\ 4 Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2013 http://archive.org/details/beathaaodharuaidOOocle / -gel w tynftl £%i^%^?<»««1^ ^ Be^tA 2km Riup Uj í)oti)t)^ll THE LIFE OF HUGH ROE O'DONNELL, PRINCE OF TIRCONNRI.I, (1586-1602), By LUGHAIDH O'CLERY. NOW FIRST PUBLISHED FROM CUCOORY O'CLERY'S IRISH MANUSCRIPT IN THE R. [. ACADEMY, W IT I t HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION, TRANSLATION, NOTES, AND ILLUSTRATIONS, REV. DENIS MURPHY, S.J., M.R.EA., MEMBER OF THE COUNCILS OF THE ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY, OF THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES (IRELAND), AND OF THE CO. KILDARE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY. DUBLIN: FALLON AND CO., 16 LOWER S ACKVILLE STREET. I895- [All Jiigh/s Reserved.} EDITOR'S PREFACE. — ♦ The author of the Irish work now printed for the first time is Lughaidh O'Clery, one of that family to which we owe much of what is most prized in our country's history both sacred and profane. MacFirbis tells us they are descended from Guaire Aidhne, famous in bardic lore, Cleireach, the ancestor from whom they take their name, being seventh in descent from him. In remote times they inhabited the district which now forms the south-eastern portion of the present county of Galway. Soon after the Anglo-Norman invasion they were driven from their home. One of them, Cormac, came to Tirconnell. The monks of Assaroe loved him for his learning and virtue, and kept him as their guest for a time. O'Sgingin, the hereditary ollamh of the O'Donnells, was an old man. His only son, whom he had carefully trained up in his own calling, had died shortly before, and there remained to him but one fair daughter. Her he gave in marriage to Cormac, and the dowry he asked was that their first male child should be sent to study history. A son was born to them ; and the name of Giolla Brighde, servant of Brigid, was given to him in memory of the young ollamh deceased. Seventh in descent from him was Lughaidh, the author of the work which we print now. He was, O'Donovan tells us, one of the most distinguished literati of his time. Hence he was chosen as the principal poetic combatant on behalf of the northern bards in their contest for supremacy with those of the south, which took place in the beginning of the 17th century. Lughaidh's sons were Cucogry and Cairbre. The former was in 1632 owner of lands in Co. Donegal. But he was dispossessed of them, being ' a mere Irishman,' and migrated with one of the O'Donnells to Erris, Co. Mayo. He carried with him his books. These, ' his most precious treasures on earth,' he bequeathed to his sons, and so they passed on as a sacred inheritance from father to son, till they came to, Patrick O'Clery, who brought them to Dublin in 18 17. This book was lent by him to O'Reilly ; author of the Irish Dictionary. At his death, in spite of O'Clery's protest, it was sold to W. M. Mason. At the sale of his books by auction in iv London this manuscript too was sold, and some time afterwards, chiefly through the exertions of Mr. J. T. Gilbert, whose labours in the field of Irish history are so well known, it found a permanent home in the library of the R. I. Academy. As to the authorship of the book, there can be no doubt. In the Testimonium of Bernardin O'Clery, Guardian of the Convent of Donegal, prefixed to the Annals of the Four Masters, we find among the books enumerated there from which that great work was compiled, ' the Book ofLughaidh O'Clery from 1586 to 1602.' ' This last book,' says O'Curry, 'was probably that known at the present day as The Life of Hugh Roe O'Donnell, written by Lughaidh O'Clery, from which the Four Masters have taken all the details given in their Annals relating to that brave and unfortunate Prince.' The scribe was his son Cucogry. The manuscript consists of 85 folios of paper, 7^ inches long by 5^ broad, the text measuring $\ by 4. The writing is uniform throughout, and extremely neat, as the facsimile shows. It is reproduced here with no other change than the lengthening of the contractions. The Introduction may seem at first sight to contain little more than a repetition of the facts of the Life. But a little examination will show that it is not so. It is intended to fill up the gaps in the Life, to add still further details of events mentioned there, and so to complete the biography so far as may be. The account of the battles of the Yellow Ford and of the Curlews, as well as of the cause of O'Donnell's death, will show its purpose. The references at the foot of each page will point out the sources from which the extracts are taken. The Editor has had the special advantage of being able, during a visit made to Simancas three years ago, to examine some of the great historic treasures of that place. The result in part of his researches there will be found in the various letters of O'Neill, O'Donnell, and the other Irish Chiefs, and of the Bishops, to the King of Spain and others. This labour and any other he may have undergone in the preparation of this work he will be amply repaid for, if he succeeds in making better known to his countrymen at home and abroad the history of ' as noble a chief, as stout a warrior, as ever bore the wand of chieftaincy or led a clan to battle.' D. M. Dublin, New Year's Day, 1893. CONTENTS. o i. Introduction. PAGE The Milesian Colony comes to Ireland .... ix Eber and Eremon divide the island between them . . x Eremon's descendants ...... „ Niall of the Nine Hostages ..... xi Pedigree of Hugh Roe O'Donnell ..... xii Division of Niall's territory between his sons . . . xiii Mutual rights and duties of the Cinel Conaill and the C. Eoghain . xv The several families of the Cinel Conaill .... xix The O'Canannans and O'Maeldoraidhs chiefs of Tirconnell . „ The surname O'Donnell . ... xxi The territory of the tribe ; its extension „ The O'Donnells in The Annals of the Four Masters . . „ Ineen Dubh, her descent . .... xxix Attempt of Donnell O'Donnell to seize the chieftaincy . . xxx Birth of Hugh O'Donnell ; his fosterers .... xxxi 1587. He is captured and confined in Dublin castle . . . xxxii The 1 pledges ' in the castle ..... xxxiv 1590. His first escape ; he is brought back to the castle . . . xxxvi 1592. His second escape ...... xxxviii Fiach Mac Hugh O'Byrne ...... O'Donnell is inaugurated chief of Tirconnell . . . xliii His hosting against Turlough Luineach O'Neill . . . Hugh O'Neill, his character, pedigree .... xliv Friendship between O'Neill and O'Donnell . . . xlvi Lee's ' Declaration of the Government of Ireland ' . . „ Reasons why O'Donnell took up arms .... xlvii 1593. The Irish ask the King of Spain for aid; Elizabeth's protests . xlviii O'Donnell's letter to the Irish in Spain .... 1 The Archbishop of Tuam is sent to Spain .... li Maguire takes up arms against the English . . . liii The Primate Edmund MacGauran is killed liv Want of arms among the Irish ..... lvi 1594. The Lord Justice attempts Enniskillen and is repulsed . . lvii Russell Lord Deputy ; ' Collection on the State of Ireland ' . lix 1595. O'Donnell's hostings into Connaught .... lx O'Neill's reasons for withdrawing his allegiance ... „ He takes part with Maguire and MacMahon . . . Ixiii He and his confederates are proclaimed traitors . . . lxiv Norris' expedition to Ulster ..... lxvi Sligo castle is surrendered to O'Donnell .... lxvii ví CONTENTS. PAGE 1596. Negociations with the English for peace . ... . lxviii Correspondence with the King of Spain .... lxxvi O'Conor Sligo lxxxiv 1597. Lord Borough. Deputy ; he attempts Ballyshannon . . lxxxvi Death of Lord Borough and of the Earl of Kildare . . lxxxix Correspondence with Spain . . . . „ 1598. Negociations for peace ; the Blackwater Fort xc Battle of the Yellow Ford ; its consequences . . . xciii Essex Lord Lieutenant ...... xcviii Battle of the Curlews ; death of Clifford .... ci 1599. Essex's journey to Ulster ; interview with O'Neill ... civ 1600. O'Neill's hosting to Munster ..... cix Maguire's encounter with St. Leger .... cxi Moryson's account of the state of Ireland .... cxii 1601 Lord Mountjoy Deputy ; his instructions English garrisons are planted at Culmore, Derry, Dunalong . cxiv Sir Art O'Neill and O'Cahan join the English . . . cxv Correspondence with the King of Spain .... cxvi Henry O'Neill is sent to the Spanish Court . . . cxxi State of the English garrison in Derry .... cxxiii Niall Garbh O'Donnell passes over to the English . . . cxxiv He takes possession of Donegal monastery . . . cxxvii Hopes of aid from Spain . . . . . cxxix The Spaniards land at Kinsale . . . . . cxxxiii Diaries of the Siege of Kinsale ..... cxxxiv The Spaniards surrender Rincorran .... cxxxv De Zubriaur's account of the landing .... cxxxvii O'DonnelFs march to Kinsale ..... cxxxviii The President of Munster tries to intercept him . . . cxxxix O'Neill's march to Munster ...... Condition of the English before Kinsale cxl The battle of Kinsale ... . . cxli The Irish return to their homes ..... cxlii Surrender of the Spaniards in Kinsale .... cxliii 1602. O'Donnell goes to Spain ; his reception there „ His letters to the King ...... cxlv His illness and death at Simancas ..... cxlix The ' practises ' employed against the Irish chiefs cl O'Donnell's burial-place ...... clii His will ........ cliii Conry's statement ; the King's reply 1603. The northern chiefs make terms with Mountjoy . . . cliv 1608. Fate of Niall Garbh O'Donnell ..... clvi The Cathach ....... clvii 16 16. Death of Hugh O'Neill ....... CONTENTS. vii ii. Life of Hugh Roe O'Donnell. PAGE The children of Hugh O'Donnell, son of Manus ... 3 Hugh Roe's birth ; prophecies concerning him . . . 5 The Earl O'Neill 1587. Hugh Roe is captured and confined in the castle of Dublin . 7 1590. His first escape and recapture . . . . . 13 1592. His second escape to Glenmalure; his sufferings on the way . 19 He makes his way through Dublin to the north . . . 25 Ineen Dubh ; her descent, her character .... 39 Hugh Roe is inaugurated chief . . . . . 41 He preys the territory of Turlough Luineach O'Neill . . 43 Negociations for peace with the Lord Justice . . . 51 Hostility of Niall Garbh O'Donnell and O'Doherty . . 55 1593. An Envoy is sent to Spain . . . . . 61 Maguire takes up arms ; he is defeated at Athculuain . . „ 1594. Enniskillen is besieged by Hugh Roe . . . . 67 Battle of the Ford of the Biscuits . . . . 73 1595. Hugh Roe's hostings into Connaught and Annaly . . . 77 O'Neill takes part with Hugh Roe openly .... 89 George Oge Bingham plunders Tory ; his death . . . 91 Sligo castle is surrendered to Hugh Roe ; he preys Leyny, &c. . 93 Captain Martin is slain . . . . . . 101 Hugh Roe appoints MacWilliam and other chiefs . . . 1 1 r 1596. Cobos comes as Envoy from the King of Spain . . . 117 Norris' expedition to the North . . . . . 119 Negociations for peace . . . . . . 121 Sir Conyers Clifford is appointed Governor of Connaught , . 127 O'Conor Sligo ........ 1597. Hugh Roe preys Connaught; he takes Athenry . . • . 131 Lord Borough Deputy; he attempts Ballyshannon . . 141 His second expedition to the north ; his death . . . 155 1 598. The fort on the Blackwater . . . . .163 Sir Henry Bagnal . . . . . . .165 Battle of Beal Atha Buidhe ..... 167 Armagh is surrendered by the English . . . . 175 Ballymote is captured and given to Hugh Roe . . . 177 The Desmond war in Munster . . . . . 179 Death of Philip 11. . . . . . . 181 Hugh Roe preys Clanricarde . . . . . 183 Essex is sent as Lord Lieutenant . . . . .185 1599. Hugh Roe preys Thomond Mailin Oge MacBriody's eulogy of Hugh Roe . . . 197 Materials of war come from Spain . , í . . 195 viii CONTENTS. PAGE Siege of Collooney Castle . . . . . . 201 Battle of the Curlews . . . . . .209 Death of Sir Conyers Clifford ..... 219 O'Conor Sligo surrenders to Hugh Roe . . . . 221 1600. O'Neill visits Munster ...... 225 Maguire's encounter with St. Leger „ Dispute about the chieftaincy of Fermanagh . . . 229 Lord Mountjoy Deputy ; his instructions . . . 233 Shane Oge O'Doherty Culmore, Dunalong, and Derry are garrisoned by the English . 235 Hugh Roe preys Clanricarde and Thomond . . . 237 Captures horses of the garrison of Derry .... 247 Docwra's conflict with Hugh, son of Hugh Dubh . . . 249 Niall Garbh's treachery ....... Hugh Roe besieges Niall Garbh and the English in Lifford . 255 Manus O'Donnell is slain by Niall Garbh . . . . 257 Death of Hugh, son of Manus ..... 263 Aid is sent from Spain ...... 265 1 60 1. Death of Shane Oge O'Doherty; choice of his successor . . 269 Treachery of O'Conor Sligo . . . . . 273 The Earl of Clanricarde preys Moylurg, Magh Aoi . . 279 Niall Garbh takes possession of the monastery of Donegal . 283 He is besieged by Hugh Roe . . . . .289 Destruction of the monastery ...... The Spaniards land at Kinsale . . . . . 293 Hugh Roe marches to join them ; Carew is sent to intercept him 299 O'Neill's march to Kinsale ..... 307 The Irish before Kinsale ; sufferings of the English . . 309 Attack on the English camp ' . . . . . 311 The Irish are defeated . . . . . . 315 1602. Hugh Roe goes to Spain; his reception there . . . 321 His death at Simancas . . . . . 325 His character, &c. . . . . . . 327 The state of the Gaels after his death . . . . 329 Illustrations. Facsimile of O'Clery's manuscript .... .to face p. i Dublin Castle in 1566 ...... xxxvi Enniskillen Castle in 1616 ...... lviii Facsimile of the letter of O'Neill and O'Donnell to Don Carolo . . lxxviii Donegal Monastery .... . . cxxviii Kinsale in 1602 ... . . . . . cxxxiv Facsimile of the letter of Hugh Roe O'Donnell to Philip III. . . cxlviii Simancas Castle ....... cl The Cathach ....... clvi INTRODUCTION. — ♦ — HE ClNEL CONAILL or the O'DONNELLS and their correlatives derive their descent from Golamh Milidh, i.e., Golamh the Knight, commonly known as Milesius, who is said by our ancient writers to have come at the head of a colony from Spain to Ireland about fifteen hundred years before the Christian era. They attempted a landing first at Inver- Slainge, now the harbour of Wexford, but were hindered by the Tuatha de Danann, who were then in possession of the island and had established a settled form of government there under a king residing at Tara. These, by means of the incantations of their Druids, brought about such storms that a considerable number of the invaders perished at sea, among them five of the sons of Milesius. The three that survived, with their followers, effected a landing at Inver Colpa, near Drogheda. Immediately they set fire to their ships, in order to cut off all thought of retreat. In two pitched battles, which took place at Slieve Mis 1 and Teltown, they defeated the Tuatha de Danann. These, completely disheartened by the death of their three commanders, submitted to their opponents and handed over to them the government of the country, 2 withdrawing to Aran, Rathlin, and other remote parts, where two centuries before an older colony, the Firbolgs, worsted by them, had sought refuge 3 from their pursuers and built fortresses 4 to secure themselves from further attack. The two Milesian chiefs Eber and Eremon governed the whole island jointly for a while. A dispute, however, sprung up between them ; this was settled by the intervention of their brother Amergin, who assigned 1 Slieve Mis. — Eight miles S. of Tralee, 4 Fortresses. — As Dun Oengus and Dun Co. Kerry. Teltown is midway between Eochil in Aran, and Staigue fort near Sneem, Navan and Kells, Co. Meath. Co. Kerry. See a description of the first in ''■ Country. — Keating, History of Ireland, Petrie's Essay on Military Architecture in p. 133 ; Dublin, 1859. Ireland before the English Invasion; MS. 3 Refuge. — Ibid., p. 85. in R. I. Academy. b X the northern half of the island to Eremon, the southern to Eber. In an ancient Irish poem attributed to St. Mura 1 of Fahan, it is said that Eremon took the north As the inheritance of his race; With its antiquity, with its prosperity, With its rights, With its fortresses, with its troops, Fierce, active, With its rash fights, With its cattle. Eber took the south of Eri— The order was so agreed on — With its activity, with its power, With its harmony, With its victories, with its grandeur, With its hospitality, With its vivacity combined with hardiness, With its loveliness, with its purity. Of the race of Eremon are the Lagenians, 2 Of fame renowned, Leith Cuinn, 3 Connaught, Niall of the south, 4 Niall of the north. 5 But dissensions soon sprung up between them again owing to the covetousness of Eber's wife, who, dissatisfied with her husband's share, wished to be queen of the three most fruitful valleys of the island. The battle of Geashil 6 was the result, in which Eber was slain. Eremon became in consequence' the sole monarch, and reigned undisturbed for fifteen years. From him were descended all the kings of Ireland, with but few exceptions, up to the time of the English invasion. 7 Here is their genealogy from 1 St. Mura. — He was oftheCinelEoghain. His feast is on March 12th. Fahan is on Lough Swilly, ten miles N. W. of Derry. See Colgan's Acta Sanctorum Hibernioe, p. 587 ; Louvain, 1645. 2 Lagenians. — The Leinster tribes, O'Conors Faly, O'Byrnes, MacMurroughs. 3 Leith Cuinn. — i.e., Conn's half. See Keating's H. of Ireland, p. 54, for a detailed account of the division of Ireland in the 2nd century between Conn and EoghanMor. The line of sandhills running due west from Dublin to Clarenbridge, Co. Galway, called Eiscir Reada, was the boundary. 4 Of the South. — The O'Melaghlins, O'Molloys, MacGeoghegans are so called ; they are descended from NialFs son Conall Crimthann. 6 North. — This poem will be found in The • Book of Lei?ister, fol. xcix. 6 Geashil. — Midway between Portarling- ton and Tullamore. 7 Invasion. — See O'Flaherty's Ogygia, p. 184 ; London, 1685. XI Ugaine Mor, twenty-third in descent from Milesius, as it is set down in our ancient chronicles 1 : 1. Ugaine Mor, ardrigh a.m. 4567 2. Cobhthach Cael Breagh ,, 4609 3. Melghe Molbhthach „ 4678 4. Irereo „ 4720 5. Connla Caemh ,, 4738 6. Oiliol Caisfhiaclach ,, 4758 7. Eochaidh Ailtleathan „ 4788 8. Aengus Tuirmheach 4816 9. Enna Aigneach „ 4888 10. Labhra Luirc 11. Blathacta 12. Easamhuin Emha 13. Roighnein Ruadh 14. Finlogha 15. Finn 16. 17- 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 2 3- 24. 25- 26. 27. 28. 29. 3°- 3 1 - A.D Eochaidh Feidleach a.m. 5058 Finneanihnas Lughaidh Sriabnderg Crimhthann Niadhnair Fearadhach Finnfachtnach Fiacha Finnfolaidh Tuathal Techtmar Feidhlimidh Rechtmar Conn Ceadcathach Art Cormac MacAirt Cairbre Liffeachair Fiacha Sraibhtine Muireadhach Tireach Eochaidh Muighmeadhoin Niall Naoighiallach 5166 5193 iS 40 76 in 123 166 227 268 286 327 358 379 A.D. 379. Niall ascended the throne of Ireland. He is known in history as Niall Naoighiallach, i.e., of the Nine Hostages, five of these being taken from the provinces of Ireland and four from Scotland, in order to secure the submission of both countries. 