριταίαι η τεταρταίαι. It is the 
 peculiarity of the adjectives of this 
 
 i 2 
 
 formation, that they agree with the 
 object by a reference to the action 
 or condition of which the lapse of 
 days is numbered, not with the 
 days that have elapsed. Their 
 most common use is to denote the 
 days that have elapsed since the 
 commencement of a journey, or 
 since death. John xi. 39. Κύριε, 
 ηδη όζει, τεταρταίος γάρ εστι. 
 Buttmann (Ausf. Gr. § 71. Obs.6.) 
 derives them from the elliptic fe¬ 
 minine of the ordinals ; η δεύτερα, 
 “the second daybut other words 
 have adj. with a similar termina¬ 
 tion ; σκοταίος, κνεφαίος, κοιταίος. 
 See Blomfield’s Remarks on Matth. 
 §144. Euripides, Hipp. 275. Hec. 
 3 2. makes the adj. in aios agree with 
 the time, not the person. 
 
 Sect.90. υπό κροκοδείλου. Accor¬ 
 ding to AEdian, Hist. Anim. 10.21., 
 when children were carried off by 
 crocodiles their mothers rejoiced, 
 as if their children had served for 
 food to the god. The Indian be¬ 
 lief that those who are drowned 
 by the waters of the Ganges have 
 their future happiness thereby se¬ 
 cured, is well known. 
 
116 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 91. 
 
 η υττ αυτού τού ποταμού φαίνηται τεθνηώε, κατ ην αν πολιν 
 εζενειγ^θφ, τούτουε πάσα ανάγκη εστ\ ταριγεύσανταε αυτόν, 
 και περιστείλανταε ώε κάλλιστα , θάψαι εν Ipyat θηκησι. ούδε 
 φαύσαι εζεστι αυτου άλλον ovSeva , ούτε των προσηκόντων, 
 ούτε των φίλων * αλλα μιν οί ίρεεε αυτοί οί του Νείλου, άτε 
 πλέον τι η ανθρώπου νεκρόν , γειραπτάζοντεε θάπτουσι . 
 
 1 ΕίλληνικοΊσι δε νομαίοισι φεύγουσι γ^ράσθαι' τό δε συμπαν 
 ειπείν, μη$ άλλων μηδαμά μηδαμών ανθρώπων νομαίοισι. οι μεν 
 νυν άλλοι Αιγύπτιοι ουτω τούτο φυλάσσουσι. εστι δε Νεμμιε 
 πόλιε μεγάλη νομού τού θηβαικού , εγγύε Νεηε πόλιοε· εν 
 
 ταυτή τη πόλι εστι Τίερσεοε 
 
 κατ ην άν πόΧιν — τούτους. 5. 
 92. 5. ην οΧιγαργ^ίη και υύτοι 
 Βακχια^αι καΧεόμενοι ένεμον την 
 πόλιν . With an adverb of place, 9. 
 1. 6κον έέ έκαστο τε γίνοιτο tov¬ 
 tovs τταρεΧάμβανε. With a com¬ 
 pound substantive, 4. 110. έντν- 
 'χονσαι ιππ οψορβίιρ τοντο έη'ιρ- 
 πασαν' και επί τοντων ιππαζόμε- 
 ναι έΧηιζοντο . In all these cases 
 the antecedent is involved in the 
 root or in the sense, though not 
 distinctly expressed. 
 
 Sect. 91. ψεΰγονσι -χράσθαι — 
 μηύ. 4. 76. speaking of the Scy¬ 
 thians, Her. says, ΕεινικοΊσι Ιέ νο¬ 
 μαίοισι και οντοι αίνώς ^ράσθαι 
 ψενγονσι, μη τι ye ών άΧΧηΧων, 
 ΈΧΧηνικοΤσι έε καί ήκιστα., where 
 καί οντοι seems to refer to the same 
 character already given of the E- 
 gyptians. On that passage Her¬ 
 mann observes, ad Vig. p. 804. 
 “ μη et ήκιστα dicuntur non ad 
 verbum ψενγονσι sed ad senten- 
 tiam, quee est ον ·χρώνται, relata.” 
 Of the repetition of the negative 
 see Matth. § 609. p. 1081. 
 
 ούτω, “to such a degree as I 
 have said.” 
 
 Χέμμις, now called Akhmim by 
 
 του Δανάηε ίρον τετράγωνον * 
 
 an evident corruption of the an¬ 
 cient name, by the Greeks called 
 Πα vottoXis , stood on the eastern 
 side of the Nile, N. lat. 26° 40'. 
 It w v as one of the oldest cities of 
 Egypt, and derived its name from 
 the god who had there a splendid 
 temple. Steph. Byz. s. v. Πανό$. 
 Neapolis must have been a Greek 
 settlement, probably adjacent to 
 Chemmis, but nothing more is 
 known of it; and the adoption of 
 Greek customs, and the accom¬ 
 modation of Egyptian tradition, 
 are hence to be accounted for. 
 The island of Chemmis (2. 156.) 
 was in Lower Egypt. 
 
 Περσβοί τον Δανάης. Comp. 6. 
 53. where the Dorian chiefs are 
 deduced through Perseus from E- 
 gypt. As we have already seen 
 that under the names of Hercules 
 and Io, Egyptian divinities, whose 
 worship had been carried by the 
 Phoenicians in remote times to 
 Greece, were converted into heroic 
 personages and made the founders 
 of Grecian dynasties, we shall have 
 no difficulty in conceiving, that the 
 same thing may have happened in 
 regard to Perseus ; for it is incre- 
 
II. 91.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 117 
 
 περιζ δε αυτου φοίνικεε, πεφυκασι’ τα δε πρόπυλα του ίρου 
 Αίοινα εστι, καρτα μεγαλα επι οε αυτοισι ανοριαντεε, όνο 
 εστασι λίθινοι μεγάλοι, εν δε τω περιβεβλημενω τουτω νηοη 
 τε ενι, καί άγαλμα εν αυτω ενεστηκε του Π ερσεοα. ουτοι οί 
 Χεμμδται λεγουσι τον ΐίερσεα πολλάκι μεν άνά την γην φαί- 
 νεσθαί σφι, πολλάκι δε εσω του ίρου. σαν8άλιον τε αυτου 
 πεφορημενον ευρίσκεσθαι , εον το μεγαθοε $ίπηγυ' το επεάν 
 φανί 1 , ευθηνεειν άπασαν Αίγυπτον . ταυτα μεν λεγουσι. ποιευσι 
 
 dible, and in direct contradiction 
 to the account of Herodotus, that 
 a Grecian prince should really have 
 been worshiped in one of the an¬ 
 cient cities of Egypt. Which among 
 the Egyptian gods Perseus repre¬ 
 sented, it is difficult to say; the 
 name, which appears to be derived 
 from πέρθω, “to burn,” would lead 
 to the conclusion that he was not 
 very different from the god of solar 
 fire, whom Hercules also represent¬ 
 ed. According to the mythologists, 
 he is the great-grandfather of Her¬ 
 cules, and the descent through’Av- 
 δρομέδα(“ the masculine-minded”), 
 *A λκαϊοε, ’Αλκμήνη, with the cor¬ 
 responding one of Σθένελοε, Άλκι- 
 νόη, E υρυσθεΰε, or Ευρυσθένηε, is 
 evidently made up of names allu¬ 
 sive to strength. The Ethiopia of 
 the story of Andromeda was, ac¬ 
 cording to Plin. 5. 14., Joppa in 
 Phoenicia. 
 
 ipov τετράγωνον. The view of 
 the ruins of the temple at Apolli- 
 nopolis Magna, given in the Lon¬ 
 don edition of Denon’s Travels, 
 pi. 35., will illustrate the simplest 
 plan of an Egyptian temple. The 
 whole rectangular space is sur¬ 
 rounded by a wall, constituting a 
 ιερόν τετράγωνον. At the entrance 
 are two lofty πρόπυλα, or, as mo¬ 
 dern travellers call them, “pylones,” 
 
 a name which more properly be¬ 
 longs to the entrance-gateway, be¬ 
 tween the two πρόπυλα. Diod. 1. 
 47. Beyond this is a court sur¬ 
 rounded with a colonnade, and op¬ 
 posite to the entrance the ναόε, or 
 ‘ ‘ cella,” the proper temple, in which 
 the statue of the god was placed. 
 What Her. calls το περιβεβλημέ- 
 vov is also called περίβολοε, “ the 
 whole enclosure,” 1. 181. Speak¬ 
 ing (3. 60.) of the temple of Juno 
 at Samos, he calls it μέγιστοε πάν¬ 
 των νηών των νμεΐε 'ίδμεν, from 
 which it by no means follows that 
 the ιερόν exceeded any of those of 
 Egypt. The inmost part of the 
 ναόε , the άδυτον, “penetrale,” was 
 called μεγαρυν, 8. 37., 7. 140., 2. 
 143. 
 
 σανδάλιον. 4. 82. ’Ίχνοε 'Ηρα- 
 κλέοε ψαίνονσι (the Scythians) εν 
 πέτρρ ενεόν, τό οίκε μεν βήμα τι 
 άνδρόε, εστι δε τό μέγαθοε δίπη-χυ. 
 In the present instance it was the 
 sandal of the god itself, which in¬ 
 dicated his having left his shrine 
 and traversed the land to bless it 
 with especial fertility. The san¬ 
 dals of Perseus ( πέδιλα ) are repre¬ 
 sented by Hesiod (Scut. Here. 220.) 
 as winged. 
 
 ευθηνεειν. E υθηνία, as the god¬ 
 dess of abundance, especially of 
 corn, appears on the coins of Au- 
 
118 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 92. 
 
 δε τάδε Ελληνικά τώ Πείσει* αγώνα γυμνικον τιθεισι διά 
 πάσης άγωνιης εχοντα* 7 ταρεγοντες άεθλα, κτηνεα και χλαι- 
 vac και δέρματα, ειρομενου δε μευ δ τι σφι μουνοισι εωθε ο 
 ΤΙερσευς επιφαινεσθαι , και ο τι κεχωμίδαται Αιγυπτίων των 
 άλλων, αγώνα γυμνικον τι θεντες, εφασαν te τον Πεμσεα εκ της 
 εωυτών πόλιος γεγονεναι* τον γάμ Δαναόν και τον Αυγκεα, 
 εονταυ Χεμμίται;, εκπλώσαι ες την Ελλάδα/’ άπο δε τού¬ 
 των γενεηλογεοντες, κατεβαινον ες τον ΥΙερσεα. u άπικομενον 
 δε αυτόν eq Αίγυπτον, κατ’ αιτ'ιην την και ' Ελληνεη λεγουσι, 
 οΐσοντα εκ Λιβύην την Γομγουι; κεφαλήν εφασαν, ελθειν και 
 παρά σφεας, και άναγνώναι τους συγγενεαι; πάνταα* εκ- 
 μεμαθηκότα δε μιν άπικεσθαι ες Αίγυπτον το τηο Χεμμιος 
 if οννομ α, πεπυσμενον παρά της μητρός' αγώνα δε οί γυμνικον, 
 “ αυτόν κελευσαντος , επιτελεειν.” 
 
 Ταυτα μεν πάντα οί κατυπερθε των ελεών οικεοντες Αιγύ¬ 
 πτιοι νομίζουσι. οί δε δη εν τοΐσι ελεσι κατοικημενοι, τοΊσι 
 μεν αυτοΊσι νομοισι γρεωντα ι τοΐσι καί οι άλλοι Αιγύπτιοι* 
 καί τά άλλα, καί γυναικί μιρ έκαστος αυτών συνοικεει, κατά- 
 
 u ' 
 (( 
 
 τ< 
 
 <ί 
 ίί 
 ίί 
 
 gustus and succeeding emperors, 
 sometimes with the addition of a 
 crocodile or the Nile. Eckhel. Cat. 
 1. 272. Millin Gal. Mythol. fig. 
 379. 
 
 iha ττάσης άγωνίηζ άγοντα, 
 “ extending through every spe¬ 
 cies of contest,” running, wrest¬ 
 ling, boxing, &c. 2. 121. 1. es 
 
 ro εξω pepos rrjs οίκίηε εγειν, 
 “ extended to the exterior part 
 of the palace.” In the Mem. sur 
 l’Egypte 4. p. 344., representa¬ 
 tions are given of wrestling, from 
 the grotto of Ben y Hassan, with 
 the remark that no other trace of 
 gymnic games has been found. 
 Wilk. 3. 437. 
 
 γλαίνα s και δέρματα. “ Chlcenas 
 in Pellenes urbe datas esse canit 
 Pindar. 01. 9. 146. Nem. 10. 82. 
 
 Pelles victoribus datas vel Homerus 
 probat, II. ψ', 159. De pecudibus 
 res nota.” Bahr. 
 
 κεγωρίδαται, “ are distinct,” ac¬ 
 cording to the force of the perfect. 
 See p. 56. 
 
 Sect. 92. οι κατΰπ. τ. ε. οίκέον- 
 res, i. e. those who inhabited την 
 σπειρομένην Αίγυπτον, 2. 77. The 
 cause of the monogamy of this part 
 of Egypt, though polygamy pre¬ 
 vailed in the rest (Diod. 1. 80.), 
 was probably poverty, which in 
 Mahometan countries confines the 
 middle and lower classes to one 
 wife, though polygamy is allowed 
 by the Koran. 
 
 The use of και τα άλλα, καί, 
 for τά μέν άλλα — ^e, is very un¬ 
 common. 
 
II. 92.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 119 
 
 ττερ 'ΈιΧΧηνεε· A ταρ προε ευτεΧεην των αιτίων τα δε σφι 
 αλλα εζευρηται. εττεάν πΧηρηε γενηται ο ττοταμόε, και τα πε¬ 
 δία πελαγίσρ, φύεται εν τω υδατι κρ'ινεα πολλά, τα Αιγύπτιοι 
 καΧεονσι Χωτον' ταυτα επεαν εϊρεψωσι, αυαίνουσι ττρόε ηΧιον' 
 και επειτα το εκ του μέσον τον Χωτον τ\ί μηκωνι εον εμφερεε , 
 πτίσαντεε, ττοιευνται εζ αυτόν άρτονε οπτονε ττυρί. εστι δε και 
 η ρίζα του Χωτον τούτον εάωάίμη, καί εγγλύσσει επιεικεωε , 
 εον στρογγυλόν, peyaOoc κατά μηΧον. ^Εστι δε και αλλα 
 κρίνεα ροάοισι εμφερεα , εν τω ττοταμω "γινόμενα και ταυτα* 
 εξ ών ο καρττοε ev αλλρ κάΧυκι τταραφυομενΎ) εκ τηε ρίζηε 
 
 άτ'αρ answers, instead of be, to 
 τοϊσί μεν, “before.” Soph.Trach. 
 763. Br. τανροκτυνεϊ per, όώύεκ 
 evTeXels εγων, Aetas απαρχήν, 
 (Sobs’ άτάρ τά πάνθ’ όρου 'Εκατόν 
 προσηγε. Od. b', 31. ον ρέν is fol¬ 
 lowed by άταρ pev. 
 
 ευτελέην, “ for cheapness of 
 food,” their country not allowing 
 the cultivation of corn. With 
 words involving the idea of a bur¬ 
 den, ευ has a diminishing force; 
 ευτελη$, “ light of payment,” 
 “ cheap ;” εύωροε, “ negligent.” 
 
 πελαγίσρ, 1 . 185. the same verb 
 is used intransitively, έώθεε 6 ποτα- 
 pos άνά το πεόίον παν πελαγίζειν 
 2. 97. 3. 117. ro πεΰίον πέλαγος 
 ' γίνεται, evbibovros του ποταμού. 
 Πέλα yos is “a wide, open, or deep 
 sea;” πόντοι {pond), an “enclosed 
 sea;” θάλασσα, “sea generally,” 
 as opposed to land. 
 
 λωτόν. The first species men¬ 
 tioned by Herodotus, the Nymphcea 
 Lotus of Linnaeus, with a white flow¬ 
 er, still grows in Lower Egypt, as 
 does the N. ccerulea, and the root, 
 which is like that of a potato, fur¬ 
 nishes the inhabitants with food. 
 The second, the Nymphcea Nclum- 
 ho, of a rose colour (ρόόοισι ep - 
 ψερεα), has not been found in mo¬ 
 
 dern Egypt, but grows in India: 
 it appears, however, frequently in 
 the Egyptian painting and scul¬ 
 pture. 
 
 εον στρογγυλόν, “ a round 
 thing.” 3. 108. η be λέαινα έόν 
 ισγυρότατον, “a strong and bold 
 creature.” 
 
 εν άλλρ κάλυνι. 3. 100. κάλυζ 
 is used for the husk of the rice; 
 TEschyl. Ag. 1364. for the germi¬ 
 nating grain : the idea of an invo- 
 lucrum is essential to it, and there¬ 
 fore it cannot be rendered, as by 
 Larcher, stalk. Herodotus, who 
 calls the lotus a lily, seems to have 
 in view the ordinary growth of the 
 lily, in which the leaves and the 
 flower are protruded from the root 
 under one covering; the flower of 
 the lotus, on the contrary, grows 
 up εν άλλτι κάλνκι, “ in a separate 
 covering,” and really on a distinct 
 stalk, though this is not what the 
 Greek means. A drawing of all 
 the species of lotus may be seen 
 in the botanical plates to the Ddscr. 
 de l’Egypte, and that of N. A T e- 
 lurnbo (pi. 61.) will show the great 
 accuracy of Herodotus’ descrip¬ 
 tion. See too Rennell’s Geogr. of 
 Her. 2. 293. 
 
120 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 93 . 
 
 γίνεται, κηρ'ιω σφηκών ιδέην οροίοτατον. εν τουτω τρωκτά 
 όσον τε ττυρην εΧαίηε έγγίνεται συχνά, τρώγεται δε καί απαλά 
 ταυτα και αύα. Την δε βύβΧον την επέτειον yιvoμεvηv } έπεάν 
 άνασπάσωσι εκ των ελεών, τα μεν άνω αυτής άποτάρνοντες, 
 ές άλλο τι τράπουσ ι* το δε κάτω ΧεΧειμμενον οσον τε επί πη~ 
 χυν, τρώγουσι, και πωλέουσι. οί δε αν και κάρτα βουΧωνται 
 χρηστή τρ βυβΧω χράσθαι, εν κΧιβάνω δ ιαφανει πνί^αντες, 
 ουτω τρώγουσι. Οί δε τινες αυτών Ζ,ώσι άπο των ιχθύων 
 μοννων * τους έπεάν Χάβωσι, και εζεΧωσι την κοιΧ'ιην , αυαί- 
 νουσι προς ήλιον, και έπειτα αυους εόνταο, σιτεονται . 
 
 Οί δε ιχθύες οί αγελαίοι, εν ρέν τοΤσι ποταρο Ίσι ου μάΧα 
 γίνονται* τρεφόμενοι δε εν τρσι λίρνρσι, τοιάδε ποιευσι. έπεάά 
 σφεας έσίρ οίστρος κυισκεσθαι , αγεληδόν έκπλώουσι ές την θά¬ 
 λασσαν. ηγεονται δε οί έρσενες, άπορραίνοντες του θορου * αί 
 δε, επόμενοι άνακάπτουσι , καί έ£ αυτου κυίσκονται. έπεάν δε 
 
 es άλλο τι τράπουσι. The upper 
 part of the byblus or papyrus was 
 used for paper, for sails, clothing, 
 mats, caulking of ships (2. 96.), 
 and a variety of purposes. Plin. 
 N. H. 13. 11. The work just re¬ 
 ferred to contains drawings of this 
 plant also. 
 
 κάρτα — χρηστή — χράσθαι, “ to 
 have it very good,” 2 . c. good as 
 concerns the cooking; “ delicatam 
 admodum,” Schw. ev κλ. cha<p. 
 “ in a red-hot stove,” or, as we 
 should say, “ by a quick fire.” 
 
 πνιξα vres is explained by Hes. 
 οπτήσαντες. elsewhere it means 
 “ to stew” 
 
 άπο των Ιχθύων μούνων. 5. 6. 
 το ζην άπο ποΧέμον και Χηίστύος, 
 κάΧΧιστον. 2, 36· άπο πνρέων και 
 κριθεων ζωονσι. 4. 22. 23. 46.103. 
 “ Herodotus enim maxime delec- 
 tatus est hac forma loquendi: imi- 
 tatus earn est Xen. Cyr. 3. 2. 12. 
 ειθισμένοι άπο ποΧέμον βιοτενειν” 
 
 Fisch. ad Well. 3. 2. p. 106. Of 
 
 the modes of catching and pre¬ 
 paring fish in Egypt, see Wilk. 3. 
 51. seq. 
 
 Sect. 93. ποταμοϊσι, “the run¬ 
 ning streams,” as opposed to λίρ- 
 νρσι, “ the standing waters.” 
 
 άπορραίνοντες τον θορον' “ scat¬ 
 tering a portion of their milt;” so 
 afterwards, των γάρ ώών άπορραί- 
 νονσι, “ a portion of their eggs.” 
 
 άνακάπτουσι, “gobbleup.” κάπ - 
 τειν’ χανΰον εσθίειν, Eust. Od. B' r 
 40. p.1481. KaVrw, also written 
 χάπτω (according to Eust. ibid, the 
 vulgar pronunciation), is one of a 
 large class of words, of which the 
 root is X, a letter which, being 
 guttural and formed by a deep 
 opening of the fauces , gives the 
 general meaning of a containing 
 hollow. The simplest form is Χω, 
 the root from which, by the eupho¬ 
 nic prefix of σ (as in σμικρός, στέγω, 
 tego, σφάΧΧω, folio ,) came σχείν ; 
 of e, ε,χειν ; thence χάω, χάος, “ a 
 gaping hollow,” χαίνω, “toyawn,” 
 
II. 93.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 121 
 
 πληρεες γενωνται εν τη θαλάσση, άναπλώουσι όπίσω ες ηθεα 
 τα εωυτων έκαστοι . ηγεονται μεντοι ye ουκετι οι αυτοί, αλλά 
 των θηλεων γίνεται η ήγεμονίη. ηγευμεναι δε αγεληδόν, ποι- 
 ευσι οιόν περ εποίευν οι ερσενες' των γάρ ωων άπορραίνονσι 
 κατ’ ολίγους των κεγγ^ρων, οί δε ερσενες καταπίνουσι επόμενοι, 
 ε’ισι δε οί κεγγ^ροι ουτοι ιχθύες, εκ δε των περιγινομενων και 
 μη καταπινομενων κεγχρων οί τρεφόμενοι ιχθύες γίνονται, οι 
 δ αν αυτών άλωσι εκπλωοντες ες θάλασσαν, φαίνονται τετριμ¬ 
 μένοι τά επαριστερά των κεφαλεων' οί δ άν όπίσω άναπλωον- 
 τες, τά επιόεζιά τετρίφαται . πάσχουσι δε ταΰτα δίά τοδε. 
 επόμενοι της γης επ’ αριστερά καταπλωουσι ες θάλασσαν * και 
 άναπλώοντες όπίσω, της αυτής άντεχονται, εγχριπτόμενοι καί 
 
 χήν, χανδάνω (hand) “ to seize,” 
 χωρά and χώρος (vacant space), 
 χήροε, χειρ, χηλή, ‘‘a claw,” χήμη, 
 chama, “ a gaping muscle,” and a 
 multitude of others. Χάπτω, with 
 the guttural softened into an aspi¬ 
 rate, is the Latin “ hab-eo ;” having 
 lost the aspirate altogether, as in 
 κάπτω, it is allied to κάμπτω in 
 Greek, for where there is a curve 
 there is a hollow, and to “cav-us” 
 in Latin. Hems, ad Arist. Plut. 
 912. Valck. ad loc. Χω, after ex¬ 
 panding into “ habeo,” collapses 
 again in Italian into “ ho.” Ari- 
 stotleNat. Hist.5.4. vol. 1. p. 185. 
 Schneid. explains the origin of this 
 erroneous account of the breeding 
 of fish. 
 
 οΐόν περ, “just what the males 
 did.” The enclitic περ is the Latin 
 per, “through,” and we might ren¬ 
 der literally, “thoroughly what the 
 males did.” Hence in Homer it is 
 used to give emphasis to all classes 
 of words on which a stress is laid; 
 in prose and in the Attic writers 
 it is confined to relatives, relative 
 particles, and καί. Her. 6. 106. 
 θηλεων βοών ου τι γεύονται διότι 
 
 περ ουδέ Αιγύπτιοι , “exactly for 
 the same reason as the Egyptians.” 
 1.30. the Athenians buried Tellus, 
 αντου τήπερ έπεσε, “exactly in the 
 spot where he fell.” 
 
 των γάρ ώων, “ for they scatter 
 a portion of their eggs, by a few of 
 the grains at a time.” 8. 113. εκ 
 των άλλων συμμάχων εζελεγετο 
 κατ ολίγους, “ a few here and a 
 few there.” 3. 11. άγινέοντες κα¬ 
 τά era, “by one at a time.” κατά 
 δέκα μυριάδας, 2. 124. The diffi¬ 
 culty which has been found in the 
 construction has arisen from the 
 substitution of κατ ολίγους των κ. 
 for the more obvious κατ ολίγα, 
 referring to ώα. 
 
 κέγχρος is properly, “a grain of 
 millet.” 3. 100. 
 
 έχόμενοι. Of the construction of 
 this word with the accus. or gen., 
 according as it is used in the ac¬ 
 tive or middle voice, see 2. 17. p. 
 29. So μεθιεναι, with the accus., 
 “ to dismiss;” μεθιέσθαι, with the 
 middle, with nearly the same sense, 
 “ dismiss,” or “ separate yourself 
 from.” 
 
94 
 
 122 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 94, 
 
 ψαύοντεα ώυ μάλιστα, ίνα 8η μη άμάρτοιεν τηα οδού δια τον 
 ρόον. Έπεάν δε πληθνεσθαι άργρηται ο Νείλου, τα τε κοίλα 
 τηα yrjc και τα τέλματα τα παρά τον ποταμον πρώτα άργεται 
 πίπλασθαι , 8ιηθεοντοα του ίίδατου εκ τον ποταμού * και αύτίκα 
 τε πλεα γίνεται ταυτα, και παραγ^ρημα ιγθύων σμικρων πί- 
 πλαται πάντα . κοθεν δε οίκου αυτονα γίνεσθαι , εγώ μοι δοκεω 
 κατανοεειν τούτο, του προτερου ετεου επεάν άπολίπη ο Νεί¬ 
 λου, οί ίγβύεα εντεκόντε υ ώα ευ τήν ιλνν, άμα τω εσγάτω 
 ν8ατι απαλλάσσονται * έπεαν δέ περιελθόντοα του χρόνου πά¬ 
 λιν επελθφ το ν8ωρ, εκ των ωων τούτων παραυτίκα γίνονται 
 οι ιχθύεε,. καί. περί μεν τόνε, ιγβύα ούτω έχει. 
 
 Άλείφατι δέ χρέωνται Αιγυπτίων οί περί τα ελεα οικε - 
 
 Ίνα δ?) /ο?' άμάρτοιεν. Some 
 MSS. omit έτ), but it is appropriate 
 here. Her. 1. 32. ί να δί 7 αί ώραι 
 σνμβαίνωσι. 1.24. ϊνα dr} μη τινα 
 των νόμων άναγκασθί} \νσαι. Αη 
 is probably the same as the inten¬ 
 sive prefix da in daaiaos, dacpoivos, 
 and hence gives emphasis to the 
 clause which it introduces, “ scilicet 
 ut” Respecting its junction here 
 with an optative, though the pre¬ 
 sent precede, which commonly is 
 followed by a subj., see Matthiae, 
 § 518. 4. p. 881. The opt. is found 
 with verbs of the present time, 
 following tv a, & c., when the con¬ 
 sequence is to be marked only as 
 possible : ίνα dr} μη άμάρτοιεν , 
 therefore, is “ lest they should lose 
 their way, as they possibly might 
 i. d. μ. άμάρτωσι, “ as they proba¬ 
 bly would” Hence the moods are 
 sometimes intermixed. 4. 139. Ίνα 
 και 7 τοιεειν tl doreo) σ ι, ποιευντεε 
 μηdev και οι Σκΰθαι μη πειρωατο 
 — dιaβηvaι, the first result was 
 more certain, and the motive with¬ 
 in themselves ; the second alto¬ 
 gether contingent on the will of 
 
 others. So 1.196. άλλο έε τι εζευ- 
 ρηκασι—Ίνα μη ad ι κοϊεν avrcis, 
 μηό' εΐε ετέρην πόλιν άγωνται, 
 the first is represented as less pro¬ 
 bable, implying a degree of moral 
 depravity. See Bernhardy Synt. 
 Gr. 401. 
 
 The fact appears to be, that the 
 female fish lays the eggs, and the 
 male fecundates them. When they 
 are laid on a gravelly soil both as¬ 
 sist in burying them, and rub the 
 gravel for this purpose, but the 
 male most assiduously, which har¬ 
 dens his snout, and makes it turn 
 up like that of a hog. Something 
 of this kind, imperfectly observed 
 and exaggerated, may have given 
 rise to the wonderful account of 
 the rubbing of the head. Mr. Wil¬ 
 kinson (3. 63.) calls in question 
 the explanation which Her. gives 
 of the sudden appearance of the 
 fish at the rising of the river, ob¬ 
 serving, that the young fry found 
 in the canals and ponds appear at 
 the same time in the river, and 
 that the ponds were filled by arti¬ 
 ficial or natural ducts. 
 
II. 95,] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 123 
 
 οντες, άπο τών σιΧΧικυπρίων του καρπού , το καΧευσι μεν Αι¬ 
 γύπτιοι κίκΓ ποιευσι δε ώ δε. παρά τά χείΧεα των τε ποταμών 
 και των Χιμνεων σπείρουσι τα σιΧΧικυπρια ταΰτα, τα εν f/ EA- 
 Χησι αυτόματα άγρια φύεται . ταυτα εν τη Αίγυπτο) σπειρό- 
 μενα, καρπόν φερει ποΧΧον μεν, δυσώδεα δε. τούτον επεάν 
 συΧΧεζωνται, οι μεν κοφαντες άπιπουσι * οι δε και φρυζαντες 
 άπεφουσι, και το άπορρεον απ’ αντου συγκομίζονται, εστι δε 
 π7ον, και ουδεν ήσσον του εΧαίου τω Χυ^νω προσηνές * οδμην 
 δε βαρεαν παρεγεται. Π^οδα δε τους κώνωπας, άφθονους εόν- 95 
 τας, τάδε σφί εστι μεμηγ^ανημενα. τους μεν τα άνω των εΧεων 
 οικεοντας οί πύργοι ώφεΧεουσι, ες one άναβαίνοντες κοιμεον- 
 ται* οι γάρ κώνωπες υπο των άνεμων ουκ οίο'ι τε εισι υφου 
 πετεσθαι. τοισι δε περί τα εΧεα οικεουσι τάδε άντι των πύρ¬ 
 γων άΧΧα μεμηγάνηται. πας άνηρ αυτών άμφίβΧηστρον έκτη - 
 ται } τώ της ημερης μεν ιγβυς άγρεύει, την δε νύκτα τά δε αυτώ 
 
 Sect. 94. κίκι. The Ricinus, 
 Palma Christi, or Castor Oil tree. 
 Diosc. 4. 164. Κίκι, η κρότων, οι 
 δε σησαμον άγριον, οι δε σεσεΧι Κύ¬ 
 πριον, οι δε κρότωνα. 'Ρωμαίοι ρι- 
 κίνονμ. Plin. Ν. Η. 15.7. “Proxi- 
 mum fit et e cici, arbore in HCgypto 
 copiosa, alii crotonem, alii trixin, 
 alii sesamum sylvestre appellant 
 ibique non pridem.—In AEgypto 
 sine igne et aqua sale aspersum 
 exprimitur, cibis fcedum, lucernis 
 utile.” ΣιΧΧικυπρια is a corrup¬ 
 tion of σεσεΧι Κύπρια. Pliny says, 
 the oil was expressed sine igne, 
 “ cold drawnHerodotus repre¬ 
 sents some as pressing it without 
 fire (άπιπουσι), others as roasting 
 the plant, and then extracting the 
 oil by boiling (φρύζαντες άπεφουσι). 
 jEgypt was as little adapted to the 
 culture of the olive as the vine, so 
 that olive oil was very scarce, and 
 was probably a principal article of 
 Attic importation. See Larcher. 
 
 Sect. 95. τοϊσι περί τά εΧεα οί- 
 
 κέονσι. These were persons pro¬ 
 bably who lived on the waters, 
 following the occupation of fisher¬ 
 men and having no fixed habita¬ 
 tion; whence Her. says, εν τη ανα¬ 
 παύεται κοίτη, not Χέκτρω. It is 
 still the practice of the inhabitants 
 of Egypt to sleep in summer on 
 the roofs of their houses, for pro¬ 
 tection from the gnats. Wilk. 2. 
 122. gives a drawing of an ancient 
 Egyptian house, with a tower ri¬ 
 sing above the terrace roof, and 
 such an addition is very common 
 in the modern houses. Shaw’s 
 Trav. p. 214. 
 
 Trjs ημερης μεν — την δε νύκτα. 
 The author merely indicates what 
 is done by day, and therefore uses 
 the gen. as of a point of time, but 
 describes what is done during the 
 night with the accus., which de¬ 
 notes duration. 3. 117. τον μεν 
 ; χειμώνα ύει σφι ο θεός (during the 
 winter), τού δε θέρεος σπείροντες 
 μεΧίνην κ. τ. X. (in summer). 
 
124 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 96. 
 
 
 96 
 
 γραται' εν τη αναπαύεται κοίτη , περί ταντην ϊστησι το αμ- 
 φίβΧηστρον , και επειτα εν8ύα, νπ αυτω καθεύ8ει. οι δε κιύ- 
 νωπεε, ην μεν εν ιματίω ενεΧιζάμενοε εν8η η σιν8όνι, 8ια τού¬ 
 των 8άκνουσι’ δια' δε τού 8ικτύου ού8ε πειρωνται αργήν. 
 
 Τα δε 8η πλοία σφι , τοισι φopτηyεoυσι, εστι εκ τηε ακαν- 
 θηε 7Γ οιενμενα* τηε η μορφή μεν εστι ομοιοτατη τω Κ υρηναίω 
 Χωτω, το 8ε 8ακρυον κόμμι εστι. εκ ταύτηε ων τηε ακανθηε 
 κοψαμενοι ϊζύΧα οσον τε 8ιπηγεα, πΧινθη8ον σνντιθεϊσι, νανπη- 
 
 
 ένΰύς, not “ putting on,” but in 
 the literal sense of the compound, 
 “getting into it.”— τάΰε αυτω χρα- 
 rai 2. 108. τοΰτω μεν τάδε έχρη- 
 σατο. 
 
 εν ιματίω—η σινΰόνι, “ having 
 wrapped himself in a (woollen· 2. 
 81.) cloak, or a linen sheet.” Σιν¬ 
 ιών is rendered “ a tunic,” χιτων , 
 Hesych., but it was not a garment, 
 but a loose sheet, in which they 
 slept at night. Jul. Poll. 7. 172. 
 Σινΰω v. εστιν Αιγύπτια μεν, περι- 
 βόλαιον S' αν ειη. So the young 
 man who was περιβεβλη μένος σιν- 
 Sova έπι γυμνόν (Mark xiv. 51.), 
 and who had evidently risen from 
 bed on the alarm occasioned by 
 our Lord’s apprehension, being 
 laid hold of by the young men, 
 escapes naked, leaving it in their 
 hands, which could not have hap¬ 
 pened, if it had been a garment put 
 on over the arms, like a tunic. 
 
 Sia Si του Sacrvov ovSi πειρων- 
 ται αρχήν, “ they do not even at¬ 
 tempt at all.” Comp, note on p. 
 40. The wealthy Egyptians used a 
 mosquito net, κωνωπεΐον, as a pro¬ 
 tection against the gnats, and the 
 name was extended to denote not 
 only the net, but a canopied litter 
 furnished with a net, such as Cleo¬ 
 patra was borne in at the battle 
 of Actium, Hor. Epod. 9.11., or a 
 bed with tester and curtains, such 
 
 as the Roman women appear to 
 have used only in child-birth. Ju- 
 ven. Sat. 6. 80. Var. R. R. 2. 10. 
 It has been thought impossible 
 that gnats could be excluded by 
 the wide meshes of a casting-net; 
 but the conopeum was surround¬ 
 ed with net-work, not curtains; 
 whence Prop.II. 11.45. says, “Fce- 
 daque Tarpeio conopia tender e 
 saxo,” after the analogy of “ ten¬ 
 der e rete .” Schol. Cr. ad Hor. loc. 
 cit. “ Genus retis ad muscas et cu- 
 lices abigendos and if the gnats 
 have the same instinct which, ac¬ 
 cording to Mr. Spence (Trans, of 
 Entom. Soc. 1834.), leads the 
 house-fly to avoid entering a win¬ 
 dow across which a net or even 
 lines of thread are stretched, the 
 account of Herodotus may be 
 strictly correct. 
 
 Sect. 96. Κυρηναίω \ωτ<ρ. The 
 Rhamnus Lotus, or Jujube, from 
 which the Lotophagi (4.177.) took 
 their name. Rennell Geogr. of Her. 
 2. 289. 
 
 Saicpvov, “the exudation.” Plin. 
 N. H.11.5. “Apes melliginem fa- 
 ciunt e lacrimis arborum quse glu- 
 tinum pariunt, salicis, ulmi, arun- 
 dinis succo, gummi, resina.” 
 
 TrXivQpSov, “tile-fashion,” imbri- 
 catim, the edges overlapping each 
 other. 
 
II. 96.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 125 
 
 •γενμενοι τρόπον το ιδνδε. περί γόμφουρ πνκνουρ και μακρουρ 
 περιείρονσι τα διπηχεα ξύλα* επεαν δε τω τρόπω τούτω ναν- 
 πηγησωνται, ξυγα επιποΧηρ τ είνονσι αύτών* νομενσι δε ούδέν 
 χρεωνται, εσωθεν δε τας αρμονίαρ εν ών επακτωσαν τρ βυ- 
 /3λω* πη$α\ιον Si εν ποιευνται , και τούτο δια τηρ τ ρόπιορ 
 Sιaβυvετaι * ίστω Si ακανθίνω χ ρεωνται , ιστίοισι Si βνβΧί- 
 νοισι. ταύτα τα πλοία ανα μ,εν τον ποταμόν ον δύνανται πλε- 
 ειν, ην μη Χαμπρόρ ανεμορ επέχρ, εκ yrjp Si παρεΧκεται. κατα 
 ρόον Si κομίζεται ώ δε* εστι εκ μνρίκηρ πεποιημενη θυρη , κα¬ 
 τεργασμένη ρίπει καΧαμων, και Χίθορ τετρημενορ SιτaXavτop 
 μαΧιστα κη σταθμόν ’ τούτων την μεν θυρην, SεSεμevηv καΧω, 
 εμπροσθε του πΧοίου απίει επιφερεσθαι, τον Si λίθον αλλω 
 καΧω οπισθε . η μεν Si θυρη, του ρόον εμπίπτοντορ, χωρέει 
 τ αχεως, και εΧκει την βάριν * (τούτο γαρ δη οννομα εστι τοΐσι 
 πΧοίοισι τουτοισι *) ο δε Χίθορ οπισθε επεΧκόμενορ, και εών εν 
 βυσσιρ, κατιθυνει τον πλδον. εστι δε σφι τα πΧοΊα ταύτα 
 πΧηθει πολλά, /cat άγει ενια πολλας χιλιάδάς τάλαντων. 
 
 γ όμφους, “ tree-nails their 
 length was probably designed to 
 supply the want of ribs (νομευσι). 
 The Armenian ships described 1. 
 194. were caulked with reed, as 
 these with byblus. The Egyptian 
 ships had one rudder, passing 
 through the keel (τρόπις), the Ar¬ 
 menian were steered by two large 
 oars (πΧήχτρα), in the manner in 
 which ancient vessels are often 
 represented on monuments. 
 
 λαμπρός άνεμος επεγτι, “ unless 
 a brisk wind prevail.” Polyb. 5.5. 
 6. άναπλευσαι, των ετησίων επε- 
 -χ^όντων, αδύνατον. θυρη is here 
 “ a gate” or “hurdle,” of which the 
 bars were made of tamarisk, and 
 the interstices matted with reeds. 
 
 βά pis. This word is used in 
 Coptic for a bark or vessel. Ac¬ 
 cording to Champollion (Eg. sous 
 les Phar. 2.203.), it is derived from 
 
 bai or ba, signifying “ a palm- 
 branch,” and iri, “to make.” The 
 name was also applied to smaller 
 boats of papyrus, such as may be 
 seen represented in the plates to 
 Minutoli’s Travels, 25. 4. 
 
 κατιθυνει τον πλόον. As the 
 power of a rudder to direct the 
 ship depends on the difference be¬ 
 tween the rate of its motion and 
 that of the stream, when it merely 
 floats with a current it cannot be 
 steered at all, and if its motion 
 cannot be accelerated by oars or 
 wind, it must be retarded. This 
 effect our sailors produce, when 
 descending a river for example, 
 where it would be unsafe to use 
 sails, by kedging (catching), i. e. 
 dragging an anchor, and the E- 
 gyptians by the use of a heavy 
 stone. See Captain Hall’s South 
 America, 2. 130. 
 
126 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 97. 98. 
 
 97 Επεαυ δε επελθη ο NeTXoq την χ^ώρην, αί πόλις μουναι φαί¬ 
 νονται ύπερεχουσαι, μαλιστα κη εμφερέες τησι εν τιυ Αιγαίω 
 πόντιο νησοισι. τα μεν yap αλλα της Αίγυπτον πέλαγος γίνε¬ 
 ται' αί δε πόλις μουναι ύπερέχουσι. πορθμευονται ών, επεαν 
 τούτο γένηται, ούκέτι κατα τα ρεεθρα του ποταμού, αλλα δια 
 μέσου του πεδίου, ες μεν γε Μ εμφιν εκ: Ν αυκρατιος αναπλιο- 
 οντι, παρ αυτας τας πυραμίδας γίνεται ο πλόος' εστι δε ούκ 
 ούτος, αλλα παρα το όξυ του Δέλτα, και παρα Κ ερκασωρον 
 πόλιν. ες δε Ναυκρατιν από θαλασσής και Κανώ/3ου δια πεδίου 
 πλέων, ηξεις κατ 'Ανθυλλαν τε πόλιν, και την Αρχανδρου 
 
 98 καλευμενην . Τουτεωυ δέ η μεν Ανθυλλα, εουσα λογίμη πό¬ 
 λις, ες υποδήματα εξαίρετος δίδοται του αιεί βασιλεύοντος 
 
 Sect. 97. τρσι νησοισι. Bahr 
 on Her. 5.30. observes, after Broen- 
 sted, that αί νήσοι and οί νησιώ- 
 ται in Her. and the Greek histo¬ 
 rians generally, are commonly to 
 be understood of the Cyclades and 
 their inhabitants. These islands 
 lie so close together, that the com¬ 
 parison has more propriety than if 
 understood of the whole HCgean. 
 
 γίνεται o πΧόος, becomes in the 
 new state of things; εστι is the 
 regular and ordinary passage. 
 Naucratis was on the eastern bank 
 of the Canopic branch of the Nile, 
 not far from the sea. See Her. 2. 
 179. In the ordinary state of the 
 river, the voyage from Canopus to 
 Naucratis was made along the river, 
 but in the inundation it was short¬ 
 ened by crossing the plain, and the 
 traveller passed opposite (κατα, p. 
 37.) Anthylla and Archandropolis, 
 which therefore must have lain at 
 a distance from the river. An¬ 
 thylla is supposed to have been the 
 same as Gynsecopolis, now Sela- 
 mun ; Archandropolis to be now 
 Shabur, a little lower down than 
 Anthylla. 
 
 Sect.98. εξαίρετος, “specially.” 
 2. 168. of the lands of the mili¬ 
 tary, also έξαραιρημένα, ib. The 
 kings of Persia were accustomed 
 to assign the revenues (probably 
 only a tenth) of certain cities and 
 districts as pin-money to their wives, 
 or pensions to those whom they 
 patronized, and the satraps in the 
 provinces imitated their example. 
 Cic. Ver. III. 33. “ Solere aiunt 
 barbaros reges Persarum ac Syro- 
 rum plures uxores habere, his au- 
 tem civitates tribuere, hoc modo: 
 hsec civitas mulieri redimiculum 
 prsebeat, hsec in collum, haec in 
 crines.” Plat. Alcib. I. 123. "Η¬ 
 χούσα avbpos αξιόπιστου os εή>η 
 παρεΧθείν χώραν πάνυ ποΧΧην και 
 αγαθήν, εγγύς ημερησίαν οδόν, ην 
 καΧεϊν τους επιχωρίους ζώνην της 
 βασιΧέως γυναικός. είναι δέ 
 καί αΧΧην ην αύ καΧεΊσθαι καΧυπ- 
 τραν, καί άΧΧους ποΧΧονς τόπους 
 εις τον κόσμον έξηρημένους τον της 
 γυναικός καί ονόματα έχειν από 
 έκαστου των κόσμων. Parysatis 
 had villages assigned to her both 
 in Syria and Media, Xen. Anab. 
 1. 4. 2. 4. the former els ζώνην 
 
11.99.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 127 
 
 Αίγυπτον τρ γνναικί . τούτο δε γίνεται , εζ όσου υπό Πε| 0 - 
 σρσ/ εστι Αίγυπτος, η δε ετερη πόλις όοκεει μοι το ουνομα 
 εχειν α.πό του Ααναου γαμβρού , Άρχαν^ρου του Φθ/ου, του 
 Αχαιού' καλεεται γαρ δη Άρχανΰρου πόλις, ε'ιη δ αν και άλ¬ 
 λος τις ’Άρχανόρος' οι) μεντοι γε Αιγύπτιον τό ουνομα. 
 
 Μέχρι μεν τούτον οφις τε εμη καί γνώμη και Ιστορίη ταυ τα 
 λεγουσα εστι* τό δε από του δε, Αιγυπτίους έρχομαι λόγους 
 ερεών , κατα τα ηκονον. προσεσται δε αυτοΊσί τι καί της εμης 
 όφιος. Τον Μηυα, τον πρώτον βασιλευσαντα Αίγυπτου , ο ί 
 ίρεες ελεγον , τούτο μεν, απογεφυρώσαι καί την Μ,εμφιν. 
 
 δεδομένοι. Corn. Nep. Themist. 
 10. “ Magnesiam ei Rex clonarat 
 his usus verbis Quae ei panem prae- 
 beret, Lampsacum unde vinum 
 sumeret, Myunta ex qua opsonium 
 haberet. Brisson. Reg. Pers. p. 
 160. 
 
 του a lei βασιλεύοντος. A lei is 
 used not only of what is perpetual 
 in a single object, but also of what 
 is perpetuated in an uninterrupted 
 series, as of generations, kings, 
 magistrates. 3. 142. τοίσι απ' έμεν 
 alel γινομένοισι, “ my descend¬ 
 ants in perpetuity.” In technical 
 phrases, as 6 a tel 'Άρχων, “ the 
 Archon for the time being,” the 
 usual place of alel is between the 
 article and noun or participle ; but 
 this is not essential. 7. 116. Δώρα 
 πέμπεται παρα τον βασιλεύοντος 
 alel εν ΤΙέρσησι. Prom.Vinct. 973. 
 θώπτε τον κρατονντ αεί. Blomf. 
 
 Ταμβρόε signifies most com¬ 
 monly, ‘"son-in-law,” as here; but 
 also “brother-in-law,” and “fa¬ 
 ther-in-law.” 1.73. it is “brother- 
 in-law.” 
 
 Άρχάνδρον τον Φθίον. This may 
 be rendered, “ the Phthian,” or 
 “ the son of Phthius.” Pausanias 
 (7. 1.) makes Archander to be 
 the son of Achaeus, and a native 
 
 of Phthia, and this is probably the 
 meaning. See Fynes Clinton F. 
 Hell. 1. p. 16. 
 
 ov μέντοι ye, “ however, the 
 name is at least not Egyptian.” 
 
 Sect. 99. οψις τε εμη, “it is 
 my own personal observation and 
 judgment and inquiry which says 
 these things.” See the note on 
 Ιστορίη, in the title of this work. 
 έρχομαι ερεών, 1. 194. έρχομαι 
 φράσων. Comp. 1. 35. 
 
 τούτο μεν does not strictly an¬ 
 swer to τοντο δε τον ΐίφ. το Ip. 
 at the end of the section; but in 
 consequence of the introduction of 
 the long explanatory clause, τον 
 yap ποταμόν κ. τ. λ., τοντο μεν is 
 repeated ; not now, as at first, how¬ 
 ever, distinguishing the protection 
 of Memphis by a dyke, from the 
 other great work of Menes, the 
 erection of the temple of Vulcan, 
 but more precisely the two uses to 
 which the recovered land was ap¬ 
 plied, one the building of the city, 
 the other the erection of the tem¬ 
 ple. 
 
 απογεφυρώσαι, “even protected 
 Memphis by a dam.” This is the 
 primary meaning of γέφυρα, “ a 
 dam of earth,” not “a bridge of 
 wood or stone.” 
 
128 
 
 HERODOTUS^ 
 
 [11.99. 
 
 τον yap ποταμόν πάντα ρεειν παρά τό ορος το φάμμινον προς 
 Αιβνης * τον δε Μί/^α άνωθεν, όσον τε εκατόν σταόίους από 
 ΝΙεμφιος, τον προς μεσαμβρίης αγκώνα προσ^ωσαντα, τδ μεν 
 apyalov ρεεθρον άπο^ηράναι, τον δε ττοταμον ο^ετενσαι, το 
 μέσον των ουρεων ρεειν. ετι δε καί νυν ύττο Τίερσέων ο αγκών 
 ούτοε τον Νείλου, ός ατ TGpypkvoc, ρεει, εν φυΧακτρσι μεγάλρσι 
 εγεται, φρασσόμενος ανα παν έτος, ει yap εθεΧησει ρηζας 
 νπερβηναι ό ποταμός ταυτη, κίνδυνος πάσρ Μέμφι κατα- 
 κΧυσθηναί εστι . ως δε τω Αίηνι τούτα) τω πρωτω yεvoμεvω 
 
 τον yap ποταμόν π. ρεειν. It 
 has been supposed that Her. means 
 to describe the Nile as having once 
 flowed through the deserts of Li¬ 
 bya into the Mediterranean, and 
 the Bahr he la ma has been point¬ 
 ed out as the ancient channel. It 
 is doubtful if the Nile ever took 
 this course; the words of the histo¬ 
 rian at least have no such mean¬ 
 ing. He only describes the river 
 as having borne entirely towards 
 the Libyan side of the valley, and 
 flowed, as it still did in inunda¬ 
 tions (1. 97.) past the mountain 
 on which the pyramids stood, and 
 Menes as having compelled it to 
 flow through the middle of the 
 valley. Wilkinson, M.andC. 1.92. 
 On the ground thus gained, be¬ 
 tween the old and new channels, 
 he built Memphis. 
 
 τον 7Tj oos μεσ. άγκ. προσχ. “ ha¬ 
 ving raised a dam against the bend 
 (elbow) which is on the South 
 side.” 1. 180. άγκων is used of 
 the elbow formed by the walls of 
 Babylon and the side walls of the 
 river. 
 
 τό μέσ. των ουρεων ρεειν. As 
 the accus. denotes motion towards, 
 it is naturally used to express a 
 tendency or a purpose. Hence in 
 Latin this is expressed by the su¬ 
 
 pine in urn, which is nothing more 
 than the accus. of a verbal substan¬ 
 tive in us. See Zumpt’s Gram. 
 Sect. 81. In Greek, where a pur¬ 
 pose is expressed, the article is 
 generally wanting, but it must be 
 remembered that the article does 
 not create the relation between the 
 infin. and the word on which it 
 depends, but only marks it more 
 clearly, and ρεειν without the ar¬ 
 ticle would equally have stood in 
 the relation of an accus. of pur¬ 
 pose to όχετενσαι. Comp. Matth. 
 § 545. p. 940. 
 
 άπεργμένοί. Her. uses άπέργω 
 of what forms a boundary or sepa¬ 
 ration between two things, but 
 still with the idea of preventing 
 access, as 1. 72. of the river Ha- 
 lys ; ενθεν μεν Σνρίουε Κατταδό- 
 Kas άπέργει , εξ ευωνυμου όε Πα- 
 φλάγονας. 4. 55. where it is near¬ 
 ly equivalent to ουρίζων. So here 
 it is applied equally to the river 
 infr. τό πρόί την ηώ αυτοί ο Ν el\os 
 άπέργει, and to the site of Mem¬ 
 phis, between which the dyke 
 formed a separation, preventing 
 the access of the water. 
 
 ώί όέ τω Μ ηνι — γεγονέναι. Of 
 the infinitive used after ως, and 
 similar particles in the oratio obli- 
 qua, see Matth. § 538. 
 
HERODOTUS. 
 
 129 
 
 II. 100.] 
 
 βασιΧεϊ γ^ερσον yeyovevai το anepypevov, τούτο μεν, εν αυτώ 
 πόΧιν κτ'ισαι ταντην, ητις νυν Μ εμφις καΧεεται * εστι yap και τη 
 Μ εμφις ev τω στεινω της Αίγυπτου* εξωθεν 3ε αυτής περιο- 
 ρυζαι Χίμνην εκ του ποταμού προς βορεην τε και προς εσπερην * 
 το yap προς την ηω αυτός ο iMeiAoc aπepyeι. τούτο ce, τον Η¬ 
 φαίστου το Ιρον 13ρυσασθαι εν αυτή, εον μ eya τε και αζιαπηγΐ)- 
 τοτατον . Μετά δε τούτον, κατεΧεγον οι Ιρεες εκ βυβΧου αΧΧων 100 
 βασιΧεων τριηκοσ'ιων τε και τριηκοντα ουνόματα. εν τοσαύτρσι 
 yeverjai ανθρώπων, οκτωκα'ι3εκα μεν Αιθιοπες ησαν, μία 3ε γυνή 
 
 ijns νυνΜ.. καΧεεται. It has been 
 questioned whether os tis is ever 
 used for the simple relative. Many 
 of the passages alleged to prove 
 that it is, as for example those pro¬ 
 duced from Homer and the tra¬ 
 gedians by Blomfield (ASschyl. Pr. 
 V. 362.), are not to the purpose, 
 because os ns has the force of the 
 subjunctive with “ qui ” in Latin. 
 See my Greek Exercises, Part 2. 
 Relative 7. If we coniine our¬ 
 selves to Herodotus, and to the 
 instances in which the form ns 
 is used, (as there may be doubt 
 - whether we should read απ’ orev, 
 από rev, or από rev, and so with 
 παρ' orev,) we shall find that they 
 are of three kinds. I. Those in 
 which os ns has the force of the 
 relative and subjunctive in Latin. 
 3. 120. επιθύμησα i — Πολι/κράτεα 
 πάντως άποΧέσαι, Si' όντινα κα¬ 
 κώς ηκουσε. 7. 196. 3. ovSe οστις 
 ο μέγιστος αυτών έστι 'Έίπιΰανός, 
 oiiSe ovtos άντέσχε ει μη φΧανρως, 
 “ though the largest.” II. Where 
 os tis is used with a word of na¬ 
 ming, καΧεΙσθαι,ονομα εχεινε t sim. 
 2. 100. Trj Se γνναικι οννομα ην 
 ■ijTis έβασίΧευσε, N ίτωκρις. 6.47. 
 KnVavres την νήσον ταντην t}tis 
 έπι τον Θάσον το οννομα εσχε. 1. 
 
 167., 4. 45. III. In the oblique 
 construction. 4. 8. Σκνθαι Χέγουσι 
 Ήρακλεα άπικέσθαι es γην ταντην 
 ηντινα νυν Σκόθαι νέμονται. 2, 
 151. έν φρενι Χαβ ovres —τό χρη- 
 στήριον οτι έκέχρητό σφι, t( reflect¬ 
 ing on the nature of the oracle 
 which had been given them,” the 
 circumstance being not merely 
 added by the historian, but refer¬ 
 red to the mind of the chiefs, as a 
 subject of their reflection. Comp. 
 Matth. § 483. and Hym. Horn. 
 Yen. 157. Herm. CEd. Tyr. 688. 
 Struve, Spec. Quaest. de Dial. Her. 
 p. 1—7. 
 
 Of the site of Memphis, see 
 Rennell, 2.115. Champollion, Eg. 
 s. les Ph. 1. 336. It was first accu¬ 
 rately fixed by Pococke at the vil¬ 
 lage of Metrahenny, or Monietra- 
 hineh. According to the reports 
 of the French, the heaps which 
 mark the site of ancient buildings, 
 have three leagues of circumfe¬ 
 rence ; but this is less than its ex¬ 
 tent in early times, since Diodorus 
 gives it 150 stadia, or six leagues 
 and a quarter. It declined after 
 the foundation of Alexandria, and 
 its materials have been carried off 
 to,build Cairo. 
 
 κ 
 
130 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 100. 
 
 επιχωρίη* ο ι δε άλλοι, άντρες Αιγύπτιοί, τη δε γυναικι ουνομα 
 ην ητις εβασίλευσε τόπερ τη Βαβυλων/ρ, Ί^ίτωκρις. την ελε- 
 yov τιμωρεουσαν αδελφεω, τον Αιγύπτιοι βασιλεύοντα σφεων 
 άπεκτειναν' άποκτείναντες δε, ούτω εκείνη απεδοσαν την βα- 
 σιληιην' τουτω τιμωρεουσαν, πολλούς Αιγυπτίων (λαφθεΊραι 
 δόλω. ποιησαμενην yap μιν οίκημα περίμηκες ύπδγαιον, και- 
 νούν τω λόγω, νόω δε άλλα μηχανάσθαι. καλεσασαν δε μιν 
 Αιγυπτίων τους μάλιστα μεταιτίους του φόνου ρδεε, πολλούα 
 εστίαν* δ αινυμενοισι δε επεΐναι τον ποταμόν δι αύλωνοε κρυ~ 
 πτοΰ μεγάλου. Τ αυτής μεν περί τοσαυτα ελεγον* πλην ότι 
 
 Sect. 100. NiVwk/ois. This name 
 seems Egyptian, perhaps Neitgori, 
 the first syllable being derived from 
 the goddess Net9, Minerva. Erato¬ 
 sthenes explains it "Αθήνα νικηφό¬ 
 ρος. The Babylonian queenNitocris, 
 who was the wife of Labynetus the 
 first, and mother of Labynetus the 
 second, the last king of Babylon, 
 may have been an Egyptian, ob¬ 
 tained in marriage when the battle 
 of Carchemish and the victories of 
 Nebuchadnezzar had humbled the 
 Egyptians, and the rising power of 
 the Medes and Persians dictated an 
 alliance between Egypt and Baby¬ 
 lon. Itmayconfirmthisopinion,that 
 the works attributed to Nitocris at 
 Babylon, Her. 1.185.187., much re¬ 
 semble those of theEgyptian kings. 
 Others of the same name occur in 
 the lists of sovereigns. 
 
 καινονν τω λόγω . If it could be 
 shown that καινονν signified, like 
 καινίζειν, “ auspicari” (see Valck- 
 enaer’s note), we might render this 
 passage, “according to her pretext 
 was making an inaugural feast, but 
 in her mind was planning other 
 things.” Eur. Phoen. 370. "Os B" 
 άλλως λέγει Αόγοισι χαίρει τον 
 Be νουν εκεΊσ έχει , “the exile who 
 
 says that he does not long for his 
 country, pretends to rejoice, but 
 has his heart there.” 31.7. Βώρα Be 
 τω λόγω φέροντας τω βασιλέί αυ¬ 
 τών. Otherwise we must render, 
 “ pretended to be engaged in some 
 novelty.” The subterranean cham¬ 
 ber was really designed as a recep¬ 
 tacle for the water by which the 
 culprits were to be drowned, but 
 she professed to be occupied in 
 some new kind of work. 
 
 τοσαυτα ελεγον, “ so much and 
 no more, except that she threw 
 herself,” &c. So in Latin “ tan- 
 turn” has acquired the signification 
 of “only.” 3. 83. αυτή ϊ/ οικία άρ- 
 χεται τοσαυτα οσα αυτή θέλει, 
 “ no more than itself pleases.” 
 4. 7. more fully, χιλίων ον πλέω 
 άλλα τοσαυτα. 9. 111. ε’ίπας τοσ- 
 όνΒε έχώρεε έζω, “sayingnothing 
 more than this.” Hence 7. 209. 
 τοσοντοι έόντες, of the Spartans 
 at Thermopylae “ being so few.” 
 1. 115. Συ Βη, έών τοΰΒε τοιοντου 
 εόντος παίς, ετόλμησας, “ have 
 dared, though the son of a man 
 so mean in rank.” In all these 
 cases, the peculiar force is derived 
 from the connexion, and is not in¬ 
 herent in the word itself. 
 
II. 101. 102.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 131 
 
 αυτήν μιν, ώς τούτο e^epyaaro, ρίφαι ες οίκημα σποδού πλέον, 
 όκως ατιμώρητος γίνηται' των δε άλλων βασιλέων, ου yap 101 
 ελεγου ο ύόεμίαν εpyωv απόόεζιν, κατ ουδευ είναι λαμπρότη- 
 τος, πλην ενός του εσχάτου αυτών Μοίριος, τούτον δε απο- 
 όεζασθαι μνημόσυνα, του Ήφαιστου .τά προς βορην άνεμον 
 τετραμμενα προπύλαια * λίμνην τε όρυζαι, της η περίοδος όσων 
 εστί σταόίων ύστερον δηλώσω, πυραμίόας τε εν αυτή οικοδο- 
 μησαι , τώυ του μεyaθεoς περί όμου αυτή τη λίμνη επιμνησο - 
 μαι. τούτον μεν τοσαΰτα αποόεζασθαι, των δε άλλωυ ούδευα 
 ουδεν. 
 
 Τίαραμειφαμενος ων τούτους, τού επί. τούτοισι yεvoμεvoυ 102 
 βασιλεος, τω ούνομα ην Σεσωστρις, τούτου μνημην ποιησομαι . 
 του ελεyov οι Ιρεες πρώτον μεν πλοίοισι μακροΊσι ορμηθεντα 
 
 ρέψαι es οίκημα σποΰοΰ πλέον. 
 This was a punishment of crimi¬ 
 nals among the Persians (Valer. 
 Maxim. 9. 2.), and adopted by the 
 Greek kings of Syria, 2 Macc. 
 xiii. 5—8. Several instances of 
 it are mentioned by Ctesias, cap. 
 48. 51. 52. Ovid. Ibis. 317. “At- 
 que necatorum Darei fraude se- 
 cundi. Sic tua subsidens devoret 
 ossa cinis.” 
 
 Sect. 101. Ύών ύέ άλλων βασι- 
 λέων. Connect this with ταύτηε 
 μεν πέρι τοσαΰτα ελεγον, before; 
 “but about the other kings, for 
 they declared that they had per¬ 
 formed no public works, (they 
 said) that they were of no cele¬ 
 brity except one, the last of them, 
 Moeris.” So έργων άπόΰεζιν is 
 used, 2. 148. άπεΰέζατο χώματα, 
 1. 184. fin. βωμόν άπέΰεζαν, 7. 
 178. but also for the performance 
 of great exploits, 1. 207. fin. 
 
 ov yap ελεγον is to be taken 
 like ον φημι, “ I deny or refuse 
 
 κατ ονΰέν λαμπρότητοε appears 
 to be equivalent to εν ονΰεμίφ 
 λαμπρότητι, though it must be 
 confessed that no example of an 
 exactly similar phrase has been 
 produced. 
 
 Sect. 102. πρώτον μεν answers 
 to ενθεΰτεν ΰε, afterwards, and does 
 not denote that Sesostris (Rameses) 
 was the first who subdued the inha¬ 
 bitants of the coast of the Erythraean 
 sea, but that this was the first of his 
 undertakings. By Ερυθρή θάλασ¬ 
 σα, was meant generally the south¬ 
 ern sea, of which the Persian and 
 the Arabian gulfs are inlets, and 
 which therefore includes these; 
 but as Her. here speaks of Seso¬ 
 stris as advancing/rom the Arabian 
 gulf, he must have meant by Ery¬ 
 thraean sea, that which washes the 
 southern coast of Arabia Felix or 
 the opposite coast of Ethiopia, pro¬ 
 bably the latter. Whether Seso¬ 
 stris really extended his conquests 
 beyond the straits of Babelmandel 
 (where Strabo, 16.1093. says a co¬ 
 lumn with hieroglyphics recorded 
 
 ου σνμβουΧεΰω, 7. 46., “ I dis¬ 
 suade.” 
 
 κ 2 
 
132 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 102 . 
 
 e/c του Άραβίου κόλπου, rove; παρά την Ε ρυθρην θαλασσαν 
 κατοικημενονε καταστρεφεσθαι’ εε ο πλέοντα μιν πρόσω, απι- 
 κεσθαι εε Θαλασσαν ουκετι πλωτήν υπο βραχέων, ενθεντεν Be 
 ωε όπίσω άπίκετο εε Αίγυπτον, κατά των ιρεών την φατιν, 
 στρατί!)ν πολλην λαβών ηλαυνε Βιά τηε ηπείρου , παν εθνοε το 
 εμποΒων καταστρεφόμενοε. ότεοισι μεν νυν αυτών αλκιμοισί 
 ενετυχχανε και Βεινώε χλιχομενοισι περί τηε ελευθερίηε, του- 
 τοισι μεν στηλαε ενίστη εε ταε χυ>ραε, Βια -γραμμάτων λε-γουσαε 
 το τε εωυτου ουνομα και τηε πάτρηε, και ωε Βυνάμι τρ εωυτον 
 κατεστρεψατό σφεαε· ότεων Βε αμαχητί και ευπετεωε παρε - 
 
 them, and also his crossing into 
 Arabia) is another question; the 
 mention of the shallows which im¬ 
 peded him leads to the opinion 
 that the Arabian gulf was the limit 
 of his voyages. Diodorus (1.55.) 
 makes him conquer the whole coast 
 as far as India; Strabo, u. s., all 
 Asia. Diodorus also represents 
 him as beginning by a land expe¬ 
 dition against Ethiopia. 
 
 κατοικη μένους, “those who have 
 been settled, and consequently now 
 dwell.” Of the perfect used with 
 a present force, see p. 56. 
 βραχέα. See p. 32. 
 οτέοισι μέν — τούτοισι μέν. οτέ- 
 ων be —τούτοισι be. Comp. 2. 26. 
 Mev and be are thus repeated, for 
 the purpose of indicating that the 
 same subject is resumed after the 
 intervention of some words which 
 may have thrown them out of 
 sight. Plat. Gorg. p. 512. el μέν 
 τις μεγάΧοις νοσημασι κατα το σώ¬ 
 μα συνεχόμενος μη άπεπνίγη, ον- 
 tos μέν άθΧιός έστιν, el be τις άρα 
 εν τώ του σώματος τιμιωτέρω, τη 
 ψυχή, νοσήματα ’έχει, τούτω be βι- 
 ωτέον έστί. Thuc. 1. 32. in the 
 speeches of the Corcyreans and 
 Corinthians. Yet this is not inva¬ 
 
 riably observed. Horn. II. ί , 509. 
 “Os μέν τ α^έσεται κουράς Aids 
 άσσον Ιουσας Τον be μογ ώνησαν 
 — “Os bb κ άνηνηται καί τε στε- 
 ρεώς άποείπη, Αίσσονται c)’ άρα 
 ταί ye Αία. Her. 2. 121. τον μέν 
 is followed by τούτον μέν, but τον 
 bb has nothing answering to it. 
 Comp. Matth. § 622. 5. 
 
 γΧιχομένοισι περί της εΧευθ. 
 “who clung earnestly around their 
 freedom.” ΤΧίχομαι is probably 
 the same in root with cling, and 
 allied to γΧημη , “the viscid hu¬ 
 mour of the diseased eye,” γΧυΐος, 
 “ gluten.” Herodotus generally 
 uses it, like the verbs of desire, 
 with a gen. without a preposition; 
 but the etymology shows that it 
 is not necessary either to read μα- 
 χομένοισι, or leave out π€ρί, or 
 suppose an ellipsis of περί, where- 
 ever the verb is used with the gen. 
 See Valck. and Schweighaeuser’s 
 notes, Matth. § 350. 
 
 ενίστη ες τας χώρας. As ! ϊστημι , 
 “ to place,” involves motion, it 
 cannot strictlv be said that ές is 
 used for ev. ’ Ανέβηκε es την'ΊύΧ- 
 Xaba (2. 182.) is rather different, 
 as the gifts there mentioned were 
 sent to Greece to be offered. 
 
II. 103.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 133 
 
 Χάβε τας i τόΧις, τουτοισι δε ενεγραφε εν τησι στηΧησι κατά 
 ταυτά και τοίσι άνάρηίοισι των εθνεων γενομενοισι' και Sr) και 
 προσενεγραφε, δηλα βονλόμενος 7τοιεειν ως είησαν άνάΧκιδες. 
 Ταυτα δε ποιεων, άιεζηιε την ήπειρον * ες ο εκ της Ασ'ιης ες 1 03 
 την Έ,νρωπην άιαβάς, τους τε Έικνθας κατεστρεφατο και τους 
 Ο ρηικας. ες τουτους δε μοι άοκεει και ον προσωτατα άπικεσθαι 
 ο Αιγύπτιος στρατός' εν μεν γάρ τη τούτων \ωρη φαίνονται 
 σταθεδσαι αι στηλαι' το δέ προσωτερω τούτων, ουκετι. ενθεΰ- 
 τεν δε επιστρεφας οπίσω ηιε' και επεί τε εγενετο επι Φάσι 
 ποταμό), ουκ εγω τδ ενθευτεν άτρεκεως ειπείν, είτε αυτός ο 
 βασιλεύς Έεσωστρις άποάασάμενος της εωυτον στρατιης μόριον 
 
 άνδρηίοισι γενομένοισι, “ had 
 shown themselves brave,” for γί¬ 
 νομαι is used of qualities not pro¬ 
 duced but brought out in action. 
 3. 148. K Χεομένηε δικαιότατος av- 
 δρών γίνεται, “shows himself the 
 most honest of men.” Pind. Pyth. 
 2. 131. Heyn. Tevoi oios εσσι μά¬ 
 θω v, “ show thyself in action what 
 education has made thee,” a sen¬ 
 timent very different from that 
 which Homer expresses by to7os 
 εων oios εσσι, Od. η, 312. Soph. 
 Trach. 1064. Ώ παί, γενου μοι 
 7ταΓ.« ετήτυμοε γεγώς, “ quum filius 
 mens sis vere te filium prcesta” 
 Matth. Gr. p. 1144. 
 
 Sect. 103. και ον προσόίτατα. 
 The ου before προσωτατα has been 
 omitted by Gaisford, on the author¬ 
 ity of the MS. Passionei and an¬ 
 other. Hermann, as we have al¬ 
 ready seen on 2. 35., would retain 
 it. The maxim “prseferatur lectio 
 durior,” is justly applicable here. 
 The easy and obvious reading with¬ 
 out the negative was not likely to 
 be changed for a difficult and ap¬ 
 parently unmeaning one ; but it 
 was the constant practice of trans¬ 
 cribers to change unusual into 
 
 more common constructions. The 
 use of the negative is justified by 
 Od.X',481. σέίο δ' Άχιλλεν Oarts 
 άνηρ προπάροιθε μακάρτατος ουτ 
 αρ’όπίσσω, quoted by Matth. §464. 
 I have therefore followed Bahr in 
 retaining it. Of the extent of the 
 conquests of Rhamses, according 
 to the interpretation of the hiero¬ 
 glyphics on Theban monuments by 
 the priests to Germanicus, see Tac. 
 Ann. 2. 60. 
 
 το ενθευτεν, “ what next took 
 place.” 
 
 άποδασάμενοε μόριον οσον δη, 
 “ having detached a portion of 
 his army of uncertain amount.” 
 1. 160. επι μισθω οσω δί]' ου γαρ 
 εχω τουτό γε είπειν άτρεκέως. 3. 
 159. άποδάσασθαι (the present 
 tense is not in use) is the appro¬ 
 priate term for detaching or draft¬ 
 ing a portion of population. Thuc. 
 1. 12. ην δε αυτών καί άποδασμόε 
 πρότερον εν τη γη ταυτη . 1. 146. 
 
 Φωκέες άποδάσμιοι. “Abydenusait 
 Nabuchadonosorem άπόδασμον αυ- 
 τέων (victarum gentium) es τα δε¬ 
 ξιά τον Πόντου κατοικίσαι in Euseb. 
 Pr. Evang. 9.41.” Wessel. ad loc. 
 To such an άποδασμός, either of 
 
134 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 104. 
 
 οσον $η, αν του κατελιπε της χωρης οικητορας * είτε των τινες 
 στρατιωτεων τη πλάνη αυτου άχθεσθεντες, περί Φάσιν πο- 
 104 ταμόν κατεμειναν. Φαίνονται μεν yap εόντες οί Κολεοί Αι¬ 
 γύπτιοι* νοησας δε πρότερον αυτός, η άκουσας άλλων, λέγω . 
 ως δε μοι εν φροντί^ι εγενετο, ειρόμην άμφοτερους * και μάλ¬ 
 λον οι Κολχοι εμεμνεατο των Αιγυπτίων, η οί Αιγύπτιοι 
 των Κόλχων.. νομιζειν δ εφασαν Αιγύπτιοι της Έεσωστριος 
 στρατιης είναι τους Κολχουβ* αυτός δε είκασα τρδε, και 
 οτι μελάγχροες είσι και ουλότριχες * και τούτο μεν ες ου- 
 δεν ανήκει, εισι γαρ και ετεροι τοιουτοι * αλλα τοισίδε και 
 μάλλον, ότι μουνοι πάντων ανθρώπων Κολεοί και Αιγύπτιοι 
 και Αιθίοπες περιτάμνονται άπ* αρχής τα αιδοία. Φοίνικες δε 
 καί Ίϊυροι οι εν τη Παλαιστίνη, και αυτοί ομολογεουσι παρ’ 
 
 Egyptians or Jews, some have at¬ 
 tributed the practice of circum¬ 
 cision in Colchis. Pliny (N. H. 
 33. 15.) represents Salauces, king 
 of Colchis, as defeating Sesostris. 
 This would account for the Egy¬ 
 ptians saying little of the Col- 
 chians. 
 
 των τινες στρατιωτέων. 1. 51. 
 επέγραψε 0έ των tls Δελφών 
 (where Δελφοί is the name of the 
 people, not the place). This col¬ 
 location is Ionic. 
 
 Sect. 104. αυτός όέ είκασα τιρόε. 
 “And I myself conjectured it in 
 this way, both because they are 
 black coloured and curly haired 
 the construction should have been 
 resumed by καί τοισίόε μάλλον, 
 but as an objection has been inter¬ 
 posed, άλλα is substituted. The 
 construction is again interrupted, 
 and the other circumstance in ad¬ 
 dition to circumcision, included in 
 τοισίόε, is given at the beginning 
 of Section 105. with a new con¬ 
 struction, φέρε νυν καί άλλο είπω. 
 The Colchians being in his view 
 
 really Egyptians, he reckons them 
 among those who had practised 
 the rite άπ αρχής. The Ethio¬ 
 pians from the East were Ιθύτριχες , 
 those from Libya had ουλότατον 
 τρίχωμα πάντων ανθρώπων , 7. 70. 
 
 μελάγχροές και ουλότριχες. ου- 
 λας τρίχας ημεΐς λέγομεν τάς φύ¬ 
 σει είλουμέν as καί συστρεφομένας. 
 Apoll. Lex. Horn. s. ν. ουλαμός. 
 ’Es Φάσιν ($’ επειτ ένηλυθυν ένθα 
 κελαινώπεσσι Κ όλχοισι βίαν μ'ιί,- 
 αν Αίητα. παρ αυτω. Pind. Pyth. 
 4. 376. It is remarkable that the 
 hair of the mummies which have 
 been opened has not been crisp 
 (oJAos), but flowing. See Pri¬ 
 chard’s Researches, 1. 324. The 
 same author remarks, that the E- 
 gyptians, as represented in paint¬ 
 ing, are rather red than black. The 
 osteological character is decidedly 
 European, not at all negro. 
 
 'Σΰροι οι εν τρ ΐίαλαιστίνη. Pa¬ 
 lestine (2ι ιρίη 7 / ΥΙαλαιστίνη ) is di¬ 
 stinguished by Her. from Phoeni¬ 
 cia (4. 39.) as lying southward of 
 it along the sea as far as Egypt. 
 
II. 104.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 135 
 
 Αιγυπτίων μεμαθηκεναι* 'Συριε*, δε οι περί θερμωΰοντα και 
 ΤΙαρθενιον ποταμον, και Μ άκρωνεε, οι τουτοισι αστυγείτονεα 
 
 7. 89. he also distinguishes the 
 Phoenicians from the Syrians of 
 Palestine. In his conception, how¬ 
 ever, Palestine was not merely the 
 narrow strip of land occupied by 
 the Philistines, from Carmel south¬ 
 ward to Gaza, and still called Pita- 
 lastin , but also the interior of this 
 country, that is, the Holy Land, 
 the inhabitants of which he again 
 describes as Syrians of Palestine, 
 when speaking of the great city 
 of Cadytis, 3. 5. He there says, 
 the ports from Cadytis to Jenysus 
 were occupied by the Arabians, 
 but there is no inconsistency in 
 this, the country belonging geo¬ 
 graphically to Palestine, though 
 in the occupation of the Arabians. 
 Syria was the general name of the 
 whole country from Cilicia to E- 
 gypt, and the Mediterranean to 
 the Deserts on the Euphrates, and 
 hence the inhabitants of all this 
 country are sometimes called by 
 him Syrians, and sometimes di¬ 
 stinguished by special names. 
 
 The Jews might be correctly 
 designated as Syrians in Palestine 
 (Deut. xxvi. 5. “Thou shalt speak 
 and say, A Syrian ready to perish 
 was my father, and he went down 
 into Egypt and sojourned there;” 
 Tac. H. 5. 2.), but Herodotus does 
 not appear to have been aware of 
 any distinction political or reli¬ 
 gious between them and the other 
 inhabitants of Palestine. They 
 were indeed at this time (the 
 middle of the 5th century B.C.), 
 only just beginning to resume po¬ 
 litical existence after the capti¬ 
 vity, their numbers diminished by 
 th.e entire loss of ten tribes. The 
 
 visit of Herodotus to Egypt pro¬ 
 bably fell between the return of 
 Ezra (464 B.C.) and that of Ne- 
 hemiah (455 B.C.), while “ the 
 remnant of the captivity were in 
 great affliction and reproach, the 
 wall of Jerusalem broken down, 
 and the gates thereof burned with 
 fire.” Neh. i. 3. The rite of cir¬ 
 cumcision was certainly not prac¬ 
 tised by the Philistines on the sea- 
 coast (2 Sam. i. 20. 1 Sam. xviii. 
 25. 27.), and the Jews could not 
 have professed to have learnt it 
 from the Egyptians, in the sense 
 which Herodotus imputes to the 
 Syrians of Palestine. Yet it was 
 in Egypt, or on quitting it, that, 
 from being a family rite, it be¬ 
 came a national institution; and 
 though its origin was not from 
 Moses, our Saviour himself, speak¬ 
 ing popularly, says, “ Moses gave 
 you circumcision.” John vii. 22. 
 The legislator having been born 
 in Egypt, it was natural that 
 those who knew nothing of his 
 claims to inspiration, should re¬ 
 present his institutions as derived 
 from that country. 
 
 Σνριοι. A distinction is observed 
 (though not invariably, comp. 2. 
 12.) between this word and Σύροί. 
 The Σνρωί are the Cappadocians, 
 called also Leucosyri. 1.72. ol Καπ- 
 παΰόκαι νπο'ΕΧλήνωνΣνρωι ονομά¬ 
 ζονται. Strabo 16.ρ.1046. Rennell, 
 Geogr. of Her. 1. 315. The river 
 Thermodon is now the Permeh; the 
 Parthenius, which separates Pa- 
 phlagonia and Bithynia,is still call¬ 
 ed Parthin ; the Macrones or Ma- 
 crocepliali (Xen. Anab.4.8.) dwelt 
 on the Absarus, now Schorak. 
 
136 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 105. 106. 
 
 εόντες, άπο Κολχωυ φασ'ι νεωστί μεμαθηκεναι, ούτοι yap εισι 
 οί περιταμνόμενοι ανθρώπων μουνοι * και ούτοι Αίγυπτίοισι 
 φαίνονται ποιεΰντες κατά τα αυτά, αυτών δε Αιγυπτίων και 
 Αιθιοπων ουκ βχω ε'ιπείν οκότεροι παρά των ετερων εζεμαθον’ 
 άρχαΊον γάρ δη τι φαίνεται εον. ως δ’ επιμισγομενοι Αιγύπτιο 
 εϊζεμαθον, μεγα μοι και τοδε τεκμήριου γίνεται * Φοινίκων οκό- 
 σοι τη Έλλαδι επιμίσγονται, ούκετι Αιγυπτίους μιμεονται 
 κατά τα αιδοία, αλλά των επιγινομενων ου περιτάμνουσι τά 
 
 105 αιδοία. Φερε νυν και άλλο είπω περί των ΚοΑχων, ώι; Αι- 
 γυπτίοισι προσφερεες εισι. λινόν μουνοι ούτοι τε και Αι¬ 
 γύπτιοι εργάζονται κατά τά αυτά * και η ζόη πάσα και η 
 γλώσσα εμφερης εστι άλληλοισι. λινόν δε το μεν Κολχικον, 
 ύπο Κλληνων Έαρΰονικον κεκλητα Γ το μεντοι απ’ Αίγύ- 
 
 106 π του άπικνεύμενον, καλεεται Αιγύπτιον, Ταα δε στηλας τάς 
 'ίστα κατά ταε χ^ώρας ο Αίγυπτου βασιλεύς Σεσωστ ρις, αι μεν 
 πλεύνες ούκετι φαίνονται περιεούσαΓ εν δε τρ ΤΙαλαιστίντρ 
 Συριρ αυτός ορεον εούσας, και τά γράμματα τά ειρημενα 
 
 επιμισγομενοι Αίγυπτφ. This 
 refers to the Phoenicians and Sy¬ 
 rians of Palestine. When Herodo¬ 
 tus speaks afterwards of the inter¬ 
 course of the Phoenicians with the 
 Greeks, he probably means in the 
 ports of Ionia and Greece. Their 
 galleons visited Athens (Xen. CEc. 
 8.), and it is probable, from the in¬ 
 scriptions in Punic and Greek found 
 at Athens (Gesenius Script. Phoen. 
 Mon. 1.111. Bocklilnscr. 1.527.), 
 that they had a factory there. 
 
 Sect. 105. Χαρδονικόν. The 
 linen of Colchis was obtained by 
 the Greeks from Sardes as an en¬ 
 trepot, where it was dyed purple 
 (Arist. Ach. 112.), and hence the 
 name, Σαρδια vos or Χαρδιανικός; but 
 Σαρδονικός properly denotes what 
 belongs to the island of Sardinia. 
 The two words, however, might 
 be confounded in popular use. 
 
 Sect. 106. Tas δε στηΧ as—al 
 μεν. This is an example of the 
 attraction of the antecedent to the 
 relative, and therefore not exactly 
 analogous to 5.103., which Wesse- 
 ling quotes in illustration of it. His 
 other example, Soph.Trach. v.287. 
 (283.Br.) τάς δε S’ άσπερ είσοράς 
 Έξ οΧβίων άζηΧον ευ ρου σαι βίον 
 Χωρονσι προς σε, is more to the 
 purpose : but neither Her. 1. 108. 
 Up ηγμα το άν τοι προσθέω, μηδα¬ 
 μώς παραχρησρ, quoted by him, is 
 in point, because παραχρ. governs 
 an accus., nor 5. 87. άΧΧω μεν δη 
 ουκ εχειν οτεω ζημιωσωσι ras γυ¬ 
 ναίκας , for the proper rendering is 
 “ non habere (i. e. nescire) qud alid 
 ratione mulieres punirent.” Xen. 
 Anab. 5. 5. K οτνωρίτας δε οΐ>ς 
 ημετέρυυς ψατε είναι , αυτοί αίτιοί 
 εισι. Matth. § 474. 
 αυτός ορεον. Herodotus probably 
 
II. 106 .] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 137 
 
 ένεόντα. εισΐ δε και περί Ίωνίην δύο τνποι εν πέτρησι εγ- 
 κεκοΧαμμένοι τούτου τού άνΰρος, τρ τε εκ της Εφεσος ές 
 Φ ωκαιαν έρχονται, και τη εκ Σαρκίων ές 'Σμύρνην . έκατέρωθι 
 δε ανηρ εγγεγλυτται, μέγαθος πέμπτης σπιθαμής, τρ μέν 
 
 passed along the sea-coast, and did 
 not enter the mountainous region 
 of Judaea: had he done so, the 
 phenomenon of a religion without 
 images could hardly have failed to 
 strike his observing mind. There 
 still remains on a rock on the coast 
 of Syria, close to the mouth of the 
 ancient river Lycus (now called 
 Nahr-el-Kelb), and about two hours 
 N.E. of Berytus, a sculptured re¬ 
 presentation of an Egyptian con¬ 
 queror, with the well-known car¬ 
 touche of Rameses II., with an up¬ 
 lifted sword and a bow in his hand. 
 This curious monument was first 
 accurately described and drawn by 
 Mr. Bonomi. See Landseer’s Sa- 
 bsean Researches, No. 9. Close to 
 the figure of Rameses is sculptured 
 that of an Assyrian or Persian mo¬ 
 narch, the record of another con¬ 
 quest to which Syria had been sub¬ 
 jected by its powerful neighbour. 
 