2 His conquests extended even to Gaul ; after a successful incursion he brought home from that country among his captives a youth who was destined to become the apostle of Ireland. He had eight sons, all of whom left a numerous posterity ; from these some of the noblest families of Ireland derive their descent. The eldest was Laoghaire, who succeeded his father as ardrigh, and was reigning at Tara when St Patrick came there to preach the gospel. The fourth and youngest 3 of his sons were Eoghan and Conall, ancestors respectively of the Cinel Eoghain or O'Neills and of the Cinel Conaill or O'Donnells. Here is the pedigree * of the latter of these tribes from King Niall : 1 Chronicles. — The names and dates are taken from the Annalsofthe Four Masters; Dublin, 1856. In plate 14 of the folio edition of Keating's History of Ireland will be found ' The Regall Pedigree of Eremon, son of Milesius, k quo the Great O'Neill,' and the O'Donnells too. 2 Countries. — Keating, H. of I., p. 325. z Youngest. — The Battle of Magh Rath says they were born at one birth, p. 147 ; Dublin, 1841. 4 Pedigree. — Ibid., p. 335. O'Donovan says : 'If the pedigree of any Irish line is correct, it is that of the northern HyNeill from the introduction of Christianity.' Ibid., p. 325. The family name is derived from Niall Glundubh, ardrigh from a.d. 915 to 917, at which last date he was slain by the Danes at the battle of Kilmashogue, near Rathfarnham, Co. Dublin. See Annals F. M., 1 1 . 593, where an account of this battle is given. xii i. Niall of the Nine Hostages, Ardrigh a.d. 379-405. ( Eoghan, á quo Cinel Eoghain. 1 2. Conall Gulban, 1 á quo C. Conaill. I 3. Fergus Cennfada 4. Sedna I 1 Feidhlim Brenainn Ainmire, á quo O'Gallagher, O'Canannan, O'Muldory. 5. Lughaidh, á quo C. Luighdheach. St. Columkille I 6. Ronan 7. Garbh I 8. Cennfaeladh Fiaman Maengal I- Dochartagh, á quo O'Doherty. 9. Murchertagh Bradagan 10. Dalagh, á quo Claim Dalaigh. .1 .1 Baighell, 11. Eignechan á quo 12. Domhnall Mor, a. quo O'Donnell. O'Boyle. 13. Cathbharr J 14. Gillachrist 15. Cathbharr 16. Conn 17. Tadhg 18. Aedh 19. Domhnall 20. Donchadh 21. Eignechan 22. Domhnall Mor 23. Domhnall Oge 24. Aedh 25. Niall Garbh 26. Turlough an Fhiona 27. Niall Garbh 28. Aedh Ruadh 29. Aedh Dubh 30. Manus 1 Calvagh. 31. Aedh=Ineen Dubh Conn Niall Garbh HUGH ROE Rury Manus Caffir 1 Conall Gulban. — So called because he was fostered at Ben Bulbin, Co. Sligo. See The Tribes and Customs of Hy Many, p. 313 ; Dublin, 1843. He was converted by St. Patrick, who made a cross with the point of his staff on the chief's shield, bidding him adopt the motto : In hoc signo vinces. See Colgan's Trias Thaumaturga, p. 95 ; Louvain, 1645, and O'Curry's Materials of Irish History, p. 330 ; Dublin, 1861. Xlll During the lifetime of King Niall his son Conall went on an expedition against the clann Colla and the tribes of north Connaught to punish them for slaying his tutor Fiacha. 1 He wrested from them a large territory, which he kept for himself and his brothers. " An ancient poem 2 in the Irish language, the author of which is supposed to be Flann, surnamed of the Monastery, written in praise of Conall and his tribe, gives us a history of these events, and also describes the division of territory made between the brothers; Conall, chief of the sons of Niall, Came from smooth-sided Tara, To avenge his wrongs in the northern land, On the province of Uladh 3 of hard weapons. Conall gained fifty battles After coming forth from Tara ; Against him was not won — it was great luck — Battle, conflict, or combat. No evil was done to a man Of the clann Neill of great renown, That was not reported to him, To valorous Conall Gulban. No evil was done to the friends Of Conall — regal his great bounty, Their source he is, and fierce his fame — That a knight's head should not repay. Conall accorded nor justice nor right To an enemy — regal the rule — But to destroy hosts for the affront And devastate all his country. lie allowed no justice to the northern land Till he vigorously contested it. After contesting it — no weak step — He quickly divided its domains. The half for himself he took by his right, For with him the expedition went ; Half for his closely united brothers, For Cairbre, Enna, and Eoghan. 1 Fiacha. — See O'Curry's Manners and Customs of the Ancient Irish , ii. 161 ; Dub- lin, 1873. 2 Poem. — In The Book of Fenagh, pp. 313-317 ; Dublin, 1875. 3 Uladh. — Anglicised Ulster. This pro- vince in ancient times included only the territory to the east of Glenrighe and of the lower Bann and Lough Neagh, which is now represented by the counties «f Down and Antrim. — Topographical Poems, xv. ; Dublin, 1862. xiv Eoghan's land is known to me; From Srubh Brain 1 to Glas nEnncha, Enna's land 3 from that to the west, To Bearnas Mor 4 to Sruthail. 5 Cairbre to the west of him, great honor ; Enna betwixt him and Eoghan; Fergus and stout Boghuine, His two good sons, to the north of him. Conall himself had, as share of the division, The three districts of Conall's land, From Fertas to the constant Dobhar, 7 And from Dobhar to Eidnech. 8 From Eidnech — not a crooked track — Till it reaches southward to Cromchall; 9 From Bearnas without weakness of tribes To Ros iter dha inbher, 10 Cairbre's share westward after that To Faenglas 11 in Tircorainn. 12 In this manner, not by chance, Did they parcel out their lands. And the poet goes on to extol the valour of Conall: 'Tis comparing silk to yarn To compare the sons of Niall to any ; 'Tis comparing weaklings to heroes To compare the sons of Niall to Conall. 1 Srubh Brain. — Now Shreeve Point, in the parish of Lower Moville, barony of Inishowen. 2 Glas nEnncha. — Name is obsolete. 3 E?mds land. — Lying between Loughs Foyle and Swilly. 4 Bearnas Mor — i.e., the great gap, now Barnesmore, a passage in the range of mountains six miles N.E. of the town of Donegal, through which the railroad to Stranorlar passes. 6 Sruthail. — Now Sruell, in the parish of Killyward, barony of Banagh. 6 Ferfas. — Now Farsitmore, i.e., the great ford, on the Swilly, in the parish of Leek, barony of Raphoe. 7 Dobhar. — The Gweedore river. 8 Eidnech. — The river Eany, which flows into Inver bay, seven miles west of the town of Donegal. 9 Cromchall. — Not identified. 10 Ross iter dha inbher — i.e., the wooded promontory between the two estuaries, one of the Rosses on Boylagh bay. 11 Faenglas — i.e., the green slope ; the name is now obsolete. 12 Tircorann. — This territory included not only the present barony of Corran, Co. Sligo, but also the barony of Leyny, in the same county, as well as Gaileanga, in Co. Mayo. See O'Rorke's History of Sligo, ii. 155 ; Dublin, 1889. XV The prowess of brave Conn of the Hundred Battles Was in mighty Niall of the Nine Hostages ; But the valour of Niall of noble deeds Was in no son of his except in Conall. Of the descendants of Cairbre, another of the sons of Niall, and of their territory conterminous in great part with that of the descendants of Conall, Mac Firbis says : Of the dividend of the Hy Fiachrach 1 themselves Is the land of Cairbre of the level plains ; But of the Hy Neill is the lineage of the men, Easy for poets to enumerate them. Though noble the race of the men, The clann Cairbre of the flowery white mansions Are under the steward of the western people. 2 So, too, The Book of Caillin % — Ardmacha belongs to Eoghan's race, And Derry to the race of Conall. The seed of mild Cairbre have Druimcliabh, 4 Though the Connacians like it not. May their thanks and their blessings Conduce unto my soul's quiet. But I grieve for my good people, ■ > ■■ - How Cairbre upon them pressed. 5 The Book of Rights, setting forth ' the stipends of the kings, 6 from the king of Cashel, if he be king of Eire, and his visitation and refection among them on that account,' says in reference to the Cinel Conaill : ' Twenty rings, twenty chessboards, and twenty steeds to the king of Cinel Conaill, 1 Hy Fiachrach. — The descendants of Fiachra, a brother of Niall ; they inhabited the present baronies of Carra, Erris, and Tirawley, Co. Mayo, and that of Tireragh, Co. Sligo. See The Tribes and Customs of Hy Fiachrach, p. 3 ; Dublin," 1844. 2 People. — Ibici., p. 277. 3 Caillin. — He was a contemporary of St. Columba. His church is at Fenagh, near Ballinamore, Co. Leitrim. The book is called also the Book of Fenagh. 4 Drumctiabh. — Now Drumcliff, four miles west of Sligo. There was in ancient times a religious establishment here. Some old crosses and a portion of a round tower still remain. 6 Pressed. — The Book of Fenagh, p. 399. 6 Kings. — In reference to the Irish cus- tom of giving the title of king to inde- pendent chiefs, O'Flaherty says : ' The ancients called those kings who had only the government of one little town. Thus Ulysses was king of Ithaca, whose terri- tories Cicero compares to a small nest on the side of a rock. Joshua strangled thirty kings in Palestine.' Ogygia, p 33. xvi and a month's refection from the Cinel Conaill to him, and to escort him to Tir Eoghain.' 1 The king of Tir Conaill and the king of Tir Eoghain as such were independent of each other, or as our author puts it clearly : ' The Cinel Conaill had no right to obedience on the part of the Cinel Eoghain, but only to be accompanied by them when the sovereignty was held by the Cinel Conaill ; and the Cinel Conaill were bound to accompany the Cinel Eoghain when these had the sovereignty.' In the ancient poem of Flann Mainistrech already quoted the rights of the supreme chief and of those too who held a limited sway under him, as well as the obligations of these to him, are set forth in great detail : Here is a history, not mean, For the king of bright Es Ruadh. 2 What he is bound to give is not unknown, And what he receives from his chief tribes. Twelve vats of good ale, And thrice the measure of good malt, A hundred pigs, a hundred fat beeves, A hundred garments, a hundred fine cloaks, Three times three hundred cakes, Is the tribute of Cairbre to the arch king Every year, a choice without fault, And to be conveyed to his chief abode. Cinel Luighdeach are not bound to supply But the guardianship to their arch king. Their chief may come on a visit to them, Without their being bound to give him food. I know three tribes in his land Who do not owe rent or tribute : Clann Murchada, 3 of fierce exploits, Clann Dalaigh, and clann Domhnaill.. 1 Tir Eoghain.— Book of Rights, p. 31 ; Dublin, 1847. 2 Es Ruadh.— Properly Eas Aedha ruaidh Mhic Badhairn, the cataract of AedhRuadh, son of Badharn, ardrigh, who was drowned here a.m. 4518. He was buried in the mound close by, called in consequence Sith Aedha. See Annals F. M., i. 71. 3 Clann Murchada.— -The O'Canannans and O'Muldorys, who were descended from Murchadh, son of Flaithbertach, lord of Cinel Conaill in 762. Ibid., i. 365. xvii The reason why they are not bound To give rent or tribute to any king Is because the kingship is their due, And none his kindred should aggrieve. .* When strong Tara to him does not belong And the archkingship of Ireland, The king of Esruadh is not entitled To rent, or tribute, or attendance. Though the king of Conall goes afar In the hosting of great Tara's king, 1 'Tis not compulsion that takes him from home, But to earn recompense. If together into battle go The host of Conall with the king of Ireland, The king of Tara is bound to pay For all of them in the battle slain. The warriors of fair-trooped Conall Are not bound to take food on the march ; But whilst they may be in the field The king of Ireland must supply them. Though great [the wrong] they commit on the march, It must not be against them charged. The stipend of a brave provincial king Is due to the king of Assaroe. The stipend of three noble dynasts Is due to each dynast in Conall, Until they come safe to their homes, Without deceit or charge against them. The stipend of another dynast Is due to each leader of a tribe ; The stipend of a leader then Is due to each brughaidh 2 of them. The reason why to this are entitled The clans of Conall Gulban the brave Is for going on hostings not due from them, And the greatness and valour of their battle-deeds. 1 Tara's king. — i.e., the ardrigh. and gave entertainment to all who were 2 Brughaidh. — This was a farmer of a cer- legally entitled to it at the public expense, tain rank. He settled disputes about land See O'Curry, Manners, £r°c, I, ccxlix. c xviii Patrick 1 bequeathed it to them, By him it was written in books What they are entitled to for all time. May Christ preserve it as it is ! 2 Among the geasa or ' prohibitions ' of the king of Tir Eoghain was one, very necessary for warlike tribes living side by side, forbidding him to make war against the king of Tir Conaill. 3 This, if faithfully observed, would have changed the whole future not only of both tribes, but perhaps of the entire nation. Their common origin ought to have united them in firm bonds of friendship against the invader and their common enemy. ' In whom is it more becoming,' said Domhnall, son of Aedh, son of Ainmire, ' to check the unjust judgments of Congal and to humble the haughty words of the Ultonians or to protect the race of Conall from violent assaults than in the princes of Aileach ? 4 For no two tribes of the old surname of the race of Erin are the vessels formed by one hand, the race of one father, the offspring of one mother, of one conception, of one fostering, 5 but we and you. Wherefore our fathers Conall the defensive, and Eogan the renowned, have bequeathed unto us the same prowess and gifts, freedom and nobleheartedness, victory, affection, and brotherly love.' 6 Unhappily, disputes, battles, and wars were of constant occurrence between them, and though they were bound together not only by reason of their descent from a common stock but also by the closest family ties arising from frequent intermarriages, their contentions passed on from onegeneration to another like a vendetta, and at last enabled an enemy whose forces were few and weak, and who would never have dared to set foot in their territory if they were united, to overpower them and make their land the inheritance of strangers. No wonder that the English feared that Hugh O'Neill and Hugh O'Donnell ' would join in friendship and alliance 7 with each other,' or that those who were said to pry into the future predicted that Ireland would be regenerated by their union ; and if we will believe our author and there is no good reason why we should not, their rivalry and dispute 1 Patrick. — See Colgan's Trias Thaum., p. 142. St. Caillin's promises will be found in The Book of Fenagh,^. 141. 2 It is. — Ibid., p. 3*55. s Tir Co?iaill. — The Book of Bights, p. 267. * Aileach.— The palace of the O'Neills. It was situated on a hill five miles N. W. of Derry. See The Ordnance Sictvey of Co. Derry, p. 217 ; Dublin, 1837. 5 Fostering. — Eoghan is said to have died of grief for the death of Conall. Annals F. M., i. 147. 6 Love— See The Battle of Magh Bath, p. 145. 7 Alliance. — After the inauguration of Manus O'Donnell in 1537 as chief of Tyr- connell, the Deputy and Council wrote to Henry vin. : ' O'Donnell is deceased, whose place Manus, his son, has obtained by the assent of the country and the favour of O'Neill, whose two strengths joined together is a great power, and to be feared by your subjects.' Calendar of the Carew Manuscripts, I. 125 ; London, 1867. xix though only brief and passing, was no small part of the cause that brought about the defeat of the Irish at Kinsale and the disastrous consequences so touchingly set forth by him as arising from it. As time went on the Cinel Conaill grew in numbers, and when surnames 1 were established we find permanently settled in their territory the O'Muldorys, O'Canannans, O'Donnells, O'Boyles, O'Gallachers, O'Freels, O'Dohertys, and several other families, and later the MacSwinys. 2 The O'Canannans 3 and O'Muldorys, both descended from Flaithbertach, sixth in descent from Sedna, grandson of Niall and ardrigh from 727 to 734, would seem to have been the chiefs of Tyrconnell before the clann Dalaigh, as the O'Donnells were usually styled, rose to power. In The Annals of the Four Masters we read : 896. Maelbresail, son of Maeldoraidh, lord of Cinel Conaill, was slain in the battle of Sailtin. 4 899. Fogartach, son of Maeldoraidh, lord of Cinell Conaill, fell on his own spear and died in consequence. He took a deadly dangerous draught after persecuting the descendant of Jesse, i.e., Christ. 948. Ruaidhri O'Canannan, lord of Tir Conaill, was slain by the foreigners. 955. Maelcoluim O'Canannan, lord of Cinel Conaill, died. 960. Aenghus O'Maeldoraidh, lord of Cinel Conaill, was slain by the Cinel Conaill themselves. 962. Murchertagh O'Canannan, lord of Cinel Conaill, was slain by his people. 965. Maolisa O'Canannan, lord of Cinel Conaill, was slain. 975. Gillacoluim O'Canannan, lord of Cinel Conaill, was slain by Domhnall O'Neill, monarch of Ireland. 978. Tighernan O'Maeldoraidh, lord of Cinel Conaill, was slain. 989. Aedh O'Maeldoraidh, lord of Cinel Conaill, died. 996. Ruaidhri, son of Niall O'Canannan, lord of Cinel Conaill, died 999. Flaithbertach O'Canannan, lord of the Cinel Conaill, was slain by his own people. 1010. Maelruanaidh O'Maeldoraidh, lord of Cinel Conaill, was captured by Brian Borumha. 1026. Maelruanaidh O'Maeldoraidh, lord of Cinel Conaill, went on a pilgrimage 5 over the sea and died the next year on his pilgrimage. 1029. Murchertagh O'Maeldoraidh was slain by the O'Canannans. 1 Surnames — They were introduced by Brian Borumha. — Keating, H. of Ireland, p. 485- 2 MacSwinys. — They are descended and take their family name from Suibhne Meann, 5th in descent from Eoghan ; he was ardrigh from 622 to 635. There were three leading families of the name in Donegal in the 16th century. 3 O'Canannans.— Canannan, from whom they derive their name, was 14th in descent from Niall of the Nine Hostages. Mael- doreidh, á quo the O'Muldorys, was 13th. — Battle of Magh Rath, p. 355. ^Sailtin. — In the parish of Oughterard, barony of Carrigallen, Co. Leitrim. 6 Pilgrimage. — To Rome, or to Compos- tella in Spain. XX 1030. Ruaidhri O'Canannan, lord of the Cinel Conaill, was slain at the Mourne. 1 1045. Flaithbertach O'Canannan, lord of Cinel Conaill, died. 1059. Niall O'Maeldoraidh, lord of Cinel Conaill, died penitently. 