 περί 5 Ιωνίην , “ in different parts 
 of Ionia.” 6. 86. περί 'Ιωνίην της 
 σης δικαιοσύνης ην Χόγος πο\\ός. 
 It is probable that Sesostris fol¬ 
 lowed the coast of Syria, accom¬ 
 panied by his fleet, crossed into 
 Cyprus, against which Manetho 
 (Jos. c. Apion. 1. 15.) represents 
 him as making an expedition, and 
 then again pursued the line of the 
 coast through Ionia, crossed the 
 Hellespont into Thrace and Scy¬ 
 thia, returning along the Euxine 
 to Colchis. 
 
 τύποι, figures in intaglio or re¬ 
 lief, but not statuary. The τύπος 
 ϊ,ύΧινος ανθρωποειδής (mentioned 
 
 2.86.) was not a statue of wood, but 
 a case, of which the front was carved 
 into a resemblance of the human fi¬ 
 gure; and 3.138. the τύπος was a 
 bas relief, of which a man on horse¬ 
 back was the principal figure. 
 
 μέγαθος πέμπτης σπιθαμής. Dio¬ 
 dorus (1.55.) says, that the statue 
 of Sesostris was four cubits and four 
 palms (παΧαισταί) in height, being 
 his own stature. The words of Her. 
 are commonly rendered five spitha - 
 mce or palms, i. e. three feet and 
 three quarters. Schweighseuser 
 objects, that Sesostris was not like¬ 
 ly to raise so diminutive a repre¬ 
 sentation of himself; but the fi¬ 
 gure of the king on the monument 
 of Nahr-el-Kelb is not above two 
 feet in height. It was, however, 
 the idiom of the Greek, in express¬ 
 ing a whole number and a half, 
 to join the ordinal immediately 
 above the whole number, with the 
 word which denoted the half. Jul. 
 Poll. ix. 6. 55. Thus έβδομον 
 ημιτάΧαντον (Her. 1. 50. fin.), is 
 six talents and a half; and accord¬ 
 ing to this analogy, πέμπτος ημί- 
 πηχνς would be four cubits and a 
 half. But σπιθαμή is equivalent to 
 ημίπηγρς, which is not in use as a 
 substantive, and therefore πέμπτη 
 σπιθαμή will be four cubits and a 
 half; and so this passage is ex¬ 
 plained by the grammarian Didy- 
 mus in a passage preserved by 
 Priscian de Fig. Num. c. 3. vol. 2. 
 p. 396. ed. Krehl. ’Ίωνες καί 'Αττι¬ 
 κοί τά δύο ημισυ (two and a half) 
 ημισυ τρίτον φασίν * και τά έζ 
 
138 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 106*. 
 
 eqnj \epi εχων αιχμήν, τρ οε αριστερή τοςα, /cat τϊ /y αλ- 
 λι/μ σκευήν ωσαύτως’ και yap A iyvrcTir\v και Αιθιοπ/δα εχει* 
 εκ δε του ωμού ες τον ετερον ώμον δία των στηθεων ypap- 
 ματα Ιρά Αιγύπτια διώκει eyK6Ko\appeva , λεγοντα τάδε’ ΕΓΩ 
 
 ΤΗΝΔΕ ΤΗΝ ΧΩΡΗΝ ΩΜΟΙΣΙ ΤΟΙΣΙ ΕΜΟΙΣΙ ΕΚ- 
 ΤΗΣΑΜΗΝ. οστις δε και όκόθεν εστι, ενθαυτα μεν ου οηΧοΙ, 
 ετερωθι δε δεδηλωκε. τα δύ και μετεζετεροι των θεησαμενων 
 Μ εμνονος εικόνα εικαϊ,ουσι μιν είναι, πολύ της αΧηθηίης απο- 
 ΧεΧειμμενοι, 
 
 ημισυ τάλαντα, εβόομον η μ ιτ ά¬ 
 λαν τον' καϊ tovs τέσσαρας η μι- 
 συ πηγειε πέμπτην στνιθαμήν, 
 καθάττερ φησιν Ή) οόΰοτοε, where 
 Krehl, on the conjecture of Her¬ 
 mann, reads 'Ηλιόδωρον. The pas¬ 
 sage had been really corrected by 
 Elmsley (Class. Journ.No.10. V.5. 
 p. 334.) and Porson (Gaisf. Heph. 
 ch. 7. p. 40.). The figure, there¬ 
 fore, was six feet nine inches high. 
 Comp. Schweigh. ad Her. 1. 50. 
 Matth. § 143. It is not uncom¬ 
 mon to find Egyptian figures with 
 an inscription running from shoul¬ 
 der to shoulder across the breast. 
 
 και γάρ Αιγυπτίην και AW . έχει. 
 The spear Egyptian, the bow and 
 arrows Ethiopic. 3. 21. 22. The 
 bow, however, was in use in the 
 Egyptian armies. Wilk. M. and C. 
 1. 304. Whence Herodotus ob¬ 
 tained his interpretation of the 
 hieroglyphics he does not say, and 
 perhaps it had no other founda¬ 
 tion than the circumstance of the 
 inscription extending from shoul¬ 
 der to shoulder. 
 
 M εμνονοε εικόνα εικάζονσί μιν 
 είναι. To this conclusion they 
 had probably been led by the mix¬ 
 ture of Ethiopic in the costume. 
 Wesseling ad loc. observes, £f an- 
 tiquissima hsec et prima statuse 
 
 Memnonis, Thebis erectse, men- 
 tio; ” but Her. says nothing of 
 the statue at Thebes. What ik 
 called the vocal Memnon, is really 
 a statue of Amenophis II. (Paus. 
 1. 42. says Φαμένωφ, φ being the 
 Coptic article), whose cartouche 
 remains upon it. Champoll. Pre¬ 
 cis, No. 111. The name of Meju- 
 νόνεια was given by the Greeks to 
 the part in which it stands, oppo¬ 
 site to Thebes (properlyDiospolis), 
 Pezron Papyri 2. p. 38., but it does 
 not appear that before the Ptole¬ 
 maic times the statue was attri¬ 
 buted to Memnon. The Ethiopia 
 from which he came lay in the east, 
 not to the south of Egypt, to which 
 in later times the name was con¬ 
 fined ; and Herodotus places the 
 city and palace of Memnon at Susa, 
 5. 53. 54. The circumstance that 
 his mother was Aurora (Od. δ', 
 188. λ', 521.) refers him also to 
 the east. The indications of an 
 astronomical origin in the story 
 led Jablonsky (Diss. de Memnone) 
 to suppose that he was the sun. 
 Ήμαθίων the brother of Memnon 
 derives his name from ημαρ. ημα- 
 θόεντα * μεσημβρινόν, Hes. Other 
 conjectures may be seen in Phil. 
 Mus. 2. 146. 
 
 οίπολελειμμένοι, “ falling very 
 
II. 107. 108.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 139 
 
 Τούτοι δη τον Αιγύπτιον Σεσωστριν αναγωρεοντα, και ανά- 107 
 γοντα ποΧεας ανθρώπους των εθνεων των τας γωρας κατεστρε- 
 ψατο, εΧεγον οι ίρεες, επεί τε εγενετο αν ακονιζόμενος εν Λά- 
 φνησι τησι Πηλουσζρσι, τον αδεΧφεόν εωυτου τω επίτρεψε 
 Σεσωστρις την Αίγυπτον, τούτον επι ζείνια αυτόν καΧεσαντα, 
 και προς αυτω τους πάιόας , περινηησαι εζωθεν την οικίην ύλρ’ 
 περινηησαντα δε, υποπρησαι . τον δε ως μαθειν τούτο , αυτικα 
 συμβουΧευεσθαι τη γυναικί’ κα\ γαρ δη και την γυναίκα αυτόν 
 αμα αγεσοαι. την οε οι συμρουΧευσαι, των παιοων εοντων ες , 
 τους δύο επι την πυρην εκτείναντα , γεφυρώσαι το καιόμενον , 
 αυτους δ επ’ εκείνων επιβαίνοντας εκσωζεσθαι, ταΰτα ποιησαι 
 τον Σεσωστριν' και δύο μεν των παίόων κατακαηναι τρόπω 
 τοιουτω * τους δε λοιπούς αποσωθηναι αμα τω πατρί. Νοστη- 108 
 σας δε ο Σεσωστρις ες την Αίγυπτον , και τισαμενος τον άδελ- 
 φεόν, τω μεν όμίΧω τον επηγαγετο , των τας γωρας κατεστρε- 
 ψατο , τουτω μεν τάδε ε^ρησατο. τους τε οι Χίθους , τούς επί 
 
 far short of the truth,” z. e. being 
 in a great error. Eur. Hel. 1245. 
 JT&is όαί ; ΧεΧειμμαι των εν f, EX- 
 Χησιν νόμων. Plat. Erast. 1. 136. 
 of the philosopher eVn roiovros 
 oios— των άΧΧων απάντων άποΧε- 
 Χεϊφθαι, “ to fall short of all other 
 men” in the science which each 
 has exclusively studied. 
 
 Sect. 107. επι ζείνια αυτόν κα¬ 
 Χεσαντα. Avtos is not here redun¬ 
 dant, but is to be referred in sense 
 to the acc. Σεσωστριν at the begin¬ 
 ning,—Sesostris himself, as distin¬ 
 guished from his children. Τούτον 
 is similarly used with reference to 
 an article and dependent words 
 preceding, 2. 108. τω μεν όμίΧω — 
 τουτω μεν τάόε εγμησατο. 
 
 συμβονΧενεσθαι. “ Adverte vim 
 medii verbi σνμβονΧευεσθαι 
 consilia agitare, deliberare, et activi 
 σνμβονΧεΰειν consilium dare, con- 
 sulere.” Bahr. 
 
 Toils δυο. So the article is used 
 when a part is spoken of in refer¬ 
 ence to the whole. 8. 129. ώε όε 
 τάε όνο μεν μοίραε όιοόοιπορη - 
 κεσαν ετι όε τρεΊε νπόΧοιποι ήσαν, 
 where νποΧ. renders the article 
 unnecessary in the second clause, 
 which would otherwise have been 
 used. 7.97. having mentioned two 
 out of the four Persian nobles as 
 commanding the navy, the historian 
 adds, τηε όε άΧΧηε στρατιηε εστρα - 
 τηγεον οι όνο, “ the other two.” 
 See also 4. 62., 7. 195., 1. 18. τά 
 €<ξ ετεα των ενόεκα, “ the eleven 
 already mentioned.” Afterwards, 
 in the present Section, when the 
 number is spoken of without re¬ 
 ference to the whole, it is simply 
 όνο μεν των παίόων. Diodorus, 
 in relating the escape of Sesostris, 
 describes him only as praying to 
 the gods, and so escaping. 1. 5. 
 
140 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 108. 
 
 τούτον του βασιΧεος κομισθεντας ες τον Ηφαιστου το Ιρόν, 
 εόνταα μεγαθει περιμηκεας, ούτοι ησαν οί εΧκύσαντες* και ταε 
 όιωρυχας τας νυν εούσας εν Αιγύπτιο πάσας ουτοι αναγκα¬ 
 ζόμενοι ωρυσσον * εποίευν τε ούκ εκόντες Αίγυπτον, το πριν 
 εούσαν ιππασίμην και αμαζενομενην πάσαν, ενόεά τούτων, από 
 γάρ τούτον τού χρόνου Αίγυπτος, εονσα πεόιάς πάσα, ανιπ- 
 πος και άναμάζευτος γεγονε ’ αίτιαι δε τούτων αι Βιώρυχες 
 γεγόνασι, εούσαι ποΧΧαι, και παντοίους τροπονς εχουσαι. κα- 
 τεταμνε δε τουδε είνεκα την χώρην ο βασιΧεύς' όσοι των 
 Αιγυπτίων μη επι τω ποτάμιο εκτηντο τάς πόΧις, αΧΧ’ ανα- 
 μεσους, ούτοι όκως τε απίοι ο ποταμός, σπανίζοντες νΒάτων, 
 πΧα τντεροισι εχρεοντο τοίσι πομασι, εκ φρεάτων χρεόμενοί . 
 
 Sect. 108. ένόεά τούτων sc. του 
 ιππασίμην /cat άμ. elvai, “unfit for 
 riding and the use of wheel car¬ 
 riages.” This, from the cause as¬ 
 signed and the description εονσα 
 7 recuds, can be true only of the 
 Delta. The use of cavalry and 
 war chariots is not meant, as these 
 would be employed in foreign coun¬ 
 tries. War chariots, which appear 
 to have been common in earlier 
 times, both from the Scriptures 
 {Exod. xiv. 9.), the sculptures, and 
 II. i, 383, would be laid aside after 
 the introduction of Greek infantry 
 tactics; but as late as the time of 
 the Babylonish captivity, the Jews 
 depended on Egypt for cavalry. 
 Ezek. xvii. 15. The horses were 
 probably not bred in Egypt, but 
 obtained, as they still are, from 
 the interior of Africa. They would 
 not be needed for husbandry, other 
 animals supplying their place; nor 
 much for draft, where the whole 
 country was so intersected with 
 canals affording water carriage. 
 
 εονσα πεόιάε πάσα, “ though all 
 level,” and therefore well adapted 
 for horses, the relative having an 
 
 adversative force, 2 . 65. init. 7 . 
 9. tovs χρην εόνταε ομογΧώσσονς, 
 “ though they ought as speaking 
 the same language.” Xen. Cyrop. 
 
 1. 3. E v ΐίερσαιε, δια το χαΧεπόν 
 είναι και τρέφειν 'ίππους και ίππεύ- 
 ειν, εν ορεινή ονση τη χωρά και 
 iceiv ίππον σπανών . 
 
 υκωε απίοι, i. e. οκοτε. 2 . 150. 
 όκως γένοιτο νύξ, the opt. deno¬ 
 ting repetition, “quoties.” 
 
 πλατυτέροισι, “rather brackish.” 
 See p. 34. In II. p, 432., the Hel¬ 
 lespont is called πΧατύς, on which 
 Bishop Maltby observes (Morelli 
 Lex. p. 267.) “Recte hoc fretum 
 στεινωπόν vocat Dionysius. Unde 
 igitur πΧατνς ΈΧΧησποΐ'τος Ho- 
 meri ? Ut opinor vetus istius adjec- 
 tivi usus nodum solvet. Hesychio 
 πΧατύ est άΧμνρόν. Et hac signifi- 
 catione vocem adhibuit Herodotus 
 
 2 . 108. Quid quod Xerxes apud 
 eundem Herodotum Hellespontum 
 appellat άΧμνρόν ποταμόν quod 
 recte vertitur ingrat^e salsugines 
 fluvium, 7. 35. Ergo ex epithetis 
 του, 'ΕΧΧησποντος posthac deleas 
 ενρνς et 7r\a7-usillud,veterum more, 
 salsus interpreteris.” 
 
II. 109.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 141 
 
 τούτων μεν όη εινε κα κατετμηθη η Αίγυπτος. ΚατανεΤμαι 109 
 δε την χ ωρην Αιγυπτίοισι απασι τούτον ελεγον τον βασιλέα, 
 κΧηρον ίσον εκαστιυ τετράγωνου διδόντα* και από τούτον τάς 
 προσόδους ποιησασθαι, επιτάζαντα αποφορην επιτεΧεειν κατ 
 ενιαυτόν, ει δέ τίνος του κΧηρου ο ποταμός, τι παρεΧοιτο , 
 εΧθων αν προς αυτόν εσημαινε τό yεyεvημεvov' ό δε επεμπε 
 τους επισκεψομένους και αναμετρησοντας όσιο ελάσσων ό χώ¬ 
 ρος γέγονε, δκως του λοιπού κατά λόγον τί?ς τ ετayμεvηc, 
 αποφορηο, τελεοι. δοκεει δε μοι ενθευτεν yεωμετpιη εύρε- 
 Θεισα, ες τηυ Ελλάδα επανελθεΐν. πόλον μεν γάρ, και γνώ- 
 
 Sect. 109. έλθών αν προς αυτόν 
 εσημαινε, i. e. εσημαινε αν, “ he 
 would come to him and make known 
 what had happened.” 1. 196. ojs 
 διεζέλθοι 6 κήρυζ πωλέων τάς ενει- 
 δεστάτας των παρθένων ανίστη 
 αν την άμορφεστάτην—το δε αν 
 'χρυσίον έγίνετο άπο των ευειδέων 
 παρθένων. Of this use of the im- 
 perf. indie, with αν to denote a re¬ 
 peated action, see Matth. § 599. a. 
 
 όκως του λοιποΰ, “ in order that 
 in future he might pay in propor¬ 
 tion to the established tribute 
 not the whole, but a part propor¬ 
 tioned to what was left. 
 
 έπανελθείν , “ subsequently to 
 have comethe common signifi¬ 
 cation is “ to return .” The ideas 
 of a subsequent action and one re¬ 
 peated in an opposite direction, 
 are much interchanged in Greek ; 
 so αυθις, “again ’ and “subsequent¬ 
 ly .” Αυθις, μετά ταΰτα. Hes. Her. 
 7. 10. 4. 
 
 πόλον και γνωμονα. Πόλο« is 
 the concave hemispherical sun dial, 
 of which the invention was attribu¬ 
 ted by the ancients to Berosus the 
 Babylonian. It is so constructed, 
 that the shadow of an object placed 
 in the centre will trace every day 
 a portion of a circle corresponding 
 
 to the sun’s path in the heavens. 
 This, divided into twelve, will mark 
 not twelve hours of equal length, 
 in all seasons, but twelve portions 
 (μέρεα της j) μέρας) varying in length 
 as the length of the day varies. 
 IIoXos in the older Greek writers 
 denotes not the pole but the hemi¬ 
 sphere. Πόλο$. ουρανός, κύκλος. 
 Hes. The construction of a plane 
 sun dial would require a greater de¬ 
 gree of astronomical knowledge. 
 Ideler, Sternkunde der Chaldaer, 
 p. 13., says that γνώμων was used 
 by the Greeks for anything erected 
 to show the time of noon (Alciphr. 
 iii. ep. 4.) and thence, by rude ap¬ 
 proximation, the other parts of the 
 day, though without drawing ho¬ 
 rary lines. According to Miot, the 
 object of the gnomon was to mark 
 by the length of its shadow the 
 different seasons of the year; in 
 which sense Pliny, N.H.36. c. 16., 
 uses it when speaking of the obe¬ 
 lisk in the Campus Martius, which 
 Augustus employed for this pur¬ 
 pose. It appears, however, from 
 Lucian, Lexiph. 4. ό γνώμων σκι- 
 άζει μέσην την πόλον, Schol. γνώ¬ 
 μων του ωρολογίου μέσον, ου σκιά 
 δείκνυσι τ as ώρας, that γν. and π. 
 were parts of the same instrument. 
 
142 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 110. 111. 
 
 μονά, και τα 8υώ$εκα μερεα της ημερης, παρά Βαβυλωνίων 
 
 110 εμαθον οί 'Έλληνες. Βασίλευα μεν $η ούτος μουνος Αιγύπτιος 
 Αίθιοπίης ήρζε. Μνημόσυνα δε ελίπετο προ του Ηφαιστείου, 
 ανδριάντας λίθινους' δυο μεν, τριηκοντα πήξεων, εωυτόν τε 
 και την γυναΓικα' τουα δε παίδας εόντας τεσσερας, είκοσι πη~ 
 χεων έκαστον . των δη 6 ιρευς του Ηφαίστου χρόνω μετε - 
 πειτα πολλω ΑαρεΊον τον Τίερσην ου περιείχε ίστάντα έμ¬ 
 προσθεν ανδριάντα, φας “ οίί οί πεποιησθαι έργα οίά περ 
 
 Έεσωστρι τω Αίγυπτίω, 'Σεσωστριν μεν yap άλλα τε 
 καταστρεφασθαι εθνεα ονκ ελασσω εκείνον , και δη και Έκυ- 
 θας' Ααρειον δε ού δυνασθηναι Έκυθας ελεΐν. ουκων δίκαιον 
 είναι ίσταναι εμπροσθε των εκείνου αναθημάτων , μη ουκ 
 νπερβαλλόμενον τοίσι εργοισι.” Ααρειον μεν νυν λεγονσι 
 προς ταΰτα συγγνώμην ποιησασθαι. 
 
 111 Έεσώστριος δε τελευτ ησαντος, εκδεζασθαι ελεγον την βασι- 
 ληίην τον παιδα αυτου Φερών' τον άποδεζασθαι μεν ουδεμίαν 
 στρατηίην, συνενειγθηναι δε οί τυφλόν γενεσθαι, δια τοιδνδε 
 πρηγμα. του ποταμού κατελθόντος μέγιστα δη τότε επ* όκτω- 
 
 u 
 
 u 
 
 a 
 
 u 
 
 u 
 
 Sect. 110. μούνοεΑίθιοπίηε ηρζε. 
 The temples of Nubia furnish proof 
 that Sesostris conquered this part 
 of Ethiopia, his cartouche appear¬ 
 ing there ; but the same evidence 
 shows that he was not the only 
 Egyptian king who had held do¬ 
 minion over that country. Wilk. 
 M. and C. 1. 52. 56. 59. 68. 73., 
 where the monuments bearing the 
 name of Rameses II. are enume¬ 
 rated. 
 
 ου περιεΊύε ιστάντα, “ did not 
 overlook his erecting,” i. e. did 
 not quietly allow him to erect. 
 See p. 91. περιορ^ν. Matth. § 550. 
 It appears from Diod. 1. 58., that 
 it was his own statue that Darius 
 wished to erect. 
 
 μη ούκ νπερβ. “ unless of one 
 who surpassed him in his deeds 
 
 νπερβάλλομενον is the accus. after 
 ιστάναι. Ίστάναι τινα, is “ to 
 erect a statue of any one.” 8.100. 
 ού γάρ εστι Γ, Ελλΐ7σι ούδεμία εκ- 
 hvais μη ον hovras λόγον, “un¬ 
 less they have made retribution.” 
 6. 106. εινάτη he ουκ εζελεύσεσθαι 
 εφασαν μη ου πλήρεοε eovros του 
 κύκλον, “ unless the moon were 
 full.” This use of μη ού with the 
 participle, as equivalent to nisi, 
 takes place only after a negative, 
 Matth. § 609.2. Diodorus (1.58.) 
 relates that Darius replied, that if 
 he lived as long as Sesostris, he 
 hoped to rival his exploits. Accord¬ 
 ing to Wilkinson (M. and C. 1.), 
 Sesostris reigned at least sixty- 
 two years, this date having been 
 found on his monuments. 
 
 Sect. 111 . κατελθόντοί, “from 
 
HERODOTUS. 
 
 143 
 
 II. 112.] 
 
 καί^εκα πηχεας, ως υπερεβαλε τάς άρουρας, πνεύματος εμπε- 
 σόντος, κυματίης ο ποταμός εγενετο* τον δε βασιλέα λεγουσι 
 τούτον άτασθαλίη χρησάμενον, λαβόντα αιχμήν, βαλεειν ες 
 μεσας τάς άίνας τον ποταμού * μετά δέ, αυτίκα καμόντα αυτόν 
 τους οφθαλμούς, τνφλωθηναι. δέκα μεν δη ετεα εΐ^αί μιν τυ- 
 φλ οι>* ενΰεκάτω δε ετει άπικεσθαι οί μαντηιον εκ Βοντονς 
 πόλιος, ως “ εξηκει τε οί ο χρόνος της ζημίης, καί. αναβλε- 
 “ ψει.” ’Αναθήματα δε, αποφυγών την πάθην των οφθαλ¬ 
 μών, άλλα τε άνά τα ίρά πάντα τα λόγιμα ανεθηκε, καί του 
 γε λόγον μάλιστα άξιόν εστι εχειν, ες τον Ηλιον τό Ιρόν 
 άξιοθεητα ανεθηκε έργα, οβελούς δύο λίθινους, εξ ενός εόντα 
 εκάτερον λίθου, μήκος μεν έκάτερον πηχεων εκατόν, εύρος δέ 
 
 > Ν / 
 
 οκτώ πηχεων. 
 
 Τούτου δε εκάεξασθαι την βασιληίην ελεγου άνάρα Μ εμφί- 1 
 την, τώ κατά την των Ελλήνων γλώσσαν οννομα ΊΊρωτεα 
 είναι * τού νυν τεμενάς εστι εν Μεμφι κάρτα καλόν τε καί εύ 
 εσκευασμενον, του Ήφαιστη'ίου προς νότον άνεμον κείμενον . 
 περιοικεουσι δέ το τεμενος τούτο Φοίνικες Ύυριοι' καλεεται δέ 
 ο χώρος ούτος ο συνάπας, Τυριών στρατό πέδου, εστι δέ εν τώ 
 
 Ethiopia,” 2. 19. Compare what 
 was said 2. 13. of the ordinary- 
 height of the inundation. A sen¬ 
 tence which begins with the con¬ 
 struction of the gen. abs., often, 
 by a kind of anacoluthon, changes 
 to the direct construction, usually 
 when some words have been inter¬ 
 posed, as here του ποταμού κατ- 
 εΧθόνι ~os —κνματίηε 6 π. έγένετο, 
 
 instead of κατεΧθων - έγένετο. 
 
 Richter de Greec. Ling. Anacol. 
 p. 29. Such deviations from the 
 formal rule of construction, give 
 to the style of the Greeks, and 
 especially of Herodotus, the cha¬ 
 racter of grata negligentia and con¬ 
 versational ease. Comp. Matth. § 
 561. 
 
 όβεΧούε. Her. never uses όβε- 
 
 Χίσκοε. Although the cause of the 
 transference of this word from a 
 spit (2. 135.) to a tapering and 
 pointed column is so obvious, 
 learned men have not been con¬ 
 tented without seeking a Coptic 
 etymology. Zoega de Or. et Usu 
 Obeliscorum, p. 130. 
 
 Sect. 112. Τ υρίων στρατόπεδον. 
 2. 154. the quarter allotted to the 
 Ionians and Carians is called Στρα¬ 
 τόπεδα. Being established among 
 an unfriendly population, to whom 
 their manners and religion were 
 repugnant, they found it expedient 
 to fortify their quarters. Ύέμεvos 
 (from τέμνω), is a portion of land 
 cut off from common uses and al¬ 
 lotted to an individual, or conse¬ 
 crated to a god. II. 194. of 
 
144 
 
 HERODOTUS, 
 
 [11.113. 
 
 rejue νει του Πρωτεος ιρό v, το καλεεται Κείνης Αφροδίτης* 
 συμβάλλομαι δε τούτο το Ipov elvai 'Ελένης της Τυνόάρεω, 
 και τον λόγον άκηκοως ως όιαιτηθη Ελένη παρά ΤΙρωτει, και 
 δη και ότι Άείνης Αφροδίτης επωνύμιόν εστι* όσα γάρ άλλα 
 113 Αφροόίτης ίρά εστι, ουόαμως Εείνης επικαλεεται. ’Ελεγον 
 δε μοι οί ίρεες ίστορεοντι τα περί Ελένην , γενεσθαι ώδε* Α- 
 λεζανόρον άρπάσαντα Ελένην εκ Σπάρτης, άποπλεειν ες την 
 εωυτου. καί μιν, ως εγενετο εν τω Αιγαίω, εξώσται άνεμοι εκ- 
 βάλλουσι ες το Αιγύπτιον πέλαγος’ ενθευτεν δε (ου γάρ άνίει 
 τα πνεύματα) άπΐκνεεται ες Αίγυπτον, καί Αίγυπτου ες το νυν 
 
 Κ ανωβικόν καλεύμενον στόμα του Νείλου, καί ες Τ αριχείας. 
 
 Ί 
 
 Bellerophon. Και μεν οι Αυκιοι 
 τέμενος τάμον έξοχον άλλων. 
 Καλόν φυταΧιης και άρούρης, οφρα 
 νέμοιτο. It was more extensive 
 than the ιερόν, including, besides 
 the sacred buildings, consecrated 
 groves (Her. 6. 75.) and pastures. 
 
 ίΞίείνη Άφροόίτη. Herodotus 
 has been supposed to mean, that 
 the person popularly called Helen, 
 the daughter of Tyndareus, was 
 really a Phenician goddess, Astarte, 
 or the Venus of Ascalon, 1. 105. 
 But this is to attribute to him a 
 deeper insight into the nature of 
 mythology than he seems to have 
 possessed, and he probably meant 
 nothing more, than that Helen, 
 from the tradition of her beauty, 
 had gained the name and honours 
 of a foreign Venus. 
 
 επωνύμων. Several MSS. have 
 the more common form έπωνυμον. 
 “ Επώνυμος prseditum duplici po- 
 testate, eo magis observanda, quod 
 ssepe deluserit eruditos interpretes, 
 vel qui nomen ab alio trahit, vel qui 
 suum alteri tribuit.” Hemst. ad 
 Luc. D. Mar. 9. 2. p. 373. ed. Bip. 
 Herodotus, here and elsewhere, 
 uses it only in the first sense ; the 
 
 άρχοντες επώνυμοι of Athens, who 
 gave their name to the year, are 
 an example of the second. ,/Esch. 
 Prom. V. 308. Blomf. 
 
 Sect. 113. The absurdities in 
 which the poets and historians 
 were involved by the endeavours 
 to bring into one story the mytho¬ 
 logical traditions of Helen, are well 
 pointed out by Bryant in his Ob¬ 
 servations on the War of Troy. 
 Stesichorus, B.C. 608. (Clinton, 
 F. Η. 1. 216.) appears to have first 
 broached the notion that it was 
 only a phantom-Helen that Paris 
 carried off from Egypt. Plat. Rep. 
 2.586. Euripides has adopted this 
 as the foundation of his tragedy. 
 Comp. Thirlwall’s Greece, 1.152. 
 
 έζώσται άνεμοι. Tac. Hist. 2. 8. 
 “ Vi tempestatum Cythnum insu- 
 lam detrusus.” 
 
 άνίει, “ do not remit.” It is 
 the Ionic 3rd pers. pres, of άνίημι. 
 3. 109. ούκ άνίει , in the sense of 
 “does not relax the hold/’ Buttm. 
 Ausf. Gr. 1. 545. Fishlake, Ir- 
 reg Verbs, p. 116. 
 
 Tapt^eias, “ salt-pits.” Comp. 
 2. 15., where similar pits are spo¬ 
 ken of at the Pelusiac mouth. The 
 
II. 114.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 145 
 
 t)V ce €7 τι της ηιονοοο και νυν εστι, ηρακλεος ipov ες το ην 
 καταφυγών οικετης ότεω ανθρώπων επιβάληται στίγματα ίρά, 
 εωυτον όιόους τω υεω, ουκ εςεστι τούτον αψασυαι . ο νομος 
 ουτος διατελεει εων όμοιος μέχρι εμευ τω απ’ αρχής, του ών 
 δη ’Αλεξάνδρου άπιστεαται θεράποντες, πνθόμενοι τον περί το 
 ίρον εχοντα νόμον * ίκεται δε ίζόμενοι του θεόν, κατηγόρεον 
 του ’Αλεξάνδρου, βουλόμενοι βλάπτειν αυτόν, πάντα λόγον 
 εξηγευμενοι ως είχε περί την Ελένην τε και την ες Μεΐ'έλεωυ 
 άδικ'ιην * κατηγόρεον δε ταυτα προς τε τους ίρεας και τον του 
 στόματος τούτον φύλακον, τω ουνομα ην θώνις. Άκουσας δε 114 
 τούτων ο θώνις, πεμπει την ταχίστην ες Μέμφιν παρά Πρ ω- 
 τεα άγγελίην, λεγονσαν τάδε * “'Ηκει ξείνος, γένος μεν Τευ- 
 61 κρός, εργον δε άνόσιον εν τρ Ελλάδι εξεργασμένος’ ξείνου 
 
 Greeks fabled that Canopus was 
 named from the pilot of Menelaus, 
 but it appears to have been a Cop¬ 
 tic word signifying χρυσοΰν έδα¬ 
 φος, from its fertility. Champ. 2. 
 259. 
 
 οΐκέτης οτεω ανθρώπων επιβά- 
 ληται. This can hardly be ren¬ 
 dered into English otherwise than 
 by a gen. “ if any man's slave take 
 upon himself the sacred marks 
 it is not, however, an arbitrary 
 substitution for the gen., but the 
 Greek takes the sense of the whole 
 clause together, and describes the 
 action of the slave, ειπβάΧεσθαι, 
 in reference to the master as the 
 person interested in it. 4. 162. Ή 
 μητηρ οι ες ΣαΧαμϊνα της Κύπρον 
 εφνγε. Comp. Matth. § 389. The 
 suburb of the town of Canopus 
 was hence called Heraclium, and 
 the mouth of the Nile, Heracleotic. 
 See Wesseling. Tac. An. 2. 60. 
 
 στίγματα. Properly, marks pro¬ 
 duced by puncture, placed on the 
 foreheads of slaves. Cic.Off. 2.7. 
 “Barbarum et eum quidem ut scri- 
 
 ptum est compunctum notis Threi- 
 ciis.” Her. 7. 233. τους i τΧεΰνας 
 αυτών εστιζον στίγματα βασι- 
 Χηία. By taking on himself the 
 sacred marks, the slave made him¬ 
 self the ίερόδονΧος of the temple, 
 and emancipated himself from his 
 master. St. Paul, having emanci¬ 
 pated himself from the bondage of 
 the law, and become the servant of 
 Christ, says (Gal. vi. 19.), “Let no 
 man henceforth trouble me; εγώ 
 γάρ τα στίγματα τον Κυρίου Ίησοΰ 
 εν τω σώματί μου βαστάζω .” Such 
 asylums as here described were 
 frequently the origin of cities. Liv. 
 1. 8. Dion. 2. 15. 
 
 θώνις. How the name of Tho- 
 nis, or Thon (Od. S', 228.), was in¬ 
 troduced into this story is evident; 
 there was a town of this name 
 (Diod. 1. 19.) near the Canopic 
 mouth of the Nile. Arist. Meteor. 
 1. 14. There was also a place or 
 island near this mouth named He- 
 lenium (Steph. Byz., from Heca- 
 taeus). 
 
 L 
 
146 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 115. 
 
 u γαρ του εωυτου εζαπατησαρ την γυναίκα, αυτήν τε ταυ- 
 “ την άγων ηκει, και πολλά κάρτα 'χρήματα, υπό άνεμων ερ 
 u γην την σην άπενειχθε'ιρ. κότερα όητα τούτον εωμεν ασινεα 
 “ εκπΧεειν , η άφεΧωμεθα τα εχων ήλθε Αντιπεμπει προρ 
 ταντα ο Πρώτευα λεγοντα τάδε* α 'Άνόρα τούτον, όστιρ 
 u /core εστι ανόσια εργασμενορ ζέϊνον τον εωυτου, συλλα- 
 βοντερ, απαγετε παρ εμε, ινα ειοω ο τι κοτε και Λεςει. 
 
 115 Ακουσαρ δε ταυτα ό θ ώνιρ, συΧΧαμβάνει τον Άλεξ ανόρον, 
 και ταρ νεαρ αυτου κατίσχει' μετά δε, αυτόν τε τούτον ανη- 
 yayε ερ ΑΙεμφιν, καί την Ελένην τε και τα χρήματα’ πρόρ 
 δε, κα\ τουρ ίκεταρ, άνακομισθεντων δε. πάντων, ειρώτα τον 
 ΆΧεζ avSpov ο Πρώτευε, τίρ είη, κα\ οκόθεν πΧεοι, ο δέ οι και 
 το γενορ κατεΧε^ε, και τηρ πάτρηρ είπε το ουνομα * κα\ όη 
 και τον πΧόον άπηγησατο οκόθεν πΧεοι. μετά δε, ο Πρώτευε 
 ειρόοτα αυτόν οκόθεν την Ελέιη/υ Χάβοι' πΧανωμενου δέ του 
 ’Αλέξανδρου εν τω Χόγω, και ου Χεγοντορ την άΧηθηίην, 
 vXeyX°v οι γενόμενοι ικεται, εζηγευμενοι πάντα Χόγον του 
 άόικηματορ. τεΧορ δέ δ /j σφι Χόγον τονδε εκφαίνει ο Πρώ¬ 
 τευε, Χεγων ότι 66 Εγώ ει μη περί ποΧΧου ηγευμην μηόενα 
 ζείνων κτείνειν, όσοι υπ άνεμων ηόη άποΧαμφθεντερ ηΧθον 
 ερ χωρην την εμην, εγώ άν σε υπέρ του Έλληνοε ετισάμην' 
 “ ορ, ώ κάκιστε άνόρών, ζεινίων τυχών, εργον άνοσιωτατοι> 
 u εργάσαο . παρά του σεωυτου ξείνου την γυναίκα ηΧθερ’ και 
 
 u 
 
 {( 
 
 Sect. 114. ο τι κοτε και Χέζει. 
 Καί indicates impatience and won¬ 
 der that anything could be said in 
 justification of such an act, “ quid 
 tandem dicturus sit?” ΐνα και είδω, 
 οτι και ερεΐε. Plat. Alcib. 1. 2. 
 106. “Est idem illud καί quod ad 
 intensionem studii cognoscendi indi- 
 candam interrogativis adjungitur 
 nec minus relativis.” Buttm. ad 
 loc. 
 
 Sect. 115. μηόενα ζείνων κτεί- 
 veiv. This protestation, and its re¬ 
 
 petition below, have been evident¬ 
 ly put into the mouth of Proteus 
 by the Egyptian priests, to refute 
 the charge of the Greeks, that the 
 Egyptians sacrificed strangers, 2. 
 45. Apollod. II. 5.11. Βούσφΐ$.... 
 tovs ζενονε εθυεν έπι βωμω Αιόε. 
 Virg. Georg. 3. 5. “ Quis aut Eu- 
 rysthea durum Aut illaudati nescit 
 Busiridis aras?” Not contented 
 with repelling, they retorted the 
 imputation of human sacrifices on 
 the Greeks. See 2. 119. 
 
II. 1 16.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 147 
 
 u μάλα ταυτά τοι ουκ ηρκεσβ, αλλά άναπτβρωσας αυτήν, οι- 
 u χεαι εχων εκκλβφας. και ούδε ταυτά τοι μουνα ηρκβσβ, 
 
 “ αλλά και τα οικία του ξβίνου κβραίσας ηκεις. νυν ών, €7 rei- 
 “ δά περί ποΧΧου ηγημαι μη ξβινοκτονέβιν, γυναίκα μεν ταυ- 
 “ την και τα χρήματα ου τοι προησω άπάγεσθαι, αλλά αυτά 
 u εγώ τω ''ΈΧΧηνι ξβίνιμ φυλάξω, ες ο αν αυτοί; ελθων εκείνος 
 “ άπαγαγεσθαι εθελτ)' αυτόν δε σε και τους σους συμπλόους 
 “ τριών ημερεων 7 τροαγορευω εκ της εμης γης ες άλλην τινά 
 “ μετορμίζεσθαι * ει δε μη, άτε πολεμίους περιεφεσθαι.” 
 
 ΈΧενηε μεν ταυτην άπιξιν τταρά ΤΙρωτεα ελεγον οι ίρεες 1 
 γενεσθαι' δοκέει δέ μοι και 'Ομηροι; τον λόγον τούτον ττυ- 
 θεσθαι * άλλ’ ου γάρ ομοίως ες την εποποιίην ευπρεπής ην τω 
 
 άναπτερωσας. άνεπτεροΰτο. ελ- 
 πισι χρησταίς ηρετο, Suid. Here, 
 however, it is the excitement of 
 false hopes and guilty passions. 
 The word is used equally of hope 
 and fear, indignation, profound at¬ 
 tention, and anything that raises 
 the mind above its ordinary calm 
 level. 
 
 οίχεαι εχων έκκλεψας, “ you 
 went off with her in your posses¬ 
 sion, having stolen her away.” 2. 
 118. oi^ero κΧέψ as. 119.ο’Ζχε7·ο 0e- 
 υγων. See note on 2.29. ’E κκλ. is 
 not raptam but furtirn abductam. 
 
 τριών ημερεων, “ in some por¬ 
 tion of three days,” i. e. within 
 three days. So ολίγου χρόνου, 
 3. 134. ‘‘within a short time.” 
 Matth. § 377. 2. b. 7. 79. προει- 
 
 πεϊν 7 τρό δυντος ηλίου άπαλλάσ- 
 σεσθαι εκ της Άργείων χώρης' εΐ 
 δε μη, περιέφεσθαι ώς πολεμί - 
 ους. It is the fut. mid. with pas¬ 
 sive signification. Matth. § 234. 
 
 Sect. 116. ταυτην άπιζιν. “ Quod 
 articulum την post ταυτην inseri 
 vult Valckenserius id haud necesse 
 in Ionico scriptore.” Bahr. 1. 49. 
 
 τούτο ενόμισε μάντη ίο v ειιίευδες 
 έκτησθαι. This omission of the 
 article is Homeric. 
 
 άλλ’ ου γάρ ομοίως, “ but since 
 it was not equally suitable for epic 
 poetry with the other which he 
 made use of.” This inversion, by 
 which γάρ and the clause which 
 assigns the reason, precede that 
 which assigns the consequence, is 
 very common. Her. 1. 8. Τυγη, 
 ου γιιρ σε δοκέω πείθεσθαί μοι.... 
 ποίεε οκως θεησεαι εκείνην. But 
 the second clause is also some¬ 
 times introduced by a causal par¬ 
 ticle. Her. 1. 30. ΐΞίείνε ’ Αθηναίε , 
 παρ' ημέαε γάρ περί σέο λόγος άπί- 
 κται πολλύς....νυν ών ίμερος επεί- 
 ρεσθαί μοι επηλθε. In Her. ες ο 
 is used not only of time, “ donee,” 
 but also of the consequence of the 
 preceding state of things, “ adeo 
 ut.” 4. 160. will show how natu¬ 
 rally one meaning passes into the 
 other. Άρκεσίλεως τοίσι εωυτου 
 άδελφεοΐσι εστασίασε, ες 6 μιν ου- 
 τοι άπολιπόντεε ο'ίχοντο, where ες 
 ο might be rendered “ usque dum,” 
 or “ adeo ut” So 1. 115. ουτος δε 
 
148 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 116. 
 
 ετερω τιυπερ εγ^ρησατο' ες o per ηκε αυτον, ΰηλωσας ως καί 
 τούτον επίσταιτο τον Xoyov. δίηλον δε’ κατα yap εποιησε εν 
 Ιλιαδι (και ουδαμη άλλη άνεπόδισε εωυτόν ) πλάνην την Α¬ 
 λεξάνδρου, ως άπηνείγβη αγω ν Ελένην, τη τε δη άλλη πλα- 
 Ζ,όμενος, καί ως eq Έιδωνα της Φοινίκης άπίκετ ο. επιμεμνηται 
 oe αυτόν εν Ιλιομηοεος αριστειη , Aeyei oe τα εττεα ουτω 
 
 άνηκονστεε τε και λόγον είχε ονδενι' 
 iso ελαβε την δίκην. In the pre¬ 
 sent passage, is δ, in the sense of 
 “ adeo ut” stands pleonastically at 
 the beginning of the second clause, 
 as ων before. It is thus not very 
 different from “ quare,” by which 
 Matthbe § 578. 3. c. p. 1009. ren¬ 
 ders it; but had it been analogous, 
 as he supposes, to e/s τι, “to what 
 end,” it w T ould have signified “ to 
 w r hich purpose,” which would not 
 suit the sense here. 
 
 μετήκε, “he threw it aside.” 
 δηλον δε" κατα γάρ. “ and this is 
 evident: according to the descrip¬ 
 tion which he has given in the 
 Iliad (and he has nowhere else 
 corrected himself,) of the wander¬ 
 ing of Alexander, how he was car¬ 
 ried out of his course as he con¬ 
 ducted Helen,” &c. Kara is Ionic 
 for καθ’ a. 2. 6. κατα ημέεε διαι- 
 ρέομεν είναι Αίγυπτον. The use 
 of γάρ after δηλον δε’ σημείον δε’ 
 τεκμηριον δε” is common, Matth. § 
 630. ρ. 1130. but the construction 
 here is embarrassed by its combi¬ 
 nation with κατά. There is, how r - 
 ever, no authority for its omission. 
 Reiske (see Schweighseuser’s note,) 
 considers the apodosis as begin¬ 
 ning with εν τοντοισι τοίσι επεσι, 
 all the quotations from Homer 
 forming a kind of parenthesis. 
 
 άνεπόδισε. In the only other 
 passage in which this word occurs 
 in Herodotus (5. 96.), it signifies. 
 
 “to cause some one to go over the 
 same ground,” “ to repeat.” But 
 as the same ground may be gone 
 over in the same, or in an oppo¬ 
 site direction, the same w r ord may 
 denote either doing again or un¬ 
 doing. So πάλιν, and re in La¬ 
 tin, signify again and backward, 
 as in παλινωδία, “ a recantation.” 
 Others of the compounds of άνά 
 have the same double meaning; 
 thus άναδιδάσκω is “ to unteach,” 
 (Her. 8. 63.) or “to teach over 
 again,” as a dramatist, teaching 
 the actors for a second perform¬ 
 ance. Blomf. Pers. xxiv. Here 
 άνεπόδισε evidently means, “ made 
 himself retrace his steps,” i. e. 
 corrected his former assertion. 
 
 Αιομηδεοε άριστείη. The pas¬ 
 sage is found II. £', 289. The ex¬ 
 ploits of Diomed chiefly occupy 
 the preceding book, but they are 
 continued in the 6th, and the pray¬ 
 er which Theano offers to Minerva 
 is ’Άξον δη εγ -^os Δι ομηδεοε, 306. 
 The title, therefore, of The Ex¬ 
 ploits of Diomed, was given ori¬ 
 ginally to both the 5th and 6th 
 books, though it was afterwards 
 confined to the 5th. “ The fact 
 seems to be, that the titles by 
 which the different parts of Ho¬ 
 mer’s poems were first distin¬ 
 guished were applied to parts of 
 very unequal lengths; so that after¬ 
 wards, when the equal or nearly 
 equal division into books took 
 
Ιί. 117.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 149 
 
 ’'Ένθ* έσαν οι πέπλοι παμποίκιλοι, έργα γυναικών 
 Σιόονίων, ras αυτός Άλέζανόρος θεοειδής 
 ήγαγε Σιδονίηθεν, έπιπλώς ευρέα πόντον , 
 την οδόν ήν Ελένην περ άνήγαγεν ευπατέρειαν. 
 
 Έιπιμεμνηται δε και ev Όδυσσείρ, 
 
 ev τοΤσίδε τοισι επεσι* 
 
 ΤοΓα Aids θνγάτηρ εχε φόιρμακα μητιόεντα, 
 εσθλά, τά οι ίίολυδαμνα πόρεν, θώνος παράκοιτις 
 Αίγυπτίη * ττ} πλεϊστα φέρει ζείδωρος άρουρα 
 φόιρμακα, πολλά μεν έσβλά μεμιγμένα, πολλά δε λυγρά . 
 
 και τάδε erepa προς Τηλέμαχον Μενέλεωε λέγει* 
 
 Αιγνπτω μ ’ έτι δεύρο θεοί μεμαώτα νέεσθαι 
 εσχον , έπει ου σφιν έρεζα τεληέσσας έκατόμβας. 
 
 ’Ey τ ουτοισι τοισι επεσι δ^ΧοΤ, δτι ηπίστατο την ec, Αίγυπτον 
 A λε^ανδμου πλάνην* ομουρεει -yap η Έυρίη Αιγνπτω' οι δε 
 Φοίνικεε, των εστι η Έ,ιΒων, ev ry 'Evpiy οικεονσι. Κατά 117 
 ταυτα δέ τά επεα, και τόδε το χωρ'ιον ουκ ήκιστα, αλλά μά- 
 
 place, it would not always coin¬ 
 cide with the other division, form¬ 
 ed by the distinct subjects or epi¬ 
 sodes of the poem, but one title 
 would sometimes comprehend seve¬ 
 ral books, and different parts of the 
 same book would sometimes be 
 distinguished by different titles.” 
 Twining on Arist. Poetic, c. 16. 
 (c. 29. Tyrwhitt.) Αλκινόου από - 
 λογος extended through four 
 books. 
 
 εν’Οδυσσείφ. Od. c)', 227. 351. 
 
 oi δε Φοίνικες εν Συ ply οικεονσι. 
 This shows that Syria was the 
 general name for the whole sea 
 coast, from the Gulf of Issus to 
 Egypt, of which Phoenicians occu¬ 
 pied one part, Syrians of Palestine 
 another, and Arabians another. 
 Comp. 2. 104. 
 
 Sect. 117. The whole of this 
 section has been suspected of be¬ 
 
 ing an interpolation, although 
 found in all the MSS. Δηλοΐ, 
 used for δήλόν έστι, occurs 9. 68. 
 init., and therefore its use here is 
 rather a presumption of genuine¬ 
 ness than the reverse, as it is un¬ 
 common; but Valckenaer has re¬ 
 marked that 'χωρίο v is only used in 
 later Greek authors for a passage 
 of a hook. It is a mode of speak¬ 
 ing which could not come into 
 use till after written books had 
 become common ; and the only 
 other instance of a similar expres¬ 
 sion in the classic age of Greek 
 (Xen. Mem. 2. 1. 20.), where to- 
 πος is used of a passage of Epi- 
 charmus, is itself suspicious. See 
 Valckenaer’s note. On the other 
 hand, the phraseology of this sec¬ 
 tion is Herodotean, and it is con¬ 
 nected by its close with the com¬ 
 mencement of the next. 
 
150 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 1 18. 
 
 118 
 
 λίστα, δηλοι οτι ουκ Ομηρου τα Κύπρια επεά εστι, άΧΧ* άλ¬ 
 λου τινός. εν μεν yap τοισι Κυπρίοισι είρηται, ως τριταΊος εκ 
 Σπάρτης ’ ΑΧεζανάρος άπ'ικετο ες το Ήλιον άγων την Ελένην, 
 ευαει τε πνενματι χρησάμενος και θαλάσση λείρ* εν δε Ίλιάδι 
 λεγει ως επλάζετο άγων αυτήν. Όμηρος μεν νυν, καί τα Κύ¬ 
 πρια επεα, χαιρετώ. 
 
 Ε ιρομενου δε μευ τους Ιρεας, ει μάταιον λδγον λέγουσι οί 
 'Ελληνες τα περί Ήλιον γενέσΘαι, η ου* εφασαν προς ταυτα 
 τάδε, ιστορίησι φάμενοι ειδεναι παρ’ αυτόν Μενέλεω. ΕλθεΤν 
 μεν yap, μετά την ΈΧενης άρπαχην, ες την Τευκριδα γην Ελ- 
 
 ονκ Όμηρου τα Κύπρια επεά 
 εσπ. Aristotle, Poet. c. 23. ob¬ 
 serves, that other poets made the 
 action of their epics multifarious, 
 as relating to one person or one 
 period; olov b τά Κύπρια ποιησας 
 καί την μικράν Ίλιά^α; whereas 
 Homer selected from the war of 
 Troy a single and interesting se¬ 
 ries of actions, having unity in 
 itself. The Cypria consisted of 
 eleven books, and began with the 
 deliberation of Jupiter respecting 
 the Trojan war, according to the 
 analysis of Proclus (Gaisf. Heph. 
 p. 471. seq.), and ended with the 
 anger of Achilles and the cata¬ 
 logue of the auxiliaries. Its au¬ 
 thor was uncertain. Οί μεν ταυτα 
 els Στασίνον άναφερουσι Κύπριον, 
 οί be 'ϊίγησίαν τον ΣαΧαμίνιον αυ- 
 τοϊς επιγράφουσιν, οί be ' Όμηρον * 
 bovvai be υπέρ της Θυγατρος Στα- 
 σίνω (“to purchase her as a wife”). 
 Procl. ap. Phot. Myriob. p. 982. 
 See Fynes Clinton F. Η. 1. p. 353. 
 Aristotle (Poet. c. 29. Tyrwhitt) 
 calls Dicaiogenes the author of the 
 Cypria. 
 
 τριταΊοε εκ Σπάρτης ’A\e£avbpos 
 άπικετο. According to Proclus, 
 however, u. s., Paris, on his way 
 
 to Troy, was driven out of his 
 course to Sidon, by a storm raised 
 by Juno, and took the city, and 
 sailed thence to Troy. This is 
 quite at variance with the quo¬ 
 tation and the argument of Hero¬ 
 dotus, and shows that the Κύπρια 
 must have undergone alterations 
 after his time. F. Clinton u. s. 
 
 evaei re πνενματι. These words 
 have a poetical colour, and Friede- 
 mann. Comm, in Strab. 1. 336. 
 note (see Bahr), has endeavoured 
 to restore them thus : Σπάρτηθεν 
 be τριτάίος ’AXe^avbpos [θεοειδή] 
 ’Ιλιον είσαφίκανεν άγων Ελένην 
 [’Αργείον] Εί/αεϊ τ άνεμων πνοιη 
 Χειρ τε θαΧάσσρ. 
 
 χαιρετώ. 4. 96. Her. takes leave 
 in the same way of a topic on which 
 he could not arrive at certainty. 
 Eire be εγενετό tis ΖάΧμοζις άν¬ 
 θρωπος, ε’ίτ εστί baίμωv τις Τετρσι 
 ούτος επιχώριος, χαιρετώ. 
 
 Sect. 118. μάταιον Χόγον λε- 
 γουσι, “ an idle tale.” This con¬ 
 struction is analogous to the com¬ 
 mon one, άΧηθη ταυτα Χεγεις, and 
 in the nominative it would be el 
 ματαιος Χύγος Χεγεται τά περί ’ Ι¬ 
 λιον γένεσΟαι Τ στορίησι, “ by in¬ 
 quiry.” 
 
It; 118.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 151 
 
 Χηνών στρατιην ποΧΧην, βοηθευσαν Μενελεω* εκβάσαν δε εε 
 ■γην κα\ ΙδρυθεΊσαν την στρατιην, πεμπειν εε το Ήλιον αγγελουα* 
 συν δε σφι ιεναι και αυτόν Μενελεων* τουε δ επεί τε εσεΧθεΊν 
 εε το τεΊχοε, άπαιτεειν Ελένην τε και τα χρήματα τα οι οί~ 
 χετο κΧεφαε *Αλέξανδρος, των τε αδικημάτων δίκαε αιτεειν' 
 τόνε δε Τ ευκρουα τον αυτόν λόγον λέγειν τότε και μετεπειτα, 
 και δμνυνταε καί ανωμοτί, μη μεν εχειν Ελένην, μηδε τα επι- 
 καΧευμενα χρήματα , αΧΧ ε'ιναι αυτά πάντα εν Αιγύπτιο* καί 
 ουκ αν δικαίωε αυτοί δίκαε υπεχειν , α Πρώτευε ο Αιγυπτιοε 
 βασιΧευε εχει. οι δε ΈΧΧηνεε κaτayεXάσθaι δοκεοντεε υπ αυ- 
 
 f I S''’ \ ’ Λ "Π ~ ' ν 
 
 των, οντω όη επολιορκεον , ec ο εςειλον. ελουσι οε το τειχοε 
 ωε ουκ εφαίνετο η Ελένη, άΧΧά τον αυτόν λόγον τω προτεριρ 
 
 βοηθευσαν Μενέλεω, “ support¬ 
 ing the cause of Menelaus.” 
 
 μη μεν εχειν 'Ελετην. Τον συμ¬ 
 πλεκτικόν μεν σύνδεσμον, αντί του 
 παραπληρωματικού μην προσλαμ- 
 βάνουσιν ’Τωνεε ώε παρ’ Τΐροέότω 
 μη μεν εχειν Ελένην. Greg. Dial, 
 ρ. 471. Sch. The distinction is 
 just as regards usage, the Ionians 
 using μέν in forms of asseveration, 
 where the Attics use μην. But 
 the words are the same. Μην and 
 δη are the more energetic forms; 
 μέν and δέ with the vowel short¬ 
 ened only oppose or even slightly 
 distinguish. So in English, the 
 demonstrative pronoun that is pro¬ 
 nounced long, the less emphatic 
 particle, that, short. Μέν is found 
 also with η in Her. 4. 154. έζορκοΐ 
 η μέν οι διηκονησειν, 6,τι αν δε- 
 ηθη. Mijr, however, is not abso¬ 
 lutely excluded from Ionic Greek. 
 Her. 2. 12. ου μην ουδέ. 2. 120. 
 ου μεν ουδέ. II. ω , 52. 
 
 δίκαε υπέχειν α Πρώτευε έχει. 
 Supp. τούτων. “They could not 
 justly be made accountable for 
 those things which Proteus has.” 
 
 Struve (Spec. Dial. Her. 1. 21.) 
 quotes many instances in which 
 Herodotus uses the gen. by attrac¬ 
 tion to the suppressed pronoun, as 
 5. 106. τουε δώσοιταε έμοι δίκην 
 των επυιησαν, and would read here 
 των Πρωτ. εχει. But in all his in¬ 
 stances, δούναι δίκην is “ dare poe- 
 nas,” which is not exactly the 
 meaning here. 
 
 ουτω δη. Both here and imme¬ 
 diately below, ουτω δη επολιορκεον, 
 this phrase means “ in these cir¬ 
 cumstances indeed,” but in the 
 second instance there arises from 
 the connexion a contrast of the 
 ultimate belief with the previous 
 disbelief, and ουτω may be render¬ 
 ed “then at last,” “ ita demum.” 
 See p. 111. 
 
 es o is Ionic for the common 
 έωε ου. Greg. Dial. p. 472. Sch. 
 Herodotus (1. 67., 3. 31.) uses also 
 εε ου, which some would change 
 into es o. But perhaps it would 
 be more correct to consider it as a 
 vestige of the use of ένε, the ori¬ 
 ginal of both εν and εε (Matth, 
 578. Obs. 1.) with three cases, ^ 
 
152 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 119. 120. 
 
 επννθανοντο, ουτω δη πιστευσαντεε τω λόγω τω 7 τρώτω οί 
 Ελληνες, αυτόν Μευελεων άποστεΧΧουσι παρά Τίρωτεα. 
 
 119 Απικόμενοα δε ό Μενέλεως ec την Αίγυπτον, και άναπΧώ- 
 σας ec; την Μ εμφιν, είπαε, την άΧηθηίην των πρηγμάτων, και 
 ζεινίων ηντησε μεγάΧων, και ΚΧενην άπαθεα κακών άπεΧαβε * 
 προο δε, και τα εωυτου χρήματα πάντα. Τυχωυ μεντοι τού¬ 
 των, εγενετο Μευελεως άνηρ άάικοο, ec; Αιγυπτίονο. άποπΧεειν 
 γάρ ώρμημενον αυτόν ’ίσχον άπΧοιαι * επειάη δε τούτο επι ποΧ- 
 Χον τοιοΰτο ήν, επιτεχναται πρηγμα ουκ οσιον' Χαβών γάρ 
 δυο τταιδία άνάρών επιχωρίων, έντομά σφεα εποίησε . μετά δε, 
 ώς επάιστοε, εγενετο τούτο εργασμενοο, μισηθείο τε και διω¬ 
 κόμενος, οίχετο φευγων ττ}σι νηυσι επι Αιβυηε. το ενθευτεν 
 δέ οκού ετράπετο, ουκετι ε'ιχον ειπειν Αιγύπτιοι * τούτων δε 
 τα μεν Ιστορικοί εφασαν επίστασθαι, τα δό, παρ εωυτοΊσί 
 
 120 γενόμενα, άτρεκεωο επιστάμενοι Χεγειν. Ταυτα μεν Αιγυ- 
 πτιων οι ιρεεε. ελεγον εγω οε τω λογω τω περί Ελένης 
 Χεχθεντι και αυτός προστίθεμαι, τάδε επιλεγόμενος’ ει ην 
 
 Sect. 119. ζεινίων ηντησε. See 
 Matth. § 328. 5. 
 
 επειδή δε τούτο, “ and when this 
 continued in this way for a long 
 time.” 2. 133. more fully, εβίωσαν 
 χρόνον επί ποΧΧύν. 2. 120. τού¬ 
 των δε τοιοΰτων συμβαινόντων. 
 
 έντομά σφεα εποίησε. “ Huma- 
 nas victim as innui puto. Quae 
 quidem religio impia et horribilis 
 in AEgypto ανόσιος erat c. 45. apud 
 Gra?cos non insolita. Virg. iEn. 
 2.116. quis ignorat ? Sanguine pla- 
 castis ventos et virgine ccesa. San¬ 
 guine queerendi reditus.” Wessel. 
 Her. 7. 191. έντομα τε ποιεΰντες 
 και καταείδοντες γόησι τω άνεμω 
 οι Μάγοι. Apoll. Rhod. 1. 587. is 
 quoted as an instance of έντομα 
 used for inferiee, “ a sacrifice in 
 honour of the dead ;” but that ap¬ 
 pears from the context (585.), 
 
 εσπέριοι άνεμοιο παΧι μπ vo irj σιν 
 εκελσαν, to have been offered for 
 a fair wind, though also in honour 
 of the hero whose tomb was near. 
 
 ως επάΊστος εγενετο, “ when it 
 became known that he had done.” 
 Her. elsewhere uses this word with 
 γίνεσθαι, after the analogy of δή- 
 Χος, φανερός, δίκαιος (Matth. § 297.), 
 of the person instead of the thing. 
 So 6. 12. ποΧΧοι δε επίδοξοι τώυτό 
 τούτο πείσεσθαί ε'ισι, where the 
 English admits a literal transla¬ 
 tion, “ are expected to suffer this 
 same thing.” Comp. Greg. Cor. 
 D. Ion. § 135. 
 
 επι Λιβύης. There was a har¬ 
 bour between Egypt and Cyrene 
 called MeveXatos Χιμήν. Her. 4. 
 169. Agesilaus died there on hie 
 return from Egypt. Corn. Nep. 
 Ages. c. 8. Strab. 17. p. 1183. 
 
II. 120.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 153 
 
 'Ελε^η ev Ιλ/ω, άποδοθηναι αν αυτήν τοΊσι 'Έλλησι, ήτοι 
 εκόντος ye τ) άκοντος A λεξάνδρου. ου yap δη ουτω ye (f)pe- 
 νοβλ a βη< r)v ο Πρίαμος, ουδέ οί άλλοι προσήκοντες αυτω , 
 ώστε τοΊσι σφετέροισι σωμασι και τοΊσι τεκνοισι και rrj πόλι 
 KivSvveoeiv εβούλοντο, δκως Άλεξανδρος Έλενη συι OiKey. ei 
 δε τ οι και ev τοΊσι πρωτοισι χρόνοισι ταΰτα εχ'ινωσκον' επε\ 
 πολλοί μεν των άλλων Τρωων, οκοτε συμμίσχοιεν τοΊσι Έλ- 
 Λ ησι, απωλλυντο , αυτου οε Ιιριαμου ουκ εστι οτε ου ουο μ 
 τρεΊς η και ετι πλείους των παίδων, μάχης χινομενης, άπέθνη- 
 σκον , ei χρη τι τοΊσι εποποιοΊσι χρεωμενον λεχειν’ τούτων Se 
 τοιουτων συμβαινόντων } εγώ μεν ελπομαι, el και αυτός Πρί¬ 
 αμος συνοίκεε Ελέΐ'ρ, αποδουναι αν αυτήν τοΊσι ΆχαιοΊσι, 
 μελλοντά ye δη των παρεάντων κακών απαλλαχησεσθαι. ου 
 μέν ουδέ η βασιληίη ές Αλέξανδρον 7 τεριηιε, ώστε χέροντος 
 Πριάμου εοντος } επ’ εκείνω τα πράματα elvai’ άλλα Έκτωρ } 
 
 Sect. 120. ήτοι εκόντος ye. The 
 disjunctive ήτοι is often followed 
 (with the intervention of another 
 word) by ye, to express empha¬ 
 tically that the consequence is cer¬ 
 tain, because, besides the alter¬ 
 native stated, there is no other 
 admissible supposition. Her. 1. 
 11. ήτοι κείνον ye del άπόλλυ- 
 σθαι η σε. Hartung Griech. Part. 
 2.357. 
 
 τη πόλι κινδυνεύειν,“ίο put in pe¬ 
 ril their own persons, and their chil¬ 
 dren, and the city.” 4. 80. στρα- 
 τιη δε μήτε συ κινδυν εύ σης, μητ’ 
 εγω. 7. 209. επεαν μελλωσι κιν- 
 δυνεύειν τη ψυχή, τότε τας κε¬ 
 φάλας κοσμεονται. 8. 60. κινδυ¬ 
 νεύσεις άπάση τη Έλλαδί, “you 
 will put all Greece in perilnot, 
 as explained by Matth. (§ 400. 6. 
 fin.), η Ελλά? κινδυνεύσει εν σοί. 
 
 ουκ εστι οτε ου , “nunquam non.” 
 Having become a compound 
 phrase, equivalent to “ on every 
 
 occasion,” εστι does not vary w r ith 
 the time. 
 
 εί χρη τι τοΊσι έπ. χρεωμενον 
 λέγειν, “if we are to speak, pay¬ 
 ing any respect to the epic poets.” 
 So el del μη ληρεΊν in the orators, 
 no doubt being implied. 
 
 ελπομαι. See note on 2. 11. 
 
 η βασιληίη ες ’Αλέξανδρον περι- 
 ηιε. ΪΙεριίεναι is used by Her. in 
 the sense of devolve by succession, 
 1. 120. The use of περιηίε in this 
 passage confirms the remark of 
 Buttmann (Ausf. Gr. 1.558.), that 
 ηΐα Ion. rja, rjeiv Att., is properly 
 an imperfect, never a perfect, and 
 only occasionally an aorist. Here 
 it is evidently imperfect, the histo¬ 
 rian meaning, not that the king¬ 
 dom of Priam did not devolve on 
 Paris, but that it was not in the 
 way to devolve on him; i. e. that 
 he was not the next in succession. 
 Comp. 1.42., 3. 51., where rj'ia is 
 joined with imperfects. 
 
154 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 121. 
 
 1 
 
 και 7 τρεσβυτεροε, και άνηρ εκείνου μάλλον εων, εμελλε αυτήν 
 Πριάμου άποθανόντοα πα ραλάμψεσθαι' τον ου προσηκε αδι- 
 κεοντι τω α$ελφεω επιτρεπειν, και ταΰτα με-γάλων κακών 
 Si αυτόν συμβαινόντων ISiy τε καί αυτω και τοΤσι άλλοισι 
 7 τάσι Τ ρωσί. Άλλ’ ου yap ειγον Έιλενην αττοδουναι ούδε λε- 
 yoaai αυτοίϊσι την άληθηίην επίστευον οι Ελληνες’ ωε, μεν εyω 
 yvώμηv αποφαίνομαι, του δαιμόνιου παρασκευάζοντοα , όκωε, 
 πανωλεθρία απολυμένοι, καταφανεί; τούτο τοισι ανθρώποισι 
 
 / e ^ / ·\ f > \ \ 
 
 ποιησωσι, ωε, των μεyaAωv αοικηματων μεyaΛaι εισι και αι 
 τιμωρίαι παρά των θεών, και ταυτα μεν , τρ εμο\ $οκεει, εί- 
 ρηται. 
 
 Π ρωτεοε, δε εκ8εξασθαι την βασιληίην Υ*αμψίνιτον ελεγον’ 
 δα μνημόσυνα ελίπετο τά προπύλαια τα προε εσπερην τετραμ η 
 μένα του Ηφαιστείου, άντίουε, Si των προπυλαίων εστησε αν- 
 SpiavTac Soo, εόνταε το μεyaθoc, πεντε και εείκοσι πηγ^εων* 
 των Αιγύπτιοι τον μεν προε βορεω εστεώτα καλεουσι θεροε ’ 
 τον Si προε; νότον, χειμώνα, και τον μεν καλεουσι θεροε, τού¬ 
 τον μεν προσκυνεουσί τε, καί ευ ποιεουσι’ τον Si χειμώνα κα- 
 λευμενον, τά εμπαλιν τούτων ipSooai. Πλούτον Si τουτω 
 τω βασιΧει yεvεσθaι apyopoo pkyav , τον ουδέ να των ύστε¬ 
 ρον επιτραφεντων βασιλέων Sυvaσθaι υπερβαλεσθαι, ούδ έγ- 
 
 επιτρέπειν, “ give way to, hu¬ 
 mour.” 9. 58. εκείνοισι ταΰτα ποι- 
 εΰσι οΰκ επιτρεπτέα έστί. 
 
 Sect. 121. τον μεν προε βορεω 
 εστεώτα. The statues seem to 
 have been placed opposite to each 
 other, beside the north and south 
 ends of a portico which faced the 
 east or west. That which stood 
 on the north side received on its 
 face the rays of the sun, and was 
 considered as the emblem of sum¬ 
 mer ; the other, which never saw 
 the sun, of winter. IIpos is used 
 here, apparently in the same sense, 
 with the gen. and acc. Comp. 2. 
 
 28. επ’ Αίγυπτου και προε βορέην . 
 4. 122. προε ήώ τε και του Ύανάί- 
 ΰοε, and note on άντίον, ρ. 53. 
 
 επιτραφεντων. As έπιτρέφεσθαι, 
 when it occurs in Her. (1. 122. 4. 
 3.), signifies “ to grow up to man¬ 
 hood,” Wesseling regards this as 
 a smoother form of έπιτραφθέν- 
 των, from επιτρέπω, in the sense 
 of “ having the government com¬ 
 mitted to them,” as 1. 7. But the 
 common reading is found in the 
 best MSS. and is confirmed by 
 the rest, which read ετι. γραφέν- 
 των : and in 1. 7. the meaning is 
 evidently “ to exercise a delegated 
 
HERODOTUS. 
 
 155 
 
 II. 121.] 
 
 yi)Q ελθεΊν. βουλόμενον δέ αυτόν εν ασφαληίφ τα χρήματα 
 θησαύριζειν, ο’ικοδομέεσθαι οίκημα Χίθινον * του των τοίχων 
 ενα ες το εζω μέρος της οικ'ιης εχειν. τον δε ερ^γαζόμενον, 
 επιβουλεύοντα, τάδε μηχανάσθαι* των λίθων παρασκεύασα- 
 σθαι ενα εζαιρετόν είναι εκ του τοίχου ρηι8ίως και υπό δυο 
 άντρων και υπο ενός, ως δε επετελεσθη το. οίκημα, τον μεν 
 βασιλέα θησαυρισαι τα χρήματα εν αυτω. χρόνου δέ περιιόν- 
 τος, τον οικοδόμον, περί τελευτή*' του βίου εόντα, ανακαλε- 
 σασθαι τους πα78άς’ (είναι yap αυτω δυο*) τουτοισι δέ απη- 
 χησασθαι, ως εκείνων προορεων όκως βίον αφθονον εχωσι, 
 τεχνασαιτο ο’ικοόομεων τον θησαυρόν του βασιΧεος. σαφεως 
 δέ αυτοισι παντα εζηχησαμενον τα περί την εζαίρεσιν του λί¬ 
 θου, Sodvai τα μέτρα αυτου, XiyovTa ως ταυτα 8ιαφυλασ- 
 σοντες, ταμίαι των βασιΧεος χρημάτων εσονται. και τον μεν 
 τελευτησαι τον βίον, τους δέ παΐδαε αυτου ουκ ες μακρην 
 ερχου εχεσθαι * επελθόντας δέ επι τα βασιληια νυκτός, και 
 τον λίθον επι τω οικο^ομηματι ανευρόντας, ρηιόίως μεταχει- 
 
 government,” as 3. 142. επιτρο- 
 παίην παρα ΪΙοΧυκράτεος Χαβών 
 την αρχήν, which does not suit 
 this passage. We must therefore 
 render επιτραψεντων with Schw., 
 “ succeeding.” 
 
 οίκοδομέεσθαι. Of the force of 
 the middle voice, see p. 7. Of 
 the architect himself, afterwards, 
 οίκοδομέων is used. 
 
 is το έζω pepos έχειν, “ extend¬ 
 ed to the exterior part of the 
 house,” and so could be come at 
 from without. 2. 91. διά πάσης 
 άγωνίηε έχοντα. 4. 42. την διώ- 
 ρνχα την εκ τοΰ Ν είΧου έχου σαν 
 is τον Άράβιον κόΧπον, where 
 there is no necessity to read δι- 
 έχουσαν, against the authority of 
 the best MSS. 
 
 τά μέτρα, not the dimensions of 
 the stone probably, but its distance 
 
 from the bottom and sides. Comp. 
 εκ των Ίσων μέτρων, 2. 33. 
 
 ονκ is μακρην έργου εχεσθαι, 
 “set briskly to work at no long 
 interval.” Here some of the best 
 MSS. read is μακρόν, but 5. 108. 
 they are nearly unanimous in fa¬ 
 vour of is μακρην. See Bosii El- 
 lips. s. voc. ώρα. “ ’Εχεσθαι cum 
 genitivo artis vel scientiise notat 
 incumbere, operam dare : et quo- 
 niam rem cui incumbimus magno 
 studio promovere conamur, hinc 
 εχεσθαι έργου τίνος per festinare, 
 celerare, vel simile quidpiam pro 
 vari4 occasione redditur.” Hero- 
 dian 2. 11 . οδοιπορίας είχε το. 
 Heliod. HCth. 10. 16. “τής ιερουρ¬ 
 γίας έχω μέθα, sacris accinga- 
 mur.” Hoog. ad Vig. Id. Grsec. 
 p. 255. ed. Lips. 
 
156 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 121. 
 
 ρίσασθαι, καί τών χρημάτων πολλά εζενείκασθαι. Ωο δε τυ- 
 γ^είν τον βασιλέα ανοίζαντα το οίκημα, Θωυμάσαι, ιμάντα των 
 •χρημάτων καταδεα τα ayyrjia’ ουκ εχειυ δε ον τινα επαιτια- 
 ται, των τε σήμαντρων εόντων σώων, καί τον οικήματος κε- 
 κλειμενου. ώς δε αυτω, και $ίς καί, τρις ανοίζαντι, αιεί ελάσ- 
 σω φαίνεσθαι τα χρήματα, {τους yap κλεπτας ουκ ανιεναι 
 κεραΐζοντας,) ποιησαί μιν τάδε* πάγαε προστάζαι εργάσασθαι, 
 και ταντας περί τά ayyr]ia, εν τοίσι τα χρήματα ενην, στη- 
 σαι. των δε ψωρών, ώσπερ εν τώ προ τον χρόνω, ελθόντων , 
 καί ειώύντος τον ετερου αυτών, επεί προς το ayyoς προσηλθε, 
 ιθεως τρ πάγ^ ενεγεσθαι' ως δε yvώvaι αυτόν εν οίω κακώ ην, 
 ιθεως καλεειν τον α8ελφεον, καί 8ηλοΰν αυτω τα παρεόντα, 
 καί κελευειν την ταγίστην εσ8ύντα, αποτάμνειν αυτόν την 
 κεφαλήν * οκως μη αυτός οφθείς, καί γνωρισθείς ος είη, προσ - 
 απολεσει καί εκεΊνον. τώ δέ 86ζαι ευ λεγειν, καί ποιησαί μιν 
 πεισθεντα ταυτα * καί καταρμοσαντα τον λίθον, απιεναι επ* 
 οίκου, φεροντα την κεφαλήν του άδελφεου. Ωε δε ημερη 
 eyεvετo, εσελθοντα τον βασιλέα ες το οίκημα, εκπεπληγθαι, 
 ορεοντα το σώμα τον φωρος εν τρ πάγρ ανευ της κεφαλής 
 εον το οε οίκημα, ασινες, και ούτε εσοοον ούτε εκόυσιν ουοε- 
 μίαν εχου. απορενμενον δε μιν, τά8ε ποιησαί’ του φωρος τον 
 νεκυν κατα του τείχεος κατακρεμάσαι’ φυλάκονς δε αύτοΰ 
 καταστησαντα, εντείλασθαί σφι, τον αν ί8ωνται αποκλαυ- 
 σαντα, η κατοικτισάμενον, συλλαβόντας άγειν προς εωυτόν. 
 ανακρεμαμενου δε τον νεκυος, την μητέρα 8εινώς φερειν * 
 
 κεκΧειμένου. Matth. Gr. Gr. 1. 
 ρ. 288. Some MSS. read here 
 κεκΧεισμένον, which Schw. is in¬ 
 clined to prefer. 
 
 ανιεναι, “ did not relax in their 
 plundering.” Comp. 2. 113. 
 
 Se γνώναι εν ο'ίω κακω ην. 
 The indie, as of a matter of fact, 
 afterwards yvioptnOels os είη , op¬ 
 tative as of a matter of opinion. 
 
 Her. elsewhere uses the relative 
 instead of ns or ogtis , in the ob¬ 
 lique construction, 4. 53. το de 
 κατνπερθε 8ι ών ρέει ανθρώπων 
 ονδείε εχει ψράσαι. 6. 124. 
 
 κατίι του τείγεοε, “ down from 
 the wall,” the preposition furnish¬ 
 ing the first part of the meaning, 
 the case the second. See note on 
 2. 39. 
 
II. 121.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 157 
 
 λόγους δε προς τον περιεόντα πα?δα ποιευμενην, προστάσ- 
 σειν αύτω, ότεω τρόπω $νναται, μηχανάσθαι οκως το σώμα 
 του ά^ελφεού καταλύσας κομιεύ" ει δε τούτων αμελήσει, $ια- 
 πειλεειν αυτήν, ως ελθουσα προς τον βασιλέα, μηνύσει αυτόν 
 εγοντα τα χρήματα. Ως δε χαλεπώς ελαμβάνετο η μη- 
 τηρ τού περιεόντος παιδοε, και πολλά προς αυτήν λεγων ούκ 
 επειθε, επιτεχνησασθαι τοιάδε μιν. όνους κατασκευασάμενον, 
 και ασκούς πλησαντα οίνου, επιθεύναι επι των όνων, και επειτα 
 ελαύνειν αυτούς * tuc δε κατά τούς φυλάσσοντας ήν τον κρε- 
 μάμενον νεκυν, επισπάσαντα των ασκών δύο η τρεις ποδεωι >ας 
 αυτόν λύειν άπαμμενους. ώς δε ερρεε ο οίνος, την κεφαλήν μιν 
 κόπτεσθαι μεγάλα βοώντα, ως ούκ εχοντα προς όκοΊον των 
 όνων πρώτον τράπηται. τούς δε φυλάκους, ώς [δε ΐν πολύν 
 ρεοντα τον οίνον, συντρεχειν ες την δδον άγγηια έχοντας, και 
 τον εκκεχυμενον οίνον συγκομιϊ,ειν εν κερόει ποιευμενους * τόν 
 δε άιαλοι^ορεεσθαι πάσι, οργήν προσποιεύμενον. παραμυθευ- 
 
 Χόγονε ποιευμενην, “ speaking 
 sharply to him.” Iph. Aul. 376. 
 Αεινόν κασιγνήτοισι γίγνεσθαι λό- 
 γ ovs. Angl. “that there should 
 be words between brothers.” See 
 Markland’s note on Ear. Suppl. 
 575. Πολλούς υπεκφύγοις αν αν¬ 
 θρώπων λόγο vs. 
 
 χαλεπώε ελαμβάνετο τον παι- 
 δόε, “ took him roughly in hand.” 
 Of the construction of middle 
 verbs with the gen., while the ac¬ 
 tive voice has the accus., see note 
 on pp. 29.121. 
 
 κατά, τους φυλάσσοντας, “ over 
 against them,” in that part of the 
 road which corresponded to the 
 part of the wall where they kept 
 guard. See note on p. 18. 
 
 ποδεώνας. ’Ασκός was the skin 
 of an animal, sewed up to contain 
 liquor, the projection of the leg 
 and foot being left open to serve 
 as a cock, hence called ποδεών. It 
 
 was closed with a plug or a string. 
 Translate “having drawn towards 
 him two or three cocks of the 
 wine skins, unfastened them, ha¬ 
 ving been previously knotted up,” 
 4.98. of Darius, knotting the thong 
 which was given to the Greek ty¬ 
 rants at the Danube, άπάψας άρ¬ 
 ματα εξήκοντα εν ίμάντι. 
 
 εν κέρδεί ποιευμενους. Like the 
 Latin, “ lucro apponere ” (Hor. Od. 
 1. 9. 14.), this denotes an unex¬ 
 pected gain, Angl. “ a windfall” 
 “a godsend,” called also εύρημα or 
 ερμαιον . ΠοίβΤσθαι in other com¬ 
 binations means, “ to consider,” 
 as δεινόν ποιεΐσθαι υπό Μήδων 
 άρχεσθαι, 1 . 127. (δεινά ποιεΐν, is 
 “to be angry.”) θώυμα ποιεν- 
 μενος την εργασίην του σιδήρου, 
 1 . 68. With εν, 1 . 118. εν ελα- 
 φρω ποιεΐσθαι, “to consider as 
 a light matter.” 9. 42. εν άδείη 
 ποιεΐσθαι, “to consider it safe.” 
 
158 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [IT. 121. 
 
 μενών δέ αυτόν των φυλάκων, γ^ρόνω πρηύνεσθαι προσποιε- 
 εσθαι, και ύπίεσθαι της οργής * τέλος δέ, εζελάσαι αυτόν τούς 
 όνους εκ της όδου, και κατασκευάζειν. ως δε λόγους τε πλείους 
 εγγίνεσθαι, καί τινα και σκώφαί μιν καί ες γέλωτα προαγαγε- 
 σθαι , επιύούναι αύτούσι των ασκών ενα' τους δε αυτού, ώσπερ 
 ειγ^ον, κατακλιθεντας πίνειν δ ιανοεεσθαι, και εκείνον παραλαμ- 
 βάνειν, και κελεύειν μετ εωυτών μείναντα συμπίνει ν' τον δε 
 πεισθηναί τε δί, και καταμειναι. ώς δέ μιν παρά την πόσιν φί¬ 
 λο φ ράνω ς ησπάζοντο, επι δούναι αυτοΊσι και άλλον των ασκών, 
 ύαφιλεί δέ τώ ποτώ γ^ρησαμενονς τούς φυλάκους , ύπερμε- 
 θυσθηναι * και κρατηθεντας υπό τού ύπνου, αυτού ενθαπερ επι - 
 
 νον κατακοιμηθηναι. τον δέ, ώς πρόσω ην της νυκτός, το τε 
 σώμα τού άόελφεού καταλύσαι, και τών φυλάκων επι λύμψ 
 
 πάντων ζυρησαι τας όεζιας παρηίΒας* επιθεντα δέ τον νεκυν 
 επι τούς όνους, απελαύνειν επ οίκου, επιτελεσαντα τρ μητρι 
 τα προσταγθεντα. Τον δέ βασιλέα, ώς αύτώ απηγγελθη τού 
 φωρός ό νεκυς εκκεκλεμμενος, δείνα ποιεειν * πάντως δέ βου- 
 λόμενον εύρεθηναι όστις κοτε είη ο ταύτα μηγανώ ί μένος, ποιη- 
 σαί μιν τάδε, εμοι μεν ου πιστά * την δέ θυγατέρα την εωυτού 
 κατισαι επ οικήματος, εντειλαμενον παντας τε ομοίως προσ - 
 
 προαγαγέσθαι. Matthise, in the 
 earlier editions of his Gr. Gram¬ 
 mar, quoted this as an example of 
 the middle voice used for the ac¬ 
 tive, § 496. 7. In the last edition 
 he observes, under this head (496. 
 4.), that the middle is never used 
 for the active, except in the case 
 of the future (§ 184. 1.), and ex¬ 
 plains the middle in this passage, 
 of the desire manifested by the 
 soldiers to amuse and soothe the 
 angry man, (§ 492. c. ed. Leipz. 
 1835, in which the whole doc¬ 
 trine of the middle verb, and espe¬ 
 cially that of its substitution, has 
 undergone important improve¬ 
 ments). 
 
 παρα την πόσιν, “in the course 
 of the drinking.” Matth. § 588. 
 c. β. 
 
 επι Xvprj, “with a view to in¬ 
 sult them.” Id. § 585. β. Her. 2. 
 162. επι βασΐΧηιτρ. 3. 14. 
 
 ζνρήσαι tcis παρηίό as’ “ Simi- 
 lem ignominiam legatis Davidis im- 
 posuit Ammonitarum regulus Cha- 
 nun, 2 Sam. x. 4. Durat in hanc 
 setatem apud Arabes et Turcas con- 
 tumeliosum poense aut injuriee ge¬ 
 nus, quo aut barba vellitur aut ex 
 parte raditur.” Wessel. 
 
 κατισαι επ' οικήματος. Ο Ικ. is 
 here, “ lupanar, fornix .” 2. 86. 
 126. ’Επί with gen. is “close to,” 
 “at the entrance of.” Prov.ix. 14. 
 
II. 121.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 159 
 
 ΰεκεσθαι, καί πρίν συγγενεσθαι, άναγκάζειν λέγειν αυτή ο τι Si) 
 εν τω βίω εργασται αυτώ σοφωτατον και ανοσιώτατον* oc S’ 
 αν άπηγησηται τα rrepl τον φώρα γεγενημενα , τούτον συΧΧαμ- 
 βάνειν, και μη άπιεναι εξω. ώε δε την 7τα?δα ιτοιεειν τα εκ του 
 πατροε προσταγθεντα , τον φώρα πυθόμενον των είνεκα τούτα 
 επρησσετο, βουΧηθεντα 7 τοΧυτροπίη του βασιΧέοε περιγενε- 
 ίτθαι , 7 τοιεειν τάδε, νεκρού προσφάτου άποταμόντα εν τω ώμω 
 την χε7ρα, ιεναι αυτόν εχοντα αυτήν υπο τω ιματ'ιω * εσελ- 
 θοντα δε ώε του βασιΧεοε την θυγατέρα , και ειρωτώμενον τά- 
 7 τερ καί οί άλλοι, άπηγησασθαι ώε άνοσιώτατον μεν είη εργασ- 
 μενοε, οτε του αδελφεου εν τω θησαυρώ του βασιΧεοε νπο 
 πάγηε αλδντοε άποτάμοι την κεφυΧην * σοφωτατον δε, δτι 
 τούε φυΧάκονε καταμεθυσαε , καταΧυσειε του άδεΧφεοΰ κρε- 
 μάμενον τον νεκυν. την δε, ώε ηκουσε, άπτεσθαι αυτου. τον 
 δε φώρα εν τω σκοτει προτείναι αυτή του νεκρού την χεΊρα' 
 την δε, επιΧαβομενην εχειν, νομίζουσαν αυτου εκείνου τηε χει- 
 ροε άντεχεσθαι * τον δε φώρα προεμενον αυτή, οίχεσθαι δια Θυ¬ 
 ρεών φευγοντα. Ωε δε και ταυτα εε τον βασιΧεα άνενειχθαι , 
 εκπεπΧήχθαι μεν επι τη ποΧυφροσυνη τε και τοΧμη τανθρώ¬ 
 που. τεΧοε δε, Sιaπεμ7lovτa εε πάσαε τάε πόΧιε, επαγγέλλεσθαι 
 
 Of κατίσαι, used for plying a trade, 
 see 2. 86. Hence the bitter sar¬ 
 casm of Demosthenes on the mother 
 of AEschines, whom he had pre¬ 
 viously described as rots μεθημερι- 
 νοίς γάμοις εν τω κλισίω τω 7 rpos 
 τω Καλα μίτφ ήρωί ερωμένη’ 'Ο 
 τριηραυλης Φορμίων, άνέστησεν 
 αυτήν άπύ ταυτης της καλής εργα¬ 
 σίαν. Pro Cor. ρ. 230. 17. 
 
 τα εκ του πατρός προσταχθέντα. 
 Of this use of εκ, on the part of, 
 see Matth. § 574. fin. It is very 
 common in Herodotus. 
 
 την χείρα. Τά τής χειρός μέρη 
 τρία έστι, ών το μεν έν καλείται 
 ωμο$, το ce άλλο ακρα χαρ, το ce 
 μέσον πήχυς. Pallad. in Gal. de 
 
 Tract., quoted by Larcher. II. λ', 
 252. Nv£e Βέ μιν κατά χείρα μέ- 
 σην άγκώνος ένερθεν. 
 
 επαγγέλλεσθαι άΒειέιν τε Sid. 
 “ made proclamation, offering secu¬ 
 rity.” This sense of ΒιΒόναι arises 
 from the notion of incompleteness, 
 which belongs to the present tense, 
 as well as what is called the im¬ 
 perfect. Till the gift has been 
 accepted it is only an offer. 1. 
 45. ’ΆΒρηστος, 7 ταρεΒίΒου έωυτόν 
 Κροίσω, επικατασφέιζαι μιν κελεύων 
 τω νεκρω, “ offered to give himself 
 up to Cr.” "Αδεια was a technical 
 word, denoting “ immunity,” or in 
 the case of a culprit, “ impunity.” 
 
160 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 122. 
 
 122 
 
 aSeiav re SiSovra, και μεγάλα υποόεκόμενον ελθόντι ec οφιν 
 την εωυτου. τον Se φωρα, πιστευσαντα, ελθεΊν 7 rpoa αυτόν * 
 Ρ αμφίνιτον Se μεγάλωο θωυμάσαι , καί οι την θυγατέρα ταυτην 
 συνοικίσαι, ώς 7 τλεΊστα επισταμενω ανθρώπων’ Αιγυπτίουε μεν 
 yap των άλλων προκεκρίσθαι> εκείνον Se Αιγυπτίων. 
 
 Μετά Se ταυτα, ελεγον, τούτον τον βασιληα %ωόν κατα- 
 ρηναι κάτω ec τον οι tiAAgvec αιοην νομιί,ουσι είναι, και κειυι 
 συγκυβευειν τη /Αημητρι’ καί τα μεν, νικάν αυτήν, τα Se, 
 εσσουσθαι ύπ αυτηε* καί μιν πάλιν άνω άπικεσθαι, Scopov 
 εχοντα παρ αυτηε χ ειρόμακτρον χ ρίισεον . από Se τηε Ραμ- 
 φινίτου καταβάσιοο, ως πάλιν άπίκετο, όρτην Srj άvάyeιv Αι- 
 yvi ττίουα εφασαν’ την και εγώ olSa ετι και ec εμε επιτε- 
 eovrac αυτους ου μεντοι είτε οι αΑΑο τι είτε ο ια ταυτα 
 όρτάζουσι εχω λέγ ειν. φαρ oc Se αυτημερόν εζυφηιναντεε οι 
 ipeec , κατ ων εόησαν evoc αυτών μίτρη τους οφθαλμού ς* άγα- 
 yovrec Se μιν εγοντα το φαροο ec oSov φερουσαν ec ίρόν Α,η- 
 
 \ 1 
 
 μητροε, αυτοί απαλλάσσονται οπισω τον Se ιρεα τούτον κα~ 
 raSeSepevov τους όφθαλμουε, λέγο υσι υπό όυο λύκων άyeσθaι 
 
 » r 
 
 Sect. 122. αώην. Plut. Is. et 
 Osir. p. 363. c. 29. παρ Αιγυπτί- 
 ois τον υποχθόνιον τόπον els ον ο ι¬ 
 όντα t ras φυχάς άπερχεσθαι μετά 
 την τελευτή ν Ά μ ε ν θ η ν καλού σι, 
 σημαίνοντος του ονόματος τον λαμ- 
 βάνοντα και όιόόντα. If this ety¬ 
 mology be correct, which Coptic 
 scholars doubt (see Jablonski Voc. 
 AEg. 1. p. 24.), it had probably a 
 reference to the earth, whence all 
 things spring and are nourished, 
 and to which all things return. It 
 was equally applicable to the un¬ 
 seen world, whence souls, accord¬ 
 ing to the doctrine of metempsy¬ 
 chosis, were perpetually returning. 
 Valckenaer quotes the Dissertation 
 of an author who ingeniously sup¬ 
 poses, that the game of dice with 
 Ceres alludes to the seven years of 
 
 famine and plenty (Gen. xli.); but 
 it is more agreeable to the genius 
 of mythology to suppose, that the 
 general doctrine of the varying fer¬ 
 tility of the earth is couched in 
 this fiction, than a particular histo¬ 
 rical fact. 
 
 The golden napkin is allusive to 
 the colour of the harvest; the φά¬ 
 ρος, like the πέπλος presented to 
 Minerva at the Panathenaea (Arist. 
 Av. 827.), was a propitiatory offer¬ 
 ing ; its being woven on the same 
 day (which is the meaning of αυ¬ 
 θημερόν both here and 6. 139. not 
 “ all in one day,” uno eodemque die, 
 as Schw. explains it in his Lex.) 
 enhanced its value, excluding the 
 possibility of its not being perfectly 
 new. 
 
 όυο λύκων. Wolves appear fre- 
 
II. 123.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 161 
 
 ες το ιρον τής Δήμητρος, άπεγ^ον τής πόΧιος εείκοσι σταδίονς' 
 και αύτις όπίσω εκ του ίρον άπάγειν μιν rove Χνκους ες τώυτό 
 yiop'iov. ΤοΤσι pev νυν in r A ιγυπτίων Χεγομενοισι χ ράσθω 
 ότεω τά τοιαυτα πιθανά εστι' εμοι δε παρά πάντα τον λόγοι; 
 υπόκειται, ότι τα Χεγόμενα υπέρ εκάστων ακοή γράφω. άρ^η- 
 γετευειν δε των κάτω Αιγύπτιοι λέγουσι Δήμητρα και Διό¬ 
 νυσον. Up ώτοι δε και τόνδε τον λόγο ν Αιγύπτιοί εισι οι 
 ειπόντες , ως άνθρωπον φν-χη αθάνατός εστι ' του σώματος δε 
 καταφθίνοντος, ec άλλο Ζ,ωον αιει γινόμενον εσδυεται' επεάν 
 δϊ περιεΧθη πάντα τά χερσαία και τά θαΧάσσια και τά πε¬ 
 τεινό, αυτίς ες άνθρωπον σώμα γινόμενον εσδννειν' την περιή- 
 Χνσιν δε αυτή γίνεσθαι εν τρισ^ιΧίοισι ετεσι. τοντω τω λόγω 
 
 123 
 
 quently on the paintings of the 
 mummies, and the rolls of papyrus 
 which represent the descent of the 
 soul to Amenthe, and its judgment 
 before Osiris. In PL Denon. 77. 
 the animal seated on the pedestal 
 before Osiris, is evidently a she- 
 wolf. Its nocturnal habits, per¬ 
 haps also its voracity, naturally 
 pointed it out as an emblem of the 
 grave. 
 
 Sect. 1 23.νποκε7ται. “Through¬ 
 out the whole history it is my pro¬ 
 posed obj ect, that 1 write what is said 
 respecting everything, as I hear it.” 
 Pind. Ol. 1. 134. epol μεν ουτοσΐ 
 ΆΘΧός y νποκείσεται. 2. 29. to 
 cT aVo tovtov atiorj ηόη Ιστορέων. 
 
 ώε άνθρωπον ψυχή αθάνατός 
 εστι. This must not be separated 
 from what follows; for it was not 
 simply the immortality of the soul, 
 but its immortality and transmi¬ 
 gration, that the Egyptians were 
 the first to teach. The doctrine 
 of metempsychosis is of immemo¬ 
 rial antiquity in India; but in the 
 present state of historical know¬ 
 ledge it is impossible to say which 
 
 nation was the first to teach it, or 
 whether it was communicated from 
 one to the other. 
 
 του σώρατος 2e καταφθ. “ and 
 on the dissolution of the body, 
 enters into another animal success¬ 
 ively, at its birth.” See note on 
 alel, p. 127. Later writers, as Ser- 
 vius ad JEn. 3. 68., represent it as 
 the purpose of embalment, to pre¬ 
 serve the body from decay, and so 
 prevent the soul from quitting it; 
 but Her. I believe means by σωρ. 
 icar. the ordinary result of death. 
 Nor was it his intention to com¬ 
 bine this doctrine with that of the 
 Amenthe, over which Ceres and 
 Bacchus presided. That was a 
 popular belief, resembling the com¬ 
 mon notion of the Greeks respect¬ 
 ing Hades; the metempsychosis, a 
 sacerdotal or philosophical dogma. 
 Others attempted to combine them; 
 thus Pindar, 01. 2. 106—125., re¬ 
 presents those who in three suc¬ 
 cessive residences in the upper 
 world have kept themselves pure 
 from crime, as transported to the 
 Islands of the Blessed. 
 
 M 
 
162 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 124. 
 
 124 
 
 εισι ο'ι Ελλήνων εχρησαντο, οι μεν, προτερον, οI 8ε, ύστε¬ 
 ρον, ώ ς ίδίω εωυτών εοντι’ των εγώ ει8ώς τα ουνοματα, ον 
 γράφω. 
 
 Μέχρι μεν νυν Ρ αμφινίτου βασιλεος είναι εν Αιγυπτω πα- 
 σαν ευνομίην ελεγον, καί ευθηνεειν Αίγυπτον μεγάλως. μετά δε 
 τούτον, βασιλευσαντά σφεων Κεοπα, ες πασαν κακοτητα ελά- 
 σαι . κατακληίσαντα γάρ μιν πάντα τά ιρά, πρώτα μεν σφεας 
 Θυσιεων άπερζαι’ μετά δε, εργάζεσθαι εωυτώ κελευειν πάντας 
 Αιγυπτίους, τοίσι μεν 8η άιτο8ε8εχθαι, εκ των λίθοτομιεων 
 των εν τώ Αραβίω ουρεί, εκ τουτεων ελκειν λίθους μέχρι του 
 Νείλου* 8ιαπεραιωθεντας δε τον ποταμον πλοίοισι τους λίθους 
 ετεροισι εταξε εκ8εκεσθαι, καί προς το Αιβυκον καλευμενον 
 ορος, προς τούτο ελκειν. εργάΖ,οντο δε κατά 8εκα μυριάάας 
 ανθρώπων αιει την τρίμηνον εκάστην. χρονον δε εγγενεσθαι 
 τριβομενω τώ λαώ, 8εκα μεν ετεα της δδου κατ’ ην είλκον 
 
 εΐσί οι Ελλήνων έχρήσαντο. The 
 Orphic school (2. 108.) had many 
 resemblances to the Pythagorean 
 and the Egyptian, and its mysta- 
 gogues may be meant by οι μεν 
 πρότερον. Pythagoras no doubt is 
 intended by oi δέ ύστερον. Plis 
 reputation was high in Magna 
 Grsecia, and Herodotus might not 
 choose to give offence by naming 
 him. Wesseling supposes that 
 Pherecydes of Syros (an island of 
 the Cyclades, near Delos), the re¬ 
 puted master of Pythagoras (Sui- 
 das s. v. Φερεκυδης,), is included by 
 Herodotus among those who had 
 given currency to the doctrine of 
 metempsychosis among the Greeks. 
 Cic. Tusc. 1. 16. “Credo equidem 
 alios tot sseculis ; sed, quod literis 
 exstet proditum, Pherecydes Sy- 
 rius primum dixit animos homi- 
 num esse sempiternos. Hanc opi- 
 nionem discipulus ejus maxime 
 confirmavit.” 
 
 Sect. 124. έλάσαι, intrans. 
 “that Cheops who reigned after 
 him, proceeded to every kind of 
 wickedness.” 2. 137. έλάσαι επ’ 
 Αίγυπτον Αιθίοπας τε και 2α/3α- 
 κών. 2. 126. ές τούτο δέ έλθεΤν 
 Χέο7τα κακότητοε. The pyramids 
 which he proceeds to describe are 
 those of Gizeh near Memphis. 
 
 κατά δέκα μυριάδας, “a hundred 
 thousand at a time.” See note on 
 2. 93. Of χρόνον εγγενεσθαι with 
 dat. see 2. 13. ταΰτφ τε τά δέκα 
 ετεα γ εν έ σ θ αι infr. 
 
 οεκα μεν ετεα της οόου. Ιο μεν 
 here answers τή δέ πυραμίδι αυτί} 
 afterwards, the construction ha¬ 
 ving been suspended and changed. 
 The use of the gen. τής δδοΰ, “for 
 the road,” is uncommon; but it is 
 repeated afterwards, και των επί 
 του λόφου, “ and for the works on 
 the hill.” It is allied to the use 
 of the gen. to denote property, ten 
 years being, so to speak, the share 
 
II. 124.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 163 
 
 τους λίθους, την εδειμαν' epyov έόν ου πολλώ τέω ελασσον 
 της 7 τυραμίδος, ως έμοι δοκέειν' (της yap μήκος μέν εισι πέντε 
 στάδιοι’ εύρος δε, δεχα opyvia ί' ύφος δε, tij υψηλότατη έστι 
 αύτη έωυτης } οκτώ opyviai ' λίθου τε ζεστού και ζώων εyyε- 
 yλυμμέvωv') ταύτη τε δη τα δ έκα έτεα yεvέσθaι, και των έπι 
 τού λόφου, έπ ου έστασι αΐ πυραμίδες, των υπό y ην οικημά¬ 
 των , τάς έποιέετο θηκας εωυτω εν νησω, διιορυχα τού Νε/λου 
 εσayayώv. τη δε πυραμίδι αυτή χρόνον γενέσθαι έείκοσι ετεα 
 ποιευμένη * της έστι πανταχη μέτωπον έκαστον οκτώ πλέθρα, 
 εούσης τετpayώvoυ, και ύψος ίσον' λίθου δε ζεστού τε και 
 αρμοσμένου τα μάλιστα' ου δεις των λίθων τριηκοντα ποδών 
 
 of the whole time, which belonged 
 to the road and the other works. 
 
 Diod. Sic. 1. 63. says, that this 
 causey for the conveyance of the 
 stones no longer existed in his 
 time, having been destroyed as 
 useless after the pyramids were 
 built. Grobert (Denon, Vol. 1. 
 App. lvi.) thinks that some traces 
 of the causey may be seen oppo¬ 
 site the pyramid of Cheops, but 
 this is probably a work of the Ca¬ 
 liphs. Herodotus evidently sup¬ 
 posed that the pyramids were built 
 of stone from the Arabian chain; 
 Denon, on the contrary, says (p. 
 xlix.), that they were built of the 
 same rock on which they stand, 
 and this is confirmed by Clarke, 
 5. 180. Both may be right, one 
 as regards the interior, the other 
 the exterior of the building. The 
 granite covering of the second py¬ 
 ramid must have come from Up¬ 
 per Egypt. 
 
 των ύπύ γην οικημάτων. This 
 is in apposition with των επι του 
 λόφου, “ namely, the subterranean 
 chambers which he made as sepul¬ 
 chral repositories for himself in an 
 island, introducing a canal from the 
 
 Nile.” The canal is no longer vi¬ 
 sible, nor has any communication 
 been traced within; but it is pos¬ 
 sible that the well which has been 
 discovered in the interior of the 
 Great Pyramid descended to this 
 subterranean crypt. A sarcopha¬ 
 gus it is well known has been 
 found in a chamber near the cen¬ 
 tre, and there are several other 
 chambers. Of the construction, 
 by which tcis agrees in gender with 
 θήκας, not with οικημάτων, comp. 
 5. 109. περιέπλωον την άκρην at 
 καλευνται ΚΧηίοες τής Κύπρου. 
 Matth. § 440. 
 
 μέτωπον έκαστον όκτω πλέθρα. 
 “ 800 feet.” 716, 6 inches French. 
 Memoires sur 1‘Egypte, 6.58. The 
 real length seems about 700 feet 
 English, which agrees with the 
 statement of Diodorus, 1. 63. The 
 base is nearly square; but instead 
 of the height being equal, as Her. 
 says, to the length of the base, it 
 is only 470 feet, an example how 
 much the eye is deceived in com¬ 
 paring perpendicular with hori¬ 
 zontal extension. 
 
 oi/(5els των λίθων τριηκοντα πο- 
 ύών έλάσσων. This was a fact 
 
 Μ 2 
 
1G4 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 125. 
 
 125 
 
 €λ άσσων. *Έ.ποιηθη δε ώ $€ 
 πον, Tar, μετεζετεροι κροσσας 
 αυτήν το πρώτον επεί τε εποιησαν 
 πους λίθους μηχανγσι ζυλων 
 μεν επί τον πρώτον στοΊχον 
 be ανιοι ο Αιυος επ αυτόν , etc ετερην μηχανην ετιυετο 
 σαν επί του πρώτου στοίχου' άπο τουτου 
 ελ κετο στοάχον επ άλλης μηχανης. οσοι 
 τών αναβαθμών, τοσαΰται και αί μηχαναί ησαν * 
 αυτήν μηχανην, εουσαν μίαν τε και ευβάστακτον, 
 επι στοίχον έκαστον, οκως τον 
 ημΊν επ’ άμφοτερα, κατάπερ 
 
 which the historian could not have 
 ascertained without visiting the 
 interior and the summit, if under¬ 
 stood of the entire mass, and it is 
 not correct: but he probably only 
 meant it of the exterior, to which 
 alone the epithet ζεστόν could ap¬ 
 ply. Blocks of the length of twen¬ 
 ty-five feet have been observed in 
 other parts of the pyramids. Shaw 
 (Travels in Barbary, &c. 2. 197. 
 8vo edition,) gives the length of 
 those of the Great Pyramid from 
 five to thirty feet. 
 
 Sect.· 125. κρόσσαε. This word 
 (κόρση, “ forehead,” “temples/’) 
 was used generally for a pro¬ 
 jection, as a stair, the battle¬ 
 ment ( propugnaculum ) of a wall, 
 the border or trimming of a 
 garment (Apollon. Lex. Horn. s. 
 voc.); here for the successive 
 courses of the pyramid, projecting 
 the lower before the upper, so as 
 to afford room to plant on the 
 lower the machinery which was to 
 hoist the block of stone to the 
 upper. Βωμίΰεε are the steps which 
 form the base of an altar, advan- 
 
 αυτη η πυραμίς * αναβαθμών τρό- 
 ο’ι δε βωμίΰας ονομάϊ,ουσι. τοι- 
 αυτην, ηειρον τους επιλοί - 
 βραχέων πεποιημενησι * χαμάθεν 
 τών αναβαθμών άείροντες, οκως 
 
 εστεώ- 
 be επι τον bevTepov 
 yap δη στοίχοι ησαν 
 εί τε καί την 
 μετεφορεον 
 λίθον εζελοιεν’ λελεχθω yap 
 
 ,» f \ 
 
 ων τα 
 
 Ί ■ 
 
 cing one beyond another. In Go- 
 guet’s Origin of Laws, 3. 66. Eng. 
 transl., may be seen a plate illus¬ 
 trative of the simple mechanism 
 by which Herodotus supposed the 
 pyramids to have been raised. 
 
 e'i re καί την αυτήν μηχανην, 
 “ or whether they transferred the 
 same machine/’ neither ei τε, nor 
 any other particle, corresponds to 
 this before, the author thus cor¬ 
 recting, as it were, his affirmative 
 statement that there was a ma¬ 
 chine for each course, bv the men- 
 
 ·* 
 
 tion of another supposition. So 
 “sive” in Latin is used singly. 
 Tac. Ann. 2. 21. “Imprompto jam 
 Arminio, ob continua pericula, sive 
 ilium recens vulnus tardaverat.” 
 
 εζεποιηθη, “ finished off.” The 
 rough surface was reduced to 
 one regular and smooth slope, by 
 casing it with wrought stones. 
 This operation was begun at the 
 top and carried downwards. This 
 was necessary, as the finishing fill¬ 
 ed up the spaces on which the ma¬ 
 chines were planted. 
 
II. 126.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 165 
 
 ανώτατα αυτής πρώτα * μετά δε, τα επόμενα τούτων εζε- 
 ποίευν' τελευταία δε αυτής τα επίγαια κα'ι τα κατωτάτω εζε- 
 ποίησαν . Έ,εσημανται δε δία •γραμμάτων Αιγυπτίων εν τύ} 
 πυραμίόι, όσα ες τε συρμαίην και κρόμμυα και σκόρο δα άναισι- 
 μώΟη τοίσι εργαζομενοισι * και ώς εμό εί> μεμνησθαι τα ο ερμή¬ 
 νευα μ οι, επιλεγόμενος τα γράμματα , εφη , εζακόσια και χίλια 
 τάλαντα αργυρίου τετελεσθαι. ει δ εστι ούτως εχοντα ταυτα, 
 κοσα ei/coq αΛΛα οεοαπανησυαι εστι ες τε σιόηρον τω εργα- 
 ζοντο, και σιτία, καί εσθητα τοάσι εργαζομενοισι ; οκδτε χρό¬ 
 νον μεν ο’ικοόόμεον τα έ]ογα τδι» ειρημενον' άλλον δε, ώε εγώ 
 δοκέω, ε^ τω τους λίθους εταμνον , /cat άγον, και τό υπό γην 
 όρυγμα εργάΖ,οντο, ουκ ολίγον χρόνον . Έε τούτο δε ελθεΊν 126 
 Χέθ7τα κακότητος , ώστε χρημάτων όεόμενον , τη^ θυγατέρα 
 την εωυτου κατίσαντα επ οικήματος , προστάζαι πρησσεσθαι 
 
 διά γραμμάτων ΑΙγ. Demotic 
 characters ; the hieroglyphic he 
 calls «pa Aiy. 2. 106. It was not 
 a priest, but one of the έρμη vels 
 (2. 154.) who gave him the ac¬ 
 count. No inscription either in 
 hieroglyphic or demotic charac¬ 
 ters has been found in any part 
 of the pyramids of Gizeh; but as 
 this was probably on the exterior 
 coating, which has been entirely 
 stripped from the Great Pyramid, 
 its disappearance is not wonderful. 
 The entire absence of hierogly¬ 
 phics in the sepulchral chambers, 
 and in the sarcophagus, is more 
 remarkable. 
 
 ojs εμε εν μεμνησθαι, “ as far as 
 I recollect distinctly.” See p. 16. 
 Matth. § 545. ΤβΓελέσθαι is in 
 the infin. from the effect of the 
 attraction mentioned p. 15. Comp. 
 7. 229. όυκέειν εμοι, ουκ άν σφι 
 Σπαρτιηταζ μηνιν ουόεμίαν προσ- 
 θέσθα t, for Σπαρτιητ αι πρυσ- 
 εθεντο. 
 
 σιόηρον. On the question, whe¬ 
 ther the ancient Egyptians used 
 iron for tools, see Wilkinson 3. 
 241. seq., with a note 3. xiii. in 
 which he says, that Col. Howard 
 Vyse has found a piece of iron in 
 the masonry of the Great Pyramid, 
 where he thinks it could only have 
 been placed when it was built. 
 We may infer from this passage 
 that they used it in the time of 
 Herodotus. 
 
 όκότε 'χρόνον μεν οικοόόμεον, 
 “ since during the time mentioned 
 they were erecting the works ” (i. e. 
 the pyramid itself), “and another, 
 as I think, not inconsiderable time, 
 in which they cut and carried the 
 stones, and were working at the 
 subterraneous excavation.” The 
 construction is not uniform; to 
 have made it so, εν τίρ should have 
 been omitted, and then άλλον 
 would have been the accusative 
 of duration. 
 
166 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 127. 
 
 apyvpiov, δκόσον δη τι' ου yap δη τούτο ye eXeyov * τ??ν δε, 
 τά τε υ7τδ του πατρός ταγθέντα πρησσεσθαι , ιδ/ρ δε /cat αυ¬ 
 τά^ δ ιανοηθηναι μνημηιον καταλιπέσθαι , /cat του εσίοντοτ; 7TjOOC 
 αυτήν έκαστου δέεσθαι, όκως αν αύτφ ένα λίθον εν τοΊσι epyoiai 
 δωρέοιτο. εκ τούτων δε των λίθων εφασαν την πυραμίδα οικο- 
 δ ομηθηναι , τη*' εν μέσο) των τριών εστηκυδαν, έμπροσθε της 
 μeyaληc, πυραμίδος' της έστι το κωλον έκαστον όλου καί ημί - 
 σεοε πλέθρου. Β ασιλευσαι δε τον Χεοττα τούτον Αιγύπτιοι 
 ελεγον πεντ ηκοντα ετεα* τελευτ ησαντος δε τούτου, εκδέζα- 
 σθαι την βασιληίην τον αδελφεόν αυτού Χεφρηνα. καί τούτον 
 δε τω αυτω τρόπω δια^ρασθαι τω έτέρω , τά τε άλλα, /cat 
 πυραμίδα ποιησαι, ές μεν τά εκείνου μέτρα ουκ ανηκουσαν * 
 ταύτα γά^ο ών /cat ημείς έμετρησαμεν’ ούτε γάρ ύπεστι οική¬ 
 ματα υπό yrjv, ούτε εκ τού Νείλου διίυρνϊζ ηκει ες αυτήν , 
 ώσπερ ες την έτέρην, ρέονσα * δια οικοδομημένον δε αυλωνος 
 εσω νήσον περιρρέει, εν τύ} αυτόν λεγουσι κεδσθαι Χεοπα. 
 υποδείμας δε τον πρώτον δόμον λίθου Αιθιοπικου ποικίλου , 
 
 Sect. 126. έν νοϊσι έργοισι, “in 
 the course of his workssuch a 
 request it is evident could only be 
 addressed to the workmen. 
 
 ev μέσω των τριών. Opposite to 
 the Great Pyramid on the east side 
 stands a row of three smaller ones; 
 the centre of these is that of the 
 daughter of Cheops. See the plan 
 of the pyramids in Wilk. 3. 398. 
 
 Sect. 127. διαχράσθαι, “per¬ 
 sisted in the same course as the 
 other.” See 2. 13. 
 
 τα εκείνου μέτρα, “ his mea¬ 
 sures,” i. e. the measures of his 
 brother’s pyramid. So 2. 134. 
 ποΧΧόν έΧάσσω του πατρόε, “much 
 less than his father’s pyramid.” 
 To this μεν answers υποδείμαε δέ; 
 not equal in measurement, in¬ 
 deed, but superior in finish, as be¬ 
 ing coated with granite. 
 
 διά οίκοδομημένου δε αυΧώνοε. 
 Herodotus takes occasion, from 
 the mention of the canal, to add a 
 circumstance respecting that of 
 Cheops which be had omitted, 
 namely, that it was covered over 
 with masonry. 
 
 ύποδείμαε δε τον πρώτον δόμον 
 κ. τ. X. “ and having built the first 
 course at the bottom of variegated 
 Ethiopic stone, he constructed a 
 pyramid adjacent to the great one, 
 of the same magnitude, diminish¬ 
 ing forty feet from the other.” Hes. 
 υποβαίνει. έΧαττυΰται. νποβεβη- 
 κώε. μικρότεροε, έΧάττων. Ύποβάε 
 is said of the builder, keeping forty 
 feet below the other in his dimen¬ 
 sions, instead of υποβάσαν, of the 
 pyramid. Έχομένην refers to πυ¬ 
 ραμίδα ποιησαι before. If thought 
 necessary to prop the construe- 
 
II. 128. 129.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 167 
 
 τεσσερακοντα πόδαε, υποβας της ετέρηε τωυτό μεγαθοε,, εχο- 
 μενην της μεγάλης οικοδόμησε, εστασι δε επί λόφου τον αυτόν 
 αμφότεραι, μα λίστα ες εκατόν πόδαε υψηλόν, βασιλευσαι δε 
 ελεγον Χεφρηνα εζ και πεντηκοντα ετεα. Ταυτα εξ τε καί 128 
 εκατόν λογίζονται ετεα, εν τοΊ,σι Αιγυπτίοισί τε πασαν ε'ιναι 
 κακότητα, και τα ιρα -χρόνον τοσοντου κατακληισθεντα ονκ 
 ανοιχθηναι. τουτουε υπό μίσεοε ον κίιρτα θελουσι Αιγύπτιοι 
 ονομαζειν, αλλα και ταε πυραμίδαε καλεουσι ποιμενοε Φίλι- 
 τίωνοε, δε, τούτον τον χρόνον ενεμε κτηνεα κατα ταυτα τα 
 χωρία. 
 
 Μετά δε τούτον, βασιλευσαι Αίγυπτου ΜυκερΊνον ελεγον, 129 
 Χεο7τος 7ταΐδα’ τφ τα μεν τον πατρόε έργα απαδεΊν * τον δε 
 τα τε ιρα, ανοιζαι, και τον λέων τετρυμενον ες το έσχατον 
 
 tion, κατα may be understood before 
 τώυτο μεγαθοε. The real height of 
 the second pyramid is 456 feet, the 
 length of the base 684. 
 
 λίθου Αίθιοττικυΰ. The red gra¬ 
 nite of the Cataracts and Nubia, 
 called pyropoecilos (Plin. 16. 18.) 
 from its colour, and syenite from 
 the place at which large quarries 
 of it are found, though the stone 
 now called syenite is somewhat 
 different. Of this red granite all 
 the obelisks and many sarcophagi 
 are formed. Much of this stone 
 remains near the second pyramid, 
 having been employed in coating 
 it, and it is still entire for 140 feet 
 from the top. It was the second 
 pyramid which Belzoni opened. 
 
 Sect. 128. ταυτα εζ re και εκ. 
 “ they reckon that these years 
 amount to 106, in which (they 
 say) the Egyptians had all kinds 
 of suffering.” τούτους are “these 
 kings.” 
 
 7Γ οιμενοε Φ ιλιτίωνοε. Manetho, 
 the priest of Sebennytus, who 
 wrote a history of Egypt in the 
 
 reign of Ptolemy Philadelphus, 
 B.C. 268, relates an invasion of 
 Egypt by a people whom he calls 
 Hyksos, “shepherd-kings,” Jos. c. 
 Apion 1. 14., who, coming from 
 the east, reduced the natives to 
 slavery, burnt their cities, and razed 
 their temples. This continued for 
 511 years, till they were driven 
 out by an insurrection of the E- 
 gyptians, and took refuge in Pa¬ 
 lestine. Of this very remarkable 
 series of events there is no trace 
 in Herodotus, unless we suppose 
 that the shepherd Philition here 
 spoken of represents this dynasty 
 of shepherd-kings ; and the suffer¬ 
 ings of Egypt under Cheops and 
 Chephren, who closed the temples 
 and compelled the people to labour 
 at the erection of pyramids, were 
 really inflicted by the foreign in¬ 
 vaders. It has been suspected also 
 (Jabl. voc. JEg. p. 346.) that Phi¬ 
 lition may be a corruption of Phi¬ 
 listine, or Paleestinus, which ac¬ 
 cords with the eastern origin which 
 Manetho ascribes to them. 
 
168 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 130. 
 
 κακού aveivai πρόε epya τε και θυσία r,' άίκαε Se σφι πάντων 
 βασιλέων άικαιοτάταε κρίνειν. κατά τούτο μεν νυν το epyov, 
 απάντων οσοι ηάη βασιλέες έγένοντο Αιγυπτίων, αινέουσι μά¬ 
 λιστα τούτον * τά τε άλλα y άρ μιν κρίνειν ευ, και άη και τω 
 έπιμεμφομένω έκ τηε άίκηε παρ εωυτου άιΒόντα αλλ α, άπο- 
 πιμπλάναι αυτου τον θυμόν. Έ,όντι δε ηπ'ιω τω Αίυκερίνω 
 κατά τους πολιηταε, και ταυτα, επιτηάεύοντι πρώτον κακών 
 άρζαι την θυyaτέρa άποθανουσαν αυτου, την μουνόν οι είναι εν 
 τοΊσι οικίοισι τεκνον. τον δε, υπεραλγησαντά τε τω περιε- 
 πεπτωκεε πρ^ματι, καί βουλόμενον περισσότερόν τι των άλ¬ 
 λων θάφαι την θυyaτέpa, ποιησασθαι βουν ζυλίνην κοίλην. και 
 επειτα καταγ^ρυσωσαντά μιν ταυτην , εσω έν αυτή θάφαι ταυ- 
 130 την άη την άποθανουσαν θυyaτέpa. Αυτή ών η /3ους yy ουκ 
 εκρυφυη, αλλ ετι και εε, εμε ην φανερή εν 2^αι μεν ποΑΐ 
 έουσα , κείμενη δε έν τοΊσι βασιληίοισι, έν οικηματι ησκημένω' 
 θυμιηματα δε παρ αυτή παντοΊα κaτayίZ > oυσι άνά πάσαν ημε- 
 ρην. νύκτα δε έκάστην πάννυχοε λύχνοε παρακαίεται. άχχου 
 δε τηε βοοε ταυτηε έν άλλω οικηματι εικόνεε των παλλακέων 
 των ΙΜυκερίνου εστάσι, ωε έλεyov οί έν Σάι πόλι ίρέεε’ έστάσι 
 μεν yάp ζυλινοι κολοσσοί, έουσαι αριθμόν ωε έείκοσι μάλιστα 
 
 Sect. 129. κατά τούτο το epyov, 
 “ in regal'd to this duty,” the ad¬ 
 ministration of justice, epya, just 
 before, are the rural or other la¬ 
 bours of the people, which had 
 been interrupted during the build¬ 
 ing of the pyramids. The Attic 
 form, as it is called, λέων for λαόν, 
 occurs also 8. 136. 
 
 επιμεμφομένω εκ rrjs ΰίκης, 
 “ who found fault with him in 
 consequence of the decision.” 2. 
 152. άπηλλάχθη εκ rrjs oxlios του 
 ονείρου o ΑΙΘίοφ. 
 
 περισσότερόν τι, “in some more 
 extraordinary way.” 2. 32. of the 
 young Nasamonians, άλλα τε μη - 
 χανάσθαι άνόρωθένταε περισσά. 
 
 Sect. 130. οικηματι ησκημένω, 
 “an elaborately ornamented cham¬ 
 ber.” 2. 169. A£schyl. Pers. 187. 
 ed. Blomf. ’Έιόοζάτην μοι όΰο γυ- 
 ναΐκ ευείμονε Ή μεν πέπλοισι Πβρ- 
 σικοιε ησκημενη, Ή δ’ αύτε Δω- 
 ρικοίσιν, e.ls όφιν μόλείν. 
 
 κολοσσοί. This was probably 
 originally an Ionic word, meaning 
 simply a statue. AEsch. Ag. 406. 
 Blomf. Ευμόρφων όε κολοσσών 
 εχθεται xapis άνόρί. Being ap¬ 
 plied by the Ionians, the first 
 Greeks who visited Egypt, to the 
 statues of that country, which so 
 often surpass the human standard, 
 it acquired the specific meaning 
 which it generally bears. 
 
II. 131. 132.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 169 
 
 > * 
 
 κη, 'γυμναι βρ^ασμεναι at Tivec, μβντοι €ΐσι, ουκ εχω βιπβίν, 
 πλην η τα λεγάμενα. Οί δέ rivec; λεγουσι ire pi της βοός 131 
 ταυτης, και των κολοσσών, τόνδε τον λόγον' ως Μ υκερΊνος 
 ερασθη της εωυτου Θυγατρός . μετά δε, λεγουσι ως η παΓις 
 
 > / Υ c\v . f / >’ύ I ’ Λ Ο -V f . c $ ν 
 
 απηγςατο υπο αχεος ο οε μιν ευαψε εν ττ) ροι ταντη η οε 
 μητηρ αυτής των αμφιπόλων των προ^ουσεων την Θυγατέρα 
 τω ττατρι απεταμε τας χειρας' και νυν τας εικόνας αυτεων 
 ε'ιναι πεπονθυΊας ταπερ αι Ζ,ωαι επαθον. ταυτα δε λεγουσι 
 φλυηρεοντες , ως εγώ δοκέω, τα τε όλλ α, και $η και τα περί 
 raq ψείρας των κολοσσών * ταυτα yap ών και ημείς ώρεομεν, 
 on υπό χρόνου τας χεΊρας αποβεβληκασι, at εν ποσι αυτεων 
 φαίνοντο εοΰσαι ετι και ες εμε . Η δε βους τα μεν αλλα 132 
 
 κατακεκρυπται φοινικειμ ε'ιματι* τον αυχένα δε και την κεφα¬ 
 λήν φαίνει κεχρυσωμενα παχει καρτα χρυσω' μεταζυ δε των 
 κερεων, ό του ήλιου κύκλος μεμιμημενος επεστι χρυσέος. εστι 
 δε η βους ουκ όρθη, αλλ εν γουνασι κείμενη ’ μεγαθος δε, 
 όσηπερ μεγάλη βους ζωη. εκφερεται δε εκ του οικήματος ανά 
 πάντα τα ετεα. επεάν τυπτωνται οι Αιγύπτιοι τον ουκ όνομα- 
 
 Sect. 131. η παϊε άπηγζατο νπο 
 άχεοε, “ the damsel strangled her¬ 
 self under the influence of grief.” 
 Her. 7. 232. Wesseling in his 
 note refers to the controversy re¬ 
 specting the meaning of άπάγχε- 
 σθαι, between James Gronovius and 
 Perizonius, the latter of whom (in 
 his note on HC1. V. Hist. v. 8.) con¬ 
 tended, that it might be rendered 
 “was choked with grief”; and in 
 a Dissertation De Morte Judse et 
 Verbo άπάγχεσθα t, appended to 
 the second volume of his edition of 
 Lilian, applied the same render¬ 
 ing to Matth. 27. 8., in order to 
 reconcile it with Acts i. 18. Comp. 
 Wakefield Silv. Crit. 2. 70. No 
 instance, however, has been pro¬ 
 duced in which άπάγχεσθαι neces¬ 
 sarily signifies, “ to die by the ef¬ 
 
 fect of grief”; whereas we know 
 that αγχόνη, “ the halter,” was a 
 frequent mode of suicide with both 
 sexes among the ancients. 
 
 Sect. 132. κεχρυσωμενα. Of 
 the use of the neuter, when things 
 without life of different genders 
 are spoken of, see Matth. §441.2. a. 
 Her. 3. 57. Ήν τότε η αγορά και 
 το 7Γ |οντανηιον ΎΙαρίω \ίθω ησκη- 
 μ έ ν α. 
 
 τον ουκ όνομαζόμενον Θεόν . 
 Osiris. See ρ. 89. Plutarch (Is. 
 et Osir. c. 39. p. 366. E.) says, 
 that during the time of the sup¬ 
 posed interment of Osiris, that is, 
 according to his interpretation, the 
 recess of the water of the Nile, the 
 priests practised other lugubrious 
 rites, and also exhibited the gilded 
 image of a cow, representing Isis 
 
170 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 133. 
 
 Ζ,ομενον υεον υπ εμευ επι τοιοντω πρηγματι, τότε ων και την 
 βουν εκφερουσι ες το φως. φασί yap άη αυτήν δ εηθηναι του 
 πατρός Μυκε^οινου άποθνησκουσαν, εν τω ενιαυτω άπαξ μιν 
 133 τον ηΧιον κατιάεΊν. Μετά δε της OvyaTpoc, το πάθος, δεύ¬ 
 τερα τούτω τω βασιΧει τάδε yεvεσθaι. εΧθεΊν οι μαντηιον 
 εκ Βουτουα πόΧιος, ως u μεΧΧοι εξ ετεα μούνον βίους τω 
 “ εβάόμορ τεΧευτησειν.” τον δε, δεινόν ποιησάμενον , πεμφαι 
 ες το μαντηιον τω θεω όνείάισμα, άντιμεμφάμενον ότι “ ο 
 (ί μεν αυτού πατήρ και πάτρως , άποκΧηίσαντες τα ίρά, και 
 ί1 θεών ου μεμνημενοι, άΧΧά και τους ανθρώπους φθείροντες , 
 ίζ εβίωσαν χρόνον επι ποΧΧόν' αυτός δ ευσεβής εων, μεΧΧοι 
 u ταχέως ουτω τεΧευτησειν Ε /c δε του χρηστηρίου αυτω 
 δεύτερα εΧθείν λεγοντα u τούτων είνεκα και συνταχυνειν αυ- 
 “ τω τον βίον' ου yap ποιησαί μιν το χρεών ην ποιεειν' δε' ΐν 
 il yap A ίχυπτον κακουσθαι επ’ ετεα πεντηκοντά τε και εκα - 
 “ τον' και τους μεν δύο τους προ εκείνου χενομενους βασι- 
 ί( Χεας μάθε7ν τούτο , κείνον δε ου.” Τ αυτα άκουσαντα τον 
 ΙΧΙυκερΊνον , ως κατακεκριμενων ηάη οι τούτων, Χύχνα ποιη - 
 σάμενον ποΧΧά, όκως yivoiTO νύξ, άνάφαντα αυτά, πίνειν τε 
 και εύπαθεειν, ούτε ημερης ούτε νυκτός άνιεντα , ες τε τα 
 εΧεα και τα άΧσεα πΧανωμενον, και ινα τ τυνθάνοιτο είναι χης 
 
 and the Earth, wrapped in a black 
 garment of byssus. 
 
 Sect. 133. τω θεω ονείΖισμα. 
 Valck. would read rrj θεω, i.e. La- 
 tona, who had here a celebrated 
 oracle, but Schw. defends τω, al¬ 
 leging, that in the island of Buto 
 there was a temple of Apollo also, 
 in which oracles appear to have 
 been delivered. Her. however (2. 
 155. 156.), plainly refers the ora¬ 
 cle to Latona only. The verbal 
 όνείΖισμ a governs the case of its 
 root, όνειΖίσα ι τώ θεω, 1 . 90. So 
 
 7 t l 
 
 7. 169. εκ των Μενέλεω τιμωρη- 
 μάτων. 
 
 Ινα πννθάνοιτο είναι γης ένη- 
 
 βητηρια. In all the MSS. yrjs is 
 wanting, but Valckenaer acutely 
 proposed its insertion from the 
 corrupted reading of Greg. Cor. D. 
 Ion. 65. Ira πννθάνοιτο είναι Trjs 
 ενηβητι'ιρια επιτηΖεωτατα. “ "ha 
 yrjs, ού yfjs et similia frequentat 
 imprimis Sophocles. Herod. 1.213. 
 Ίν a t)v κακού. Soph. Aj. 386. Her. 
 1.98. Dejoci sedificia exstruxerunt 
 iva avTOS εφρασε Trjs χωρη$, qua 
 destinarat regionis parte. 2. 172. 
 quam fieri curaret Amasis statuam 
 ΖΖρνσε Trjs 7ro\ios οκού ην επιτη- 
 Ζεωτατον” Valck. "Ινα is probably 
 the accusative of an obsolete pro¬ 
 noun Is, answering to the Latin is 
 
HERODOTUS. 
 
 171 
 
 II. 134.] 
 
 ενηβητηρια επιτηΰεωτατα. ταυτα δε εμηγανατο, ΘεΧων το 
 
 f ·· I § / > $ / ν' <■/ « λ / λ >> > ' i\y 
 
 μάντηιον ψευοομενον αποοεςαι, ινα οι ουωοεκα ετεα αντί ες 
 ετ βων -γενηται, αι νύκτες ημεραι ποιενμεναι. 
 
 Πυραμίδα δε κα\ ούτος απεΧίπετο πολλόν εΧασσω του 134 
 πατρος, εείκοσι ποδων καταδεουσαυ κωΧον έκαστον τριών 
 
 (PassowGr.Worterb. s.voc. ί or'/). 
 So that its construction with a ge¬ 
 nitive answers to that of ου, η, 61, 
 ουδαμη with genitives of place. 
 Matth. § 324. The Latin “ ubi * 
 (ubi terrarum ) is the Greek oi with 
 the digamma, 6Ft, as “ibi” is tFi. 
 
 ενηβητηρια, “ loca πρδε άνεσιν 
 και άπόλαυσιν ευ πεψυκότα.” Valck. 
 “Loca voluptaria.” Sallust. Catil. 
 11. Such as youth delights in for 
 recreation or pleasure. 
 
 at ν'υκτεε ημέραι ποιενμεναι. See 
 Matth. § 562. It is an example 
 of inversion, rather than a nom. 
 absol., the nights turned into days, 
 being equivalent to twelve years 
 instead of six. 7. 157. ά \r)s γινό¬ 
 μενη πάσα η 'EWcis, χειρ μεγάλη 
 συνάγεται. Comp. ρ. 94. 
 
 Sect. 134. πολλον ελασσω του 
 πατρόε. Comp. ρ. 166. Matth. § 
 453. This compendious mode of 
 comparison, in which the quality 
 or property of one object is com¬ 
 pared with another object, instead 
 of with its quality or property, pre¬ 
 vails extensively in Greek. Pind. 
 01. 1. 11. μηδ' ’Ολυμπίας αγώνα 
 φέρτερον αυδάσυμεν. Her. 3. 108. 
 6 σκΰμνο$ έγων ovvyas θηρίων 
 πολλον πάντων όζυτάτ ουε. 3. 
 60. Tots Σαμίοισι τρία έστί μέ¬ 
 γιστα απάντων Ελλήνων έξ- 
 εργασμένα. It is common in La¬ 
 tin with the verbs of comparison. 
 Phsedr. 4. 33. 3. “Conferre nostris 
 tu potes te laudibus ?” Heusinger 
 ad Cic. Off. 1. 22. 
 
 εείκοσι ποδών κατανοούσαν κ.τ.λ. 
 “ falling short of three plethra (300 
 feet) by twenty feet on each side 
 (of the pyramid), which is quad¬ 
 rangular.” The difficulty wffiich 
 has been experienced in the con¬ 
 struction of this passage, has arisen 
 from the three genitives. First, in 
 εείκοσι ποδών καταδέουσαν, we have 
 the genitive expressing the amount 
 of deficiency. See note on p. 14. 
 Secondly, in τριών πλέθρων, we 
 have the genitive expressing that 
 of which the lesser quantity falls 
 short, as in υποβ as τηε έτέρηε, 2. 
 127.; and lastly, έονσηε τετραγώ¬ 
 νου, depending on κώλον έκαστον, 
 instead of agreeing with πυραμί¬ 
 δα. This circumstance is added, 
 to mark more distinctly the form 
 of the base. 1. 181. Αώε Βηλου 
 ιρον γαλκόπυλον, δύο σταδίων πάν- 
 τη, έόν τετράγωνον. There re¬ 
 mains the difficulty that, accord¬ 
 ing to the measurement of Jomard 
 (Mem. s. l’Eg. 9. 433., 7. 32.), the 
 real length of the sides is 307 feet 
 10 inches instead of 300—20. 
 But if we render, according to 
 the pointing of the editors before 
 Schweighseuser, “ much less than 
 that of his father, falling short of 
 it by twenty feet,” we fall into a 
 much greater difficulty; for the 
 real difference instead of twenty 
 feet is 300 in height and 420 in 
 length. Besides, where such large 
 numbers are in question, would 
 Her. have said that “ the third 
 
172 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 134. 
 
 πλέθρων, εουσηο, τετραγώνους λίθου δε ec το ημισυ Αίθι- 
 οπικου’ την δη μετεζετεροί φασι Ελλήνων Ροάώπιορ εταί - 
 
 \ ·> * Λ Λ Λ r ’ S 1 ' ’S' ' 
 
 ρηε, yvvaiKoc, είναι , ου /c ορυωα λεγοντεε. ουοε ων ουόε ειοο- 
 τεο μοι φαίνονται λεγείν οντοι ητίζ ην η Ροδω7 τιο’ ον yap 
 αν οι πυραμίάα άνεθεσαν ποιησασθαι τοιαυτην, ec την ταλάν¬ 
 των χίλιάδεε αναρίθμητοι , ώε λόγω ειπείν, άναισίμωνται’ πράο, 
 δε, οτι κατά 'Αμασιν βασιλεύοντα ην άκμάζουσα Ροδω7 tic,, 
 αλλ’ ου κατά τούτον, ετεσι yάp κάρτα πολλοάσι ύστερον 
 τούτων των βασιλέων των ταε πυραμίάαε τανταο, ην λι- 
 7 Γ ομενων 'Ροδώτπε* yεvεηv μεν , άπο θρηίκηζ * δούλη δε ην 
 Ιαδ/χονοε τού Ήφαιστοπόλιοε, ανδρόε Σαμίου , σύνδουλοε δε 
 Αισώπου του λογο7τοιού. καί γαρ ούτοε Ιαδρονοα . εγενετο. 
 
 pyramid was Zess than the 
 
 first, falling short of it by twenty 
 feetl” To correct the text, as Jo- 
 mard would do, by inserting 400 
 before 20, would be very uncri¬ 
 tical. Inaccuracy in the estimate 
 of the length is much more pro¬ 
 bable than such an omission in our 
 present MSS. Grobert (Denon 
 vol. 1. lxxxi.) makes the length of 
 the base 280 feet, but he does not 
 appear to have measured it. 
 
 λίθου Αίθωπικου. Diod. 1. 64. 
 says, that Mycerinus covered the 
 first fifteen courses of his pyramid 
 €K μελανός λίθου τω θηβαίκω πα¬ 
 ραπλήσιου. Strab. 17. 1146. But 
 great quantities of red granite are 
 scattered around the base, which 
 have evidently served as the coat¬ 
 ing. Fragments of black marble 
 are also found. Grobert lxxxii. iv. 
 
 'P οΰωπιος έταίρης γννα ikos εί¬ 
 ναι. According to H^lian (V. Hist. 
 13. 33.), Rhodopis was the con¬ 
 temporary of Psammitichus, who 
 made her his queen, having been 
 struck with the proportions of her 
 sandal, which an eagle had carried 
 
 Ί 
 
 off while she was bathing, and 
 dropped in his lap. Strabo 1. 17. 
 1146. Athenseus (lib. 13. p. 596.) 
 alleges that the name of the mis¬ 
 tress of Charaxus the brother of 
 Sappho (see 2. 135.) was Doricha, 
 and that she was a different per¬ 
 son from Rhodopis. As Sappho 
 had written a poetical invective 
 against her for robbing Charaxus, 
 we must suppose that Athenseus 
 is right in regard to the name ; 
 but it does not follow that Hero¬ 
 dotus is wrong. When she was 
 emancipated she may have taken 
 the name 'Podubm. 
 
 'Η-φαιστόπολις is the name of a 
 man, not a town. 
 
 Αίσωπου του λογοποιοϋ, “the fa¬ 
 bulist.” See note on 2.143. HCsop 
 had been sent (according to Plu¬ 
 tarch de Sera Num. Vind. p.556.) 
 to Delphi by Croesus, that he might 
 sacrifice to the god and distribute 
 four minse a piece to the Delphi- 
 ans. A dispute arising, he sent 
 back the gold to Sardes, and the 
 Delphians in their displeasure hurl¬ 
 ed him down the precipice Ύάμ- 
 
II. 135.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 173 
 
 ως διεδε^ε rrjSe ουκ ήκιστα * επεί re γάμ ποΧΧάκις κηρυσ- 
 σόντων ΑεΧφων εκ θεοπροπίου 11 δς βούλοιτο ποινήν της 
 u Αίσωπου φυγής άνεΧεσθαι,” άΧΧος μεν ούδεις εφάνη, Ιάδ- 
 μονος δε παιδός ι ra?c, άΧΧος Ίαδμων, άνείΧετο' ουτω και Αί¬ 
 σωπος Ίάδμονος ε-γενετο. 'Ρ οδώπις δε ες Αίγυπτον άπίκετο , 135 
 Εάνθεω του Σαμίου κομίσαντός μιν' άπικομενη δε κατ epya- 
 σίην, εΧυθη χρημάτων με-γαΧων υπό άνδρός Μ υτιΧηναίου Χα- 
 ράζου, του Σκαμανδρωνύμου παιδός, a δεΧφ εου δε Σαπφους 
 της μουσοποιου. ουτω δη η Ροδωττις εΧευθερωθη, και κατε- 
 μεινε τε εν Αιγύπτω, και κάρτα επαφρόδιτος γ ενομενη , με¬ 
 γάλα εκτησατο χρήματα, ως άν είναι Ρ οδώπιν, άτάρ ουκ 
 ως yε ες πυραμίδα τοιαυτην εζικεσθαι. της yap την δεκάτην 
 των τρημάτων ιδεσθαι εστι ετι και ες τοδε παντι τω βου- 
 Χομενω, ουδεν δει μεγάλα οι χρήματα άναθεΊναι. επεθυμησε 
 yap Ροδώπις μνημηιον εωυτης εν τη Έλλάδι καταΧιπέσθαι, 
 ποίημα ποιησαμενη τούτο, το μη τυyγάvει άΧΧω εζευρημε- 
 νον και άνακείμενον εν ίρω, τούτο άναθεΊναι ες ΑεΧφούς μνη¬ 
 μόσυνου εωυτης. της ών δέκατης των χρημάτων ποιησαμενη 
 
 7r€ta, B.C.564. The god punished 
 them by inflicting barrenness on 
 the soil till they made the atone¬ 
 ment mentioned by Herodotus. At- 
 σωπείον αίμα grew into a proverb. 
 
 διεδεζε, “ it clearly appeared.” 
 Comp, δηΧοϊ, used also imperson¬ 
 ally, 2.117. 
 
 Sect. 135. κατ εργασίην. See 
 the note on κατίσαι επ οικήματος, 
 ρ. 159. Strabo speaking of the 
 voyage of Charaxus says, οίνον 
 κατάγοντος eh ΊΧαυκρατιν Αέσβιον 
 κατ ε μπορίαν, “for the purpose 
 of trade.” 2. 152. ’Ιωνάς re και 
 Κάρας avdpas, κατά Χηίην εκ- 
 πΧώσαντας. Of the genitive after 
 ελνθη, see Matth. § 364. 
 
 άδεΧφεου δε Σα πφοΰς τής μονσο- 
 ποιον. To him Sappho is made to 
 allude by Ovid. Sappho Pliaoni 
 
 (Her. Ep. 15. 63.). “ Arsit inops 
 frater meretricis victus amore Mis- 
 taque cum turpi damna pudore 
 tulit. Factus inops agili peragit 
 freta coerula remo, Quasque male 
 amisit nunc male quserit opes,” 
 i. e. probably by piracy. 
 
 ώς άν είναι 'Ρ οδώπιν. See note 
 on ρ. 16. 1. 30. του βίου ευ ή- 
 
 κοντι, ως τα παρ’ ήμίν, “being 
 prosperous, according to our 
 standard,” not the standard of a 
 Lydian king. 
 
 τής γάρ την δεκάτην κ. τ. λ. 
 “ for there is no need to attribute 
 great wealth to her, of the tenth 
 of whose money every one who 
 wishes may even to this day take 
 a view.” Of this inversion of γάρ, 
 see note on p. 147., and of Ιδεσθαι, 
 p. 48. 
 
174 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 136. 
 
 136 
 
 όβεΧούρ βουπορουρ ποΧΧουρ σι8ηρεουρ, όσον ενεγγυρεε η δέ¬ 
 κατη οι, απεπεμι re ec ΑεΧφουρ' οι και νυν ετι συννενεαται , 
 οπισυε μεν του ρώμου τον Λ.ιοι ανευεσαν, αντιον οε αυτου 
 του νηοΰ. Φ ιΧεουσι Si κωρ εν τρ Ναυκράτι επαφρό8ιτοι 
 'γινεσθαι α'ι εταΊραι. τούτο μεν yap αυτή , τηρ περί Χεγεται 
 δδε ο Aoyoc, ουτω δη τι κΧεινιη eyeuero, ωρ και πάντερ οι 
 (> ΈιΧΧηνεε VoSafTtoQ το ουνομα εζεμαθον' τούτο δε, ύστερον 
 ταυτηρ, Ty ουνομα ην Αργιοικη, αοιοιμορ ανα την ΗΛλαοα 
 εyεvετo f ησσον δε τηρ ετερηρ περιΧεσγηνευτορ. Χάραζορ 
 δε Χυσαμενορ 'Ροδω7 τιν απενοστησε ερ ΜυτιΧηνην, εν με- 
 Χει Έαπφώ ποΧΧά κατεκερτομησε μιν. Ροδώττιοε μεν νυν 
 περί πεπαυμαι. 
 
 Μετά δε Μυκ:ε|θ?υου y ενεσθαι Αίγυπτου βασιΧεα εΧεγον οι 
 ιρεερ Ασυχιν, τον τα πρόρ ηΧιον ανίσγοντα ποιησαι τω Ή- 
 φαίστω προπυΧαια , εόντα ποΧΧω τε κάΧΧιστα και ποΧΧω 
 μέγιστα . εχει μεν γαρ και τα παντα προπυΧαια τυπουρ τε 
 εγγεγΧυμμενυυρ, και αΧΧην όφιν οικο8ομη ματ ων μυρίην' εκείνα 
 δε, και μακρω μαΧιστα. Εττί τούτου βασιΧευοντορ , εΧεγον , 
 αμιζίηρ εουσηρ ποΧΧηρ γρηματων, γενεσθαι νόμον Αιγυπτί- 
 
 οβελονς βονπόρους, “ verua as- 
 sandis bobus idonea, quse ad sa- 
 cram supellectilem pertinuisse cre- 
 dibile est.” Bahr. Such a gift in¬ 
 dicates the high price of iron. The 
 spits had disappeared in the age of 
 Plutarch, but the περιηγητές, or 
 Cicerone of Delphi, still pointed out 
 the place where they had been de¬ 
 posited. See Larcher’s note. 
 
 σνννενέαται, “ remain piled to¬ 
 gether.” See note on perf. pass, 
 p. 56. 4. 62., 2. 107. περινηησαι. 
 
 Comp. Matth. p. 422. νέω. 
 
 αντιον του νηον. The ra os m 
 the proper sense, the “ cella ”; just 
 before, the whole sacred edifice is 
 called ίρόν. άνακείμενον εν ιερώ. 
 2. 138. 
 
 Φιλεουσι, “ solent.” See note 
 on p. 39. 40. 
 
 αοίδιμος - περιλεσγβνεντος, 
 
 “ celebrated in song throughout 
 Greece, but less the subject of 
 conversation than the other.” 
 Compare Her. 2. 32. Λέσχη and 
 its derivatives are Ionic and po¬ 
 etical. 
 
 εν μέλει, “a lyric poem.” 5.95. 
 of Alceeus. The music (μέλος), 
 which was a mere accompaniment 
 to epic poetry, was the predomi¬ 
 nant element in the lyric and the 
 tragic choruses, which were also 
 called μέλη. Μίν is Rhodopis, see 
 p. 172. 
 
 Sect. 136. άμιζίης, ‘'great want 
 of circulation of money.” 
 
II. 136.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 175 
 
 οισι, άποΰεικνυντα ενεγυρον του πατρός τον νεκυν, ουτω Χαμ- 
 βάνειν το y^peoc,' προστεθηναι δε ετι τούτω τω νόμω τόν8ε , 
 τον $ι$οντα το "χρέος και άπάσης κρατεειν της του Χαμβά- 
 VOVTOG Θηκης' τω δε υποτιθεντι τούτο το ενέχυρον, τηι 'δε 
 επεΊναι ζημίην, μη βουΧομενω άπο^ουναι το χρέος, μητ αυτω 
 εκείνω τεΧευτησαντι είναι ταφής κυρησαι μητ εν εκείνο) τω 
 ττατρωω ταφώ μητ εν αλλω μηοενι, μήτε άλλον μηοενα των 
 εωυτοΰ άπογενόμενον θά'φαι. ΎπερβαΧεσθαι δέ βουΧόμενον 
 τούτον τον βασιλέα τους πρότερον εωυτου βασιΧεας γενο- 
 μενους Αίγυπτου, μνημόσυνου πυραμίδα Χιπεσθαι, εκ πΧίνθων 
 ποιησαντα’ εν τ rj γράμματα εν Χίθω εγκεκοΧαμμενα τάδε 
 Χεγοντά <W ΜΗ ΜΕ ΚΑΤΟΝΟΣΘΗιΣ ΠΡΟΣ ΤΑΣ 
 ΛΙΘΙΝΑΣ ΠΥΡΑΜΙΔΑΣ. ΠΡΟΕΧΩ ΓΑΡ ΑΥΤΕΩΝ 
 ΤΟΣΟΥΤΟΝ, ΌΣΟΝ Ό ΖΕΥΣ ΤΩΝ ΑΛΛΩΝ ΘΕΩΝ. 
 ΚΟΝΤΩι ΓΑΡ ΎΠΟΤΥΠΤΟΝΤΕΣ ΕΣ ΛΙΜΝΗΝ, Ό ΤΙ 
 ΠΡΟΣΧΟΙΤΟ ΤΟΥ ΠΗΛΟΥ ΤΩι ΚΟΝΤΩι ΤΟΥΤΟ 
 ΣΥΑΛΕΓΟΝΤΕΣ, ΠΛΙΝΘΟΥΣ ΕΙΡΥΣΑΝ, ΚΑΙ ΜΕ 
 
 άποδεικνυντα ενέχυρου, “ exhi¬ 
 biting as a pledge not perhaps 
 placing the body in his hands, but 
 giving the creditor a control over 
 the place of family sepulture, so 
 that it could not be interred with¬ 
 out his permission. Among the 
 Romans it was usual for creditors 
 to obstruct the burial of debtors ; 
 and though this was forbidden by 
 law, it continued to be practised 
 long after the introduction of Chri¬ 
 stianity. Kirchm. de Fun. Rom. 2. 
 1. p. 104. 
 
 κατονοσθί js προς ras Χιθίνας πυ¬ 
 ραμίδας, “ do not depreciate me in 
 comparison with the pyramids of 
 stone.” 2. 167. ήκιστα K opivdioi 
 ονονται τους χειροτέχνας. It is 
 the root of υνειύος. 
 
 νποτνπτο) res. So in the Aves 
 
 of Aristophanes, 1145, where dif¬ 
 ferent birds are described as bear¬ 
 ing part in the construction of the 
 city, it is said, Οι χήνες υποτυ- 
 7 ττοντες ώσπερ rat's άμα is ’Es ras 
 Χεκάνας ενέβαΧΧον αυτοΐς nnv πο- 
 δοϊν. It occurs again in Her. 3. 
 130., 6. 119., from which passages 
 it appears that the meaning is “to 
 strike down” or “ dip down” in 
 order to bring something up; as 
 here, mud from the bottom of the 
 lake, 6. 119. asphaltus from a bi¬ 
 tuminous well. {ΙΧίνβονς είρυσαν 
 is used here of fashioning bricks, 
 as 1. 179. εΧκυσαντες πΧίνθους, 
 the operation consisting in elon¬ 
 gating a lump of clay. Plin. N. H. 
 35. 49. (15.) “ Lateres non sunt 
 e sabuloso, neque arenoso ducendi 
 solo. 
 
HERODOTUS. 
 
 137 
 
 176 
 
 [II. 13 
 
 / . 
 
 ΤΡΟΠΩι ΤΟΙΟΎΤΩι ΕΞΕΠΟΙΗΣΑΝ. τούτον μεν τοσ- 
 
 αΰτα άπο$ε£ασθαι. 
 
 Μετά δε τούτον, βασιλευσαι avSpa τυφλόν εξ Άννσιοο 
 πόλιοο, τω ουνομα ' Αννσιν είναι, επί τούτον βασιλεύοντος 
 ελάσαι επ’ Α’/γυπτου \αρί πολλή Αιθίοπάα τε και Έαβακών 
 τον Α’ιθιόπων βασιλέα, τον μεν δ») τυφλόν τούτον οιχεσθαι 
 φεύγοντα ες τα ελεα* του δε Αιθίοπα βασιλευειν Αίγυπτου 
 
 έζεποίησ αν, comp. 2. 125. 
 
 “ They finished and faced the py¬ 
 ramid with bricks.” This descrip¬ 
 tion suits very well with the pyra¬ 
 mid of Illaoun, or El Lahun, at 
 the entrance of the valley which 
 leads from the Nile to the lake of 
 Moeris. It is built of limestone, 
 but faced with brick. 
 
 Before leaving the subject of the 
 pyramids, I may observe that the 
 name is probably Greek, though 
 its etymology has been sought in 
 the Coptic. Etym.M. s. voc. Πνρα- 
 μ'ις, η εκ πυρών και μέλιτος, ώσπερ 
 σησαμις, η εκ σησάμων και μέλινος, 
 τινες δε από του συμβαίνοντος αν - 
 τ /j σχήματος, πλατέος κάτωθεν οντος 
 και ές όζύ ληγοντος, ο έστι το φλο- 
 y'i άναφερόμενον έοικός. Πυρά μου ς 
 was another name for the same kind 
 of cake, although Iatrocles, in his 
 treatise Περί Πλακούντων, Athen. 
 14. p. 647., made some distinction 
 between them. The σησαμις was 
 σφαιροειδής, Athen.p. 646.; the πυ- 
 ραμίς, which was pointed, and used 
 in the Bacchic rites (Clem. Coh. 
 19. Potter.), may be seen on the 
 table representing the reception 
 of Bacchus by Icarus, Hope’s Cos¬ 
 tume, 2. 224. That the name of 
 the mathematical solid was derived 
 from an object of common life, and 
 not vice versd, may be argued from 
 
 analogy. Σφαίρα was a hand-hall·, 
 κύβος, a die for gaming; κώνος, a 
 hoy's top ; κύλινδρος, a husband¬ 
 man’s or gardener’s roller. 
 
 Sect. 137. ’Ανόσιος πόλιος. 
 Probably the same which is called 
 d :n, Isaiah xxx. 4.; in Coptic 
 Hues ; 'Ηρακλέους πόλις in Middle 
 Egypt, N. L. 29° on the east side 
 of the Nile. Gesenius Isaiah 1. c. 
 
 Σαβακών. His name, phonetic¬ 
 ally written Sabahopth, has been 
 found by Mr. Salt at Abydos. 
 
 φεύγοντα ές τά ελεα. Comp, 
 the beginning of 2. 140., where 
 the return of the blind king is re¬ 
 corded. It is there said that the 
 island of Elbo, in which he took 
 refuge, was unknown till the time 
 of Amyrtseus, ετεα έπι πλέω η επτα¬ 
 κόσια. As Amyrtseus reigned over 
 Egypt, then in revolt from the Per¬ 
 sians, in 455 B.C. (Clinton F. H. 2. 
 p. 46. note on 3. 15.), this would 
 carry us up to about 1150 B.C. 
 for the invasion of the Ethiopians. 
 But this is inconsistent with the 
 account of Herodotus, who makes 
 Psammitichus(2.152.)to have been 
 contemporary with Sabaco, who put 
 his father Neco to death. Some 
 change in the reading, therefore, 
 of 2. 140. seems necessary, to re¬ 
 concile Herodotus with himself. 
 Herodotus and Diodorus (1. 65.) 
 
II. 137.] HERODOTUS. 177 
 
 επ’ erect πεντηκοντα' εν τοίσι αυτόν τάδε α 7Γθδε^ ασθαι. οκών, 
 των τις Αιγυπτίων αμάρτοι τι, κτείνειν μεν αυτών ουδενα 
 εθελειν" τον δε κατα μεγαθος του αδικήματος εκάστω δικά- 
 ζειν, ε7Γΐτάσσουτα γωματα \ουι> προς τη εωυτών 7 τό\ι, δ0ευ 
 έκαστος ην των αδικεόντων. και ουτω ετι αί πόλιες εγενοντο 
 υφηΧδτεραι * το μεν yap πρώτον, εγμωσθησαν υπο τών τας 
 διώρυγας ορυζάντων, επι Έ,εσώστριος βασιΧεος' δεύτερα δε, 
 
 represent Sabaco as the sole king 
 of the intrusive Ethiopians, but 
 according to Manetho there were 
 three; Sabaco, who reigned eight 
 years, Sevechus, who reigned four¬ 
 teen, and Tarakus (Tearcho, Strabo 
 15. p.978.), who reigned eighteen, 
 in all forty years, or according to 
 the numbers as given by Eusebius, 
 forty-four. Sevechus seems the 
 same name as Sabaco, and he is 
 probably the So (KID, Seva) with 
 whom (2 Kings xvii.4.) Hosea king 
 of Israel made an alliance, in the 
 year 722 B.C. Tarakus is the Tir- 
 haka of Scripture (Is. xxxvii. 9.), 
 and, being contemporary with Sen¬ 
 nacherib’s invasion of Egypt, must 
 be placed about 714 B.C. The 
 latest king, therefore, of the Ethio¬ 
 pian dynasty lived too early to be 
 the contemporary of Psammitichus, 
 if the common chronology be cor¬ 
 rect, which places his assumption 
 of power in 670 B.C. Again, Ne- 
 cho IT., the son and successor of 
 Psammitichus, was the contempo¬ 
 rary of Josiah, who died in the 
 battle of Megiddo, 610 B.C. (Her. 
 2. 159. 2 Kings xxiii. 29.); and if 
 Necho II. reigned, as the present 
 text of Herodotus says, only six¬ 
 teen years, this time, reckoned 
 backward, will not allow us to 
 place Psammitichus earlier than 
 about the middle of the 7th cen¬ 
 
 tury B.C. (650—670.) It is pro¬ 
 bable, therefore, that Her. has al¬ 
 lowed too short a time to the reign 
 of Necho II., and that the reign 
 of Psammitichus should be placed 
 about 695 B.C. See Gesenius’ 
 Isaiah, 1. 599. 
 
 τον δέ κατα μέγαθοε. The sub¬ 
 ject is the same as that of the infi¬ 
 nitive which immediately precedes, 
 έθέλειν, but Her. frequently in¬ 
 serts the pronoun o with 3e before 
 a second verb, though there is no 
 change of subject, nor any empha¬ 
 sis. With a nom. preceding, 1.66. 
 ταντα ais άπενειχθέντα ηκυνσαν οι 
 Λακεδαιμόνιοι, ’Αρκάδων μεν τών 
 άλλων άπείχοντο’ οι δε επι Ύεγεη- 
 ταε εστρατενοντο, ί. e. the Lacede¬ 
 monians. Without a nom. 1. 107. 
 Μηδων μεν τών εωντοΰ άζίων ον- 
 δενι διδοΐ γυναίκα' οδέ Πέρσι) δι- 
 δοϊ. In the beginning of an apodo- 
 sis, 6. 30. El μεν νυν ώε έζωγρηβη 
 άχθη ά γόμένος παρά βασιΧέα Δα- 
 ρεΊον, δ δέ οντ αν έπαθε κακόν ον- 
 δέν, άπηκέ τ άν αυτώ την α’ιτίην, 
 where the first three verbs refer to 
 Histiseus, the last to Darius. With 
 η — η and ye, 2. 173. Χέιθοι άν ήτοι 
 μανειε, η ογε άπόπΧηκτοε γενό- 
 μενοε. Hes. Op. 243. with subject 
 following. ” Η τών γε στρατόν είιρυν 
 άπώλεσεν, η ογε τεϊχοε’Ή νέαε έν 
 πόντο) Κ ρονίδηε έιποτίνννται αυτών. 
 
 Matth. § 289. Obs. 9. 
 
 - 
 
178 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 138. 
 
 ετ τι τον Αιθίοποε και κάρτα νφηΧαι εγενοντο. ΥψηΧεων δε 
 και έτερων τασσόμενων εν τη Αιγύπτω ποΧίων , ωε εμοι δο- 
 κεει, μάλιστα μεν Βονβάστι πόΧι εζε^ωσθη, εν τη και Ιράν 
 εστι Β ουβάστιοε άξιαπηγητυτατον. μεζω μεν yap αΧΧα, και 
 ποΧυ8απανωτερά εστι ιρά’ ηάοι>η δε ιάεσθαι ουδεν τουτου 
 μάΧΧον, η δε Β ουβαστιε, κατά Ελλαδα γλώσσαν, εστι Αρ- 
 38 τεμιε . Το δε ιρον αυτηε ώδε εχα. πΧην τηε εσοδου, το 
 άΧΧο νησοε εστι * εκ yap του Νε/λου 8ιωρυχεε εσεγονσι, ου 
 συμμίσγουσαι άΧΧηΧησι, αλλ’ ά'χρι τηε εσόδου του ίροΰ εκα- 
 τερη εσέχει* η μεν, τύ} περιρρεουσα, η δε, τη" ευροε εουσα 
 εκατερη εκατόν ποάών, 8εν8ρεσι κατάσκιοε. τα δε προπυΧαια, 
 νφοε μεν 8εκα όργυιεων εστι, τυποισι δε εζαπηγεσι εσκευα- 
 δαται αζιοισι Λόγου, εον δ εν μέση τη ττοΧι το ιρον, κατο- 
 ράται πάντοθεν περιιοντι * άτε yap yrjc, πόΧιοε μεν εκκε^ω- 
 σμενηε vipov , του δ’ Ιρου ου κεκινημενου, ωε αργηθεν εποιηθη, 
 εσοπτον εστι. περιθεει δ* αυτό αιμασιά εyyεyAvμμεvη τυποισι. 
 εστι δε εσωθεν άΧσοε 8εν8ρεων μεyιστωv, πεφυτευμενον περί 
 νηον pkyav, εν τω 8η τωγαΧμα ενι. ευροε δε και μηκοε του 
 
 υψηλέων τασσόμενων, “ being 
 placed on a high station.” The 
 ground on which dwelling-houses 
 only stood was raised, they being 
 of a cheap construction and easily 
 renewed on a higher level; public 
 buildings, such as temples, were 
 not so readily moved, and at Bu- 
 bastis the temple remained far be¬ 
 low the new site of the town. 
 
 ηδονή Ιδέσθαι, “ pleasantness 
 to behold.” Plat. Crit. 3. 117. of 
 hot and cold springs, ηδονή δε και 
 αρετή των υπάτων θαυμαστόν πεφυ- 
 kotos. Some adjective seems want¬ 
 ing with μάλλον, but probably the 
 text is as the author left it. 
 
 Sect. 138. ου κεκινημενου, “the 
 temple remaining unmoved, as it 
 was originally constructed, can be 
 looked into,” i. e. from the city. 
 
 raised higher by the embankment. 
 ’Aj οχήθεν’ ουκ εστι παρά toIs Άττι- 
 koIs πλήν παρ' Αισχύλο)" παρ' Ήρο- 
 δότω δε εστι και τοΊε Ίωσιν. Bek- 
 ker Anecd. Gr. 1. 450. It does 
 not occur in the extant works of 
 AEschylus. 
 
 αίμασιη, “a hedge,” from αίμοε 
 —δρυμόε, “ a bush,” or “ thicket,” 
 whence Α'ίμοε, Heemus, and thence 
 a fence of brick or stone. Her. 
 1. 180. αίμασιη πλίνθων όπτέων. 
 Properly it seems to have denoted 
 a rough wall of unhewn stones or 
 pebbles. Mceris p.53. Αιμασιά Άτ- 
 τικώε, λιθολογί a, η το εκ χαλίκων 
 συγκείμενον, Έ λληνικώε. Such an 
 exterior wall, covered with hiero¬ 
 glyphics, may be seen, Denon, pi. 
 xxxv. Apollinopolis. 
 
II. 139.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 179 
 
 Ιρον 7 τάντη σταδίου εστ'ι. κατά μεν δη την εσοάον, εστρωμενη 
 εστι οοοε λιυου 67 τι σταόι ovc, τρεις μαλιστα κη, οια της ayo- 
 ρης φερουσα εε το προς ηω’ εύρος δε, ώε τεσσερων πΧεθρων' 
 τη δε και τίρ της οδού δέυδ]θεα βυρανομηκεα πεφυκε * φερει δ 
 εε EyOjueii) ιρον . το μεν οη ιρον τοντο οντω βχει. Ιελοε οε loy 
 τηε άπaXXayης του Α’ιθίοπος ώδε ελεγου -γενεσθαι. όψιν εν 
 τω υπνω τοιηυδε ιμάντα αυτόν, ο ιχεσθαι φευγουτα* εδοκεε οι 
 άνάρα επιστάντα συμβουΧευειν, τους ι]οεαε τουε ευ Αίγυττω 
 συΧΧέξαντα πάντας, μέσους δ ιαταμεειν * ιδδυτα δε την οψιν 
 ταυτην λέγειν αυτόν, ώε πρόφασίν οι δοκέοι ταυτην τουε 
 θεούς προ^εικνυναι, ϊνα άσεβησας περί τά Ιρά, κακόν τι 
 προς Θεών η προς άνθρωπων λάβοΓ ουκων 7 τοιησειν ταυτα* 
 αλλα γαρ οί εζεΧηΧυθεναι τον -χρόνον, όκόσον κεχρησθαι 
 άρζαντα Αίγυ7ττου εκχωρησειν. εν yap ττρ Αιθιοπίη εόντι 
 αυτω τά μαντηια, τόϊσι χρεωνται Αιθιοπες,- άνειΧε, ώε δέοι 
 αύτδν Αίγυπτου βασιΧευσαι ετεα πεντηκοντα. ώε ών δ χρδ- 
 
 έστρωμένη \ί6ον. The material 
 is more commonly in the dative, 
 where an operation such as that of 
 paving is described ; the gen. is 
 here used after the analogy of the 
 verbs of making, ποιεϊσθαι, τευχε- 
 σθαι, which have a gen. sometimes 
 with, but sometimes without, a 
 preposition. Her. 5. 82. κότερα 
 ■χαλκού ποιέονται τα αγάλματα 
 η λίθου, and immediately after, 
 αγάλματα εκ των έλαιέων ποιησά- 
 μενοι ίόρυσαντο. Matth. § 374. b. 
 
 Sect. 139. TeXos όε της απαλ¬ 
 λαγής, “the final departure.” See 
 note on ϋόατος αποστροφή, p. 23. 
 Thuc. 7. 42. πέρας του απαλλα¬ 
 γή ναι του κινόΰνου. Dem. Πρό$ 
 ΒοιωΓ. 1020. Τι άν ήν πέρας η- 
 μϊν του όιαλυθηναι; “ what fi¬ 
 nal agreement could there have 
 been between us?” νόστου τέλος. 
 Pind. Nem. 3. 44. 
 
 άλλα γάρ οί έζεληλυθέναι τον 
 χρόνον. When this construction 
 is complete a second proposition 
 follows, containing the conse¬ 
 quence. Her. 1. 137. άλλα γάρ 
 περιέχονται του ονόματος μάλλον 
 τι των άλλων Ίώνων, έστωσαν όε 
 καί οί καθαρώς γεγονότες ’Ιωνε^, 
 “ but since they cling to the name 
 more than the rest of the lonians, 
 let them by all means even be the 
 genuine lonians,” the arrangement, 
 according to the connexion of the 
 thoughts, being άλλ’ έστωσαν Ιέ 
 ....περιέχονται γάρ. If, howe\ T er, 
 the consequence is obvious, it is 
 sometimes not expressed. Her. 9. 
 46. άλλα γάρ άρρωόέομεν μη ΰ- 
 μΐν ουκ ηόέες γένωνται οί λόγοι, 
 supp. “we were silent.” So here 
 it was unnecessary to add “he 
 would depart.” 
 
 N 2 
 
180 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 140. 141. 
 
 νοε ούτοε εζηιε, και αυτόν η oxf/ic του ενυπνίου επεταρασσε, 
 
 140 εκών απαλλάσσεται εκ της Αίγυπτου ο Έαβακώς. Ωε δ 
 αρα ο'Ιγεσθαι τον Αιθίοπα εζ Αίγυπτου , αύτις τον τυφλόν 
 αργ^ειν, εκ των ελεών απικομενον’ ένθα πεντηκοντα ετεα, 
 νήσον γωσας σποδω τε και γη, οίκεε. οκως γάρ οι φοιτάν 
 σίτον αγοντας Αιγυπτίων ως εκάστοισι προστετάγθαι σιγή 
 του Αιθίοπος, ές την δ ωρεην κελεύειν σφέας και σποδον κο- 
 μιζειν. ταντην την νήσον ουδειε πρότερον εδυνάσθη Αμυρ- 
 ταιου εςευρειν αΛλα ετεα επι πΛεω η επτακόσια ουκ οιοι 
 τε η σαν αυτήν ανευρείν οί προτεροι γενομενοι βασιλέες Α¬ 
 μυνταίου* ουνομα δε τούτη τη νησω Ελβώ’ μέγαθος δ εστί 
 πάντη ($έκα σταδίων. 
 
 141 Μετά δε τούτον, βασιλευσαι τον ίρέα του Ήφαιστου, τω 
 ουνομα είναι Σεθώι/· τον εν αΧογίησι εχειν παραγ^ρησαμενον 
 
 Sect. 140. εκάστοισι. Αι¬ 
 γυπτίων depends on εκάστοισι, in¬ 
 stead of Αιγυπτίων έκάστουε ώε 
 προστετάχθαι αυτοίε, and ώε be¬ 
 longs to προστετάχθαι, in the ob¬ 
 lique construction. This is not 
 analogous, therefore, to the use of 
 ws έκαστοι, noticed by Viger, p. 
 569. Herm. ad Vig. p. 853. Δω- 
 ρεή is a contribution in kind, as di¬ 
 stinguished from tribute in money. 
 See 3. 89. where the φόροι are di¬ 
 stinguished from όώρα. 
 
 σιγή του A ίθίυποε, “ saying no¬ 
 thing of it to the Ethiopian ;” after 
 the analogy of λάθρα, κρυφά, which 
 take a genitive of the person. 
 
 ετεα επι πλέω η επτακόσια. See 
 note on 2. 137. There is no cri¬ 
 tical reason to justify any change 
 in the text; but that proposed by 
 Perizonius (Orig. Mg. p. 202.), 
 τριηκόσια, would remove the 
 chronological difficulty. 
 
 Sect. 141. The usurpation of 
 the throne by Sethos may have 
 
 been encouraged by the weaken¬ 
 ing of the strength of the μάχιμοι, 
 during the Ethiopian ascendency. 
 He no doubt supplied their place 
 by an army raised from the people 
 at large. 
 
 παραχρησάμενον. This word 
 elsewhere in Herodotus governs 
 an accusative, 1. 108., and hence 
 τό μάχιμον has been proposed. 
 The gen. according to Schw. de¬ 
 pends on εν άλογίησι έχειν, which 
 Her. has used with the same con¬ 
 struction as if it had been άλογίην 
 εχειν. But words of similar mean¬ 
 ing to παραχρ. vary in their con¬ 
 struction between the gen. and acc.; 
 κατηλογέειν, 1. 84. with gen., 1. 
 144. with acc.; φροντίζειν, 4. 198. 
 with gen., 7. 16. with acc.; and 
 Her. may have the more readily 
 given it the gen. here, from con¬ 
 sidering it as forming one com¬ 
 plex expression with ev αλογίησι 
 έχειν. 
 