1071. Ruadhri O'Canannan, lord of Cinel Conaill, was slain. 1075. Donnchad O'Canannan, lord of Cinel Conaill, was slain. 1083. Domhnall O'Canannan, lord of Cinel Conaill, was slain by his own people. 1085. Murchadh O'Maeldoraidh, lord of Cinel Conaill, tower of magnificence, hospitality, and valour of the north, died. For the whole of the next century the supreme power seems to have been in the hands of the O'Canannans exclusively. In 1167 we again find one of the O'Maeldoraidhs appointed chief. The Four Masters speaking of his death in 1 197, say: ' Flaithbertach O'Maeldoraidh, 2 lord of Cinel Conaill, Cinel Eoghain, Oriel, 3 defender of Tara, heir presumptive to the crown of Ireland, died on the 2nd day of February, in the thirtieth year of his reign, and the fifty-ninth of his age.' 4 During all that time, extending over three and a half centuries, only two of the direct line of the O'Donnells held supreme power, viz., Dalach, from 868 to 896, and his son Eignechan, from 901 to 955. In the time of O'Dugan, who wrote in 1372, these two families that had held sway so long, had fallen from their high estate wholly. He says of them : Our journey is a tour of prosperity, Let us leave the vigorous host of great Macha, Let us not refuse good luck to the people, Let us proceed to Cinel Conaill. Let them come a journey of prosperity, Rugged is the land of this tribe, To meet us at the cataract of Aedh, The prosperity of the splendid-faced people. The O'Maeldoraidhs, if they were living, Would come, but they will not come, Without slowness or slow delay, To meet us, as would the O'Canannans. 1 Mourne. — This was in ancient times the 2 F. O ' Maeldoraidh. — He founded the name of the river now called the Foyle, but Cistercian monastery of Assaroe in n 78. is now applied to one of its tributaries. A See Archdall's Monasticon Hibernicum, mile below the confluence of the rivers p. 93 ; Dublin, 1786. Berg and Strule they are joined by the 3 Oriel. — Oirghialla, the present counties Douglas Burn ; from that to Lifford the of Armagh, Louth, and Monaghan. For united rivers go by the name of the Mourne. the fanciful origin of this name see Topog. At Lifford it joins the Finn, and both united Poems, xix. are called the Foyle. * Age.— Annals F. M., iii. ill. XXI But others will come, stout their chief, The clann Dalaigh of brown shields ; With them, through contest, has not withered Heirship to the sovereignty. 1 The surname of O'Donnell 2 was first taken by Cathbharr, great-grand- son of Domhnall Mor, who died in 1 106. He is called ' a pillar of defence and warfare, of the glory and hospitality of the Cinel Luighdheach.' 3 Under the date ioioweread: — 'Maelruanaidh Ua Domhnaill, lord of Cinel Luighdheach, was slain by the men of Magh Ith.' 4 The cantred of Cinel Luighdheach, so named from Lughaidh, son of Sedna, who was grandson of Conall Gulban, extended from the Dobhar to the Swilly. From the rapid flood of Dobhar The cantred of Lughaidh, son of Sedna, Extends to that bright-coloured river, Which is named the Swilly. 5 Kilmacrenan, 6 i.e., the church of the sons of Enan, whose mother was Mincoleth, a sister of St. Columba, was in the middle of the territory ; here was the chief church of the tribe. Hence it would appear that their territory, so late as the beginning of the twelfth century, included only the present barony of Kilmacrenan. When and how they extended it and got possession of the territory of Cinel Moen, now the barony of Raphoe, originally possessed by the O'Gormleys, we do not know. We read in The A nnals of the Four Masters : 1200. Eignechan O'Donnell, lord of Tyrconnell, sailed with the fleet of Tyr- connell by sea, and despatched his army by land, and pitched his camp at Gaeth an Chairgin. 7 . . . They attacked and defeated the Cinel Eoghain and the Clann Dermott. 8 1 Sovereignty. — Top. Poems, p. 41. 2 O'Donnell. — Domhnall, i.e., the great or proud chief. See O'Donovan's Introd. to Topog. Poems, p. 54. 3 C. Luighdheach. — Annals F.M., ii. 983. 4 Magh Ith. — Now the Lagan, a beauti- ful tract to the north of the town of Raphoe. It has its name from Ith, son of Breogan, who was the grandfather of Milesius. He was slain there in a fight with the Tuatha de Danann. Keating's H. of Ireland, p. 123. 6 Swilly. — Book of Fenagh, p. 397. This river rises in Meenroy in west Donegal, and flowing eastwards by Letterkenny falls into the head of Lough Swilly. 6 Kilmacrenan. — See Adamnan's Life of St. Columba, edited by Reeves, p. 247 ; Dublin, 1857. A Franciscan monastery was founded here by one of the O'Donnells on the site of the ancient abbey ; its remains are still in existence. ArchdalPs Monasticon, p. 101. 7 Gaeth an Chairgin. — i.e., the inlet of Carrigin. This is a small village on the western bank of the Foyle, three miles south of Derry. 8 Clann Dermott. — The O'Carellans. This tribe dwelt on both sides of the river Mourne and of the narrow part of Lough Foyle. Annals F. M., iii. 150, n. XXII 1207. Eignechan O'Donnell set out on a predatory excursion into Fermanagh. 1 . . . The men of Fermanagh pursued him, and slew O'Donnell, lord of Tyrconnell, tower of the warlike prowess and hospitality of the province in his time. His successor, Domhnall Mor, seems to have extended his sway into northern Connaught, for we read : 1 2 1 3. Finn O'Brollaghan, steward of Domhnall Mor, went to Connaught to collect O'DonnelPs tribute. He first went to Carbury 2 Drumcliff, where, with his attendants, he visited the house of the poet Murray O'Daly, 3 of Lissadill. 4 . . . He began to wrangle with the poet very much, though his lord had given him no instructions to do so ; who, being enraged at his conduct, seized a very sharp axe, and dealt him a blow which killed him on the spot. The history goes on to tell how O'Donnell collected an army and went in pursuit of O'Daly, and forced MacWilliam, Donough Cairbreach O'Brien, the people of Limerick, and those of Dublin in succession, to drive the offender from among them. He was forced to seek shelter in Scotland, and he remained there until he composed three pieces in O'Donnell's praise, imploring pardon and forgiveness from him. ' He obtained peace for his panegyrics, and O'Donnell afterwards received him into his friendship, and gave him lands and possessions, as was pleasing to him.' 5 . 1 2 19. An army was led by Domhnall Mor into the Rough Third of Connaught, 6 and he obtained hostages and submission from O'Rourke and O'Reilly, and from all the heroes of Aedh Finn. 7 1223. An army was led by Domhnall Mor O'Donnell to Croghan, 8 in Connaught, thence into the Tuathas of Connaught, and westwards across the Suck, and he plundered and burnt every territory which he entered, until he had received their hostages and submissions. 1236. Domhnall Mor O'Donnell marched with an army to Iubhar Chenn Choiche (Newry), in Ulidia, and destroyed every territory through which he passed; he also obtained hostages and submission from most of the Ulidians. 1 Ferjnanagh. — This territory was con- terminous with the county of the same name. 2 Carbury. — Now a barony in north Sligo. It has its name from Cairbre, son of Niall. See O'Rorke's H. of Sligo, i. 27. 3 O'Daly. — See his genealogy in O'Daly's Tribes of Ireland, p. 5 ; Dublin, 1852. 4 Lissadill. — On the north side of Sligo Bay. 6 To him. — Annals F. M., iii. 179. 6 The Rough Third of C— It included Leitrim, Longford, and Cavan. Annals F. M., iii. 198, n. 7 Aedh Finn. — He was 7th in descent from Brian, brother of Niall, and ancestor of the O'Reillys, O'Rourkes, and their cor- relatives. Ibid- 8 Croghan. — Now Rathcroghan,six miles south of Frenchpark, Co. Roscommon. In Keating's H. of Ireland, p. 198, will be found an account of the erection of Queen Meadhbh's palace there, a.m. 3940. The antiquities still existing there are described by O'Donovan, Annals F. M., iii. 204, and by Petrie.isír/. Architecture of Ireland, p. 98 ; Dublin, 1845. XX111 1241. Domhnall Mor, the son of Eignechan O'Donnell, lord of Tyrconnell, Fermanagh, and Lower Connanght as far as the Curlew Mountains, and of Oriel from the plain northwards, died in the monastic habit, victorious over the world and the devil, and was interred with honour and respect in the monastery of Assaroe. 1247. Melaghlin O'Donnell, lord of Tyrconnell, Cinel Moen, Inishowen, and Fermanagh, was slain by Maurice Fitzgerald. 1 1256. Godfrey O'Donnell marched with an army into Fermanagh, by which he obtained property and hostages. From thence he proceeded to Brefny O'Rourke, 2 where they gave him his own demand. 1262. An army was led by Domhnall Oge first into Fermanagh and thence into the Rough Third of Connaught, and to Granard or Teffia f and every territory through which he passed granted him his demands and gave him hostages ; and he returned home in triumph. 1263. An army was led by Domhnall Oge O'Donnell into Connaught. He proceeded across the rivers Shrule 4 and Robe, 5 through Tirawley, 6 and afterwards across the Moy, 7 and obtained his full demands from all. 1272. Domhnall Oge O'Donnell collected vessels and boats upon Lough Erne, 8 and (proceeded) thence to Lough Outer. 9 The goods and valuables of the surrounding country, which were upon the islands of that lake, were seized and carried off by him, and he acquired control and sway in every place in the neigh- bourhood on this expedition. 1281. In the battle of Disert da Chrioch 10 Domhnall Oge O'Donnell, the most illustrious of the Irish for hospitality, prowess, splendour, and nobility, and the greatest commander in the west of Europe, was slain, and he was interred in the monastery of Derry, having obtained the palm in every goodness up to that time. The Annals of Loch Ce 11 say of him : He was the best Gaeidhel for hospitality and dignity, the general guardian of the west of Europe, the knitting-needle of the archsovereignty, and the rivetting- 1 M. Fitzgerald. — 2nd baron of Offaly. He built the castle and monastery of Sligo. He died in 1207 in the Franciscan monas- tery of Youghal, where he had taken the monastic habit shortly before. See The Earls of Kildare,hy the Marquis of Kildare, p. II. ; Dublin, 1858. 2 Brefny O'Rourke. — The present Co. Leitrim. Brefny O'Reilly was Co. Cavan. 3 Teffia. — A territory including the greater part of Longford and the western half of Co. Westmeath. 4 Shrule. — A river flowing through a vil- lage of the same name ten miles west of Tuam. It was the northern boundary of Clanricarde. Colgan's Trias Thaum., p. 140. 6 Robe-. — This river flows in a westerly course through the southern part of Mayo and enters the east side of Lough Mask. ' 6 Tirawley. — A barony in the north-east of Co. Mayo. It has its name from Amal- gadh, a contemporary of St. Patrick. 7 Moy. — It rises in Leyny, Co. Sligo, and falls into Killala bay. 8 Lough Erne. — In Co. Fermanagh. 9 Lough Outer. — A little to the east of the town of Cavan. Owen Roe O'Neill died in Lough Outer castle in 1649. 10 Disert da Chrioch. — Now Disertcreaght, a townland in the north of the barony of Dungannon, Co. Tyrone. n -A. of Loch Ce. — i. 486 ; London, 1871. xxiv hammer of every good law, the parallel of Conaire, 1 son of Edirscel, in purity when assuming sovereignty, the top nut of the Gaeidhel in valour, the equal of Cathal Crobhdearg 2 in battle and attack. The Annals of the Four Masters go on to say : 1333. Aedh, the son of Domhnall Oge O'Donnell, lord of Tyrconnell, Cinel Moen, Inishowen, Fermanagh, and Brefny, and amateries 3 for a King of Ulster, of all the Irish the most successful and the most dreaded by his enemies; he who had slain the largest number both of the English and Irish who were opposed to him, the most eminent man of his time for jurisdiction, laws, and regulations, and the chief patron of the hospitality and munificence of the west of Europe, died victorious over the world and the devil in the habit of a monk, on the island of Inis Saimer, 4 and was interred with great honour in the monastery of Assaroe. 1348. Niall Garbh O'Donnell, lord of Tyrconnell, after having experienced much contention before and during the term of his lordship, was treacherously and murderously slain by Manus Meablach 5 O'Donnell, his kinsman, at Inis Saimer. Niall was a brave, puissant, and defensive hero, and it was a sorrowful thing that he should have died in such a way. 1423. Turlough, son of Niall Garbh O'Donnell, lord of Tyrconnell, Cinel Moen, and Inishowen, a peaceable, affluent, and graceful man, died in the habit of a monk in the monastery of Assaroe after the victory of unction and penance. 1434. O'Neill and O'Donnell, with the whole forces of the province, marched to Meath to destroy and plunder the English there. . . . O'Donnell and his son Turlough went in search of plunder and booty in another direction ; and their evil fortune brought them into collision with a large body of English cavalry, who surrounded them. . . . Turlough and many others were slain. After the loss of his people, O'Donnell was taken prisoner and delivered up to the son of Sir John Stanley, 6 the King's deputy, who sent him to be imprisoned in Dublin. 1439. O'Donnell (Niall Garbh) died in captivity in the Isle of Man. He was the chosen hostage of the Cinel Conaill and Cinel Eoghain and of all the north of Ireland, and the chief theme of conversation in Leith Cuinn during his time, the harasser and destroyer of the English until they took revenge for all that he had committed against them, and the protector and defender of his tribe against such of 1 Conaire. — Ardrigh from 5091 to 5160. 'The cattle were without keepers in Ire- land in his reign, on account of the great peace and concord.' — Annals F. M., i. 91. 2 Cathal Crobhdearg. — He was King of Connaughtfrom 1198101224. Ibid-, in- 2 11. 3 Materies for a King, — There was no in- variable rule of succession to the sovereignty in Ireland in ancient times. Yet the prac- tice was that the eldest son should succeed the father unless he was disqualified by youth, deformity, or crime. He was called the tanist, i.e., the second. The other sons, being eligible in case of his failure, were called Roydamna, materies regis. See O'Brien on Tanistry in Vallancey's Collec* tanea, i. 264; Dublin, 1774. 4 Inis Saimer. — An island in the Erne, close to Ballyshannon, Co. Donegal. 6 Meablach — i.e., the treacherous. 6 Stanley. — He was Lord Deputy from 138910 1391. His death was said to have been caused by the virulent satires of the bards. O'Daly's Tribes of Ireland, p. 17. XXV the English and Irish as were opposed to him, both before and after he assumed the lordship. 1442. Henry, the son of Eoghan O'Neill, repaired to the English, and brought a very great army of the English to Castlefin. 1 O'Donnell (Neachtain) went to oppose him ; but as he had not an equal number of forces, he made peace with O'Neill, giving him up the castle, the territory of Cinel Moen, and the tribute of Inishowen. 1474. The monastery 2 of Donegal 3 was commenced by the O'Donnell, i.e., Hugh Roe. son of Niall Garbh O'Donnell, and his wife Finola, the daughter of O'Brien 4 (Conor na Srona), and was granted by them to God and the friars of St. Francis for the prosperity of their own souls, and that the monastery might be a burial-place for themselves and their posterity, and they not only granted this but also conferred many other gifts upon them. 1475. A circuitous hosting was made by O'Donnell (Hugh Roe, grandson of Niall Garbh), accompanied by Maguire, O'Rourke, and the chiefs of Lower Connaught. . . . He proceeded through Clanricarde, 5 Conmaicne Cuile, 6 and Clann Costello, 7 and marched back again through Machaire Connacht, 8 and from thence to his own country, having received submission and gained victory and triumph in every place through which he passed. 1476. A great army was led by MacWilliam Burke 9 into Lower Connaught, 10 and another army was led by O'Donnell to oppose him. They remained for some time face to face, until at last they made peace. They divided Lower Connaught into two parts between them ; O'Dowda's country, 11 the territory of Leyny, and half of Carbury was ceded to MacWilliam, and the other half to O'Donnell. (About 1491 O'Neill wrote to O'Donnell, demanding his chief rent, which the other refused to pay : ' Send me my rent ; or if you don't ' — But O'Donnell replied: ' I owe you no rent; and if I did' — The result was a bloody battle, wherein the loss was almost equal. 12 ) 1 Castlefin. — A village in the barony of Raphoe, Co. Donegal. 2 Monastery. — See Meehan's' Franciscan Monasteries, p. 4 ; Dublin, 1877. 3 Donegal.— i.e., the fort of the foreigners. O'Donovan thinks this is the old fort in the townland of Reolin, opposite the monastery. Annals F. M., v. 1344, n. 4 O'Brien. — He was king of Thomond from 1466 to 1496. See O'Donoghue's Hist. • M emoir of the O'Briens, p. 1 46 ; Dublin, 1 860. 6 Clanricarde . — This territory included the south-east of the present county of Gal- way. See Tribes, Sr^c, of Hy Many, p. 18. 6 Conmaicne Cuile. — Now the barony of Kilmaine, Co. Mayo. 7 Clann Costello — The Nangles in Con- naught took this name from an ancestor Osdallah. O'Donovan, Top. Poems, p. 23. 8 Machaire Connacht. — Called also Magh Naoi, now the Maghery, an extensive plain lying between the towns of Roscommon and Elphin, Castlerea and Strokestown. 9 MacWilliam B.—The De Burgos of Connaught assumed the name of Mac William from their ancestor William Fitz- adelm, and became divided into two branches, Mac W. Uachtar and Mac W. Iochtar, i.e., upper and lower; the former were seated in Co. Galway, the latter in Co. Mayo. Ibid., p. 21. 10 Lower Connaught— -This is still the local name of northern Connaught. 11 O'Dowda's Country.— Called also Hy Fiachrach of the north. Ibid., xxxiii. 12 Equal. — Cox, Hibernia Anglicana, i. 183 ; London, 1689. . See also The Ulster J- of Archaeology, ii. 148 ; Belfast, 1854. d xxvi 1497. O'Donnell (Aedh Ruadh) resigned his lordship in consequence of the dissensions of his sons, and his son Conn was nominated O'Donnell in his place. O'Neill marched with a great force into Tyrconnell. . . . The young O'Donnell (Conn) met this army at Bel atha doire, 1 but he was defeated and killed there. 