II. 141.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 181 
 
 των μαχίμων Αιγυπτίων, ως ούάεν άεησόμενον αυτών' άλλα 
 τε δη άτιμα ποιεύντα ες αυτούς, καί σφεας άπελεσθαι τάς 
 άρουρας, τοΊσι επί των προτερων βασιλέων $εάόσθαι εξαί¬ 
 ρετους εκάστω άυωάεκα άρουρας, μετά δε, επ Αίγυπτον 
 ελαύνειν στρατόν μεγαν Έαναχάριβον βασιλέα Αραβιών τε 
 και Ασσυριών, ουκων Sr) εθελειν τους μαχίμους των Αιγυ¬ 
 πτίων βοηθεειν' τον δε ίρεα ες άπορίην άπειλημενον, εσελ- 
 Θοντα ες το μεγαρον, προς τωγαλμα άποάύρεσθαι οία κιν- 
 £υνεύει παθεειν. όλοφυρόμενον δ άρα μιν επελθείν ύπνον, 
 καί οί άόξαι εν τρ οφι, επιστάντα τον θεόν θαρσύνειν , ως 
 ούάεν πείσεται άγαρι άντιάΖ,ων τον Αραβιών στρατόν’ αυτός 
 γάρ οί πεμφειν τιμωρούς. τούτοισι δη μιν πίσυνον τοισι ενυ- 
 πνίοισι, παραλαβόντα Αιγυπτίων τούς βουλομενους οί επε- 
 σθαι, στρατοπεάεύσασθαι εν Πηλουσίω’ ταύτρ γάρ εισι αί 
 εσρολαι επεσοαι οε οι των μάχιμων μεν ουόενα ανόρων , 
 καπηλους δε, και γειρωνακτας, και άγοραίους άνθρόοπους. 
 ενθαΰτα άπικομενους, τοΊ,σι εναντίοισι αύτοίσι επιγυθεντας 
 
 τοισι , “ whereas under the for¬ 
 mer kings twelve arurce had been 
 specially given to each;” the rela¬ 
 tive having an adversative force. 
 The arura is defined 2. 168. 
 
 άντιάζων. Comp.Matth.§ 383.2. 
 It commonly has the acc. in Her., 
 but 3. 45. a dative. On the other 
 hand, άνηοΰσθαι, which he gene¬ 
 rally construes with a dat., is found 
 9.7. with an accus. 
 
 καπηλουε και χειρώνακταε και 
 αγοραίους ανθρώπους, “ retail tra¬ 
 ders and handicraftsmen, and men 
 who plied in the market-place.” 
 1. 93. Her. describes the barrow 
 of Alyattes as raised by οί αγο¬ 
 ραίοι άνθρωποι καί οί χειρώνακτεε 
 καί αί ενεργαζόμεναι παιΰίσκαι. 
 The άγ. άνθρ. “ circumforcmei ho¬ 
 mines ,” are those who carry on 
 mean trades, or ply for casual occu¬ 
 
 pation in the public places. Poll. 
 7. 6. τε-χναι αγοραίοι, ανελεύθεροι, 
 απειρόκαλοι. “ A crew of patches, 
 rude mechanicals. That work for 
 bread upon Athenian stalls.” Mid¬ 
 summer Night’s Dream. Such 
 trades and occupations were not 
 only deemed illiberal, but specially 
 disqualifying for the military life. 
 Xen.CEc.4.2. Comp.Her. 1.155., 
 where Croesus advises Cyrus as a 
 means of making the Lydians un¬ 
 warlike, to have their youths taught 
 καπηλεΰειν. 
 
 ενθαΰτα άπικομενους. An accus. 
 absolute. See Matth. § 562. Her. 
 2. 66. The event here related so 
 far coincides with the scriptural 
 narrative of the defeat of Senna¬ 
 cherib (Is. xxxvii. 36.2 Kings xviii. 
 19. 2 Chron. xxxii.), that in both 
 Sennacherib is represented as mi- 
 
182 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 142. 
 
 42 
 
 κατά μεν (payeeiv rove, φαρετρεω- 
 τοςα προς οε , των ασπιόων τα 
 (pevyo ντων σφεων, yvpviov οπλών, 
 νυν ούτος ο βασιλεύς εστηκε εν τω 
 λίθινος, εχων επι της γ^ειρος μυν, λε - 
 
 τάδε* ΕΣ ΕΜΕ ΤΙΣ 'ΟΡΕΩΝ, ΕΥ- 
 
 του \6yov Αιγύπτιοί τε και οι ιρεες 
 άπο του πρώτου βασιλεος ες του II- 
 τουτον τον τελευταίοι βασιλενσαντα μίαν 
 τεσσεράκοντα και τριηκοσιας ανθρώπων yevecic, yεvo- 
 
 νυκτος μυς άρουραίους, 
 νας αυτών, κατά δε τά 
 oyava, ώστε τρ υστεραίη 
 πεσεειν πολλούς, και 
 [ρω του Ηφαιστου 
 γων διά y ραμμάτων 
 
 ΣΕΒΗΣ ΕΣΤΩ. 
 
 Έε μεν τοσονάε 
 
 ελεγου, άποδει κνυντες, 
 
 / ' ' / 
 αιστου τον ιρεα 
 
 \ 
 
 τε και 
 
 raculously compelled to abandon 
 his expedition. According to Scri¬ 
 pture, he was encamped at Libna, 
 not at Pelusium; Libna and La- 
 chish, however, were in the plain 
 of Sephela, on the road which an 
 army would take from Judea to 
 the confines of Egypt; and while 
 a portion of the troops of Senna¬ 
 cherib were employed in endea¬ 
 vouring to terrify Jerusalem into 
 surrender, and in reducing the 
 strong places of Judea, another 
 might be besieging Pelusium. It 
 was no doubt the fear of Tirhaka 
 (Is. xxxvii. 9.), who probably still 
 held the Thebaid, that induced the 
 Assyrian to abandon his designs 
 on Egypt, and the priesthood of 
 that country imputed to the power 
 of Vulcan the destruction of his 
 mighty host by the angel of Je¬ 
 hovah. 
 
 κατά μεν φαγεειν. This is a pe¬ 
 culiar tmesis of the preposition, 
 used by Pier, when two substan¬ 
 tives, contrasted by μεν and <5e, 
 stand in relation to the same com¬ 
 pound verb. The verb is then 
 omitted with the second noun. 
 8. 33. κατά μεν εκανσαν Αρομον 
 
 πόλιν, κατά δε Χαράΰρην. 9. 5., 
 8. 89. από μεν εθανε 6 στρατηγός 
 ’ Αριαβίγνης, άπο άε άΧΧοι ποΧΧοί. 
 The verb, however, is sometimes 
 repeated. 3. 36. και άπο μεν σε - 
 ωντόν ωΧεσας,.,.άπο ce ώΧεσας 
 Κνρον. It is found in Homer. II. 
 xp', 798. 9. In a, 258. the verb is 
 omitted in the first clause and in¬ 
 serted in the second, περί μεν 
 βουΧη Δαναών, περί S’ εστε μά- 
 χεσθα ι. 
 
 οχανα (εχω ), were the leathern 
 straps through which the arm was 
 passed. 
 
 εχων επι της χειρός μΰν. The 
 mouse was an emblem of destruc¬ 
 tion, Horapoll. Hierog. 1. 50., and 
 this may have given rise to the 
 particular form of the legend. A 
 pestilence appears to have been 
 the real instrument of the destruc¬ 
 tion of the Assyrians. Comp. 2 
 Sam. xxiv. 15. 16. 
 
 Sect. 142. μίαν και τεσσερά¬ 
 κοντα και τριηκ. The eleven kings 
 whose deeds are specifically de¬ 
 scribed, joined to the 330 whose 
 names were read from the papy¬ 
 rus (2. 100.), make up 341. 
 
II. 142.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 183 
 
 pevac, και εν ταυτησι apyipkac καί βασιλέαν, εκατέρονν, τοσ- 
 ovtovq yevopevovc. καί τοι τριηκόσιαι pev άντρων yeveai, δυ- 
 νεαται μύρια ετεα* yeveai yap rpelc avSptov, εκα τον ετεά 
 εστι. pirjc δε και τεσσερακοντα en των Επίλοιπων γενεεων, 
 at επησαν τρσι τριηκοσίφσι, εστι τΕσσερακοντα και τριακό¬ 
 σια και χίλια erea. ουτω ev ρυρίοισί re ετεσι και χιλίοισι, 
 και π poc, τριηκοσίοισί τε και τΕσσΕράκοντα , eXeyov Θεόν αν- 
 θρωποΕί^Εα ούδενα yeveaOa Γ ου μεντοι ουδέ πρότερον, ουδέ 
 ύστερον ev τοισι υπολοίποισι Αίγυπτου βασι λευσι yevopevoiai , 
 eXeyov τοιουτον ούδεν. Εν τοίννν τουτω τω χρόνω τετρα- 
 kig ελεγον ε£ άθεων τον ηΧιον ανατειΧαι' Ενθα τε νυν κα¬ 
 ταδύεται, ενθευτεν Sic επαντεΐλαΓ καί evOev νυν ανατέλλει, 
 ενθαυτα Sk καταδυναι* καί ούδεν των κατ Αίγυπτον υπδ 
 
 yeveai rpeis ανορων, εκατόν erea 
 eari. This estimate is remarkably 
 near the truth. Observations made 
 at Paris give the average length 
 of a generation at 33 - 31. Such 
 estimates are correct only as ave¬ 
 rages. In 1. 7., speaking of the 
 Heraclidse, Her. says that they 
 enjoyed the sovereignty of Lydia 
 “ twenty-two generations, 505 
 years, son inheriting from father.” 
 Here Larcher would read fifteen 
 generations, because twenty-tw r o, 
 at the rate of thirty-three years 
 and one third, would much exceed 
 505. In that passage, how r ever, 
 he is not making an estimate, but 
 recording a chronological state¬ 
 ment, which might not be w^ell 
 founded. Hereditary successions 
 from father to son for twenty-two 
 generations, to say nothing of 340, 
 are unknown in historical times, 
 and may therefore be attributed 
 to the desire of royal and sacer¬ 
 dotal families to exalt the purity 
 of their own descent. 
 
 έζ ήθεων, “ out of its custom¬ 
 
 ary place.” 1.15. of the customary 
 residence of the Cimmerians. We 
 have before seen Her. (2.24.) speak 
 of the sun in terms which belong 
 to an animated being. 
 
 ένθεντεν Sis έπαι τείλαι. In or¬ 
 der that the sun should rise where 
 he now sets, and set where he now 
 rises, the direction of the earth’s ro¬ 
 tation on her axis must be changed, 
 and be from east to west. Various 
 attempts have been made to give 
 some explanation of this passage 
 which would require less violence 
 to the system of the universe. See 
 Mem. de l’Academie des Inscr. 
 29. p. 64. seq. As it is now ge¬ 
 nerally admitted that the zodiacs 
 and planispheres of the Egyptian 
 temples afford no proof of the high 
 antiquity of their astronomical sci¬ 
 ence, it is of little importance what 
 the priests meant by an assertion 
 which could not be founded on any 
 record of facts. 
 
 υπό ravra, “at the time of these 
 occurrences.” See note p. 56. 
 
184 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 143. 
 
 ταντα ετεροιωθηναι, ούτε τα εκ της yvc, ούτε τα εκ τον 
 ποταμού σφι -γινόμενα, ούτε τα αμφι νουσους, ο ντε τα κατα 
 143 τους θανάτους. Υΐρότερον δε Εκαταιω τω XoyoTroiw εν θη- 
 β'βσι yεveηλoyησavτί τε εωντόν, και αναόησαντι την 7 τατριην 
 ες εκκαιόεκατον θεόν, εποίησαν οι ίρεες τον Διος, οίον τι και 
 εμοι ον yεveηλoyησavτι εμεωυτόν. eσayayόvτες ες το μια¬ 
 ρόν εσιο, εόν peya, εζηρίθμεον δ εικννντες κολοσσούς ζυλινους 
 τοσουτους όσους τ τερ ειπον’ αργ^ιρευς yap έκαστος αυτόθι 
 ισταται επι της εωυτου ζόης εικόνα εωυτου. αριθμεοντες ών, 
 και όεικνυντες οI Ιρεες εμο\, απεόείκνυσαν παίόα πατρος εωυ~ 
 των έκαστον εόντα, εκ του αγχιστα αποθανοντος της εικονος 
 όιεζιόντες όια πασεων, εως ου απεόεζαν απόσας αυτός. Εκα- 
 τα'ιω δε yεvεy]\oyησavτι εωντόν, καί αναόησαντι ες εκκαιόεκα- 
 τον θεόν, αι'τεγενεηλόγησαν επι τύ} αριθμήσει, ον όεκόμενοι 
 
 Sect. 143. λογοττοιώ. Αόγοε or 
 λόγοι, as distinguished from επη, 
 meant prose; and as history and 
 fable were in early times the two 
 principal species of prose compo¬ 
 sition, λογοποιόε was used both 
 for an historian and a fabulist. 2. 
 134., 5. 36. At this time there 
 was nothing reproachful in the de¬ 
 signation, but when σνγγραφευε 
 had been appropriated to the writer 
 of history, λογοποιόε, as ambiguous 
 and belonging to an imperfect state 
 of the art, became a depreciating 
 expression. Thus Ctesias called 
 Herodotus χφευστην εν πολλοΊε και 
 λογοποιόν. Phot. Bibl. c.72.p.l07. 
 Oratory was another species of λό- 
 γοε ; and after its cultivation as an 
 art, the name λογοποιόε was given 
 to one whose profession it was to 
 compose judicial addresses. Plat. 
 Euthyd. 289. E. Moeris s. v. 
 
 το μέγαρον, the inmost and most 
 sacred part of the temple, where 
 oracles were delivered. 1.47. 8.37. 
 
 έπε\ οι βάρβαροι άπώρεον το 'ίρον, 
 6 προφήτηε όρο, προ τον νηον όπλα 
 προκείμενα έσωθεν εκ τον μεγά¬ 
 ρου εζενηνειγμενα ιρά. Probably 
 it was originally the only covered 
 part, thence called the house. 
 
 παίόα πατρόε εωντών, “ recipro¬ 
 cally son and father.” See what 
 is said of the use of εωντόν, as ex¬ 
 pressing the relation of parts of a 
 whole to each other, p. 15. 
 
 άναόησαντι, “connecting his de¬ 
 scent with a god in the sixteenth 
 degree.” Valck. quotes as illus¬ 
 trative, άνάψαι το γένοε ειε Αία, 
 from Philostratus. See note on 
 ανέκαθεν , p. 68. Fifteen genera¬ 
 tions would carry us up from 01. 
 57. 4. (B.C. 549.), the supposed 
 birth-year of Hecatseus (Klausen’s 
 Hecatseus, p. 9.), to about 1050 
 B.C. The same author supposes 
 Apollo to have been the god to 
 whom he traced himself, Έκάτοιοε 
 being one of his epithets. II. a, 
 285. 
 
II. 144.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 185 
 
 παρ’ αυτόν άπο θεού yeveaOai άνθρωπον. avTeyeven]\6yy)aav 
 δε ώδε, φάμενοι έκαστον των κολοσσών ΤΙ'ιρωμιν εκ ΤΙιρώμιοε 
 γεγονεναι* εε δ τουε πεντε καί τεσσεράκοντα και τριηκοσίουε, 
 άπέδεξαν κολοσσουε ΤΙ'ιρωμιν εκ ΤΙιρώμιοε γενόμενον, και ούτε 
 €G θεόν, ούτε εε ηρώα άνεάησαν αυτουε. ΤΙίρωμιε δε εστι 
 κατ’ Ελλάδα γλώσσαν καλόε κάγαθόε. ’Ηδη ών, των αί 
 είκόνεε ησαν ? τ οιουτουε άπεδείκνυσάν σφεαε πάνταε εόνταε, 
 θεών δε ποΧΧον άπαλλαγ μενούε. το δέ προτερον των άν- 
 θεουε είναι τόνε ev Αιγυπτω άρχονταε, οικε- 
 
 ■' » Λ ' . ' 
 
 ωποισι και 
 
 τεοντα είναι * ύστατον δε αυτηε βασιΑευσαι 
 ριοε 7ταΐδα, τον Απόλλωνα 'Ελληνεε ονομάΖ,ουσι' τούτον, 
 καταπανσαντα Τυφώνα , βασιΧευσαι ύστατον Αίγυπτου. ^Οσι- 
 yoiq δε εστι Διόνυσοε κατά Ελλάδα γλώσσαν. 
 
 $ρών τούτων 
 ονταε άμα τοισι άν 
 
 / τ Μ 
 
 \ ’ 
 τουε ev 
 
 καί τούτων αιεί ενα τον κρα- 
 Χευσαι ’Ωρον τον Οσί- 
 
 ΤΙίρωμιν εκ Thpiopios. “ Re ipsa 
 vox iEgyptia Piromi significat ho- 
 minem, eamque significationem 
 ipsa Herodoti oratio satis probat.” 
 Jablonsky, Voc. HCg. p. 204. It is 
 evident that the argument of the 
 priests, who maintained that in 
 this long succession there was no 
 god, required that man, and not 
 KaXos κάγαθόε, should be the mean¬ 
 ing of Π ίρωμις. Jabl. observes that 
 another Coptic word, Piremei, sig¬ 
 nifies “facientem quod justum est,” 
 and supposes that Her. may have 
 confounded them. 
 
 Sect. 144. deovs είναι rovs ev 
 Α'ιγυπτω άρχοντας . This has been 
 supposed to indicate the period of 
 a theocracy, a government admini¬ 
 stered by the sacerdotal order, in 
 the name of the gods. But what 
 historical character can belong to 
 a period preceding that in which 
 Typhon was subdued by Horus ? 
 The dwelling of the gods on earth, 
 and their familiar association with 
 men, was a general feature in the 
 
 conception of primitive, antehisto- 
 ric times. 
 
 καταπανσαντα Τυφώνα, “having 
 dethroned Typhon.” 6. 43. The 
 name appears to be originally 
 Greek. Τ ΰφω, Θΰφω, Οΰω, is “to 
 smoke, to send out a vapour, or 
 steam,” which involves the idea 
 both of fire and a current of air. 
 The Greeks personified the cause 
 of any remarkable natural pheno¬ 
 menon of this kind, under the 
 name of Τ υφών, Ύυφώε, Τνφωεΰς, 
 especially the cause of volcanic 
 exhalations and eruptions. The 
 Corycian cave in which the mon¬ 
 ster was said to have been born, 
 appears to have been a kind of 
 Grotto del Cane, its exhalations 
 being caused by the same volca¬ 
 nic agency. Comp. Sen. Q. Nat. 
 3. 10., who speaks of the earth¬ 
 quakes which happened there. 
 The eruptions of HCtna were at¬ 
 tributed to Typhoeus, who, having 
 been defeated in his attempt to 
 dethrone Jupiter, (a lively repre- 
 
186 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 145. 
 
 145 
 
 Εν 'ΈιΧΧησι μεν νυν νεώτατοι των θεών νομιζονται είναι 
 ΉρακΧηε, τε καί. Αιόνυσοα καί Παν* παρ’ Αιγυπτίοισι δε Παν 
 μεν αργαιοτατοα, καί των οκτώ των πρώτων Χεγομενων Θεών' 
 Ή ρακΧηε δε των δεύτερων, των δυώδεκα Χεγομενων είναι’ 
 
 sentation of the assault which a 
 volcano with its fiery projectiles 
 seems to make upon the heavens,) 
 was buried beneath the mountain, 
 and stretched his huge body across 
 the Straits of Sicily to the Campi 
 Phlegrsei, in the neighbourhood of 
 CumEe, the present Solfatara. Pind. 
 Pyth. 1. The exhalations of the 
 lake Serbonis, near Mons Casius, 
 on the coast where Egypt joins 
 Syria, were called εκπνοαι Ύυφώ- 
 vos, and he was fabled to have 
 been buried by Jupiter beneath 
 that mountain also. But Τύφων 
 was also a violent wind. Hes. Tv- 
 φών, υ peyas άνεμος. It was pro¬ 
 bably this conception of Typhon 
 which led the Greeks to give his 
 name to the evil principle, whom 
 the Egyptians had deified under 
 the name of Βάβυς or Be /Ιων, and 
 Σηθ. Plut. 367. 371. According 
 to the same author, the Egyptians 
 Τυφώνα νορίζονσι παν το αυχμη¬ 
 ρόν καί πυρώδες καί ξηραντικόν 6- 
 \ως καί ποΧέριον Trj υγρότητι. The 
 wind of the Desert combines the 
 two qualities of vehemence and 
 heat; and as Egypt depends for 
 its fertility on moisture, what was 
 hostile to this and especially to the 
 Nile, which was deified for its be¬ 
 neficent supply of water, would 
 be to the Egyptians a natural em¬ 
 blem of physical evil; for such 
 Typhon appears to have become 
 in their later mythology. Plut. 
 (u. s. p. 369.) observes, that the 
 various opinions which he had 
 enumerated respecting the nature 
 
 of Typhon were partly correct and 
 partly incorrect; ου yap αυχρόν, 
 ουδέ άνερον οΰδε θάΧατταν, ουδέ 
 σκότος άλλα παν οσον η φΰσις βΧα- 
 βερόν καί φθαρτικόν έχει ρόριον 
 του Ύυφώνός εστι. As the sea water 
 swallows up the Nile, Typhon be¬ 
 came an emblem of the sea, which 
 was held in abhorrence by the E- 
 gyptian priests, as by the Brah¬ 
 mins, Plut. 363. The extension 
 of the symbol of Typhon to all 
 evil, moral as well as physical, 
 seems a refinement of philosophy, 
 Plut. 371. A. 
 
 According to the historical form 
 which was given to mythological 
 legends, Typhon, the brother of 
 Osiris, rebelled against him while 
 he was absent in Ethiopia, and on 
 his return killed him, shut up his 
 body in a chest, and let it float 
 down the Nile. It was carried to 
 Byblus in Phoenicia, brought back 
 by Isis, and again seized and cut 
 into pieces by Typhon, who search¬ 
 ed through Egypt in the hope of 
 discovering and putting to death 
 Horus, the infant heir of Osiris, 
 entrusted by Isis to the care of 
 Latona, along with his sister Di¬ 
 ana or Bubastis, and concealed in 
 the floating island Buto, Her. 2. 
 156. Horus, being aided by his 
 father Osiris, who had returned to 
 life, defeated Typhon and reigned 
 himself. These fables are capable 
 of various interpretations, accord¬ 
 ing to the supposed various nature 
 of Typhon. 
 
II. 146.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 187 
 
 Διόνυσος oe. των τρίτων, ο'ι εκ των ΒνώΒεκα θεών eyevovT ο. 
 
 'Η ρ ακλει μεν δ?7 όσα αυτοί Αιγύπτιοί φασι είναι erect εε ’Ά- 
 μασιν βασιλέα, άεόηλωταί μοι πρόσθε' Παια δε ετι τούτων 
 πλεονα λεγεται είναι, Διονύσιο δ’ Ελάχιστα τούτων' καί 
 τουτω πεντακισχίλια καί μύρια λογίζονται είναι εε ' f Αμασιν 
 βασιλέα, καί ταντα Αιγύπτιοι άτρεκεωε φασί επίστασθαι, 
 αιεί τε λογιζόμενοι, καί αιεί απογραφόμενοι τα ετεα. Διο¬ 
 ικήσω μεν νυν τω εκ Έεμεληε τηε Κάδμοο λεγομενω γενεσθαι, 
 κατά εξακόσια ετεα καί χ ίλια μάλιστα εστι εε εμε' Ήμα- 
 κλει δε τω Αλκμηνηε, κατά εινακόσια ετεα' Παια δε τω εκ 
 ΤΤηνελόπηε, (εκ ταυτηε γάρ καί Ερμεω λεγεται γενεσθαι υπό 
 Ελλήνων ο Πάν’) ελάσσω ετεα εστι των Ύρωικων, κατά τα 
 οκτακόσια μάλιστα εε εμε. Ύουτων ών άμφοτερων πάρεστι 146 
 
 Sect. 145. Ή ρακλεΐ. Of this 
 dative see note p. 6. 
 
 κατά εξακόσια ετεα και χίλια. 
 Hercules preceded Herodotus 
 about 900 yeafs, and the heroic 
 genealogies interposed five gene¬ 
 rations only between Hercules and 
 Bacchus (Apollod. Bib. 2. 1. 2. 3. 
 Larcher ad loc.), which according 
 to the rule laid down by Her. 2. 
 142. amount to only 160 years. 
 Hence it has been proposed to 
 read εξήκοντα for εξακόσια. The 
 change is slight; but how can we 
 be sure that Her. reckoned the 
 same number of generations be¬ 
 tween two mythical personages, 
 as Apollodorus ? 
 
 ΐΐρακλεί όε κατά εινακόσια ετεα. 
 According to the genealogy of the 
 Spartan kings, who claimed de¬ 
 scent from Hercules, there would 
 be twenty-one generations from 
 Herodotus to Hercules, i. e. 700 
 not 900 years. Niebuhr supposes 
 that Her. had in view the genea¬ 
 logy of the Lydian kings, 1. 7. 
 The Heraclidae ruled in Lydia 
 
 500 years, the Mermnadae 170, and 
 from the termination of their dy¬ 
 nasty to the time of Herodotus 
 128 years elapsed, in all 798 years; 
 to which if we add 100 years for 
 the three generations between A- 
 gron and Hercules (1. 7.) we shall 
 have just the number 900. Kleine 
 hist. Schriften, 1.196. See Bahr’s 
 note. 
 
 Sect. 146. τούτων ών κ. τ. λ. 
 “ of both these accounts, any one 
 may adopt that which shall seem 
 to him the more credible; but my 
 own opinion respecting them has 
 been shown.” In giving the E- 
 gyptian and the Greek dates, he 
 thought he had afforded the means 
 of settling the question. The E- 
 gyptian Bacchus had lived 15,000 
 years before Amasis, the Greek 
 only 1600 years before Herodotus, 
 and so of the others : it is evi¬ 
 dent, therefore, that the Greeks 
 had borrowed from the Egy¬ 
 ptians, and assigned as the date 
 of the birth of each god, the time 
 when they had become known in 
 
188 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 146. 
 
 χράσθαι τοίσί tig πείσεται λεγομενοισι μάλλον* εμοί δ’ ών η 
 περί αυτών 'γνώμη αττοδεδεκται. εί μεν yap φανεροί τε εγε- 
 νοντο καί κaτεyηpaσav και ούτοι εν τη Ελλαδι, κατάπερ 
 ΐίρακλεηε ο εζ Άμφιτρυωνοε yεvόμεvoG > και $η και Διόνυσοε 
 ο εκ Έεμεληο, και Παν ο εκ ΥΙηνελόπηε yεv6μεvoc, εφη αν tig , 
 και tovtovg αλλουε, avSpaG yGvopvvovG , εχειν τα εκείνων ου- 
 νοματα των πpoyεyov6τωv θεών, νυν δε Διόνυσον τε λeyoυσι 
 οι 'Ελληνεε, ώε αύτίκα γενόμενον εε τον μηρόν ενερράψατο 
 Ζεύε, καί ηνεικε εε Νυσαν την υπέρ Αίγυπτου εουσαν εν τρ 
 
 Greece. Τοϊσι λεγομενοισι belongs 
 in sense to τούτων άμφοτερων. 
 
 el μεν yap κ. τ. λ. “ for if these 
 also” (the Pan, Bacchus, and Her¬ 
 cules of the Egyptian Pantheon), 
 “ had been manifested and grown 
 old in Greece, just like Hercules, 
 who was born from Amphitryon, 
 and also Bacchus, who was born 
 from Semele, and Pan, who was 
 born from Penelope, some one 
 might have said that these others, 
 when they grew to manhood, ob¬ 
 tained the names of those before 
 mentioned, the earlier gods.” The 
 only way in which the force of the 
 argument derived from the earlier 
 date assigned by the Egyptians 
 could be evaded, was by saying 
 that the older divinities had really 
 been Greek, and that the Her¬ 
 cules, Bacchus and Pan of the 
 common mythology had been call¬ 
 ed after them in much later times. 
 This, however. Her. objects could 
 have been valid only if the Greek 
 traditions had represented those 
 whom they called the gods Her¬ 
 cules, Bacchus and Pan, as mani¬ 
 fested and passing their lives in 
 Greece : whereas in fact Bacchus 
 was taken to Ethiopia, and the 
 subsequent history of Pan was un¬ 
 known. 
 
 άνδρας γενομενους is here equi¬ 
 valent to άνδρευμενους. It is ge¬ 
 nerally understood as meaning 
 “ having been men.” 
 
 νυν δε, “ but in fact;” so an 
 hypothesis and a fact are elsewhere 
 opposed to each other. 4. 119. el 
 μεν μη υμεϊς εατε οι πρότερον άδι- 
 
 κησαντες ΪΙερσας _ νυν δε υμείς 
 
 επεκρατεετε Π ερσεων. 5. 65. with¬ 
 out el preceding. Τότε on the 
 other hand points out the result 
 of a case supposed but not reali¬ 
 zed. Dem. pro Cor. 293. πολλά 
 μία ημέρα και δυο και τρεις εδοσαι 
 των els σωτηρίαν τη πόλει’ τότε δε, 
 “ but on the other supposition,” 
 (of the battle having been fought 
 in Attica itself, not three days’ 
 march from the frontiers, )....<χλλ’ 
 ουκ άϊ,ιον είπεϊν κ. τ. λ. 
 
 αυτίκα γενόμενον, ‘‘immediately 
 after he was born.” 2. 147. αντίκα 
 ενισταμενοισι. Comp. Matth. §565. 
 Obs. 2. 
 
 es Ννσαν την υπέρ Αίγυπτου 
 εουσαν. 3. 97. Nysa is placed in 
 the country of the Macrobian JE- 
 thiopians. There was hardly a 
 country in which Bacchus was 
 worshiped, which had not its 
 mountain Nysa. See Hesych. and 
 Steph. Byz. s. voc. It was a 
 Greek word, denoting something 
 
II. 147.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 ] 89 
 
 Αιθιοπίρ* καί Havoc ye περί ούκ εχονσι ειπείν οκη ετρα- 
 7Γ6το yevopevoc. SrjXa μοι ών γεγουε, on νστερον βπνθοντο 
 oi L·^ΛΛηveG τούτων τα οννοματα, η τα των άλλων υβών αττ 
 ού δε επνθοντο χρόνον, από τούτον γευεηλογέουσι αντών την 
 γευεσιυ. Τ αντα μεν ννν αντοί Αιγύπτιοι λεγουσι. 
 
 7 Οσα δε οι τε άλλοι ανθριυποι καί Αιγύπτιοι λεγουσι, 147 
 opoXoyeovTec τοΤσι αλλοισι, κατα ταντην την χωρην γε- 
 νεσθαι, ταντ ηόη φρασω' προσεσται δε τι «ύτοΤσι καί 
 τηε εμύα oipioc. Ε Χενθερωθεντεε Αιγύπτιοι μετά του ίμέα 
 
 τού Ήφαιστου βασιΧενσαντα, (ούδευα γαρ χρόνον οίοί τε 
 ησαυ αυευ βασιΧεοο διαιτασθαι,) εστησαντο ΰνιοόεκα βα- 
 σιΧεαο, δυώδεκα μοίραν, δασαμευοι Αίγυπτου πασαυ. ούτοι 
 
 pointed or conical (ννσσω, “pun- 
 go”), as the “meta,” καμπτηρ, of 
 the hippodrome, thence applied, 
 like Pi&c, Pzc, Peak, to moun¬ 
 tains of conical form. Hymn, in 
 Bacch. "Εση όέ ns Νύσ/7, ύπα¬ 
 τον Kepas άνθέον vXrj Ύηλοΰ Φοι- 
 νίκης, σχεόόν Α ίγύπτοιο ροάων. 
 Schol. Αρ. Rhod. 2. 1215., who 
 attributes the verses to Herodorus. 
 Some of these Nysse may have ex¬ 
 isted only in poetry. 
 
 απ' ού όε επύθοντο χρόνον κ :. τ.λ. 
 The account of the Egyptians, that 
 Bacchus (Osiris) was one of their 
 latest gods, is confirmed by the cir¬ 
 cumstance that Bacchus and Ceres 
 scarcely belong to the Homeric 
 theology. Ceres is only incident¬ 
 ally mentioned, as II. e', 500. Od. 
 e, 125.; Bacchus, in passages to 
 which some suspicion attaches. 
 Keightley’s Mythol. p. 164. I 
 cannot, however, agree with this 
 author in the opinion that the wor¬ 
 ship of Bacchus was introduced 
 into Greece after the time of Ho¬ 
 mer. It must then have been 
 known as an historical fact. 
 
 ravra μεν ννν αντοι Αίγ. λε¬ 
 γουσι, i. e. all the preceding history 
 (comp. 2. 99. 142. init.). The pe¬ 
 riod from Menes to Psammitichus 
 rested entirely on Egyptian author¬ 
 ity for the historical facts, the hi¬ 
 storian interweaving his own per¬ 
 sonal observations, as in the case 
 of the pyramids. Henceforth fo¬ 
 reign nations became witnesses to 
 Egyptian history, by the establish¬ 
 ment of the Greek settlers. 
 
 Sect. 147. όασόμενοι Αίγυπτον 
 πάσαν. See note on p. 27. τρία μό¬ 
 ρια eivai γην πάάαν. This period 
 of Egyptian history is commonly 
 called the Dodecarchia. Diodorus 
 represents an anarchy of two years 
 as succeeding the retirement of the 
 Ethiopian, put an end to by the 
 usurpation of twelve of the prin¬ 
 cipal leaders, who made themselves 
 kings by mutual compact. Ma- 
 netho makes no mention of a Do¬ 
 decarchia, but represents three 
 kings of the Saitic dynasty as in¬ 
 tervening between the last of the 
 Ethiopians and Psammitichus. 
 From Is. xix. 2. there appears to 
 
148 
 
 190 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 148. 
 
 επι yafi'iac, ποιησάμενοι , εβασίλευον, νομοισι τοισιδε χρεωμέ¬ 
 νοι, μήτε καταιρεειν άΧΧηΧουρ, μήτε πλέον τι SiCp /σθαι £\ειν 
 τον ετερον του ετερου , είναι τε φίΧουρ τα μαΧιστα . τών- 
 Se Si εϊίνεκα τουρ νόμουρ τούτουρ εποιεύντο, ισγυρώρ περί- 
 στεΧΧοντερ. εκεχρητό σφι κατ apyap αύτικα ενισταμενοισι 
 ερ ταρ τ vpavviSap (ζ τον χαλ /cep φιάΧφ σπείσαντα αυτών εν 
 “ τώ Ιρω του Ηφαίστου, τούτον απάσηρ βασιΧευσειν Αι- 
 u yvi ττου.” ερ yap Srj τα πάντα ιρά σννεΧεγοντο. Και Sr/ 
 σφι μνημόσυνα εδοξε λ ιπεσθαι κοινψ So^av Si σφι , εποιη- 
 σαντο λαβύρινθον, ολίγου υπέρ τηρ Χίμνηρ τηρ Μ,οίριορ, κατά 
 
 have been a period of civil war, 
 when “ city fought against city, 
 and kingdom against kingdom;” 
 it is most probable, therefore, that 
 the anarchy consisted in chiefs of 
 the principal cities making them¬ 
 selves independent sovereigns, first 
 in hostility, afterwards in combina¬ 
 tion ; and that when the monarchy 
 of the Saitic dynasty was finally 
 established under Psammitichus, 
 it dated its rise from the com¬ 
 mencement of its usurpation. 
 
 επιγαμίας ποιησάμενοι, “ giving 
 one another mutual rights of inter¬ 
 marriage,” and probably agreeing 
 not to intermarry but with one an¬ 
 other. Of this reciprocal sense of 
 the middle voice, see Mus. Crit. 1. 
 102., and compare the note on 
 εωντου μακρότατον, 2. 8. p. 15. 
 
 περιστέλλοντες, “wrappingthem 
 roundthence, protecting from 
 injury or violation. 3. 31. 82. as 
 here, of laws and institutions. 
 
 Sect. 148. ύόζαν ύέ σφι, “ and 
 when they had determined.” Of 
 this absolute case of the participle 
 of impersonal verbs, see Matth. 
 § 564. 
 
 λαβύρινθον. The name is Greek, 
 and originally denoted those exca¬ 
 
 vations with numerous intersect¬ 
 ing passages, which had been made 
 in softer strata, as sandstone, lime¬ 
 stone, or chalk, for the purposes of 
 quarrying the stone. They were 
 easily converted into habitations or 
 prisons. Strabo 8. p. 536. Έ φέξης 
 ie rfj N ανπλία τά σπήλαια καί οι 
 εν αντοίς οίκοΰομητοι λαβύρινθοι * 
 Κυκλώπεια ()’ όνομάζουσι. There 
 was another of this kind at Gor- 
 tyna, in Crete (Walpole’s Trav. 2. 
 402.), which seems to have given 
 occasion to the fable of a building 
 called a Labyrinth at Cnossus, the 
 work of Daedalus. Hoeck’s Creta, 
 1. 62. Plin. N. H. 36. 19. Λαύρα 
 was the name of a subterranean 
 passage or gallery, such as is 
 made by miners, whence Ααυρεϊον, 
 the name of the silver mines of 
 Attica (Wordsworth, p. 209.); and 
 from this word, pronounced Aci- 
 Fpa or Λ άβρα, Ααβνρινθος would 
 be derived by a common Greek 
 analogy. Welcker iEsch. Tril. p. 
 212. The Greeks, when they saw 
 the multitude and intricacy of the 
 passages of the Egyptian palace, 
 would very naturally give to it the 
 name of A α/3 ΰρινθος. Of this once 
 vast and splendid building so few 
 
II. 148.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 191 
 
 Κροκοδείλων καλεορε νην πόΧιν μάΧιστά κη κείμενον* τον εγω 
 ηδη ’ /δον λογου ρε£ω. ει yap tic, τα e£ Ελλήνων τ eiyea re 
 και έργων άπόΒεξιν συλλογίσαιτο, ελάσσονοε πόνον τε αν και 
 δαπάνηε φανείη εοντα του Χαβυρίνθου τούτου* καί τοι αζιό- 
 λογόε ye και ο εν Έφεσω εστί νηοε, καί ο εν Σαρω* ησαν pev 
 νυν καί αί πυραρίδεε λογου μέζονεε, καί πολλών έκαστη αυ- 
 τέων Ελληνικών έργων καί ρεγάλων άνταξίη * ο δε δη λα- 
 βυρινΟοα και ταε πυραμίΒαζ νπερβάΧΧει. του yap δυώδεκα 
 μεν είσι αύλαί KaTaaTeyoi, αντίπαλοι αλληλρσι, εζ ρέν προε 
 
 traces remain, that it is difficult to 
 fix its locality. The French Com¬ 
 mission place it near Harurah. 
 See note at the end of this Sec¬ 
 tion. 
 
 τον εγώ ηόη ’ίόον, e< quae ipse 
 jam vidi,” as opposed to the pre¬ 
 vious part of his narrative, as if he 
 had said, “ I have now reached 
 something which I have myself 
 seen.” Comp. 2. 35. p. 53. 
 
 rci εξ Ελλήνων τείγεα. See 
 Matth. § 574., who compares it 
 with 9. 66. τοϊσι πρήγμασι τοΊσι εκ 
 Μ αρμονίου ποιευμένοισι. This use 
 of εκ for υπό is common in Her. 
 (see 2.151., 3.14.), but as it does 
 not elsewhere occur in his work 
 without a verb, perhaps it might 
 be better rendered, “ For if any 
 one should select and bring to¬ 
 gether the buildings and public 
 works ( έργων άπόόεξιν, 2. 101.) 
 which exist among the Greeks.” 
 Έκ and από, with the article, fol¬ 
 lowed by a verb of motion, often 
 appear to be used as if for εν. 
 The article and preposition should 
 be used to describe objects, as they 
 exist before they are affected by 
 the verb, to which they are joined; 
 but with εκ and από the description 
 is often strictly applicable to them 
 only after the action of the verb 
 
 has taken place. 7. 144. τά εκ των 
 μετάλλων σφι προσήλθε των από 
 Λαι ιρείον, where, as the mines were 
 inLaureium, εν would be expected, 
 but άπό is used because the result 
 of the action of the verb is that 
 they came from L. See Schaefer’s 
 note on Dem. κατά ’ Αριστοκρ . p. 
 671. τω μεν υπήρ^εν επισιτισμός 
 εκ τής άνωθεν Φρυγίας , which 
 Taylor and Reiske had changed 
 into ανω. In the present passage, 
 τά εκ των ’ Ελλήνων τείγεα συλλο- 
 γίσαιτο will be equivalent to τά 
 εν τ. Ε. εκλογίσαιτο, the verb in¬ 
 volving the idea of a movement. 
 
 ο εν Έ,φέσω καί ό εν Σαμω, the 
 temples of Diana and Juno: the 
 latter he mentions again 3. 60. 
 
 αυλαι κατάστεγοι, “ roofed 
 courts.” From the general cha¬ 
 racter of Egyptian architecture, 
 as well as the usual meaning of 
 αυλαί, it seems as if the courts 
 were not entirely roofed, but sur¬ 
 rounded by roofed colonnades. 
 Pliny (N. H. 36. 19. 2.) speaks of 
 all the labyrinths, Cretan, Egy¬ 
 ptian, Lemnian and Italian, (the 
 mausoleum of Porsena,) as being 
 arched, “ fornicibus tecti .” These 
 arches, if they existed in the Egy¬ 
 ptian labyrinth, may have been 
 part of the subsequent work of 
 
192 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 148. 
 
 βορεω, ε£ δε npoc νότον τετραμμεναι συνεγεεζ' τοιγοο, δε 
 εζωθεν δ αυτόο, σφεαε, περιεργει. οικήματα δ ενεστι $ιπΧα, 
 τα μεν, υπόφαια, τα δε, μετεωρα επ εκείνοισι , τρισγίΧια 
 αοιθμόν , 7 τεντακοσίων και 'γιΧίων εκάτερα. τα μεν νυν μετέ¬ 
 ωρα των οικημάτων αυτοί τε όρεομεν άιεζιόντες, και αυτοί 
 θεησάμενοι Χεγομεν' τα δδ αυτών υπόφαια Χόγο ισι επυνθα- 
 νόμεθα. οι yap επεστεώτερ των Αιγυπτίων άεικνύναι αυτά 
 ουάαμώε, ηθεΧον, φάμενοι θηκαε, αυτόθι είναι των τε αργήν 
 τον Χαβυρινθον τούτον οικοάομησαμενων βασιΧεων , και των 
 ιρών κροκοάείΧων. ουτω των μεν κάτω περί οικημάτων ακον} 
 7 ταραΧαβόντεο Χεγομεν' τα δε άνω, μεΖ,ονα άνθρωπηίων έρ¬ 
 γων , αυτοί ορεομεν. αι τε γάρ έξοδοι δια των στεγεων, κμι 
 
 the reign of Nectanebis (ib.2.fin.). 
 Mr. Wilkinson, however, maintains 
 the high antiquity of the arch in 
 Egypt, M. and C. 2. 116. Strabo 
 says the roofs were composed of 
 huge flat monolithal slabs. 17. 
 1149. 
 
 θηκας των re αργήν r. λ. oliso^o- 
 μησαμένων βασιλέων, “ the kings 
 who originally built this laby¬ 
 rinth.” This alone shows the im¬ 
 probability of its being built by 
 the Dodecarchs; for Psammitichus 
 would hardly have buried here the 
 kings who compelled him to fly for 
 his life into the marshes, 2. 152. 
 The number twelve, of the prin¬ 
 cipal courts, which some refer to 
 the months of the year, others, 
 with more reason, to the number 
 of the gods, no doubt gave occa¬ 
 sion to the story of its being built 
 by the twelve chiefs. It seems in 
 fact to have comprised in itself 
 halls of assembly for the different 
 nomes (Strabo 17. 1150.), temples 
 in which each might sacrifice to 
 its special god (see note on 2. 42., 
 p. 66.), with the dependent build¬ 
 
 ings required for this purpose, se¬ 
 pulchres of kings and sacred cro¬ 
 codiles. Being destined to such 
 various uses it was probably built 
 at various times. 
 
 ai re εζοΰοι κ. r. λ. “For the 
 passages between the roofed porti¬ 
 coes and the winding ways between 
 the courts, being most diversified, 
 afford boundless admiration as you 
 issue from a court into the close 
 chambers, and from the close cham¬ 
 bers into saloons, and into other 
 roofed porticoes from the saloons, 
 and into other courts from the close 
 chambers.” Herodotus describes 
 with the vividness of an eye-wit¬ 
 ness, at once astonished and be¬ 
 wildered with the multitude and 
 variety of apartments through 
 which he had been led ; but for 
 this very reason it is impossible 
 to deduce from his description any¬ 
 thing like a plan. What struck 
 him most was the contrast of the 
 different kinds of apartments. 
 Στέγαι seems to be the roofed 
 part of the αυλαι κατάστβγοι. The 
 ελιγμοί are described by Strabo ; 
 
II. 149.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 193 
 
 ol ελιγμοί δια των αυΧεων εοντεα ποικιΧωτατοι , θω νμα μυ- 
 ρίον παρείγ^οντο εξ αυΧηε τε εε τα οικήματα διεξιουσι, /cat 
 ε /c των οικημάτων εε παστά^αε, εε στεγαε τε άΧΧαε εκ των 
 παστάδων, και εε αύλαε άΧΧαε εκ των οικημάτων, οροφή δε 
 πάντων τούτων, Χιθίνη, κατάπβρ οι τοίχοι* οι δε τοίχοι, 
 τύπων εyyεyXυμμεvωv ττλεοι. αυΧη δε εκάστη, περίστυΧοε, 
 Χ'ιθου Χενκου αρμοσμένου τα μάΧιστα. τηε δε yωvίηε τεΧευ- 
 τωυτοε του Χαβυρίνθου ε^εται πυραμίε τεσσeρaκovτ6ρyυιoε J 
 ei/ ττ\ ί,ωα μεγαλα εyyeyλυπτaι οοοε ο εε αυτήν υπο yηv 
 
 πεποίηται. 
 
 Του δε Χαβυρίνθου τουτου 
 μεί,ον παρέχεται η Μοιμιοε 
 
 κρυπταί τινες μακραι και ποΧΧαι, 
 δι άΧΧηΧων εγουσαι σκοΧιέις tcis 
 οδούς, ώστε μηδενι των ξένων εί¬ 
 ναι δυνατήν την es έκάστην αυΧην 
 πάροδόν τε και έξοδον. Of οίκη- 
 μα τα, see 2. 86. Πασταδεε, con¬ 
 tracted from παραστάδες, are pro¬ 
 perly pilasters or columns ranged 
 along or engaged in a wall, “co¬ 
 lonnades,” 2.169. Hesych. οι προς 
 to7s Toiyois τετραμμένοι κίονες. 
 Hence it was applied to large 
 rooms, furnished with such co¬ 
 lumns or pilasters. Poll. 7. 122. 
 παστάδας δ ξενοφών as ol vvv 
 έξέδραε. The passage referred 
 to is Xen. Mem. 3. 8. 9., where 
 it is used of the principal saloon 
 of the house, which being ad¬ 
 vanced in front of the rest, was 
 also in some measure a portico. 
 Etym. Mag. s. v. παστάς. 
 
 της δέ γωι ίης, “ a pyramid of 
 forty fathoms is adjacent to the 
 corner of the end of the laby¬ 
 rinth.” Strabo (u. s.) says, at the 
 distance of more than a stadium. 
 A pyramid of bricks, similar to 
 that of El Lahoun (2. 136.), still 
 
 εοντοε τοιουτου , θωυμα ετι 149 
 
 λ / λ r » Λ f 
 
 καλεομενη Λίμνη , παρ ην ο 
 
 exists at Haouarah on an elevated 
 plateau about two leagues to the 
 south of Medinet el Faioum, and 
 close to it are very extensive ruins, 
 which the French Commission (4. 
 
 478.) consider to be those of the 
 labyrinth. The pyramid is at 
 present about 180 feet high, and 
 its base 330. The distance be¬ 
 tween the remains of Crocodilo- 
 polis (Arsinoe) and the nearest 
 part of those of the labyrinth is 
 about five miles, and the elevated 
 situation would suit with the de¬ 
 scription of Herodotus, υπέρ της 
 Χίμνης. Having had originally 
 but a small elevation (Strabo u. 
 s.), much of it may remain buried 
 in the sand. 
 
 Sect. 149. η M oipios Χίμνη. 
 
 What is now called Birket-el-Ke- 
 run. It is in the district of Faioum, 
 a name derived from the Cojutic 
 ( Ph’ioum ), and signifying waters, 
 from this remarkable collection of 
 them. Champoll. Eg. s. 1. Phar. 1. 
 
 325. The magnitude of the lake, 
 which originally equalled that of 
 Geneva in circumference, and the 
 
 o 
 
194 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 149. 
 
 λαβύρινθον ούτον οικοόομηται. την το περίμετρον την πε¬ 
 ριόδου είσι στάδιοι εζακοσιοι καί τρισ^ίλιοι, σχο/υωυ εζη- 
 κοντα εόυτωυ’ ίσοι και αυτήν Αίγυπτου τό παρά Θάλασσαν . 
 κεεται δε μάκρη η λίμνη πρόν βορην τε /cat υότου, εουσα βά¬ 
 θος, τη βαθύτατη αντί) εωυτην, π€ντηκοντόρ"γνιον· ότι δε 
 γ^ειροποίητον εστι /cat ορυκτή, αυτή δι/λοι. ευ γαρ μέση τη 
 λίμνη μάλιστα κη εστάσι δύο πυραμίάεν, του ύδατος υπερ- 
 εγουσαι πεντηκοντα opyviav εκατερη, και το κατ ύδατος 
 ο’ικοόόμηται ετερον τοσούτο* καί επ’ άμφοτερησι επεστι κο¬ 
 λοσσόν λίθινον, κατημενον εν Θρόνω . ούτω αί μεν πυραρίδες 
 είσί εκατόν όργυιεωυ, αί δ εκατόν opyvial άίκαιαί εισι στα¬ 
 δίου εξαπλεθρου* εζαπεάον μεν την όργυιην μετρεομενην, ijcai 
 τετραπηγ^εον' των π οδών ρευ τετραπαλαίστων εάντων, του 
 οε πηγ^εον, εςαπαλαιστον. Ιο οε υόωρ το ευ τρ λίμνη, αυ- 
 θιγευες ρέυ ούκ εστι* αυυδρος yap όη άεινών εστι ταυτή' 
 
 appearance of the surrounding 
 country, are convincing evidence 
 that it is a natural receptacle. 
 The work performed by Moeris, or 
 whoever was the author of it, con¬ 
 sisted in digging a canal to admit 
 the waters of the inundation, in 
 some places through the solid rock 
 (Mem. s. l’Eg. 4. 440.), erecting 
 sluices to regulate the admission 
 and discharge of the water, and 
 perhaps embanking and facing the 
 end of the lake where the canal 
 enters, so as to give it the appear¬ 
 ance of a work of art. It is not 
 certain that Herodotus had gone 
 round it. 
 
 μάκρη 7rpos βορην re και νότον. 
 2. 158. ci7T εσπέρης μάκρη 7 rpos 
 τήν ηώ. The general course of 
 the Birket-el-Kerun is W.S.W. 
 (Mem. s. 1’Eg. 4. 488.), but we 
 have already seen that Her. is not 
 very precise in his indication of 
 hearings, and he probably saw the 
 
 lake only at one point, where its 
 course, which is not uniform, was 
 N. and S. as he describes. 
 
 δυο πυραμίδες. According to 
 the description, they must have 
 been 600 feet high; but Her. does 
 not say that he saw them, much 
 less that he had measured the part 
 which was below the water. There 
 is an island in the middle of the 
 lake (Laborde, in Revue Francaise, 
 1829. 67. quoted by Bahr): it now 
 exhibits no traces of pyramids, but 
 if they were of brick, these might 
 easily have disappeared. 
 
 δίκαιαί είσι στάδιον elaVXeQpov, 
 “just a stadium of 600 feet.” Δί¬ 
 καιον μετρον : τό ’ίσον. 'Ηρόδοτος 
 δευτερω. Bekker Anecd. 1. 90. 
 “ Justum tritis uncia pondus erit.” 
 Ov. Med. fac. 76. 
 
 αυθιγενες, “ indigenous,” pro¬ 
 duced on the spot. The lake, 
 however, still exists, of diminish¬ 
 ed magnitude, being about sixty 
 
II. 150.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 195 
 
 εκ τού Νείλου δε κατά, διώρυχα εσηκται, και εζ μεν μηναα 
 εσω ρεει εε τρν λίμνην, ες οε μηναα εςω εα τον ιΝειΛου 
 
 V \ ' \ ν » / vy VIVV'^ 
 
 αυτια. και επεαν μεν εκρεη εςω , η οε τότε τουε ες μηναα 
 εα το βασιΧηιον καταβάΧΧει επ’ ημερην εκάστην τάΧαντον 
 αργυρίου εκ των ιχθύων’ επεάν δε εσίρ τδ ύδωρ εε αυτήν, 
 ε’ίκοσι μνεαα. ^Ελεγου δε οι επιχώριοι και ύε εε την Συρ- 1 
 τίυ την εα Λιβύην εκάι δοι η Χίμνη αύτη υπό "γην, τετραμ- 
 μενη το πρόα εσπερην εα την μεσόγαιαν παρά το οροα το 
 ύπερ Μέρφιοε. Επεί τε δέ τού όρύγματοα τούτου ούκ 
 ωρεον τον χούν ούάαμού εόντα, επιμεΧεα γάρ άη μοι ην, 
 ειρόμην τούα άγχιστα οικεονταα τηα Χίμνηα , όκου είη ο 
 χούα ο εξορυχθεία· οι δε εφρασάν μοι ϊνα εζεφορηθη, και 
 εύπετεωα επειθον * ySea γαρ λόγω και εν Ν ίνω τρ Ασσυ¬ 
 ριών πόΧι γενόμενον ετερον τοιούτο. τά γαρ Έαράαναπ άλ¬ 
 λου του Νίνου βασιΧεοα χρήματα, εόντα μεγάΧα, και φυ- 
 Χασσόμενα εν θησαυρό Ίσι καταγαίοισι, επενόησαν κΧώπεα 
 εκφορησαι. εκ άη ών των σφετερων οικιών άρζάμενοι οι 
 κΧώπεα, ύπο γην σταθμεόμενοι εα τά βασιΧηια οικία όρυσ- 
 
 miles in circumference, though the 
 communication with the Nile has 
 ceased. 
 
 καταβάλλει. “ Ut apud alios 
 scriptores καταβάλλειν αργύρων 
 significat deponere, pendere pecu- 
 niam, sic Moeridis lacus es το βα- 
 σιληΐον καταβάλλει infert in regis 
 Eerarium.” Schw. Lex. 
 
 Sect. 150. es την Σύρτιν την 
 es Αιβύην. A construction analo¬ 
 gous to that with εκ and από, ex¬ 
 plained 2. 148. p. 191., the force 
 of es belonging properly to εκόι- 
 t)ot, though the article seems to 
 make it belong to the descriptive 
 phrase. Had the lake really lain, 
 as Her. supposed, μάκρη προς βο- 
 ρην , its northern extremity would 
 have reached to the hills on which 
 the pyramids stand, to opos to 
 
 ύπερ Mepcf)ios, and thence, turning 
 westward and inland, the suppo¬ 
 sed passage would be in the di¬ 
 rection of the Syrtis. But this sub¬ 
 terraneous outlet can have nothing 
 to do with the actual Bahr-he-la - 
 ma, which runs to the N.N.W., 
 and is on the surface. It is evi¬ 
 dently one of those popular hy¬ 
 potheses which are framed to ac¬ 
 count for the discharge of waters 
 having no visible outlet. So the 
 Caspian has been supposed to com¬ 
 municate either with the Black 
 Sea or the Persian Gulf. 
 
 iVct, "to what place.” See note, 
 p.171. 
 
 σταθμεόμενοι, “ calculating ” 
 with the idea of something un¬ 
 certain and conjectural. 
 
 o 2 
 
196 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 151. 
 
 σον. τον δε χουν τον έκφορεόμενον εκ του όρυχματος, όκωε 
 χένοιτο νύξ, ές τον Τ iypiv ποταμόν, παραρρέοντα την Ν?νον, 
 έζεφόρεον * εε, ο κaτεpyάσavτo ο τι έβουλοντο. τοιοΰτον έτε¬ 
 ρον ηκουσα και το τηε εν Aiyvi ττω λίμνης όρυχμα χενέσθαι' 
 πλην ον νυκτόε, αλλα μετ ημέρ7)ν ποιευμενον * ορύσσοντας 
 yap τον χουν τουε Αιχυπτίους, ες τον Νε?λου φορεειν * ο 
 δε, υπολαμβανων, εμελλε $ιαγ^εειν. η μεν νυν λίμνη αυτή ουτω 
 λύεται όρυχθηναι. 
 
 Των δε SυώSεκa βασιλέων Si καιοσυνη χρεωμένων, ανα χρό¬ 
 νον ως έθυσαν εν τω ιρω του Ηφαιστου, τη ύστατη της ορ- 
 της μελλόντων κατασπείσειν, ό αρχιρευς έζένεικέ σφι φιαλαε 
 χρυσέας, τησί περ έωθεσαν σπέν8ειν, αμάρτων του αριθμούς 
 έν$εκα, SυώSεκa έουσι. ένθαυτα ως ουκ είχε φιάλην ό έσχα¬ 
 τος έστεως αυτών 'Ταμμίτιχος , περιελόμενος την κυνέην, έθυ¬ 
 σαν χαλκέην, υπέσχε τε και εσπενδε. κυνέας δε και οI άλλοι 
 απαντεε εφόρεόν τε βασιλέες, και έτυyχavov τότε εχοντες. 
 Ψαμμίτιχοε μέν νυν ούδευί Soλεpω νόω χρεώμενοε, υπέσχε 
 την κυνέην. οι δε, έν φρεν'ι λαβόντες το τε ποιηθέν εκ < Ταμ- 
 μιτίχου , και το χρησιηριον ο τι έκέχρητό σφι, τον χαλκέη 
 
 εμελλε. See note on p. 69. 
 “ would naturally wash it away.” 
 Whether the effect has or has not 
 been produced depends on circum¬ 
 stances, μέλλω denoting the ante¬ 
 cedent probability. 
 
 Sect. 151. Ψαμμίτιχοε. This 
 reading, instead of Ψαμμητιχοε, 
 has been adopted by Schw. and 
 Gaisf. throughout this book. In 
 1. 105., where the name first oc¬ 
 curs, there is no variety; in this 
 book the MSS. vary. In a Greek 
 inscription on the leg of a colossal 
 figure at Ipsambul, we find 
 
 ΒΑΣ1ΛΕΟΣ ΕΛΘΟΝΤΟΣ 
 ΕΛΕΦΑΝΤΙΝΑΝ 
 ΠΣΑΜΑΤ8ΧΟ, 
 
 and as it appears to be in the Do¬ 
 ric dialect, it may be inferred that 
 the Ionic form would be Ψαμήτι- 
 χοε. Trans. Roy. Soc. Lit. i. 223. 
 The Psammitichus of the Inscri¬ 
 ption is probably not the one to 
 whom this history relates, but a 
 descendant who reigned about 400 
 B.C., and who would have been 
 unknown but for a passage in 
 Diod. Sic. 14. 35. 
 
 7 τεριελόμενοε την κυνέην, “ ha¬ 
 ving taken off his helmet from 
 around his head,” according to 
 the force of the middle voice. The 
 action was rendered more ominous 
 by the helmet being one of the in¬ 
 signia of royalty. See 2. 162. 
 
II. 152.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 197 
 
 σπείσαντα αυτών φιάλη, τούτον βασιλέα εσεσθαι μοΰνον Α’ι 
 yvTTTOv * άναμνησθεντεε του χρησμόν, κτειναι μεν ουκ εάικαί- 
 ωσαν Ψαμμιτικόν, ώε άνευρισκον βασανίά,οντεε εζ ουΰεμιηε 
 προνοίηε αυτόν ποιησαντα * εε δε τα ελεα εδο^ε σφι ΰιώζαι, 
 ψιλώσανταε τα πλεΊστα τηε άυνάμιοε' εκ δε των ελεών ορ- 
 μεώμ,ενον μη επιμισ^εσθαι τη άλλη Aiyin ττω. Του δε Ψαμ- 152 
 
 μίτιχον τούτον, προτερον (peoyovTa τον Αιθίοπα Σαβακών, 
 οε οι τον πατέρα Ν εκών άπεκτεινε, τούτον φeυyovτa τότε 
 εε Έυρίην, ώε άπαλλάχθη εκ τηε οφιοε του ονείρου ο Α’ι 
 θίοφ, KaTrjyayov Α^υπτίων ούτοι οι εκ νομού* του Έαΐτεώ 
 εισι . μετά δε, βασιλεύοντα, το άευτερον προε των ενάεκα 
 βασιλέων καταλαμβάνει μιν δια την κυνεην φευχειν εε τα 
 ελεα. Κπιστάμενοε ών ώα περιυβρισμενοε είη προε αυτών, 
 επενόεε τίσασθαι τουε άιώζανταε. πεμφαντι δε οί εε Βουτου^ 
 πάλιν εε το χρηστηριον τηε Αητουε, ένθα άη Αιχυπτίοισί 
 εστι μαντηιον άψευάεστατον, ήλθε χρησμοε, ώε τίσιε ηζει 
 άπο θαλάσσηε χαλκεων άνάρών επιφανεντων. και τώ μεν δτ) 
 άπιστίη μεyάλη υπεκεχυτο, χαλκεουε οί άνάραε ηζειν επι - 
 κουρουε . χρόνου δε ου πολλου άιελθόντοε, άναχκαίη κατέλαβε 
 Ίωνάε τε καί Κ άραε άνάραε, κατά ληίην εκπλώσανταε, άπε- 
 νειχθηναι eq Αίγυπτον, εκβάνταε δε εε yfiv, καί όπλισθενταε 
 
 Sect. 152. καταλαμβάνει. See 
 2. 66. ρ. 92. φευγειν προε των βα¬ 
 σιλέων, “ to be driven into exile 
 by the kings.” Matth. § 496. 3. 
 
 περιυβρισμενοε, “ treated with 
 great and wanton injustice.” 
 
 όπλισθενταε χα λκω. It was not 
 their wearing brass armour, but a 
 panoply of brass, that occasioned 
 the surprise. Not even the kings 
 of Egypt appear in the sculptures 
 in a complete suit. The accusa¬ 
 tives εκβάνταε, όπλισθενταε, de¬ 
 pend on αγγέλλει, although the 
 construction is changed to ώε — 
 λει/λατευσι, so as to make them 
 appear absolute. Of the piratical 
 
 habits of the Carians, see Thuc. 1. 
 4.8. Her. 1.171. They were pro¬ 
 bably of Pelasgic origin, and had 
 settled on the coast of Asia and in 
 the islands of the Egean. The 
 country in which the Ionians from 
 Attica established themselves had 
 been previously Carian. Hoeck’s 
 Creta, 2. 290. Strab. 14. 945. 
 Another version of the story (Po¬ 
 lysen. Str. 7.3.) is that Tementhas 
 (one of the dodecarchs) had been 
 warned to beware of cocks, and 
 that Psammitichus understanding 
 this of the crests of the Carian 
 helmets, immediately engaged 
 them in his service. The Egy- 
 
198 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 153. 154. 
 
 χαλκω, αγγέλλει των tic, Αιγυπτίων εε τα εΧεα άπικομενοε 
 τω Ψαμμιτίγ^ω, (ωε ουκ iSiov προτερον χαλκω av^pac οιτΧι- 
 σθενταε,) ωε γ^άΧκεοι avSpec άπι ypevoi άπο θαΧάσσηε ΧεηΧα- 
 τευσι το πε^ίον. ο δε, μαθων το χρηστηριον επιτεΧενμενον , 
 φίΧα τε τοΊσι '\ωσι καί Καρσί 7Γοιέεται, και σφεαε , μεyάXa 
 υπισγνενμενοε , πείθει μετ εωυτου yεvεσθaι. ώε Si επεισε, 
 οντω άμα τοισι μετ εωυτου βουΧομενοισι Αιγυπτίοισι, και 
 τοΊσι επικουροισι, καταιρεει τους βασιλέας. 
 
 153 Κ,ρατησαε Si Αίγυπτου πάσηε ο Ταμμίτιγοε, εποίησε τω 
 f H φαίστο) πρ&πυΧαια εν ΑΙεμφι , τα προε νοτον άνεμον τε- 
 τραμμενα * αυΧην τε τω ''Απι, εν τη τρέφεται επεάν φανη ο 
 'Απιε, ο’ικοάόμησε, εναντίον των προπνΧαίων , πάσαν τε περί 3 
 στυΧον εουσαν, και τύπων πΧεην * αντί Si κιονών , νπεστάσι 
 κολοσσοί SυωSεκaπη^εεε τη ανΧη. ο Si ’Απις, κατά την Έλ- 
 
 154 Χηνών γλώσσαν εστι Επαφοε . ΤοΊσι Si Ίωσι και τοΊσι συγ- 
 κaτεpyaσaμεvoισι αυτω ο 'Ταμμίτι^οε δίδωσι γωρουε ενοικησαι 
 άντίονε άΧΧηΧων , του Νείλου το μέσον εγοντοε * τοΊσι ουνό - 
 ματα ετεθη 'ΣτρaτόπεSa. τούτους τε δύ σφι τόνε γωρονε 
 δίδωσι, και τάΧΧα τά νπεσγετο πάντα απεδωκε* και Srj και 
 πaΊSaε παρέβαΧε αντοΊσι Αιγυπτίους, την Ελλαδα yXώσσav 
 εκδιδασκεσθαι. άπο Si τούτων εκμαθόντων την γλώσσαν οί 
 
 ptian helmets have no crests. Wil¬ 
 kins. 1. p. 330. 
 
 φίλα ποιεεται, “enters into friend¬ 
 ly relations.” 5.37 .φίλα βονλόμε- 
 vos ποιεεσθαι rfjai πόλισι, “ to in¬ 
 gratiate himself with the cities.” 
 
 τοισι per εωντου βουλομενοισι, 
 “ those who embraced his party.” 
 These were probably the people of 
 the Saitic nome. The battle in 
 ■which Psammitichus defeated the 
 other dodecarchs was fought atMo- 
 memphis, according to Diod. 1.66., 
 who adds, that he had also Arabian 
 mercenaries, and that he sent to en¬ 
 list them in their respective coun¬ 
 tries. Both accounts may be true. 
 
 Many Jews also seem to have set¬ 
 tled at this time in Egypt. Comp. 
 Is. xix. 18. Jer. xliv. 1. 
 
 Sect. 153. αυλήν τω "Απι. See 
 the frontispiece to Wilkinson, M. 
 andC.vol. 1. Her.3.27.28. Pro¬ 
 bably an επιφάνεια of Apis had 
 just taken place, and Psammiti¬ 
 chus wished to conciliate the peo¬ 
 ple of Memphis by providing this 
 splendid abode for their god. 
 
 Sect. 154. εκΊιΊάσκεσθαι. Comp. 
 Matth. § 492.c. Here, however, it 
 seems to be passive, “to be taught 
 the Greek language.” 'EUa's is 
 properly an adjective, restricted in 
 use in Herodotus to the feminine 
 
II. 155.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 199 
 
 νυν ερμηνεεν εν Αιγυπτω γεγόνασι. οι δε Ίωνεν re και οι 
 K άρεν τουτουν τουν 'χώρους οίκησαν χρόνον ε:τι πολλοί/ 
 εισί δε ο ύτοι ol χώροι πρόν θαλάσσην, ολίγον ενερθε Βου- 
 βάστιον πόλων, επί τώ ΤΙηλουσίω καλευμενω στόματι του 
 Νείλου. τουτουν μεν άη χρόνο) ύστερον βασιλευν 'Αμασιν 
 εζαναστησαν, ενθεΰτεν κατοίκισε εν Αΐεμφιν, φυλακήν εωυ- 
 τοΰ ποιευμενον πρόν Αιγυπτίων . Τούτων δε οικισθεντων εν 
 Αιγυπτω, οί 'Έλληνεν ουτω επιμισγόμενοι τουτοισι τά περί 
 Αίγυπτον γινόμενα από Ψαμμιτίχου βασιλεον άρξάμενοι 
 πάντα καί τά ύστερον επιστάμεθα άτρεκεων . πρώτοι γάρ 
 ουτοι εν Αιγυπτω αλλόγλωσσοι κατοικίσθησαν. εξ ών δε 
 εξανεστησαν χώρων, εν τουτοισι άη οί τε ολκοί των νεών 
 καί τά ερείπια των οικημάτων το μέχρι εμευ ησαν. 'Ί'αρ- 
 μίτιχον μεν νυν ουτω εσχε την Αίγυπτον. 
 
 Του δε χρηστηρίου του εν Αίγυπτο) πολλά επεμνησθην 155 
 ηάη, καί όη λδγου περί αυτοΰ ών άξιου εόντον ποιησομαι. 
 το γάρ χρηστηριον τούτο το εν Αιγυπτω, εστι μεν Αη¬ 
 τουν ίρόν, εν πόλι δε μεγάλη ιόρυμενον, κατά το Έεβεννυ- 
 
 substantives γλώσσα, πόλις, in the 
 tragic writers joined with other fe¬ 
 minines. Sophocles, in one of his 
 lost plays, is said to have used it 
 as masc. Έλλα$ 6 άνηρ : Σοφοκλής 
 Α’ίαντι Αοκρώ. Lex. Seg. ap. Bekk. 
 An. Gr. 1.97.: and Buttmann con¬ 
 siders it as masc. in Eur. Phcen. 
 1240. Tts Ελλα$ η βάρβαρος ; 
 maintaining also that the whole 
 class of adjectives forming the 
 gen. in Sos, are properly of three 
 genders. Ausf. Gramm. § 63. 7. 
 Obs. 6. 
 
 έρμηνέες. They formed a γένος 
 or hereditary caste, the sixth in 
 order, 2. 164. 
 
 ” Αμασις ίζαναστησας. He had 
 revolted from Apries, and brought 
 the Greek and Carian mercenaries 
 to the capital for his protection. 
 
 2. 162. The Carians were called 
 Καρομέμφιται. Steph. Byz. s. v. 
 Καρικόν. 
 
 πρώτοι αλλόγλωσσοι κατοικίσθη- 
 σαν. It appears from 2. 112. that 
 the Tyrians had also a quarter, 
 στρατόπεΰον, in Memphis ; when 
 they were established there does 
 not appear. Her. seems to imply 
 subsequently to the settlement of 
 the Carians and Ionians: his ar¬ 
 gument, however, in regard to the 
 increased certainty of Egyptian 
 history from the time of Psammi- 
 tichus, only requires that they 
 should have been the first Greeks. 
 
 όλκοι των νεών. This word is 
 sometimes used for the rollers on 
 which ships were drawn ; here, 
 probably for slips or docks. 2, 
 159. Hes. έλκους, ναυστάθμους. 
 
200 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 156. 
 
 τικόν καΧεόμενον στόμα τον Ne /λου, αναπΧεοντι αττο θαΧασ - 
 σην ανω. ουνομα δε τρ πόΧι ταυτΎ) όκου τό χρηστηριόν εστι, 
 Βουτώ, ων κα\ 7 τρότερον οννόμασται μοι. Ιρόν δε έστι ευ ττρ 
 Βουτοί τούτη ’ ΑπόΧΧωνον και Αρτεμι^ον. και ό γε νηόν την 
 Αητουν, ευ τω $η το χρηστηρι ου ευι, αύ tog τε τνγχανει εώυ 
 peyav, καί τα προπνΧαια έχει ες υψοε δέκα δργυιέωυ. το 
 δε μοι τώυ φανερών Θωνμα μεγίστου 7 τα ρ επόμενον, φρασω. 
 εστι ευ τω τεμέυει τουτω Αητονν νηόν εζ ενόν λίθου πε- 
 τ τοιημενον, εν τε ύφος, και εν μήκον' και τοίχοι; έκαστον 
 τοντοισι ίσον' τεσσερακοντα πηχεων τούτων έκαστον εστι. 
 τό δε καταστε^ασμα την οροφήν , αΧΧον ετ τικεεται Χίθον , εχωυ 
 156 ττ}υ τ ταρωροφίόα τετραπηχνν. Ουτω μέυ νυυ ο υϊ /oc τώυ 
 φανερών μοι των ττερι τούτο τό ιρόν εστι Θωυμαστότατον * 
 τώυ δε δεύτερων, νήσον η Χεμμιν καΧευμενη. εστι μεν εν 
 ΧίμνΎ) βαθεη και πΧατεη κείμενη παρα τό εν Βουτοΐ ί^οου* 
 λέγεται δε υ7Γ Αιγυπτίων είναι αυτή η νήσον πΧωτη. αυ¬ 
 τόν μεν εγωγε ούτε 7τλέουσαυ, ούτε κινηθεΊσαν ιδού’ τεθηπα 
 
 Sect. 155. πρότερον οννόμασται 
 μοι . 2. 59. 63. 133. 
 
 es re ύφος και es μήκος. Μ ήκος 
 is the horizontal length, as 1. 180. 
 σταδίου και τό μήκος και τό εύρος. 
 Here the length is the breadth of 
 the back-piece ; the τοίχοι or side- 
 pieces were of the same dimen¬ 
 sions, i. e. forty cubits in height. 
 What the breadth of either the 
 hack or side was. Her. does not 
 say; nor do his words necessarily 
 imply that the sides and back were 
 of the same stone, as Larcher 
 seems to have assumed, in calcu¬ 
 lating the cubic contents of the 
 original block. 
 
 τό δε καταστέγασμα κ. τ. λ. “and 
 for the covering of the roof another 
 stone is imposed, having the cor¬ 
 nice of four cubits.” Comp, the 
 note on υδατος αποστροφή, p. 23. 
 
 Ώ,αρωροφίς, according to J. Poll. 
 1. 81., is the part between the 
 ceiling and the roof, μεταζυ του 
 ορόφου και του στέγους. This mem¬ 
 ber of the Egyptian architecture 
 usually projects with a deep cur¬ 
 vature above the torus of the archi¬ 
 trave, and is about one ninth or 
 tenth of the entire height. Le- 
 tronne, Recherches, p. 68. 
 
 Sect. 156. των δε δευτέρων, 
 “ of the second class,” i. e. of των 
 μή φανερών, what he did not see 
 but was told; for what he won¬ 
 dered at was not the island itself, 
 but the circumstance of its move¬ 
 ment, which he confesses to him 
 was not apparent. 
 
 τεθηπα δε άκοΰων, ε'ι νήσος εστι 
 πλωτή. “ When I heard it, I was 
 amazed at the thought of an is¬ 
 land’s really floating.” E l is pro- 
 
IL 156.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 201 
 
 δέ ακούων , ει νήσος αΧηθεως εστί πΧωτη. εν δ?} ών ταύ τρ 
 vrjoq re Α πόΧΧωνος μεγας ένι, /cat βωμοί τριφασιοι ενιόρύα- 
 ται. εμιτεφύκασι δ εν avry φοίνικες συχνοί, και άλλα δέν- 
 Spea , και καρποφόρα κα\ αφόρα, ποΧΧα. Χόγον δε τονδε 
 έπιλέγοντεβ οί Αιγύπτιοι, φασ\ είναι αυτήν πΧωτην’ ώς εν 
 τρ νησω τaύτy ούκ eovay πρότερον πΧωτή, Λητώ, εούσα των 
 οκτώ θεών των πρωτων γενομενων, οικεουσα δε εν Βουτοι 
 πόΧι, ίνα δη οι το χρηστηριον τούτο εστι, Απόλλωνα παρα 
 ’Ίσιος παρακαταθήκην δεξαμενή, διέσωσε κατακρύφασα εν Ty 
 νυν πΧωτΎ) Xεyoμεvy νησω’ ότε δη τδ παν διξη μένος ό Τύ¬ 
 φων επηΧθε, θεΧων εζευρεΊν τού Οσιριος τον παΓι^α. ( Α- 
 πόΧΧωνα δέ, και ' Αρτεμιν, Διονύσου και ’Ίσιος Χεγουσι είναι 
 7ταιδαί* Αητούν δέ, τροφόν αύτοισι καί σωτειραν γενεσθαι . 
 Αιγυπτιστι δε Απόλλων μεν, ’ Ωρος * Αημητηρ δέ, ^Ισίβ* 
 ' Αρτε μις δέ, Βούβαστιι;. έ /c τούτου δέ τού λόγου και ούδε- 
 νός άλλου, ΑισχύΧος ο Ε ύφορ'ιωνος ηρπασε τό εγώ φρασω, 
 μούνος δη ποιητεων των προγενομενων. έποίησε γαρ 'Αρτε- 
 
 bably in its origin a relative par¬ 
 ticle, and not different from on, 
 but is specially used of things re¬ 
 ferred to the mind of one consider¬ 
 ing them. Her. 1. 24. τόΐσιν έσελ- 
 Θε7ν ηόονην el μέλλοιεν ακονσε- 
 σθαι του άρίστον ανθρώπων άοιόοϋ, 
 “at the thought of hearing.” 1. 
 212., 3.146., with φθόνων. 1.129. 
 
 σκαιότατον έόντα, εΐ ύη ύι εωντου 
 γε επρη'χθη τα παρεόντα, of a mat¬ 
 ter of judgment, depending on a 
 contingency, but immediately after 
 άόικιυτατον ύε on του δείπνου ei- 
 νεκεν Μηόονε κατεόούλωσε, a cer¬ 
 tain fact. With verbs expressing 
 wonder, shame, content, and other 
 mental emotions, it is common in 
 the Attic writers. Matth. § 617. 
 So “ siquidem” in Latin is gene¬ 
 rally distinguishable from “ quan- 
 doquidem” by a slight expression 
 
 of doubt or uncertainty. Ύμθηπα 
 occurs only in Horn, and Her. 
 
 επιλέγοντες. See note on p. 
 55. The Greeks, if they really 
 borrowed their fable of Delos from 
 the Egyptians, changed it, to suit 
 the name of the island, which they 
 represented as becoming fixed and 
 visible (SrjXos), to afford a refuge 
 to Latona. 
 
 Απόλλων μεν, ^£2pos. Accord¬ 
 ing to an inscription at Ombos 
 (Hamilton ACg. p. 75.), Άρωηρει 
 θεω μεγάλο) Άπόλλωνι, and Plut. 
 Is. et Os. 355. E., it appears that 
 Apollo was also called Aroeris, if 
 indeed this be not the same name 
 as Hor-us, with the addition of 
 Re, Sun or King, in Egyptian. 
 
 ποιητεων των προγενομενων. 
 ACschylus was born (Clinton F. H. 
 2. 15.) in 525 B.C., Her. in 484; 
 
202 HERODOTUS. [II. 157. 158. 
 
 μιν el ναι θυγατέρα Αημητρος.) την δε νήσον δια τούτο γε- 
 νεσθαι 7 τΧωτην, ταυτα μεν ουτω Λεγουσι. 
 
 157 Ψαμμιτικός δε έβασίλευσε Αίγυπτου τέσσερα καί πεντη- 
 κοντα έτεα* των τα ένδα δέοντα τριηκοντα, ’Άζωτον, της 
 Σνρίης μεγαλην πόλιν, προσκατημενος έπολιδρκεε, ες το 
 έξεΐλε. αν τη δε η ’ ' Αζωτο ς απασέιυν πολίων επί πλειστον 
 
 158 χρόνον πολιορκευμενη αντέσχε, των ήρεΐα ιδ/χεν. Ψαμμιτι¬ 
 κού δε Νεκώα παιι; έγένετο, καί έβασίλευσε Αίγυπτου* δα 
 τρ διώρυχι επεγε'ιρησε πρώτος τη ες την Ερυθρήν θάλασ- 
 
 this interval is long enough to 
 justify the use of the expression 
 in the text. This drama of AE- 
 schylus is lost; perhaps it gave 
 occasion to his prosecution by the 
 Areopagus for impiety in the 
 revelation of mysteries, a charge 
 from which according to Aristotle 
 (Nic. Eth. 3. 1. 17.) he escaped 
 by pleading ignorance that it was 
 a doctrine of the mysteries. Ac¬ 
 cording to AElian (V. H. 5. 19.), 
 he was saved by his brother Ami- 
 nias, who showed the judges the 
 stump of his own arm, his hand 
 having been lost at Salamis. 
 
 Sect. 157. ’Άζωτον. The Ash- 
 dod of Scripture, a city of the Phi¬ 
 listines. The sovereigns of Egypt, 
 who have aimed at foreign con¬ 
 quest, from Psammitichus to Me- 
 hemet Ali, have naturally begun 
 by seizing Palestine and Syria, 
 without which indeed they are 
 hardly secure. Ashdod, which was 
 a frontier town towards Egypt, had 
 been taken by Tartan, the general 
 of an Assyrian monarch, called in 
 Scripture Sargon (Is. xx.), and 
 probably fortified by him. This 
 made its reduction so difficult. 
 
 Sect. 158. rjj όίωρνχι επεγεί- 
 ρησε. Comp. 4. 39. τον κόλπον 
 
 τον ’Αράβων, es τον AapeTos έκ του 
 Ne /λου όιωρνγα εσηγαγε. The 
 French have surveyed the country 
 between the Red Sea and the Nile, 
 and traced the course of this canal. 
 It went off from Bubastis, and pur¬ 
 sued the north side of the natural 
 valley called the Wadi (the Goshen 
 of the Israelites) to Thaubastum, 
 where it entered the bitter lakes, 
 from the extremity of which a ca¬ 
 nal conducted the vessels to Ar- 
 sinoe (Suez). Its traces are very 
 visible towards the western end; 
 at the eastern the sand of the de¬ 
 sert has obliterated them. From 
 Bubastis to Suez the length is 
 about ninety miles. According to 
 Strabo (17. 1140.), Sesostris had 
 begun the canal; according to Pliny 
 (6.29.), the second Ptolemy carried 
 it as far as the bitter lakes, but de¬ 
 sisted, finding the Red Sea three cu¬ 
 bits higher than the soil of Egypt. 
 In fact, the average height of the 
 water at Suez above that of the 
 Mediterranean, is twenty-seven 
 and a half feet, and at the height 
 of the inundation, the Nile at Bu¬ 
 bastis is only twenty-eight feet 
 above the Mediterranean. Edin. 
 Philos. Journal, No. 26., p. 274. 
 Rennell 2. 73. The commence- 
 
HERODOTUS. 
 
 203 
 
 II. 158.] 
 
 σαν φερουσφ, την Ααρείοε ο ΤΙερσηι; δεύτερα διώρυζε' τί}ε 
 μήκος μεν εστι 7τλοοα ημεραι τ εσσερεε, evpoc, δε ώρυγβη 
 ώστε τριηρεαζ $ύο πΧεειν όρου ελαστρευρεναε. ηκται δε 
 από του Ne /λου το ύδωρ εε αυτήν. ι)κται δε κατυπερθε 
 ολίγον Βουβαστιοε πόΧιοε, παρα Τίατουμον την Αραβίην 
 7τδλιν* εσεχει δε εε την Ερυθρήν θάΧασσαν. ώρυκται δέ 
 πρώτον μεν του πεδίου του Αιγυπτίου τα προε, * Αραβίην 
 eyjovTa* εχεται δε κατυπερθε του πεδίου το κατα Μερφιν 
 τεΤνον οροε, εν τω αί Χιθοτομίαι ενεισι. του ών δη ουρεοε 
 τουτου παρα την υπωρεην ηκται η διό)ρυζ απ’ εσπερηο μά¬ 
 κρη προς την ηώ * και επειτα τείνει εε διασφάγαε, φερουσα 
 απο του ουρεοε προο, μεσαμβρίην τε και νότον άνεμον, εε 
 τον κόΧπον τον Αραβιον. τρ δε ελαχιστόν εστι και συν- 
 τομώτατον, εκ τηε, βορηίηε θαΧασσηε, υπερβηναι εε την νο- 
 τίην και ’Ερυθρήν την αυτήν ταυτην καΧεομενην, από του 
 Κ ασίου ουρεοε, του ουρίζοντοε Αίγυπτόν τε και Έυρίην, 
 από τουτου εισι σταδιοι χίλιοι απαρτι εε τον Αραβιον 
 
 ment may have been attributed to 
 Sesostris, as an illustrious name, 
 without authority, but Her. can 
 hardly have been mistaken as to 
 its completion by Darius. 
 
 ΤΙάτουμον την ’ Αραβίην πόΧιν. 
 What was beyond the limits of 
 the inundation on this side was in 
 Arabia. The town was Pithom 
 (Exod. i. 11.), or Thourn with the 
 prefixed article, situated just at 
 the western entrance of the valley 
 which leads from the Nile to the 
 Red Sea. In Gen. xlvi. 28., where 
 our version, agreeably to the He¬ 
 brew, has Goshen , the Septuagint 
 has καθ' 'Ηρώων πόΧιν els γην 'Ρα- 
 μεσση, and the Coptic Pethmes ; 
 and hence it has been supposed 
 that Heroopolis and Patumos were 
 the same. They cannot have been 
 very remote in situation. Major 
 
 Rennell, following the inaccurate 
 version of Beloe, makes the canal 
 terminate in the Red Sea not far 
 from Patumos, confounding Patu¬ 
 mos with Arsinoe, 2. 61. 
 
 ωρυκται ΰε πρώτον, “ the first part 
 of the excavation is the Arabian 
 side of the plain of Egypt which 
 lies towards Arabiafor ώρνκται, 
 like ηκται, “runs,” denotes the pre¬ 
 sent state which resulted from past 
 acts. The mountain of Gebel-al- 
 Mohattam, opposite to Memphis, 
 turns to the east, and the canal 
 ran eastward along its base. See 
 note p. 14. 
 
 ΰιασψάγεε is a chasm or gorge. 
 
 σταδιοι yjXioi απαρτι. 5. 53. ά- 
 παρτι ενενηκοντα. The last word 
 is wanting in all the MSS., and 
 has been inserted on the authority 
 of the grammarians. Lex. Seg. 
 
204 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 159 
 
 [II. 159. 
 
 κολπον. τούτο μεν το συντομωτατον’ η δέ $ιώρυξ πολλω 
 μακροτερη, οσω σκοΧιωτερη εστι, την επί Νεκω βασιΧεοο, 
 ορνσσοντεο, Αιγυπτίων απώλοντο δυώδεκα μυριάδες. Νε- 
 κωζ μεν νυν μεταξύ ορυσσων επαυσατο, μαντηίου εμποδίου 
 γενομένου τοιούδε, “ τω βαρβαρω αυτόν 7rρoεpyaZεσ9aι.” 
 βαρβάρουα δε ττανταο, οι Αιγύπτιοι καΧεουσι τ ova μη σφίσι 
 ομογλώσσουα. Παυσάμενοι; δέ Trie διώμυχοι; ο Νεκώβ, 
 ετράπετο προα στρατηίαο ,* και τριηρεες, at μεν, επί τη 
 βορηίγ) θαΧασση εποιηθησαν, αι δ’ εν τω Άραβίω κόΧπω 
 επί tij Έμυθμρ θαλασσή* των ετι οί ολκοί επίδηλοι. καί 
 ταύτρσί τε εχματο εν τω δέοντι* καί Σύμοισι πε£ρ ο Νε- 
 κώζ συμβαΧων εν Μαγδολω ενίκησε' μετά δε τη^ payr)v, 
 
 Bekk. 1. 418. Άπαρτί παρ’ 'Ηρο- 
 ύθ7·ω σημαίνει το άπαρτισμενως καί 
 ακριβώς, quoting this passage. 
 Suid. s. v. Its disappearance from 
 the MSS. is singular. “ Equidem 
 hoc teneri velim, quotquot nobis 
 servati sint scripti libri Herodotei 
 ea ex una potius familia oriundos 
 videri, baud scio an Alexandrina. 
 Alius utique familiae libros gram- 
 matici illi inspexisse videntur, ex 
 quibus, voculam in nostris libris 
 omissam citarunt.” Bahr. As they 
 copy one another, perhaps their 
 testimonies maybe reduced to one. 
 The sense of “ on the contrary,” 
 which the grammarians, and after 
 them Passow (Lex. s. v.), ascribe 
 to άπαρτί, lies in the words with 
 which it is joined. It is a verbal ad¬ 
 verb of the same class as άμογητί. 
 There is another word, άπάρτι 
 (απ’ άρτι, i. e. άπο τον νυν), which 
 has the sense of henceforth, found 
 in the N. T. (Matth. xxvi. 64. 
 Rev. xiv. 13.), but said not to 
 belong to Attic Greek. It ap¬ 
 pears, however, best to suit the 
 connexion in Arist. Plut. 388. 
 
 Comp. Dobree ad loc. Lob. ad 
 Phryn. p. 18. 
 
 βαρβάρους. Perhaps only a word 
 of similar signification, denoting 
 those of harsh speech, which is 
 the proper meaning of βάρβαρος. 
 Strab. 14. 946. The name Ber¬ 
 ber, given to the ancient inhabit¬ 
 ants of Barbary, seems to have 
 originated in the same onomato¬ 
 poeia. 
 
 Sect. 159. επί τη βορηίη θα¬ 
 λάσση, “ to be employed on the 
 northern (Mediterranean) sea.” 
 Wess. who is followed by Bahr. 
 The instances produced however 
 (επί βασιλψη, 2. 162. επ' οίσι, 7. 
 146.) are not quite analogous, and 
 therefore I should render, “on 
 the northern sea, and in the Ara¬ 
 bian Gulf on the Erythraean Sea.” 
 The opposite to the northern sea 
 is the Erythraean, but as this had 
 a wide extension, in the Arabian 
 Gulf is added, to mark the place 
 more definitely. 
 
 εν Μαγδολω. The Syrians here 
 spoken of are supposed to be, or 
 at least to include, the Jews, and 
 
II. 160.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 205 
 
 Κάδυτίυ πολιν της Έυρίης εοΰσαν μεγάλην είλε. εν ry δε 
 εσθητι ετυχε τα ύτα κατεργασάμενος, ανέβηκε τω Απολ- 
 λωνι, πέμφας ες Βραγγ^ίλας τα ς λϊιλησιων. μετά δε, έκκα'ι- 
 λεκα έτεα τα πάντα άρζας, τελευτά, τω 7ταιδι 'Ϋάμμι παρα¬ 
 λίους την αργήν. 
 
 Έπι τούτον δη τον Ψάμμιν βασιλεύοντα Αίγυπτου άπι- 
 κοντο Ηλειωυ ανδρες άγγελοι } αύχέοντες δικαιότατα και 
 καλλιστα τιθέναι τον εν Ολυμπ'ιη αγώνα πάντων ανθρώπων , 
 και δοκέοντες παρα ταυτα ούδ άν τούς σοφωτάτους άνθρω- 
 
 tlie battle to be that mentioned 
 2 Kings xxiii. 29., in which king 
 Josiah was slain. Magdolus will 
 then be Megiddo, in the great 
 plain or valley (2 Chron. xxxv. 22.) 
 at the foot of Mount Carmel. The 
 name more resembles Migdol, 
 which stood on the confines of 
 Egypt (Jer. xlvi. 14.), not far to 
 the east of Pelusium, and which 
 the Greeks and Latins called Mag¬ 
 dolus. Itin. Anton, p. 178. Steph. 
 Byz. s. voc. Her. might easily 
 confound two names so similar. 
 
 K aSvnv eiXe. By the majority 
 of commentators supposed to be 
 Jerusalem. Comp. 3. 5. The 
 Scriptures do not indeed mention 
 that Necho took Jerusalem, pro¬ 
 bably because it surrendered with¬ 
 out a siege : but had he not been 
 in possession of the capital, he 
 could not have deposed Jehoahaz, 
 and made Jehoiakim king (2 Kings 
 xxiii. 34.), and laid the whole land 
 under contribution. Some have 
 supposed Gaza to be Cady tis, which 
 if it were then, what it was in the 
 age of Alexander, Συρίας μεγίστη 
 πόλις (Plut. Alex.), would answer 
 to the description of Her., and 
 from its natural strength and for¬ 
 tifications (Arrian 2. 26.), and its 
 vicinity to Egypt, would be a very 
 
 important acquisition to Necho. 
 It was certainly taken either by 
 Necho or Apries. See Jer. xlvii. 2. 
 If Cady tis be Jerusalem, it must· 
 have derived its name from J2Hp 
 (Kades), “holy” We have no 
 proof that it bore this name in 
 ancient times, but it is commonly 
 called el Rods by the Arabs of the 
 present day. It is singular that 
 Her. makes no mention of the de¬ 
 feat of Necho by Nebuchadnezzar 
 in the great battle of Carchemish 
 or Circesium, on the Euphrates, 
 Jer. xlvi. 2. 
 
 ev rrj όε εσθητι . “In quern pri- 
 mum egressi sunt locum Troja vo- 
 catur.” Lev. i. 1. 
 
 Sect. 160. Ήλε/ων άνδρες ay- 
 γεΧοι. It appears from Pausan. 
 (El. 5. 15.), that the Eleans had 
 from very ancient times consulted 
 the oracle of Jupiter at Ammo¬ 
 nium. It is probable, therefore, 
 that the messengers here spoken 
 of had not visited Egypt merely 
 for the purpose which Her. men¬ 
 tions, but on their way to Si Wah. 
 Diod. (1. 95.) says it happened in 
 the time of Amasis, on the admi¬ 
 nistration. Of the Olympic games 
 by the Eleans, see Trav. of Anach. 
 3.417. 
 
 160 
 
206 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 161. 
 
 161 
 
 πων Αιγυπτίους ούδεν επεξευρεΐν. ώς δε απικόμενοι ές την 
 Αίγυπτου οι Ήλειοι ελεγον των είνεκα άπίκοντο, ενθαυτα 
 ο βασιλεύς ούτος συγκαΧεεται Αιγυπτίων τόνε λεγομένους 
 είναι σοφωτάτους. συνεΧθόντεο δε οί Αιγύπτιοι, έπυνθάνοντο 
 των Ήλείων λεγοντων άπαντα τα κατηκει σφεαρ ποιεειν περί 
 τον αγώνα' απηγησαμενοι δε τα πάντα, εφασαν ?ίκειν έπιμα- 
 θησόμενοι “ ει τι εγοιεν Αιγύπτιοι τούτων $ικα ιότερον έπ- 
 “ εζευρεΊν.” οι δε, βουλευσάμενοι, έπειρώτων τούς Ηλείους 
 ει σφι οί πο Χιηται έναγωνίζονται. οι δε εφασαν, και σφεων 
 και των αΧΧ ων Ελλήνων ομοίως τω βουΧομενω εζεΊναι άγω- 
 νίζεσθαι. οί δε Αιγύπτιοι εφασαν Ιί σφεαε , ούτω τιθέντας, 
 “ παντός του δικαίου ημαρτηκεναΓ ούδεμίαν γάρ είναι μι?- 
 u γ^ανην, δκως ού τω αστω αγωνιζομενω προσθησονται, άδι- 
 ί( κέοντες τον £ε?νον. άλλ* ει δ?7 βούλονται δικαίως τιθεναι, 
 καί τούτου είνεκα απικο'ιατο ές Αίγυπτον , ^είνοισι άγω- 
 νιστρσι έκέλευον τον αγώνα τιθεναι, ’Ηλείων δε μηδενί 
 “ είναι αγωνίζεσθαι.” Ταύτα μεν Αιγύπτιοι Ηλείοισι ύπε- 
 θηκαντο. 
 
 Ψάμμιοε δέ ef ετεα μοΰνον βασιλεύσαντος Αίγυπτου, καί 
 στρατευσαμενου ές Αιθιοπίην, και μεταυτίκα τεΧευτησαντος, 
 εζε^εζατο Άπρίηε ο Τ'αμμιος. δς μετά Ψαμμιτικόν τον έωυ- 
 
 <ί 
 
 
 Ofcws ον τώ αστω προσθησονται , 
 ee give their vote to their fellow- 
 citizen more commonly used 
 with Xoyos or γνώμη, but always 
 in the middle voice. Of the use 
 of the active and fut. middle in¬ 
 stead of aorist subj. after otivs, 
 see Matth. § 519. 7. p. 885. In 
 the words which follow βούλονται 
 is used, because the desire to do 
 justice is present, but άπικοίατο, 
 because the arrival in Egypt was 
 past. 
 
 μηΰενΐ eJvai άγωνίζεσθα i, i. e. 
 έξεΊναι. Comp, note p. 17. 
 
 Sect. 161. Ψάμμιοε. Owing to 
 
 the shortness of his reign, and the 
 direction of his arms towards Ethi¬ 
 opia, he has not been mentioned 
 in the Bible, nor by Diodorus : nor 
 has his name been found on the 
 sculptures. Instead of Psammis, 
 Psammuthis or Psammitichus the 
 second now stands in the list of 
 kings. Wilk. 1 . 150. The names 
 are probably the same. 
 
 Άπ, 007 s. The Pharaoh Hophra 
 of Scripture, Jer. xxxvii. 8 . 11. 
 Uaphris in Manetho ; Hophrahet 
 on the obelisk in the Piazza di 
 Minerva at Rome. Lepsius Lettre 
 a M. Rosellini, PI. A. xi. 
 
II. 162.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 207 
 
 του προπάτορα εγενετο ευΰαιμονεστατοε των πρότερον βα¬ 
 σιλέων, επ’ ετεα πεντε και είκοσι άρζαε' εν τοΊσι επί τε 
 Έιάώνα στρατόν ηλασε, και εναυμάγρησε τιρ Τυ^οίω. Επει 
 δε οι εδεε κακώε yei >εσθαι, eyevero άπο προφάσιοε την εγώ 
 μεζάνωε μεν εν τοίσι Αιβυκοίσι λογοισι άπηγησομαι, μετρίωε 
 δ εν τιρ παρεόντι. άποπεμφαε yap στράτευμα ο Απρίηε επ) 
 Κυρηναίουε, μεγαλωστι προσεπταισε. Αιγύπτιοι δε ταυτα 
 επιμεμφομενοι, άπεστησαν άπ’ αυτόν, δ οκεοντεε τον Άπρίην 
 εκ προνοίηε αντουε άποπεμφαι εε φαινόμενον κακόν, ίνα δ)/ 
 σφεων φθορη γενηται, αυτοε δε των λοιπών Αιγυπτίων 
 ασφαλέστερου op^ij. ταυτα δέ $εινά ποιευμενοι ουτοί τε οί 
 άπονοστησαντεε, και οί των άπολομενων φίλοι, άπεστησαν 
 εκ τηε ιθείηε· Τίυθόμενοε δε Άπρίηε ταυτα, πεμπει επ 162 
 αντουε 'Αμασιν, καταπαυσοντα λογοισι. ο δέ επεί τε άπι - 
 
 ευΰαιμονέστατος. The English 
 use of the superlative demands 
 that the subject of it belong to the 
 same class as the gen. dependent 
 on it; the Greek on the contrary 
 allows a circumstance to qualify 
 the gen., which does not belong to 
 the superlative, as here πρότερον. 
 Milton imitates the classical con¬ 
 struction : “ Adam the goodliest 
 man of men since horn His sons, 
 the fairest of her daughters Eve.” 
 Par. L. 4. 323., where the com¬ 
 mentators produce instances to 
 justify Milton against the censure 
 of Bentley. 
 
 Σιδώνα. According to Diod. 1. 
 G8. he reduced the whole coast of 
 Phoenicia, and defeated the Cy¬ 
 prians. Ό T upios, is “ the king of 
 Tyre,” as 6 Αίβυε, “the king of 
 Libya,” 3. 15. Jer. xlvii. 
 
 ol ekee κακώς γενέσθαι, “it was 
 fated that he should be unfortu¬ 
 nate.” 8. χρην γάρ Κανδανλρ 
 κακώς γενέσθαι. 
 
 άπο προφάσιοε, “ on an occa¬ 
 sion.” Πρόφασή in Her. means 
 sometimes “a reason ,” and some¬ 
 times “ a pretext,” but never, I 
 think, “ a cause ;” and it is evi¬ 
 dently his intention here to inti¬ 
 mate, that as he was doomed to 
 misfortune, fate laid hold of an 
 occasion for his dethronement. 
 
 εν τοΊσι ΑιβυκοΤσι Χόγοισι. See 
 the history of the expedition to 
 Cyrene, 4. 159. The inhabitants 
 of Libya, having been deprived 
 of their lands by the Cyreneans, 
 invited Apries to become their 
 king. The armies met at Irasa, 
 and the Egyptians, who had never 
 before fought against Greeks, were 
 defeated. Apries probably had 
 not ventured to lead his Greek 
 mercenaries against a Greek co¬ 
 lony. 
 
 Sect. 162. καταπαυσοντα, “for 
 the purpose of causing them to de¬ 
 sist by argument.” 
 
208 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 162. 
 
 κόμενοε κατεΧάμβανε τουε Αιγυπτ love, ταυτα μη ποιεειν Χε- 
 γοντοε αυτόν, των tic Αιγυπτίων οπισθε στάε, περίεθηκε. 
 οι κυνεην’ και περιτιθειε, εφη “ επι βασιΧηίη περιτιθεναι.” 
 και τω ον κωε αεκουσιον εγίνετο το ποιευμενον, ωε διεδεί- 
 κνυε. επεί τε γαρ εστησαντό μιν βασιλέα των Αιγυπτίυιν 
 οί άπεστεωτεε, παρεσκευάζετο ωε εΧων επι τον Απρίην. 
 ΤΙυθόμενοε δε ταυτα ο Άπρίηε, επεμπε επ’ Αμασιν άνδρα 
 δόκιμον των περί εωυτόν Αιγυπτίων, τω ουνομα ην ΤΙατάρ- 
 βημιε’ εντειΧάμενοε αυτω, ζωντα 'Αμασιν αγαγεΊ,ν παρ’ εωυ¬ 
 τον. ωε δε άπικόμενοε τον Αμασιν εκάΧεε ο Πατα^οβ^μιε, 
 ο ’Άμασιε (ετυχε γαρ επ’ ίππου κατημενοε) επάραε, απε- 
 ματαισε * καί τούτο μιν εκεΧευε Άπρίγ άπάγειν. ομωε δε 
 αυτόν άξιουν τον Τίατάρβημιν, βασιΧεοε μεταπεμπομενου, 
 ιεναι προε αυτόν’ τον δε αυτω υποκρίνεσθαι, ωε u ταυτα 
 <£ πάλαι παρεσκευάζετο ποιεειν, και αυτω ον μεμψασθαι Α- 
 £( πρίην' παρεσεσθαι γαρ και αυτόε, και αΧΧονε άζειν.” τον 
 δε Τίατάρβημιν εκ τε των Χεγομενων ουκ αγνοείν την διά¬ 
 νοιαν, και παρασκευαζόμενου ορεοντα, σπονδή άπιεναι , βου- 
 Χόμενον την ταγίστην βασιΧέι δηΧωσαι τα πρησσόμενα. ωε 
 δε άπικεσθαι αυτόν πρόε τον Απρίην, ουκ άγοντα τον ’'Α- 
 μασιν, ουδενα Χόγον αυτω δόντα, άΧΧά περιθυμωε εχοντα, 
 
 έπι βασιλήιρ, “ with a view to 
 the sovereignty,” i. e. with the 
 purpose of declaring him king. 
 Comp. 2. 151. επι λυμί], 2. 121.4. 
 <f with a view to insult them.” 
 
 και αυτω ον μέμφασθαι ’ Απρίην , 
 “ should have no cause to com¬ 
 plain of him.” The aorist appear¬ 
 ing unsuitable here, Schsefer con¬ 
 jectured μέμψεσθαι. Verbs which 
 imply a reference to the future, 
 take an infin. not only of the fut. 
 but of the present and aorist. 9. 
 109. είπε (Άμησ rpts) Ήέρξη “Δώ- 
 aeis μοι τυ αν σε αιτήσω” ό δε 
 παν μάλλον So κεών κείνην αίτη- 
 
 σαι, νπίσχνέετο. where δοκέων is 
 “ expecting.” Dem. c. Aphob. II. 
 p. 842. ο'ίεται τυχόντα με των δι¬ 
 καίων παρ’ νμίγ νποδέζασθαι, 
 where Schsefer has again substi¬ 
 tuted the fut. in his edition of 
 Dem. In the present passage, 
 νποκρίνεσθαι may be considered, 
 like ψημί, as involving the idea of 
 a promise. 
 
 ουδενα λόγον αυτω δόντα, t( not 
 deliberating at all with himself.” 
 In the other instances of this 
 phrase, Her. uses εωυτω or σφισί ; 
 but he frequently employs the 
 simple pronoun for the reflective. 
 
II. 163. 164.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 209 
 
 περιταμείν 7 τροσταζαι αητού τα τε ώτα καί την ρίνα, ιδο- 
 μενοι δ’ οί Χοιποί των Αιγυπτίων, ο'Ι ετι τα εκείνου εφρό- 
 νεον 9 ανόρα τον δ οκιμώτατον έωυτών ούτω αισχρώς Χύμφ 
 Βιακείμενον, ούόενα δη -χρόνον επισχόντες, αιτιστεατο προς 
 τούς ετερους, καί εόίόοσαν σφεας αυτούς Αμασι, Πυθό- 163 
 μενοκ δε καί ταύτα ο Ατ τρίης, ώπΧιζε tovq επίκουρους , καί 
 ηΧαυνε επί τους Αιγυπτίους' είχε δε περί εωντόν Κ αράς τε 
 και ’Ίωνας, ανόρας επίκουρους τρισμυρίους’ την δε οί τα βα¬ 
 σίλεια εν Σάι ττόλι, μεγαΧα εόντα καί αζιοθεητα. καί οί τε 
 περί τον *Απρίτην επί τους Αιγυπτίους ησαν, καί οί περί τον 
 >f Αμασιν, επί τούς ξείνους. εν τε δη Μ,ωμεμφι πόΧι εγενοντο 
 αμφότεροι, καί πειρησεσθαι εμεΧΧον αΧΧηΧων. 
 
 ^Εστι δε Αιγυπτίων επτά γενεά° καί τούτων οί μεν , ίρεες, 1 64 
 οί δε, μάχιμοι κεκΧεαται’ οί δε, βουκόΧο ι* οί δε, συβώται * 
 οί δε, κάπηΧοι' οί δε, ερμηνεες’ οί δε, κυβερνηται. γενεά 
 μεν Αιγυπτίων τοσαυτα εστΓ ούνόματα δε σφι κεεται από 
 των τεχνεων. οι δε μάχιμοι αυτών καΧεονται μεν Κ αΧασί- 
 
 3. 140. λέγει π pos αυτόν, where 
 εωντόν is found in the older edi¬ 
 tions. 
 
 Sect. 163. Μ ωμέμφι. Situated 
 on the banks of a canal, leading 
 from the Canopic branch of the 
 Nile to the lake Mareotis, and still 
 called Menouf. Champ. Eg. 2.252. 
 JDiodorus (1. 68.) says the battle 
 was fought περί την Μαρίαν κώ¬ 
 μην, the village whence the lake 
 derived its name. 
 
 Sect. 164. The number and 
 occupation of these yeuea or castes 
 are stated with some slight varia¬ 
 tions by Her. and Diod. 1. 73. 
 Strabo, who makes only three (17. 
 1118.), and Plato (Tim. 3. 24.) 
 six. The differences regard the 
 inferior castes ; all agree in ma¬ 
 king the priests and warriors di¬ 
 stinct from the others. Her. does 
 
 not mention husbandmen, whom 
 the others with reason make a se¬ 
 parate class, while he alone men¬ 
 tions the steersmen (boatmen of 
 the Nile). The swineherds and 
 shepherds are distinguished by 
 Her., not by the others. The 
 lawyers and physicians probably 
 belonged, at least originally, to 
 the sacerdotal caste. The inter¬ 
 preters are evidently modern, ha¬ 
 ving been established by Psammi- 
 tichus. Diodorus represents the 
 whole land of Egypt as divided 
 into three parts, one of which was 
 held by the king, one by the 
 priests, one by the soldiers. Though 
 the property was legally vested in 
 them, the cultivation was per¬ 
 formed by others, paying a certain 
 small rent or acknowledgement. 
 Diod. 1. 74. 
 
 p 
 
210 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 165. 166. 
 
 ριες re και Έρμοτνβ tec* εκ νομών δε τωνδε €ΐσί. (κατά yap 
 
 165 $η νομούς Αίγυπτος άπατα Βιαραίρηται.) Ερμοτνβίων μεν 
 οιδε είσι νομοί * Βουσι ρίτης, Έαίτης, Χεμμίτης, ΥΙαπρημίτης, 
 νήσος η ΤΙροσωπΊτις καΧεομενη, Ν αθώ το ημισν. €κ μεν τού¬ 
 των των νομών Έ*ρμοτυβΐ£ς €ΐσί. -γενδμενοι, οτε επί πΧεί- 
 στους γενο/ατο, ίκκαίΒβκα μνριάάε,ς. και τούτων βαναυσίης 
 
 166 ουάβις δεδάηκε ovSev, άλλ ανεονται ες το μάχιμον. Κα- 
 Χασιρίων δε οίδε άλλοι νομοί εισΓ Θηβαίος , Βο υβαστίτης, 
 Άφθίτης, Ύανίτης, Μενδησιοο, Έεβεννντης, Αθριβίτης, Φαρ¬ 
 
 ί ; 
 
 Sect. 165. Έρμοτυβίων μεν οι- 
 οε εισι νομοί. Most of these have 
 occurred already. Natho appears 
 to be the Neour of Ptolemy, near 
 the Bubastic mouth. 
 
 γενόμενοι, ore επι πΧεί στους ye- 
 νοίατο, “ amounting, whenever 
 they amounted to the greatest 
 number, to 160,000.” Many MSS. 
 read eyevovro, the same as eyeve- 
 aro, 2. 166. 
 
 ανεονται. See 2. 65. p. 92. 
 This would be the pres. pass, from 
 aveio for άνίημι. But as the perf. 
 seems to be required here, to de¬ 
 note the state, Buttmann (Ausf. 
 Gr. 1. § 108. note,) would read 
 άνεωνται, the conjecture of H. 
 Stephanus, now confirmed by the 
 MS. Schellersheim or Florent. of 
 Schw. Άφεωνται, a perf. of this 
 form, is found in the N. T. in the 
 phrase άφεωνται a ί άμάρτιαι, Luke 
 vii. 47. Suid. Άφείκα’ το ’ Αττι¬ 
 κόν ‘ το ce άφέωκα Αώριον. Ke- 
 χρηνται όε και ’Iwves, Ήρό^ο- 
 tos. As άφέωκα nowhere occurs 
 in our present MSS. of Her., it is 
 probable that Suidas referred to 
 the use of εωκα for elm, and had 
 this passage in view. Etym. M. 
 s. voc. άφέωκα. Ol ’ Αττικοί , η νίκα 
 πΧεονάζονσι το ε κατά τον παρα¬ 
 κείμενον, τότε και τό επαγόμενον 
 
 φωνήεν τρέπονσι ες ω' ο παθητικοί 
 άφέωμαι και τό τρίτον των πΧηθνν - 
 τικών, άφεωνται. 
 
 Sect. 166. Άφθίτης. The situ¬ 
 ation of this nome is unknown. 
 Tams is the Zoan of Scripture. 
 Num. xiii. 22. Ps. lxxviii. 12., 
 where it is spoken of as if it had 
 been specially the scene of the 
 miracles which attended the Exo¬ 
 dus. Its ruins on the east side of 
 the Delta near the lake Menzaleh, 
 bear the name of San. The twenty- 
 first and twenty-third dynasties of 
 Manetho were Tanites. Athribis 
 was situated on the east bank of 
 the Pelusiac branch, in N. lat. 30° 
 28' 30", E. long. 28° 55'. Champ. 
 Eg. s. les Ph. 2. 48. It is now 
 called Atrib. Pharbaethus was on 
 the east side of the Tanitic branch, 
 now Harbait, where the French 
 Commission found some fragments 
 of Egyptian statuary. Champ, u, s. 
 p. 99. Thmuis stood between the 
 Tanitic and Mendesian branches ; 
 near the village of Ternay is a fac¬ 
 titious elevation raised above the 
 waters of the inundation; a mo- 
 nolithal shrine and many sarco¬ 
 phagi of granite, show that it was 
 the site of an ancient city. Champ, 
 p. 114. The same author (p. 227.) 
 regards the site of Oiiuphis as alto- 
 
 ik 
 
II. 167. 168.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 211 
 
 βαιθίτηε, θμουίτηε, Όνουφίτηε, Ανυσιοε> ΑΙυεκφορίτηε' ου- 
 roc δ νομόε εν νησω οικεει, αντίον Βουβάστιοο πόΧιοε. ούτοι 
 δε οι νομο'ι ΚαΧασιρίων εισί * γενδμενοι, οτε επί πΧείστουε 
 εγενέατο, πέντε και είκοσι μυριαδεε ανδρών, ουδέ τουτοισι 
 εζεστι τέχνην έπασκησαι οίιδεμίαν, αΧΧα τα έε πόΧεμον έπα- 
 σκέονσι μουνα, παίε παρα πατρόε έκδεκόμενοε· Ει μεν νυν 167 
 και τούτο παρ’ Αιγυπτίων μεμαθηκασι οι 'EAXrji'eq, ουκ έχω 
 ατρεκέωε κρίναι' όρέων και θρηικαε και Έκυθαε και ΊΊέρσαε 
 και Αυδουε, καί σχεδόν πανταε τουε βαρβάρους αποτιμο- 
 τέρουε των αΧΧων ηγημένουε ποΧιητέων τουε τ αε τεχναε 
 μανθανονταε, και τουε εκγόνουε τούτων * τούς δε απαΧΧα- 
 γμένουε των χειρωναζιέων, γενναίουε νομιξομένουε είναι, καί 
 μάΧιστα τουε εε τον πόΧεμον ανειμένονε. μεμαθηκασι δ’ ών 
 τούτο παντεε οι 'ΚΧΧηνεε, καί μάΧιστα Αακεδαιμόνιοι. ήκιστα 
 δε Κορίνθιοι όνονται τουε χειροτέχναε· Γέ^οεα δέ σφι ην 168 
 τάδε έζαραιρημένα μουνοισι Αιγυπτίων , πάρε}; των ιρέων * 
 αρουραι εξαίρετοι δυιοδεκα εκαστιρ ατεΧέεε. η δε αρουρα 
 εκατόν πηχέων έστι Αιγυπτίου παντη . ό δε Α ιγυπτιοε To¬ 
 
 gether uncertain. D’Anville placed 
 it at Banoub, on the west bank of 
 the Sebennytic branch. 
 
 ovros ο νομοε kv νησω οίκέοι. 
 “Ad Homericum II. β', 626. N?/- 
 σων, ai ναίονσι πέρην aXos ad- 
 cedit: expressum, quod Eust. ad- 
 vertit, a Sophocle Aj. 604. (597. 
 Br.) ΣαΧαμϊε, σύ μέν τον vaieis 
 άΧίπΧαγκτοε.” Wess. 
 
 γονόμενοι, loosely placed in ap¬ 
 position with ovtoi οι νομοί, though 
 more exactly belonging to Ιίαλα- 
 σιρίων. 
 
 Heeren has remarked, that near¬ 
 ly the whole of the Egyptian forces 
 were concentrated in Lower E- 
 gypt; each of the castes had only 
 a single nome in Middle and Up¬ 
 per Egypt, namely, the districts of 
 
 Chemmis and Thebes. Land was 
 more abundant and fertile in Lower 
 Egypt, and it was on the Asiatic 
 side that forces were most needed 
 either for defence or attack. 2. 
 134. Eng. Tr. 
 
 Sect. 1 67. ονονται. Comp, /caro- 
 νοσθρε, 2. 136. Corinth was a di¬ 
 stinguished seat of art as well as 
 commerce, and therefore least af¬ 
 fected by the barbarous prejudice to 
 which Her. refers, as Lacedaemon, 
 without trade, art or literature, 
 was most under its influence. 
 
 Sect. 168. άρονραι ένώι )e/ca. The 
 arura being a square of fifty yards, 
 its contents would be 2,500 yards. 
 Our statute acre contains 4,840 
 square yards ; the Roman juger 
 3,200. 
 
 p 2 
 
69 
 
 212 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 169. 
 
 yvc, τυγχάνει Ισος ewi^ τω 'Σαμίω . ταυτα μεν δη τοΊσι ά* 
 πασι ήν εζαραιρημενα. τάδε δε εν περιτροπή εκαρπουντυ , 
 και ουδαμά ωυτοί. Καλασ ιρίων χίλιοι, και Ε ρμοτυβίων 
 άλλοι, εδορυφόρεον ενιαυτόν έκαστοι τον βασιλέα * τουτοισι 
 δ’ ων τάδε πάρεζ των άρουρεων άλλα εδίδοτο επ ημερ y 
 έκαστη}, οπτού σίτου σταθμός πεντε μνεαι εκάστω, κρεων 
 βοεων δυο μνεαι, οίνου τεσσερες άρυστηρες. ταυτα τοΊ,σι 
 α’ιει δορυφορεουσι εδίδοτο. 
 
 Επεί τε δε συιαουτεε, ο τε Απρίης άγων τους επικου- 
 ρους , /cat ο *'Αμασις πάντας τους Αιγυπτίους, απίκοντο ες 
 Μ ωμεμφιν πόλιν, συνεβαλον * /cat εμαγεσαντο μεν ευ οι δει¬ 
 νοί. πληθει δε πολλώ ελασσόνες εόντες , κατά τούτο εσσω- 
 Θησαν. Απρίεω δε λεγεται etyai ηδε η διάνοια, μηδ αν 
 θεόν μιν μηδενα δύνασθαι παυσαι της βασιληίης' ουτω άσφα- 
 λεως εωυτω ίδρυσθαι εδόκεε. και δη τότε συμβαλών εσσωθη * 
 και ζωγρηθεις, άπηγβη ες Έαιν πόλιν -, ες τά εωυτοΰ οικία 
 πρότερον εόντα, τότε δε Αμάσιος ηδΐ) βασιληια . ενθαυτα 
 δε τεωε μεν ετρεφετο εν τοΊσι βασιληίοισι, καί μιν 'Άμα- 
 σις ευ περιεΊπε. τέλος δε, μεμφομενων Αιγυπτίων ως ου 
 ττοίοΤ δίκαια, τρεφων τον σφίσι τε και εωυτιμ εγθιστον, 
 ουτω οη παραοιοοι τον Απριην τοισι Α ιγυπτιοισι. οι οε 
 μιν άπεπνι^αν, και επειτα έθαψαν εν τίρσι πατρωησι τα¬ 
 
 τά Ce Se kv περιτροπή έκαρποΰν- 
 το, “ enjoyed in rotation,” as they 
 successively performed the duty of 
 body-guards. Tat)e are the things 
 which follow, ravra those which 
 precede, according to a natural di¬ 
 stinction : for as ode is the more 
 emphatic demonstrative, it belongs 
 rather to that of which the author 
 is in the act of speaking, than to 
 that of which he has taken leave. 
 6. 53. ταυτα μεν Αακεέαιμόνιοι 
 λέγουσι—τάΰε οέ έγω. Comp. 2. 
 104., where both pronouns repeat¬ 
 edly occur, The rule, however. 
 
 is not invariably observed. 1. 32. 
 ταυτα έέ η εύτυχίη οι άπερυκει, 
 where ταυτα refers to what fol¬ 
 lows. Matth. § 470. 
 
 Έρμοτυβίων άλλοι, i. e. another 
 thousand, more commonly ex¬ 
 pressed by έτεροι τοσοΰτοι. 
 
 Sect. 169. μηό' αν θεόν μιν μη - 
 όένα όΰνασθαι παυσαι τής βασιλήι- 
 ης. Comp, this with the boastful¬ 
 ness of the same king, as described 
 by Ezek. xxix. 3. 
 
 τέως, “for a certain time.” See 
 note p, 56. ουτω, p. Ill, 
 
II. 170. 171.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 213 
 
 φησι. αί δε εισι εν τω Ιρώ τής Αθηναίης, αγχοτάτω του 
 
 r\ 
 
 μεγάρου, εσιοντι αριστερής χειρός. έθαψαν δε Σαίται πάν- 
 rac του<; εκ: νομού τουτου γενομενονς βασιΧεας εσω εν τω 
 φω. και γαρ τδ του Αμάσιος σήμα εκαστερω μεν εστι του 
 μεγάρου ή τδ του Απρίεω και των τουτου προπατορών' 
 εστι μεντοι και τούτο εν τη αυΧη του Ιροΰ, παστάς Χιθ'ινη 
 μεγάΧη, και ήσκημενη στυΧοισί τε φοίνικας τα δενδρεα με- 
 μιμημενοισι, και τη άΧΧη 'δαπάνη, εσω δε ευ τη παστάδι 
 διζά θυρώματα εστηκε' εν δε το?σι θυρωμασι ή θήκη εστι. 
 
 Εισι δε και at ταφαι του ούκ δσιον ποιευμαι επί τοιουτω 170 
 πρηγματι εζαγορευειν τοάνομα εν Έάι, εν τω [ρω της Αθη- 
 ναίης, οπισθε του νηου, παντός του της Αθηναίης εχδμεναι 
 τοίχου. και εν τιρ τεμενει οβεΧοί εστασι μεγάΧοι ΧίθινοΓ 
 Χίμνη τε εστι επόμενη, Χιθ'ινη κρηπάδι κεκοσμημενη, και 
 εργασμενη ευ κύκλω, καί μεγαθος, ως εμοί εδδκεε, δση περ 
 η εν /ΑήΧω, η τροχοειδής καΧεομενη. Έν δε τη Χίμνη 17] 
 ταντη τα δείκηΧα των παθεων αυτου νυκτος ποιενσι, τα 
 
 αριστερής χειρός. ./Esch. Prom. 
 V. 739. Aaias δε χειρος οι σιΰηρο- 
 τεκτονες Οίκονσι Χάλυβες. “ from 
 (i.e. towards ) the left hand.” Comp, 
 note on άντίον κέεται, p.53. Matth. 
 4 377. 1. The principle, however, 
 is materially different from that of 
 the genitive of place. 
 
 παστάς λίθινη μεγάλη. See 
 note p. 193. The σήμα of Ama- 
 sis, in the court of the temple, had 
 a colonnade, whose capitals imi¬ 
 tated the palm tree, and was in 
 other respects expensively adorn¬ 
 ed, no doubt with elaborate paint¬ 
 ing. See PI. Denon. xliv. xlv. 
 Wilkinson, M. and C. 3. frontis¬ 
 piece. Within the hall, and pro¬ 
 bably in the wall behind the colon¬ 
 nade, was an opening with large 
 double doors ( janua bivalvis), διξά 
 θυρό)ματα, in which the body was 
 
 deposited. Comp. 3. 16., from 
 which it appears that the θηκη was 
 sufficiently large to contain more 
 than one body. 
 
 Sect. 170. έπι τοιουτω πρηγμά¬ 
 τι, i. e. in connection with death. 
 See 2. 61. 
 
 κρηπϊΰι λίθινη, a facing of stone, 
 which, resembling the base of a 
 statue, was called by a name pro¬ 
 perly denoting a shoe. 1. 93. 185. 
 The round lake of Delos, λίμνη 
 τροχόεσσ a (Callim. Del. 261.) was 
 an oval of 300 feet long and 200 
 wide, if the correspondent of Spon 
 (Voy. 1.107.) is right in supposing 
 that it was the same which the 
 Romans used for the Naumachia : 
 but they possibly enlarged it. 
 
 Sect. 171. ΰείκηλα, a rare word, 
 means “imitative representations.” 
 Αεικελιστής was the name given 
 
214 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 171. 
 
 καΧεουσι μυστήρια Αιγύπτιοι. περί μεν νυν τούτων ειόότι 
 μοι επί πλέον ως εκαστα αυτών εχει, ευστομα κείσθω . και 
 της Δημητρος τεΧετης περί, την οι 'Ελληνες θεσμοφόρια 
 καΧεουσ ι, και ταυτής ειόότι μοι περί ευστομα κείσθω, πΧην 
 όσον αυτής όσίη εστι λεγειν. αί Δαναού θυ-γατερες ησαν αι 
 την τελετήν ταυτην εζ Αίγυπτου εξαγαγούσαι, και όιόά- 
 ζασαι τας Πελασγιώτιδας γυναΐ /cac. μετά 8ε, εζαναστάσης 
 
 by the Spartans to the performers 
 of a low mimicry, which supplied 
 the place of scenic performances. 
 Athen.14. p. 621. 
 
 καλέουσι μυστήρια, i. e. by a 
 name of similar import; for μ. is 
 Greek. Compare note on βαρβάρω, 
 2. 158. According to the story re¬ 
 lated by Plut. Isid. et Osir. 356. 
 Typhon, having persuaded Osiris 
 to get into a chest, soldered it 
 down and set it afloat on the Ta- 
 nitic branch of the Nile : it floated 
 to Byblos in Phoenicia. Isis having 
 opened it, Typhon took out the 
 body and cut it in pieces, while 
 Isis, embarking on the marshes in 
 a baris of papyrus, sought them 
 one by one. This is sufficient to 
 show why these mysteries were 
 performed εν λίμνη. 
 
 ei /στομα κείσθω, “though I know 
 respecting these things more fully 
 how each circumstance stands, 
 let them rest, on my part, in reve¬ 
 rential silence.” Plat. Gorg. 453. 
 e^eis τι λεγειν έπϊ πλέον την 
 ρητορικήν ΰυνασθαι η πείθω toIs 
 άκουουσιν εν τη ip v XV κοιεϊν; “ πια - 
 gis valere .” Ευστομέίν and ευ- 
 φημεΊν appear to have signified 
 originally, like the Latin “favere 
 Unguis ,” to use well-omened words, 
 deemed necessary to the good ef¬ 
 fect of religious rites ; and thence 
 to maintain silence, lest by chance 
 
 ill-omened words should escape. 
 Ar. Av. 959. at the commence¬ 
 ment of a sacrifice, ευφημία ’στω. 
 The combination ευστομα κείσθω, 
 is peculiar to Herodotus and those 
 who imitated him. Suid. ευστο - 
 μεΐν. το ευφημεϊν. Και οι , '\ωvεs 
 ευστομα κείσθω φασί. Soph. 
 Phil. 201. ευστομ ’ ’έχε. Schol. εΐώ- 
 θασιν ουτω λεγειν αντί του, σιωπά. 
 In the next line but one the con¬ 
 struction is ευστομα κείσθω (πάντα) 
 πλήν (ίσον αυτήε οσίη (for οσιον. 
 Matt. §434.2.b. Obs.)eari λεγειν. 
 
 Nocturnal mysteries in honour 
 of Bacchus were performed an¬ 
 nually on the Lernaean lake in the 
 Peloponnesus, and said to have 
 been introduced by Philammon 
 before the Dorian conquest. Paus. 
 Cor. 2. 37. Ceres was also wor¬ 
 shiped here, and as the traditions of 
 the Danaides were connected with 
 the lake of Lerna and the fountain 
 Amymone (Apollod. 2. 1. 4.), this 
 probably led Her. to mention the 
 origin of the Thesmophoria. 
 
 έζαναστάσης υπυ Αωριέων, “ha¬ 
 ving had its population dispos¬ 
 sessed by the Dorians.” Arcadia 
 escaped, from the strength of its 
 mountainous regions. Her. does 
 not explain whence the Thesmo¬ 
 phoria, as practised at Eleusis and 
 in Athens, were derived: they may 
 have been carried from Argos to 
 
Ιί. 172.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 215 
 
 7 τάσης Πβλθ7 τοννησου υπο Δωριέων, έζαπώΧετο η τ ελετη' 
 οι δε υποΧειφθεντεε Πελθ7 τοννησίων και ουκ έζαναστάντεε 
 Αρκάάεε, διέσωζον αυτήν μουνοι . 
 
 A 7 τρίβω δε ώ δε καταραιρημένου, έβασ'ιΧευσε ' Αμασιε, νο- 1 
 μου μεν Σαίτεω έών * εκ τηε δε ην πόΧιοε, ουνομα οί εστί 
 Έ,ιούφ. τα μ.ε»> δη 7 τρωτά κατόνοντο τον ’ 'Αμασιν Αιγύπτιοι, 
 και εν ου^εμιη μοιρη μεγάΧη ηγον, ατε δη δημότην το πριν 
 έόντα, και οικίηε ουκ έπιφανέοε * μετά δε, σοφ'ιη αυτουε ο 
 'Αμασιε, ουκ αγνωμοσύνη προσηγάγετο. ην οι άΧΧα τε αγα¬ 
 θά μύρια, έν δε και ποάανιπτηρ γ^ρυσεοε, έν τω αυτόε τε ο 
 'Αμασιε και οι άαιτυμόνεε οι πάντεε τουε πόάαε έκαστο τε 
 έναπενιζέατο. τούτον κατ’ ών κοφαε, άγαΧμα άαίμονοε εζ 
 αυτου έποιησατο, και ίάρυσε τηε πόΧιοε οκού ην εττιτηδεώ- 
 τατον * οι δε Αιγύπτιοι φοιτέον τεε πράε τωγαΧμα , εσε- 
 βοντο μεγάΧωε· μαθων δε δ ' Αμασιε το εκ των αστών ποι- 
 ευμενον, συγκαΧέσαε Αιγυπτιουε, έϊζέφηνε φάε “ εκ του 
 πο^ανιπτηροε τωγαΧμα γεγονέναι, έε τον προτερον μεν 
 τουε Αιγυπτιουε ενεμεΊν τε και ένουρέειν, και πόάαε ένα - 
 “ πονίζεσθαι, τότε δε μεγάΧωε σέβεσθαι. ηδη ών, έφη Χέ- 
 
 u 
 
 u 
 
 Attica before, or from Arcadia to 
 Attica after, the Dorian conquest : 
 the former seems more probable, 
 but neither accords with the Eleu- 
 sinian and Attic traditions. St. 
 Croix 3. 1. 
 
 Sect. 172. Σιούφ. According to 
 Champollion 2. 220., Safi, a village 
 on the eastern bank of the Nile, as 
 Sais was, and about three leagues 
 to the north-east of it. 
 
 δημότην, “ plebeian.” See note 
 on δημοτικά, p. 58. In this sense 
 it is said to be Ionian, and among 
 Attic writers used only by Xe¬ 
 nophon. Larcher. The common 
 meaning is, a member of the same 
 δήμος. 
 
 σοφίη ουκ αγνωμοσύνη προση- 
 
 γειγετο, “ by management, not by 
 harshness, he brought them over 
 to himself.” It is singular that 
 this should have seemed so harsh 
 to Valck. as to lead him to pro¬ 
 pose ουκ ευγνωμοσύνη, on the 
 ground that no one can be said 
 αγνωμοσύνη προσαγαγέσθαι. 7. 
 104. ουκ έών φεύγειν — άλλα μέ¬ 
 νοντας έπικρατέειν η άπόΧΧυσθαι. 
 
 3. 135. και άμα έπος τε και εργον 
 έποίεε, “said the word and did the 
 thing,” where Valck. again would 
 read εποε έφατο και εργον έποίεε. 
 
 4. 107. έσθητα δε φορέουσι τη Σκυ- 
 θικη ομοίην’ γΧώσσαν δέ ιδίην. 
 Cic. Rab. 4. “ Haec verba non so¬ 
 lum tenebris vetustatis sed etiam 
 luce libertatis oppressa sunt” 
 
216 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 173. 
 
 it 
 
 γα >v, ομοίως αυτός rw ποδανιπτηρι πεπρηγέναι. el yap 
 “ προτερον είναι δημότης, άλΧ εν τω παρεοντι είναι αύ- 
 “ των βασιλεύς.” και τιμάν τε και προμηθεεσθαι έωυτού 
 εκέλευε. τοιούτψ μεν τρόπω προσηγάγετο τούς Αιγυπτίους, 
 173 ώστε δικαιουν δουλεύειν. Εχ^ρατο δε καταστάσει πραγμά¬ 
 των τοιηδε. το μεν ορθριον, μέχρι δτου πληθωρης άγορηα, 
 προθύμως επρησσε τα προσφερόμενα πράγματα' τό δε απο 
 
 r ■>! r y / \ ✓ 
 
 τουτου επινε τε και κατεσκωπτε τους συμποτας, και rjv 
 ματαιός τε και παιγνιημων. άχθεσθέντες δε τούτοισι οί φί¬ 
 λοι αυτού, ενουθέτεον αυτόν, τοιάδε λεγοντεζ* “ ’Ω βασι¬ 
 λεύ, ουκ ορθως σεωυτού προεστηκας, ες το άγαν φαύ 
 λον προάγων σεωυτάν. σε γάρ χρην εν θρόνω σεμνφ 
 “ σεμνόν θωκεοντα, Si άμύρης πρησσειν τα πράγματα' και 
 
 τ άν επιστεατο ως ύπ άνδρος μεγάλου 
 
 δέ ποιέεις ούδα- 
 
 u μως βασιλικά.” Ο δ άμείβετο τοισίδε αυτούς' “ Τα 
 τδ^α οί κεκτημενοι, επεάν μεν δέωνται χράσθαι, ενταννύ- 
 ουσι' επεάν δε χράσωνται, εκλύουσι. ε’ι γάρ δη τον πάντα 
 “ χρόνον εντεταμενα ειη, εκραγείη άν' ώστε ec τδ δέον ούκ 
 
 a 
 
 α 
 
 it « a * ' f 
 
 ουτω Αιγύπτιοι 
 
 ί( άρχονται, και άμεινον σύ άν ηκουες. νύν 
 
 it 
 
 a 
 
 πεπρηγέναι, “ told them in his 
 speech that he himself had fared 
 like the foot-bath,” πράσσειν signi¬ 
 fying to meet with certain events, 
 the nature of which is distinguish¬ 
 ed by ευ or κακώς. Matth. § 494. 2 . 
 
 Sect. 173. μέχρι orov. Of this 
 pleonasm see note on μέχρι ον, 
 p. 32. The day was divided, among 
 the Greeks into ορθριον, “ dawn;” 
 πρωί (whence πρωινή , pruina), 
 “early morning;” περί πληθου- 
 σαν αγοράν, or πΧηθωρα αγοράς, 
 “ nine o’clock, or forenoon gene¬ 
 rally μεσημβρία, “ noon περί 
 έείλην, “ afternoon έσπερό, 
 “ evening.” Larcher from Dion. 
 Chrys. de Gloria Or. 76. In re¬ 
 gard to the account given of the 
 
 habits of Amasis, it is to be ob¬ 
 served that the priests had been 
 accustomed to regulate the man¬ 
 ner in which the time of the kings 
 should be spent, and that Amasis 
 was probably the first to emanci¬ 
 pate himself from this thraldom. 
 Diod. 1 . 70. 
 
 es ro άγαν φανλον προάγων σε - 
 ωντόν, “ making yourself too 
 cheap.” Φαύλος is bad or mean 
 of its kind, coarse food, shabby 
 clothes, &c. 
 
 Si ημέρης, “ all day long.” 2 . 
 22 . Si έτεοε, “ the whole year 
 through.” Harpocr. p. 131. T 77 - 
 λεκ\είSης o’ ev roTs ΤΙρυτανενσι, Si 
 ημέρας είπεν αντί τον Si όλης της 
 ημέρας. 
 
11.174.] HERODOTUS. 217 
 
 “ αν e\oi€v αυτοΊσι γρησθαι. οντω $η και ανθρώπου κα τά- 
 “ στάσις, ei εθεΧοι κατεσπου8άσθαι αιει, μη$ε ες παιγν/ην 
 “ το μέρος εωυτον ανιεναι, Χάθοι αν ήτοι μανεις, η oye 
 11 απόπΧηκτοα yev6μeνος. τα εγώ επιστάμενος, μέρος εκα- 
 “ τερω νέμω.” Ταυτα μεν τούς φίΧους αμε'ιφατο. Λέγε- 174 
 ται δε ο Αμασις, καί οτε ην Ιδιώτης, ως φιΧοπότης εών 
 και φιΧοσκώμμων, και ού^αμώς κατεσπ ουδασμενος ανηρ' 
 οκως δε μιν επιΧείποι πινοντα τε και εύπαθεοντα τα επι- 
 τη^εα, κΧεπτεσκε αν περιιών. οι δ’ αν μιν φάμενοι εχειν 
 τα σφετερα χρήματα αρνεύμενον αγεσκον επί μαντηιον οκού 
 εκάστοισι είη' πολλά μεν δά καί αΧίσκετο ύπο των μαν- 
 τηιων } πολλά οε /cai αποφεύγεστε, επει τε οε καί ερασι- 
 Χενσε , εποίεε τοια^ε' οσοι μεν αυτόν των θεών απέλυσαν 
 μη φώρα ε'ιναι, τούτων μεν των ίρών ούτε επεμεΧετο, ούτε 
 εα επισκευήν εόιόου ουοεν ουοε φοιτεων ευυε, ως ουοενος 
 εούσι αζίοισι, ι/>ευδεα τε μάντη ια κεκτημενοισι. οσοι δέ μιν 
 κατε^ησαν φώρα είναι, τούτων δέ, ώς αΧηθεως θεών έδν- 
 
 λάθοι αν μανεις — γενόμενος,“\ιε 
 would insensibly become either 
 frantic or stupid.” Of the con¬ 
 struction of λανθάνω with a par¬ 
 ticiple see Matth. § 552. β., and 
 of the insertion of oye before the 
 second verb, when two are op¬ 
 posed by η, ήτοι, note on 2. 137. 
 p. 177. 
 
 Sect. 174. κλεπτεσκε αν. These 
 forms in σκον, which are common 
 in Ionic poetry and in Her., are 
 derived either from the second 
 aorist or the imperfect; in Ionic 
 poetry also from the first aorist. 
 They denote repetition, and have 
 been called iterativa. They have 
 no mood except the indicative, 
 and according to the precept of 
 the grammarians do not admit the 
 augment. Etym. M. s. v. ομοκλη- 
 σασκεν. Xeyei o "A μβων on ei n 
 
 προσλαμβάνει ταντα κατά το τε- 
 \os αποβάλλει κατά την αρχήν, και 
 γάρ το ετυπτε ποιονσιν οι ’Ίωνεε 
 τΰπτεσκεν. In our present MSS. 
 of Her., however, the augment is 
 occasionally found. 1. 100. ε'ίσω 
 
 , , „ J y , 
 
 παρ εκείνον εσεπεμπεσκε και 
 εκείνος εκπεμπεσκε. without varia¬ 
 tion in the MSS. Buttmann Ausf. 
 Gr. 1. 393. The two tenses re¬ 
 tain their characteristic distinc¬ 
 tion, the aorist denoting the repe¬ 
 tition of a transient, the imperfect 
 of a prolonged action. Comp. 
 Matth. § 199. Of άν, which has 
 the same effect as the English 
 conditional, “ he would go about 
 stealing,” see p. 141. 
 
 κατείησαν φώρα είναι, “ had 
 convicted him of being a thief,” 
 “to bind ” being the opposite of 
 “to absolve” (untie). 
 
218 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 175 
 
 [II. 175. 
 
 των και aipevSea μαντηια παρεγομενων, τά μάλιστα ειτε- 
 μελετο. 
 
 Κ αι τούτο μεν, εν Σαι τρ *Αθηναίτρ προπύλαια Θωνμάσιά 
 οΐ εζεποίησε, πολλον τ τάνταα υπερβαλλόμενος τω τε νψει 
 και τω μεγάθει, όσων τε το μεγαθος λίθων εστι, και οκοί¬ 
 ων τεων* τούτο Si, κολοσσούς μεγάλους και avSpoaC^iyyaa 
 
 Sect. 175. τούτο μεν—τούτο ()€. 
 See ρ. 75. 127. Οί after θωυμά - 
 σια is redundant, and might easily 
 have originated from the final α (oi). 
 Pors. Eur. Med. 44. But in an 
 author whose style is so copious 
 as that of Her. it is dangerous to 
 reject words without critical au¬ 
 thority, merely because they are re¬ 
 dundant. Comp. 6. 68. άπικομενρ 
 tie rrj μητρί eadeis es τα s yeipas ol 
 των σπλάγχνων κατικετευε. 
 
 όσων τε το μέγαθοε λίθων εστι 
 καί οκοίων τεων, “ and for the 
 size and quality of the stones of 
 which it consists,” a construc¬ 
 tion analogous to the Latin “ Illis 
 quantum importunitatis hahent, pa- 
 rum est impune male fecisse.” 
 Sail. B. J. 1. 31. “ Quod tuum 
 
 est judicium de hominibus, ipsius 
 Lamise causa studiose omnia fa¬ 
 cies.” Cic. Fam. 12. 29. Her. 8. 
 12. εΧπίζοντεε πάγχν άποΧεεσθαι, 
 es oia κακά ηΧθυν. The construc¬ 
 tion is most easily resolved by con¬ 
 sidering the relative as substituted 
 for the demonstrative, with which 
 it is originally identical. Bos. El- 
 lips. p. 157. 
 
 άνόρόσφιγγ as, i. e. sphinxes part¬ 
 ly human, as distinguished from 
 κριόσφιγγες, which had the head 
 of rams. The sphinx is commonly 
 represented with the hinder part 
 of a lion, and the head, bust and 
 hands of a human being, some¬ 
 times distinctly female. Champ. 
 
 Lettres au D. de Blacas. 1. fron- 
 tisp. Ά νηρ, not only in the plural, 
 as in the combination άνΰρων τε 
 θεών τε, but also in the singular, is 
 used for a human being generally. 
 AEsch. Agam. 898. Λέγω κατ ay- 
 όρα μη θεόν, σέβειν εμέ. Her. 4. 
 106. the cannibal Scythians, who 
 άνθρωποφαγέονσι μυΰνοι τούτων, 
 are called Άνΰροφάγοι. Of the ori¬ 
 gin of this compound figure among 
 the Egyptians the explanation of 
 Clem. Alex. Strom. 5. p. 671. Pot¬ 
 ter. is the most simple and natural. 
 Ά Xktjs μετά συνέσεων συμβοΧον η 
 σφίγξ. The name is Greek, in an 
 older form φίγξ. Plat. Crat. 1. 
 414. την σφίγγα αντί φLγγόs σφίγ¬ 
 γα καΧουσι. The original was φιξ, 
 whence the mountain near Thebes 
 where she resided was called Φί - 
 κιον. Hesiod. Sc. Here. 33. Paus. 
 2. 26. The Boeotians changed the 
 φ into the cognate β (comp. p.4.). 
 B iKas. σφίγγ as. Hes. “ Picati ap- 
 pellantur quorum pedes format! 
 sunt in speciem sphingum, quod 
 eas Dorii picas vocant.” Festus. 
 The meaning of the root figo,fingo, 
 σφίγγω, is “to grasp ” and “pierce,” 
 and the Theban monster derived 
 her name from the power of her 
 lion’s claws. Apollod. 3. 5. 8. The 
 original Greek conception of the 
 sphinx, therefore, appears to have 
 been merely that of a ravenous 
 monster born of Typhon and 
 Echidna, and sent to punish the 
 
II. 175.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 219 
 
 περιμηκεας άνεθηκε, λίθους τε άλλους ες επισκευήν ύπερ- 
 φυεας το peyaOoo εκόμισε. rjyayero δε τούτων τους μεν, 
 εκ των κατά Μ εμφιν εουσεων λιθοτομιεων * τους δε ύπερ- 
 μeyάΘεaς, εζ ’Έιλεφαντίνης πόλιος, τ τλοον και εείκοσι ημε- 
 ρεων άπεγονσης άπο Σάιος. το δε ουκ ήκιστα αυτών, αλλά 
 μάλιστα θωυμάΖ,ω, εστι τδδε* οίκημα μουνόλιθον εκόμισε εζ 
 Ελεφάντινης ττόλιος * και τούτο εκόμιζον μεν επ’ ετεα τρία, 
 δίσχ/λιοι δε οι προσετετάχατο άνάρες άyωyεες, και ούτοι 
 άπαντες ησαν κυβερνηται. της δε στέγες τ αυτής το μεν 
 μήκος εζωθεν, εστι εις τε και είκοσι πη^εες' εύρος 
 
 τεσ- 
 
 σερεσκα'ιάεκα’ ύφος δε, οκτώ, ταΰτα μεν τα μέτρα εζωθεν 
 
 της στέγ^ε της μουνολίθου εστι’ άτάρ εσωθεν το μήκος, 
 οκτωκαίάεκα πήξεων και πυyόvoς ^ το δε εύρος, ύυωάεκα πη~ 
 \εων' το δε ύφος, πεντε πήξεων εστι. αύτη τού ίρού κεε- 
 ται παρά την εσοδον. εσω yap μιν ες το ίρόν φασι τώνδ’ εί- 
 νεκα ουκ εσελκύσαι * τον αρχιτέκτονα αυτής, ελκομενης της 
 στεγτ ]ς, άναστενάζαι, οιά τε χρόνου εκyεyov6τoς πολλού, 
 καταγθόμενον τω epyip' τον δε *'Αμασιν ενθυμιστον ποιη- 
 
 inhabitants of Boeotia by an of¬ 
 fended deity, Juno or Bacchus. 
 When they found in Egypt a fi¬ 
 gure similarly combined, it was 
 natural that they should give to 
 it the name of Σφίγξ. 
 
 κυβερνηται, i. e. boatmen : they 
 had little to do except to steer, 
 going up the river with the wind, 
 or being towed, 1. 96. and down, 
 by the force of the stream. 
 
 rrjs Be στέγης ταΰτης. As the 
 roofed apartments of the labyrinth 
 (2. 148.) are called στέγαι, so this 
 monolithal shrine, having a pro¬ 
 jecting roof, is called στέγη, and 
 for a similar reason οίκημα. C omp. 
 2. 86. p. 111. Herodotus gives 
 the measures as it lay on the 
 ground ; therefore what he calls 
 the length is what if set upright 
 
 would be the height; what he calls 
 the height, the depth from front to 
 back; the difference between the 
 external and internal height must 
 have been the thickness of the 
 back; that between the external 
 and internal length, the thick¬ 
 ness of the projecting roof; that 
 between the external and inter¬ 
 nal breadth, the thickness of the 
 sides. Πυγών is a measure of five 
 palms. 
 
 ένθυμιστον 7 τοιησάμενον, “ con¬ 
 sidering it ominous,” according to 
 the sense which ποιεϊσθαι has in 
 various combinations. Ammon, 
 de DifF. Voc. p. 52. ένθϋμιον ετί¬ 
 θετο επί του προστροπαίου παρ’ 
 ΆττικοΊς. 6 γονν Άντιφών εν rois 
 φονικοϊς φησι, Ύεθνεώς ovtos νμίν 
 ενθύμιος γενησεται. “ Vi vocis 
 
220 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 176. 177. 
 
 σάμενον, ουκ εαν ετι προσωτερω εΧκυσαι, ηόη δε τινες Χε- 
 γουσι, wc άνθρωπος όιεφθάρη υπ αυτής των tic, αυτή ν 
 
 76 μογΧευόντων, καί από τούτου ουκ εσεΧκυσθηναι. Ανεθηκε 
 δε καί εν τοΊσι άΧΧοισι ιροΊσι ο ' Αμασις πασι τοΊσι εΧΧο- 
 •γίμοισι έργα το μεγαθος αζιοθεητα * εν δε, και εν Μ εμφι, 
 τον ύπτιον κείμενον κοΧοσσόν , τού Ηφαίστειου εμπροσθε 
 του 7 τό3ες πείστε /cat εβόομηκοντά εισι το μήκος. επι δε τω 
 αυτω βάθρω εστάσι, Αιθιοπικου εόντος λίθου, δύο κοΧοσσοι , 
 εείκοσι ποδιού το μεγαθος εων εκάτερος’ ο μεν ενθεν, ο δ 
 ενθεν του μεγάρου, εστι δε Χίθινος ετερος τοσουτος και εν 
 Σαι, κείμενος κατά τον αυτόν τρόπον τω εν Μέμφι. τρ 
 Πσι τε το ευ Μεμφι ίρου 'Αμασις εστι ο εζοικοόομησας, 
 εόν μεγα τε καί αζιοθεητότατον. 
 
 77 Επ’ Αμάσιος δε βασιΧεος λεγεται Αίγυπτος μαΧιστα 
 δη τότε ευόαιμονήσαι, και τά από του ποταμού τη \0)py 
 'γινόμενα , καί τα «πο t^C \ό>ρης τοΊσι άνθρό)ποισι. καί 
 πόΧις εν αυτή γενεσθαι τάς άπάσας τότε άισμυρίας τας 
 οίκεομενας. νόμον δε Α ίγυπτίοισι τδυδε ''Αμασις εστι ο κα- 
 ταστήσας * αποδει κνυναι ετεος έκαστου τω νομάργτι πάντα 
 τινά Αιγυπτίων, οθεν βιουται’ μη δε ποιευντα ταυτα , μηδε 
 άποφαίνοντα άικαίην Ζ,όην, ιθυνεσθαι θανάτω, Σδλωυ δε ο 
 
 primum significavit animo repo - 
 nere, ev φρεσί βάΧΧειν, sive ev 
 < ppet'us όέΧτοισι θεϊναι ut loquitur 
 Sophocles in Triptolemo. Sed 
 usus imprimis Athenis voluit ut 
 ενθνμιον de tali cogitatione usur- 
 paretur, quam inexpectatus casus, 
 sed a superiori virtute oblatus, 
 suggereret, quseque religionem et 
 ominosum quid animo moveret.” 
 Valck. Anim. p. 76. Thuc. 7. 18. 
 with Duker’s note. Her. 8. 54. 
 the common form ενθνμιον εγε- 
 νετο is used of the effect pro¬ 
 duced on the mind of Xerxes by 
 the regermination of the sacred 
 olive of the Acropolis, after the 
 
 temple of Erechtheus had been 
 burnt. 
 
 Sect. 177. Σόλων 6 Αθηναίος. 
 Her. does not say that the penalty 
 as well as the obligation of the 
 law had been copied by Solon. 
 According to Jul. Poll. 8. 6. 42. 
 της αργίας επί μεν Αράκοντος, ατι¬ 
 μία ήν το τίμημα' επί δε Σόλωνο$, 
 εί τρις τις αλωη ητιμοντο. The in¬ 
 quiry took place before the Areo¬ 
 pagus. Petit Legg. Att. p. 520. 
 ed. Wess. ’ Ατιμία was a very se¬ 
 vere punishment, involving the 
 privation of all civic rights. The 
 severer penalty is attributed to 
 Draco by Plutarch, Sol. c. 17. 
 
II. 178. 179.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 221 
 
 Αθηναίίορ λαβών εζ Αίγυπτου τούτον τον νόμον, Αθηναί- 
 οισι εθετο’ τώ εκείνοι ερ αιει χ ρεωνται, εόντι αμώμω νόμω. 
 
 Φ ιλελλην δε γενόμενορ ο ' Αμασιρ, αλλα τε ερ Ελλήνων 178 
 μετεζετερουρ απεόεζατο, και Srj και το7σι απικνευμενοισι ec 
 Αίγυπτον εόωκε Ν αυκρατιν πόλιν ενοικήσαι * το ?σι δε μη 
 βουλομενοισι αυτών οικεειν, αυτόν Se ναυτιλλομενοισι, εόωκε 
 γωρουρ ενιόρυσασθαι βωμουρ και τεμενεα θεοΊσι. το μεν νυν 
 μεγίστου αυτών τεμενορ, και ουνομαστότατον εόν καί \ρη- 
 σιμώτατον, καλευμενον δε Υλληνιον, alee πόλιρ εισι αι ι8ρυ- 
 μεναι κοινή, Ιώνων μεν, Χ /of,, και Ύεωρ, και Φ ίυκαια, και 
 Κ λαζομεναι' Αωριεων δε, Ρδδο£, και Κ,νίόορ, και Αλικαρ- 
 νησσόρ, και Φ ασηλιρ' Αιολεων δε, ή Μυτ ιληναίων μουνη. 
 τούτων μεν εστι τούτο τδ τεμενορ, και προσταταρ του εμ¬ 
 πορίου αυται αί πόλιρ εισι αι παρεγουσαι. όσαι δε αλλαι 
 πόλιρ μεταποιευνται, ovSev σφι μετεόν μεταποιευνται. \ω- 
 ρ\ρ δε, Α’ιγινήται επ εωυτών Ιΰρυσαντο τεμενορ Αιόρ' και 
 άλλο Σάμιοι, 'Ύίρηρ * και ΑΙιλήσιοι, Απόλλωνορ. Ήι> δε τδ 179 
 παλαιόν μουνη η Ναυκρατιρ εμπόριον, και άλλο ovSev A t- 
 
 Sect.178. Φ ιλέΧλην yevopevos. 
 At first Amasis would naturally be 
 hostile to the Greeks, who had 
 supported the cause of Apries (2. 
 163.), but afterwards became their 
 patron, and not only continued the 
 Greek mercenaries in his service, 
 but encouraged their merchants to 
 settle at Naucratis (2. 135.). Of 
 the construction of είωκε with the 
 infin., answering to the Latin par¬ 
 ticiple in “ dus,” see Matth. § 532. 
 
 Φ άσηλιε. This town was situa¬ 
 ted on the coast near the confines of 
 Lycia and Pamphylia, not far from 
 the burning mountain of the Chi- 
 msera, now Yamar. Antig. Caryst. 
 p. 223. ed. Beckm. Beaufort’s Ca- 
 ramania, p. 53. Inscriptions and 
 ruins sufficiently indicate its site. 
 It is now called Tekrova. The 
 
 mountain of Solyma (Strabo 14. 
 p. 952.), now Takhtalu, rises im¬ 
 mediately behind it, 7,800 feet 
 above the sea. 
 
 προστ liras του εμπορίου. “ Προ- 
 στάται videntur fuisse qui negotia- 
 torum rebus attenderent et arbitri 
 essent litium, quales recentior setas 
 in portubus et emporiis constituit 
 viros : consules vulgo appellantur.” 
 Bahr. 
 
 οίΐ()έν σφι μετεον μεταποιευνται, 
 “ claim a share, when they have 
 nothing to do with it,” μετεον be¬ 
 ing the participle of the impersonal 
 verb. Μεταποιεϊσθαι is explained 
 byTimseus (Lex. Plat. 179.), άντι- 
 ποιείσθαι, but αντιπ. is simply “to 
 claim,” μεταπ. “ claim a share.” 
 
 επ’ εωυτών, “ independently.” 
 Comp. p. 5. 
 
222 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 180. 
 
 yviTTov. ει δέ tic cc των τι άλλο στομάτων του Νείλου 
 άπικοιτο, χρην όμόσαι “ μη μεν έκόντα ελθεΊν'” άπομό- 
 σαντα δε, τη νη\ αυτή πλέει ν ec το' Κανωβικόν’ η ει μη 
 ye οΐα τε είη πρόε άνεμουε άντίουε πλεειν, τά φορτία εδεε 
 irepiayeiv εν βάρισι περί τδ Δέλτα, μέχρι ου άπικοιτο ec 
 180 'Ναύκρατιν. ουτω μέν δη Ν αύκρατιε έτετίμητο. Αμφικτυ- 
 ονων δέ μισθωσάντων τον έν ΔελφοΊσι νυν έόντα νηον τριη- 
 κοσίων ταλάντων eζeρyάσaσΘaι' (δ yap πρότερον εων αυτόθι 
 αυτομάτωε κατεκάη * τουε Δελφούε δέ επέβαλλε τεταρτη¬ 
 μόριου του μισθώματοε παρασχείν') πλανωμενοι δέ οί Δελ¬ 
 φοί περί τάε ττόλιε, ε$ωτίναζόν' ποιευντεε δέ τούτο, ο υκ 
 ελάχιστου εζ Α^υπτου ενείκαντο . 'Αμασιε μέν yάp σφι 
 
 έ'δωκε χίλια στυπτηρίηε τάλαντα * οι δέ εν Alyv 
 οντεε 'ΈΑληνεε, είκοσι μνέαε . 
 
 υπτω οικε - 
 
 Sect. 179. μη μεν εκόντα έλ- 
 θειν. Of this use of μέν for μην, 
 see 2. 118. Άπομόσαντα, “having 
 cleared himself by oath,” “ denied 
 the charge on oath.” ΝηΊ a vrrj is 
 opposed to βάρίσι. In this case 
 they had to ascend the Nile to the 
 apex of the Delta, and then de¬ 
 scend the Canopic branch to Nau- 
 cratis, 2. 17. 
 
 Sect. 180. τον εν ΔελφοΊσι νηον. 
 The temple atDelphi, of which Tro- 
 phonius and Agamedes were the 
 reputed builders, was burnt Ol. 
 58.1., B.C.548. Clinton F.H. 2.5. 
 The Alcmseonidse contracted for the 
 rebuilding, and made it much more 
 splendid than the specification; in 
 return for which the malignity of 
 rumour accused them of having 
 set it on fire. Her. tacitly refutes 
 the charge. 5. 62. ol Άλκμαιω- 
 νίΰαι παρ’ Άμφικτυόνων τον νηον 
 μισθοΰνται τον εν Δελφοΐσι έζ- 
 οικούομήσαι—και εζεργάσαντο τού 
 παραδείγματος κάλλιον. where may 
 
 he noted the distinction between 
 μισθού v, elocare, “ to offer by con¬ 
 tract,” and μισθούσθαι, conducere, 
 “ to take on contract.” 
 
 επέβαλλε. An impersonal verb 
 denoting to fall, as a quota or con¬ 
 tingent. T ovs Δελφούς is the acc. 
 before παρασχείν , έπιβ. governing 
 a dative. 
 
 εδωτίναζον, “ collected gifts.” 
 ηγειρον δωτίνας, 1 . 61. Both the 
 subst. and the verb are Ionic. 
 
 στνπτηρίης, “ alumen ,” not exact¬ 
 ly however the same as our alum, 
 which is a sulphate of alumina; 
 but a natural production, in which 
 there was a large mixture of blue 
 vitriol, or sulphate of iron, with 
 which the other is found in nature 
 united, and is separated from it in 
 the process of manufacture. Beck¬ 
 mann (Hist, of Inv. 1. 288.) main¬ 
 tains that the alumen of the Latins 
 and στυπτηρία of the Greeks w r as 
 vitriol, and that no trace of works 
 for its manufacture is to be found 
 
II. 181. 182.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 223 
 
 Κυρηναίοισι δε 'Αμασιε φιΧοτητά τε και συμμαγμην συνε- 181 
 θηκατο. ε^ικα'ιωσε δε και γημαι αυτόθεν , err επιθυμησαε 
 Ελληιαδοί; γυναικοε, είτε και αΧΧωε φιΧότητοε Κ υρηναίων 
 είνεκα. γ αμεει δ ών, οι μεν Χεγουσι Β άττεω, ο'ι δ’ Άρ κε- 
 σίΧεω θυγατέρα, οι δε, Κριτοβούλου, ανΰροε των αστών 
 δοκίμου' Trj ουνομα ην Λαδί/ο/. ταυτην την Αα^ίκην, ωε έττε- 
 κρατησε Κ αμβύσηε Αίγυπτου, και επυθετο αυτηε η tic, είη, 
 απεπεμψε ασινεα εε Κ υρηνην. Ανεθηκε δε και αναθήματα 182 
 
 ο ''Αμασιε εε την Έλλαδα * τούτο μεν, εε Κ υρηνην αγαΧμα 
 επίχρυσου Άνηναιηε και εικόνα εωυτου γραφ\1 εικασμενην 
 τούτο δε, τύ\ εν Αίν$ω Αθηναιτι δύο τε αγάΧματα. Χ'ιθινα , 
 
 in the ancients ; but Pliny’s de¬ 
 scription of the mineral does not 
 suit with vitriol, and he describes 
 the mode of roasting it which is 
 still practised : “ Coquitur per se 
 carbonibus puris, donee cinis fiat.” 
 N. H. 35. 52. The Egyptian alum 
 was reckoned the best, being form¬ 
 ed in filaments as fine as hairs, 
 ποΑιαΊε θρι£ιν εμφερώε, οϊα εστιν η 
 Χεγομενη τραχντιε, γεννωμενη dk 
 kv ΑΙγΰπτω. Diosc. 5. 123. quoted 
 by Hardouin. Plin. N. H. u. s. 
 The island of Melos produced the 
 next in quality. In the age of 
 Diodorus (5. 8.) this was nearly 
 exhausted, and the Lipari islands 
 derived immense wealth from the 
 manufacture. The ancients em¬ 
 ployed it in dyeing, curriery and 
 medicine. Larcher calculates the 
 weight of 1000 talents at 51,432 
 pounds 4 ounces. 
 
 Sect. 181. Κ υρηναίοισι ΰε ”A- 
 μασιε. The later editors, I think 
 without sufficient reason, have 
 omitted the words ks άλληλονε 
 after ke. 
 
 Sect. 182. τρ kv Air δω ΆΘη- 
 vairj. Lindus (still called Lindo ) 
 stands on the east side of the 
 
 island of Rhodes. The hill which 
 rises above the town was the seat 
 of a very ancient temple of Mi¬ 
 nerva, rebuilt by Cleobulus of Lin¬ 
 dus, one of the seven wise men of 
 Greece, about the year 600 B.C. 
 Here alone, as far as we know in 
 all antiquity, she was worshiped 
 with offerings without fire (Ιερά 
 άπνρα ), corn, cakes and fruits, a 
 custom of which Pindar (01. 7. 85. 
 ed. Heyn.) gives a mythical ex¬ 
 planation. It is difficult to deter¬ 
 mine how much there is of histo¬ 
 rical fact in the story of Danaus. 
 His own name and that of his 
 brother ^Egyptus, are evidently 
 devised to explain Aaraoi, the an¬ 
 cient name of the inhabitants of 
 Argos and the country from which 
 he came; the number (50) of his 
 daughters and his brother’s sons, 
 all bearing Greek names, alludes 
 to the supposed invention of the 
 pentecontor, and thus everything 
 that is personal in the common 
 narrative vanishes. But the ques¬ 
 tion still remains, Are we to attri¬ 
 bute the establishment of the wor¬ 
 ship of Minerva at Lindus to the 
 Egyptians ? is the ultimate fact 
 
224 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [II. 182. 
 
 και θωρηκα Χ'ινεον αζιοθεητον* τούτο δ, ec Σάμον τύ} Hpy 
 εικόναε eajVTOv άιφασίαε ζυΧ'ιναε, αί εν τω νηω τω peyaXio 
 ιάρυατο ετι και το people εμευ, οττισθε των θυρεών, ec μεν 
 νυν Σάμον άνεθηκε κατά ξειν'ιην ττ\ν εωυτον τε καί Πολυ- 
 κράτεοε του Αία /ceoc* ec δε Λίνδον, ξεινίηε μεν ουάεμιηε 
 είνεκεν, ότι δε τδ Ιρόν το εν Λίνδω τδ τηε A Οηνα'ιηε Χε 
 γεται rac του Δαναού OoyaT^pac ιόρυσασθαι προσχουσαΰ, 
 δτε άπεόίόρησκον τους Αίγυπτου παΐδαΰ. ταυτα μεν ανε- 
 Θηκε ο Αμασιε · Είλε δε Κύπρον πρωτοε ανθρώπων, και 
 
 κατεστρεψατο ec φόρου απαγωγί/ν. 
 
 involved in the story of Danaus 
 and HCgyptus a colonization of 
 Argos from Egypt, or at least a 
 derivation of Argive rites from 
 Egypt ? It seems extremely im¬ 
 probable, first, that the Greeks 
 should attribute gratuitously a fo¬ 
 reign origin to their own rites and 
 institutions ; and secondly, that 
 they should arbitrarily fix upon 
 Egypt as the source, if there were 
 nothing to indicate that rather 
 than any other country. But we 
 have already seen in the mythi of 
 Io and of Hercules, strong grounds 
 for believing in a connection be¬ 
 tween Egyptian and Grecian reli¬ 
 gion, through the intermediation 
 of Phoenicia; and to this I think 
 we must again have recourse. 
 According to Apollodorus, 2. 1.4. 
 (Comp. Pherecyd. Fr. ed. Sturz. 
 p. 105.) Danaus and Egyptus are 
 both brothers of Belus (Baal), the 
 chief god and reputed king of Phoe¬ 
 nicia. Minerva was a goddess of 
 the Phoenicians, who in very early 
 times had established her worship 
 in Boeotia, where she bore the 
 name of ’Όγα or 'Όγγα, which 
 the Schol. on HCsch. S. c. Th. 492. 
 calls an Egyptian word; the Schol. 
 
 on Eur. Phoen. 1077, Phoenician, 
 Rhodes was frequented by the 
 Phoenicians. Diod.5,58. Danaus 
 was said by Anaximander to have 
 brought letters to Greece (Bekk. 
 Anecd. Gr. 2. 783.), which Her. 
 attributes to the Phoenicians. The 
 Cyclops who built the walls of Ar¬ 
 gos and Tiryns had come from 
 Crete ( yrjs K ovprjnSos) or Lycia 
 (Schol. Eur. Or. 955.), both coun¬ 
 tries in which the Phoenicians were 
 established. HefFter Athenadienst 
 auf Lindus. 
 
 Είλε δε Κύπρον πρωτοε ανθρώ¬ 
 πων. The extent and time of the 
 Phoenician dominion over Cyprus 
 is uncertain. Virgil makes them 
 sovereigns of it in the mythic times, 
 AEn. 1. 621. “ Genitor turn Belus 
 opimam Vastabat Cyprum, et victor 
 ditione tenebat and its chief city, 
 Citium (Cic. Fin. 4. 20.), was sub¬ 
 ject to them. Jos. Arch. 9. 14. 
 Comp. Bockh Corp. Inscr. 1. 523., 
 where an inscription in Greek and 
 Phoenician is given, upon a native 
 of Citium, and Gesen. Mon. Phoen. 
 1. 122. The statement of Her. 
 therefore must be received with 
 some deduction, and as only true 
 of the Egyptians. 
 
III. 1.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 225 
 
 BOOK III. oit THALIA. 
 
 ’Em τούτον δη τον ’Άμασιν Καμβυσης ο Κούρον εστρα- 
 τευετο, άγων και άλλους των ηρ\€, και Ελλί/^ωυ ’Ιωνάς 
 τε και Αιολεας, δι* αιτίην τοιηνδε. ΤΙεμφας Καμβυσης ες 
 Αίγυπτον κηρυκα, αϊτεε ’Άμασιν θυγατέρα * αίτεε δε εκ βου¬ 
 λής άνάρος Αιγυπτίου, ος μεμφομενος ’Άμασιν, επρηζε ταυ- 
 τα, οτι μιν ε<ζ απάντων των εν Αιγύπτιο ιητρών άποσπάσας 
 άπο γυναικος τε και τέκνων, έκδοτον εποίησε ες Τίερσας, 
 οτε Κ υρος πεμφας παρά ’Άμασιν αίτεε ιητρον οφθαλμών, 
 ος ε’ίη άριστος των εν Αιγύπτιο, ταυτα δη επιμεμφάμενος 
 ο Αιγύπτιος, ενηγε τρ συμβουλή κελευων αιτεειν τον Καμ- 
 ρυσεα Αμασιν υυγατερα ινα η όους αναοτο, η μη όους, 
 Καμβύσφ άπεφθοι το. ο δε ’Άμασις, ττ} δυνάμει των Πε^ο- 
 σεων άγθόμενος, και άρρωάεων, ουκ είχε ούτε δούναι ούτε 
 άρνησασθαι’ ευ γάρ ηπίστατο, οτι ουκ ως γυναίκά μιν εμελλε 
 Καμβυσης εζειν, αλλ’ ως παλλακην. ταυτα δη εκλογικόμένος, 
 εποίησε τάδε, ην Άπρίεω του προτερου βασιλεος θυγάτηρ 
 κάρτα μεγάλη τε και ευειδής, μουνη του οίκου λελειμμενη * 
 ουνομα όε οι ην Ι\ ιτητις. ταυτην οη την παιόα ο Άμασις 
 
 Sect. 1. Si’ αιτίην τοιίινΰε. The 
 immediate cause might be that 
 which Herodotus mentions; the 
 predisposing cause, which would 
 infallibly have produced a war on 
 some other pretext, if this had 
 not occurred, was the spirit of con¬ 
 quest which animated the Persians, 
 and the riches of Egypt. Popular 
 tradition delights to assign special 
 and personal reasons for events 
 which result from various and ge¬ 
 neral causes. The sovereign who 
 could make such an insulting de¬ 
 mand must have been conscious 
 of power, and he who submitted 
 to it, of weakness. 
 
 με μ ψόμενοε Αμασιν, “ dissatis¬ 
 fied with Amasis.” Elsewhere, 
 Her. uses a dative of the person 
 with an accus. of the thing (3. 4., 
 4. 189.), and this is also the pre¬ 
 dominant but by no means the 
 exclusive usage. Μ έμφεσθαι, like 
 several words of this class, as λυ- 
 μαίνεσθαι, λωβάσθαι, varies in its 
 construction between dative and 
 accus., according as the idea of 
 an agency exerted against (dat.), 
 or simply upon (acc.), is present 
 to the mind. Bernhardy Griech, 
 Synt. p. 91. Matth. § 384. It is 
 not necessary, therefore, as Bahr 
 proposes, to joiiUA^uTiv to επρηζε. 
 
 Q 
 
226 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [III. 2 . 
 