1505. O'Donnell (Aedh Ruadh), son of Niall Garbh, son of Turlough of the Wine, lord of Tyrconnell, Inishowen, Cinel Moen, and Lower Connaught, died ; a man who had obtained hostages from the people of Fermanagh, Oriel, Clannaboy, 2 and the Route, 3 and from the O'Kanes, and also the English and Irish of Connaught, with the exception of MacWilliam of Clanricarde, who, however, did not go unpunished for his disobedience, for O'Donnell frequently entered his territory and left not a quarter of land from the river Suck 4 upwards, and from Slieve O nAedha 5 westwards that he did not make tributary to him. This O'Donnell was the full moon of the hospitality and nobility of the north, the most jovial and valiant, the most prudent in war and peace, and of the best jurisdiction, law, and rule of all the Gaels in Ireland. For there was no defence made in Tyrconnell during his time except to close the door against the wind only ; the best protector of the church and the learned, a man who had given great alms in honour of the Lord of the Elements ; the man by whom a castle 6 was first raised and erected at Donegal, that it might serve as a sustaining bulwark for his descendants ; and a monastery of Friars de Observantia 7 in Tyrconnell, namely the Monastery of Donegal ; a man who had made many predatory excursions around through Ireland, and a man who may be justly styled the Augustus of the north-west Europe. He died after having gained the victory over the devil and the world, and after extreme unction and good penance, at his own fortress in Donegal, July 20th, in the seventy-eighth year of his age and forty- fourth of his reign, and was interred in the monastery of Donegal. 151 1. O'Donnell (Aedh), son of Aedh Ruadh, went upon a pilgrimage to Rome. 1 Bel atha doire. — The mouth of the ford of the oak wood. The name is now obsolete. 2 Clannaboy. — An extensive district to the east of Lough Neagh, i n the present counties of Down and Antrim. It had its name from Hugh Buidhe O'Neill, chief of the ter- ritory in 1283. 3 The Route. — The northern part of Co. Antrim. The name is a corruption of Dal Riada. 4 Suck. — This river rises near Ballyhaunis, Co. Mayo. It runs through Lough O'FIynn, by Castlereagh and Ballymoe, and joins the Shannon near Shannon-bridge, forming during the greater part of its course the boundary between the counties of Roscom- mon and Galway. 6 Slieve O nAedha. — The northern part of Slieve Aughty, on the confines of Clare and Galway. 6 Castle. — It would seem an addition was made to it later, about 1564. See Annals F. M., v. 1599. This castle was destroyed by Hugh Roe O'Donnell about 1601, to pre- vent its falling into the hands of Niall Garbh and his English allies, as we learn from a poem of Maelmurry Mac an Ward. See The Irish Pemiy Journal, p. 186 ; Dublin, i840,and The DublinPenny Journal, ii. ii7;Dublin, 1833. The present castle was built by Sir Basil Brooke, the grantee of that portion of O'Donnell's territory. His arms empaling those of Leicester, his wife's family, are on the chimney-piece. ''Friars de Observantia. — This was a reform of the Franciscan Order, established in the year 1370 by St. Bernardine of Sienna. See Rohrbacher, Hist, de I'Eglise, x. 350 ; Paris, 1872. All the Irish houses of the Order belonged to it. XXV11 While he was abroad his adherents and friends were in grief and sadness after him ; his son Manus was left by him to protect the country while he was absent. 1537. O'Donnell (Hugh), son of Hugh Roe, lord of Tirconnell, Inishowen, Cinel Moen, Fermanagh, and Lower Connaught, died ; a man to whom rents and tributes were paid by other territories over which he had extended his jurisdiction and power, such as Moylurg, 1 Machaire Connacht, Clanh Conway, 2 Costello Gaileanga, 3 Tirawley, and Conmaicne Cuile to the west ; and to the east Oireacht Ui Chathain, 4 the Route, Clannaboy ; for of these there was not one territory that had not given him presents, besides his tribute of protection. It was this man also that compelled the four lords who ruled Tyrone during his time to give him new charters of Inishowen, 5 Cinel Moen, and Fermanagh, as a further confirmation of the old charters which his ancestors had held for these countries ; so that he quietly and peaceably had lordship over them and commanded their rising out. This was not to be wondered at, for never was victory seen with his enemies, never did he retreat one foot from any army great or small ; he was the represser of evil deeds and evil customs, the destroyer and banisher of rebels and thieves, and enforcer of the laws and ordinances after the justest manner ; a man in whose reign the seasons were favourable, so that the sea and land were productive ; a man who established every one in his country, in his proper hereditary possessions, that no one of them might bear enmity towards another ; a man who did not suffer the English to come into his country, for he formed a league of peace or friendship with the King of England when he saw that the Irish would not yield superiority to any one among themselves; a man who only protected their termon lands 6 for the friars, churches, poets, and ollamhs. 7 He died on the 5th of July, in the monastery of Donegal, having first taken upon him the habit of St. Francis, and having wept for his crimes and iniquities and done penance for his sins and transgressions. He was buried in the same monastery with great honour and solemnity, as was meet, and Manus O'Donnell 1 Moylurg. — This territory extended from Lough Gara, near Boyle, to Carrick-on- Shannon, from the Curlew mountains to near Elphin, and from Lough Key to the northern boundary of the parish of Kilma- cumshy. It is now known as the Plains of Boyle. Annals F. M„ vi. 2038, n. 2 Claim Conway— A territory in the barony of Ballymoe, Co. Gal way, inhabited by the O'Finaghtys. Shortly after the English invasion it was taken possession of by a branch of the De Burgos, the head of whom was called MacDavid. Top. Poems, xxxv. 3 Gaileanga. — This territory included the diocese of Achonry in north Mayo, and the part of Sligo inhabited by the O'Haras and O'Garas. The inhabitants were descended from Cormac Galeng, great-grandson of Olioll Olum, King of Munster in the 2nd century. Ibid., p. xxxix. 4 Oireacht Ui Chathain. — i.e., O'Kane's territory, which at this time included the baronies of Tirkeeran, Keenaght, and Colerane in Co. Derry. 5 Inishowen. — ' About this country of Inishowen and the Castle of Lifter (Lifford), there was many years together strife and wars between O'Neill and O'Donnell, and yet this day the challenge is not forgotten, but is revived upon every small occasion.' C.C., MSS., i. 205 and 214. 6 Termon la?tds.—Qh.wxch. lands which afforded sanctuary. See O'Hanlon's Life of St. Malachy, p. 143 ; Dublin, 1859. 7 Ollamhs. — The ollamh was one who after long training had reached the highest degree of learning in history and literature. His rank was very elevated and his privileges very great. See O'Curry's MS. Materials, &c, pp. 204, 239. xxviii was inaugurated in his place by the successors 1 of Columkille, with the permission and by the advice of the nobles of Tirconnell, both lay and ecclesiastical. 1542. O'Donnell (Manus) gave Tuath Ratha 3 and Lurg 3 to Maguire (John), son of Cuconnacht. . . . For this Maguire gave up himself, his country, and his land to O'Donnell, and in particular the privilege of calling for the rising out of his country, or a tribute in lieu of the rising out not obtained. 1563. O'Donnell (Manus), son of Aedh Dubh, son of Aedh Ruadh, lord of Tyrconnell, Inishowen, Cinel Moen, Fermanagh, and Lower Connaught ; a man who never suffered the chiefs who were in his neighbourhood to encroach upon any of his superabundant possessions, even to the time of his decease and infirmity ; a fierce, obdurate, wrathful, and combative man towards his enemies and opponents until he had made them obedient to his jurisdiction ; a mild, friendly, benign, amicable, bountiful, and hospitable man towards the learned, the destitute, the poets, and the ollamhs, towards the Orders and the Church, as is evident from the old people and the historians ; a learned man, a man skilled in many arts, gifted with a profound intellect and the knowledge of every science ; died on the 9th of February, at his own mansion at Lifford, 4 a castle which had been erected in despite of the O'Neill and the Cinel Eoghain, and was interred in the burial-place of his predecessors and ancestors at Donegal, in the monastery of St. Francis, with great honour and veneration, after having vanquished the world and the devil. Manus was succeeded by his eldest son Calvagh ; 5 but he held sway for two years only, dying in 1 566, ' a man so celebrated for his goodness that any good act of his, be it ever so great, was never a matter of wonder or surprise.' He was succeeded by a younger brother Hugh, surnamed Dubh. As might be expected, great dissensions sprung up and continued between Conn, the son of Calvagh, and his uncle. In 1 58 1 Conn gained over Turlough Luineach O'Neill 6 to his side, and obtained from him a large body of men. With these and a few of the O'Donnells and many of the MacSwinys he defeated Hugh at Kiltole, near Raphoe. If we would take to the letter the panegyric pronounced on him by the Four Masters, he was endowed with all the qualities that constitute a great chief. After his death, which took place in 1583, they say ' the Cinel Conaill might be 1 Successors. — i.e., The O'Ferghils, de- scended from Ferghil, great-grandson of Aedh, son of Eoghan, a brother of St. Columba. See Adamnan's Life of C, p- 281. 2 Tuath Ratha. — Now Toorah, in the barony of Magheraboy, Co. Fermanagh. 3 Lurg.— A barony in the north of Co. Fermanagh.' ^Lifford. — A town on the eastern boundary of Donegal, at the junction of the Finn and the Mourne. The castle went by ihe name of Port na dtri namhad, and stood on the Tyrone side of the river, and therefore within the territory of the O'Neills, just opposite the town of Lifford, as we see by Mercator's map of Ireland. It was built in 1526. Annals F. M., ad ann. No trace of it remains. 6 Calvagh. — His mother was Joan, sister of Conn Bacagh O'Neill, the first Earl of Tyrone. 6 Turlough Luineach O'Neill. — His name will occur frequently throughout this work. His pedigree will be given later. XXIX likened to harp without a ceis, 1 a ship without a pilot, and a field without a shelter.' Hugh took as his second wife Ineen Dubh, 2 the daughter of James MacDonnell, elected Lord of the Isles 3 in 1545, and of the Lady Agnes Campbell, daughter of Archibald, 4th earl of Argyle. By both parents she was of Irish descent, for our author tells us she was of the race of Colla Uais, i.e., Colla the noble. This prince, a grandson of Cairbre Liffechair, aided by his two brothers Colla Mean and Colla da Crioch, had risen in rebellion against their uncle Fiacha Sraibhtine. A battle took place at Dubhcomair, near Teltown, in which Fiacha was defeated. Colla Uais seized his crown and ruled supreme for four years. At the end of that time Muireadach Tireach, the son of the deceased sovereign, assembled a large force of his followers, and drove the usurper from the kingdom. He and his brothers fled to Scotland, and were hospitably received by the reigning monarch, who was their mother's father. Here they remained for three years. A druid had told them that if they fell by the hand of the King of Ireland, the crown should devolve on their posterity. Determined to seek the accomplishment of this prophecy at all hazards, they returned to their native country, and to their surprise were received with much kindness by the King, who not only condoned their past crimes but gave them signal marks of his favour. He found welcome employment for them by sending them at the head of his army to avenge the insult put upon Cormac MacAirt, their relative, by the King of Ulster. They entered his territory, gave him battle, and defeated him utterly. The conquerors next marched against the royal palace of Emania, 4 and set it on fire. They then seized all the territory of Oirghialla and divided it between them. Colla Uais settled in Ui Mac Uais, and he and his brothers became the founders of several powerful families in Louth, Armagh, Monaghan, and Fermanagh, as the MacMahons, O'Hanlons, Magennisses, and other correlative septs. 5 In the fifth century some of their descendants crossed the sea and established themselves between the Picts of the north and the Britons of the south in their lands, and on the west coast of Caledonia, in the district since known as Argyle. 6 The following pedigree shows Ineen Dubh's descent; it proves also how frequent the intermarriages were then between the Irish and Scottish Gaels. 7 1 Ceis. — On the meaning of this phrase see O'Curry's Manners, &c., iii. 248. 2 Ineen Dubh. — i.e., The dark little Agnes, a common name among the Irish. 3 Lord of the Isles. — See his pedigree in Annals F. M., vi. 1892, n. 4 Emania. — Now the Navan Fort, two miles west of Armagh. See Stuart's H. Memoirs of Armagh, p. 578 ; Newry, 1 891, for a description of this fort, and Keating's H. of Ireland, p. 182. 5 Septs.— Ibid., p. 303. 6 Argyle.— i.e., Airer Goidhel, the region of the Gael. Bryant's Celtic Ireland, p. 43 ; London, 1889. 7 Gaels. — An account of these intermar- riages will be found in the Miscellany of the Maitland Society. XXX 1. Somhairle, 1 Thane of Argyle in 1165 2. Randal. I 3. Domnall, á quo MacDonnell. 4. Angus Mor. 5. Angus Oge== Agnes, dr. of O'Cahan. 6. John of Islay= Margaret, dr. of Robert II., king of Scotland. 7. John Mor= Mary, dr. of Bissett. 2 8. Donald Ballach= Joanna, dr. of O'Donnell. 9. John of Islay=Sadhbh, dr. of Phelim O'Neill. 10. Shane Cathanach 3 =Celia, dr. of Savage 4 of the Ardes. 5 . ) ( 11. Alexander Carragh 6 =Catherine, dr. of MacEoin. 12. James j Agnes, 7 dr. of 4th Earl of Argyle. INEEN DUBH=HUGH O'DONNELL. HUGH ROE O'DONNELL. Ineen Dubh is described by our author as being ' slow and very deliberate, excelling in all the qualities that become a woman, yet possessing the heart of a hero and the soul of a soldier.' O'Donnell had other children by a previous marriage. One of these was Donnell. T/ze Annals of the Four 1 Somhairle. — Usually anglicised Sorley. 2 Bissett. — See The Ulster J. of Archceol., ii. 155. 3 Cathanach. — i.e., fostered by O'Cathan. 4 Savage. — This family settled m the Ardes soon after the English invasion. See D'Alton's King James 1 Army List. i. 41 ; Dub, in, n. d. 6 The Ardes.— A peninsula in the north- east of Co. Down, between Strangford Lough and the Irish Sea. e A. Cairagh. — Ancestor of the Earls of Antrim ; his second son Sir Ragnall was created Viscount Dunluce and Earl of Antrim. Hill's MacDonnells of Antrim, p. 375 ; Belfast, 1873. 7 Agnes. — She is described by Sir Henry Sydney as ' a grave, wise, well-spoken lady in Scottish, English, and French.' C. C. MSS., ii. 350; London, 1863. After her first husband's death she married Turlough Luineach O'Neill. XXXI Masters make mention of his prowess. ' He was a mighty champion and a leader in battle, and it was never heard that at any time he had turned his back on his enemies.' Shortly before Hugh's escape, he made an attempt to depose his father, 'now grown weak and feeble, and his other son was imprisoned in Dublin ; so that he brought under his power and jurisdiction that part of Tyrconnell westward from Bearnas to the Drowes, 1 and also the people of Boghaine 2 and Boylagh. It was a great cause of anguish and sickness of mind to Ineen that Donnell should make such an attempt, lest he might obtain the chieftainship of Tyrconnell in preference to her son Hugh Roe, who was confined in Dublin, whatever time God permitted him to return from his captivity: and she, therefore, assembled all the Cinel Conaill who were obedient to her husband, and a great number of Scots with them. . . . Donnell assembled his forces to meet them. The place where he happened to be was at the extremity of Tir Boghaine. The other party did not halt till they came to that place, and a battle ensued, which was fiercely fought on both sides. The Scots discharged a shower of arrows from their elastic bows, by which they pierced and wounded great numbers, and among them the son of O'Donnell himself, who not being able to display prowess or to defend himself, was slain at Doire Leathan, on the east side of Teelin bay, 3 on the 14th of December, 1590.'* Hugh Roe, 5 for so he is usually styled, the subject of this work, was the eldest. son of the second marriage. The exact date of his birth is not given. According to O'Clery, in 1587 he had not passed his fifteenth year, and when he died, in 1602, he had not quite completed his thirtieth. His birth, his virtues, his prowess, his fitness to be a leader of men, the terror he would cause among his enemies, his triumphs over them, his undisputed regal sway, all these things were said to have been foretold by St. Columkille, the chief prophet 6 of heaven and earth and the special patron of the Cinel Conaill. 7 The prophecy in due time reached the ears of the Lord Deputy 1 Drowes. — It flows from Lough Melvin, and falls into Donegal bay two miles south of Bundoran. In ancient times it was the boundary between Connaught and Ulster. Keating's H. of Ireland, p. 55. 2 Boghaine. — It was so called from Enna Boghaine, son of Conall Gulban. It ex- tended from the Eany to the Gweedore river. The B. of Fe?iagh, p. 397. It forms the present barony of Banagh. 3 Teelin bay. — Twenty-five miles west of the town of Donegal. The place where the battle was fought is a little to the east of the harbour. i /jQO. — See Annals F. M., vi. 1889. 6 Hugh Roe. — Aedh, though metamor- phosed into Hugh, isnot synonymous with it, for Aedh means fire, and Hugh means high, lofty. O'Donovan, Introd. to Top. Poems, p. 52. Roe, i.e.. Ruadh, from the colour of his complexion or hair. 6 Prophet. — See Adamnan's Life of C, p. 19, and O'Curry's MS. Materials, p. 399*. 7 Cinel Conaill. — He was third in descent from Conall Gulban. Adamnan's Life, p. 8. ' Dearer to me are all the Gaedhel than the men of the world, and the race of Conall than the Gaedhel, and the family of Lug- haidh than ConalFs race.' Leabhar Breac, fol. 108 b. xxxu Fitzwilliam. 1 In 1593 he wrote to Lord Burghley: 2 'An old-devised prophecy flieth among them in no small request, importing that when two Hughs, lawfully, lineally, and immediately succeed each other as O'Donnells, being so formally and ceremoniously created according to the country's custom, the last Hugh forsooth shall be a monarch in Ireland, and banish thence all foreign nations and conquerors.' 3 In his early youth he was given not only to some chiefs of his own clan, the O'Donnells and MacSwinys, but to others too, as O'Cahan, to be fostered by them, as was the universal custom of the Celts. ' Fostering,' says Sir John Davis, 'hath always been in the opinion of the Irish people a stronger alliance than blood, and the foster-children do love, and are beloved by their foster-parents and their sept more than their natural parents.' 