 κοσμησας έσθητί τε καί γ^ρυσω, αποπέμπει ές Π έρσας ως 
 έωυτου θυγατβρα. μετά 8έ χρόνον ως μιν ησπάΖ,ετο, πατρο- 
 θεν ουνομάΖ,ων, λέγει προς αυτόν η παδς' u Ω βασιλεύ, 8ια- 
 “ βεβλημένος υπό Αμάσιος ου μανθάνεις, ος εμέ σοι κοσμώ 
 ‘i άσκησας άπέπεμφε, ως έωυτου θυγατέρα 8ι8ους, εουσαν 
 “ τη άληθή'ίη Απρίεω * τον εκείνος, έοντα έωυτου 8εσπό- 
 <ι τεα, μετ Αιγυπτίων έπαναστάς, έφάνευσε.” Τούτο 8η 
 το έπος και αυτή η αιτίη έγγενομένη ηγαγε Κ αμβυσεα τον 
 Κ υρου, μεγάλως θυμωθέντα, έπ Αίγυπτον, ουτω μέν νυν 
 λέγουσι Τίέρσαι. Αιγύπτιοι 8έ οικηιευνται Καμβύσεα, φά- 
 μενοί μιν έκ ταυτης 8η της Απρίεω θυγατρος γενέσθαι * 
 Κυροί' γάρ είναι τον πέμφαντα παρά *'Αμασιν επί την θυ¬ 
 γατέρα, άλλ ου Κ αμβυσεα. λέγοντες 8έ ταυτα , ουκ ορθώς 
 λέγουσι. ου μην ου8έ λέληθε αυτους, (ει γάρ τινες καί άλ¬ 
 λοι, τα Περσέων νόμιμα ορθως έπιστέαται καί Αιγύπτιοι,) 
 οτι πρώτα μεν νοθον ου σφι νόμος έστί βασιλευσαι, γνη¬ 
 σίου παρεόντος ’ αυτις 8έ, ότι Κ ασσαι>8άνης της Φ αρνάσπεω 
 θυγατρος ην παίς Κ αμβυσης, άν8ρός Α'χαιμενίάεω, άλλ' ουκ 
 
 έσθητί re και χρυσώ, i. e. roy¬ 
 ally. Comp. 1. 111., where the 
 herdsman describes the royal in¬ 
 fant whom he was to expose, as 
 κεκοσμημένον yjpvauj re /cat έσθητί 
 ποικίλφ. The daughter of Apries 
 was large, μεγάλη re /cat ευειδής, 
 an essential ingredient in beauty 
 according to Greek taste. Horn. 
 Od. σ , 248. 7 τερίεσσι γυναικών Ει- 
 δος re μεγεθός re, ιδέ φρένας 
 ένδον εισας. Ar. Rhet. 1. 5. 5. 
 θηλείων δε αρετή σώματος μεν 
 κάΧλοε και μέγεθος. Comp. Ar. 
 Poet. 16. ed. Tyrwh. with Twi¬ 
 ning’s note 61. 
 
 διαβεβλημένος ον μανθάνεις, 
 “ do you not discover that you 
 have been cheated?” To κατα- 
 παιχθε\ς και γελασθεις διαβεβλη¬ 
 μένος λέγονσιν ’Ίωνεε. Gregorius 
 
 Corinthius, § 143., quoting this 
 passage. 
 
 Sect. 2. Αιγύπτιοι οικηιευνται 
 Καμβΰσεα, “ claim him as a rela¬ 
 tion.” The Persians have in a 
 similar way endeavoured to save 
 their national honour, alleging that 
 Alexander the Great was the son 
 of a Persian princess, whom Philip 
 had married and repudiated. See 
 Sir J. Malcolm’s Hist. 1. p. 69. 
 
 άνδρδς Άχαιμενίδεω. The φρη- 
 τρη of the Achsemenidse, a portion 
 of the γένος of the Πασοργά^α* 
 (Her. 1.125.), was that from which 
 both the kings before Darius, and 
 Darius himself, derived their de¬ 
 scent. 7. 108. Xerxes calls him¬ 
 self i£ the son of Darius, the son 
 of HystasjDes, the son of Arsames, 
 the son of Ariaramnes, the son of 
 
III. 3. 4.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 227 
 
 εκ της Αιγυπτιης. αλλά παρατρεπουσι τον Χόγον, προσποι - 
 ευμενοι τη Κ νρον οικ'ιη συγγενεες είναι. και ταυτα μεν ώδε 
 εχει. Λέγεται δε καί δδε δ Χόγος, εμοι μεν ου πιθανός* 
 ιο c των Περσίδων γυναικών εσεΧθουσα τις παρά τας Κ,υρου 
 γυναίκας , ως είδε τη Κασσανδάνρ παρεστεώτα τέκνα ευει- 
 δεα τε /cat μεγάΧα, ποΧΧω εχράτο τω επαινώ , υπερθωυμά- 
 £ουσα. η δε Κασσανδαν??, εουσα του Κυρου γυνή, είπε τάδε* 
 “ Τοιώνδε μεντοι εμε παίάων μητέρα έθυσαν Κύρος εν άτι¬ 
 μιη εχει ΤΎ ) ν ο απ Αίγυπτου επικτητον εν τιμή τιυε 
 ται, Ιην μεν , αχυομενην τη ΙΝιτητι, ειπειν ταυτα των 
 δε οί πα'ι^ων τον πρεσβυτερον είπε7ν Κ αμβυσεα' α Τοιγαρ 
 “ τοι, ω μητερ , εϊτεαν εγώ γενωμαι ανηρ, Αίγυπτου τα μεν 
 ανω, κάτω υησω τα οε κάτω , ανω. 1 αυτα ειπειν αυ¬ 
 
 τόν ετεα ως $εκα κου γεγονότα , καί rac γυναίκας εν θωυ- 
 μάτι γενεσθαι * τον δε, δί αμνημονεύοντας ουτω δη, επεί τε 
 άνδρωθη, και εσχε την βασιΧηίην , ποιησασθαι την επ* Αί¬ 
 γυπτον στρατηίην. 
 
 Έυνηνεικε δε καί αΧΧο τι τοιδνδε πρηγμα γενεσθαι ες 
 την επιστράτευσιν ταυτην . ην τών επίκουρων των Άμάσιος 
 ανηρ γένος μεν ΑΧικαρνησσευς, ουνομα δε οί Φανηι;, καί 
 γνό)μην ικανός , και τα ποΧεμια αΧκιμος. ουτος ό Φ ανης, 
 μεμφόμενός κου τι Αμάσι, εκ^ιάρησκει πΧοίω εζ Αίγυπτου, 
 βουΧόμενος Καμβυση εΧθεΊν ες Χόγους. οϊα δε εόντα αυτόν 
 
 Teispes, the son of Cyrus, the son 
 of Cambyses, the son of Teispes, 
 the son of Achsemenes.” 
 
 Sect. 3. ra μεν ανω, κάτω Θησω' 
 τα δε κάτω, άνω. “I will turn Egypt 
 topsyturvy.” 'Άνω και κάτω is a 
 phrase of a different kind, deno¬ 
 ting fluctuation and instability, as 
 Plat. Phsed. 1. 70. πάντα τα οντα, 
 άτεχνώε ώσπερ εν Ε υρίπω άνω 
 και κάτω στρέφεται, not “up and 
 down,” but “ backwards and for¬ 
 wards.” Plutarch in his life of 
 
 Timoleon relates, that the Cartha¬ 
 ginian envoy, having held out his 
 hand to Andromachus, first turn¬ 
 ed upwards and then downwards, 
 threatened if he did not comply 
 with his demands, τοιαυτην ου σαν 
 αυτω την πόλιν, τοιαυτην ποιησειν’ 
 to which Andromachus replied by 
 repeating the gesture, and order¬ 
 ing the envoy to depart, εΐ μη 
 βοΰΧοιτο την νανν άντι τοιαντηε 
 γενεσθαι τοιαυτην. C. 11. 2. 129. 
 ed. Hutten. Wessel. 
 
 Q 2 
 
228 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [III. 5 . 
 
 εν τοΊσι επικουροισι λόγου ου σμικρου, επιστάμενόν τε τα 
 περί Αίγυπτου άτρεκεστατα, μεταδιόίκει ο ’ 'Αμασιό , σπου¬ 
 δήν ποιευμενοε ελέιν, μεταδιωκει δε, τωυ ευυουχωυ τον πι¬ 
 στότατοι' άποστείλαε τριηρει κατ αυτόν * oc αίρεει μιν εν 
 Αυκίγ, ελών δε, ουκ αυόγαγε ec Αίγυπτου* σοφίη yap μιν 
 περιηλθε ό Φάνηε. καταμεθυσαε yap τουε φυλάκουε , απαλ- 
 λασσετο εε ΤΙερσαε. ωρμημενω δε στρατευεσθαι Κ αμβυση 
 επ’ Αίγυπτου, και άπορεοντι την ελασιν , όκωε την άνυδρον 
 διεκπερα , επελθων φράζει μεν και τάλλα τα Αμάσιοε πρη- 
 yμaτa, εξηγέεται δε και την ελασιν, ώδε παραινεων’ πεμ- 
 φαντα παρά τον Αραβιών βασιλέα δεεσθαι , την διεζοδ ον οι 
 άσφαλεα παρασχ^εΐν. Μουυρ δε ταυτρ ε’ισι φανεροί εσβο- 
 λαί εε Αίγυπτου, από yap Φοινίκηε μέχρι ουρών των Κα- 
 δύτιοε πόλιοε, η εστι Έυρων των Τίαλαιστινών καλεομενων' 
 από δε Καδυτιοε, εουσηε πόλιοε (ωε εμοι δοκεει) Σαρδίων 
 ου πολλω ελάσσονοε, από ταυτηε τα εμπόρια τά επι θα- 
 λάσσηε μέχρι Ιηνυσου πόλιόε εστι του Άραβίου' από δε 
 
 Sect. 4. άποστείλαε τριήρεί. 
 Her. elsewhere omits the prepo¬ 
 sition in such phrases, 6. 19., 
 5. 85., after the analogy of the 
 naval and military expressions, 
 άπικεσθαι ε'ίκοσι νηνσί, &C. 
 Matth. § 405. Obs. 2. 
 
 σπονδήν ποιευμενοε ελείν, “ at¬ 
 taching great importance to cap¬ 
 turing him.” 
 
 Sect. 5. μέχρι ουρών των Κ. 
 πόλιοε, ή εστι Σόρων, <f as far as 
 the boundaries of the city of Ca- 
 dytis, this (country) belongs to 
 the Syrians,” ή being used for 
 αυτή. Such is the reading of the 
 MSS. I do not remember, how¬ 
 ever, that Her. elsewhere uses the 
 article in the nom. and without a 
 particle, for the demonstrative. 
 The common reading is ή εστι, 
 “ which belongs,” which leaves 
 
 the sense incomplete. Γή εστι 
 has been also conjectured. Bahr 
 says, “ voculam ή quse confusio- 
 nem peperit, prorsus ejiciendam 
 esse censui,” but retains it in his 
 text. Of Cadytis, see note on p. 
 205. Wesseling having mentioned 
 the various suppositions that it is 
 Jerusalem, Gaza, Kadesh Barnea, 
 and Gath, concludes, “ Mihi, quod 
 in vetere formula, N. L.” (non li¬ 
 quet.) 
 
 ’ Ιηνυσου, Kan lones, five or six 
 hours’ travelling to the south-west 
 of Gaza. Rennell 1.343. Between 
 Kan lones and Salahiah there is 
 now no drinkable water, nor vege¬ 
 tation, along the route which the 
 caravans follow, a distance of 107 
 geographical miles. The Casian 
 mount is sixty geographical miles 
 from Jenysus, and the termination 
 
III. 6. 7.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 229 
 
 Ιηνυσου, αύτις Συρων μέχρι Σερβωνίΰος λίμνης, παρ ην δη 
 το Κασιον ορος τείνει ες θάλασσαν * από δε Σερβωνί8ος 
 λίμνης, εν τρ δη λόχος τον Τ υφω κεκρυφθαι, από ταυτης 
 ηδη Α ίγυπτοβ. το δη μεταζυ Ιηνυσου πόλιος και Κ ασίου 
 τ€ ουρεος και της Σερβωνίΰος λίμνης, εόν τούτο ο ύκ όλί- 
 yov χωρίον άλλ* όσον τε επί τρεΊς ημέρας οδ ον, avvSpov 
 εστι δεινώ ς. Το δε ολίγοι των ec, Αίγυπτον ναυτιλλομε- 6 
 
 νων εννενοικασι, τούτο έρχομαι φράσων. ες Αίγυπτον εκ 
 της Ελλαδοβ ττάσης, και προς, εκ Φοινίκης, κέραμος εσα- 
 γεται πληρης οίνου δίβ του ετεος έκαστου * καί εν κεράμιον 
 οινηρον αριθμώ κείμενον ουκ εστι (ώβ λόγω ειπεΤν) ιδεσθαι. 
 κοΰ όητα, είποι τίβ αν, ταυτα άναισιμουνται ', εγώ καί τούτο 
 φράσω. δει τον μεν δήμαρχον έκαστον εκ της εωυτοΰ πα¬ 
 λιός συλλεζαντα πάντα τον κέραμον, αγειν ες Μεμφιν* τους 
 δέ εκ Μεμφιοβ εβ ταυτα δη τα άνυόρα της Συρίης κομί- 
 Ζ,ειν, πλησαντας υδατοβ. ουτω ο επιφοιτεων κέραμος, καί 
 εζαιρεόμενος εν Αίγυπτω, επί τον παλαιόν κομίζεται ες Συ- 
 ρίην. Ουτω μεν νυν ΤΙερσαι εισί οί την εσβολην ταυτην■ 7 
 
 of the Serbonian lake several miles 
 less. Her. in calling this έπι τρεϊς 
 ημέρας όΰόι>, must refer to com¬ 
 mon itinerary rate, not to the 
 march of an army. The country 
 between the Casian mount and 
 Salahiah seems to have been less 
 destitute of water in ancient times 
 than now, as Her. confines his de¬ 
 scription of άνυδρον ΰεινώς to the 
 three days’ journey. The fable of 
 Typhon’s being buried in the Ser¬ 
 bonian bog is hardly explained by 
 anything in its appearance or qua¬ 
 lities. Has it been transferred 
 hither from the Dead Sea, a di¬ 
 strict preeminently Typhcean ? 
 
 Sect. 6. rovs εκ Μ έμφιος. See 
 note p. 191. 
 
 6 €7Γιψοιτέων κέραμος, και έζαιρε- 
 όμενο$, “ which comes from time 
 
 to time, and is landed in Egypt.’* 
 Comp. 4.196. and Schweigh. Lex. 
 s. v. 
 
 Sect. 7. Οντω μέν κ. r. λ. “the 
 Persians then are the persons who 
 in this way fitted up this entrance 
 into Egypt, having furnished it with 
 water as soon as ever they came 
 into possession of Egypt.” The 
 Sancroft MS. alone reads σάξαν- 
 τες (CAHANT€C) instead of 
 ελζαντες (6AEANT6C). In 
 Her. σάττω does not signify “ to 
 fill” specifically, but “ to furn¬ 
 ish ” but Lucian, or whoever was 
 the author of the Dea Syria, imi¬ 
 tating the dialect and diction of 
 Herodotus, has άγγηίον vdan σε- 
 σαγμένον. 9. 125. ed. Bip., and so 
 other later writers. See Wesse^ 
 ling. 
 
230 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [III. 8. 
 
 7 ταρασκευάσαντες επ’ Αίγυπτον κατά, δη τα ειρημενα σάζαν- 
 τες υδατι, επεί τε τάχιστα παρελαβον Αίγυπτον. Tore 
 Se ουκ εόντος κω υδατος ετοίμου, ΚαμβύσΐϊΟ πυθόμενος του 
 Άλικαρνησσηος ζείνου, πεμψας παρά τον Αράβων αγγέ¬ 
 λους, και δεηθεις της άσφαλείης ετυχε, πίστις δους τε και 
 δεζάμενος παρ αυτόν. 
 
 8 Σέβονται δε *Αράβιοι πίστις ανθρώπων ομοΊα τοΊσι μά¬ 
 λιστα. ποιευνται δε αυτάς τρόπω τοιωδε' των βουλομενων 
 τα πιστά ποιεεσθαι, άλλος άνηρ άμφοτερων αυτών εν μεσω 
 εστεως, λίθω όζει το εσω των γειρων παρά τους δακτύ¬ 
 λους τους μεyάλovς επιτάμνει των ποιευμενων τάς πίστις * 
 και επειτα λαβών εκ του ίματίου εκατερου κροκυδα, άλεί- 
 φει τω αίματι εν μεσω κείμενους λίθους επτά * τούτο δε 
 ποιεων, επικαλεει τον τε Διόνυσον και την Ουρανίην. επιτε- 
 λεσαντος δε του του ταυτα, ο τάς πίστις ποιησάμενος τοΊσι 
 φίλοισι πapεyyυa τον ζεΊνον, η και τον αστόν, ην προς 
 αστόν ποιεηται ’ οί δε φίλοι και αυτοί τάς πίστις δικαιευσι 
 σεβεσθαι. Διόνυσον δε θεόν μουνον και την Ουρανίην ηγευν- 
 ται είναι ’ και των τριβών την κουρην κείρεσθαί φασι, κατ - 
 άπε^ο αυτόν τον Διόνυσον κεκάρθαι' κείρονται δε περιτρό- 
 
 Sect. 8 . αυτών is used here in 
 the same redundant way after των 
 βουλομένων, as 3. 15. των, ην καί 
 σφεων άποστέωσι, όμως τοίσι γε 
 παισί αυτών άποόιδονσι την άρ- 
 yfiv. In the present instance, the 
 sentence being long, the same per¬ 
 sons are again described as τψν 
 ποιευμενων ras πίστις. 
 
 λίθους επτά. A proof of the early 
 and widely-diffused reverence for 
 the number seven. Comp. Gen. 
 xxi. 28. “To swear,” in Hebrew, 
 is literally, “to seven ” (WtP)> as 
 in Horn. Od. cT, 412. πεμπάζω (to 
 five), is “ to reckon.” 
 
 Διόνυσον καί Ουρανίην. Proba¬ 
 bly the sun and moon. The wor¬ 
 
 ship of these bodies appears from 
 Job xxxi. 26. 27. to have prevailed 
 in the country or neighbourhood 
 of the Patriarch, i. e. Idumea. 
 Urania is also the celestial Venus, 
 the Assyrian Μνλιττα, the Arabian 
 ’AXiVra, Her. 1. 131., the root of 
 all being -iV, “ to bring forth f 
 the sun and moon being consider¬ 
 ed as the active and passive prin¬ 
 ciples of production. 
 
 κείρονται περιτρόχ αλα, “ cut the 
 hair all round,” so that the head 
 appeared of the form of a milk- 
 bowl, σκαφίον, whence this kind 
 of tonsure was called by that 
 name. It appears to have been 
 regarded as a punishment to fe- 
 
III. 9. 10.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 231 
 
 χαλα, περιξυρούντες rove; κροτάφους, ο ύνοράζουσι δε τον 
 μεν Διόνυσον, ΌροτάΧ’ την δε Ούρανίην, ΑΧιΧάτ. Έπει 9 
 ών την πίστιν τοίσι αγγέλοισι τοισι παρά Καμβυσεω άπι- 
 ypevoiai εποιησατο ο ’ Αράβιος, ερηγ^ανατο τοιάάε. ασκούς 
 καρηΧων πΧησας ύάατος, ει τεσα^ε €7 τι τάς Ζ,ωάς των καρη- 
 Χων πάσας * τούτο Se ποίησας, ηΧασε ες την άνυάρον , και 
 ύπερενε ενθαύτα τον Κ αρβύσεω στρατόν. Ούτος μεν ο 
 πιθανώτερος των λόγων είρηται' Sel Se καί τον ήσσον πι¬ 
 θανόν, e7rei ye Srj λέγεται, ρηθηναι. ΥΙοταρός εστι με^/ας 
 εν τύ} Αραβ'ΐΎ), τω ούνορα Ίίόρυς. εκδιδοι δε ούτος ες την 
 Έιρυθρην καΧεορενην θάΧασσαν. από τούτου Srj ών του πο¬ 
 ταμού λέγεται τον βασιΧεα των Αραβιών, ραφάρενον των 
 ωροβοεων και των άΧΧων Seppάτωv οχετόν μηκει επικνεύ- 
 μενον ες την άνυάρον, ayayeiv δια Srj τούτου τό ύδωρ* εν 
 06 τρ ανυορω pεya\aς ο εςαρενας ορυςασυαι, ινα ο εκορεναι 
 το υοωρ σωζωσι. οοος ο εστι ο υωοεκα ημερεων απο του 
 ποταμού ες ταύτην την άνυάρον. αγειν Se ριν δια οχετών 
 τριών ες τριζά χωρία. 
 
 Εν δε τω ΤίηΧουσίω καΧεορενω στόρατι τού Νείλου 10 
 εστρατοπεόεύετο Ψαρρηνιτος δ Άράσιος πα7ς, ύπορενων 
 Κ αμβύσεα. ’Άμασιν yap ου κατεΧαβε ζωντα Κ αμβύσης, 
 εΧάσας επ’ Αιγυ πτον' άΧΧά βασιΧεύσας δ ’'Αρασις τεσσερα 
 και τεσσαράκοντα ετεα, άπεθανε' εν τοΊσι ουδέν οί peya 
 άνάρσιον πρηγρα συνενεί^θη. άποθανών Se, και ταρι^ευθεις, 
 ετάφη εν τρσι ταφησι τρσι εν τω ίρω, τάς αυτός o’ikoSo- 
 
 males. Hes. Σκαφίον' είδος κου¬ 
 ράς rrjs κεφαΧής, 6 κείρεσθαι φασι 
 τάς εταιρεύουσας’ είναι δε περιτρό- 
 ■χαλον. Jerem. ix. 26. rnarg. “the 
 children of Ammon and Moab, and 
 all that have the corners of their 
 hair polled ,” i. e. Arabs of the 
 Desert. Sept, επι πάντα περικει - 
 ρόμενον τά κατά πρόσωπον αυτού. 
 and so all the ancient versions. 
 “ Arabes usque ad suum revum 
 
 eundem tonsurae modum servasse 
 monet Schol. Grsecus in Lev. xix.” 
 Bahr. Περιηοόχαλα is a neut. plur. 
 used adverbially. 
 
 Sect. 9. K όρυς. Wesseling 
 quotes from Abulfeda a passage 
 in which a torrent A l- core is 
 mentioned. Of a great river, dis¬ 
 charging itself into the Red Sea 
 (which must be here meant, comp. 
 2. 159.), nothing is known. 
 
232 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [III. 1Ϊ. 
 
 μησατο. Έπι Ψαμμηνίτου δε τον Αμάσιος βασιλεύοντος 
 Α ιγύπτου, φάσμα Αιγυπτίοισι με^ιστον δη εγενετο’ νσθη - 
 σαν yap θηβαι αι AlyvTTTiai, ούτε πρότερον ουδαμά υσθεΊ- 
 σαι, ούτε ύστερον το με\ρι εμευ, ως λέγουσι αυτοί Θη¬ 
 βαίοι. ον yap δη υεται τα άνω της Αίγυπτου το τταράπαν * 
 1 1 αλλα και τότε υσθησαν αι θηβαι φακάδι. Ο ι δε Π ερσαι, 
 επεί τε δ ιεζεΧάσαντες την άνυδρον ίΖ,οντο πεΧας των Αιγυ¬ 
 πτίων ως συμβαΧεοντες, ενθαυτα οι επίκουροι οί του Αιγυ¬ 
 πτίου, εόντες άντρες 'ΈΧΧηνες τε καί Κάρες, μεμφόμενοι 
 τφ Φάνιρ, ότι στρατόν ί/γαγε επ’ Αίγυπτον άΧΧόθροον, μη- 
 χ ανωνται πρ^μα ες αυτόν τοιόνδε. ησαν τω Φανρ παΐδει; 
 εν Αιγυπτω καταΧεΧειμμενοι’ τους αγαγόντευ cc το στρά- 
 τόπεδον καί ες οφιν του πατρος , κρητηρα εν μεσω έστησαν 
 άμφοτερων των στρατοπέδων’ μετά δε, αγινεοντει; κατα ενα 
 έκαστον των παίδων, εσφαζον ες τον κρητηρα. διά πάντων 
 δε διεζεΧΘόντες των παίδων, οίνον τε καί ύδωρ εσεφόρεον 
 ες αυτόν’ εμπιυντες δε του αίματος πάντες οί επίκουροι , 
 δη συνεβαΧον. μά°χης δε yεvoμεvης καρτερης, καί πε- 
 
 ουτω 
 
 Sect. 10. ψακάδι, “ but even 
 then it rained at Thebes (only) in 
 drops.” Ψήχω, allied to ψαύω, is 
 “ to attenuate by rubbing ; hence 
 ■φακάς and φεκάς, “a drop of rain.” 
 This, as opposed to a continued 
 rain, generally has a diminutive 
 force (Arist. Pac. 120.), but as op¬ 
 posed to mere mist, an augmenta¬ 
 tive. ALsch. Agam. 1361. βάλ¬ 
 λει μ ’ ερεμνρ φακάδι φοινίας δρό¬ 
 σου, of the blood spouting from 
 the wound in heavy drops; whereas 
 ib. 1512. (φεκάς δε λήγει,) being 
 opposed to όμβρου κτύπον, it means 
 a slight shower. The MSS. of 
 Her. vary between φακάς and φε¬ 
 κάς ; the former is more agreeable 
 to etymology, and was probably 
 the orthography of the older At¬ 
 tic, from its affinity to the Ionic. 
 
 Ψακάς *A ττικώς, φεκάς Έλληνικώε. 
 Moeris p. 419. ed. Piers. The ra¬ 
 rity of rain at Thebes was exagge¬ 
 rated by superstition. “ Quod in 
 pace fors seu natura, tunc fatum 
 et ira dei vocabatur.” Tac. H. 4. 
 26. “ Showers fall annually, per¬ 
 haps on an average four or five in 
 the year, and every eight or ten 
 years heavy rain, which fills the 
 torrent beds of the mountains. The 
 lions on the cornices have tubes in 
 their mouths to let the rain run 
 off.” Wilkinson Thebes, p. 75. 
 
 Sect. 11. κατά ενα έκαστον, 
 “ each of his children one at a 
 time.” See note p. 121. Σφάζειν 
 ες occurs again 4. 62. άποσφάζονσι 
 rovs ανθρώπους ες άγγος, “they cut 
 their throats and let the blood run 
 into a bowl,” 
 
HERODOTUS. 
 
 233 
 
 III. 12.] 
 
 σόντων e£ άμφοτέρων των στρατοπέδων π ληθει πολλών, 
 έτράποντο οι Αιγύπτιοι. θώυμα δε μέγα ’ίδον, πυθόμενος 
 παρά των επιχωρίων, των yap δστέων περικεχνμένων χω¬ 
 ρίς εκατέρων των εν τρ μάχη ταύτρ πεσοντων * (χωρίς μεν 
 yap των ΤΙερσεων έκεετο τα οστεα, ως έχωρίσθη κατ’ άρ- 
 χάς * ετέρωθι δε, των Αιγυπτίων') αι μεν των ΤΙερσεων 
 κεφαλαί εισι άσθενέες ουτω, ώστε εί θέλεις ψηφω μούντ) 
 βαλέειν, διατετρανέεις' αί δε των Αιγυπτίων ουτω δη τι 
 ισχυροί, μδγις άν λίθω παίσας διαρρηζειας. αίτιον δέ τού¬ 
 του τόδε ελεγον, καί εμέ γ εύπετεωα επειθον, δτι Αιγύ¬ 
 πτιοι μεν, αύτίκα από παιδιών άρζάμενοι, ξυρεύνται τάς 
 κεφαλάς, καί προς τον ήλιον παχύνεται το οστέον. τώυτο 
 δε τούτο καί τού μη φαλακρούσθαι αίτιον εστ ι* Αιγυπτίων 
 γάρ άν τις ελάχιστους ίδοιτο φαλακρούς πάντων ανθρώ¬ 
 πων. τούτοισι μεν δη τούτο έστι αίτιον ισχυράς φορέειν 
 τάς κεφαλάς. τοΊσι δε Π έρσησι, δτι άσθενέας φορέουσι τάς 
 κεφαλάς, αίτιον τόδε * σκιητροφέουσι έζ αρχής, πίλους τιά¬ 
 ρας φορέοντες. τούτα μέν νυν τοιαύτα έοντα ίδον * ίδον δε 
 
 Sect. 12. ουτω Βή τι Ισχνραί. 
 3. 108. ο λαγός ουτω Βή τι πο¬ 
 λύγονο ν έστι, έπικύισκεται. There 
 is therefore no need of ώς, which 
 the editors had inserted without 
 authority, before μόγις. When Βή 
 τι are subjoined to πολύ, ουτω, and 
 ώ$, Βή gives emphasis to the asser¬ 
 tion of the fact, and τι, by express¬ 
 ing indefiniteness, enhances the 
 possible extent of the action or 
 degree of the quality. Plat. Tim. 
 26. B. ios Βή τι, τό λεγόμενον, τα 
 παίΒων μαθήματα θαυμαστόν έχει 
 τι μνημεϊον. Hartung Gr. Part. 
 1. 280. 
 
 σκιητροφέουσι e£ αρχής, “ they 
 live under a covering from the first,” 
 6. 12. σκηνάς πηζάμενοι εσκιητρο- 
 φέοντο. What this covering was. 
 
 he explains by adding, πίλους 
 τιάρας φορέοντας, “ wearing tia¬ 
 ras for hats.” The πίλος was the 
 usual Greek covering of the head 
 when any was worn at all. It de¬ 
 notes, properly, something of in¬ 
 spissated wool or felt. 7. 61. Her. 
 calls the tiaras of the Persians πί¬ 
 λους άπαγέας, “felt coverings with¬ 
 out stiffening,” the king alone be¬ 
 ing allowed to wear τιάραν ορθήν 
 (Xen. Anab. 2. 5. 23. Cyrop. 8. 3. 
 13.), subjects having them έπτυ- 
 γμένας καί προβάλλουσας es το 
 μέτωπον. Schol. Ar. Αν.487. The 
 construction is the same as in Xen. 
 Cyrop. 1. 28. Φέρονται Βε ο’ίκοθεν 
 σίτον μέν έιρτους, όφον Βέ κάρΒα- 
 μον, “ bread for food, and cresses 
 for sauce.” 
 
234 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 13 
 
 [III. 13. 
 
 κα'ι aWa όμοια τουτοισι έν Τϊαπρημι, των αμα Αχαιμένει 
 τω Ααρειου δ ιαφθαρέντων υπό Ιναρω του Α'ιβυοη· 
 
 Οί δε Αιγύπτιοι εκ της μάχηε, he, ετρέιποντο , e(pevyov 
 ουόενι κοσμώ, κατειληθέντων δε ee Μ έμφιν, έπεμπε ανα 
 ποταμόν Κ αμβνσηο νέα Μυτιλ^αίηιγ κηρυκα αγουσ αν αν~ 
 δρα Περσην, ec ομολο-γίην π ροκαΧεόμενοε Αιγυπτ love, οί δε, 
 έπεί τε την νέα ί8ον έσελθοΰσαν ee την Μ,έμφιν , έκχυθέν- 
 τεα aXέee εκ του τείχεοε, την τε νεα δ ιέφθειραν, και τουν 
 avdpae κρεουργηΰον όιασπάσαντεε, εφόρεον ee το τ elyjoe· 
 και Αιγύπτιοι μεν μετά τούτο ποΧιορκευμενοι, χρόνω παρ - 
 έστησαν. Οί δε πpoσεχέee Αίβυεε, 8είσαντεη τα περί την 
 Αίγυπτον yeyovoTa , παρέόοσαν σφέae aiiTOve αμαχητί' Και 
 φόρον τε έτάξαντο, καί όωρα έπεμπον. he δέ ΚυρηναΊοι 
 και ΒαρκαΊοΐ) ^ε'ισαν Tee όμοίωο α καί οι Aiftvee, ετερα τοι- 
 
 Ίνάρω. See ρ. 2. 
 
 Sect. 13. κρευυργηόόν. 7. 181. 
 Cynaegirus es τούτο άντέίχεν μα- 
 χόμενος ες ο κατε κρεουργήθη 
 άπας, “ was entirely hacked to 
 pieces.” Of the adverbs in -lov, 
 see Matth. §. 257. Κρεουργηόόν 
 is derived rather from κρεουργείν 
 than κρεουργός, but even when no 
 verbal form exists, these adverbs 
 often denote resemblance in an 
 action, not merely in external ap¬ 
 pearance. 
 
 χρόνω παρέστησαν, “after a time 
 submitted,” literally “ placed 
 (themselves) beside” Cambyses. 
 
 φόρον έτάζαντο, “ fixed a tribute 
 on themselves,” offered to pay a 
 certain amount of tribute. In a 
 different sense (3.89.) Darius έτά~ 
 ζατο φόρους οί προσιένα ι κατά 
 εθνεα, as the benefit was to re¬ 
 dound to himself; while Arta- 
 phernes (6. 42.), as not benefited 
 by the result, φόρους έταζε τοΐς 
 ’Ιωσι. 
 
 ως όέ, “so.” 3. 109. init. ως ύέ 
 καί αί εχώναί τε, “ so vipers too.” 
 This use of ώς for ούτως, derived 
 from the original identity of the 
 relative and demonstrative, is rare 
 in Attic prose, except in the com¬ 
 binations καί ώς, ού()’ ώς, μηό’ ώς. 
 Plat. Protag. 1. 326. ώ$ περ οί 
 γραμματισταί—&ς όέ καί η πόλις, 
 with Heindorfs note. 
 
 ομοίως α καί. In an author less 
 redundant in phraseology than He¬ 
 rodotus, there would be little hesi¬ 
 tation in omitting ομοίως or ct, one 
 of which might originate from an 
 explanation of the other. Struve 
 (Spec. Quaest. p. 24.) objects to 
 the use of the form d after ομοίως, 
 contending, that in combination 
 with such words. Her. always uses 
 the form with r, except in the 
 nom. The reading is doubtful in 
 one of the only two other passages 
 where the aspirated form occurs, 
 4. 62. τρόπω ου τω αίιτψ ω καί τά 
 πρόβατα. 7. 86. Σκευήν μεν είχον 
 
III. 14.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 235 
 
 αύτα έποίησαν. K αμβύσης 8ε τά μεν παρά Αιβύων έλθόντα 
 8ώρα φιλοφρόνως έ8έξ ατο' τα 8έ παρά Κυρηναϊκόν άπικό- 
 μένα μεμφθείς, mg έμοί 8οκέει, οτι ην ολίγα' επεμφαν γάρ 
 8η πεvτηκυσίaG μνέας αργυρίου οί ΚυρηναΊοι' ταύτας 8ρασ- 
 σομενος, αύτοχειρίτ) 8ιέσπειρε τύ} στρατιη. Η μέρη δε 8ε- 
 κάτη άπ ης παρέλαβε το τείχος τό εν Μεμφι Καμβύσης, 
 κατίσας ες το προάστειον επί Χυμη τον βασιλέα των Αι¬ 
 γυπτίων Ψαμμηνιτον, βασιλεύσαντα μήνας εζ, τούτον κατί¬ 
 σας συν άλλοισι Αίγυπτίοισι, 8ιεπειράτο αυτού της φυχης, 
 ποιέων τοιά8ε. στείλας αυτού την θυγατέρα έσθητι 8ovXyiy, 
 εζεπεμπε επ’ ύ8ωρ εγουσαν ύ8ρηιον' συνεπεμπε 8ε και άλ- 
 Χας παρθένους, άπολέζας άν8ρών των πρώτων, ομοίως έσταλ- 
 μενας τρ του βασιλεος. ως 8ε βού) τε και κλαυθμω παρη- 
 σαν αι παρθένοι κατά τους πατέρας, οί μεν άλλοι πατέρες 
 ανεβόων τε καί άντεκλαιον, ορεοντες τά τέκνα κεκακωμένα' 
 ο 8ε Ψαμμηνιτος, προι8ών και μαθών, εκυφε ες την γην. 
 πάρεζελθουσέων 8ε των υ8ροφόρων, 8ευτερά οί τον πα!.8α 
 έπεμπε μετ’ άλλων Αιγυπτίων 8ισχιΧίων την αυτήν ηλικίην 
 εξάντων, τούς τε αυχένας καλώ 8ε8εμένους, καί τά στό¬ 
 ματα έγκεχαλινωμενους. άγοντο 8ε ποινήν τίσοντες Μυτι- 
 
 την αυτήν fjv και εν τώ πέζω, 
 where Gaisford retains ην, which 
 Bahr on the authority of the San- 
 croft MS. and some others, omits. 
 'Ομοίως ws καί is found in the pre¬ 
 sent passage in the Saner, and 
 Vienna MSS., but in the only 
 other instance of such a combi¬ 
 nation (7. 100.), ομοίως ώς και τον 
 πεζόν, ibs has been omitted in the 
 recent editions. 
 
 φρασσόμενος, “taking by hand¬ 
 fuls.” Hence όράζ, “ a measure,” 
 οσον όυναταί τις όράξασθαι τρ χειρί. 
 Hes. όραγμα. οσον περιΧαμβιινει 
 Ty άριστερψ χειρί ό θερίζων. Id. ; 
 and οραχμή. 
 
 Sect. 14. έζέπεμπε επ' ύόωρ. 11. 
 
 ζ, 457. of the captive Andromache. 
 Kat κεν ύδωρ φορέοις Μ εσσήίόος, 
 η 'Ύπερείης. Πόλλ’ άεκαζομένη' 
 κρατερη δ’ έπικείσετ άνόιγκη. 
 
 παρησαν κατα τους πατέρας, 
 “ arrived opposite their fathers,” 
 from παρειναι. Comp, note on 
 2. 121. p. 157. ΐίαρηεσαν πα pa 
 τοίις π. “passed by their fathers,” 
 from παριέναι, which reading is 
 also found, is less graphic. Matth. 
 § 581. p. 1017. quotes παρηεσαν, 
 but in the posthumous edition of 
 his Grammar (p. 1357.) παρησαν, 
 as in his edition of Her. 
 
 έγκεχαλινωμένους, “ gagged,” 
 to prevent their uttering curses. 
 yEsch. Ag. 227. στόματός τε κα\~ 
 
 14 
 
236 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [III. 14. 
 
 ληναίων τοίσι εν Μ έμφι άπολομένοισι συν τη νηί' ταύτα 
 yap έύίκασαν οι βασιληιοι δ ικασταί, υπέρ άνύρός έκαστου 
 δεκτά Αιγυπτίων των πρώτων άνταπόλλυσθαι. ό δε, ιδών 
 
 7 ταρεξιόντας, και μαθών τον παιδα άγεόμενον επί Θάνατον , 
 
 των άλλων Αιγυπτίων των περικατημένων αυτόν κλαιόντων 
 και δείνα ποιεύντων , τώυτο εποίησε το και επί τη Θυγατρί. 
 παρελθόντων δε και τούτων , σννηνεικε ώστε των συμπο- 
 
 τεων οί άνύρα άπηλικέστερον, έκπεπτωκότα εκ των έόν- 
 των, εχοντά τε ούδέν, ει μη όσα πτωχοί, καί προσαιτε- 
 
 οντα την στρατιην, παριέναι 'Ϋαμμηνιτόν τε τον Αμάσιος, 
 και τούς εν τω προαστείω κατημένους των Αιγυπτίων . ο 
 δε Ψαμμηνιτος ώς ίδε, άνακλαύσας μέγ α, και καλέσας ούνό- 
 ματι τον έταίρον , έπληζατο την κεφαλήν. Ήσαν δ’ άρα 
 αυτού φύλακοι , οί το ποιεύμενον παν εκείνου επ’ έκα¬ 
 στη έζόόω Κ αμβύση έσημαινον. Θωυμάσας δε ο Ίίαμβύσης 
 τα ποιεύμενα, πέμφας άγγελον, ε’ιρώτα αυτόν , λεγων τάδε* 
 (ί Δεσπότης σε Κ αμβύσης, ^αμμηνιτε, ειρωτα , ύιότι ύη την 
 “ μεν θυγατέρα όρέων κεκακωμένην, και τον τταίδα έπι θά- 
 “ νατον στείχοντα, ούτε άνέβωσας, ούτε άπεκλαυσας' τον 
 “ δε πτωχόν, ούδεν σοι προσήκοντα, ό)ς άλλων πυνθάνομαι 
 “ έτίμησας Ο μεν δη ταύτα έπειρώτα, ό δ’ άμείβετο 
 τοι σδε- “ Τ Ω 7 rat Κ ύρου, τα μεν οικηια ην μέζω κακά η 
 
 λιπρώρον φυλακάν κατασχε 1ν Φθόγ¬ 
 γον άραΐον ο'ίκοις, Β/ςτ, χαλινών 
 7·’ άνανόω μένει. 
 
 άγεόμενον, i. e. άγόμενυν. Άγε- 
 urat for άγονται is found in the 
 MS. Passionei, 2. 47. 67. “ Ra- 
 rum videtur, minime tamen genio 
 sermonis pugnans : convenit σνμ- 
 βαλλεόμενος τους μήνας, 6. 63.” 
 Wess. So ριπτέουσι, 4.188. avap- 
 ριπτέοντες, 7. 50. 
 
 όεινά 7 τοιεύντων. Comp, the 
 notes on this word, p. 157., and 
 on the use of the active for the 
 middle, p. 31. 
 
 Έπι rfj θυγατρί, “ over his 
 daughter,” after the analogy of 
 a verb of speaking or lamenting, 
 although he had in reality kept 
 silence. S. c. Theb. 917. Πάρ¬ 
 εση (? είπείν επ’ άθλίοισιν, 'Ω$ 
 εργάτην πολλά πολίτας. 
 
 άπηλικέστερον, “ considerably 
 past his prime,” ηλικία, when not 
 accompanied by anything to mark 
 a specific period, generally deno¬ 
 ting vigorous age. Heb. xi. 11. 
 παρά καιρόν ηλικίας. 
 
 μέζω κακά η ώστε άνακλαίει,ν. 
 Matth. § 448. b. επί γηραος ον$ω. 
 
III. 15.] HERODOTUS. 237 
 
 “ " 
 
 it 
 
 it 
 
 ώστε ανακΧαίειν' το δε του εταίρου πένθος, αζιον ην 
 δακρύων' ος εκ ποΧΧών τε καί ευδαιμόνων εκπεσών, ες 
 πτωγηίην απίκται επί γηραος ουδω.” Καί ταυτα ώα 
 απενειγθεντα υπο τούτον, εύ δ οκεειν οί είρησθαι. ώς δε λέ¬ 
 γεται υττ Αιγυπτίων, δα κρυειν μεν Κ ροΊσον, ετετενγεε γαρ 
 και ovtoc, επισπομενος Καμ]3ασρ επ Αίγυπτον, δ ακρυειν δε 
 ΤΙερσεων τόνε παρεοντας’ αντίο τε Κ,αμβνση εσεΧΘεΊν οί¬ 
 κτον τινα, καί αυτίκα κεΧενειν τον τε οί 7ταΤδα εκ των 
 αποΧΧυμενων σώζειν, καί αυτόν εκ του προαστείον αναστίτ¬ 
 σάντας, αγειν παρ εωυτόν . Toy μεν δη παΐδα ενρον οί 
 μετιοντες ονκετι περιεόντα, αΧΧα πρώτον κατακοπεντα’ 
 αυτόν δε Ψαμμηνιτον αναστησαντες, ηγον παρα Κ αμβυσεα' 
 ενυα τον λοιπού οιαιτατο, εγων ουοεν μιαιον. ει όε και η- 
 πιστηθη μη ποΧνπρηγμονείν, απεΧαβε αν Αίγυπτον, ώστε 
 επιτροπευειν αυτής. επεί τιμάν εώθασι ΐϊερσαι των βασι- 
 Χεων τους τταΐδαα' των, ην καί σφεων αποστεωσι, όμως 
 τοισί γε παισί αυτών άπο$ι8οΰσι την αργήν. ποΧΧοίσι μεν 
 νυν και αΧΧοισί εστι σταθμώσασθαι, οτι τούτο οντω νενο- 
 μίκασι ποιεειν’ εν δε δη καί τωδε, τω Αίβυος Ιναρω παι^ι 
 θαννυρα, ος απεΧαβε την οί 6 πατήρ είγε αργήν * καί τω 
 ’Αμυρταίου ΥΙαυσίρι' καί γαρ οντος απεΧαβε την του πα- 
 τρος αργήν, καίτοι Ίνάρω τε καί *Αμυρταίου ουλαμοί κω 
 
 The embellishing hand of a Greek 
 narrator is seen in this Homeric 
 phrase, II. χ, 60. 
 
 ώ$ δε λέγεται — ΰακρΰειν. Comp, 
 note ρ. 15. 
 
 εκ των άποΧΧνμένων, “ those 
 who were in the act of being put 
 to death.” From such a use of the 
 present may be explained the con¬ 
 version of the Latin part, in “ dus,” 
 originally belonging to the present 
 passive, into a future, with the 
 idea of necessity or duty. 
 
 Sect. 15. el καί ήπιστηθη μη πο- 
 Χυπρηγμονείν, “had he known also 
 
 how to abstain from meddling,” 
 i. e. in revolutionary projects. This 
 is the rendering of Werfer (see 
 Schw.Lex.s.v.). To the common 
 translation, “ had he been known 
 not to have meddled,” it is justly 
 objected, that ηπιστηθην is never 
 used in a passive sense. Οίδα δε 
 ταπεινουσΟαι' οΐία δε καί περισ- 
 σευειν. Philipp, iv. 12. 
 
 τω'Αμυρταίου ΥΙαυσίρι. Inarus, 
 the son of Psammitichus, revolted 
 from thePersians, 01.80. B.C.460. 
 (Clinton F. H. 2. p. 254.), and held 
 out for six years, Thuc. 1.104.110., 
 
238 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [III. 15. 
 
 Υίερσας κακά, π\εω εργάσαντο. νυν δε ρητινωμένος κακα ο 
 Ψαμμηνιτος, ε\αβε τον μισθόν * άπιστας γάρ Αιγυπτίους 
 ηλω. επεί τε δε εττάιστος εγενετο, υπο Κ αμβυσεω αίμα 
 ταυρου ττιων, άπεθανε παραγ^ρημα. ουτω άη ουτος ετελεύ- 
 τησε. 
 
 when he was taken by treachery 
 and crucified. Amyrtseus, who was 
 engaged with him in the revolt, 
 took refuge in the marshes in the 
 island of Elbo (Her. 2. 140.), and 
 could not be dislodged by the Per¬ 
 sians for at least six years (Thuc. 
 1.112.). Many years afterwards an 
 Amyrtseus appears, according to 
 Eusebius and Syncellus (F. H. 2. 
 317.), revolting from the Persians 
 in the reign of Darius Nothus, and 
 maintaining himself in possession 
 of Egypt for six years; and Amyr¬ 
 tseus or Amyrtoes, constitutes the 
 28th dynasty of Manetho (Anc. 
 Un. Hist. 2. 13.), which lasted six 
 years. Now it is certainly possible 
 that the same individual may, at 
 the end of forty years, have issued 
 from the fens in which he had 
 taken refuge, and have made him¬ 
 self master of Egypt; but in this 
 case, as Amyrtseus died 408 B.C. 
 (F. H. 2. 79.), the succession of 
 Pausiris must have occurred, when 
 Herodotus was in his seventy-sixth 
 year and putting the last hand to 
 his history. It seems to me that 
 he speaks of it in a manner suited 
 to a more remote event. Possibly 
 Amyrtseus may have renounced all. 
 hostile attempts, after the unsuc¬ 
 cessful issue of the second Athe¬ 
 nian expedition to his assistance 
 in 449 B.C. (Thuc. 1. 112.) Pau¬ 
 siris may then have succeeded him 
 in the peaceful administration of 
 the office which his father held 
 
 before the revolt; and Amyrtseus, 
 after living in obscurity for nearly 
 half a century, have come forth to 
 head a second revolt; or a patriot 
 may have assumed a name which 
 had become illustrious. So we 
 may reconcile the stories ; but I 
 am more inclined to the opinion of 
 Wesseling, who denies all credit 
 to Eusebius and Syncellus. Cte- 
 sias (Phot. 72. p.111. ed. Hoesch.) 
 gives an entirely different account. 
 According to him Amyrtseus was 
 king of Egypt when it was inva¬ 
 ded by Cambyses, and being taken 
 prisoner was carried to Susa and 
 treated with great humanity. This 
 rather confirms the account of Her. 
 and Thuc., as it was more likely 
 that the Persian authorities, whom 
 Ctesias followed, should commit 
 an anachronism by confounding 
 Cambyses with Artaxerxes Lon- 
 gimanus, than with Darius No¬ 
 thus, the immediate predecessor 
 of Art. Mnemon, to whom Ctesias 
 was physician. Ctesias places the 
 revolt of Inarus in the reign of 
 Artaxerxes Longimanus, 
 
 αίμα ταύρον π ιών. The blood of 
 a bull was believed by the ancients 
 to produce death by coagulating 
 in the stomach and stopping the 
 respiration. Themistocles, among 
 others, was said to have died by it. 
 Diod. 11.58. Thuc. 1.138. The 
 arrangement of the words is ντο 
 Καμβΰσεω άπεθανε, αίμα τ. π. 7. 
 154. KAerxrfyjos os άπεθανε νπό 
 
HERODOTUS. 
 
 239 
 
 III. 16.] 
 
 K αμβυσηε δε εκ ΑΙεμφιοε άπίκετο εε Έ,άιν πόΧιν, βον- 
 Χόμενοε ποιησαι τα άη καί εποίησε. επεί τε yap εσηΧθε 
 ec τα του Αμάσιοε οικία, αυτίκα εκεΧευε εκ τηε ταφηε 
 τον Αμάσιοε νεκυν εκφερειν εζω. ωε δε ταυτά ο ί επιτε- 
 Χεα έγένετο, μαστιγουν έκελευε, και τάε rp'iyjac, άποτ'ιΧ- 
 Χειν, και κεντούν τε, και ταΧΧα πάντα ΧυμαίνεσΘαι. επεί 
 τε δε και ταυτα εκαμον ποιευντεε, (ο yap άη νεκρόε, άτε 
 τεταριγ^ευμενοε, αντείπε τε καί ούδέν διεχέετο,) εκεΧευσε 
 μιν ο Κ,αμβυσηε κατακαυσαι, εντεΧΧόμενοε ουκ όσια. ΤΙερ - 
 σαι yap θεόν νομιί,ουσι είναι πυρ. το ων κατακαίειν ye 
 τοΰε νεκρουε ουάαμώε εν νόμω ουάετεροισί εστι * ΐίερσησι 
 μεν, δι’ όπερ είρηται, θεω ου δίκαιον είναι Χεγοντεε νεμειν 
 νεκρόν ανθρώπου * Αιγυπτίοισι δε νενόμισται πυρ θηρίον εί¬ 
 ναι έμφυτον, πάντα δε αυτδ κατεσθίειν τά περ άν Χάβη, 
 πΧησθεν δε αυτό τηε βορηε συναποθνησκειν τω κατεσθιο- 
 μενω. ουκων θηρίοισι νόμοε ουάαμωε σφί εστι τον νεκυν δί¬ 
 δομαι. και δια ταυτα ταριγευουσι, ινα μι) κείμενοε υπό ευ- 
 Χεων καταβρωθτ}. ουτω άη ουδετ εροισι νομιΖ,όμενα ενετεΧ- 
 Χετο ποιεειν ό Καμβυσηε. Ωε μεντοι Αιγύπτιοι λέγουσι, 
 ουκ ’Άμασιε ην ό ταυτα παθών, άΧΧά άΧΧοε των τιε Αι¬ 
 γυπτίων, εχων την αυτήν ηΧικίην Αμάσι' ω Χυμαινόμενοι 
 Τϊερσαι, εάόκεον ' Αμασιν ΧυμαίνεσΘαι. λέγουσι yap, ώε πυ- 
 θόμενοε εκ μαντηίου ο 'Αμασιε τά περί εωυτόν μεΧΧοι άπο- 
 θανόντα γίνεσθαι, ουτω άη ακεόμενοε τά επιφερόμενα, τον 
 
 Σα/3 υΧΧου. So Χείπειν την γην 
 υπό όψεων, “to be driven out of 
 their country by serpents,” and 
 very commonly φευγειν υπό, “ to 
 be banished by some one.” 
 
 Sect. 16. ουκωΐ' Θηρίοισι νόμοε, 
 “ now it is not their custom to 
 give the corpse at all to wild 
 beasts;” for this reason they did 
 not expose it to fire, which they 
 considered as a wild beast; one 
 of those fanciful reasons which 
 betray subsequent refinement. 
 
 την αυτήν ηΧικίην, “ the same 
 stature.” 4. 111. Hes. s. v. 'Ηλι¬ 
 κία. μεγεθοε σώματος. It is how¬ 
 ever not absolutely size, but size 
 as characteristic of a certain pe¬ 
 riod of life, and the purpose of 
 misleading Cambyses required that 
 both these should be combined in 
 the supposititious body. Of the 
 construction of ΧυμαίνεσΘαι in Her. 
 with a dat. or accus., see p. 225. 
 Matth. § 391. p. 627. 
 
 ακεόμενοε, “intending to reme- 
 
 16 
 
240 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [III. 17. 
 
 e ενε- 
 
 μεν άνθρωπον τούτον, τον μαστιγωθεντα , άποθανόντα ε 
 επι τήσι θύρησι εντός της εωυτού θηκης, εωυτον 
 τείλατο τω παιΒι εν μνγω της θηκης ως μάλιστα θεύναι. 
 
 * / i ~ > Λ / > Λ \ ’ V 
 
 αι μεν νυν εκ του Αμασιος εντολαι ανται , αι eq την τα¬ 
 
 φήν τε και τον άνθρωπον εγουσαι, ου μοι δ οκεουσι αργήν 
 γενεσθαι, άλλως $ αυτά Αιγύπτιοι σεμνουν. 
 
 Μβτα άε ταυτα ο Κ αμβύσης εβουλεύσατο τριφασιας 
 στρατηίας, επί τε Κ.αργηάονίους } και επι Αμμωνίους, και 
 
 επι τούς Μακροβίους Αιθίοπας, οικημενους Αιβύης επι 
 
 dy what was coming upon him. 5 ’ 
 
 I. 209. έμευ θεοί κηύονται και μοι 
 πάντα προόεικνύουσι τά επιφερό- 
 μενα, said by Cyrus, who antici¬ 
 pated from his dream that his son 
 would plot against him. The force 
 of intending or attempting the pre¬ 
 sent derives from the force of an 
 imperfect which it involves, no 
 less than the tense so called. 8. 
 
 II. of Leonidas, τον βασιλέα άπέ- 
 κτεινας, ρνόμενον την Έλλαδα. 
 Pind. 01. 13. 82. Tol μεν, γένει 
 ώίλω συν Άτρέως 'Έλέναν κομί- 
 
 y ° f y \ f 
 
 ζ ο ντ €s* oc ο αττο τταμπαν htpyov- 
 res, “ with the intention of bring¬ 
 ing back Helen.” 
 
 άλλως, “idly.” 5. 41. φάμενοι 
 αυτήν κομπέειν άλλως. In the At¬ 
 tic writers, frustrd. Ruhnk. Tim. 
 p. 198. 1. 95. οι μη βουλόμενοι 
 σεμνουν τά περί Κΰρυν, άλλα τον 
 εόντα λέγειν λόγον. 
 
 Sect. 17 . Λιβύης επι τρ νοτίη 
 θαλάσσρ, “in that part of Africa 
 which is on the southern sea,” the 
 genitive Λιβύης depending on the 
 limiting words which follow it. 
 Compare note p. 15. Here Her. 
 supposed to be the southern limit 
 of Africa (2. 32.), having no know¬ 
 ledge of the immeuse projection 
 from Cape Guardafui to the Cape 
 of Good Hope ; whence he would 
 
 more readily believe the account 
 of the Phoenician circumnaviga¬ 
 tion. According to his concep¬ 
 tion, therefore, the Macrobians in¬ 
 habited the shore of Africa just to 
 the south of the Straits of Babel- 
 mandeb. Comp, 3.114., where he 
 places the Ethiopia which was the 
 extremity of the habitable world 
 towards the south-west, in the im¬ 
 mediate vicinity of Arabia, descri¬ 
 bing it as producing much gold and 
 huge elephants (Juven. 10. 150.), 
 and trees of all sorts, and ebony, 
 και άνόρας μεγίστους και καλλί - 
 στους καί μακροβιωτάτους. But 
 it would be vain to seek them on 
 the map of ancient geography, 
 much more to identify them with 
 any existing people. The Ethio¬ 
 pians had long been the subject of 
 poetical fiction (Horn. II. a, 423. 
 Od. a, 23.), not only for their 
 blameless virtue (Paus. 1. 33.), 
 but for size and longevity. The 
 inhabitants of Abyssinia are a well¬ 
 framed and stately race of men 
 (Comp. Is. xlv. 14. of the Sabse- 
 ans); and in other respects the fic¬ 
 tion conforms itself to known facts, 
 though coloured with the marvel¬ 
 lous and influenced perhaps by 
 satirical contrast to Greek man¬ 
 ners. 
 
ΪΙί. 18» 19.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 241 
 
 τρ vor'iy θαλάσση, βουλευομένω δέ οι ?gof€, επι μεν K ap- 
 χηΰονίους τον ναυτικόν στρατόν άποστέλλειν' επί δε Άμ- 
 μωνίους, του πεζού αποκρίναντα * επί Se τ ούς Αιθίοπας, 
 ΑΓατόπταε πρώτον, οψομένους τε τ?/ν ev τούτοισι τοισι Αι» 
 Θίοψι λ εγομένην ειι^αι ήλιου τράπεζαν , ει εστι άληθέως, και 
 προς ταυτρ τα άλλα κατοψομένους * δω^οα δε τω λόγω φέ- 
 ροντας τω βασιΧέι αυτών. Η δέ τράπεζα του ήλιου τ οι- 18 
 //δε tig λέγεται είναι’ λειμών έστι εν τω προαστείω έπί- 
 πλεοε κρεών έφθών πάντων τών τετpaπόSωv’ ες τον τας 
 μεν νύκτας επιτΡεύοντας τιθέναι τα κρέα τους εν τέλει 
 έκαστους εόντας τών αστών, τας δέ ημέρας $αίνυσθαι προσ- 
 ιόντα τον βουΧόμενον * φάναι δέ touc επιχωρίους ταΰτα την 
 γην αυτήν avaSiSovai έκάστοτε. η μεν Srj τράπεζα του ήλι¬ 
 ου καλεομένη, λέγεται είναι TOirfSe. Καρβυσρ δέ ώς eSo^e 19 
 πέμπειν τους κατασκόπους, αύτίκα μετεπέμπετο έζ Έλε- 
 φαντίνης πόλιος τών Ιχθυυφάγων άvSpώv τούς έπισταμέ - 
 νους την A ιθιoπίSa γλώσσαν * έν ω δέ τούτους μετηισαν, 
 
 του πεζού αποκρίναντα, “ de¬ 
 taching a portion of his land army,” 
 3. 25. 
 
 Sect. 18. Ζαίννσθαι προσιόντα 
 τον βουΧόμενον. Pomponius Mela 
 (3. 9.) thus explains the reason of 
 the name : “ Est locus apparatis 
 epulis semper refertus, et quia ut 
 libet vesci volentibus licet ήλιον 
 τράπεζαν appellant, et quse passim 
 apposita sunt affirmant innasci 
 subinde divinitus.” To live with¬ 
 out labour is an essential feature 
 in those pictures of ideal happi¬ 
 ness which men groaning under 
 the burdens of the social state 
 draw, and refer to antehistoric 
 times, and countries beyond the 
 limits of geographical knowledge. 
 So the Hyperboreans of Pindar 
 (Pyth. 10.). Νόσοι o’ ούτε γήρας 
 ουΧόμειοι Κέκραταί ιερή γενεή. 
 
 πόνων Se καί μαχαν άτερ οίκέοισι . 
 The gods were όωτήρες εάων, gi¬ 
 vers of good things, and the sun 
 the principal god. “ .ACthiopibus 
 quoque sol cultus, nomine Assabi- 
 nus ; quern quia summus illis foret 
 Deus, Jovem HCthiopicum dixere 
 Romani ac Grseci.” Voss. Idol. 
 1. 2. p. 183. 
 
 Sect. 19. Ίχθυοφάγων. The 
 proper abode of this tribe was on 
 the shore of the Red Sea, south¬ 
 ward of Berenice, and extending, 
 according to Paus. (1.33.), to the 
 mouth of the Strait. They would 
 thus be conterminous with the Ma- 
 crobians, who lived just beyond it, 
 and hence Her. assigns to a portion 
 of them, who had settled so far in¬ 
 land as Elephantine, the office of 
 ambassadors and interpreters. 
 
 μετήίσαν, “ while they were 
 
242 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [III. 20. 
 
 ev τουτω εκεΧευε επί την K αρχηόόνα πΧεειν τον ναυτικόν 
 στρατόν. Φοίνικες δε ουκ εφασαν ποιησειν ταύτα' ορκίοισί 
 τε yap μεyaXoισι ενοεόεσθαι, και ουκ αν ποιεειν όσια, επί 
 τους παΊόας τους εωυτων στρατευόμενοι. Φοινίκων δε ου 
 βουΧομε νων, οί λοιποί ουκ αξιόμαχοι εγίνοντο. Καρχη- 
 όόνιοι μεν νυν ουτω όουΧοσυνην διεφυγον προς Π ερσεων. 
 Κ αμβύσης yap βίην ουκ εδι καίου προσφερειν Φοίνιζι, ότι 
 σφεας τε αυτους εδεδώκεσαν Π ερσησι, και πας εκ Φοινίκων 
 ηρτητο ό ναυτικός στρατός, όόντες δε καί Κύπριοι σφεας 
 20 αυτους ΤΙέρστρσι, εστρατευοντο επ Αίγυπτον. Επεί τε δε 
 τω ΚαμβυσΎ) εκ της Ε Χεφαντίνης απίκοντο οί Ιχθυοφα- 
 yoi, επεμπε αυτους ες τους Αιθίοπας, εντειΧαμενος τα λέ- 
 yειv χρη, καί όωρα φέροντας , πορφυρεόν τε είμα , καί χρυ- 
 σεον στρεπτόν περιαυχένιον , καί ψεΧια, καί μύρου αΧαβα- 
 στρον , καί φοινικηίου οίνου καόον. Οί δε Αιθίοπες ούτοι , 
 ες τους άπεπεμπε ό Κ αμβύσης, λέγονται είναι μέγιστοι καί 
 καΧΧιστοι ανθρώπων πάντων * νόμοισι δε καί αΧΧοισι χρα - 
 σθαι αυτους φασι κεχωρισμενοισι των άλλων ανθρώπων, καί 
 δη καί κατά την βασιΧηίην τοιω δε* τον αν των αστών κρί- 
 νωσι μεγιστδν τε είναι, καί κατα τό μεχαθος εχειν την 
 ίσχύν, τούτον άξιούσι βασιΧεύειν. 
 
 gone to fetch them.” The MSS. 
 all read μετησαν, as from μετείναι, 
 which Wess. changed into μετη- 
 σαν, and Gaisf. following Valck. 
 into μετηίσαν. “ Atticum est με- 
 rrjaav ; μετηίσαν Ionicum. Ire 
 quid petitum, ελθείν επί τι, poetis 
 et in veteri lingua dicebatur μετά 
 τι : hinc ista vis significandi hsesit 
 in μετελθείν, μετιέναι, μεθηκειν si- 
 milibusque.” Valck. 
 
 Sect. 20. μύρου αλάβαστρον, 
 άγγοε μόρου μη εχον λαβάδ, λί¬ 
 θινου. Suid. Vessels designed to 
 hold perfume, without handles, of 
 a white or yellowish semitranspa¬ 
 
 rent stone, frequently, though not 
 always, of the kind which mineral¬ 
 ogists call alabaster , are very com¬ 
 mon in collections of antiquities, 
 haying been often placed in tombs. 
 The neck was narrow and care¬ 
 fully sealed up. “ Hinc mulier, 
 Christi caput ungens (Matth.xxvi. 
 7.), alabastrum fregit, quod ex 
 abundantia amoris expectare non 
 potuit ut unguentum tardius ex 
 angusto orificio in caput ejus pro- 
 manaret.” Biel, ad lies. ed. Alb. 
 p. 215. 
 
 κατά το μέγαθοε. Comp, note 
 on κατά τον Νείλον, p. IS. 
 
I lf. 21. 22.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 243 
 
 Έα τουτονα Srj ών τούς άνάρας ώς άπίκοντο ο I Ιχθνο- 21 
 φάyoι, διδουτεα τά 8ώρα τώ βασιΧει αυτών, ελεγου τάδε* 
 
 <( Βασίλευα ο Περσέωυ Ίίαμβύσης, βονΧόμενος φίΧος τοι 
 <( και £ε ?νοα yεvεσθaι ) ημεας τε άπε πεμφε, ες Χόγουα τοι 
 ελυειν κελευων, και οωρα ταυτα τοι οιόοι, τοισι και αυ- 
 “ τος μάΧιστα η8εται χρεώμενος.” 'Ο δε Α ιθίοψ, μαθών 
 οτι κατοπται ηκοιεν, λεγει προς αύτούς τοιάδε* <( Ούτε ο 
 <( ΤΙερσεων βασιΧεύς 8ώρα νμεας επεμψε φέροντας, προ- 
 <c τιμών ποΧΧοΰ εμοι ζεύνος γενεσθαι’ ούτε υμείς λέγετε 
 <ι άΧηθεα, ηκετε yap κατοπται της εμης αργής, ούτε εκε 7- 
 
 (ί , Λ» . * \ τ ς\ / * λ ■> Λ / 
 
 νοα ανηρ εστι οικαιος ει yap ην οικαιος, οντ αν επευυ- 
 <ι μησε γώρης άΧΧης η της εωυτού, ουτ αν ες δουλοσυ- 
 
 ίί ’ /) / ? r » Τ Λν » £0 ^ <\\ ■> * 
 
 νην ανυρωπους vye υπ ων μηοεν ηοικηται „ νυν οε αυτω 
 ζί το^ου τοδε 8ι86ντεα, τάδε επεα λέγετε* Βασίλευα ο Αι- 
 Θιόπων συμβονΧεύει τώ ΤΙερσεων βασιΧει , εττεάυ ουτω 
 εύπετεως εΧκωσι τά τόζα ΥΙερσαι εόντα μεyάθει τοσ- 
 αυτα, τότε επ Αιθίοπας τους Μακροβίουα πΧηθει νπερ- 
 βαΧΧομενον στρατενεσθαι. μέχρι δε τούτον, θεοίσι ει8ε- 
 u ναι χάριν, οι ονκ επι νόον τρεπουσι Αιθιόπων παισι yrjv 
 << άΧΧην προσκτάσθαι τ y έωυτων.” Ταυτα δέ ε’ίπας, και 22 
 άνεις το τάξου, παρε8ωκε τοισι ηκουσι . Χαβών δέ το είμα 
 το πορφύρεον, ειρώτα ο τι ε’ίη, και οκως πεποιημενον. ει~ 
 πάντων δέ των I γθυοφάγων την άΧηθηίην περί της πορ¬ 
 φυρής και της βαφης, 8οΧερούς μεν τούς ανθρώπους εφη 
 είναι , 8οΧερά δέ αυτών τά είματα. 8εύτερα δέ, του χρυ- 
 σουυ ειρώτα στρεπτόν τον περιαυχένιον, και τά φεΧια. £ζη- 
 
 α 
 
 a 
 
 61 
 
 66 
 
 Sect. 21. προτιμών ποΧΧοΰ, “be¬ 
 cause he sets a high value on ob¬ 
 taining my friendship/’ i. e. τιμών 
 προ ποΧΧοΰ. 
 
 οντ αν es ΰουΧοσννην ηγε, “ nor 
 would he have been attempting to 
 bring into slavery men by whom 
 he has not been injured at all.” 
 The exact force of μηίεν ηοικηται 
 
 cannot be given in English, but it 
 differs from ovdev ήΰίκηται, as in 
 Latin, “ a quibus nullo modo Ice- 
 sus sit,” from “ Icesus est the 
 latter expressing simply the fact 
 that no injury had been committed, 
 the former emphatically that this 
 constituted his injustice, Zumpt, 
 § 76. 12. 
 
 r 2 
 
244 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [III. 23. 
 
 y εομενων δε των Ιχθνοφαγων τον κόσμον αυτών, γέλασαν 
 ο βασιλεύς, και νόμισαν είναι σφεα πέδαα, είπε ων παρ 
 εωυτοΊσί εισι ρωμαλεωτεραι τούτων πεόαι. τρίτον δε, ει- 
 ρωτα το μύρον, ειπαντων δε την ποιησιον περί και αλεί- 
 φιον, τον αύτδυ λόγον τον και περί του είματον είπε, ων 
 δε εν του οίνον άπίκετο, κα\ επυθετο αυτόν την ποίησιν , 
 νπερησθειν τω πόματι, επείρετο ό τι τε σιτεεται ο βασί¬ 
 λευα, και γ^ρόνον όκόσον μακρότατον ανηρ ΥΙερσην Ζ,ωει . οΐ 
 δε σιτεεσθαι μεν τον άρτον είπαν, εζηγησαμενοι των πυρών 
 την φυσιν' δγδώκουτα δ’ ετεα ζόην πλήρωμα ανόρι μακρό¬ 
 τατον προκεεσθαι. πρόν ταντα ό Αιθίοφ εφη, ούδευ θωυμα- 
 ζειν, ει σιτεόμενοι κόπρον, ετεα ολίγα ζωουσι' ούδε yap αν 
 τοσαυτα όυνασθαι ζωειν σφεαν, ει μη τω πόματι ανεφερον, 
 φραζων τοΊσι I χθυοφαγοισι τον οίνον * τούτο yap εωυτουν 
 υπό ΙΙερσεων εσσουσθαι. Άντειρομενων δε του βασιλέα 
 των Ίχθυοφαγων την ζόην και δια/τηα περί, ετεα μεν εν 
 εείκοσι και εκατόν τουα πολλουν αυτών απικνεεσθαι, υπερ- 
 βαλλεειν δέ τιναν και ταυτα* σίτησιν δε είναι κρεα εφθα * 
 κα\ πόμα, γαλα. θώυμα δε ποιενμενων των κατασκόπων 
 περί των ετεων, επί κρηνην σφι ηγησασθαι, απ’ ην λουο- 
 μενοι, λιπαρωτεροι εγίνοντο, καταπερ ει ελαίου είη * όζειν 
 
 Sect. 22. άνέφερον, “ revived 
 themselves.” It is used with va¬ 
 rious constructions. 1 . 116. επί 
 χρόνον άφθογγοε ην. μόγιε t)e ΰή- 
 κοτε α νε νειχθείε, εΤπε, “having 
 recovered himself.” ΑΕΙ. H. An. 
 13. 12. άναφέροντεε εαυτονε 
 άνεβιωσκοντο. Άνέφνρον , the read¬ 
 ing of Wesseling’s edition, fur¬ 
 nishes a not inappropriate sense, 
 “ if they did not knead it up with 
 this liquor.” 
 
 Sect. 23. ετεα μεν εε εείκοσι 
 καί εκατόν. Arganihonius, king of 
 the Tartessians, is said by Her. 1. 
 163. to have been 120 years old. 
 
 and to have reigned eighty; on 
 which Bahr observes, “ Quod ut 
 intelligatur teneamus necesse est, 
 ipsum numerum ter quadraginta 
 et bis quadraginta annorum. Nam 
 numerus quadraginta, seu dierum 
 seu annorum, apud veteres sub- 
 inde ita ponitur, ut longum om- 
 nino temporis spatium nec accu¬ 
 rate definitum declaretur. Acce- 
 dit quod orientales homines hoc 
 numero omnino multum quoddam 
 indicant.” 
 
 όζειν απ' αυτήε ώσει ίων. Agam. 
 1281·. ΧΟ. Kat πώε τόδ’ όζει 
 θυμάτων εφεστίων; ΚΑ. ομοιοε 
 
III. 24.] · 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 245 
 
 ce απ αν τηε ωσει ιων. ασυενεε ce το υόωρ τηε κρηνηε 
 ταυτηε ουτω δ// τι ελεγον eivai οι κατάσκοποι, ώστε μη- 
 δέν οιόν τ e eivai επ’ αυτου επιπλεειν, μήτε ζυλον, μήτε 
 των όσα ζυλου εστι ελαφρότερα * άλλα πάντα σφεα \ω- 
 ρεειν εε βυσσόν. το δε υόωρ τούτο ει σφί εστι άληθεωε 
 ο Ιον τι λέγεται, δια τούτο αν εϊεν, τούτω τα πάντα χρεω¬ 
 μένοι, μακρόβιοι, από τηε κρηνηε δέ απαλλασσόμενων, άγα- 
 γειν σφεαε εε δ εσμωτηριον άνόρων, ένθα τουε πάνταε εν 
 πέδρσι χρυσέρσι δεδέσθαι. εστι δέ έν τ οντοισι τοισι Α'ιθ'ι- 
 οφι πάντων ό γ^αλκόε σπανιωτατον και τιμιωτατον. θεησά- 
 μενοι δέ /cai το δ εσμωτηριον, εθηησαντο και την του Η¬ 
 λιου λεγομενην τράπεζαν. Μετά δέ τ αυτήν, τελευταίαε 24 
 εθηησαντο τάε θηκαε αυτών, αι λέγονται σκευάζεσθαι εζ 
 υελου, τρόπω τοιωδε. επεάν τον νεκρόν ισγντρνωσι, είτε όη 
 κατάπερ Αιγύπτιοι, είτε άλλωε κωε, γνφωσαντεε άπαντα 
 αυτόν, γραφν) κοσμεουσι, εζομοιεΰντεε το ειδοε ec το δυνα¬ 
 τόν* επειτα δέ οι περιιστάσι στηλην εζ υελου πεποιημενην 
 
 άτμοε ώσπερ εκ τάφου πρέπει, in 
 which passage, as in this, the ob¬ 
 ject from which the smell actually 
 proceeds has the preposition ; that 
 by resemblance to which it is cha¬ 
 racterized is without it. It is much 
 more reasonable with Von Ham¬ 
 mer (Wiener Jahrb. 9. 64.) to il¬ 
 lustrate this marvellous fountain 
 by a comparison with the fountain 
 of life, celebrated in the Shahna- 
 meh, than with Boerhaave (see 
 W r ess.) to inquire whether it may 
 not have owed its reputation for 
 lightness to the great specific gra¬ 
 vity of some of the African woods. 
 Water was held to be salubrious 
 in proportion to its lightness. Cels. 
 2. 18. 
 
 έν πέΰφσι χρνσέγσι. With this 
 may be compared the reports which 
 Orellana published of the El Do¬ 
 rado which he had discovered in 
 
 the interior of South America. 
 Robertson, Book 6. Iron was 
 really scarce among the Ethio¬ 
 pians. Heeren 1. 329. Eng. Tr. 
 
 Sect. 24. υελου. By this word 
 glass or rock-crystal are designa¬ 
 ted, from their watery ( υω ) trans¬ 
 parency. But glass is here out of 
 the question, as Her. represents it 
 as dug from the earth ; and no 
 country is known in which rock- 
 crystal is found in such large 
 pieces as to contain a human 
 body. Diodorus (2. 15.) says that 
 it was poured in a liquid state 
 around the body. Amber, rocksalt, 
 mica, alabaster, have been con¬ 
 jectured to be the substance really 
 employed. Crystal is the only 
 word by which a translator is jus¬ 
 tified in rendering it. The ortho'- 
 graphy veXos, is conformable to 
 etymology, and therefore probably 
 
25 
 
 246 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [III. 25. 
 
 κοίΧην' η δε σφι πολλή καί evepyoc; ορύσσεται, εν peay 
 δε ry στϊ )Xy ένεων διαφαίνεται o νέκυς, ούτε όδμην ουδέ - 
 μίαν ayapiv παρεπόμενος, ούτε άλλο άεικές ούδέν' και έχει 
 πάντα φανερά ομοίως αύτω τω νέκυι. ενιαυτόν μεν δη 
 εχουσι την στηΧην εν τοισι οικίοισι οί μάΧιστα προσ¬ 
 ήκοντες, πάντων τε άπαρχόμενοι, και θυσίας οί προσά- 
 γοντες' μετά δε ταυτα έκκομίσαντες, ίστάσι περί την 
 πόΧιν . 
 
 θεησάμενοι δε τα πάντα οί κατάσκοποι, άπαΧΧάσσοντο 
 όπίσω. άπayyειXάvτωv δε ταυτα τούτων, αύτίκα ό Καμ - 
 βύσης, opyriv ποιησάμένος, εστρατεύετο επί τους Αιθίοπας * 
 ούτε παρασκευήν σίτου ούδεμίαν πapayyείXaς, ούτε Xoyov 
 εωυτω δο ύς, ότι ες τά έσχατα της χης εμεΧΧε στρατεύ- 
 εσθαι. οια δε έμμανης τε εων και ού φρενήρης, ως ηκουε 
 των Ίχθ υoφάyωv, εστρατεύετο, Ελλήνων μεν τούς παρ- 
 εόντας αυτού τaύτy τάζας ύπομενειν, τον δε πεζόν πάντα 
 άμα άyόμεvoς. Επεί τε δε στρατευόμενος εγέ^ετο εν θη- 
 βyσι, άπέκρινε τού στρατού ως πέντε μυριάδας' και τού- 
 τοισι μέν ένετεΧΧετο, * Αμμωνίους έζανδραποδισαμένους τό 
 χρηστηριον τό τού Δίδε έμπρησαι' αυτός δε τον Χοιπόν 
 ayωv στρατόν, ηιε επι τους Α ιυιοπας. ΙΙριν οε της οόον 
 τό πέμπτον μέρος διεΧηΧυθέναι την στρατιην, αύτίκα πάντα 
 
 older than the Attic form ύαλος. 
 Mcer. p. 373. 
 
 πάντων άπαρχόμενοι. Hes. άπ- 
 άργον. ras άπαρχαε πρόσφερε, 
 which is the meaning here. 4. 
 61. 6 θύσας, των κρεών και των 
 σπλάγχνων άπαρζάμενος ρίπτει ες 
 το έμπροσθεν, where άπαρχ. signi¬ 
 fies, “ to offer to the god a portion 
 of the victim when slaughtered 
 and cooked, before it was tasted 
 by the company,” and this is the 
 usual meaning. Homer (Od. γ , 
 446. £', 422.) uses it of cutting 
 off the hair and throwing it into 
 
 the fire, which Her. and the Attic 
 writers include in κατάρχεσθαι. 
 See p. 73. Homer uses άρχεσθαι 
 (Od. 427.) for the offering of a 
 portion to the god, before the 
 cooking began; 6 h’ ώμοθετεϊτο 
 συβωτης Ώ,άντοθεν άρχόμενοε 
 μ ελεών, εε πίονα ύημόν. 
 
 Sect. 25. οργήν ποιησάμενοε, 
 “ putting himself in a passion.” 
 
 e Ελλήνων μεν τούς παρεόντας. 
 From the context it appears that 
 they were chiefly naval forces, 
 which had ascended the river to 
 Memphis. 
 
III. 26.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 247 
 
 αυτους τα ώιχον αιτίων εχόμενα επεΧεΧοίπεε' μετά δε τά 
 
 σιτία, καί τα υποζύγια επεΧιπε κατεσθιόμενα. ει μεν νυν 
 
 μαθών ταυτα ο Κ αμβυσης εγνωσιμάχεε, και άπηγε οπίσω 
 τον στρατόν, επι τη άρχηθεν γενομενη άμαρτάδι ην αν σο¬ 
 φάς άνηρ" νυν δε ουάενα Χόγον ποιευμενος, ηιε αιεί ες ’το 
 
 πρόσω, οι δε στρατιώται, εως μεν τι ειχον εκ της γης 
 
 Χαμβάνειν, ποιηφαγεοντες διέ£ωοι>* επει δε ες την φάμμον 
 απίκοντο, Seivov εργον αυτών τινες εργάσαντο’ εκ δεκά- 
 δος yap ενα σφεων αυτών άποκΧηρώσαντες, κατεφαγον. 
 πυθόμενος δε ταυτα ο Κ αμβυσης, δε/σας την άΧΧηΧοφα - 
 γίην, άπείς τον επ' Αιθίοπας στόΧον, οπίσω επορευετο, και 
 απικνεεται ες Θήβας, πολλούς άποΧεσας του στρατού, εκ 
 θηβεων δε καταβάς ες Μ εμφιν, τους Έλληνας άπηκε 
 άποπΧεειν. ο μεν επ’ Αιθίοπας στόλος οίίτω ε πρήζε. ΟΙ 26 
 δ αυτών επ' ’Αμμωνίους άποσταΧεντες στρατευεσθαι, επεί 
 τε ορμηθεντες εκ τών θηβεων επορεύοντο εχοντες αγω¬ 
 γούς, άπικόμενοι μεν φανεροί εισι ες ’'Οασιν πόΧιν, την 
 
 σιτίων εχόμενα. See ρ. 29. 
 
 εγνωσιμόιχεε. Υνωσιμαχησαι, 
 ios ’Αριστοφάνης ’Όρνισι' (555.) 
 μετανοησαι, *Έι\\ηνικώ$. Moeris. 
 “Nil aliud sonat nisi τη γνώσι 
 i. e. τη γνώμη (nempe τη προτέρη 
 εαντοΰ γνώμη ) μάχεσθα i, priori 
 suae sententiae repugnare, mutare 
 sententiam.” Schw. Lex. Her. 
 “If Cambyses, when he had learnt 
 these things, had changed his 
 mind and led back his army, after 
 his original fault, he would have 
 been a wise man.’" The common 
 punctuation connects επι rrj άρ¬ 
 χηθεν γενομενη άμαρτάόι with the 
 following words, instead of the 
 preceding. 
 
 ουτω επρηξε. “Adeo cessit in- 
 feliciter. Nonnunquam utuntur in 
 designanda calamitate verbo7rpa£ai 
 simpliciter posito, mali ominis voce 
 
 κακώς omissa. Postquam triste fa- 
 tum narrasset Anacharsidis Hero¬ 
 dotus 4. 77. O vros μεν inquit ov- 
 τω όη επρηζε. Thuc. 7. 24. Dem. 
 pro Cor. p. 172.” Valck. It must 
 not be supposed, however, that 
 ούτως has ever any other meaning 
 than thus, or that it implies cala¬ 
 mity, except when the preceding- 
 description is of something cala¬ 
 mitous. Reflections of this kind 
 are not usually made except at 
 the close of a narrative of misfor¬ 
 tune. Liv. 22. 7. “Hcec est nobilis 
 ad Trasimenum pugna atque inter 
 paucas numerata populi Romani 
 clades.” id. 50. “ Hcec est pugna 
 Cannensis, Alliensi cladi nobilitate 
 par.” Polyb. 3. 17. “ Hunc Tib. 
 Gracchi liberi vitae mortisque ha- 
 buere exitum.” Veil. Pat. 2. 7. 
 
 Sect. 26. ks ’ Οασιν πόλιν. The 
 
218 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [III. 26. 
 
 εχουσι μεν Έάμιοι, τής Α’ισγ^ριωνίης φυλής λεγόμενοι είναι' 
 «7 τ&γονσι δε επτά ήμερεων οάον απο θηβεων δια ψάμμον * 
 ουνομάΖ,εται δε ό γωρος ούτος κατά Ελλήνων γλώσσαν, 
 Ma/c«jOit>^ νήσος . ec /uey δ?} τούτον τον γ^ωρον λεγεται απι- 
 
 Great Oasis, IfWi (Wah is said 
 to signify “ habitation” in Coptic), 
 visited and described by Caillaud 
 and Edmonstone; nearly in the la¬ 
 titude of Thebes, and about seven 
 days’ journey to the west of it. It 
 is itself composed of two oases, 
 El Kargch and El Dakel. It lies 
 in the caravan road from Thebes 
 to Ammonium. See Heeren 1. 
 211. Tr. Her. only speaks of this 
 one oasis ; Strabo of three ; Pliny 
 and Ptolemy of two. The fact is, 
 that numerous such verdant spots, 
 some mere halting-places for cara¬ 
 vans, others assuming the size of 
 kingdoms, as Darfur and Fezzan, 
 are scattered like islands through 
 the sandy ocean of the Desert. 
 They are generally surrounded by 
 limestone hills, rising to the height 
 of several hundred feet, and bound¬ 
 ing them on all sides. Wilkinson 
 1 . 222 . 
 
 εγουσι "Σάμιοι. Of the manner 
 in which the Samians became pos¬ 
 sessed of this oasis, we have no 
 historical account. They were 
 early distinguished for their naval 
 power and distant voyages, and 
 one of their vessels having been 
 driven to Tartessus, the traffic 
 which they carried on with this 
 hitherto unknown country w T as the 
 source of such riches as no other 
 trade yielded. This was about 
 640 B.C. Their establishment in 
 the Oasis may have originated in 
 the friendship between them and 
 the Cyrenians, Her. 4. 152., who 
 
 resorted to Ammonium, 2. 32. It 
 is to be presumed that Ammonium 
 itself was colonized by Greeks, 
 since the name of the king was 
 Etearchus. This may have been 
 the source of some of those tales 
 of wonder respecting the Libyan 
 Desert which are post-Homeric. 
 