4 The talents and virtues displayed by Hugh Roe from his earliest years are dwelt on with admiration by our author. They were such as to spread his fame throughout Ireland and to make the English fear him, and the Irish hope that he would one day be the avenger of their wrongs. To Sir John Perrott 5 attaches all the credit, such as it is, of Hugh Roe's capture. ' O'Donnell was suspected because his people began to play some bad parts, not fitting for him to do or to insist upon,' 6 his most heinous crime being the exclusion of an English sheriff and other such officials, whose object was to plunder the people. Here is the account given of these transactions by an Englishman : 7 'A great part of the unquietness of 1 Fitzwilliam.— He was three times Lord fosterers to the children under their charge Deputy between 1559 and 1596. In 1596 and the penalties to be inflicted on them he returned to England, and was made in cases of neglect. Constable of Fotheringay Castle while 6 Perrott. — He was supposed to be a na- Mary Queen of Scots was imprisoned there. tural son of Henry VIII. Cox, Hib. Anglic, See Archdall's Peerage, ii. 173; Dublin, i. 87. He was sworn in Lord Deputy, June 1789. n 26th, 1584, having been previously Presi- 2 Burgkley.— Sze. Meehan's Flight of the dent of Munster. The instructions given Earls, p. 98 ; Dublin, 1886. to him will be found in Cox's Hib. Angl., i. 3 Conquerors. — C. S.P.I.,v. 107 ; London, 368. In 1588 he was recalled, and on his 1890. On the proneness of the Irish to arrival in London cast into prison, and believe prophecies, see Campion's History later brought to trial on a charge of at- of Ireland, p. 19; Dublin 1810, Rinuccini's tempting a rebellion in England and Ire- Nunziatura, p. 69 ; Florence, 1884, land. He was condemned to death, but O'Curry's MS. Materials, p. 382, and Fitz- the Queen reprieved him. He died soon Patrick's Life of Rt. Rev- Dr. Doyle, i. after in the Tower. — Ibid-, p. 387. 104; Dublin, 1878. e Insist upon. — Life of Sir fohn Perrott, 4 Parents. — A Discovery of the True Cause p. 227 ; London, 1728. why Ireland was never entirely subdued by 7 Englishman. — Captain Lee, in his 'Brief the English, p. 179; London, 1612. The Declaration of the Government of Ireland, Brehon laws, the code by which the ancient opening the many corruptions in the same,' Irish were governed, enter into great de- in Desiderata Curiosa Hibernica, i- 106 ; tails as to the treatment to be given by Dublin, 1772. xxxiit O'Donnell's country came by Sir William Fitzwilliam placing there of one Wallis (Willis) to be sheriff, who had with him three hundred of the very rascals and scum of that kingdom, who did rob and spoil the people, ravished their wives and daughters, and made a havoc of all ; which bred such discontent as that the whole country was up in arms against them, so as if the Earl of Tyrone had not rescued and delivered him and them out of the country, they had all been put to the sword ' ; and he blames Fitzwilliam ' for making choice of such base men as Conwell, Fuller, and Willis, being such as a well-advised Captain of that kingdom could not admit into office in his company.' 1 Perrott's biographer continues : 'The Lord Deputy and Council entered into consultation how he might be apprehended. Some of them advised to send forces into O'Donnell's country and to bring him by force. But the Lord Deputy argued against that project, alleging that it could not be done without an army of 2,000 or 3,000 men ; which would be both hazardous and chargeable to the State and the Queen's Majesty. Yet said, " You shall give me leave to try one conclusion which I have in hand and do hope to have O'Donnell thereby without the loss of men or expense of money ; and if that take not effect, then let us fall to force or see what other means we can devise for his apprehension."' 2 From this and O'Sullevan's account it may be inferred that the capture of Hugh Roe's father would have satisfied Perrott and the Council quite as well as that of the son. The latter historian says the agent employed by Perrott to fit out the ship, supply it with merchandise, and take it to the north, was an Anglo-Irish merchant named Bermingham, who was induced to undertake the task partly by rewards present and future, partly by threats. 3 Fifty soldiers were put on board. Here is Perrott's own account of the transaction in a letter to the Queen, 4 bearing date September 26th, 1587 : Inasmuch as I found Sir Hugh O'Donnell to be one that would promise much for the delivery of his pledges and the yearly rent of beeves set upon that country and perform little, and that in respect he was married to a Scottish lady, the sister of Angus MacConnell, by whom he had a son, Hugh Roe O'Donnell, who ruled that country very much, and thereby not only nourished Scots in those parts but also certain of the MacSwynes (a strong and disordered kind of people there), who 1 Company. — Willis, while in command of the garrison in Clones later, was killed by the MacMahons. See Shirley's Dominion of Farney, p. 83 ; London, 1845. 2 Apprehension — See Life of Perrott, p. 277. 3 Threats. — Hislo> ia> Catholicce Htbet nia> Compendium, p. 132 ; Dublin, 1852. We shall often quote from this work. It was first published in Spain in 1621. Though the author was but a mere boy when he left Ireland in 1602, yet he will have often heard what he narrates from those who took a leading part in the events which he describes. See Rev. M. Kelly's preface to the Dublin edition. 4 Queen. — Calendar of MSS. at Hatfield House, pt. iii. p. 285 ; London, 1889. e xxxiv have been ready to send aid to any that were evil-disposed in your kingdom, as of late they did to Granye ne Male 1 to see if they would make any new stir in Connaught, I devised to send a bark hence under the charge of one Nicholas Skipper 2 of this city with certain wines, to allure the best of the country aboard, who bad such good success as he took and brought hither yesterday in the said bark without any stir at all the said Hugh Roe O'Donnell, the eldest son of the galloglasse called MacSwyne Fana, the eldest son of the galloglasse called MacSwyne ne Doe, and the best pledge upon the O'Gallahores, all being the strongest septs of Tyrconnel. Whereby now you may have (in those parts) your pleasure always performed, and specially touching Sir John O'Doghertye, Hugh O'Donnell, and MacSwyne Bane, in whose behalf it pleased you and the Council to write unto me of late to show them favour, because they had served you well, and were therefore beaten down by the said MacSwynes and others. The having of Mr. Hugh Roe O'Donnell, in respect he is come of the Scots and matched in marriage with the greatest of Ulster, will serve you to good purpose. The imprisonment of 'pledges' taken from the leading families of Ireland was a device of Perrott's, not unlike that adopted by a late lamented states- man, intended to secure the obedience of the chiefs. In his 'Brief Declaration of the Services which he had done to her Majesty during his Deputation in Ireland,' written probably during his imprisonment in the Tower of London for the purpose of soothing the wrath of his royal mistress, Perrott informs her that ' he had left behind pledges in the Castle of Dublin, 3 and in other places upon all the strong and doubtful men of the realm, whereby the state of the realm will continue long in quiet.' 4 He sent for all the chief lords of each country, requiring them to put in pledges for the maintenance of peace and defending the realm against foreign invasion ; to which they all yielded willingly or seemingly willingly . . . and by having them he had a foot upon the several provinces of Ireland. The gentlemen that were left pledges in the Castle of Dublin by the Lord Deputy on the 19th of September, 1588, were: Sons to Shane O'Neill: Henry O'Neill, Art O'Neill. Pledges for Minister : Philip O'Realie, Patrick Fitzmorris, Edward Fitzgibbons, alias the White Knight, Patrick Condon, John FitzEdmunds, 1 Graynene Male. — ' There came to me also a most famous sea-captain called Grany O'Malley, and offered her services to me, wheresoever I would command her, with three galleys and two hundred fighting men, either in Ireland or Scotland. She brought with her her husband, for she is as well by sea as by land more than Mrs. Mate with him. He was of the nether Burkes, and now as I hear MacWilliam eiter, and called by nickname Richard in Iron. This was a notorious woman in all the coast of Ireland.' Sir Henry Sydney's Memoir of his Government in Ireland, in the C.C.MSS., ii. 533; London, 1868. This was the well known Grace O'Malley, about whom see C.S.P.I., v. 132. 2 Skipper. — So Cox, Hib. AngL, i. 396. 3 Castle of Dublin. — No part of the Castle as it then was remains. Nor is there any plan or drawing from which an accurate idea can be had of itself and its immediate surroundings three centuries ago. 4 In quiet.— C.S.P./.,iv.8$ ; London, 1885. XXXV alias the Seneschal. Pledges for O'Neill and his Country : Mahon M'Gilson, Rory Ballach, John Croam. Pledges for O Donnell and his Country : O'Donnell himself left prisoner, Hugh Roe O'Donnell, Donnell Gorm, MacSwynie Fanatt, Owen MacSwynie, Owen O'Galagho. Pledges for Maguire and his Country : Owen MacHugh, James MacManus. Pledges for MacMahon and his Country : Brian MacMahon, John O'Duffe. Pledges for Peach M l Hugh and his Country : Redmond M'Feagh, Brian M'Feagh, Hugh O'Toole. Pledges for Walter Reagh and his Country : Kedagh O'Toole, Garrett Fitzmorris, Richard Fitzmorris, James Fitzmorris. For MacGnyllie and Ins Country: Richard MacGnyllie. For C Cane and his Country: Donagh O'Malla. For O Donnell and his Country : Neale Groome O'Donnell. All these the Lord Deputy left in the Castle of Dublin before his departure from Ireland, as pledges for the peace of the several countries within that kingdom. 1 These pledges fared but badly while in prison. The Lord Deputy Fitzwilliam described them ' as lying in the grate to beg and starve, for so they use their pledges, of what quality soever.' And again, in reply to Perrott, who, as we have seen, had boasted of the services which he had rendered to the State in seizing these pledges, the Lord Deputy says : 'There were three of Feagh MacHugh's pledges, whereof one 10 or n years, the 2 Bourkes, the 3rd 17 or 18, and the rest; but these before my coming and shortly after till their breaking out were bestowed in the grate, and there lived upon common alms, 2 so good account did those for whom they lay make of them. Moreover, the chief jailer had charge twice in every twenty-four hours to search their irons, 3 in order to prevent their escape.' 4 Hugh's father asked that his son should be set free. He put forward as a claim for the merciful treatment of the youth the services 5 which he had rendered to the Crown in various ways. Soon after Hugh's capture, Hugh O'Neill wrote to the Earl of Leicester, asking him to be 'a mean for the enlargement of the prisoner upon security.' 6 He also addressed himself to Walsingham, asking him to use his influence with her Majesty for the same purpose : ' The Lord Deputy hath caused O'Donnell's son called Hugh O'Donnell to be taken, who now remaineth a prisoner in the Castle of Dublin. He is my son-in-law, 1 Kingdom. — Ibid., p. 11. Chicester, in a letter to the Privy Council, dated from Dublin, July 4th, 1609, suggested that the children of Hugh O'Neill and of Caffir O'Donnell, as well as those of the O'Mores of Leix, should be ' sent to England and put to trades, that they might forget their fierceness and pride.' C.S.P.I., iii. 240 ; London, 1874. 2 Common alms. — C.S.P.I., iv. 163. 3 Irons. — O'Clerysaysexpressly they were kept in irons. So too Captain Lee tells of ' a youth, the heir of a great country, who never having offended, was imprisoned with great severity, many irons being laid upon him, as if he had been a notable traitor.' Desid. Cur. Hid., i. 96. 1 Escape. — C-S.P.I, iv. 1 54. 5 Services. — Ibid., pp. 142, 453. 6 Security. — Carew MSS., vol. 619, p. 10. Leicester seems to have done some friendly acts to O'Neill. xxxvi and the only stay that O'Donnell hath for the quieting of his country, and the detaining of him in prison is the most prejudice which might happen to me. Your Honour is the only man next unto the Earl of Leicester on whom I rely, and O'Donnell hath no friends but mine. I therefore and for that O'Donnell will deliver unto the Lord Deputy the said Hugh's second brother, by one father and mother, and any other pledge in Tyrconnell that his Lordship will choose, I beseech your Honour, as ever you will bind O'Donnell and me to depend upon you during our lives, to work all the means you may with her Highness for the present enlargement of the said Hugh ; the rather for that Hugh, son of the Dean, 1 who was at court at my last being there, hath almost driven O'Donnell out of his country.' 2 Walsingham's efforts, if indeed he made any, were of little avail, for a few days after the receipt of his letter Elizabeth wrote to him ordering that he should not be released. 'And hereto we add the remembrance of one thing that being well ordered may breed quietness in those parts, viz., the continuancing in prison of O'Donnell's son and O'Gallagher's son, lately seized upon and remaining in our Castle in Dublin.' 3 At the same time Fitzwilliam received a joint letter from the Lords of the Council, drawing his attention to the fact that the formidable Scotch woman was not likely to stir so long as Hugh Roe remained in the Castle at Dublin, who with O'Gallagher's son be also good pledges for the Earl of Tyrone. After pining in prison for three years and three months, 'in anguish and sickness of mind,' the sole solace of their weary round being their lamentation over the wrongs which their countrymen were suffering at the hands of the English, Hugh and some of his fellow-prisoners found an opportunity of escaping. The companions of his flight were Daniel Mac Swiny and Hugh O'Gallagher. Our author describes in detail the means they employed to escape from the Castle. The fugitives sought shelter from Phelim O'Toole, then dwelling at Castlekevin. 4 ' Phelim resolved,' says O'Sullevan, ' to send him away against the wish of the Queen's Ministers, though he knew full well the risk he was running, involving the loss of his property, perhaps of his life. His sister Rose, 5 who was married 1 Son of the Dean. — This was Hugh, an illegitimate son of Calvagh O'Donnell. He had slain Alexander MacDonnell, a kins- man of Ineen Dubh, Hugh Roe's mother. At her instigation her Scotch mercenaries slew him. See Annals F. M., v. 1855 and I873- 2 Country. — December 10th, 1587. See O'Grady s Red Hugh's Captivity, p. 121 ; London, 1889. 3 Dublin. — Dec. 23rd, 1 587. Ibid., p. 123. 4 Castlekevin. — Eight miles N.W. of the town of Wicklow. The castle was built by- Piers De Gaveston. The sides of the build- ing, to the height of twenty feet, are still standing. 5 Rose. — In 'Russell's Journal,' under the date May 26th, 1595, we find : ' Rose Toole, Feagh MacHugh's wife, arraigned, and by a jury found guilty of treason.' May 27th : ' Feagh's wife sentenced to be burned.' — C.C. MSS., iii. 231 ; London, 1869. XXXVll to Fiach O' Byrne, 1 fearing such a result, persuaded her brother to follow a course by which he would save himself from all evil consequences and secure the liberty of Hugh Roe. She proposed that he should receive Hugh into his house at Castlekevin for the night ; she would send word to her brother to come with armed men and set Hugh free against the wish of Phelim as it were, for she was more anxious to take precautions for her brother than for her husband, who was in a state of constant rebellion, and had determined to sacrifice even his life, if necessary, in resisting the Protestants.' 2 This plan was adopted, and Fiach set off to give aid to Hugh. The Viceroy, too, being told of Hugh's movements, sent off soldiers to bring him back to Dublin. The rain fell so heavily during the night that the river Annamoe 3 overflowed its banks, and Fiach could not cross it. Meantime the English, who did not need to cross the river, came and seized on Hugh. In the Carew Manuscripts will be found a letter from the Lord Deputy Fitzwilliam to Sir George Carew, authorizing him 'to repair to Castlekevin with such forces as he had, and to take the command of other forces ordered to repair to his aid, for the safe bringing hither of Hugh Roe O'Donncll and other pledges lately escaped out of the Castle of Dublin.' 4 And so the Lord Deputy could write the good news to Burghley, April 29th, 1589: 'The best of them I have again; the rest were not of any value to speak of, and some of them boys of 10, 12, 16 years, or thereabouts.' 5 Phelim O'Toole's subsequent conduct when he accompanied Hugh Roe after his second escape through Dublin with a troop of horse, a fact mentioned with great gratitude by O'Clery and calculated to establish an everlasting bond of friendship between the Cinel Conaill and the descendants of Cathaeir Mor, 6 proves that he had no part in handing the fugitive over to his pursuers. When Hugh Roe was brought back to Dublin he was put into the same prison and committed to a more vigilant guard. He was again cast into chains too, or to use the expressive language of the Four Masters : ' Iron 1 Fiach CP Byrne. — His pedigree is given by O'Donovan, Annals F. M., v. 1747, n. 2 Protestants. — Hist. Cath., p. 154. 3 Annamoe. — It rises in north Wicklovv, and flows southwards by Annamoe and Laragh. After passing the latter place it takes the name of Avonmore. 4 Dublin.— C. C. MSS., iii. 48. The date of the warrant is January 15th, 1589. Carew was then Master of the Ordnance and a Privy Councillor. Later he was made President of Munster. 5 Thereabouts. — C. S.P.I. , iv. 154. 6 Cathaeir Mor. — He was descended from Ugaine Mor through Laeghaire Lore, and was ardrigh A.D. 122. The eldest of his sons was Rossa Failge, ancestor of the O'Conors Faly, O'Dempseys, and O'Dunnes. The youngest was ancestor of the MacMur- roughs, Kavanaghs, Kinsellaghs, O'Tooles, O' Byrnes. See The Battle of Magh Leana, edited by O'Curry, p. 170 ; Dublin, I853, and Keating's H. of Ireland, p. 242. The O' Toole pedigree will be found in Rev. P. L. O'Toole's History of the Clan 0' Toole, p. 532 ; Dublin, 1890. xxxviii fetters 1 were bound on him as tightly as possible, and they watched and guarded him as closely as they could.' Our author tells, moreover, of the joy of the Council at his return, and of the importance they attached to his recapture. After a further imprisonment of a year and three months, O'Donnell again managed to make his escape from confinement. He had planned it with his fellow-captives Henry and Art, sons of the famous Shane O'Neill, and had contrived to get into his prison somehow a file and a very long silken rope. 2 Well-wishers outside had promised their aid. Edward Eustace, a young friend, would have four horses in waiting ; Fiach Mac Hugh would send them a trusty guide to lead the way to Glenmalure, 3 and he would see that later they were sent safe to their homes -in the north. On the night appointed, Christmas eve, 4 1591, Hugh cut through the chains that bound himself and his companions. Then fixing the rope securely to the top of the shaft that went down to the sewer, Henry slipped down sailorwise, and groped his way to the moat surrounding the castle. He climbed the opposite bank, and taking no further heed of his companions, set off for Ulster, which he reached safe. 6 Hugh Roe followed, and he, too, reached the outer bank of the moat. Art came last, but as he was descending a loose stone fell and struck him on the head, so that he could hardly go farther. However, he, too, got out into the street. Unhappily the horses which Eustace had promised to keep ready for them had been taken away some hours before by a friend of his from the stable where they had been, without his knowledge. The guide sent by Fiach MacHugh met the fugitives outside the castle gate and covered their retreat through the streets. They set off, making their way to Glenmalure, Fiach's dwelling. The Clann Rannall, of which he was then the admitted head, was at all 1 Fetters. — O'Sullevan's account agrees with this. 'In eadem arce diligentiori cus- todiae mandatus, in vincula quoque con- jectus.' Hist. Cat/i., p. 155. 2 Rope. — ' Limam et sericam telam longis- simam.' Ibid. 3 Glenmalure. — A narrow glen, four miles in length, a short distance to the west of Rathdrum, Co. Wicklow. O'Byrne's castle, called Ballinacor, was on the side of the hill, a little to the N.W. of the village of Greenane. The building has disappeared, but there are some remains of the entrench- ments that surrounded it. 4 Christmas Eve. — So O'Clery; O'Sullevan says a few days before Christmas. Ibid. 6 Safe. — In 'The Summary Collection of the State of the Realm,' delivered by Fitz- william to his successor, Sir W. Russell, it is stated that ' the three sons of Shane O'Neill, Henry, Conn, and Brian, were in hand with the Earl of Tyrone, and were detained by him in prison, notwithstanding he hath been required by letter from the Deputy and Council to send them to her Majesty.' The date is August, 1 594. C.C. MSS., iii. 94. The reason of this pretended anxiety of Fitzwilliam and the other En- glish officials for their welfare is obvious : ' Their followers will embrace their liberty and cast off the yoke of such a tyrant ' (the Earl). See A Brief Discourse, by Mr. Francis Shane. Ibid., p. 201. 6 Clann jRannall. — See an account of this branch of the O'Byrne family in Annals F. M., v. 1712, n. xxxix times amongst the fiercest opponents of the English. From their mountain fastnesses they would often swoop down on the settlers in the plains of Dublin and Kildare and spread ruin and desolation everywhere. Even the city itself was long kept in a constant state of dread and alarm by them. ' Black Monday' was long observed as a day of mourning in memory of the citizens who were slain at the very gates of the city by a sudden attack of these bold mountaineers and when Lord Grey, with the choicest English troops, led on by their most famous captains, strove to assail them in the defiles of Wicklow, he and his army were utterly defeated and all but annihilated. 2 To learn what manner of man Fiach was, we need but to go to the writings of his contemporaries, remembering, however, that they are the dicta of his enemies. A biographer of Perrott styles him ' the great fire- brand of the mountains between Wexford and Dublin ;' 3 and Carew says ' he was the very gall of Ireland, and the flame whence all other rebels took their light.' 4 Even Spenser 5 forgets ' his fine frenzy,' and descends to the vilest language when he has occasion to speak of Fiach's misdeeds. 'Being himself of so mean condition, he hath through his own hardiness lifted himself up to that height that he dare now front princes and make terms with great potentates ; the which as it is to him honourable, so it is to them most disgraceful to be bearded by such a base varlet, that being but of late grown out of the dunghill, beginneth now to overcrow so high mountains, and make himself the great protector of all outlaws and rebels that will repair unto him.' 6 To him they directed their flight, sure of protection if they could but reach his strong castle. Our author gives in detail the hardships they underwent in their journey over the mountains. AH that night and the following day they continued their flight. When the next night came on, though but a few miles from Glenmalure, they were so worn out with hunger and fatigue that they could go no further. They took shelter in a cave, and sent on their guide to tell Fiach of their wretched condition. A good part of the second day passed and yet no help came to them. They 1 Mountaineers. — See Hanmer's Chroni- cle of Ireland, p. 370; Dublin, 1809, Cox, Hib. Anglic, I. 49. 2 Annihilated. — See Annals F. M., v. 1737, and O'Sullevan's Hist. Cath., p. 112. 3 Dublin. — Life of Perrott, p. 14; London, 1626. 4 Light.— C.C. MSS., iii. 44. 6 Spenser — A View of the State of Ireland, p. 178 ; Dublin, 1763. e Unto him. — On May 18th, 1597, he was betrayed by a relative, at the instigation of the Lord Deputy. ' His body was brought to Dublin, to the great comfort and joy of all that province.' C.C MSS., iii. 258. Gilbert, in his History of the Confederation a?id War in Ireland, ii. 167 ; Dublin, 1882, gives an account of the manner in which Fiach's son was robbed of his lands, 'a case,' says Carte, ' containing such a scene of iniquity and cruelty that, considered in all its circumstances, is scarce to be paral- leled in the history of any age or country.' Life of Ormond, i. 55 ; Oxford, 185 1. xl had taken no food since they had left the castle, and were now utterly exhausted. . . . ' Art,' said Hugh, ' see how the brute beasts feed on grass and leaves. We, too, though endowed with reason, are animals ; why should we not support life as they do ? We shall soon have food sent us by our friend.' He chewed the leaves and swallowed them. Art would not use them. Meantime Fiach was taking every means in his power to send them assistance, but he had to use caution as every movement and look of his were closely watched. The third night he contrived that aid should reach them. 1 Our author describes at length the state of wretchedness in which the messengers found them. Art died 2 inconse- quence of the hardships he had gone through ; Hugh Roe bore with him for the rest of his life the tokens of the sufferings he had endured during that journey. Fitzwilliam, the Lord Deputy, was supposed by some to have connived at, perhaps facilitated, Hugh Roe's second escape. He thought his important services in dealing with the Spaniards, who by the wreck of the Armada were cast on the Irish coast, and his seizure of Monaghan by putting its chief, M'Mahon, to death, entitled him to some special recompense. When he asked for a fitting reward for his labours, he was told that the government of Ireland was a preferment and not a service, and he endeavoured ever afterwards to make whatever profit he could of that office. 3 Perrott declared he could have had ^2,000 paid him in ready money for the enlarging of Hugh Roe, 4 an offer that would prove a sore temptation to one as covetous as Fitzwilliam. ' Two of Shane O'Neill's sons were prisoners in Sir William Fitzwilliam's government,' says Fynes Moryson. ' They, together with Philip O'Reilly, a dangerous practitioner, and the eldest son of old O'Donncll, both imprisoned by Sir John Perrott in his government, shortly afterwards escaped out of prison. Neither did the Irish spare to affim that their escape was wrought by corrupting one Segar, constable of the Castle of Dublin, who, having large offers made to him to permit of the escape of O'Reilly and acquainting the Lord Deputy there- with, was shortly afterwards displaced, and one Maplesdeane, servant to the Lord Deputy, put in his place, in whose time these prisoners escaped.' 5 Russell, his successor in the office of Deputy, repeats the charge in a letter to Burghley, 6 dated April, 1595 : ' Fitzwilliam discharged the former constable of the Castle, and left his own man in his stead, which urgeth suspicion of great composition in that matter.' Fitzwilliam's answer to the 1 Reach them. — O'Sullevan, Hist. Ca/h., p. 155. 2 Died. — 'The younger of Shane O'Neill's sons, Art O'Neill, for aught that I can learn, is dead.' The Deputy to Burghley, June 2nd, 1592. C.S.P.I., iv. 518. 3 Office— Cox, Hib. An%l., I., 397. 4 Hugh Roe.—C.SP.L, iv. 165. 6 Escaped. — Rebellion of the Earl of Tyrone, p. 10; London, 1617. 'All being prisoners of great moment.' Ibid. G Burghley. — Flight of the Ear is, p. I49,n. xli accusation was : ' For the escape of the three prisoners, it was within the time of John Maplesdeane's extremity of sickness. The bell tolled for him within a day or two about their breach of prison. Nevertheless, I did forth- with discharge him of the place, and presently commit the chief jailer under him, who had charge twice every twenty-four hours to search their irons, to a dungeon with good store of irons, where yet he remains.' 1 Whether the accusation was well founded, or the reply satisfactory, cannot well be determined now. O'Donhell's flight caused a flutter not only among the officials at home but even in high places in England. The Queen was highly incensed at what she conceived to be the corrupt conduct of her officials in Ireland. Their crime remained rankling in her mind. In May, 1592, she wrote to Lord Borough, then Lord Deputy, bidding him to take strenuous measures to find out and punish the offenders. ' O'Donnell escaped by the practise of money bestowed on somebody. Call to you the Chancellor, 2 Chief- Justice Gardiner, 3 and the Treasurer, 4 and inquire who they are that have been touched with it.' 5 Fitzwilliam, seeing the storm that was impending over his head, wrote to Burghley : ' Upon her Highness's mislike conceived of the mistake, I do humbly beseech you to be a means to her Majesty that it would please her to pardon me the same.' 6 Statesmen set to work to devise measures for counteracting the stir that might ensue in Ulster on the late escape of the three pledges out of Dublin Castle. ' There is no readier way to cross Hugh O'Donnell/ wrote an adviser of the Government, 'if he shall attempt any alteration in Tyrconnell, than for the Lord Deputy to send presently into that country from the State a sheriff for her Majesty, and he to have instructions to countenance Hugh Duff 7 MacDonnell and Sir Hugh O'Donnell's eldest son by his first wife, for these are the opposite faction against O'Donnell's wife and her children, being Scottish. Hugh Duff is a man of action, and the other strong in the opinion of the country because he is the eldest son and by an Irishwoman.' 8 O'Clery says this Hugh aspired to the chieftaincy of Tyrconnell, and he was well fitted for such a position, for in bravery he was equal to Lughaidh Lamhfadha and Cuchullin, the foremost of the Gadelian heroes. 9 1 Remains. — The Lord Deputy to Burgh- ley, January 2nd, 1592. C.S.P.I., iv. 518. 2 The Chaticellor. — Adam Loftus. See O' Flanagan's Lives of the Lord Chancellors of Ireland, i. 263; London, 1870. An account of his ecclesiastical career will be found in Moran's Archbishops of Dublin, p. 62 ; Dublin, 1864. 3 Gardiner. — He was Chief Justice of the King's Bench. Ware's Antiquities, ii. no; Dublin, 1764. 4 Treasurer. — Sir Henry Wallop. 5 With it.— C.C. MSS.,\\>. 219 ; London, 1885. 6 The Same.— C. S.P.I. , iv. 519. The date is June 2nd, 1592. 7 Hugh Duff. — He is spoken of by the author, ad ann. 1592. 8 Irishwoman. — Ibid., p. 457. The date is January, 1592. Neither O'Clery nor the Four Masters give her name. ^Heroes. — See ad ann. 1592, postea. / xlii One of Hugh Roe's first acts on his return to his home at Ballyshannon was to gather together his people in arms and at their head to go to Donegal and drive out the English who had taken possession of the monastery, 1 and were using it as a stronghold from whence to issue at will and ravage the whole territory. The religious houses of Tyrconnell and of Tyrone had been granted to the King by the Irish Parliament in 1538, yet the Commissioners appointed to reduce them into charge did not proceed (for excellent reasons) to hold their usual inquest on their possessions, to inventory their chapel ornaments, or expel their peaceful inhabitants. 2 Even so late as 1592 Myler Magrath complained 3 that in Ulster and in Connaught, and even within the Pale itself, ' divers friaries of divers sorts remained and were standing,' and he set down the number of monasteries in their possession in Ulster alone as sixteen. On his arrival there he summoned the garrison to depart in all haste and not profane further the church ; they might go away by whatever road they pleased, but they should not take with them any of the cattle or other property which they had seized. And though they had been reinforced by a body of two hundred men, sent there from Connaught by order of the English of Dublin, ' when news came to them that O'Donnell had reached Donegal in safety, quaking fear and great terror seized on them. They resolved to leave the country, and they went away as they were ordered to do, glad to go away alive, and returned to Connaught whence they had come.' ' Hugh O'Donnell is returned to his own country,' wrote Chief Justice Gardiner to Lord Burghley, ' and has freed the pledges of that country out of the Abbey of Donegal, and has expelled Captain Willis and the Sheriff with his band of 100 soldiers.' 4 His father was at this time advanced in years, and 'old age lay heavy on him '; dissensions too had arisen among his own people, and they were not obedient to their prince as they should be, for he was not able to unite his people and to secure their hostages and pledges. 5 In the face of these domestic difficulties and of the dangers arising from the attempts of the English, he wisely resolved to resign his authority to one more vigorous. The nobles and leaders in battle, all the chiefs of districts under his sway, took counsel together and agreed to his proposal without a 1 Monastery. — It is on the water's edge, close to the town. Here The Annals of the Four Masters were written, and several other works on Irish history. A great part of the church and of the monastic buildings is still standing. 2 Inhabitants. — 'The abbeys and religious houses of Tyrone and Tyrconnell were never surveyed nor reduced into charge, but were continually possessed by the religious persons till his Majesty that now reigns (James I.) came to the crown.' Davis, A Discovery, &c, p. 253. 3 Complained.— The State of Ireland,' C.S.P.I., iv. 500. 4 Soldiers. — The date of this letter is February 27th, 1592. Ibid., p. 462. b Pledges.— See ad ann. 1591, postea. xliii dissenting voice. The young chief was duly inaugurated, and thenceforth he was the ruler of Tyrconnell. The inauguration 1 was in part civil, in part religious. The civil cere- mony took place on the rock of Kilmacrenan, a mile to the west of the village of this name ; the religious, in the church of the monastery close by the village, ' the clergy of the church praying to the Lord on his behalf, and singing psalms and hymns in honour of Christ and'Columb for the success of his sovereignty, as was the custom.' Of the details of the ceremony there is no authentic account. Spenser's description of it is correct as far as it goes : ' They use to place him that shall be their captain upon a stone always reserved for that purpose, and placed commonly on a hill, in some of which I have seen engraven a foot, which they say was the measure of their first captain's foot ; whereon he standing receives an oath to preserve all the ancient former customs of the country inviolable, and to deliver the succession peaceably to his Tanist, and then he hath a wand delivered to him by some one whose proper office that is. After which, descending from the stone, he turneth himself round thrice forward and thrice back- ward. The Tanist setteth but one foot on the stone, and receives the like oath that the captain did.' 2 O'Ferghil, 3 the comarba or hereditary warden of Kilmacrenan, 4 performed the religious ceremony of the inauguration of the O'Donnell. O'Gallagher was his marshal ; and the ollamh who presented to him the book containing the laws and customs in accordance with which he should govern, and handed him the straight white wand, emblem at once of his power and of the unblemished rectitude demanded of him, was surely an O'Clery. The description of the disgusting practices which Giraldus Cambrensis 5 says took place at the inauguration of the chiefs of the O'Donnells, Keating declares to be a fiction compounded of igno- rance and malice, and directly opposed to the testimony of Irish antiquaries. O'Donnell's first ' feat of arms,' our author tells us, was to make an incursion into the territory of Turlough Luineach 7 O'Neill. This chieftain, then the O'Neill, was an enemy of the Cinel Conaill ; he had laid waste their territory during Hugh Roe's imprisonment, at a time too when the 1 Inauguration. — See Tribes, &°c, of Hy Fiachrach, p. 426, and White's Apologia pro Hibernia, p. 97 ; Dublin, 1849. 2 Did.— View of Ireland, p. 1 1 . 3 O'Ferghil. — See p. xxviii. antea. 4 Kilmacrenan. — Seep. xxii. O'Donovan says the Inauguration Stone was in the church so late as fifty years ago. — Ordnance Survey Letters, Co. Donegal, p. 101. The places and churches connected with St. Columbkille's early life, Gartan, Temple Douglas, Ramochus, are all in the neigh- bourhood. See Colgan's Trias Thaum., P- 393- 5 Giraldus Cambrensis. — Topographia H - bernice, d. 3, c. 25 ; v. 169 ; London, 1867. 