 Μ ακάρων νήσος. Comp. Od. 
 564. Hes. Opp. et D. 169. The 
 voyages of the Phoenicians beyond 
 the Straits of Hercules, and their 
 discovery of the Azores, seem to 
 have given rise to the fiction of 
 the Islands of the Blessed, with 
 which the Greeks combined the 
 notion of Elysian fields. Strabo 
 3. 201. Gesner de Nav. extra 
 Col. Here. p. 644. of Hermann’s 
 Orphica. The name of Rhada- 
 manthus, which is purely Greek 
 (ραΰαμε V βλαστάνει, Hes. άνθος), 
 who presides over these islands, 
 is originally allusive to the luxu- 
 riance of flowery vegetation by 
 which they were characterized. 
 Pind. 01. 2. 75. ed. Boeckh. My¬ 
 thology made him a grandson of 
 Phoenix (II. £', 321.), and the com¬ 
 bination above-mentioned invested 
 him with the character of a rigid 
 judge, the brother and assessor of 
 the Creto-Phcenician Minos. It 
 was very natural for the Desert 
 traveller to call a verdant oasis an 
 Island of the Blessed. From the 
 circumstance that the Acropolis 
 of Thebes was called Μα κάρων νή¬ 
 σος (Phot. Lex. Gr. p. 178.), it has 
 been inferred that the Boeotian 
 
III. 27.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 249 
 
 κεσθαι τον στρατόν το ενθεντεν δε, ότι μη αυτοί Άμμω- 
 νιοι και οι τούτων ακούσαντεε, άλλοι ούδενεε ούδεν εχουσι 
 ειπεάν περί αυτών * ούτε yap εε τούε *Α μμωνίουε, απίκοντο, 
 ούτε οπισω ενόστησαν. Χεγεται δε και τάδε νπ’ αυτών Αμ¬ 
 μωνίων ’ επειδή εκ τηε Οάσιοε ταύτηε Ιεναι δια τηε ψάμ¬ 
 μου h τι σφεαε, γενεσθαι τε αντούε μεταξύ κου μάΧιστα 
 αυτών τε και τηε Οάσιοε, άριστον α'ιρεομενοισι αντοάσι 
 επιπνεύσαι νότον μεγαν τε και εξαισιον, φορεοντα δε ΘΊναε 
 της ψάμμον, καταχωσαί σφεαε, και τρόπω τοιούτω άφα- 
 νισθηναι. Α μμώνιοι μεν ουτω λεγουσι γενεσθαι περί τηε 
 στρατιηε ταύτηε. 
 
 Απιγμενου δε Καμβύσεω εε ΊΧΙεμφιν, εφάνη Αιγνπτίοισι 
 ο y Απιε, τον 'ΈΧΧηνεε ’Έπαφον καΧεονσι. επιφανεοε δε 
 τούτον γενομενου, αυτίκα οί Αιγύπτιοι είματά τε εφόρεον 
 τά κάΧΧιστα, και ησαν εν θαΧίφσι. ιδών δε ταυ τα τούε Α’ι- 
 γυπτίουε ποιεύνταε ο Καμβύσηε, πάγχυ σφεαε καταδόζαε, 
 
 city and the legend of the Island 
 of the Blessed were of Egyptian 
 origin. See Bahr’s note. But the 
 coincidence of the name seems ac¬ 
 cidental. The Egyptian Thebes 
 was so called from its native name 
 (Lepsius p. 33.), the Boeotian from 
 a Greek word, signifying “a hill.” 
 “ Lingua prisca et in Grsecia ^Do¬ 
 les Boeotii sine afflatu vocant colles 
 tebas, et in Sabinis, quo e Grsecia 
 venerunt Pelasgi, etiam nunc ita 
 dicunt.” Varr. R. Rust. 3. 1. 
 
 <popeovra divas rrjs ψάμμου. 
 Bruce (6. 458.) has described the 
 moving pillars of sand which the 
 wind raises and which suddenly 
 precipitate themselves when the 
 supporting force fails. A re¬ 
 cent and less imaginative travel¬ 
 ler (Burckhardt, Nubia 1. 207.) 
 doubts the truth of the stories of 
 caravans being overwhelmed by 
 
 them. There is certainly no ne¬ 
 cessity to account in this way for 
 the destruction of the army of 
 Cambyses. Ignorant of the road, 
 they were entirely at the mercy 
 of their guides, and the track 
 might be obliterated by the fall 
 of the shower of sand. Belzoni 
 (2. 180.) speaks of heaps of bones 
 covered with sand in the desert, 
 and his Arabs told him of others 
 of still greater extent; but the 
 researches of some more philo¬ 
 sophical traveller are necessary, 
 before we can receive these state¬ 
 ments as confirmatory of the tra¬ 
 dition of the Ammonians respect¬ 
 ing Cambyses and his army. 
 
 Sect. 27. καταδόξαε. “Idem 
 fere quod simplex δόζαε, nisi quod 
 malam quandam in partem adhi- 
 beri videtur verbum compositum.” 
 Bahr. 6. 16. πάγχυ σψέαε κατα> 
 
250 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [III. 28. 
 
 εωυτού κακώς πρηζαντος, χαρμόσυνα ταυτα 7 τοιεειν, εκαΧεε 
 τούς επιτρόπους της Μεμφιοε* απικομενους δε ες υφιν, εί- 
 ρετο u ο τι 7 τρότερον μεν, εόντος αυτόν εν Μ εμφι, επο'ι- 
 li euy τοιούτον ούδεν Αιγύπτιοι * τότε δε, επει αυτός παρ - 
 “ είη της στρατιης πΧηθός τι αποβα Χώνοι δε εφραζον, 
 ως σφι θεός είη φανείς, δια χρόνου πολλοΰ εωθως επι - 
 φα'ινεσθαι * και ως επεαν φανύ}, τότε παντες οί Αιγύπτιοι 
 κεχαρηκότες όρταζοιεν. ταυτα ακούσας ό Καμβύσης, εφη 
 φεύόεσθαί σφεας' και ως φευ^ομενους, θανάτω εό,ημίου. 
 
 28 Αποκτείνας δε τούτους, δεύτερα τούς Ιρεας εκαΧεε ες 
 υφιν. Χεγοντων δε κατά τα αυτά των [ρεών, ού Χησειν 
 εφη αυτόν, ει θεός τις χειροηθης απιγμενος είη Αιγυπτί- 
 οισι. τοσαύτα δε είπας, επαγειν εκεΧευε τόν ,r Απιν τούς 
 ιρεας οι μεν οη μετηισαν αςοντες. U οε Απις ουτος, ο 
 
 ύόζα vres είναι κλώπας. It is found 
 (9.99.) with a dative of the person 
 τοίσι κατεόόκεον νεοχμόν αν τι 
 7 νοιέειν. In other instances (as 1. 
 22.), κατά seems to be used merely 
 to strengthen the meaning, “ to 
 be persuaded.” 
 
 χαρμόσυνα ταυτα ποιεειν, “were 
 doing these things as a public re¬ 
 joicing.” Χαρμόσυνη, is “joy,” 
 the neut. plur. χαρμόσυνα , “ festi¬ 
 vities, indications of joy.” Plut. 
 Is. et Os. 362. D. την εορτήν Αι¬ 
 γύπτιοι, τα χαρμόσυνα, ΣΑΙΡΕΙ 
 καλουσιν, where τα χ. is in appo¬ 
 sition to την εορτήν. Hes. S. V. 
 
 Sect. 28. "Airts ούτοε, 6 ’Έπα- 
 < pos . ’Ίόπαφοε appears to be de¬ 
 rived from επί and άπτω, “to touch 
 or kindle,” denoting the mode of 
 his conception. Plut. Is. et Os. 
 368. C. τον όε 'Απιν , ε'ικόνα μεν 
 Όσίριόος εμφυχον είναι, γενέσθαι 
 όε όταν φως ερείση γόνιμον από 
 της σελήνής και καθάφηται βοός 
 όργωσης. yEsch. Prom. V. 873. 
 
 ενταύθα ύη σε Ζευς τίθησιν εμ- 
 φρονα Ίόπαφών άταρβεΐ χειρί και 
 θιγων μόνον, suggests a different 
 etymology. When a bull having 
 the requisite marks was found 
 among the herds, he was first kept 
 four months in a stable erected 
 on the spot, and then brought to 
 Memphis, and placed in a sacred 
 inclosure adjoining the temple of 
 Vulcan. Here he was seen by his 
 worshipers, and from his various 
 motions, his entering one or the 
 other of two chambers, especially 
 from his receiving or rejecting 
 food, omens were deduced con¬ 
 cerning the welfare of the state, 
 or the individual who offered it to 
 him. Plin. 8. 71. After a certain 
 time, probably twenty-five years, 
 if he were still living, he was 
 drowned by the priests in a well, 
 the situation of which was stu¬ 
 diously concealed; public mourn¬ 
 ing took place, and a new Apis 
 was sought for; “nec tamen,” 
 
III. 29 .] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 251 
 
 E παφος, γίνεται μόσ -yoc, εκ βοός ητις ούκετι οίη τε γί¬ 
 νεται ες γαστέρα άλλον βάλλεσθαι γόνον. Αιγύπτιοι δε 
 
 λεγουσι σέλας επί την βουν εκ του ουρανού κατίσγειν, καί 
 μιν εκ τούτου τίκτειν τον ’ Άπιν. ’ E^et δε ο μόσκος ού- 
 τος, ο 'Απις καλεόμενος, σημηια τοιάδε* εων μελας ) επί 
 μεν τφ μετωπω λευκόν τετράγωνον φορεει * επί δε τού 
 νώτου, αιετόν εικασμενον * εν δέ ττ? ovpy, τάς τρίχας δι- 
 7τλάς* ετιι δε ττ? γλωσσγ, κάνθαρον. 'Ωε δε ηγαγον τον 
 'Απιν οι ιρεες, ο Κ αμβύσης, ο’ια εων ύπομαργότερος , σπα- 
 σάμενος το εγγ^ειρίύιον 9 θελων τύφαι την γαστέρα τού ’ Ά- 
 πιος, παίει τον μηρόν * γελάσας δε, είπε προς τούς Ιρεας' 
 u Ώ κακαί κεφαλαί , τοιούτοι θεοί γίνονται, εναιμοί τε καί 
 “ σαρκωύεες , καί επαίοντες σιόηρίων ; αζιος μεν Αιγυπτίων 
 ούτός γε ο θεός, ατάρ τοι υμείς γε ου "χαίροντες γε- 
 
 u 
 
 says Pliny (8. 46.), “ unquam diu 
 quserebatur.” Jabl. Panth. Eg. lib. 
 4. c. 2. A sacred bull called Mne- 
 vis was kept at Heliopolis, and 
 was supposed especially to belong 
 to the sun, as Apis to the moon. 
 JE\. Hist. Anim. 11. 11., though 
 others refer Apis also to the sun. 
 Macrob. Sat. 1. 21. 
 
 67rt rrj γΧωσσρ, κάνθαρον. Pliny 
 (8. 71.) says, “Nodus sub lingua, 
 quem cantharum appellant;” and 
 Porphyry (quoted by Euseb. Praep. 
 Ev. 3. 13.), υπο rrj γΧώττί j. The 
 scarabaeus appears on almost every 
 kind of Egyptian antiquities, from 
 the earliest to the latest times. 
 Of its significance as an emblem 
 various accounts are given, most 
 of them without foundation in the 
 structure and habits of the animal. 
 Horapollo 1.10. ^El. 10.15. Plut. 
 Is. et Os. 2. 355. Zoega observes 
 (DeOr. Ob. p.450.), “Invenio sca- 
 rabaeum taurum, supra dictum, in 
 magno honore esse apud ultimos 
 
 in Africa barbaros et velut bonum 
 genium coli. Vide Kolben.” Per¬ 
 haps its transformations, and the 
 circumstance of its being con¬ 
 cealed in the earth for a time and 
 then appearing on the surface, 
 may have caused it to be consi¬ 
 dered as a type of the changes of 
 nature ; for it is doubtful whether 
 it originally represented nature or 
 the sun. 
 
 Sect. 29. κακαι κεφαΧαι. Ridi - 
 cula capita! Ter. Andr. 2. 2. 34. 
 Blockheads! 
 
 enatovres. Άίω, though gene¬ 
 rally used of hearing, is the root 
 of the longer form αισθάνεσθαι, 
 and denotes “to feel.” Hes. aiov, 
 ηκονον κα'ι ησθανόμην. ετταίειν, al~ 
 σθάνεσθαι. 
 
 ου χα ipovres yeXiora εμε θησε- 
 σθε, “ ye shall not with impunity 
 make me your laughing-stock.” 
 Of χαίρων used in this sense (to 
 which κΧαίων answers, “ to your 
 sorrow”), see Herm. ad Vig. 767. 
 
252 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [Hi. 30. 37. 
 
 u Χωτα εμε θησεσθε.” Ταυτα είπας, ενετείΧατο τοίσι 
 ταυτα πρησσουσι , τους μεν ιρεας απομαστιγωσαι, Αιγυ¬ 
 πτίων δε των αΧΧων τον αν Χάβωσι ορτάΖ,οντα, κτείνειν. 
 ορτη μεν οη οιελελυτο Αιγυπτιοισι οι όε ιρεες εοικαιευν¬ 
 το. ο δε ’Άπις πεπΧηγμενος τον μηρόν, εφθινε εν τω ιρω 
 κατακείμενος . και τον μεν , τεΧευτησαντα εκ του τρωματος, 
 
 30 έθαψαν οι Ιρεες Χάθρη Κ αμβυσεω. Κ,αμβυσης δε, ως Χί- 
 γουσι Αιγύπτιοι , αυτίκα διά τούτο το αδίκημα εμάνη, εων 
 ουδέ πρότερον φρενήρης. 
 
 37 'Ο μεν δη τοιαΰτα ποΧΧα ες ΤΙερσας τε καί τους ζυμμά- 
 χου<; εζεμαίνετο, μενών εν Μ εμφι, καί θηκας τε παΧαιας ανοί- 
 γων, καί σκεπτδμενος τους νεκρούς, ες δε δη καί του Ηφαί- 
 
 “ Eupolis. Ον γάρ μα την Μ αρα- 
 θώνι την εμην μάχην, Χαίρων tis 
 αυτών τουμον άλγυνεΐ κέαρ. Quse 
 ita festivissime vertit, verus Mu- 
 sarum sacerdos, Gulielmus Smith, 
 Decanus Cestrensis: No! by my 
 labours in that glorious field, Their 
 joy shall not produce my discontent. 
 Atqui, mi homo, χαίρων est im - 
 pune. Her. 9. 106.’Ιω^α$ ουΰεμίην 
 ελπίδα είχον χαίρο ντα s προς των 
 ΪΙερσέων άπαλλάζειν, impune Ια~ 
 turos.” Toup. ad Longin. 16. 2. 
 
 τοίσι ταυτα πρησσουσι, “to those 
 who managed these things,” the 
 officers of justice. So τά ναυτικά, 
 πράττειν, Xen. Hell. 3. 4. 29. “to 
 manage the naval department.” 
 
 [The sections which have been 
 omitted, from 30 to 37, contain an 
 account of various frantic and 
 cruel acts of Cambyses; his put¬ 
 ting to death his brother Smerdis, 
 by the hands of Prexaspes ; his 
 brutality towards his wife, who 
 was also his sister; his murder of 
 the son of Prexaspes and execu¬ 
 tion of twelve Persians; and the 
 reproof administered to him by 
 
 - Ί 1 
 
 Croesus, whom he ordered his ser¬ 
 vants to kill; and finding that his 
 orders had been disobeyed, spared 
 the life of Croesus, but put his ser¬ 
 vants to death.] 
 
 Sect. 37. 'Ηφαίστου το ιρον. 
 Phtha (Cic. N. D. 3. 22. Suid. s.v. 
 4>6ds,) was not only the chief di¬ 
 vinity of Memphis, but the princi¬ 
 pal god of the Egyptian Pantheon. 
 In the interpretation given by Am- 
 mianus Marcellinus (17. 4.) of the 
 obelisk of Heliopolis, he is called 
 "Ηφαιστος, 6 των θεών πατήρ, and 
 some of those who gave an histo¬ 
 rical interpretation to the Egy¬ 
 ptian mythology made him the first 
 king of Egypt. Diod. 1. 13. It 
 is evident from the identification 
 of him with their own Hephsestus 
 by the Greeks, that he represent¬ 
 ed the element of fire. The mis¬ 
 shapen pygmy figures which ap¬ 
 pear among Egyptian antiquities, 
 and which have been taken for Ty- 
 phon, probably belong to this god. 
 See Atlas zu Minutoli, tab. xxxi. 
 fig.6., xxxiii. bis. 12. 24. 29. Hie¬ 
 roglyphics, which have been read 
 
III. 37.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 253 
 
 στον το ιρον ήλθε, καί πολλά τω ayaXpan καταγέλασε* 
 εστι yap του Ηφαίστου τώγαλ/χα τοισι Φ οινικηίοισι Πα- 
 ταικοΐσι εμφερέστατον , το υς οι Φοίνικες εν τρσι πρωρησι 
 των τριηρεων περι^ονσι. ος δε τουτους μι) όπωπεε, εγώ 
 δε οί σημανέω * πυyμaίoυ άνΰρός μίμησίς εστι . ’Έσηλθε δε 
 και ές των Κάβειρων το ιρον , ές το ου θεμιτόν εστι έσι- 
 έναι άλλον yε η τον ίρεα' ταντα δε τα ay άλματα και ένέ- 
 πρησε, πολλά κατασκωφας. εστι δε και ταντα όμοΊα του 
 
 Socari, appear near some phallic 
 representations of this god, which 
 will explain Hesych. ΐΙααμυΧηε. 
 Αιγύπτιοί θεός πριαπώόηε. r) Al- 
 γυπτωόης Σόχαρις, ΪΙααμυΧηε, and 
 what Her. (2. 51.) says of the 
 Samothracian Hermes, who was 
 probably the same. These images 
 are found in considerable numbers 
 in the mummy-pits of Saccarah 
 and Gizeh. Wilk. Thebes, p. 337. 
 The more refined taste of the 
 Greeks shrunk from the repre¬ 
 sentation of a god in so ridiculous 
 and deformed a shape as the Egy¬ 
 ptian Vulcan, and retained only 
 the circumstance of lameness and 
 the epithet of άμφιγυήειε, which is 
 properly, “having two bow legs,” 
 and corresponds exactly with the 
 images of Phtha-Socari. For the 
 idea which unites all the senses of 
 γνα, γυία, and γυϊον in a common 
 root, whether used for the hand, 
 the foot, the buris of the plough 
 (Virg. Georg. 1. 170.), a crooked 
 leg, or a level plain, is hollowness 
 and flexure. Comp, note on ευκυ- 
 Xov, p. 55. 
 
 τω άγάΧματι κατεγέΧασε. Of 
 the construction, see Matth. § 402. 
 5. Obs. 2. 
 
 Παταϊκοίσι. The name may be 
 derived from Phtha, and is given 
 
 to other diminutive figures, as to 
 that of the Idcean Hercules (Paus, 
 8. 31.), which was placed upon 
 the table at banquets, and called 
 ευφράόης (see Hes. s. voc.), from 
 presiding over mirth. Such a statue 
 Statius describes (Sylv. 4. 6. 37.) 
 “ parvusque videri, Sentirique in¬ 
 gens etcum miiabilisintra Stet men- 
 sura pedem tamen exclamare lice- 
 bit,” &c. The coins of Ascalon and 
 Sidon represent two Patseci on the 
 prow of a war-galley. Miinter Re¬ 
 ligion der Karthager, p. 170. Eck- 
 hel D. N. 3. 444. “ duo Hermse 
 acutis pileis tecti: videntur esse 
 Cabiri vel Dioscuri.” 
 
 των Κάβειρων το ιρον. See note 
 at the end of the volume. 
 
 όμοϊα τον 'ϋφαίστον. Thom. 
 Mag. 649. όμοΊον τω όεϊνι και 
 όμοίον τοΰ δεινό*. Prise. 18. 25., 
 2. 228. Krehl. “ Hoc ipsum ad- 
 jectivum ut apud Latinos similis, 
 construitur etiam cum genitivo, 
 fere turn, quum similitudo interna 
 spectatur.” Fisch. ad Well. 3.395. 
 The genitive denotes a more gene¬ 
 ral resemblance. Arist. Pac. 519, 
 Μών ovv όμοίον και γυΧίου 
 στρατιωτικού ; “ at all like a sol¬ 
 dier’s knapsack,” in quality and 
 effect ? Xen. Anab. 4. 1. 17. ή 
 πορεία όμοια φυγής εγίγνετο 
 
254 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [III. 38. 
 
 38 Ηφαίστου* τούτου δε σψβ.αα τταΊ^αα λέγουσι είναι. Παν· 
 ταγή ών μοι Sr]Xa εστι, οτι εμάνη με"γα\ωε ο Κ,αμβνσηε' 
 ου ycip αν ιρο7σί τε και νομα'ιοισι επεχε'ιρησε κaτayε\av. 
 ε’ι yap tic, προθείη πάσι άνθρωποισι εκΧεζασθαι κεΧευων 
 νυμονο tovq καΧΧίστουα εκ των πάντων νομών , διασκεψα- 
 μενοι αν έλοίατο έκαστοι tovq εωυτων' ουτω νομίΖ,ονσι 
 πολύ τι καΧΧίστουε tovq εωυτων νόμουα έκαστοι είναι, ουκ- 
 ων ο’ικόα εστι αΧΧον yε Sri η μαινομενον avSpa γέλωτα 
 τα τοιαυτα τίθεσθαι. Ωε δε ούτω νενομικασι τα περί 
 
 tovq νόμουο, οι παντεο άνθρωποι, ποΧΧόΐσί τε κα\ άΧΧοισι 
 τεκμηρίοισι πάρεστι σταθμωσασθαι, εν δε Srj και τωδε. 
 ΑαρεΊοε, επί τηε έωυτού apyj]Q καΧεσαε Έλλύ^ωυ tovq 
 παρεονταε, ειρετο α επι κοσω αν 'χρηματι βουΧοίατο tovq 
 “ πaτεpaQ αποθνησκονταε κατασιτεεσθαιοί δε έπ ovSovi 
 εφασαν έρδειν αν τούτο. AapoioQ δε μετά ταυτα KaX&aaQ 
 Ίι/δωμ tovq κaXεoμεvovQ ΚαΧΧατ lac, ο'ι τούα yoviaQ κατε- 
 σθιονσι, εϊρετο, παρεοντων των ΕΧΧηνων και Si ερμηνε -OQ 
 μανθανόντων τα Xεyόμενα, “ επι τίνι χ^ρηματι ΒεξαΙατ* αν 
 (ί τεΧεντεονταε, tovq πaτεpaQ κατακαίειν 7 τυρί.” οι So, αμ- 
 
 to2s όπισθοφνλαζι, “ instar fugae.” 
 “ Retinui casum secundum, qui 
 tertio mihi exquisitior visus est. 
 Neuter a Graecitate abhorret, vid. 
 Schaefer Mell. crit. p. 134.” Bor- 
 nemann ad loc. In this passage 
 of Her. however, external and vi¬ 
 sible resemblance is certainly in¬ 
 tended, and as he elsewhere uses 
 the dative (comp. 3. 14. 24.), we 
 should here supply τοϊσι άγάλ- 
 μασι, from the context. 
 
 Sect. 38. Ou yap άν έπεχεί- 
 ρησε, i. e. “ if he had not been 
 mad;” the protasis, as being ob¬ 
 vious from the connexion, being 
 omitted. Soph. CEd. T. 82. Άλλ’ 
 είκάσαι μεν ηδυς. ον yap αν κάρα 
 
 Πολυστεφης ώδ’ είρπε παγκάρπου 
 δάφνης, if he were not a messen¬ 
 ger of good news. 
 
 γέλωτα τίθεσθαι. Comp. 3. 29. 
 
 ’Ij'tkJv tovs καλεομένονς Καλλα- 
 τίας. Probably the same who are 
 called Κα λαντίαι, 3. 97. Similar 
 customs are recorded of the Padaei, 
 (3.99.,) who put to death those who 
 by disease or age seemed likely to 
 become less suitable for food. The 
 existence of cannibalism in ancient 
 and modern times is not to be de¬ 
 nied ; but it may be observed, that 
 the story related by Her. is evi¬ 
 dence only of the horror of the 
 Callatiae at the proposal to burn 
 their parents. 
 
III. 61.] 
 
 HERODOTUS ο 
 
 255 
 
 βωσαντες μεγα, ευφημεειν μιν εκελευον. Ουτω μεν νυν 
 ταυτα νενόμισται' και όρθωε, μοι δο /ceei ΐΐίν^αροο ποιησαι, 
 νόμον πάντων βασιλέα φμσαε, είναι . 
 
 Καμβύσφ δε τω Κ υρον, %οονίζοντι περί Αίγυπτον και 
 παραφρονησαντι, επανιστεαται αν^ρεε Μάγοι, δύο α$εΧφεοί ’ 
 των τον ετερον καταΧεΧοίπεε των οικιών μεΧεΰωνόν ο Κ αμ-* 
 βύσηε. ούτοε, ών οι επανεστη, μαθων τε τον Έμερ^ιοε 
 
 ευφημεειν μιν έκέλευον. The 
 exhortation to silence carries with 
 it also an expression of horror at 
 the atrocity of the proposal. Comp, 
 note, p. 214. 
 
 νόμον πάντων βασιλέα. Her. 
 has here used a liberty common in 
 quoting, that of taking the words 
 in a somewhat different sense from 
 his author. The passage in Pin¬ 
 dar, judging from the quotations 
 of Plato (Gorg. 484. B.), Clem. 
 Alex. (Strom. 1. p.427. Pott.), and 
 the allusion of Euripides (Hec. 
 794. Pors.), appears to have been 
 an assertion of the supremacy of 
 law. Hermann has thus arranged 
 and supplied the lines. Νόμος 6 
 πάντων βασιλεύς θνατών τε και 
 αθανάτων άγει Αικαιών το βιαιό- 
 τατον υπέρτατα Χειρί' τεκμαίρομαι 
 "Ίύργοισιν'ΙΙρακλέος. HeyneFragm. 
 Incert. II. Herodotus uses it to 
 denote the absolute power of cus¬ 
 tom, which causes the very same 
 action to appear a duty to one 
 man, an atrocity to another. No- 
 μός and the derivatives, νομίζω, vo- 
 μαϊος, are equally used of law and 
 custom, as indeed law is only an 
 authoritative custom. 
 
 [The omitted sections, from 39 
 to 61, contain a digression on 
 the history of Samos, introduced 
 on occasion of the expedition of 
 the Lacedaemonians against that 
 
 island, B.C. 525. Clinton F. H. 
 2. 14.] 
 
 Sect. 61. χρονίζοντι περί Αί¬ 
 γυπτον. “ Manetho, quoted by 
 Africanus (apud Syncellum, p.75.), 
 improperly gives Cambyses six 
 years in Egypt, and eleven years 
 in the whole. His reign in Egypt 
 could be only about three years 
 and five months, which is not con¬ 
 trary to Herodotus, whose ex¬ 
 pressions Καμβυσρ ■χρονίζοντι περί 
 Αίγυπτον, do not imply, “ staid 
 several years in Egypt,” as Jack- 
 son has understood them (vol. 1. 
 p. 453. note.), but simply, “wast¬ 
 ing much time there.” Clinton 2. 
 313. note d. 
 
 τον Σμέρΰιος θάνατον. Camby¬ 
 ses had sent Prexaspes to Persia 
 to put his brother Smerdis to 
 death (3. 30.), his jealousy having 
 been excited by a dream, in which 
 he thought that a messenger from 
 Persia had announced to him that 
 Smerdis was seated on the throne, 
 touching the sky with his head. 
 The manner of his death was un¬ 
 known, some reporting that he 
 had been assassinated by Prexaspes 
 during a hunting-party; others 
 that he had been drowned in the 
 Persian Gulf. As usual, when emi¬ 
 nent persons have been secretly 
 taken off, rumours prevailed that 
 he was still living, and impostors 
 
256 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [III. 61. 
 
 θάνατον j tor, κρνπτοιτο yevopevoc , και ώς ολίγοι ήσαν οι 
 επιστάμενοι αυτόν Υίερσέων, οι δε πολλοί περιεοντα μιν ει- 
 δ β'ιησαν. πρόο ταυτα βουλεύσαο τάδε, επεγειρησε τοισι βα- 
 σιληίοισι. οί άδελφεδς, τδι> ειπά οί σννεπαναστήναι, 
 
 οικως μάλιστα το eiSoQ Σμερ8ι τω Κνρου, τον ο Καμβυσηα, 
 εόντα εωυτον άδελφεόν, άπεκτεινε' ήν τε 8ή ομοΊοα eiSoc, 
 τιρ Σμερ8ι, και Si] και ουνομα τωυτο είχε Σμερ8ιν\ τούτον 
 τον avSpa avayvujaac, ο Μάγος ΥΙατιζείθηα, ως οι αι/τδς 
 πάντα 8ιαπρήζει, εισε άγων ες τον βασιληιον Θρόνον, ποι- 
 ησαο δε τούτο, κηρνκαι; τύ} τε άλλρ 8ιεπεμπε } και Srj και 
 
 assumed his name. Such was the 
 case in England with regard to 
 Perkin Warbeck, the pretended 
 son of Edward IV., and more re¬ 
 markably in Russia, in the end of 
 the 16th and beginning of the 17th 
 centuries, where, after the assas¬ 
 sination of Demetrius, the son of 
 John Basilides, not fewer than six 
 pretenders successively appeared, 
 claiming to be the prince who was 
 supposed to be murdered. Some 
 public discontent or ferment of 
 opinion, such for instance as at¬ 
 tends an usurpation or change of 
 dynasty, will generally be found to 
 exist, at the same time exciting 
 men’s passions and increasing their 
 credulity. 
 
 ois κρυπτό ito yevopevos, και 
 vis ολίγοι ήσαν οι επιστάμενοι αυ¬ 
 τόν Γ Ιερσέων, oi δε πολλοί περιε- 
 όντά μιν ειδείησαν. Matthise 
 § 529. 5. gives several instances 
 of this variation between the indi¬ 
 cative and optative in the ‘ obliqua 
 oratio,’ concluding (note a, p. 918.) 
 that no distinction has been sug¬ 
 gested that is applicable to all 
 cases. In the posthumous edition 
 of his Grammar, however (1835), 
 p. 1225., he says, “ the indicative 
 
 appears to point out a definite and 
 actual fact, the optative only some¬ 
 thing probable,” as 8. 70. οτι μελ- 
 λοιεν, what was merely an object 
 of thought, πολιορκήσονται, what 
 was certainly about to take place, 
 in the event of defeat. In the 
 present passage the distinction is 
 clear, κρνπτοιτο and είδείησαν re¬ 
 ferring to a matter of uncertain 
 opinion,—the death of Smerdis, 
 ήσαν to a certain fact,—that his 
 person was known to few. So 9. 
 69. αγγέλλεται, οτι μάχη τε γέ- 
 γονε και νικώ εν οι μετά ΪΙαυ- 
 σανίεω. Έλδείησαν is “ judged ” 
 or “ supposed,” though contrary 
 to fact, a sense which έπίστασθαι 
 frequently has in Her., as 3. 66. 
 οντοι μεν νυν ήπιστ έατο Σμερ- 
 διν τον Κόρον βασιλέα άνεστεώτα, 
 but which I have not elsewhere 
 observed ειδέναι to bear. 
 
 έπεχείρησε τοίσι βασιληίοισι. 
 “ Schw. interpretatur, regiam oc - 
 cupare instituit. (1. 30.) Malim 
 equidem subaudire πρήγμασι in¬ 
 deque sic vertere regnum affectavit 
 sive cum H. Stephano invadendum 
 regnum sibi putavit .” Bahr. Schw. 
 in his Lexicon adopts the same 
 meaning. 
 
III. 62.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 257 
 
 eq Αίγυπτον 7 τροερεοντα τω στρατώ, wc Έ,μερδιος του Κύ- 
 ρου ακουστεα είη του Χοιπου, αΧΧ ου Καμβυσεω. Οι τε 62 
 δη ών άλλοι κηρυκες προη'γόρευον ταυτα, και δη και ο επ 
 Αίγυπτον ταχθείς, ευρισκε yap Κ αμβυσεα και τον στρατόν 
 εόντα Trjc Συρίης εν Άγβατ άνοισι, ττρο^ορευε στας ες μέ¬ 
 σον τα εντεταΧμενα εκ του Μάγου. Καμβυσης δε ακουσας 
 ταυτα εκ του κηρυκος, και εΧπίσας μιν λβγειυ αΧηθεα, αυ¬ 
 τός τε προδεδόσθαι εκ ΤΙρηζασπεος, (πεμφθεντα yap αυτόν 
 ως αποκτενεοντα Έμερδιν, ου ποιησαι ταυτα,) βΧεψας ες 
 τον Π|θϊ7^άσ7τεα ei7re* u Iljoii^aaTreq, ουτω μ οι διεπρηζαο το 
 u τοι προσεθηκα πρίσμα Ο δε είπε' “ Ω δέσποτα, ονκ 
 
 άκου area είη. Of this use of 
 the neuter plural of the verbal, 
 see Matth. § 443. 1. I have re¬ 
 moved the comma, usually placed 
 before 7 rpoepeovra, as it refers ex¬ 
 clusively to Egypt. Προ is used 
 in this combination, as in προη- 
 γόρενον, in the sense of forth, 
 aloud, “ proclamare.” So προ¬ 
 φήτης, πρόμαντις, is properly not 
 one who announces beforehand, 
 but one who proclaims aloud 
 what the god secretly suggested 
 to him. 
 
 Sect. 62. Συρίης εν Άγβατά- 
 νοισι. The town really meant is 
 probably Batanea (Rel. Pal. 616.), 
 which either gave its name to, or 
 received it from, the region Bata¬ 
 nea, lying on the eastern side of 
 the Jordan, adjacent to Galilee 
 and Trachonitis. It was in the 
 high road from Babylon to Judsea, 
 for we learn from Josephus (Ant. 
 17.2.) that Herod caused a strong 
 place, named Bathuri to be erected 
 there, to protect the Jews who 
 came from Babylon to the temple 
 at Jerusalem. Josephus indeed, 
 according to the common text, 
 speaks of an Ecbatana in this re¬ 
 
 gion (Vit. 22.), and his authority 
 would be decisive in a matter re¬ 
 lating to the geography of a coun¬ 
 try which he knew so well. But 
 his text is doubtful, and we should 
 read for Έκβατάνοις either Βα-ά- 
 vois or Βαθι /j oois. Pliny (N. H. 5. 
 19.) speaks of a town on Mount 
 Carmel, of the same name (i. e. 
 Carmel), once called Ecbatana, 
 which has been supposed to be the 
 Ecbatana where Cambyses died. 
 But Carmel was not in the natural 
 line of his march; and as it appears 
 that the town was not in Pliny’s 
 time actually called Ecbatana, the 
 story that it once had been may 
 have originated from the account of 
 Herodotus. Towns of a name re¬ 
 sembling this, Bethany, Betane 
 (Judith i. 8.), Bethanoth (Jos. xv. 
 39.), were found in various parts 
 of Palestine, and probably among 
 the nations who spoke a kindred 
 tongue. 
 
 οϋτω μοι όιεπρήζαο τό τοι προσέ- 
 θηκα π ρήγμα; “have you executed 
 the commission which I gave you, 
 no better than this?” Virg. JEn, 
 2. 43. “Sic notus Ulixes?” 
 
 s 
 
258 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 63 
 
 [III. 63. 
 
 ii εστι ταυτα αΧηθεα, όκως κοτε σοι Έ>μερ^ις αδεΛφεοε ο 
 “ σός επανεστηκε, ουδέ όκως τι εζ εκείνου του ανόρός νε7- 
 
 > \ 
 
 > \ 
 
 a 
 
 (I 
 
 κος τοι εσται η μεγα η σμικρον* εyω yap αυτός, ποιή- 
 “ σας τα συ με εκεΧευες, έθαψα μιν \ερσι ττρσι εμεωυτου. 
 ε’ι μεν νυν οι τεθνεώτες ανεστεασι 3 προσόεκεο τοι και 
 Α στυάγεα τον Μί/δου επαναστησεσθαι* ει δ εστι ώσπερ 
 11 προ του, ου μη τι τοι εκ ye εκείνου νεωτερον αναβΧα - 
 il στήσει, νυν ών μοι όοκεει, μεταόιώζαντας τον κηρυκα, 
 (ί εζεταζειν είρωτευντας παρ* οτευ ηκων προσαγορεύει ημιν 
 (( Έμεροιος βασιΧεος ακουειν.” Τ αυτα είπαντος ΤΙρη^ά- 
 σπεος, ηρεσε yap Καμβυσφ, αυτίκα μεταόίωκτος yεv6μεvoς 
 ο κηρυϊζ ηκε, απ^μενον δε μιν είρετο ο ΤΙρηζασπης τάδε’ 
 u ’ Ώνθρωπε, φρε yap ηκειν παρα Σρερδιοε του Κυρου ay- 
 “ yεXoς ^ νυν ών, είπας την αΧηθηίην, απιθι ^ αίρων . κότερα 
 ί{ αυτός τοι Έμερόις φαινόμενος ες όψιν ενετεΧΧετο τ αντα, 
 η των τις εκείνου νπηρετεων ; Ο οε είπε L·yω Ζμερ- 
 e< Siv μεν τον Κάρου, εζ δτου βασιΧενς Κ,αμβυσης ηΧασε 
 ες Αίγυπτον, ου κω όπωπα * ο δε μοι Μάγοε, τον Κ αμ- 
 βύσης επίτροπον των οικιών άπεδε^ε, ουτος τ αυτα ενε- 
 “ τείΧατο , φας 'Σμερόιν τον Κυρου είναι τον τ αυτα επι - 
 
 a 
 
 κ 
 
 et S’ εστι ώσπερ προ του. “ The 
 times have been That when the 
 brains were out the man would 
 die, And there an end; but now 
 they rise again,’* &c. Macbeth 
 iii. 4. The mention of Astyages 
 the Mede may confirm the opinion 
 of Heeren, that this conspiracy of 
 the Magi was really an attempt 
 on the part of the Medes to re¬ 
 gain the sovereignty of which the 
 Persians had deprived them. 
 Comp, 3. 65. μη περιίΰεϊν την ηγε- 
 μονίην avTis es Μ ήΰουε περιεΧθοϋ- 
 σαν. 
 
 νεωτερον, “ anything unplea¬ 
 sant.” This euphemism, which 
 occurs elsewhere in Herodotus (5. 
 
 19. of a meditated assassination, 
 ib. 35. of revolt), is also found in 
 the tragic writers, and has been 
 illustrated by Markland ad Eur. 
 Suppl. 1032. (1042.) BatVet πέ\α$ 
 Fepatos T ((ns ets yewrepovs Xoyovs 
 O vs ov fcarei^ws πρόσθεν άΧγησει 
 κΧνιον. Some MSS. in this pas¬ 
 sage of Her. insert κανόν, origin¬ 
 ally no doubt a gloss upon veo>- 
 τερον. 
 
 Sect. 63. άπιθι χαίρων, “ de¬ 
 part unhurt.” Comp. p. 251. 
 Sometimes it is used ironically. 
 Ale. 829. χαίρων ’ίθ\ “go, and joy 
 go with you; ” addressed by the 
 servant of Admetus to Hercules, 
 whose presence was unwelcome. 
 
III. 64.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 259 
 
 it 
 
 ee 
 
 £< Θεμενον είπαι προο υμεαε.” Ό μεν δή σφι ελεγε, ου$εν 
 επικατεφευσμενοε- Καμβυσηο, δε είπε* u ΤΙρηζασπες, συ μεν, 
 οία ανηρ ayadoG ποιησαο τδ κεΧευόμενον, αίτίην εκπεφευ- 
 γαε* εμοι δε tig αν είη Τίερσεων ο επανεστεωε, επιβα- 
 ί( τευων του Έμερΰιοε ουνόματοε ” Ο δε είπε* ** Έγώ μοι 
 ί( δοκεω συνιεναι το yGyovoG τούτο, ώ βασιΧευ. ο I Mayot 
 ζί εισί τοι οι επανεστεωτεε, τον τε εΧιπεε μεΧεΰωνόν των 
 <( οικιών, Πατίζε/θί/ε, και ο τουτου αδελφεδα Έμερ$ιε.” 
 Ει^θαυτα ακουσαντα Κ αμβυσεα το Έμερ^ιοε ουνομα, ετυψε 64 
 Ύ] α,Χηθηίη των τε Xόyωv και του ενυπνίου * δς εδόκεε εν 
 τω υπνιρ aπayyεΊXaί τινά οι, ώε Έμερ8ια ίζόμενοε εε τον 
 βασιΧηιον θρόνον φαυσειε τρ κεφαΧη του ουράν ου. μαθων 
 δε ώε ματην αποΧωΧεκωε είη τον αΰεΧφεόν, απεκΧαιε Έμερ- 
 $ιν, άποκΧαυσαε δε, και περιημεκτησαε τη απάσν) συμφορά, 
 αναθρωσκει επί τον ίππον, εν νόω εγ^ων την ταχίστην εε 
 Έουσα στρατευεσθαι επί τδι> Μάγοι>. καί οι άναθρωσκοντι 
 επί τον ίππον, του κουΧεοΰ του ζίφεοε ο \αυκηε αποπίπτει' 
 
 επιβατεΰων, “ usurping.” Έπι- 
 βασία, η es άΧΧότριον οίκον άναρ¬ 
 χος είσέλευσις. καί έπιβατενών του 
 Σμέρδιος ονόματος , 'Hpo^oros. Jul. 
 Poll. 2. 200. ’Επιβάτης, the imme¬ 
 diate root of επιβατεΰω, was, pro¬ 
 perly, “ a person who went as a pas¬ 
 senger in another mans vessel.” 
 Thom. Mag. επιβάται κυρίως, οί 
 επ’ άΧΧοτρίο ις τον πΧοΰν ποι¬ 
 ούμενοι, όιόόντες ναΰΧον. ’Αττι- 
 κώς δε, οί ενοπΧοί τε οντες καί 
 παρεσκευασμένοι εις μάχην. See 
 Duker’s note on Thuc. 6. 43. 
 Her. 3. 67. uses it without όνομα, 
 επιβατενων του ομώνυμου Σμέρ- 
 διος. 9. 95. with όνομα. 
 
 Sect. 64. ό μΰκης αποπίπτει. 
 Μ ΰκης (-ου or -ητος ) is properly, 
 “ a mushroom,” thence applied to 
 various protuberant things; the 
 pommel, which terminates the hilt 
 
 S 
 
 of a sword (Eust. II. β' , 546. 569.), 
 the fungus on a wick (Virg. Georg. 
 1. 392.), the diseased excrescence 
 on trees (Hes. s. voc.), and here, 
 the knob by which the scabbard of 
 the sword was closed at the lower 
 end, το κατακΧείον την θηκην, as 
 explained by the Schol. on Ni- 
 cand. Alex. 103. quoted by Bahr. 
 The short sword, άκινάκης, “ pu- 
 gio,” as it is called by Ammian. 
 Marc. (23. 6.), was worn by the 
 Persians on the right thigh, as 
 may be seen in the sculptures of 
 Persepolis (Ker Porter Travels, 1. 
 PI. xxxvii. p. 606.); and when the 
 point was bared by the μΰκης drop¬ 
 ping off, a dangerous wound might 
 easily be inflicted on the wearer, 
 in the violent action of leaping on 
 horseback. Ctesiasrepresents Cam- 
 byses as dying at Babylon from a 
 
 2 
 
260 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [III. 65. 
 
 65 
 
 ^νμνωθεν δε το ζ'ιφοε παιει τον μηρόν * τρωματισθειε 
 κατα τούτο τρ αντοε πρότερον τον των Αιγυπτίων 6eov 
 ' Απιν €7 τΧηζε, wg οί Kaip'iy εΒοξε τετνφθαι, είρετο ο Καμ- 
 βυσηε ο τι τρ πολί ουνομα είη. οι δε είπα), ότι Αγβα- 
 τανα. τω δε ετι πρότερον εκεγ^ρηστο εκ Βουτουβ ttoXioc, 
 εν Αγβατάνοισι τεΧευτησειν τον βίον, ο μεν δη εν τοΊσι 
 Μηδ ικοΊσι Αγβατ ανοισι εΒόκεε τεΧευτησειν γηραιοε, εν 
 τοΊσί οι ην πάντα τα πρηγματα' το δε γ^ρηστηριον τοΊσι 
 εν ΈνρΙη Α^βατάνοισι ελεγε άρα. και δη ωε τότε επει- 
 ρεόμενοε επνθετο τηε πόΧιοε το οννομα, υπό τηε συμ- 
 φορηε τηε τε εκ του Μάγου εκπεπΧη^μενοε και του τρω- 
 ματοε, εσωφρόνησε' συΧΧα βων δέ το θεοπρόπιον, είπε * 
 ί£ Ένθαν τα Κα/ιβυσεα τυι> Κύ^οου εστι πεπρωμενον τεΧέυ- 
 
 α — ” 
 
 ταν, 
 
 !ε ύστερον ωε είκοσι μετά ■ 
 
 Τότε μει> τοσαυτα* ημερησι 
 πεμφάμενοε Π ερσεων των παρεόντων τουε λογίμωτατουη^ 
 ελεγε σφι τό 8ε· “ Τ Ω Π ερσαι, καταΧεΧάβηκε με, το παν- 
 u των μάΧιστα εκρυπτον πρη"γμάτων, τούτο εε υμεαε εκ- 
 
 'Ο 
 
 wound in the thigh, produced by a 
 plane which he was using. Phot, 
 p. 114. ed. Hoesch. 
 
 καιρίη τετΰψθαι. sc. πΧηγη. Pro¬ 
 perly, “ a well-aimed ,” and thence 
 a “mortal stroke.” Comp. Bos. 
 Ell. s. voc. A similar ellipsis takes 
 place with nouns of number. Luc. 
 xii. 47. 2 Cor. xi. 24. 
 
 ev Άγβατάνοισι τεΧευτησειν τον 
 βίον. Comp. Henry IV. Part 2. 
 end of Act iv. “ In that Jerusalem 
 shall Harry die.” A similar story 
 is told by the Italian translator of 
 Robert Guiscard, Duke of Apulia, 
 who having been told that he 
 should die in Jerusalem, was ta¬ 
 ken ill in Zante, on his way to the 
 Holy Land, and on asking the 
 name of the place in which he 
 
 was attacked, found that it was 
 called Jerusalem, and died there 
 in the course of a few days. See 
 Bahr. Other instances might be 
 collected of ambiguous prophecies 
 fulfilled in an unexpected way; 
 they are not to be regarded as 
 borrowed from one another, but 
 as springing out of a general feel¬ 
 ing respecting the Superior Power, 
 from which intimations of the fu¬ 
 ture proceed,—that it reserves the 
 right of interpreting its own pre¬ 
 dictions, and accomplishes them 
 in circumstances the least likely 
 to be anticipated by man. 
 
 Sect. 65. καταΧεΧάβηκε, “ the 
 necessity has befallen me.” Comp. 
 2 . 66 . 
 
III. 65.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 261 
 
 a w 
 
 < pyjvai . εγω γαρ, εων εν Αιγυπτω, ειόον οψιν εν τω 
 νπνω, την μηδαμά οφελον ιδε 7ν. εδόκεον δε μοι ayyeXov 
 i( ελθόντα εζ οίκου ayyeWeiv, ioq Έμέρΰις ιζόμενος εε, τον 
 ί( βασιληιον θρόνον φαυσειε τύ } κεφαλή του ουράν ου. δεί- 
 
 tc Λ\ V 5 Λ' \ ί V V ~ Λ I λ 
 
 οε μη απαιρευεω την αργήν προα του αόελφεου. 
 
 (Τ CL C) V V> jM/ V | VI 19 UL *. 1 ^/ V. W W · » | ^ VI- · | ^ ■ « |V V/ If I νν W W# \ VV/ V J 
 
 ** εποιησα ταγυτερα η σοφωτερα * ey τη yap ανθρωπηί^ 
 iC φύσει ουκ ενην αρα τό μέλλον yn >εσθαι αποτρέπειν * 
 “ εγώ δε δ ματαίοε, Τίρηζασπεα αποπέμπω ec Σοΰσα απο- 
 e< κτενεοντα Έμερΰιν. εζεργασθεντοα δε κακού τοσουτου , 
 ** αδεώε, δ ιαιτωμην , ου^αμα επιλεξάμενοε, μη κοτε tic μοι, 
 ί( Έμερ^ιοε υπαραιρημενου, αλλοα επανασταιη ανθρώπων. 
 
 την μηΒαμά οφελον ίΒείν. This 
 expression of a wish is generally- 
 explained, by assuming the sense 
 of οφεΧον or ώφεΧον to be “ debui.” 
 It seems, however, the easiest mode 
 of resolving it, to consider the ori¬ 
 ginal meaning to be, “ I should 
 have profited,” as χρην, without 
 av (p.34.), is, “it would have been 
 fit,” and in the impersonal form 
 ωφεΧε (Herm. ad Vig. p. 758.), 
 “ it would have been profitable.” 
 This sense of οφελον is retained in 
 όφελος, ώφεΧέω, ωφέλιμος, όφέΧΧω, 
 and the sense of debt is allied to 
 that of use, as seen in the affinity 
 of χρέος and χρησθαι. Another 
 mode of expressing a wish, is by 
 el, είθε (α’ίθε, Horn.), εΐ γάρ. 
 Her. 1. 27. At γάρ τούτο θεοί 
 ποιησειαν έπϊ νόον νησιωτησι, έΧ- 
 θείν επί Λυόών παϊόας συν ιπποίσι, 
 in which case the consequence is 
 left to be supplied by the mind, 
 as with the Latin utinam. In είθ’ 
 ώφεΧε (Eur.Med. 1. ε'ίθ’ ώφεΧ'' ’ Αρ¬ 
 γους μη Βιαπτάσθαί σκάφος Κόλ¬ 
 πων ές αίαν, κυανέας ΆυμπΧηγα- 
 Bas ,) these two modes have been 
 combined, but so that the whole 
 
 phrase cannot be resolved by gi¬ 
 ving each its primary and proper 
 force. Soph. Olid. Col. 539. has 
 substituted for ωφελον, έπωφέΧησα. 
 Έΰεζάμην Αωρον, ο μηποτ έγω τα- 
 ΧακάρΒιος ’Έ,πωφέλη σα πόΧεος 
 εξεΧέσθαι, “ I should have profited 
 by never receiving,” i. e. “ I wish 
 I had not received;” where the 
 difficulty has arisen from taking 
 έπωφέΧησα in the sense of “ de¬ 
 bui” which it never bears. Comp. 
 Elmsley’s note. 
 
 ταχύτερα η σοφωτερα. See note 
 p. 59. Matth. § 456. This mode 
 of comparison is very common in 
 Livy and Tacitus; in Cicero one 
 or more words is usually inter¬ 
 posed between the two compara¬ 
 tives. Pro Mil. 29. “Non timeo 
 ne libentius hiec in ilium evomere 
 videar quam verius” See Rams- 
 horn’s Gram. p. 493. 
 
 επιΧεζάμένος. “ Admonent in- 
 terpretes ad Her. 7. 149. verbum 
 €7αλεγεσθαι, quod proprie valet 
 secum reputare, perpendere, haud 
 raro metus quandam simul induere 
 notionem, idemque fere significare 
 quod φοβεϊσθαι, ut 7.47.49.” Bahr, 
 
262 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 [III. 65. 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 (t 
 
 (( 
 
 παντός δε τον μέλλοντος εσεσθαι άμαρτων, άδελφεο- 
 κτονος τε 7 ονΒέν Βέον, yeyova, και της βασιληίης ονΒέν 
 ήσσον έστέρημαι. ΈμέρΒις yap Βη ην ο Μάγοι;, τον μοι 
 ο δαίμων προέφαινε εν τρ οφει έπαναστησεσθαι. Το μεν 
 u Βη €j oyov εζέpyaστaί μοι, και ΈμέρΒιν τον Κύρου μη- 
 “ κέτι νμίν έοντα λoyί'£εσθε ^ οι δε νμίν Μάγοι κρατέουσι 
 u των βασιληιων, τον τε έλιπον επίτροπον των οικιών, και 
 u ο εκείνον άΒελφεος ΣμέρΒις. τον μεν ννν μάλιστα \ρην, 
 u έμεν αισχρά προς των Μάγωι» πεπονθοτος, τιμωρέειν 
 <( εμοί, ούτος μεν άνοσίω μόρω τετελεντηκε νπο των εωυ- 
 u τον οικηιοτάτων. Τούτοι» δε μη κέτι έόντος } δ εντερα των 
 u λοιπών νμ7ν, ώ Περσαι, yίvετaί μοι άvayκaι6τaτov εν- 
 u τέλλεσθαι, τα θέλω μοι yεvέσθaι, τελεντών τον βίον. 
 u καί Βη νμίίν τάδε έπισκηπτω, θεονς τονς βασιληίονς επι- 
 καλέων, καί πάσιν νμίν, καί μάλιστα ΆχαιμενιΒέων τοΊσι 
 παρεονσι , μη περιιΒέϊν την ύγ εμονίην αντις ές Μηδουι; 
 u περιελθονσαν * άλλ’, είτε Βάλω έχονσι αντην κτησάμενοι , 
 Βάλω άπαιρεθηναι νπο νμέων' είτε καί σθένεί τεω κατ- 
 epyaσάμεvoι f σθένει κατά το καρτεράν άνασωσασθαι. καί 
 “ ταντα μεν ποιενσι νμίν yrj τε καρπόν έκφέροι, καί 
 
 <( 
 
 a 
 
 <( 
 
 a 
 
 Άχαι μενιόέων τοίσι παρεονσι. 
 The family to which the Persian 
 kings belonged, and therefore spe¬ 
 cially interested in preventing the 
 crown from reverting to the Medes, 
 1. 125. 
 
 Of εχονσι κτησάμενοι, see note, 
 p. 81. 
 
 κατά το καρτερόν, “by the strong 
 hand.” 1. 212. more commonly 
 κατά KpaTos. 
 
 και ταντα μέν ποιενσι νμίν γη 
 τε καρπόν έκφέροι. Comp. Deut. 
 xxviii. 15. seq. GEd. Tyr. 269. 
 seq. Kat ταντα rots μη έρώσιν εν- 
 χομαι θεον$ Μ ητ άροτον αντοϊε 
 γην έινιέναι τινά, Μ ητ ονν γνναι - 
 
 κων πάιόας. From the resem¬ 
 blance in these passages of Her. 
 and Soph., the correspondence of 
 the sentiment of Antigone (909.) 
 with that of the wife of Intapher- 
 nes (3, 119.), and the description 
 of the habits of men and women 
 in Egypt (CEd. Col. 337. Her. 2. 
 35.), it has been concluded, that 
 some communication of their works 
 must have taken place between 
 these authors, and the siege of 
 Samos, in which Sophocles com¬ 
 manded under Pericles, B.C. 440. 
 (Strab. p. 915. ed. Ox.), has even 
 been fixed as the time when they 
 became acquainted, and when So- 
 
III. 66.] 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 263 
 
 6i yvitaiKec re και ποίμνια τίκτοιεν, εουσι ες τον άπαντα 
 <i χρόνον εΧενθεροισ i‘ μη άνασωσαμενοισι δδ την άρ*χην, 
 μηΒ επιχειρησασι άνασωΖ,ειν, τα εναντία τοντοισι άρεομαι 
 <c υμιν yeveaOai' καί προς ετι τοντοισι, το τεΧος Περσεων 
 εκαστω εττιγε» >εσυαι οιον εμοι euiyeyove. Αμα τε et- 
 πας ταυτα 6 Κ αμβυσης, άπεκΧαιε πάσαν την εωντου πρη- 
 ζιν. Τίερσαι δ ως τον βασιΧεα eiSov άνακΧαυσαντα, παν - 66 
 τες τα τε εσθητος εγόμενα ειγον, ταυτα κατηρεικοντο, 
 και oipMjrj άφθόνω ^ιεγ^ρεωντο. μετά δε ταυτα, ως εσφα- 
 κεΧισε τε το οστεον, και ο μηρός τάχιστα εσάπη, απη- 
 νεικε Καμβυσεα τον Κ νρον, βασιΧευσαντα μεν τα πάντα 
 επτά ετεα και μήνας πεντε, άπαι^α δέ τδ παράπαν εοντα 
 ερσενος και θηΧεος yovov. 
 
 phocles wrote the epigram on He¬ 
 rodotus, of which a fragment has 
 been preserved by Plutarch (An 
 seni sit resp. gerenda, Jaeger Dis- 
 putationes Herodoteee, p. 23.). 
 But the Antigone was performed 
 before the Samian expedition. See 
 the Argument of that play, and 
 Clinton F. H. 2. p. 57. 
 
 Sect. 66. " Αμα έΐπας, “ as he 
 said.” Quint. Inst. 10.7.23. Gesn. 
 “ Hoc dum egredimur e portu, si 
 nos nondum aptatis satis arma- 
 mentis aget ventus; deinde paula- 
 tim simul euntes aptabimus vela,” 
 “ as we go.” Matth, § 565. Obs. 
 2. Her. also uses the verb with 
 άμα (1. 112.). άμα δε ταυτα έλεγε 
 ό βουκόλος και έκκαλυφιας άπεδεί- 
 κνυε. 
 
 τά εσθητος επόμενα. Comp, note 
 ρ. 29. διε-χρέωντο, note ρ. 23. 
 
 έσφακέλισε, ‘‘became carious.” 
 
 6. 136. Μιλτιάδης μεν μετά ταυτα , 
 σφακελίσαντος τε του μηρού και 
 σαπεντός, τελευτή.. 
 
 άπαιδα ερσενος και Θηλεος γό- 
 νου . Eur. Supp. 35. άπαιδας 
 τάσδε μητέρας τέκνων. It was 
 an idiom of the Greek language, 
 when privation was to be express¬ 
 ed, to use an adjective denoting 
 deficiency in the same thing, or 
 some quality of it, which the geni¬ 
 tive also denoted. In prose it oc¬ 
 curs chiefly in this combination 
 (see Bernhardy Synt. 173.), in the 
 tragedians, in many others. See 
 Brunch’s note on Soph.CEd.T.191, 
 aya Χκος ασπίδων. Trach. 693. α¬ 
 λαμπές ηλίου. Eur. Phoen. 334. 
 άπεπλος φαρέων λευκών, ibi Valck. 
 The length of the reign of Camby- 
 ses is variously stated; by Ctesias 
 (Phot. p. 115.) at eighteen years. 
 
264 
 
 HERODOTUS, 
 
 NOTE ON THE CABIRI (3. 37.). 
 
 [Comp. 2. 51. fin., of the Samothracian Mercury.] 
 
 Έί όέ όη και του Ήφαιστου το ίρόν 7]λθε, και πολλά τω άγάλματι κατε - 
 γέλασε, εστι γάρ τον Ήφαιστον τώγαλμα τοίσι Φ οινικηϊοισι ΤΙαταί - 
 κοΊσι έμφερέστατον, tovs οι Φοίνικες εν τρσι πρώρτ]σι των τριηρεων 
 περιάγονσι. os ε)έ τυντους μη όπώπεε, εγώ δέ οι σημανέω' πυγμαίου 
 avdpos μίμησίς έστι. Ήσηλθε ΰέ καί ές των Κάβειρων το ίρόν, ές το 
 ου θεμιτόν έστι έσιέναι άλλον γε η τον ίρέ α* ταΰτα όέ τά αγάλματα 
 καί ένέπρησε, πολλά κατασκιυφ as. έστι Be και ταΰτα όμοια του 'H^ou- 
 στου' τοΰτου Βέ σφε as παίΒα8 λέγονσι είναι. 
 
 On a subject which has been so much obscured by mysticism, both Ί in 
 ancient and modern times, all that can be done is to state, without con¬ 
 troversy, the results of investigation. “ Sequimur probabilia nec ultra 
 quam id quod verisimile occurrerit progredi possumus.” Cic. 
 
 I. We learn from this passage the existence of the worship of the 
 Cabiri at Memphis under a pygmy form, and its connexion with the 
 worship of Vulcan, that is, the element of fire and the art of metal¬ 
 lurgy. This connexion is confirmed by the coins of cities in which 
 they were worshiped. Those of Thessalonica, for example, exhibit, 
 with the legend K ειβειρος, a figure with a hammer in his hand, the pi- 
 leus and succinct apron which characterize Vulcan, and sometimes an 
 anvil near the feet (Eckh. 2. 77.). The earliest of these, struck before 
 the Roman dominion, are indeed modern compared with the antiquity 
 of the Cabiriac religion in Egypt; and Thessalonica itself was, under 
 that name, a modern city 1 , having been founded by Cassander or Phi¬ 
 lip, but it had received the population of an older town, JEnea (Dion. 
 Hal. Ant. 1.49. Strabo 480. Ox.), in which we shall see reason here¬ 
 after to conclude, that the Cabiriac worship had prevailed: and the ex¬ 
 istence of the symbols of any worship on the public monuments of a 
 city is always presumptive evidence of its high antiquity. The place 
 which Vulcan held in Egyptian mythology (see note on 3. 37.) war¬ 
 rants us in concluding that the Cabiri also belonged from time imme¬ 
 morial to the religious system of Memphis at least, if not of Egypt 
 generally. 
 
 1 Its original name was θέρμη, which motive to the worship of "Vulcanian di- 
 it derived no doubt from its hot-springs, vinities. 
 an indication of volcanic agency and a 
 
PHCENICIAN CABIRI. 
 
 265 
 
 II. The Cabiri belonged also to the Phoenician theology. Here again 
 we must have recourse to recent evidence, but evidence from which we 
 are entitled to assume the fact till disproved by more ancient authority. 
 Herodotus does not expressly say that the Phoenicians placed their 
 images on the prows of their vessels, but he says that the Cabiri were 
 like Vulcan, and Vulcan very like the Pataeci, and it seems most natural 
 to conclude that this close resemblance in the image was derived from 
 identity in the conception. A variety of circumstances indicates the con¬ 
 nexion of the worship of Vulcan at Memphis with the Phoenicians. The 
 τέμενοε of Proteus, whom Her. considered as a king of Egypt, but who 
 was certainly a god, appears (Her. 2. 112.) to have adjoined the temple 
 of Vulcan, and to have been included in the quarter of the Tyrians : 
 the temple of Helen, the sister of the Dioscuri, whom the ancients re¬ 
 garded as the same with the Cabiri, stood in this τεμενος. On the 
 coins of Tripolis in Phoenicia, Antoninus, Commodus, Lucius Verus are 
 represented according to the inscription as Cabiri 1 ; and even this per¬ 
 version of the popular religion proves its antiquity, as the assumption 
 of the name and emblems of Hercules by Commodus. The coins of 
 Cossyra (Pantalaria), a Phoenician settlement, as the use of the Phoe¬ 
 nician characters shows, exhibit a dwarfish figure with the hammer and 
 short apron, and sometimes a radiated head, apparently allusive to the 
 element of fire, like the star of the Dioscuri 2 . It is not called in the 
 inscription Cabirus, but justly inferred by Gesenius to be so from the 
 attributes. The coins of Malaca (Malaga), another Phoenician settle¬ 
 ment, exhibit a similar figure. “Typus est caput Cabiri (Vulcani) bar- 
 batum et pileo tectum; pone forceps/’ Ges. 1. 313. The fable of Pro¬ 
 teus was transferred, as we know from the Georgies (4. 390. “ Hie 
 nunc Emathise portus patriamque revisit Pallenen—”), to the coast of 
 Macedonia 3 , and especially to the district of Pallene, a region abound¬ 
 ing with the traces of Cabiriac worship and Phoenician settlements, as 
 well as with those marks of volcanic fire with which the worship of Vul¬ 
 can and the operations of metallurgy were closely connected; whence 
 its ancient name of Φλέγρα (Heyn. ad Apoll. Obs. p. 29.). Καβείρω, 
 the wife of Vulcan and mother of the Cabiri, was made the daughter of 
 Proteus, according to Pherecydes (Strabo, lib. 10. 689. Ox.) 4 . We have 
 
 1 Eckhel D. Num. 3. 374, 
 
 2 Gesen. Mon. Punic, tab. 39. vol. 1. 
 p. 300. 
 
 3 “ Summa veneratione coluerunt Ma- 
 cedones Cabirum—Lemnos Vulcanum.” 
 
 Lact. 1. 15. 
 
 4 Welcker (Trilogie p. 9.) explains this 
 union of a god of the sea and of fire in the 
 
 genealogy of the Cabiri, by the belief in 
 the combined operation of water and fire 
 in vivifying all things ; and remarks that, 
 according to Homer (11.18.395.), Vulcan 
 takes refuge in the depth of the sea with 
 Thetis and Eurynome, and carries on his 
 operations there. 
 
266 
 
 LEMNIAN CABIRI. 
 
 also direct testimony to the prevalence of the Cabiriac worship among 
 the Phoenicians. Sanchoniathon (whom I quote not as a man πολυμα¬ 
 θής και πολυπράγμων των Τρωικών χρόνων πρεσβυτερος, as Eusebius 
 (Prsep. Εν. 1.9.) believed, but as the assumed name of Philo of Byblos, 
 a contemporary of Trajan), says, that from Sudulc were born, according to 
 the Phoenician theology, Διόσκουροι, ή Κάβειροι, rj Κορνβαντες, ή Σαμο- 
 θράκες' ουτοι πρώτοι πλοίον εύρον ; and Damascius (Phot. ρ. 1074. ed. 
 HoeschL), speaking of the .Aesculapius of Berytus, says, that he was not 
 the Greek nor the Egyptian god, but one indigenous to Phoenicia, and 
 the eighth of the Cabiri, the sons of Saduk. Late as this testimony 
 comes, it is not suspicious, because there was no motive for falsification, 
 though doubtless in the lapse of time much room for corruption and 
 addition, and for those variations in the number and relationship of di¬ 
 vinities which constantly occur among the Greek and Roman authors. 
 According to Euseb. (ib. 1. p. 37. ed. Vig.), iEsculapius was a son of 
 Suduk, but not a Cabirus. 
 
 III. Of the worship of the Cabiri and Vulcan, as representing the 
 element of fire, the island of Lemnos was a remarkable seat 1 . (Hes. 
 Κάβειροι, πάνυ όε τιμώνται ουτοι εν Αήμνω u/s θεοί, λέγονται όέ είναι 
 *Ηφαίστου παϊόες.) Mystic rites w r ere celebrated here over which they 
 presided, and the coins of the island exhibit the head of Vulcan, or a 
 Cabirus, with the pileus, hammer and forceps 2 . The Σίντιες, inhabit¬ 
 ants of this island, are said to have been so called, on πρώτον έχάλκευ- 
 σαν όπλα ols σίνονται οι πολέμιοι (Hellan. ap. Schol. Αρ. Rh. 1. 608.) 3 . 
 It was this connexion with fire, metallurgy, and the most remarkable 
 product of the art, weapons of war, which caused the Cabiri to be iden¬ 
 tified with the Curetes of Etolia, the Idsei Dactyli of Crete, the Cory- 
 bantes of Phrygia, and the Telchines of Rhodes (Strabo, lib. 10. p. 679. 
 seq. Oxf.). They were the same probably in Phoenician origin, the same 
 in presiding over fire and the manufacture of armour, the same in my¬ 
 stical and orgiastic rites, but different in number, genealogy, and local 
 circumstances, and by the mixture of other mythical traditions, accord¬ 
 ing to the various countries in which their worship prevailed. The 
 fable that one Cabirus had been killed by his brother or brothers 4 , was 
 
 1 Philoct. Attii ap. Yarro. L. L. 6. p. 82. 
 ed. Bip.: “ qui Lemni aspera Tesca tuere, 
 et celsa Cabirum Delubra tenes mysteria- 
 que Pristina castis concepta sacris.” 
 
 2 Welcker,Tril.p.261., and frontispiece. 
 
 3 For a similar reason, Japetus ( ίάπτω , 
 
 Icedo,) was made the father of Prometheus, 
 to whom was specially attributed the ap¬ 
 plication of fire to art (^Esch.Pr.Y.486.) r 
 
 and as a natural extension of the fiction, 
 all art, writing, medicine, astronomy. 
 
 4 Firmicus de Error, prof. Relig. p.426. 
 ed. Gronov. “ In sacris Corybantum par- 
 ricidium colitur. Nam unus frater a duo- 
 bus interemptus est, et ne quod indicium 
 necem fraternse mortis aperiret, sub radi- 
 cibus Olympi rnontis a parricidis fratri- 
 bus consecratur. Hunc eundem Mace- 
 
SAMOTHRACIAN CABIRL 
 
 267 
 
 probably a moral mythus representing the result of the invention of 
 armour, and analogous to the story of the mutual destruction of the 
 men in brazen armour who sprang from the dragons’ teeth, sown by 
 Cadmus and Jason. It is remarkable, that the name of the first fratri¬ 
 cide (|*p) in Hebrew signifies “ a lance,” and in Arabic, “a smith” 
 (Gesen. Lex. s. voc.). The circumstance which Clem. Alex. (Coh. ad 
 Gentes, p. 16. ed. Pott.) 1 adds to the account of the murder, illustrates 
 the peculiar attribute of Phtha Socari, the Cabiriac Vulcan, mentioned 
 in the quotation from Hesychius (p. 253.). It is probable that from this 
 ithyphallic Vulcan the ithyphallic Mercury may have originated. 'Ep- 
 μής properly means only “a post” (έρμα, έρμίς), and any divinity repre¬ 
 sented by this primitive contrivance of a post of wood or pillar of stone, 
 bearing a head and emblems, was a Hermes. 
 
 IV. Imbros was another of the islands lying near the entrance of the 
 Hellespont, in which the Cabiriac worship prevailed (Steph. Byz. ’Ίμ¬ 
 βρος νήσος έστ'ί ιερά Κάβειρων και Έρμου), and therefore we shall not 
 easily be persuaded that the Great Gods in the neighbouring island of 
 Samothrace, whom so many ancient authorities identify with the Ca- 
 biri, were different in their origin, though there was something specific 
 in their character. The Cabiri, Curetes, and Corybantes, appear to 
 have represented air as well as fire, two elements inseparable in nature, 
 and especially combined in metallurgy. The connexion of flamma 
 with flo, of the English blaze with the German blasen (blow), of π έρθω 
 with 7Γ ρήθω, and other analogous etymologies, show how closely the 
 idea of fire and a current of air are connected, and enable us to under¬ 
 stand how the same gods, who in one place were worshiped chiefly as 
 Vulcanian divinities, in another might preside over the winds, and be 
 the patrons of navigators 2 . The coins of Ascalon represent the two 
 
 donum colit stulta persuasio. Hie est 
 Cabirus, cui Thessalonicenses, quondam 
 cruento, cruentis manibus supplicabant.” 
 ‘ Sub radicibus Olympi/ ύπο rais υπώ¬ 
 ρειας τον Όλυμπου (Strabo 7. p. 479.), 
 stood the Tyrrhenian town Γυρτών, in¬ 
 habited by the Φλεγναι, and ruled over 
 by Pirithoiis and Ixion, names which will 
 meet us again in the course of our in¬ 
 quiries. 
 
 1 Κάβειρους δε τούς Κορύβαντας κα- 
 λονντες και τελετήν Καβειρικήν κατά- 
 ■γελλουσιν' αΰτώ yap δή τοΰτω τώ α- 
 δελφοκτόνω, τήν κίστην άνελομένω, εν 
 y τό τον Διονύσου αίδοϊον άπέκειτο, εις 
 Τ υρρηνίαν κατήγαγον. Tyrrhenia here 
 includes Rome, and the κίστη was the 
 
 Cumerus which the Casmillus carried at 
 nuptials, “ in quo quid sit in ministerio 
 plerique extrinsecus nesciunt,” according 
 toYarro L.L. p.88. Compare also Varro’s 
 account of the phallic rites performed in 
 Italy in honour of Bacchus, quoted by 
 Augustin. Civ. Dei 7. 21. This Casmillus 
 was in “Samothraces mysteriis Dius qui- 
 dem administer Diis magnis,” the Samo- 
 thracianHermes. YarroL.L.p.88. Schol. 
 Ap. Rhod. 1. 915. 
 
 2 Hence iEolus, the god of wind (αι- 
 ολος, “ swift,” II. τ', 404.), is also a god 
 of fire, and as such has his abode in the 
 volcanic Lipari islands. According to 
 the Phoenician mythology, as given by 
 Eusebius (Prsep. 1. p. 35.), two brothers 
 
268 
 
 SAMOTHRACIAN CABIRI. 
 
 Patseci, whom, from the passage in Her., we have concluded to be the 
 Cabiri, on the prow of a war-galley; they are rude images resembling 
 Hermse. Miinter Rel. der Karthager, p. 170. That Samothrace was a 
 settlement of the Phoenicians, may be inferred from what Diod. (5.48.) 
 mentions, that Cadmus came there in his search for Europa, and was 
 initiated in the mysteries : for we have already observed (p. 71.) that this 
 search represents the progress of Phoenician colonization, as marked 
 by the traces of Phoenician religion. Considering the formidable idea 
 which the ancients, even to a late period, entertained of the dangers of 
 navigation in the Hellespont and Euxine l , it is not wonderful that sea¬ 
 men should have offered vows in going, and paid them in returning, at 
 the shrine of the Samothracian deities, and have sought initiation as a 
 special protection. The well-known story of Diagoras (Cic. N. D. 3. 
 37.) shows that the temple was full of votive pictures. The Orphic 
 hymn (37.) describes them under the name of K ovprjres. ΧαΧκόχροτοι 
 Kovprjres, Αρήία τενγε eyovres, Ζωογόνοι πνοιαί, κόσμου σωτήρες άγαυοί, 
 Ο '/re Σαμοθρήκην, ιερήν γθόνα, να ιετάοντες Κίνδυνους θνητών απερΰκετε 
 ποντοπΧανήτων. This island was inhabited by (Tyrrhenian) Pelasgi, 
 from whom, according to Her. (2. 51.), the Athenians and Samothra- 
 cians had learnt the worship of an ithyphallic Mercury; but this is not 
 inconsistent with the Pelasgi themselves having derived it from the 
 Phoenicians. The worship of the Cabiri appears to have been mingled 
 here with dogmas and ceremonies derived from the neighbouring coun¬ 
 tries of Thrace and Phrygia, and with the old Pelasgic mysteries of 
 Ceres; and to this we may attribute the variety of explanations given 
 of the Samothracian deities, so that there is hardly one of the gods of 
 the Hellenic mythology to whom they have not been referred. Their 
 number, too, has been variously stated, some making them two, some 
 three, some four 2 , and the Phoenician theology, as reported to us by 
 Philo of Byblos, eight, a remarkable coincidence with the number as¬ 
 signed by Herodotus to the earliest Egyptian gods (2. 43. p. 70.). But 
 
 were the inventors of iron, and one of 
 them, Vulcan, was the first navigator. 
 
 1 “ Prseterea tam sunt Arcturi sidera 
 nobis, Haedorumque dies servandi et lu- 
 cidus anguis, Quam quibus in patriam ven- 
 tosa per sequora vectis, Pontus et ostriferi 
 fauces tentantur AbydiP Virg. Georg. 1. 
 207. 
 
 2 Tows μυονντας εν Σαμοθράκη Κά¬ 
 βειρους el ναι φησι Μνασέας rpets όντας 
 τον αριθμόν, Άζίερον, Άζιόκερσαν, 
 Άξιόκερσον. Άζίερον μεν είναι την 
 Δήμητραν, Άξι όκερσαν δε την ΤΙερσε- 
 
 φόνην, ’Αξι όκερσον δε τον Α'ίδην. Ο! 
 δε προστιθέασι και τέταρτον, Κ ασμϊ- 
 \ον. "Έστι δε οντος ό Έρμΐ)ς ώδ ιστο¬ 
 ρεί Αιονυσόδωρος. Άθηνίων δε φησι, 
 δυο είναι τούς Κάβειρους, γεγονότας 
 υιούς Διός και ’Ή,Χέκτρας τής ’ΆτΧαν- 
 τος Δάρδανον και ’Ιάσονα' Κάβειρους 
 δε όνομασθήναι από Κ αβείρου όρους 
 εν Φ ρυγίφ οθεν εις Σαμοθράκην μετη- 
 νεχθησαν. Οι δε φασι, δυο πρότε- 
 ρον είναι τού s Κάβειρους, Δία τε 
 πρεσβύτερον καί Διόνυσον νεώτερον . 
 Schol. Αρ. Rhod. 1. 915. 
 
SAMOTHRACIAN CABIRI. 
 
 269 
 
 the identification of the Cabiri with the Dioscuri and Tyndaridae, who 
 were only two, as well as the number of the Patseci on the Phoenician 
 vessels, lead us to conclude that they were originally only two. With 
 the addition of Vulcan, who may have been sometimes reckoned as 
 their father and sometimes as their brother, they became three, and a 
 mother (Cabiro) was assigned to them as we have already seen. Κάδ¬ 
 μον (from κάζω, instruo, orno ,) appears to me only an epithet of Vul¬ 
 can, considered as the inventor of arms 1 . The word may, according 
 to its etymology, mean “ an armourer,” and it was used by the Cretans 
 for a suit of armour. Hes. Κάδμον. δόρυ, Χόφος, άσπΖν. K ρητές. Cad¬ 
 mus was the reputed inventor of brazen armour (Hygin. 274.), and 'Ap- 
 μονία (proportion) was assigned to Cadmus as a wife, upon the same 
 principle as Venus or a Grace to Vulcan, to denote the union of pro¬ 
 portion and grace with mechanical labour in the works of art 2 . The 
 Greeks themselves referred their earliest works in metal to the Phoe¬ 
 nicians. The cup which Menelaus gives to Telemachus (Od. I ', 615.) 
 is a work of Vulcan, and the present of the king of Sidon; the cup 
 offered by Achilles in the games to the best runner, which κάΧΧε l ένίκα 
 πάσαν επ’ αίαν πόΧΧον, was the work of the Σχδόνες ποΧυδαίδαΧοι (II. 
 ψ', 743.), and Sidon itself is called πολοχαλκον (Od. o', 424.). From 
 κάδμον, as denoting a suit of brazen armour, the Theban warriors were 
 denominated Καδμείωνες, and their citadel Καδμεία 3 . So the military 
 
 1 That Κάδμος, K αδμΐΧος, should also 
 have been interpreted “ Mercury,” as was 
 the case in Boeotia especially (according 
 to the Schol. Lycophr. 162.219.), may he 
 explained from what has been said at the 
 end of No. III. 
 
 2 The derivation of Cadmus from the 
 Hebrew Dip, “the East,” has obtained 
 more currency than it deserves. What 
 should induce the Greeks to call the colo¬ 
 nists from the east by a name which to 
 themselves conveyed no meaning ? If, in 
 ignorance of the country from which they 
 came (though this was no secret, as Cad¬ 
 mus is called a Tyrian), they had wished 
 to designate them by a name which im¬ 
 plied merely Easterns, it would have been 
 Έψοι, ’A varoXels, or something which 
 expressed this in their own language. 
 Muller (Etrusk. 1. 77.) justly observes, 
 that if Κάδμος were not Greek, it would 
 never have occurred in the name of the 
 artist Εϋκαδμος, compounded with the 
 Greek ev. 
 
 3 The ΈγχεΧεβδ, whom Cadmus is said 
 
 to have led against the Illyrians (Apollod. 
 3. 5.), are probably only another form of 
 the same idea (ey% os eXeeiv). The ser¬ 
 pent is such a multiform symbol, that 
 it is hazardous to interpret the fable of 
 the conversion of Cadmus and his wife 
 into serpents. It is, however allied to 
 the Yulcanian religion. The Cabirus on 
 the coins of Cossyra holds a serpent; Mer' 
 cury has them on his caduceus; the gi¬ 
 ants whom Jupiter attacked, and who 
 appear to have represented volcanic erup¬ 
 tions, were anguipedes (Ov. Met. 1.184.; 
 and the beautiful cameo of Athenion 
 Millin Gal. Myth. No. 33.). Pindar Pyth. 
 1.47., and iEschylus Pr. V. 363. conceived 
 of Typhoeus as a serpent. A serpent was 
 found in the κίστη, in which Erichtho- 
 nius, the progeny of Vulcan, was con¬ 
 cealed (Apoll. 3. 14.). The conquest of 
 Illyria by Cadmus is only the usual my¬ 
 thic expression of the fact, that his name 
 and worship were found there as well as 
 in Boeotia. 
 
270 
 
 DIOSCURI AND TYNDARIDiE. 
 
 element of the Roman people were called Quirites, from curis or quiris, 
 “a spear” (Ov. Fast. 2. 475. Fest. s. voc.). The names of Τρώε$ (from 
 the root of τιτρώσκω) and Τενκροι (from τευγοε) are derived also from 
 the use of armour, and we shall see how both these nations are con¬ 
 nected with Samothraciaii religion. Κάστωρ, a name which belongs 
 equally to both the Dioscuri, is of the same import as K άΰμοε. Πολυ- 
 ΰευκηε, which the Latin form Polluces (Varr. Ling. Lat. 4. p. 22. Bip.) 
 leads us to suppose was originally ΐίολνλευκηε, signifies “the brilliant.” 
 Thus the one epithet denotes the principal office of the Cabiri, the 
 other alludes to the element of fire 1 . The inhabitants of the island of 
 Samothrace had a tradition or speculation respecting the flood caused by 
 the bursting forth of the Euxine into the Egean, by the opening of the 
 Symplegades and the Hellespont (Diod. 5. 47.),—a circumstance which 
 has led some learned men, especially in this country, to endeavour to 
 connect the worship of the Cabiri with the Scriptural history of Noah’s 
 flood 2 . We are assured, however, on physical evidence, that no such 
 disruption and consequent deluge can have taken place 3 * * * , and therefore 
 we are warranted in concluding, that the tradition arose from the ob¬ 
 servation of traces of former operations of the sea, above its actual 
 level, and that to exalt the antiquity of their own peculiar religion, the 
 Samothracians referred its establishment to the time immediately suc¬ 
 ceeding this deluge. 
 
 V. The Samothracian divinities continued to be held in high vene¬ 
 ration, even in late times (Juv. 5. 3. 144. “ Jures licet et Samothracum 
 Et nostrorum aras contemnere fulmina pauper Creditur”); but in con¬ 
 nexion with navigation they are more commonly spoken of as the twin 
 Dioscuri or Tyndaridse, and identified with them. In Gruter (Inscr. 
 p. cccxix. V. 2.), mention is made of a certain Gaius of Acharnse, Ιερέωε 
 γενομένου θεών μεγάλων Διοσκόρων Κάβειρων, and in the passage from 
 Damasc. quoted before, it is said, Σαόνκω έγένοντο παΐάεε, ονε Διοσκό- 
 povs ερμηνευουσι και Κ αβείρουε : as, on the other hand, these same 
 Dioscuri are identified with the Curetes and Corybantes. Orph. H. 
 
 1 Pollux was equally the name of both 
 Dioscuri. Hor. Carm. 3. 29. “geminusque 
 Pollux.’ 7 
 
 2 Among these Mr. Bryant deserves to 
 be distinguished, as a man of extensive 
 
 learning and great acuteness. He was 
 
 one of the first to perceive the untenable¬ 
 
 ness of the common opinion, which made 
 the gods and heroes of antiquity deified 
 
 kings and chieftains of their respective 
 
 countries, and to refer them to their true 
 
 origin, the personification of religious 
 conceptions. He also showed the wide 
 diffusion and influence of solar and fire 
 worship. But he had a theory of his own 
 to which everything was made to bend, 
 and his principle of etymology, according 
 to which Greek and Latin names are de¬ 
 rived from the Semitic languages, was 
 radically unsound. 
 
 3 Cuvier Disc, sur les Rev. du Globe, 
 1826, pp.83—87. 
 
DIOSCURI AND TYNDARID7E. 
 
 271 
 
 37. 20. Κουρητεε, Κορυβαντεε άνάκτορεε είδυνατοί τε Έν 'Σαμοθρήκφ 
 άνακτεε δμου Ζ ηνόε κόροι, αυτοί' TTvotat αέναοι, ψυχοτρόφοι, ηεροειδείε’ 
 Οίτε και ουράνιοι δίδυμοι κ\ηζεσθ ’ έν ΌΧυμπω. The coins of Tri- 
 polis before referred to (II.), with the inscription Cabiri, exhibit the 
 spears and star of the Dioscuri. Hemsterhusius, in his very learned 
 note on the subject of these deities (Luc. Dial. D. 26. T. 2. p. 331. seq. 
 ed. Bip.), speaks of the Dioscuri and Tyndaridae as having usurped the 
 honours of the older Cabiri, but without explaining how such an usur¬ 
 pation could take place. It seems more agreeable to analogy, as well 
 as more probable in itself, that they are originally the same, and that 
 the Lacedaemonian twins are only the Cabiri in a hellenized form. Their 
 oldest representation, as described by Plutarch (II. 478. A.), under the 
 title of Αόκανα, two pieces of wood joined together at the head, is more 
 like the Phoenician Pataeci than the armed and mounted warriors (the 
 Tyndaridae) of later description and art 1 . The egg-shaped covering of 
 their heads, obba, is the pileus of the Cabiri; their star, an emblem of 
 the element of fire, especially meteoric, the St. Elmo’s fire of Mediter¬ 
 ranean sailors (Sen. N. Q. 1. 1.); their power over the winds the same 
 which made the Cabiri the saviour-gods of navigators. It is true that 
 Her. (2.43.) declares that theEgyptians had not the worship of the Dios¬ 
 curi, and therefore did not suppose them the same with the Cabiri; nor 
 is this wonderful, considering how great was the outward change which 
 they had undergone. So he could not understand how the god Her¬ 
 cules and the hero Hercules should be the same. In the Spartan Di¬ 
 oscuri the idea of warriors was principally developed, the germ of which 
 is found in the fabrication of arms, and it is in a similar character that 
 they appear in Roman story. Muller (Dorier 1. 408.) thinks that the 
 worship of the great gods of Samothrace has been amalgamated with 
 the history of the Tyndariase. I should be disposed to deny to the lat¬ 
 ter any historical character 2 . Their epithet Αάπερσαι might be plausi¬ 
 bly derived from the intensive λα and πέρθω, allusive to wind and fire; 
 the name of their father T υνδαροε, ( tundo ,) is an epithet of Vulcan, an¬ 
 swering to Mulciber (mulco, “to beat”). His alleged birth from Βά- 
 
 1 On an Etruscan mirror of bronze 
 they appear joined, something after the 
 manner of the Siamese twins; a star is 
 between them, and both wear not the 
 obba, but the Phrygian bonnet. Inghi- 
 rami Specchi Mist. 2. 1. pi. 20. Welcker 
 Trilogie, p. 225. 
 