6 Antiquaries — Preface to H. of Ireland, xix. 7 Luineach. — So called from his fosterer, O'Luinigh of Muintir Luinigh, Co. Tyrone. He was inaugurated The O'Neill after the death of Shane, in 1567, and continued to the end of his life the adherent of the English. Annals F. M., v. 1623. xliv head of this clan was so feeble, owing to age, that he could not take the field against his foes. Besides, he was the friend and supporter of the English. There was a time when he too was 'the principal maintainer of rebellion n in Ulster, for they had striven to rob him and his people of their lands. But in 1572 he had made his submission, abandoning all territorial claims, and undertaking to serve the Queen against all persons on whom she should make war, and to deliver up his sons as pledges for the due performance of his promise. In return he was to receive a grant of all the lands from Lough Foyle to the Blackwater, 2 and from the Bann to Maguire's country. He was now old and feeble, unable to unite his people or keep his enemies in check ; and he was satisfied with what was little better than a mere empty title. Besides, he was face to face with a rival of no ordinary kind, Hugh O'Neill. 3 Hugh was the son of Ferdoragh, son of Conn Bacagh, son of Conn O'Neill, and consequently nephew of the famous Shane, than whom none was more hated and feared by the English of his time. 4 In 1542 Hugh's grandfather, Conn, had been created Earl of Tyrone for life. The title after his death was to descend to his son Matthew, 5 alias Ferdoragh, and his heirs male. Matthew during his father's lifetime was the Baron of Dungannon, a title to be borne in future by the heirs apparent of the Earl. He was slain in 1558 by his elder brother Shane, 'because he was appointed to the dignity of his father if his father should die before him.' 6 Shane himself was slain nine years after by the MacDonnells, whose father he had killed. Hugh, Matthew's eldest son, was brought up by the English after their fashion. He passed some time at the Court, and was employed in the army. He petitioned the Parliament held in Dublin in 1585 that in virtue of the letters patent granted to his ancestors, he might have the place and title of Earl of Tyrone, and be admitted to the inheritance hereto- fore annexed to the earldom. The Parliament gave him the title, leaving the disposal of the possessions attached thereto to the good pleasure of her Majesty. Two years later Elizabeth granted to him by letters patent the earldom and the inheritance annexed to it, without any reservation of 1 Rebellion.— C.C. MSS., i. 461. 2 Blackwater. — This river, sometimes called the Ulster Blackwater, to distinguish it from several others of the same name, rises near Fivemiletown, in the barony of Clogher, Co. Tyrone. For a good part of its course it forms the boundary between this county and those of Monaghan and Armagh. It falls into the south-western corner of Lough Neagh, nine miles east of Dungannon. 3 Hugh O'Neill. - See The Life and Times of Hugh O'Neill by John Mitchel ; Dublin, 1846. 4 Time. — See Richey's Lectures on Irish History, 2nd Series, p. 273; London, 1870. 5 Matthew. — Shane, to obtain the earldom for himself, asserted that Matthew was not the legitimate son of Conn.' This statement had often been repeated. Yet the Parlia- ment of 1588 decided that Hugh, Matthew's son, was the true heir to the earldom. See The Ulster J. of Archaol., vi. 57. 6 Before him. — Annals F. M., v. 1563. xlv rent. But it was provided that he should allow a fort to be built on the Blackwater ; moreover, he should claim no right of chieftainry over the former vassals of the O'Neill, Turlough Luineach being still chief of the name ; and the sons of the late Shane O'Neill should be set free and provided with a sufficiency. Throughout this work he is styled the Earl. But Hugh O'Neill was not satisfied with a barren title. He would get back the honours 1 and power of the O'Neill. Yet, for the present, he was outwardly submissive to the English, though at heart their enemy, and willing, when a suitable occasion should offer, to rise in arms against them. O'Neill was in truth a dangerous enemy. Moryson describes him in the following terms : ' He was of mean stature but a strong body, able to endure labours, watching, and hard fare, being withal industrious and active, valiant, affable, and apt to manage great affairs, and of a high, dissembling, subtle, and profound wit.' 2 So, too, Camden: 'His industry was very great, his soul large and fit for the weightiest business. He had much knowledge in military affairs, and a profound dissembling heart, so as many deemed him born either for the good or ill of his country.' 3 The following table will show the exact degree of relationship 4 that existed between the several members of the O'Neill family whose names occur throughout this work : Conn Mor, chief of Tyrone, d. 1443. Conn Bacagh, Domhnall Henry Oge Art c. Earl of Tyrone 1542 Shane Ferdoragh(al. Matthew) Niall Connallagh B. of Dungannon Art Henry HUGH Sir Cormac Art Turlough Luineach Phelim Hugh, Henry, John, Brian, Conn, Conn Oge, Art Oge, Owen Roe, Conn Sir Art 1 Honours. — The Act of Attainder of Shane O'Neill says : 1 The name of O'Neill in the judgment of the uncivil people of this realm (Ireland) doth carry itself so great a sovereignty, as they suppose all the lords and people of Ulster should rather live in servitude to that name than in subjection to the Crown of England.' And Camden: 'The title of O'Neill, in comparison with which the very title of Caesar is contemptible.' — History of Elizabeth, p. 479 ; Dublin, 1675. 1 He (the Earl) would often boast he would rather be O'Neill of Ulster than King of Spain.'— Cox, Hib. Angl, i. 389. ' O'Neill, a name more in price than to be entitled Caesar.'— Care w in C.S.P.I., v.. 231. 2 Wit. — Rebellion of the Earl of Tyrone, p. 7- 3 Country. — H. of Elisabeth, p. 446. See also Lombard's De Regno Hibemice Com- mentarius, p. 151; Dublin, 1868. 4 Relationship. — See Appendix to An Aphorismical Discovery, edited by J. T. Gilbert, i. 297; Dublin, 1879. xlvi Hugh O'Neill and Hugh Roe O'Donnell were united by the closest family ties. O'Neill was married to Joan, 1 sister of Hugh Roe, and Hugh Roe was betrothed to O'Neill's daughter. On the 5th February, 1589, O'Neill had written to Walsingham that he had ' matched a daughter of his to O'Donnell, who for his father lieth as a pledge in Dublin Castle,' and he adds : ' As I have great care of his well-doing, I would willingly see some proofs of him in his father's time. I humbly beg of you to procure his liberation.' 2 O'Donnell was declared by foreign practice quite alienated from royalty, and by his marriage with Tyrone's daughter wholly devoted to his faction and service. 3 It would seem even that O'Neill wished Hugh O'Donnell to just live then on terms of peace with the English government. Our author speaks of the fear the English had that these two might unite in opposition to the English power. But in truth their object was little more than self-defence. Munster had been laid waste when the Earl of Desmond fell, its inhabitants had been robbed of their lands, and Undertakers were introduced in their stead. 4 The men of the north saw clearly that the whole strength of the English power would be directed against them now, and they prepared for the contest. Indeed they seem to have been willing to admit the supremacy of the Crown, but they would not submit to the tyranny of the officials. This is the description which one who was himself in the service 5 of the Queen gives of the hardships which the people endured at the hands of English sheriffs and their followers : The demands I made for your Majesty were these, that they should receive your Majesty's forces into their countries, and your laws to go current as they did in other places, and some part of their countries to be reserved for your Majesty to dispose unto them who should govern them, and they to charge themselves with that proportion that was fit for them to bear. To those demands they all yielded, so that they might have such gentlemen chosen as they knew would use no treachery nor hard measures towards them, but live upon that which your Majesty would allow ; and that they should give of their free consents, and to be no farther charged, and they would be as dutiful as any other county in Ireland now is. . . . The cause they have to stand upon these terms and to seek for better assurance is 1 Joan. — She died in 1590. An account of O'Neill's romantic marriage with Mabel, youngest daughter of Marshal Bagnal, will be found in C.S.P.I., iv. 435, and The Flight of the Earls, p. 288. She died in 1 596. He married lastly Catherine, daughter of Magennis Lord Iveagh, whom Lombard calls ' a truly accomplished and devout lady.' She survived him. De Reg. Hib., p. 168. 2 Liberation. — C. S.P.I. , iv. 119. 3 Service.- — Ware's Antiquities, p. 16 ; Dublin, 1705. 4 Stead. — See Spenser's account of the desolation of Munster at the end of the Desmond war in his View of Ireland, p. 158; and for the manner in which the war was carried on in Ulster by Chichester and Mount- joy, and the condition of the province in con- sequence, see Moran's^í. of Dublin, p. 123. " Service. — Captain Thomas Lee, in Desid. Cur. Hib., i. 87. xlvii the harsh practises used against others by those who have been placed in authority to protect men for your Majesty's service, which they haye greatly abused and used in this sort. They have drawn unto them by protection three or four hundred of these country people, under colour to do your Majesty service, and brought them to a place of meeting where your garrison soldiers were appointed to be, who have there most dishonourably put them all to the sword ; and this hath been by the consent and practise of the Lord Deputy for the time being. If this be a good course to draw these savage people to the State, to do your Majesty service, and not rather to enforce them to stand upon their guard, I humbly reave to your Majesty. There have also been others pardoned by your Majesty who have been held very dangerous men, and after their pardon have lived very dutifully and done your Majesty great service, and many of them have lost their lives therein ; yet, upon small suggestions to the Lord Deputy that they should be spoilers of your Majesty's subjects, notwithstanding their pardon, there have been bonds demanded of them for their appearance at the next Sessions. They, knowing themselves guiltless, have most willingly entered into bonds and appeared, and there (no matter being found to charge them) they have been arraigned only for their being in company with some one of your Highness's servitors at the killing of notorious known traitors, and for that only have been condemned of treason and lost their lives ; and this dishonest practise hath been by the consent of your Deputies. The reasons why O'Donnell took up arms against the English we learn from the account of an interview that took place in January, 1596, between him and O'Neill on the one side, and certain Commissioners of the Queen on the other. The Commissioners asked : ' What cause had you, O'Donnell, to enter into rebellion, the rather her Majesty making account that you and all your ancestors had been always loyal.' Unto which he said, he was unjustly long imprisoned. Also, he said, Wyllis, with great strength, sought not only to invade Fermanagh, M'Guyr's country, being his next neighbour, which warned him the like would happen to himself, but also came upon the borders of his own country. Also, he feared the great extortion of Shryves 1 and officers if his country should be under laws, which he found true by experience of other parts. 2 ... In the rebellion of the late Earl of Desmond, 3 Sir Turlough Luineach, the late O'Neill, sought by bribery to induce O'Donnell to join with him against -her Majesty, and take part with the Earl that he might not be banished, which O'Donnell refused to do, though the reward that O'Donnell had for these and many other services was that Sir 1 Shryves. — i.e., Sheriffs. Cox says that after the unjust execution of Hugh Roe MacMahon by order of Fitzwilliam, the Irish loathed sheriffs and the English neighbourhood, as fearing in time they might all follow the fate of MacMahon. Hib. Anglic-, i- 399. 2 Parts.— C.C. MSS-, iii., 152. 3 Desmond.— Earl Geraid, 'ingens re- bellibus exemplar,' who after carrying on war against the English for four years, was slain at Gleanageenty, near Castleisland, November nth, 1583. See Annals F. M., v. 1793- xlviii John Perrott, in the time of his government, sent Captain Boyne with 150 soldiers into Tyrconnel), under colour to help O'Donnell to set the country in good civility ; to whom O'Donnell gave divers pledges and four of the best towns for the relief of his forces j but he not only took ransom for the pledges, but sent some of them to Dublin, and also surrendered the same towns to a supposed base son of Callough O'Donnell's named Hugh, 1 the son of the Dean of Galchoule, an utter enemy of O'Donnell. By this indirect dealing Tyrconnell grew then in uproar against O'Donnell, and was utterly wasted. The said Lord Deputy, desiring to suppress the same O'Donnell, did counte- nance the said Dean O'Galchouly's son against O'Donnell, and sent his letter of special favour with him to her Majesty, from whom he obtained a yearly pension. By O'Donnell's suppression Tyrconnell was to have been brought into her hands. But this hard course against him was stopped by the death of the said Hugh, the Dean's son. When the said O'Donnell was ordered to send in his second son as a pledge, he would have performed the same ; but before he could be in his country, the Lord Deputy sent one Skipper with a bark, who took the now O'Donnell and brought him to Dublin, where he was committed to the Castle, from which he escaped ; but through the vehemency of the weather and his travail at that time, he was forced to cut off both his toes to the second joint, and at his coming to Tyrconnell he found all his followers dispersed, the country ruinated, and one Captain Willis beared- such sway in the country there as he kept the last O'Donnell with him as a thrall or vassal to be as it were a guide for him in the country. These and many like courses, together with the base practises daily used against his neighbours in Fermanagh and Connaught, caused O'Donnell to fall into his dis- loyalty, fearing his own turn would come to be banished. 2 The Irish chieftains knew that without foreign aid the forces which they could bring together would be no match for the power of England. Hence they turned to other countries, those especially that were bound to them by the tie of a common religion. Spain was then the great Catholic power ; its King, Philip II., was the staunchest supporter 3 of the Catholic religion at home and abroad. Some years before the Queen of England complained through the Ambassador of Spain at her Court, that ' having heard that some fugitives and rebels of the kingdom of Ireland had come to Spain and persuaded his Majesty to give them aid, in which purpose they had been helped by some of his Majesty's Council of State, and his Majesty having given them good hope, and ordered that they should be written to, and knowing the ancient friendship of the King 1 Hugh. — See p. xxxvi. antea. 2 Banished. — C.C. MSS., iii. 152. 3 Supporter. — ' Philip, King of Spain, the firmest bulwark of the Christian religion and of the Catholic Church, moved with compassion on account of the calamities that had befallen the church of Ireland, provided and made a most generous provision for the faith of the island almost rooted out, by establishing and endowing seminaries,' &c. O'Sullevan, Hist. Ca/h-, p. 295. xlix for the Queen, and that she had given no cause of offence to his Majesty though entreated to do so by many, and having learned that among them was Thomas Stuckley, 1 a man of evil life and dissolute habits and a traitor, that a fleet was preparing and Julian Romero was captain of the same, she wished to know clearly and plainly the intention and purpose of his Majesty.' 2 in 1578 she repeated the same complaint, and declared that she and her people would be found prepared in self- defence. A report, often repeated and renewed, has reached our ears, and now each day and by more sure tokens it has reached us, that your Highness, all of a sudden, when we expected nothing of the kind, means to do us a great wrong, to seize on our kingdom of Ireland, to stir up a rebellion there, to help the rebels, and to endeavour to strip us of the kingdom that has come down to us from our ancestors ; that your Highness has not only got ready ships and supplies, but appointed Julian Romero and other captains and soldiers to pass over into Ireland. -And that your Highness may understand how honestly and sincerely we deal in this matter, we send a nobleman of our household, Henry Cobham, in whom we wish you to put all trust ; in the first place, to let you know how unexpected and annoying to us this is, and next, that if your Highness should hear we are preparing forces — - for it is not right that we should not be prepared against such a storm — you should know that our sole reason and aim in so doing is to defend ourselves and what belongs to us. 3 To this letter the King replied : As to what your Highness states about the reports and sure proofs that we have treated with the rebels about taking possession of the kingdom of Ireland and stirring up a rebellion there, and bringing together a fleet and supplies, and appointing leaders for this purpose, the matter itself shows what credit is to be attached to these false reports originating in the thoughtlessness or evil designs of some persons ; nor need we give any answer on that subject, nor is there any reason for offence or suspicion for what we have done in reference to them, for, as is the habit of kings, we are accustomed to receive in a kindly manner Catholics from other countries coming hither, especially noblemen Some of our subjects who had rebelled and were flying from the penalty due to their crimes, went to England, and having been aided with ships, supplies, soldiers, and every thing else they needed, overran the seas, plundered the sea-coast, entered English harbours laden with booty, and were received in a friendly way by your Highness's subjects and ministers. 4 O'Donnell solicited the aid of the Irish in foreign countries, especially 1 Stuckley. — An account of this adven- turer's strange career will be found in O'Sullevan's Hist. Cath., p. 113, and in Lombard's De Hib. Com., p. 143. 2 His Majesty. — Archives at Simancas, ' Inglaterra,' no. 822 ; the letter bears no date- 3 To us. — Ibid., no. 825. 4 Ministers.