 2 Homer speaks of the Tyndaridae (Od. 
 λ', 300.) as deceased heroes, but it is in 
 connexion with a circumstance clearly 
 
 mythical, their alternate life and death. 
 So he considers Hercules as a hero. But 
 instead of inferring from such circum¬ 
 stances that all other conceptions and 
 representations of them are post-Homeric 
 inventions, I regard them only as proofs 
 that even in Homer’s time the popular 
 belief was that the heroes were men of 
 divine parentage, and that he took the 
 popular view as the most poetical. 
 
272 
 
 ROMAN PENATES. 
 
 τεια (Apoll. 3. 2. 5. Comp. II. β', 813.) 1 refers him to a Trojan and 
 Samothracian origin, as his descent from ^Eolus connects him with the 
 god of wind and fire. For though the mythologists may distinguish 
 the god ^Eolus from the progenitor of the iEolidse, the name is better 
 evidence of identity than their distinction is of original difference 2 <, 
 Amy else, the alleged native place of the Tyndaridee, had been peopled 
 by colonists from Lemnos and Imbros, the great seats of Cabiriac wor¬ 
 ship. It is true that this event is referred by Conon (Muller Orcho- 
 menus, 316.) to the Dorian conquest, but in such cases the fact may 
 always be regarded as much more certain than the date. Τλάεφα and 
 Φοίβη, the wives of the Dioscuri, both denoting “ splendid ,” repeat the 
 idea of Polluces ; their father, Αευκιππος, is a descriptive epithet of the 
 Dioscuri themselves. They were supposed to ride on bright horses, as 
 representing celestial wind and fire, the swiftest of the elements. So 
 to Diespiter, the correlative of Διόσκουροι, the god of light and air and of 
 meteoric fire, the poet gives horses and a thundering chariot (Hor. 
 Od. 1. 34. 8.). Probably the brothers Zethus and Amphion, who were 
 also λευκοπώλοι (see Valck. ad Phcen. 615.), were of similar origin. 
 The name Zrjdos is the same in etymology as Ζητης, Ζέφυρος, from ζέω, 
 ζέιω, uniting the ideas of wind and fire (ζεεϊ. φλέγει, ties, ζαής άνεμος, 
 II. μ, 157.), and thence of life. ’Αμφίων appears to allude to the office 
 of the brothers in surrounding the city with walls, which in the case of 
 Tiryns (Apollod. 2. 2. 1.) is attributed to the Cyclopes, as a work not 
 to be performed without metallic tools. The distinction which some 
 would make (see Heyn. ad Apoll. 64.) between these Cyclopes and 
 those who labour in the forge of Vulcan and produce the meteoric fire, 
 is arbitrary. 
 
 VI. The Roman Penates have been identified with the Dioscuri, and 
 Dionysius assures us that he had seen two figures of ancient workman¬ 
 ship, representing youths armed with spears, which, from an antique 
 inscription upon them, he knew to be meant for Penates (Ant. 1. 68.). 
 In the last analysis, therefore, they resolve themselves into the Cabiri, 
 whose connexion with fire made them appropriate companions of Vesta. 
 The same divinities, who were called Dioscuri, Curetes, and by those 
 πλέον τι έπίστασθαι νομίζοντες, Cabiri, were also called ’Ανακτες παϊόες 
 (Paus. 10. 38.), and from Cicero (N. D. 3. 21.) we learn that these 
 " Ανακτες were also called τριτοπέιτρεις or τριτοπάτορες. (Phot. Lex. s. voc.) 
 
 1 The name Bareia (βάδην, Gradiva ) 
 seems to allude to the measured step of 
 the warlike dance, everywhere connected 
 in tradition with the invention of arms. 
 Her homonyrne Μυρίννη is called πο- 
 
 λΰσκαρθμος ( Salia ). Eustathius ad lo¬ 
 cum. 
 
 2 Tyndarus was represented as fetter¬ 
 ing Venus (Paus. 3.15.), like Vulcan (Od. 
 θ’, 272. seq.). 
 
ROMAN AND ETRUSCAN LARES. 
 
 273 
 
 This means ^primaeval fathers ,” as τρίΰουλοε (CEd. Tyr. 1063. Br.), is 
 “of servile blood time out of mind” According to one account, these 
 ''Ava ices, or τριτοπάτρεις, were “winds” (Suid. s. voc.); according to 
 another, “the original parents of mankind;” according to Phanodemus 
 (fr. p. 11.), they were θεοί γενέθλωι, like the Roman Penates (Dion. 
 Ant. 1. 67.), to whom the Athenians sacrificed specially υπέρ γενέσεωε 
 παίόων. The epithets ζωογόνοι πνοιαί, ’ζ/υγοτρόφοι πνοιαί, in the Or¬ 
 phic Hymn before-quoted, the etymological connection of πνεύμα, 
 “ spiritus,” avepos, “ animus, anima ,” with breath or wind, will suffi¬ 
 ciently explain how they might unite all these characters. The Lares 
 of Etruria and Rome (whose name answers to 'Άνα ices, for Lar is “ king,”) 
 appear in their origin to have been the Samothracian gods. They were 
 two (“ geminosque parit qui compita servant Et vigilant nostra semper 
 in aede Lares.” Ov. Fast. 2. 616., 5. 143.); they were of diminutive 
 stature (ib. 5. 130. “ Praestitibus Maise Laribus videre Kalendae Aram 
 constitui signaque parva deum.”); as “ prsestites,” their statues were 
 placed before the doors, like those of the great gods at Ambracia, 
 according to the most probable reading of Varro (L. L. 4. p. 17. Bip. 1 ); 
 and their short-girt robe or tunic (“ Bullaque subcinctis Laribus donata 
 pependit.” Pers. 5. 31.) is characteristic of the Cabiri. As presiding 
 over fire, they were naturally θεοί εφέστιοι 2 ; as representing the vivi¬ 
 fying breath, they were Genii, i. e. presided over birth and generation 
 (Muller Etrusk. 2. 88.); and especially denoted the spirit or rational 
 part of man (Varro ap. Aug. Civ. Dei 7. 13.) ; and in the character of 
 Manes, the disembodied spirit, waiting for reunion to a human body. 
 With these very definite points of coincidence, especially that of num¬ 
 ber, we need not doubt of the identity of the Lares with the Samo¬ 
 thracian gods, though it be true that the word is sometimes used in a 
 wider sense. 
 
 VII. In this worship of the Cabiri or Samothracian gods, we have, 
 if I mistake not, the key to the story of the wanderings of HCneas, the 
 foundation of Rome, and the war of Troy itself, as well as the Argo- 
 nautic expedition. Samothrace and the Troad were so closely con¬ 
 nected in this worship, that it is difficult to judge in which of the two 
 it originated 3 . Dardanus, whose name appears from its etymology to 
 
 1 Terra et Ccelum ut Samotliracum ini- 
 tia docent sunt Dei magni et hi quos 
 dixi multis nominibus. Nam neque quas 
 Ambracia ante portas statuit duas ahe- 
 neas Dei magni; neque ut vulgus putat 
 hi Samothraces dii qui Castor et Pollux ; 
 sed hi mas et femina. 
 
 2 Theod. Therap.VIII. p. 15. Syll. (p. 
 907.) quoted by Lobeck Aglaoph. 1237. 
 Και μέντοι καί τον s Τυνδαρίδας θεούς 
 εκάλεσαν "Ελληνες καί Αιοσκοΰρονς ώ- 
 νόμασαν καί ’Εφεστίους καί "Ανακας. 
 Glossae Gr. Lat. Εφέστιοι θεοί, Penates. 
 
 3 Pherecyd. ap. Strab. lib. 10. Μάλιστα 
 
 T 
 
274 iENEAS, A MYTHIC PERSONAGE. 
 
 have relation to fire and the invention of weapons 1 , performs a great 
 part in the traditions of both countries. It is not to be supposed that 
 without some determining cause, the origin of the Roman people should 
 have been referred to Troy and Phrygia, and we can find such a cause in 
 nothing but similarity of religious rites. Nor can we mistake the pecu¬ 
 liar rites which gave rise to the hypothesis ; it was framed to account for 
 the worship of the Penates and the Palladium. We can trace this wor¬ 
 ship from Italy to Troy. The gods of Lavinium, the supposed colony 
 from Troy, were Samothracian 2 ; the Zacynthians claimed descent from 
 Dardanus 3 , indicating the connexion of their religious traditions with 
 the same source. At Actium, on the opposite coast of Epirus, there was 
 a temple of Venus, the mother of ^Eneas and the great gods 4 , which 
 still existed in the time of Dionysius; at Ambracia, a temple of Venus 
 and of the Samothracian gods, according to popular belief at least, 
 though Varro, in the spirit of philosophical refinement, calls it in ques¬ 
 tion 5 ; at iEnea in Pallene, AEneas was reputed to have founded a city, 
 which being destroyed in later times, the inhabitants removed to Thes- 
 salonica 6 , and carried with them no doubt the Cabiriac worship, which 
 we have seen prevailing there. Other traditions represented him as 
 settling in Arcadia, where, among a primitive Pelasgic people, traces 
 of this worship might naturally be expected to be found, and where 
 the name of Κάπυοη indicates an affinity to the Troad. The worship 
 of Mercury, too, was of primaeval antiquity in Arcadia, and in the tra¬ 
 ditions respecting Dardanus we shall find fresh confirmation of a con¬ 
 nexion between this country, Samothrace and the Troad. Pergamus 
 was a great seat of this worship, and the Pergamenians maintained 
 that they were the descendants of the Arcadians who passed into Asia 
 under Telephus 7 . A mountain in this country bore the name of Ca- 
 birus, and the rites of the Cabirian deities were intermixed with those 
 of the great goddess Berecynthia. 
 
 μεν ovv εν Αημνιρ καί "Ιμβρψ rovs K«- 
 βείρουδ τιμασθαι συμβεβηκεν. άλλα 
 καί ev Τ ροίψ, κατά ττόΧειβ. 
 
 1 From δαίω, δαίνω, and the repetition 
 of the first syllable, δαρδαίνω, as from 
 δάτττω comes δαρδάπτω, the p being 
 inserted for euphony. Δαίϋαλοβ seems 
 to come from the same root. The wife 
 of Dardanus was, according to the inha¬ 
 bitants of Samothrace, Στρατηγία. Schol. 
 Ap. Rhod. 1. 915. 
 
 2 Niebuhr Rom. Hist. Tr. 1. 160. 
 
 3 Dion. Hal. Ant. 1. 50. 4 Ibid. 
 
 5 See note l , p. 273. 
 
 r ffion. Hal. 1. 49. Strabo (13. 874.) 
 
 says, that some represented iEneas as 
 having settled on Olympus in Macedonia; 
 this is explained by the passage quoted 
 from Jul. Firmicus, No. 9., in which the 
 Cabiri who murdered their brother are 
 said to have carried his body to the roots 
 of the Macedonian Olympus. The prac¬ 
 tice of Cabiriac rites there was the found¬ 
 ation of both stories. 
 
 7 Paus. 1. 4. 6. "Hv δε νεμονται oi 
 ΪΙεργαμηνοί, Κάβειρων ίεράν φασιν εί¬ 
 ναι τδ άρχαΐον’ αυτοί δε ’Αρκάδεδ εθέ- 
 Χουσιν είναι των υμοΰ ΎηΧεώψ διαβάν- 
 των es τήν Ασίαν. Eustath.ad II. θ', 488. 
 ρ. 725. 
 
WORSHIP OF VENUS AT CARTHAGE. 275 
 
 Another mythical thread in the story of the wanderings of AEneas is 
 the worship of Venus, diffused by the colonies of the Phoenicians, but 
 by poets and fabulists attributed to her son. The island of Cythera 
 was the seat of a very ancient temple of Venus Urania, built by the 
 Phoenicians (Her. 1.105.). Dionysius (1.50.) makes AEneas its founder. 
 The very ancient temple of the same goddess on Mount Eryx 1 , in Si¬ 
 cily, was also probably a foundation of the Phoenicians, who inhabited 
 all this part of the island (Thuc. 6. init.); and although Thucydides so 
 far conforms to popular tradition, as to represent the Elymi, the found¬ 
 ers of Eryx and Egesta, as Trojans, there is much probability in the 
 opinion of Bochart (Geogr. Sacr. 1. c. 30), who assigns to them a Phoe¬ 
 nician origin. Even were their Trojan origin an historical fact, the 
 worship of Venus might still have been indirectly derived from Phoeni¬ 
 cia, or some other of those Asiatic countries in which it was of imme¬ 
 morial antiquity. The account of the visit of AEneas to Carthage, as we 
 have it in Virgil, was modified no doubt by the national hostility be¬ 
 tween Rome and her rival, but its primary purpose seems to have been to 
 furnish an explanation of the worship of the Phoenician Venus, the armed 
 Urania (Paus. 3. 33.), who from this circumstance vras identified with the 
 warlike Juno, commonly considered as the tutelary divinity of Carthage 2 . 
 From her supremacy she seems to have derived her Phoenician title of 
 Elissa (rvV, “ goddess,”) 3 , from her terrific attributes the Greek 
 name of Ae/c>w, and under these appellations she appears in history as 
 the founder of the city in which she was chiefly worshiped. "Am 
 (Anna soror) was a name of Dido herself. (Eust. ad Dion. Perieg.) 
 
 The Palladium, a pygmy image, was connected at once with AEneas 
 and the Troad, with Rome, Vesta, and the Penates, and the religious 
 belief and traditions of several towns in the south of Italy. According 
 to Arctinus, says Niebuhr (Hist, of Rome, 1. p. 153.), the saving of 
 this was his chief exploit. To account for its being at once in the 
 possession of Greek and Trojan colonies, it was said that there had 
 
 1 Niebuhr (1.154.) has observed, that 
 the name of Misenus occurs on the Iliac 
 Table, where the flight of Aineas to Hes¬ 
 peria is represented; and as this alludes 
 evidently to Misenum, near Naples, his 
 voyage must have been considered as in¬ 
 cluding the Lower Sea, as early as the 
 time of Stesichorus. See p. 144. The 
 Iliac Table, a bas relief found at Fratoc- 
 chie, represents the events of the war of 
 Troy, as included in the Iliad on the 
 authority of Horner, the Ilepais on that 
 of Stesichorus. Niebuhr himself, how- 
 
 T 
 
 ever, hints at the possibility that Misenus 
 has been added on the Iliac Table out of 
 Virgil. 
 
 2 Miinter (Relig. der Karth. p. 74.) 
 furnishes examples of the names of Juno, 
 Berecynthia mater deorum, and Venus, as 
 well as many others, given to the chief 
 divinity of Carthage and Carthaginian 
 Africa. 
 
 3 So from byn, “ Baal, Belus,” came 
 the feminine form n-byn, Βήλθης, ac¬ 
 cording to Hesychius, η 'Ήρα η ’Αφρο¬ 
 δίτη. 
 
 2 
 
276 jENEAS, a vulcanian divinity. 
 
 been two Palladia, that Ulysses and Diomed had stolen only the copy, 
 but that HCneas had carried off the original given by Jupiter to Darda- 
 nus *. The Minerva of Ilium is always arrayed in armour, and the image 
 is invariably called Παλλά&ον ( 7 raXXcis, πάλλω, “ vibro ”); her worship 
 may be presumed therefore to have been connected with the use and in¬ 
 vention of armour. Of the relation in which Ulysses and Diomed stand 
 to the Palladium, I shall have occasion to speak hereafter. 
 
 That ZEneas is a mythic and not an historic personage could hardly 
 be doubted, from the circumstance that he is so connected with others 
 whose mythic character is admitted on all hands; but why was the 
 name A Iveias rather than any other given to the person by whose 
 agency the widely-diffused traces of the worship of the gods of Samo- 
 thrace, of Troy, and of Phoenicia were to be explained ? If I mistake not, 
 he is really a Vulcanian divinity, and his name is connected in root with 
 άω, α’ίω, α’ίθω, ανω : the class of words to which it belongs has disjap- 
 peared from the Greek, having apparently been supplied by χαλκός and 
 its derivatives, but it remains in the Latin tes, ceneus. The covering of 
 the head of HEneas, though called the Phrygian bonnet, is not perma¬ 
 nently distinguishable from the Cabiriac pileus; the star which guided 
 him 2 , though referred by the mythologists to Venus, may, like the 
 lambent flame which played on the apex or pileus of lulus (HEn. 2. 
 683.), have been derived from the star of the Dioscuri. His father, 
 ’ Αγχίσης , seems to have acquired his name from the lameness which 
 belongs to Vulcan. In the HEneid (2. 647—649.), he says of himself, 
 “ Jam pridem invisus diis et inutilis annos Demoror : ex quo me divom 
 pater atque hominum rex Fulminis adflavit ventis et contigit igni.” 
 (Hymn. Horn.Ven.289. Z evs σε χοΧωσάμενοε βαΧέει ψοΧόεντι. κερανρω.') 
 On this Heyne observes (Exc. 17. ad HEn.), “scilicet non ut ictus in- 
 tereat, verum ut afllatu debilitetur. Qui primus hoc disertius exposu- 
 erit non reperio; sed quisquis ille fuit, antiquior poeta vocabulo utique 
 πηρωθήναι usus erat: quod alii ad csecitatem retulere cum proprie quam- 
 cunque corporis seu truncationem seu debilitationem innuat.” It is in 
 incidental circumstances of this kind, which there was no poetical rea¬ 
 son for inventing, that the mythic origin of a narrative is often to be 
 found. What seems the most natural and probable, and what the 
 pragmatizer therefore seizes upon and relates for history, is generally 
 the most entirely fictitious. Ancus, according to Festus (s. voc.), signi¬ 
 fies, “qui aduncum brachium habet ut exporrigi non possit.” The root 
 άγξ is Greek, denoting not only the “bend of the arm 3 ,” but equally any 
 
 1 Dion. Hal. (Ant. 1. 69.) quoting Arc- 2 Serv. iEn. 1. 381. Nieb. 1. 163. 
 tinus. 3 Blomf. Remarks on Matthise, p. liii. 
 
THEBAN CABIRI. 
 
 277 
 
 curvature, as in αγκύλοι, άγκυρα , and therefore άγχίσηε will be the same 
 as χώλον, or nearly the same as άμφιγυήειε, and the supposed paramour of 
 Venus only an alias of her lawful spouse. What was the reason which 
 induced the ancients to represent the god of fire as punished with de¬ 
 formity and lameness, we know not; perhaps the same which suggested 
 the more tragic conception of the sufferings of Prometheus, the crime 
 of having raised man too near to divinity by an invention which seems 
 to make him a creator. This circumstance of lameness appears in a 
 remarkable way in the heroic history, as it is called, of Thebes in the 
 line of Cadmus. His eldest son Πολύδωρον has been so called from the 
 gifts which the gods were said to have bestowed on his father and 
 mother at her nuptials, which gifts are themselves the products of the 
 art of Cadmus, as Πανδώρα really represented the products of the art 
 of Prometheus, Hes. Op. et D. 60. seq. Αάβΰακοε has been named 
 from λάβ δα (λάμβΰα), the letter of unequal legs l , as the wife of Am- 
 phion, σκάζουσ a r<p ετερω πόδι, was called Λά/3δα 2 . Λάιόν, Icevus, like 
 sccbvus, scavola, denotes “a left-handed man” (Ααφύε, i. e. AaFov. 6 
 άρι,στερφ χβιρϊ χρώμενοε, Hes.), perhaps also one who has a correspond¬ 
 ing imperfection in the legs, as κολοβόε, πηρόε, are applied to both. 
 0<δΐ7τοι/ί, lamed by the swelling of his feet, repeats the same idea. 
 There are other traces of affinity between the heroic history of Thebes 
 and the Samothracian or Cabirian religion. According to Pausanias 
 (9. 25.), the Cabirians had been expelled from the Theban territory by 
 the Epigoni, and at a later time reassembled and their mysteries re¬ 
 newed by Pelarge. As Pausanias describes them they were connected 
 with the mystic worship of Ceres and Proserpine; but in the circum¬ 
 stance which he mentions, that Ceres had entrusted her secret deposit, 
 to a Cabirus of the name of ϊΐρομιιθεύε, and his son A Ιτναίοε, we see the 
 original connexion with the divinities of fire. Eteocles and Polynices, 
 with their alternate reign and mutual murder, exhibit in an historic 
 garb the divided rule of the Dioscuri and the fratricide of the Cabiri. 
 
 The capture of Troy, the foundation of Carthage, the building of 
 Rome, had no real connexion with, or chronological relation to each 
 
 1 See the forms of the old Greek alpha¬ 
 bet in Matthise’s Gr., Blomf. Remarks, 
 p. xli. 
 
 2 Hellad. ap. Phot. p. 1583. Notwith¬ 
 standing the historic air of the narrative 
 of Sosicles (Her. 5. 92.), the names of 
 Amphion and Eetion excite a strong su¬ 
 spicion of the mythic origin of the tale 
 of Cypselus. ’Her ίων or Ήσίων belongs 
 
 to the Samothracian religion (Schol. Ap. 
 Rhod. 1. 915.), and 'Ησιόνη is the wife 
 of Prometheus. The traces of mythical 
 legends continue to a very late time in 
 Herodotus. The story of Croesus’ son Atys, 
 the boar-hunt, and his death by Adras- 
 tus (1. 35.), and his own imposition on 
 the funeral pile (3. 36.), appear to me to 
 betray this origin. 
 
FOUNDATION OF ROME. 
 
 278 
 
 other; they were woven together by persons who gave themselves no 
 concern about chronology; but great was the perplexity, and manifold 
 the contrivances of those who, considering the personages and events 
 as real, endeavoured to adapt them to one another. Homer (ν', 307.) 
 had represented AEneas and his descendants as reigning for an indefi¬ 
 nite length of time over the Trojans : for the same worship and the 
 same names continued to prevail in Phrygia and in the Troad, not only 
 in Gergithia (Her. 5. 122), among the remnant of the Teucrians, but 
 also among the AEolian Greeks ; and like other mythic personages, 
 HSneas was converted into a king of the country in which the religious 
 system of which he was a part prevailed. Such he had long become 
 in the days of Homer, and the poet, by the license of his art, predicts 
 the fact which he and his hearers believed in. But when an AEneas in 
 Italy appeared of equal claims with the AEneas of the Troad, it was 
 concluded that he returned after settling his son, or sent his son bayk 
 to resume the throne, or never went to Italy at all, but with the per¬ 
 mission of the conquerors established himself on the ruins of Priam’s 
 kingdom 1 . Still greater was the difficulty when the origin of the Ro¬ 
 man people was to be connected with the fall of Troy. The original 
 belief, as Niebuhr has shown 2 , made the founders of Rome depend im¬ 
 mediately upon AEneas. Ilia betrays by her name her close connexion 
 with Troy; Ennius and Nsevius made her the daughter of AEneas; 
 Rea Silvia is evidently borrowed from the mythology of the Cabiri and 
 Curetes, Rea being the unaspirated form of 'Pea 3 . (Ka/3 ιροι ϋαίμονεε 
 περί την 'Ρέαν, ohiovvres την Σαμοθράκην. Etym. Gud. and Schol. Ari- 
 stid. ap. Lobeck. Aglaoph. 1224.) Silvia is a translation of Ίδαϊα 4 , the 
 epithet of the great goddess of Phrygia (Lucr. 2. 611.). “ The Greeks 
 
 who mentioned the founding of Rome before Timseus, were unanimous 
 in their opinion that the city was built immediately or in the next gene- 
 
 1 See Dion. Hal. I. 54. Eust. ad II. v, 
 p. 1209. (1286.) 
 
 2 Rom. Hist. 1. 175. seq. 
 
 3 Maittaire Dial. p. 99. ed. Reitz, το ψι- 
 Χονν τά δασέα, ΆιοΧέων έστίν, and the 
 Latin closely resembles the iEolic dialect 
 of the Greek. 
 
 4 Ίδη" ή δρο s Tpoias, η νΧη. "Iwves 
 δρνμών δρο s. Hes. Wood was essential to 
 the operations of smelting and forging. In 
 Phrygia, and. in Crete, a mountain of this 
 name was so specially connected with 
 fire and metallurgy, that perhaps, like 
 the German berg , it was used at once for 
 a mountain and a mining work. Names 
 
 derived from it meet us every where in 
 connexion with the Cabiriac and kindred 
 rites. Idsea was the wife of Dardanus 
 (Apoll. 3. 15.), and the mother of Tei- 
 Kpos, who ruled in the Troad before the 
 arrival of Dardanus from Samothrace 
 (Apoll. 3. 12.). The Dactyli, who πρώ¬ 
 τοι τέχνη ποΧυμητιος 'Η ψαίστοιο Εν- 
 ρον έν ουρβίησι νάπαις, ίόντβ σίδηρον 
 (Schol.Apoll.Rhod. 1.1131.), were called 
 Ίδαΐοι, and their history was connected 
 with that of Rhea, the Milesians always 
 sacrificing to them at the same time (ib. 
 v. 1126.). 
 
ULYSSES, A MYTHIC PERSONAGE. 
 
 279 
 
 ration after the fall of Troy, and made Romulus and Remus the sons 
 of iEneas 1 .” But when it was discovered by what a wide interval the 
 two events were separated, the whole line of Alban kings were in¬ 
 serted to fill up the gap 2 . Removing these fictitious personages, and 
 substituting the true mythical connection for the pseudo-historical, the 
 founders of Rome are the sons of the Cabiriac goddess Rhea; like Ze- 
 thus and Amphion, they found and wall a city, like them they are ex¬ 
 posed and discovered by a shepherd, and the often-repeated fratricide 
 is again imaged in the death of Remus. 
 
 The transfer of the Palladium to Italy is referred to AEneas, but is 
 still more connected with the person of Ulysses. This was no doubt 
 the reason why Hellanicus alleged (Dion. Ant. 1. 72.) that iEneas had 
 crossed over from Molossia to Italy, and founded Rome in conjunction 
 with Ulysses. So completely has the history of Ulysses been pragma- 
 tized, that it is with difficulty we can be brought to believe that he also 
 is a merely mythic personage, connected like ./Eneas with the diffusion 
 of the Samothracian and Trojan religions. I have already observed the 
 traces of this connection in the tradition that Dardanus was claimed as 
 their progenitor by the people of Zacynthus, the principal island in 
 the supposed kingdom of Ulysses (p. 274.). We meet with Darda¬ 
 nus and Ulysses again singularly united in the traditions of Cortona in 
 Tuscany. This appears to be the town which Virgil (AEn. 3. 167— 
 171.) calls Cory thus, and considers as the original country of the pro- 
 
 1 Nieb. 1. 175. 179. 
 
 2 This is so generally admitted that 
 proof is unnecessary; but it is curious to 
 observe how the list in Dionysius (1. 65. 
 seq.) has been made up. Ascanius is 
 equivalent to Phrygian (see note, p. 4. 
 col. 2.), the synonyme "IouXos being de¬ 
 rived apparently from a song, similar in 
 its nature to the Linus (p. 105. 6. Athen. 
 14. p. 619.), but connected with the wor¬ 
 ship of Ceres, a Samothracian goddess 
 (Poll. 4. 53.). Silvius has been already ex¬ 
 plained. Latinus is the assumed founder 
 of the people, whose name was really de¬ 
 rived from Latium, and that again from 
 latus, the wide level plain of the Cam- 
 pagna; Albas comes from the city Alba; 
 Capys, Capetus, Calpetus, are variations of 
 the name of the grandfather of/Eneas; Ti- 
 berinus comes from the Tiber; Agrippa 
 may be only a Latin translation of Anchi- 
 ses, “ vocabulo ab segritudine et pedibus 
 confecto.” Aul. Cell. (16.16.), though he 
 gives a different explanation of it. Άλ- 
 
 λάδης ( άλλω , salioi), who imitates the 
 thunder and lightning of Jupiter, like 
 the Greek Salmoneus, was probably in¬ 
 troduced in reference to the Salii, whose 
 όρχησις δνόπλιος was said to have been 
 brought from Samotlirace or Arcadia, 
 and whose clashing and bright armour 
 might be represented as an imitation of 
 thunder and lightning (Plut. Num. 13.). 
 The artful Amulius (<aipovXios ), who de¬ 
 thrones Numitor ( νομίτωρ . νόμος), legal 
 possessor of the throne, are names de¬ 
 vised to suit the characters respectively 
 assigned to them. In short, there is no 
 name but that of Procas which does not 
 betray itself at once: and as prow, ac¬ 
 cording to Pestus, was bona vow or proba 
 vow, he may be the same with or allied to 
 Aius, Vaticanus, Faunus, Faustulus, names 
 connected with the mythic history of La¬ 
 tium, and denoting an oracular voice. 
 Thus all appears to be fictitious, yet no¬ 
 thing arbitrary or without a cause. 
 
280 ULYSSES, A MYTHIC PERSONAGE. 
 
 genitor of the Trojans. “ Hinc Dardanus ortus, Jasiusque pater, genus 
 a quo principe nostrum—Corythum terrasque requirat Ausonias.” Now 
 this can only have arisen from traces of Samothracian worship existing 
 in this very ancient city. It was said to have been founded by Ulys¬ 
 ses, under the name of Ncuos (Lycophr. 1244.), meaning, according to 
 the Schol. (Tzetzes), “ wanderer” (Muller Etr. 2. 269.), but which ap¬ 
 pears to me to be the Greek for pygmy, Lat. nanus, and to indicate that 
 Ulysses in the original conception was one of those gods whom we have 
 seen represented in a diminutive form 1 . The Romans and Cortonseans 
 were not the only nations in Italy with whose origin the name of Ulys¬ 
 ses was connected; according to Hesiod (Theog. 1013.), he was the 
 father of Latinus and Agrius, who reigned over all the Tyrrhenians. 
 The pileus which he bears is not distinguishable from the Cabirian or 
 Vulcanian pileus, and though Apollodorus the painter, the master of 
 Zeuxis, was said to be the first person who gave him this appendage 
 (Eust. ad II. k, 265.), it is evident from this very passage that it was 
 his attribute in Homer’s time; and accordingly he appears with it on 
 the Greek vases, which generally exhibit the costume of high antiquity 2 . 
 It cannot have been without significance that he is represented as saved 
 from shipwreck by the daughter of Cadmus, Αενκοθεη (Od. e, 332.), 
 the mother of Παλαίμων, who is reckoned among the sons of Vulcan 
 (Apoll. 1. 9. 16.), and whose name, connected with παλάμη, “hand, 
 art,” denotes skilful in art 3 . She saves him also by means of the κρή- 
 c 'εμνον, or taenia, with which those who were initiated in the Samo¬ 
 thracian mysteries were girt, and by which they were saved from the 
 dangers of the sea (Schol. Ap. Rhod. 1. 915.). After what has been 
 said of the union of the ideas of wind and fire in the conception of the 
 
 1 The name is difficult to etymologize, 
 though the Greeks give us several expla¬ 
 nations of it. See Eudocia (s. voc.). As¬ 
 suming from the Latin form Ulixes, and 
 on the authority of Eustathius (p. 289. 
 38.), that Όλυσσεήδ or ’Ολισσεύς is the 
 original, I should be inclined to refer it 
 to the iEolic δλιζος or δλισσος for ολίγος, 
 μικρός (Eust. 1160. 16.). The o is here, 
 as often, not a part of the root, and the 
 word is the same as λιτός, little , less. 
 
 2 Millin Diet, des Beaux Arts, art. 
 Pileus. The petasus of Mercury, the pi- 
 leus of Vulcan, the Cahiri, the Dioscuri, 
 and Ulysses, the apex of the Salii and the 
 Flamen, and the Phrygian mitra, though 
 
 occasionally discriminated in art, are I be¬ 
 lieve in origin the same, and interchange¬ 
 
 able. This covering is not precisely E- 
 gyptian, and was therefore probably an 
 Asiatic symbol of royalty, and the kin¬ 
 dred characters of god and priest. 
 
 3 This Palaemon, it is true, is distin¬ 
 guished by the mythologists from the 
 son of Leucothea, also called Melicertes, 
 i. e. Hercules (see p. 72.). Bat Hercules 
 belonged to the Idsei Dactyli (Cic. N. D. 
 3. 16.), and thus to the divinities of fire 
 and metallurgy ; and in this capacity, 
 notwithstanding his gigantic powers, was 
 represented as a pygmy. (Paus. 8. 31. 
 εσπ δε και Ηρακλής παρά ry Αήμϊ]τρι, 
 μέγεθος μάλιστα πήχυν' τούτον τον 
 Ήρακλήν είναι των Ίδαίων καλούμε¬ 
 νων Δακτύλων, ’Ονομάκριτός φησιν εν 
 τοίς επεσι.) 
 
JASON AND THE ARGONAUTS. 
 
 281 
 
 Cabiri, it will not appear wonderful that Ulysses should be celebrated 
 also as a navigator, and that N αυσίθοος and N avaivoos should be attri¬ 
 buted to him as sons (Hes. Theog. ad fin.). It is not without signifi¬ 
 cance, I believe, in reference to his origin, that he is represented as 
 having been wounded above the knee in the combat with the boar on 
 Parnassus (Od. r, 450.), which would naturally produce lameness. 
 The epithet of Πολύμητις, which is given to Ulysses, belongs also to 
 Vulcan (II. f, 355.). The chaste and weaving Πηνελόπη was perhaps 
 originally the goddess of the Palladium, for πηνίον (Eust. 1421.) is a 
 spindle” (άτρακτος, Hes.), and the Palladium had in one hand a spear, 
 in the other ηλακάτην καί άτρακτον (Apollod. 3. 12.) h Diomedes, who 
 was equally with Ulysses connected with the Palladium, was exten¬ 
 sively worshiped in the south of Italy (Schol. Pind. Nem. 10. p. 501. 
 ed. Bockh.). He was made immortal along with the Dioscuri; and 
 according to Polemon was honoured as a god in Thurii, in Metapon- 
 tum, and Argyrippi, as well as in the island Diomedea in the Adriatic. 
 The name of his father, Ύνΰεύς, appears to mean the same as Ύυνδά pevs 
 “ Mulciber,” and his diminutive size (II. e, 801.) may be an evanescent 
 trace of an originally pygmy image. Diomedes was one of the names 
 of Jason (Muller Orchom. p. 265.), but Argos, iEtolia, and that part of 
 Italy which lies opposite to it, were the chief seat of the legends in 
 which he appears. 
 
 Jason is another person closely connected with the Samothracian re¬ 
 ligion, and whose history has been constructed for the purpose of wea¬ 
 ving together the traces of its diffusion in combination with metallurgy, 
 and especially the making of brass. The reader who is not accustomed 
 to mythical analysis, will smile when I refer the legend of his appear¬ 
 ing before Pelias with a single sandal (Ap. Rhod. 1. 7.), which must 
 necessarily produce inequality of pace, to the same inequality of limb 
 which we have already remarked as characteristic of persons who have 
 originated in Vulcanian religion. In Greece the traditions of Jason 
 attach themselves chiefly to two spots, Iolcos and Corinth, both inha¬ 
 bited by the race of HColus. Α’ίσων, attributed as a father to Jason 
 (α'ίθων), is only another form of the same name, which, varied into 
 Iasus, Iasius, Iasion, appears as that of a brother of Dardanus, among 
 the Samothracian deities. Κολχ /s is the land of brass, χαλκίε ; the 
 αντιστοιχεί a 2 , by which the place of the aspirated and unaspirated let¬ 
 ters is interchanged, being very common in Greek, as in κάλχη and 
 χάλκη, the murex, κύθρη and χύτρα, κιθών and χιτό)ν, ενβαϋτα and εν - 
 
 1 IlrjoOS. ύφασμα, Hes. 
 
 8 Lobeck Aglaoph. 1183. 214. Maittaire ed. Reiz. 99. 
 
282 
 
 JASON AND THE ARGONAUTS. 
 
 ταΰθα. The substitution of o for a is also common. (“AEolibus et Cre- 
 tensibus familiare fuit a in o permutare, dicebantque dvoyvpis pro άνά- 
 yvpis, βότιε pro βά ns, Θροσέωε pro θρασεως, όνηρ pro άνήρ, βροδέ ojs pro 
 βραΰέωε.” Voss. Etym. L. L. Tract, de Litt. Permut., where many other 
 examples are given.) The king who subjects Jason to his fiery trials, 
 ΑΙητης (άω, α'ίω,), indicates by his name his connexion with wind and 
 fire; his brazen bulls, breathing fire, are the bellows of a forge, the 
 fiery dragon and the serpent’s teeth are but a repetition of the fable oi 
 Cadmus 1 . The name Μήδεια, assigned to the daughter of Aetes and 
 wife of Jason, has the same significance as his mother’s, ΐΙοΧνμήδη 
 (Apollod. 1. 19.), i. e. τεχνίτη : the arts which were meant to be attri¬ 
 buted to her being those to which fire gives birth; though, as in the 
 case of the Telchines, the Idsei Dactyli, Cabiri, and others of the same 
 class, they were changed into magical arts. The same thing is ex¬ 
 pressed in the name of her mother E ίδυία. The story of Phrixus, an¬ 
 other ^Eolid, whose name is derived by a common variation from φράσ¬ 
 σω, “to burn,” who comes also to the land of Αιητης, and marries his 
 daughter ΧαΧκωπη, is only a repetition of the same idea, though re¬ 
 ferred to a generation earlier. 
 
 The land of ^Ea appears to be purely mythic, and to owe its name 
 to the king ^Eetes; but Colchis was a real country, like Ethiopia, at 
 first vaguely but afterwards more definitely fixed, and from the first 
 celebrated for its metalliferous productions, especially brass. In this 
 larger sense it comprehended the country of the Moschi, Tibareni and 
 Chalybes, renowned for their brass and iron, the Tuhal and Mesech of 
 Scripture, from whom the Phoenicians (Ezek. xxvii. 13.) brought their 
 vessels of brass. Bochart (Geogr. Sacr. lib. 3. c. 12.) has collected 
 numerous passages, to show that this region was deemed to produce 
 the metals in the greatest abundance and excellence of any r in the an¬ 
 cient world. Where then were the traces of a worship, the principle 
 of which was the application of fire to metallurgy, more likely to be 
 found ? It is deserving of remark, that the instructor of those who 
 work in brass and iron, is said (Gen. iv. 22.) to be Tubal Cain. I have 
 already pointed out the significance of the latter part of the name; the 
 former is equally expressive, ‘min signifying in Arabic (Boch. u. s.), 
 “ squama ferri et ceris.” The words of Lamech which immediately fol¬ 
 low (Gen.iv. 23.), have an evident reference to the invention of deadly 
 weapons. We may then well believe that Tubal or Colchis w 7 as one of 
 
 1 The ram and his fleece appear to ram was sacred, with the Samothracian 
 have been introduced into the story, from mysteries, 
 the connexion of Mercury, to whom the 
 
JASON AND THE ARGONAUTS. 
 
 283 
 
 the earliest known seats of metallurgy. When, therefore, we find a 
 promontory named Jasonium in this country, and are told by Strabo 
 (1. p. 65. ed. Ox.), that the worship of him as a hero prevailed in it, 
 and even spread into Armenia, we are neither obliged to suppose that 
 all this originated in later times from the Greek fable of the Argonauts, 
 nor, on the other hand, to believe that a Thessalian prince penetrated 
 with a fifty-oared ship into the recesses of the Euxine Sea, before the 
 war of Troy. The tale of the Argonauts has been framed to explain 
 and combine the traces of a worship allied to that of the Cabiri, dif¬ 
 fused in times before the commencement of history along the south¬ 
 eastern shores of the Euxine, perhaps by the same Pelasgic tribes, whom 
 we have been accustomed to consider as scarcely extending beyond the 
 opening of the Bosporus 1 . The name of Jason was connected no less 
 with navigation than with metallurgy, and this is quite in accordance 
 with what we have seen of the double relation in which the divinities 
 of this class stand to the two arts 2 . It was not on the shores of the 
 Euxine alone that the traces of this mythos were found; Strabo con¬ 
 jectures that he had wandered to Italy, from the marks of the Argo- 
 nautic expedition which were found there (lib. 1. p. 32. Αείκννται 
 γάρ τινα σημεία και περί τα Κεραύνια ορη και περί τον Άκριαν και εν τώ 
 ΤΙωσεώωνιάτρ κόλπω και τα7ς προ της Ύνρρηνίας νησοις της των ’Αργο¬ 
 ναυτών πλάνης σημεία.). Homer seems to have regarded the return at 
 least of the Argo as from the west; whether, like Hesiod, he supposed 
 it to have entered the ocean from the Phasis, and so to have come 
 round by means of its circumambient stream to the western parts of 
 the Mediterranean, or to have gone only towards the west, is uncertain. 
 Such a diversity, sorely as it perplexed those who had discovered that 
 there was no circumambient ocean, occasions no difficulty when the 
 story is viewed in its mythical light: wherever there were traces of this 
 
 1 Priam, judging from the Iliad, ap¬ 
 pears to have no more needed an inter¬ 
 preter to communicate with his allies 
 from the shores of the Euxine, than with 
 the Greeks. 'Od/os and Έπίστρυφος (β', 
 856.), whose names are Greek, lead their 
 troops, τηΧόθεν εξ ΆΧΰβης, οθεν άργυ¬ 
 ρον έστι γενέθλη. This cannot have been 
 far removed from Colchis, and is proba¬ 
 bly the same with Χαλυβη, if indeed we 
 should not read e/c Καλνβης. 
 
 2 The Argonaut® are often called M<- 
 vvai, because a colony of them from Or- 
 chomenus had settled in lolcos (Heyn. 
 Obs. Ap. p. 73.). But the Minyse were 
 celebrated for working in brass, and the 
 
 name of their king, Έργϊνοε (artifex ), is 
 allusive to the use of tools, which were 
 essential to ship-building; so the inven¬ 
 tion of masts and yards was attributed 
 to Daedalus, i. e. Vulcan (Plin. 7. 57.), 
 while Eupalamus, another epithet of simi¬ 
 lar meaning, invents the anchor (ibid.). 
 Chaleos, a son of Athamas, the father of 
 Phrixus, is said to have been the inventor 
 of the shield. The name Mivvas appears 
 to be derived from μιννη, which we may 
 suppose an older form of σμινυη, a “ mi¬ 
 ner’s pickaxe,” as Φ Xeyias, another king 
 of Orchomenus, has evidently derived his 
 name from φλέγω. 
 
284 
 
 JASON AND THE ARGONAUTS. 
 
 religion, there would be an Αίήτηε, an iEa, and a Jason, united or singly; 
 thither would the Argonauts he carried to explain these σημεία, and it 
 was only when history and chronology assumed to themselves what was 
 originally fable and poetry, and endeavoured to give it consistency, 
 that it became absurd. The essential purpose of the Argonautic voy¬ 
 age appears to me to have been, to connect these traces; the rest to 
 have arisen from the amalgamation of other mythological legends re¬ 
 lating to the heroes engaged in it, or the countries visited, or the love 
 of poetic ornament and completeness 1 . The name of ’ Αργώ (“ swift/’) 
 was very naturally given to the first fifty-oared ship which the Greeks 
 were supposed to have constructed, an art which they themselves ac¬ 
 knowledged that they had received from the Egyptians or Phoenicians. 
 It is reasonable to believe that this fable, like that of Troy, had passed 
 through many hands, had been treated by those who were ignorant of 
 its primary import, and “ believed the w’onders which they sung,” )iad 
 gathered around it many adventitious embellishments, and been rounded 
 and smoothed, before it assumed the earliest form in which it has reached 
 us. It would afford the ready means of solving other mythological 
 problems. It was probably to explain the worship of Minerva on the 
 Tritonian lake, that the Argonauts were brought thither, at the cost of 
 twelve days’ portage of their galley from the Libyan ocean (Pind. Pyth. 
 4.), and the worship of the Pelasgian Juno in Corinth and Iolcos has 
 also contributed to modify the story. See Muller’s Orch. 267. seq. 2 
 
 I have said that it is a task of great difficulty to unravel the mythic 
 thread which connects Helen and the Dioscuri with Egypt and Troy : 
 yet we can perceive that what may be called the essential part of the 
 War of Troy has originated, like the other tales which we have exa¬ 
 mined, in the desire to connect together and explain the traces of an 
 ancient religion. Helen passed in Egypt it seems for a foreign Venus, 
 
 1 Miiller (Orchom. 265.) considers the 
 kernel of the Argonautic expedition to 
 be, the necessity of flight from the curse 
 which rested on the Athamantides, and 
 he observes justly that iEa, and not Col¬ 
 chis, appears to have been originally de¬ 
 signated as the term of the flight (274.). 
 But whv was Colchis substituted in the 
 more defined story (after 01. 20.), except 
 that here the traces of Jason and the sy¬ 
 stem to which he belonged were stronger 
 than elsewhere ? and whence could these 
 traces be derived, but either from an ac¬ 
 tual expedition, which Muller himself re¬ 
 jects, or such a diffusion of religious rites 
 and traditions as we have supposed ? 
 
 2 The story of the invasion of Greece 
 by the Amazons, and the expeditions of 
 the Greeks against them, appears in the 
 same way to have originated in the diffu¬ 
 sion of the worship of the Asiatic Diana, 
 with her armed and virgin priestesses, 
 from the shores of the Euxine to the lake 
 Tritonis in Libya (Diod. 3. 53.). As the 
 Argo sails to the east or west, so the Ama¬ 
 zons were made to invade Europe either 
 from Asia or Africa. The legends of the 
 Amazons are singularly interwoven in 
 Lemnos, Samothrace, and the Troad, with 
 those of the Cabiri and Samothracian 
 gods. 
 
WAR OF TROY MYTHIC. 
 
 285 
 
 and probably was originally the goddess herself, or at least a goddess 
 of love and beauty. If, then, her worship prevailed in Laconia, in the 
 Troad, in Sidon, in Egypt, and in Libya, and in process of time, accord¬ 
 ing to the usual course of things, she had been converted from a god¬ 
 dess of beauty into a mortal surpassing all others in charms, the ques¬ 
 tion would naturally arise. How came she in so many different and 
 remote countries, the wife of Menelaus, the paramour of Paris l , the 
 protected guest of Proteus ? An abduction by a Trojan prince was to 
 a Greek the most natural hypothesis ; for his national feeling led h im 
 always to invert the historical order in such fables, and make Io, Her¬ 
 cules, Bacchus and others, originally Greeks. But such an outrage 
 could do no less than provoke a war, in the details of which it is im¬ 
 possible to say how much there is of historical, but the motive is clearly 
 mythic. We may wonder that in his way from Lacedaemon to Troy, 
 the fugitive prince should have visited Sidon or the mouth of the Nile, 
 and what winds they could be which drove him so far from his obvious 
 course; but our wonder will cease when we reflect that the traces of 
 the presence of Helen in these remote parts was to be explained, and 
 that mythic fictions are not bound by the ordinary rules of human 
 action or the laws of nature. The return of Menelaus, and his wander¬ 
 ings along the coast of Asia and Africa, explained anything which the 
 voyage of Paris had left unaccounted for. Altogether the ΝόσΓοι were 
 a most convenient device for explaining the appearance of religious affi¬ 
 nities in distant places, and hardly a Grecian chief was allowed to re¬ 
 turn in peace and resume his throne. Either he was shipwrecked on 
 his homeward voyage, or an usurper was in his palace and his bed, and 
 he was compelled to go into exile and found a colony. Hence arose 
 the question. Why were they so unfortunate ? and fresh fictions were 
 necessary to explain the anger of the gods by which they were perse¬ 
 cuted. 
 
 It is impossible here to pursue this subject into all its ramifications. 
 I will only remark one other circumstance—that the countries in which 
 the Samothracian and Cabiriac worship prevailed, will be found to have 
 been peopled either by the Pelasgi or by the iEolians, who of all the tribes 
 comprehended under the general name Hellenes, approach the most 
 
 1 Paris appears to me to be only an 
 historic form of the god Mars. His 
 name ’AXeZavdpos well suits that cha¬ 
 racter, and Ilapts is naturally derived 
 from πείρω, “ to pierce.” His double 
 character of effeminacy and valour, which 
 appears somewhat incongruous in the 
 
 Iliad, is quite in the spirit of Asiatic the¬ 
 ology ; Adonis was also Mars, and the 
 Paris of the battle-field does not differ 
 more from the Paris of the gynseceum, 
 than the hero Hercules from the Lydian, 
 spinning among the maidens of Omphale. 
 
286 
 
 CABIRIAC WORSHIP, PELASGIC. 
 
 
 nearly in antiquity and language to the Pelasgi. “ Lemnos, Imbros 
 and Samothrace, were celebrated Pelasgian countries, and continued so 
 down to the historical periodthe same people occupied the coast of 
 Asia Minor from the southern limits of Ionia to Cyzicus, and what 
 Niebuhr proposed as a conjecture, that the Teucrians and Dardanians 
 ought to be considered as Pelasgian, becomes almost certain from the 
 mythical affinities which have been pointed out in these inquiries. 
 Since the researches of Muller, the settlement of (Tyrrhenian) Pelas- 
 gians in Tuscany will no longer be called in question; and the legend 
 of the affinity between Dardanus and the supposed founder of Cortona 
 is easily explained. Thessaly and Bceotia, the abodes of the Minyae, 
 were both Pelasgic countries; Corinth, iEolian; Arcadia, the alleged 
 birth-place of Dardanus, and burial-place of Anchises, had retained its 
 primitive Pelasgian population when the rest of the Peloponnesus had 
 become Dorian. Pelasgians from Samothrace had brought to Athens 
 the Cabiriac fashion of representing Mercury. Macedonia was pro¬ 
 bably Pelasgic 1 , as the countries along the eastern side of the Adriatic, 
 where the traces of the worship of AEneas and the gods of Troy were 
 found, certainly were. And it is remarkable how strongly tradition, 
 founding itself on mythical affinities, points to the Upper Sea as the 
 medium by which communication took place between the Pelasgian 
 population of Italy, Greece and the Troad. Antenor leads the Trojans 
 to the head of the Adriatic; Diomed founds Spina at the mouth of the 
 Po, which, according to Plehanicus, was the source of all the Pelasgian 
 colonies which had spread through Tyrrhenia to Agylla or Caere. The 
 Etruscan alphabet is the old Greek; the Latin, Arcadian, i. e. Pelasgic; 
 the mythology of Etruscan art bears the same character, and is inexpli¬ 
 cable unless it had a foundation in the belief of the people. The Romans 
 knew the Greeks by a name belonging to Epirus (Γραικοί*), and there¬ 
 fore probably their earliest intercourse was with those who bordered on 
 the Adriatic. The legends of the Palladium will equally be found to re¬ 
 fer themselves to the eastern side of Italy. Siris and Metapontum are 
 on the Tarentine gulf; Arpi and the Diomedian Islands on the Adriatic. 
 The common story, it is true, makes AEneas land upon the Lower Sea, 
 —a necessary consequence of the combination of his wanderings with 
 the worship of Venus on Mount Eryx ; but the older tradition appears 
 to have brought him at once from Molossia to become the founder of 
 
 1 Marsh Horse Pel. 9. Nieb. 1. 27. 2 To explain which name, a Graus or 
 
 Hellanicus (Fr. xxxxv. ed. Sturz.) said, Gras was placed among the leaders of 
 that Macedon was a son of iEolus, which the ffiolian migration. (Hell. u. s. p. 48.) 
 comes to the same thing. 
 
ETYMOLOGY OF CABIRI. 
 
 287 
 
 Rome 1 . We seem warranted, then, in two conclusions; first, that 
 the Pelasgian tribes in Italy, Greece, and Asia, were united in times 
 reaching high above the commencement of history, by community of 
 religious ideas and rites, as well as letters, arts, and language; and 
 secondly, that large portions of what is called the heroic history of 
 Greece, are nothing else than fictions devised to account for the traces 
 of this affinity, when time and the ascendency of other nations had de¬ 
 stroyed the primitive connexion, and rendered the cause of the simi¬ 
 larity obscure. The original derivation of the Cabiriac system from 
 Phoenicia and Egypt is a less certain, though still highly probable con¬ 
 clusion. 
 
 VIII. The name Cabiri has been very generally deduced from the 
 Phoenician “ mighty” and this etymology is in accordance with 
 
 the fact that the gods of Samothrace were called “ Divi potes,” θεοί 
 Ζυνατοί (Varro L. L. 4. p. 18.). But it does not appear that this name 
 was used by the Phoenicians, and the quotation from Damasc. (Phot. p. 
 1074. ed. Hoeschl.) leads to the conclusion that they had some other 
 name, which the Greeks interpreted Κάβειροι. WithWelcker, therefore 
 (vEschyl. Tril. 163.), I should deduce Κάβειρος from καίω (κάΡω, κάΡσω, 
 καύσω), the digamma having passed into B. Thus from άόω, which 
 had the digamma, whence κωμαΡυόος, rpayaPvfios, in the Boeotian in¬ 
 scription (Bockh. Hausli. 2. 359.), came άβηΐων, (Hesych.) “a night¬ 
 ingale,’’ in common Greek άηόών. But the same root meant also “ to 
 blow,” the digamma becoming π : κάπος, φνχί/, πνεύμα, Hes., and the 
 Homeric κεκαφηώς. Hence Rams, the grandfather of HCneas; Καπα- 
 vevs, who bears the fiery symbol of Προμήθευε (S. c. Th. 428.); καπνός, 
 “ smoke.” Thus the name Κάβεψος will denote the two elements of 
 fire and wind, which we have seen to be united in these divinities. 
 
 Further information on this subject may be found in Gutberleth Dia¬ 
 tribe de Mysteriis Cabirorum, 1703, and a Dissertation of Hadrian Re¬ 
 land; S te Croix Recherches sur les Mysteres, 1784, Sect. 2.; Lobeck 
 Aglaophamus, 2. 1202.; Welcker Trilogie, 157. seq.; Muller Orcho- 
 menus und die Minyer, 450. seq.—Schelling’s work on the gods of Sa¬ 
 mothrace, and Bendtsen’s Samothracia, I have not seen. 
 
 1 Muller (Cris. Mythol. Spec. Class. but this hardly appears till the time of 
 Journ. 26. 308.) has shown the influence the Tarquins, when the prophecies of the 
 of the worship of Apollo among the TEo- Cumsean sibyl were said to be brought 
 lians of the Troad on the Roman story: to Rome. 
 
Ύ 
 
ENGLISH INDEX 
 
 A. 
 
 Accusative, denoting ‘ point of time,’ 5 ; 
 with verbs of ‘ motion,’ 38. 
 
 Achcemenidce, 226. 
 
 JEgyptus , a mythic personage, 224. 
 
 AEschylus, his age, 201. 
 
 AEsop, 172. 
 
 Alabaster, 242. 
 
 Altar of the twelve gods at Athens, 13. 
 
 Alum, 222. 
 
 Amenthes, Egyptian “Hades,” 160. 
 
 Ammon, representation of, 67. 
 
 Ammonium, 47, 67, 205. 
 
 Amyrtceus, 176, 237. 
 
 Anacoluthon, 17, 49 ; abundant in Hero¬ 
 dotus, xli. 
 
 Aorist infinitive with future force, 208. 
 
 Apis, 250 ; court of, 198. 
 
 Apposition of parts to the whole, 27, 
 65 ; loose kind of, 211. 
 
 Arches in Egypt, 192. 
 
 Aroeris, Egyptian Apollo, 201. 
 
 Article with words that appear indefinite, 
 4 ; forming adverbial phrases with 
 nouns and prepositions, 12 ; omitted 
 with a second word, 56 ; used with 
 ζημία, 62 ; with e/e and άπό, appa¬ 
 rently for ev, 191; omitted after ouros, 
 147 ; used for demonstrative, 228. 
 
 Asylums, origin of cities, 145. 
 
 Astronomy, Egyptian, not of high anti¬ 
 quity, 183. 
 
 Athor, Egyptian Venus, 66. 
 
 At hr ibis, 210. 
 
 Azotus, taken by Psammitichus, 202. 
 
 B. 
 
 Bacchus, his worship recent and intro¬ 
 duced with violence, 79; the same as 
 Osiris, 66. 
 
 Bahr-be-la-ma, 128, 195. 
 
 Baris, etymology of, 125. 
 
 Bears in Egypt, 95. 
 
 Beer, Egyptian, 104. 
 
 Beetle, sacred in Egypt, 250. 
 Brass-armour, suit of, not worn by the 
 Egyptians, 197. 
 
 Brute animals, their worship in Egypt, 
 91. 
 
 Bryant, Jacob, his merits, 270, note 2. 
 Bubastis, 87. 
 
 Busiris, 87. 
 
 Buto, 87, 101. 
 
 Byssus, 113. 
 
 C. 
 
 Canal from Egypt to the Red Sea, 202. 
 Canopi, 112. 
 
 Castes in Egypt, 209. 
 
 Cataracts of the Nile, 28. 
 
 Ceres only incidentally mentioned in Ho¬ 
 mer, 189. 
 
 Chronology, difficulties of, 177, 187. 
 Circumcision, 59. 
 
 Comparative, its diminishing force, 34; 
 
 double, 261; with ή, 59. 
 
 Comparison, inaccurate expression of, 
 
 171. 
 
 Compound verbs, whether used for simple, 
 23. 
 
 Cornice, proportion of in the Egyptiau 
 architecture, 200. 
 
 Cotton, whether used in Egypt, 113. 
 Crests, not worn by the Egyptians, 197. 
 Crocodile, 95. 
 
 Cypria, by whom written, iii., 150. 
 Cyprus, 224. 
 
 Cyrene, invaded by Apries, 207. 
 
 D. 
 
 Danaus, a mythic personage, 223. 
 
 Dative of person, with lapse of time, 6. 
 Day, division of, amongst the Greeks, 216. 
 ‘ Deficiency,’ verbs of, their construction 
 with the genitive, 14, 171. 
 
 Deltas, their formation, 21, 28. 
 
 Demotic writing, 58. 
 
 Dodecarchia, 189. 
 
 U 
 
290 
 
 ENGLISH INDEX 
 
 JDodona, its site, 85. 
 
 Dress of the Egyptians, 107. 
 
 E. 
 
 Eclatana in Syria, 257. 
 
 Egypt, signification of the name, 22. 
 Embalment, object of, 94, 161. 
 Emeralds, factitious, 71. 
 
 Epaphus, Ixix., 250. 
 
 Etesian winds, 34. 
 
 Europa, name and mythos of, 70. 
 Euthymenes of Marseilles, 33. 
 
 Forty, used indefinitely, 244. 
 
 Future, in apodosis for optative, with av, 
 24; different from optative, with av, 
 65. 
 
 G. 
 
 Generation, average length of, 183. 
 
 Genitive, of * a whole country’ as distin¬ 
 guished from ‘a part,’ 15, 31, 85 ; de¬ 
 noting ‘ that of which something con¬ 
 sists,’ 23, 179; of ‘direction towards,' 
 53, 213; not really interchanged with 
 dative, 145; to he rendered “for,” 162; 
 of ‘ amount of deficiency,’ 171; genitive 
 of ‘ material,’ 179 ; genitive and accu¬ 
 sative of ‘ time,’ 123. 
 
 Geographical names, their gradual ex¬ 
 tension, 81. 
 
 Geography, errors in, of Herodotus, xxi., 
 52. 
 
 Glass, art of making, 70. 
 
 Gods of Egypt, their number, 70. 
 
 Goose of the Nile, 99. 
 
 Goshen, its position, 202, 203. 
 
 H. 
 
 Head of victims, imprecations on, 63. 
 
 Hecatceus, 184. 
 
 Hercules, his genealogy, 187; original 
 conception of, 72. 
 
 Herodotus, whether acquainted with the 
 works of Sophocles, 262 ; late appear¬ 
 ance of mythic legends in his history, 
 277, note 2. 
 
 Heroes, Greek, their real nature, 72, 73. 
 
 Hieroglyphics not found on the pyramids, 
 165. 
 
 Hippopotamus, 98. 
 
 Homer , his works, how quoted, 148. 
 
 Horses, their use in Egypt, 140. 
 
 I. 
 
 Ibis, 102; consecrated to Thoth, 95. 
 
 Ichthyophagi, 241, 
 
 Indicative used with ήν, 23. 
 
 Idleness, penalty of, in Egypt, 220. 
 
 Infinitive, denoting result, 13; purpose, 
 128. 
 
 Interrogation, double, 7; with force of 
 ‘negation,’ 20. 
 
 Jews probably settled in Egypt in the 
 reign of Psammitichus, 198. 
 
 lo, fable of, 64. 
 
 Iron, whether used by the ancient Egy¬ 
 ptians, 112, 165. 
 
 Islands, used especially of “the Cyclades,” 
 126 ; of the Blessed, 161, 248. 
 
 Jupiter presiding over the atmosphere, 
 23. 
 
 K. 
 
 “ Hedging the anchor,” 125. 
 
 L. 
 
 Lotus, 119; Jujube, 124. 
 
 Lindus, 223. 
 
 Linus, fable of, 105. 
 
 M. 
 
 Magdolus, 204. 
 
 Manetho, 167. 
 
 Marea, 30. 
 
 Medicines in Egypt, 110. 
 
 Melampus, 78. 
 
 Melicertes, 72. 
 
 Memphis, site of, 128. 
 
 Mendes, Pan, 66. 
 
 Meroe, 44. 
 
 Metempsychosis, 161. 
 
 Middle voice, 7, 30, 37, 48, 62, 64, 90, 
 109, 196; never used for active, 158 ; 
 reciprocal sense, 190. 
 
 Moeris, lake of, xlv., 193. 
 
 Momemphis, 209. 
 
 Monogamy in Egypt, 118. 
 
 Mouse, an emblem of destruction, 182. 
 
 Mnevis, sacred to the Sun, 251. 
 
 Mysteries, 214. 
 
 N. 
 
 Neuter of οσπ?, referring to masc. or 
 fern., 89. 
 
 Nile, amount of its rise, xlvi., 22 ; causes 
 of it, 32; Herodotus’ opinion of the 
 direction of its course, 46 ; different 
 from the Niger, 50; compared with 
 the Danube, 52. 
 
ENGLISH INDEX. 
 
 291 
 
 Nominative to be supplied from the con¬ 
 text, 61; absolute, 94. 
 
 Nominative absolute, constructions 
 wrongly referred to it, 171. 
 
 0 . 
 
 Oasis , 67, 248. 
 
 Onuphis, 210. 
 
 Optative, with αν, different from future, 
 65 ; and indicative, 256. 
 
 Orpheus , fable of, 79 ; age of his sup¬ 
 posed works, 83. 
 
 Orphic doctrines connected with Egypt, 
 108, 162. 
 
 Osiris , mourning for, 89, 169 ; the same 
 as Bacchus, 66. 
 
 P. 
 
 Pan, his Egyptian name, 75. 
 
 Part, placed in apposition with whole, 65. 
 
 Participle, adversative force of, 76, 140; 
 periphrasis of, with ’έχω, 81. 
 
 Patoeci, 253. 
 
 Patumos, 203. 
 
 Pausanias, an imitator of Herodotus, 29. 
 
 Pelasgians, immigrants in Attica, 80. 
 
 Perfect tense, denoting ‘fixedness of opi¬ 
 nion,’ 39; imperative, its meaning, 51; 
 denoting a ‘ continued state,’ 56. 
 
 Perseus, 116. 
 
 Pharbaethus, 210. 
 
 Phaselis, 221. 
 
 Phrygians, their origin, 4. 
 
 Phtha Socari, 253. 
 
 Piromi, meaning in Coptic, 185. 
 
 Plowing in Egypt, 25. 
 
 Polygamy in Egypt, 118. 
 
 Prepositions implying ‘ motion,’ joined 
 with verbs not of motion, 5 ; used ad¬ 
 verbially, 21; tmesis of with ών, 62. 
 
 Present tense, of intention or attempt, 
 240. 
 
 Priests in Egypt enjoyed a separate reve¬ 
 nue, 60. 
 
 ‘Privation,’ adjectives of, with genitive of 
 similar signification, 263. 
 
 Prosopis, island of, 65. 
 
 Protasis, with eirei, cannot end with μέν, 
 49 ; ellipsis of, 254. 
 
 Psammis, not found on monuments, 206. 
 
 Psammitichus, orthography of, 196. 
 
 Pyramids, 162 seq. 
 
 Pythagoras, his doctrine derived from 
 Egypt, 108. 
 
 It. 
 
 Rain in Upper Egypt, 232. 
 
 Redundancy of expression in Herodotus, 
 218. 
 
 Relative with adversative force, 181; with 
 causal force, 54; used for τί s, 109,156; 
 for demonstrative, 218. 
 
 Revenues of cities assigned to individuals, 
 126. 
 
 Rhadamanthus, etymology of his name, 
 248. 
 
 Rumpere vocem, 6. 
 
 S. 
 
 Sabaco, his phonetic name, 176. 
 
 Sacrifices, human, in Egypt, 74, 146. 
 
 Sailing, rate of, 11. 
 
 Sais, 87. 
 
 Samians, their early voyages, 248. 
 
 Samos, siege of, by Pericles, 262. 
 
 Sand, showers of, in the Desert, 249. 
 
 Scape-goat, analogy in Egyptian ritual, 63. 
 
 Sealing earth, 62. 
 
 Sennacherib, destruction of his host, 182. 
 
 Seven, number, reverence for, 99, 230. 
 
 Shepherd kings, 167. 
 
 ‘ Similarity,’ words of, with gen. or dat., 
 253. 
 
 Siouph, 215. 
 
 Size, ingredient of beauty, 226. 
 
 Soul, immortality of, by whom first taught, 
 162. 
 
 Sphinx, 218. 
 
 Stadium, length of, in Herodotus, 12. 
 
 Stones, precious, imitated by the Egy¬ 
 ptians, 97. 
 
 Substantives, used for condensed propo¬ 
 sitions, 30. 
 
 Subjunctive, dubitative in oblique con¬ 
 struction, 82. 
 
 Sun, table of, in Ethiopia, 241. 
 
 Sun and moon, worship of, 230. 
 
 Sundial, construction of, 141. 
 
 Superlative, with έωντον, 15; instead of 
 comparative, 53; in -eararos, 104; 
 different construction of, in Greek and 
 English, 207. 
 
 Syenite, 167. 
 
 T. 
 
 Tachompso, island of, 43. 
 
 Tanis, the Zoan of Scripture, 210. 
 
 Temples, Egyptian, plan of, 117, 
 
 Thasos, 71. 
 
 Thebais, ancient limit of Egypt, 27. 
 
 Thebes, its scriptural name, 68 ; origin of 
 the name, 249. 
 
 Thmuis, 210. 
 
 Theocracy in Egypt, 185. 
 
 u 2 
 
292 
 
 GREEK INDEX. 
 
 Tmesis of preposition with ών, 62. 
 
 Typhon, 185, 186. 
 
 Tyre, date of its foundation, 71. 
 
 Tyrians, where they settled in Egypt, 199. 
 
 U. and V. 
 
 Ut, its limiting force, 16. 
 
 Verb joined with two objects, suiting only 
 one in sense, 215. 
 
 Verbal substantive, governing the case of 
 the verb, 170. 
 
 Verbs, neuter, used in a middle sense, 37; 
 of ‘wondering,’ &c., used with ei, 200; 
 iterative in -σκον, 217. 
 
 Vine, its cultivation in Egypt, 104. 
 
 Vulcan, his worship in Egypt, 252. 
 
 Vulpanser , 99. 
 
 W. 
 
 TVoden and Odin, 73. 
 
 Wolves in Egypt, 95; on paintings in 
 Egypt, 160. 
 
 Women, their condition in Egypt, 54; 
 whether priestesses in Egypt, 55. 
 
 Wool, not worn in sacred rites in Egypt, 
 108. 
 
 Worship of animals in Egypt, 91. 
 
 Writing, Egyptian, 57, 58. 
 
 Y. 
 
 Year, true length of, whether known to 
 the ancient Egyptians, 9 ; when it be¬ 
 gan, 99. 
 
 GREEK INDEX. 
 
 A. 
 
 αγοραίοι άνθρωποι , 181. 
 
 Αίγυπτος, its original meaning, 27. 
 aiei, “successively,” 127, 161. 
 αϊμασιή, 178. 
 
 -cues, adjectives in, 115. 
 άίω, “ to feel,” 251. 
 άκινάκης, 259. 
 άΧΧως, 240. 
 
 άμα, with participle, 263. 
 
 άνά, “again,” and “back,”.148. 
 
 άναδησαι, its genealogical use, 184. 
 
 άναφερε iv, “to revive,” “recover,” 244. 
 
 άνεκαθεν, 68. 
 
 avievai, “ to devote,” 92. 
 
 άνεονται, 210. 
 
 άντί, of “ equivalence,” 93. 
 
 άντίον, its construction, 53. 
 
 άνω, κάτω, geographical sense, 38. 
 
 άνω και κάτω, 227. 
 
 άιτάγχεσθαι, 169. 
 
 άπαρτί, άπάρτι, 204. 
 
 άπάρχεσθαι, 246. 
 
 άπεργειν, 128. 
 
 από, in compos., meaning “ to finish,” 64; 
 with subst., “after,” 105 ; with verbs 
 ‘of living,’ 120; with article, appears 
 to be used for ev, 191. 
 άπτεσθαι, does not signify, “to eat,” 50. 
 άρουρα, 211. 
 άρχήθεν, 178. 
 
 αρχήν, with negative omnino, 40. 
 
 άρχιερεω ?, occurs only once, 61. 
 
 άσθενεία, “poverty,” 77. 
 
 άσκεϊσθαι, 168, 169. 
 
 are, with participle and absolute case, 42. 
 
 αυθημερόν, 160. 
 
 αύθιγενής, 194. 
 
 αύρα, 33. 
 
 αντίκα, with participle, 188. 
 
 αυτομάτου, 94. 
 
 αυτός, redundant use of, 230. 
 
 E. 
 
 ΈήΧθη?, “ Baalith,” 275, note 3. 
 βραχύς, “ shallow,” 32. 
 
GREEK INDEX. 
 
 293 
 
 r. 
 
 γαμβρό s, 127. 
 
 γάρ, “ since,” 127; after δήΧον δέ' ση- 
 μεΊον δέ, 148; inverted construction, 
 179. 
 
 y ένεα, or castes of Egyptians, 209. 
 γέφυρα, 127. 
 
 γίνεσθαι, “ amount to,” 100. 
 γλίχεσθαι περί, 132. 
 γΧΰφω, 10. 
 γνωσιμαχέε lv, 247. 
 γραμματιστής, 41. 
 γράφεσθαι, “ record,” 109. 
 
 Δ. 
 
 Αάφναι, “Tahpanhes” of Scripture, 45. 
 δε, wlien a relative clause interposes, 17; 
 
 the same originally as δη, ibid, 151. 
 δεινά 7τοιεϊν or 7 τοιέΐσθαι, 157, 236. 
 δείκηΧα, δεικηΧιστή s, 213. 
 δη τι, 233. 
 
 δημότης, “plebeian,” 215. 
 διά, of ‘ successive periods/ 8; in com¬ 
 position, 23; with accusative, 66; δι* 
 η μέρη s, δι ereos, 216. 
 διαβάΧΧειν, “to cheat,” “fool,” 226. 
 διδόναι, “ oifer,” 159. 
 δίκαιος, with numbers, &c., 194. 
 
 -δόν, adverbs in, 234. 
 δορπία, 77. 
 
 δΰναται, valet, “ means,” 45. 
 
 E. 
 
 eav ( ovk ), its meaning, 31. 
 έδυνάσθην, 32. 
 έθέΧω, 20. 
 
 εί, in protasis, followed by indicative, 25. 
 ε’ίθ’ ωφελον, 261. 
 
 οίκε iv, with genitive, without preposition, 
 
 107. 
 
 είΧέω, είΧνω, 16. 
 
 είναι, with verbs of ‘defining/ ‘dividing/ 
 ‘naming/ &c., 11 ; for έζεϊναι, 17. 
 είτε, without other particle, 164. 
 εκ, for υπό, “in consequence of,” 168; 
 with article appears to have the force 
 of εν, 191. 
 έκδίδοσθαι, 76. 
 εΧεγχος, 36. 
 
 Έλλάδ, an adjective, 198. 
 έΧπομαι, 20. 
 
 εν δέ, εν δέ δη, “ especially,” 21. 
 έναγίζειν, 73. 
 ενάρχεσθαι, 73. 
 
 ενθυμιστον, ένθυμιον ποιεϊσθαι, 219. 
 
 εν ποιήσει γένεσθαι, 109. 
 έντομα, 152. 
 επάίστος, 152. 
 
 επί, “close after,” 35 ; with τάσσειν, 61; 
 “ with a view to,” 208; with numerals, 
 97. 
 
 επί δεζιά, 57. 
 
 επεί τε, “ since,” “ quum,” 70. 
 επειτεν, 82. 
 επιζώννυσθαι, 111. 
 επικρατεϊν, 3. 
 es 6, es ου, 151. 
 επιβατεΰειν, 259. 
 επιΧαμβάνειν, “check,” 114. 
 επιΧέγειν, its meaning, 55. 
 έπιΧέγεσθαι, 261. 
 
 επωνυμία and όνομα, distinguished, 9,68. 
 'Έρμοτΰβιες-, 210. 
 
 έρχομαι, with fut. of verbs of ‘ speaking/ 
 
 18. 
 
 es 3, 147, 151. 
 
 ετερος with τοιοΰτος, τοσουτος, 11. 
 ευ, its diminishing force, 119. 
 εύθηνέειν, 117. 
 ευζωνος, 53. 
 ευστομα κείσθω, 214. 
 εύφημεΐν, 214, 255. 
 έφάπτεσθαι, 29. 
 
 έχειν, periphrasis with participle, 81; 
 
 “to extend,” 118, 155. col. 1. 
 έχεσθαι, with genitive, 29, 121, 155. 
 
 H. 
 
 r'jia, an imperfect, 153. 
 ήΧικία, 236, 239. 
 
 ΉΧιόποΧις, its scriptural name, 13. 
 rjv, used by Her. with an indie., 23. 
 ήπιστήθην, used only in an active sense, 
 237. 
 
 'Hpa/cXf/s, etymology of, 72. 
 ήτοι, with ye, 153. 
 
 Θ. 
 
 θεσμοφόρια, by whom introduced into 
 Greece, 214. 
 
 I. 
 
 ίδεΐν and ίδέσθαι, 48. 
 ΐεμαι, “ go eagerly,” lxxx. 
 ϊημι, its perfect, 210. 
 
 'ίκω and ήκω, the same, 56. 
 
 ινά, with subjunctive and optative, 122; 
 
 etymology, 170, 195. 
 
 'ίστημι, 93. 
 ιστορία, 2. 
 
294 
 
 GREEK INDEX. 
 
 κ. 
 
 Karris, 205, 228. 
 
 καθησθαι, of ‘ mechanical trades/ 111. 
 καί, with interrogatives and relatives, 146. 
 καί δη καί, “especially,” 21, 47. 
 καί re, 106. 
 
 καφίη, supp. πληγή, 260. 
 
 Καλασίριεδ, 107, 210. 
 κάλνξ, 119. 
 κάπτω, 120. 
 
 κατά, with accusative, “ corresponding 
 to,” 18; of ‘ coincidence/ 37,88; with 
 genitive, 62 ; with accusative, “ re¬ 
 spectively,” 77; tmesis of, 182; with 
 accusative of‘purpose/ 173. 
 κατά, καθ’ a, 148. 
 κατ’ ολίγους, “few at a time,” 121. 
 καταβάλλειν, 195. 
 καταδείν, “convict,” 217. 
 καταδοκεϊν, 249. 
 κατάρχεσθαι, 73. 
 κατίσαι, 159. 
 
 Κελτοί, 52. 
 κίκι, 123. 
 
 κινδννενειν, with dative, 153. 
 
 κοιλίη, 112. 
 
 κόλον, its meaning, 55. 
 
 κολοσσός, its primary meaning, 168. 
 
 κρόταλα, 88. 
 
 κωνωπεϊον, 124. 
 
 Λ. 
 
 λαβύρινθος, etymology of, 190. 
 λέγειν ουδόν, “ to say nothing to the pur¬ 
 pose,” 35. 
 λέσχη, 47, 174. 
 λίτρον, 113. 
 
 λόγοι, 1; “ sharp words,” 157. 
 λόγον διδόναι, 208. 
 λογοποιός, 184. 
 λόγος α'ιρέει, 51. 
 λόγου μέζω , 53. 
 
 Μ. 
 
 μάρη, “ hand,” 55. 
 
 μέγαρον, “ inmost part of the temple,” 
 184. '' . 
 
 μέλλω, 69, 196. 
 μέλος, “lyric poetry,” 174. 
 μέμφεσθαι, its syntax, 225. 
 μέν — μέν, with demonstratives, 39. 
 μέν, used for μην by the Ionians, 151. 
 μέχρι ου, 32. 
 
 μη and ου, difference of signification, 
 243. 
 
 μισθονν, μισθονσθαι, 222. 
 
 μνήμη, 103. 
 μύκης, 259. 
 
 Μύλιττα, 230. 
 
 Ν. 
 
 ναός, the cella of a temple, 174. 
 νηδύς, 112. 
 
 νήσοι, specially of “the Cyclades,” 126. 
 νομίζειν, w r ith participle, 3; with reflect¬ 
 ive pronoun, 4, 67. 
 vvv, “in fact,” “as it was,” 188. 
 
 Ν νσα, meaning of, 188. 
 
 ξαίνω, ξέω, ξνω, ξνράω, their common 
 meaning, 98. 
 ξυστόν, 98. 
 ξονθος, lx. 
 
 Ο. 
 
 όδε, ογε, inserted with a second verb 
 without change of subject, 177; ode 
 and οντος discriminated, 212. 
 δζειν, its construction, 244. 
 οίκημα, 111, 158. 
 
 οικία, οίκίη and ol/cos, difference of, 111. 
 οίόζωνος, 53. 
 
 οίχεσθαι, with participles, 43, 147. 
 όλύρη, 57. 
 ό μέν, δ δ’ ον, 58. 
 όμοιος, with gen. and dative, 253. 
 ομοίως, followed by a, 234. 
 όνομα and έττωνυμίη distinguished, 9, 
 68 . 
 
 όργια, etymology of, 108. 
 όσονών, 36. 
 
 os av, os τις, for ει τις, 93. 
 οτι and εί, distinction of, 201. 
 ού, referring to a following infinitive, 75. 
 ovv ( ών ), force in composition, 36. 
 ouros and ode, discriminated, 212. 
 οντω, turn demum, ita demuni, 111, 151; 
 with ‘ calamitous events/ 247; “ no bet¬ 
 ter than this,” 257. 
 
 Π. 
 
 ττάλιν, “ again,” and “back,” 148. 
 
 7 τάντα, with τά ιτολλά, 54. 
 παρά, denoting ‘general parallelism/ 43. 
 παραχρησθαι, construction, 180. 
 πάσασθαι, 60. 
 
 7 ταστάς, 193. 
 
 ττείθεσθαι, with accusative and dative, 
 
 20 . 
 
 πέλαγος, πελαγίζειν, 119. 
 
 7 rep, its meaning, 121. 
 
GREEK INDEX. 
 
 295 
 
 ττεριτρόχαΧα κείρβνθαι, 230. 
 
 7rtX ον, 233. 
 
 πΧηθναιν, its construction, 33. 
 
 7Γ οιέΐσθαι, “ consider,” 137. 
 
 7τοσ< (ίν) εμπαθών, 102. 
 πράσσων, of ‘ good and ill fortune,’ 216. 
 πρό, in composition with verbs of ‘ speak¬ 
 ing,’ 237. 
 πρόβατα, 63. 
 πρόμαντιν, 84, 237. 
 
 πράα, “ in comparison with,” “ beyond,” 
 53; with genitive and accusative, 154. 
 προστίθεσθαι, “ give a vote to,” 206. 
 πρόφασή, meaning of, 207. 
 πυραμί*, etymology, 176. 
 
 Σ. 
 
 crarreiv, 229. 
 
 myy, with genitive, 180. 
 
 mvCMv, 124. 
 
 ΣΚ , words derived from this root, 24. 
 
 σκιητροφί· tv, 233. 
 
 σοφιστήν, 77. 
 
 arty η, 219. 
 
 στίγματα, 143. 
 
 ellipsis of, with airrfa, 75 ; with 
 άποστωΧα*, and similar words, 228. 
 σνντατ ραίνω, 19. 
 σνρμχιίη, 115. 
 σχοΐνον, 12. 
 
 Τ. 
 
 ταριχείαι, “ saltpits,” 25. 
 τ άσσων <·.πί, case of the preposition, 61. 
 re, its alleged redundancy with relatives, 
 70. 
 
 τίβηπα, with et, 201. 
 reXeiv tv, 80. 
 
 reo>v, its uses in Herodotus, 56. 
 τιμωρ·ί.ν, TijiojpfAn^ai, 90. 
 nvit with ot μ>ν, 88. 
 τόπο*, whether used of ‘ passages in 
 hooks,’ 149. 
 
 rare, of ‘ a case supposed but not realized,’ 
 
 188 . 
 
 τοντο μίν — τοντο H, 75, 127. 
 
 τρόπασθαι > v άΧκην, 73. 
 τρώ' /oj, 60. 
 
 τύπτισΟαι, with accusative, 64. 
 
 r. 
 
 ijeXnv, 245. 
 
 υπάρχων, different from ωναι, 26. 
 
 U7r0, with accusative, “ just after,” “on 
 occasion of,” 56; genitive of‘accompa¬ 
 niments,’ 73; with neuter passive verbs, 
 238. 
 
 νποκω.σθαι, 161. 
 υποτύπταιν, J 75. 
 
 Φ. 
 
 φάμανον, distinguished from 30. 
 
 φηγό*, 86 . 
 
 φιλ/'.ι, HoUtt, 39, 40. 
 
 φυίνιζ, 99. 
 
 φόραν τόισσ<σ ( )αι, τ άσσων, 234. 
 ψυων, 96. 
 
 X. 
 
 χαίρων, 251, 258. 
 
 159. 
 
 Χό.μμ/Λ, 116. 
 
 χαα.χντσ.ι, not χοΧχόται, on the papvri, 
 ' JJ4. 
 
 X J > , signification of cords beginning with 
 these letters, 88. 
 
 χρόν, without zee in apod.osi.s, 34. 
 χώ, χάω, dec., 120. 
 
 χωρίον, whether used of ‘ passages in 
 books,’ 149. 
 
 ■φακάν, 232. 
 
 Ci. 
 
 <3v for ο ντοκ, 234 ; sometimes followed 
 bv the infinitive, 15 ; its limiting force, 
 16. 
 
 on α.ντοη, 94. 
 
 <5v ft7rov (ίπω.ν, on ) fr((p (Απών, 26. 
 ύφαλον, expressive of ‘ a wj.sh/ 261. 
 
ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA. 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 Page 22, 
 
 -- 27, 
 
 - 36, 
 
 - 37, 
 
 — 43, 
 
 - 53, 
 
 - 54, 
 
 - 58, 
 
 - 61 , 
 
 - 69, 
 
 - 69, 
 
 - 75, 
 
 81 , 
 
 140, 
 
 140, 
 
 250, 
 
 266, 
 
 285, 
 
 col. 2, line 14, for This statue read A copy of this statue. 
 
 — 2, — 4 from bottom, dele full stop after άλλα. 
 
 — 1, — 8 from bottom, for ovv read ovv. 
 
 — 1, — 12, for cresco—augeor read cresco—augeor. 
 
 — 1, — 6, for ήκω read ηκω. 
 
 — 2, — 6, for avnos read dvrios. 
 
 — 1, — 10, for μονναι read μοννοι. 
 
 — 1, — 19, for 2. 712. read 2.172. 
 
 — 1, — 13, for resets read Te£eis. 
 
 — 2, — 6, for aKos read oJkos. 
 
 — 2, — 17, for Fast. 337. read Fast. 2. 337. 
 
 — 1, — 2, after τραγοσκελεα add The construction is the same as if 
 
 it had been άγαΧματοττοιονσι τον Π. 4..132. Ααρείου 
 μ γνώμη ei κάζων. Comp. Bernh. Dion. Perieg. 27. 
 
 — 2, — 2, for et quoque read e quoque. ' 
 
 — 1, last line, for relative read participle. 
 
 — 2, line 5 from bottom, for salsugines read salsuginis. 
 
 — 2, — 19, for άτττω read άτττω. 
 line 6, for Κάβειροι read Κάβειροι. 
 
 col. 2, line 2, for was also Mars read was made a son of Mars. Lobeck. 
 
 Aglaoph. 1165. 
 
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