— Ibid., no. 826. o ] those in the armies of foreign princes. To Maurice Fitzgerald, 1 Fitzmaurice, 2 and the other Irish gentlemen in Spain, he addressed the following letter 3 from Donegal, April 8th, 1593 : You will have heard, my beloved friends, how I found a means of escaping from the prison in which I was, and how after much labour and hardship I reached my own territory. There I found an Englishman, agent of the Queen, and with him many soldiers ; all of whom, with the help of God's grace, I slew or drove out in a very short time, and never since have the English returned here, though not for want of will and desire to destroy me and do me all the harm they could. This is why I and the other chiefs who have united with me and are striving to defend our- selves, cannot hold out long against the power of the Crown of England without the aid of his Grace the Catholic 4 King. Wherefore, by common consent, we have thought it well to send the Archbishop of Tuam, 5 though his presence is very necessary here, to treat of this matter with his Majesty, and to give you, gentlemen, who are there our letters, that you may all speak to his Majesty and beg of him immediate aid to assist us in fighting and combating for the service of God, and to protect and get back our lands, for it is right that we should be all of one mind, and that we should help each other in this undertaking. This I will do for my part till death, with the aid which I hope for from his Grace and with your presence and help. I will say no more, but pray God may be with you, and enable the Lord Archbishop to return with this favour. Fitzmaurice addressed a letter to the King in his own name, and on behalf of his companions in arms, asking for aid and beseeching the royal license to take part in any expedition that might be sent for the relief of their country : Sjre — Maurice Fitzmaurice, heir of the Earl of Desmond, and the other Irish gentlemen in your Majesty's service have received, through the Archbishop of Cashel, 6 at present at Court, letters from the principal Catholic gentry now united. They write that they are agreed to carry on war against the Queen of England, and they have asked us to implore your Majesty to send them aid in all possible haste. 1 Fitzgerald. — He is called in C.S.P.I., iv. 453, Maurice Fitz John, and is said to be in great credit with the King of Spain in 1592. 2 Fitzmaurice. — He was probably the grandson of Sir Maurice Dubh, 3rd brother of John, 14th Earl of Desmond. See Archdall's Peerage, i. 72. 3 Letter. — Archives, Simancas. The origi- nal was in Irish; it is not in the Archives. Our translation is from the Spanish version which is there, no. 839. 4 Catholic. — This title was given to Ferdinand and Isabella after the capture of Granada from the Moors, and now belongs by right of inheritance to the Spanish Sovereign, as that of Apostolic to the King of Portugal. 6 A. of Tuam. — James O'Hely, of whom more later. 6 Cashel. — This must be a mistake, as there was no Archbishop of Cashel from May, 1584, the date of Dermot O'Hurley's martyrdom, to the appointment of David Kearney in 1605. See Renehan's Col- lections, i. 256 ; Dublin, 1861, The writer refers no doubt to the Archbishop of Tuam, mentioned in the preceding letter. li We know that these Lords are Catholics, and among the strongest and most powerful in Ireland, and uniting thus of their own free will, they risk their lives and estates to serve God and your Majesty. We have thought it right to implore your Majesty, for the love of God, to be pleased to take their needs to heart, and to send the aid you will think fit ; and with it to send us to defend and uphold the said undertaking, for we hope, with God's help, your Majesty will be victorious and conquer and hold as your own the kingdom of Ireland, and obtain thereby an entrance into England, for it would be a great pity that these lords should be lost for want of aid, as was the Earl of Desmond, 1 who rose in arms in the same way. We trust in God that your Majesty and the Council will weigh well the advantages that will ensue to Christendom from this enterprise, and since the opportunity is so good, the cause so just and weighty, and the undertaking so easily completed, your Majesty will do what is best for the service of God and of your Majesty ; seeing that by so doing the Queen of England will be compelled to withdraw the forces she is accustomed to send to Flanders and France, and cannot employ English on the coast of Spain. This is what we can say and beg of your Majesty, on this subject ; we are ready to do whatever your Majesty may command. May our Lord preserve your royal person, as Christendom requires. In Lisbon, 4th of September, 1593. Don Mauricio Geraldino. 2 James O'Hely, 3 Archbishop ofTuam,was deputed by the Irish chieftains and bishops to go to Spain and inform the King of their heeds. In a letter to the King from Ferrol, bearing the date April 4th, 1 593, he informs his Majesty that on his arrival in Ireland he had gone through the country and consulted the nobles, whose fidelity and constancy were undoubted. They declared that they had spent all their substance in trying to appease the English. He had found all the bishops anxious to obtain aid from his Majesty, in order to put an end to these calamities. He asks Diaz to implore his Majesty to send aid. All promised to take up arms and join the forces that would be sent. He encloses a commission given to him by all the Catholic bishops assembled together, who are convinced of his singular wisdom and prudence in advancing the welfare of his country and defending the Catholic faith, and saying that they expect his return soon after Christmas with help. 4 His petition would seem to have been warmly 1 E. of Des7nond. — See p. xlvii- antea- 2 DonM. Geraldino. — Archives, Simancas, no. 839. 3 O'Hely. — He succeeded Nicholas Skerrett, who died in exile, at Lisbon, in 1583. The ship in which he was return- ing to Ireland, with assurance of support from the King of Spain, foundered in a storm, and all on board were lost. O'Sullevan's Hist. Calk-, p. 162. 4 With help — Archives, Simancas, no. 839. He was sent to Spain by O'Donnell about the time when he attacked Ennis- killen Castle. There is in the Simancas Archives a report by him on the extent of territory under the rule of each of the northern Chiefs, and of the forces which O'Donnell, O'Rourke, Maguire, and others had. O'Sullevan alludes to this. Hist. Cath., p. 162. supported by some one at the Court, as we learn from the following document presented to the King : The Archbishop of Tuam in Ireland says that for "years past he has been anxious, and has laboured much both in public and in private, to unite and com- bine in a league and in friendship the Catholics of Ireland, for the purpose of making them take up arms on behalf of the Catholic faith and of your Majesty's service against the English heretics. In this he has been successful, for the most powerful Lords of the Catholic party in the northern part of the kingdom have united and risen against the Queen with great unanimity, and many other Catholics mean to do the like. Wherefore, the said Archbishop, on behalf and in the name of all these, as is evident from the letters which they wrote to your Grace, has come to ask your Grace to help, on such a favourable opportunity as this of making war. on the Queen at home, the said Lords and their people ; and the Irish gentlemen who are now serving your Majesty in this kingdom, will give very great help in this undertaking, especially Maurice Fitzmaurice and the Viscount Baltinglas. 1 Wherefore, the said Archbishop humbly beseeches your Grace to order some aid both of men and arms for this purpose, and that they should be given so that he may be able to return with an answer suit- able to the good-will and earnestness with which they offer to serve your Majesty. He says it will be of much importance for the success of the confederation if your Majesty will order a friendly letter to be written to the Earl of Tyrone, called O'Neill, that he may enter into the confederation publicly, seeing that he belongs to it already in secret, assuring him that your Majesty's aid will not be wanting. 2 Cornelius O'Mulrian, 3 bishop of Killaloe, wrote to the King from Lisbon ; the letter bears date September 3rd, 1593 : Sire, — By letters from Ireland I have learned that many very powerful gentlemen have risen in the north of Ireland against the Queen of England, as your Majesty has learned from the Archbishop of Tuam, who has come on their behalf to beseech your Majesty to be pleased to send them aid in all haste, as it is evident that these powerful gentlemen, with the others in Ireland, mean to put themselves under your Majesty, and for this they have taken up arms with such spirit and Catholic zeal in defence of the faith, trusting in the aid that will be supplied by your Majesty, and ready to subject the kingdom to you. I beg of you, most mighty King, by the Blood of Jesus, to enter on this task with a lively faith and courageous mind. By sending 1 V. Baltinglas. — James Eustace. He had taken part in the rising of the Leinster Clans at the same time that the Earl of Desmond had risen in the south, and had defeated Lord Grey in the battle of Glen- malure in 1 580, See Annals F. M., v. 1737. He fled to Spain when the Earl was defeated. He was attainted, and his pro- perty confiscated. He seems to have died in Lisbon about September, 1594. 2 Wanting.— Archives, Simancas, no.839. 3 O'Mulrian — He was bishop of Killaloe /rom 1576 to 1616. Soon after his appoint- ment he was sent to Spain by the Earl of Desmond to ask for aid. He returned to Ireland in 1579 with the expedition under San José. He died at Lisbon. Several of his letters are in the State Paper Office and in the Vatican Archives- See O'Sul- levan's Hist. Cat/i., p. 113- liii this force to Ireland your Majesty will acquire everlasting renown and a vast and very fertile kingdom. There you will be at the door of England, and no English will further molest the coast of Spain or oppose your Majesty in Flanders or in France. I trust your Majesty will consider all this. I now conclude, and beg to offer myself to bear a part in this expedition, for the service of God and of your Majesty. May God in his infinite mercy preserve and prosper us, and grant you a long life, as is needed by all the Christian people. Your servant and chaplain, Cornelius, bishop of Killaloe. The first 1 of the northern chieftains who made common cause openly with O'Donnell was Hugh Maguire, 2 lord of Fermanagh. 3 He took up arms on account of the manner in which his territory had been ravaged by the Binghams, and when he sent letters to the Lord Deputy and Council demanding restitution and they ordered the Binghams to make amends, these again entered his territory, preyed it, and slew many of the inhabitants. So too, Henshaw, 4 the seneschal of Monaghan, made incursions, captured and killed men, women, and children. Yet Sir William Fitzwilliam caused no redress to be made. Sir Henry Duke and Sir Edward Herbert, sheriffs of Cavan, did the like. He paid large sums of money as bribes to prevent the charges of sheriffs or other officers ; but Captain Willis, with Fuller's band and other companies, was sent to the sheriff, and preyed the country. These hard courses compelled him to entertain forces to expulse the said Willis and his companies ; whereupon ensued the proclaiming of himself and his followers and their banishment out of the country. 5 Moreover, he protested that his disloyalty did not proceed from any conspiracy with any domestic or foreign enemy or of malice towards her Majesty, but through hard usages ; yet he craved pardon for himself and his country, and under- took to yield the usual rents and services. He demanded that free liberty of conscience abould be given to himself ' and all the inhabitants of his country, and lastly, that no garrison might be placed in Fermanagh, but that for the government thereof the like course may be taken as shall be for MacMahon's country and other parts of the Irishry. 6 1 The first. — ' Maguire must be gotten, and some example made of him, because he was the first in actual rebellion in Ennis- killen.' The English Privy Council to the Lord Deputy, September I2th, 1595. C.C. MSS., iii. 122. 2 Maguire. — The Sil Uidhir are the Maguires, MacAuleys, MacMahons, and their correlatives. They are descended from Colla da Crioch. See Annals F. M., iii. 476, and vi. 2366, n. 3 Fermanagh. — The O'Heneys were its chiefs up to the beginning of the 14th cen- tury. The first of the Maguires who was Chief of Fermanagh, was Bonn Carragh, who died in 1302. Ibid. The Amials of Clonmacnoise speak of his liberality and prowess. Ad ann, 4 Henshaw.— -He got a grant of a portion of the lands of Hugh Roe MacMahon, who was unjustly put to death by Fitzwilliam. Cox, Hid. Angl., i. 399. 5 Country. — Ibid., i. 402. 6 Irishry.— C.C. MSS., iii. 155. liv Our author describes Maguire's hosting and his encounter with the English under Bingham, 1 near Tulsk, Co. Roscommon. Neither could claim the victory, though Maguire carried off the booty which he had collected. This is Bingham's account of the skirmish : Upon our first intelligence that the rebels were come in, we sent out twenty principal horsemen to discover them, who falling in amongst all their strength of horsemen unawares were forced to retire, and there we lost a tall gentleman William Clifford and one of the Rullidges, all the morning being so foggy and misty as the like was not this year. The darkness of the weather hindered us much, for if the morning had been clear that we might have discovered still where the footmen had been, we had not left them one horseman to carry the news home. The primate MacGauran 2 lost his life, a man of more worth in respect of the villainy and combinations which he hath wrought with the ill Irishry than the overthrow of divers hundreds of the other beggars, and so generally is his death lamented as if the same were their utter overthrow. And assuredly, right honourable, he was the only stirrer and the sole combiner of all their mischiefs towards in Ulster, and the primer of MacGuire to come forward in their two journeys, making the Irishry full of belief that they should have the aid this summer of Spaniards, and another champion of the Pope, like Doctor Allen, 3 the notable traitor, but God be thanked he has left his dead carcass on the Maugherie, 4 only the said rebels carried his head away with them that they might universally bemoan him at home. 5 Rothe says a body of English cavalry flying from the field came on him as he was engaged in administering the sacraments to the wounded, and slew him, through hatred of his sacred calling. 6 Besides the Primate, MacElan, leader of the Scots, MacCaffrey, chief of his name, Turlough MacCaffrey's two sons, MacThomas, MacTurlough Maguire, son to the lord of Clancally, 7 James MacTurlough MacPhilip Maguire, Cuconnacht MacHugh, Maguire's son, and Con MacTurlough O'Neill were slain in the 1 Bingham — He was appointed Governor of Connaught in 1 584, having already served some years in Ireland. More of him later. His defence of his conduct will be found in a letter of his of June 24th, 1596. C.S.P.I., v. 538. 2 MacGauran. — In 1587 he was trans- ferred from Ardagh to Armagh. He came to Ireland a few months before his death, with a commission from the King of Spain, exhorting the Irish to carry on the war, and promising them immediate aid. O'Sullevan's Hist. Cath., p. 158, and Rena- han's Collections, i. 18. 3 Doctor Allen. — Created Cardinal in 1587. He died in Rome in 1594. See a sketch of his life in Stephens' Diet, of National Biography, i. 314 ; London, 1885. 4 Maugherie. — See p. xxv. antea. 6 Home. — Brady's Episcopal Succession, ii. 228; Rome, 1876. The date of Bing- ham's letter is June 28th, 1593. This determines the year of the Primate's death, about which writers have differed hitherto. See Renehan's Collections, i. 19. 6 Calling. — See Rothe's Analecta de Rebus Catholicorum in Hibernia, p. 381 ; Dublin, 1884. O'Sullevan's account is somewhat different. Hist. Cath., p. 158. 7 Clancally. — Now a barony in the south- east of Roscommon. lv fight. Our author says it was by O'Donnell's advice and request that Maguire took up arms. Just three months after the fight several of Bingham's spies brought him word that ' Hugh Roe was at Bally- shannon, and had said to his friends that of necessity he must aid Maguire, for that otherwise himself is the next that shall be prosecuted.' 1 Hugh O'Neill took part in this battle, and fought on the side of the English. On the I ith of October he wrote to the Deputy and Council: ' Yesterday the Marshal 2 and I with all our companies marched from here towards Belleek, 3 where the enemies at a ford thereabouts made show of their forces, and having made some fortification at the further side of that ford, did place themselves there, being by report of some of those of their company that were taken prisoners, between shot and gallowglasses about 900 men, to stop our passage over, whereupon we attempted the ford being very deep and with our horsemen did join jointly with the footmen and charged the enemies and put them to flight, and followed them in chase five miles or more, in which pursuit we slew 340 men and was hurt myself with a dart through the right leg. . . . Were it not for Harry Hoveden's 4 assistance in rescuing of me, I had been slain.' 5 The Four Masters say, ' it was not pleasing to the Earl of Tyrone to go on that expedition ; however he had so much dread of the English that he was obliged to obey.' 6 Yet O'Neill did not seem to his masters zealous enough in their cause. Within a few days he received a rebuke from the Deputy and Council 'for lingering the service.' 7 The Lord Deputy informed Burghley too that the Earl of Tyrone ' had made earnest motion to be gone the day before the conflict with Maguire.' ' The suspicious manner of his horsemen sitting all night on horseback, close to Marshal Bagnal's camp,' 8 was duly noted by his enemies and reported by them. O'Neill's wound was an answer to these doubts about his fidelity. ' I was greatly grieved,' he wrote to the Chancellor, under the date October 16th, ' at a letter which the Lord Deputy and Council sent me from Ardee, wherein it seemed they had me in suspicion that I did not such service against the enemy as they thought I might have done. . . . Assuring you that if by any means I could light on the enemies before now, I would have ventured myself, no less in 1 Prosecuted.— C.S.P.Í., v. 163. 8 Marshal— i.e., Sir Henry Bagnal. He succeeded his father as Marshal of the army in 1 590. Having got a grant of the Cistercian Abbey of Newry, he settled there. See an account of this family by J. P. Pren- dergast in The Kilk. Arch. Journal for i860, p. 23. 3 Belleek.— A town on the northern bank of the river Erne, 5 miles W. of Ballyshan non. 4 Hoveden's. — He was O'Neill's foster- brother. 5 Slam.— C.S.P.Í., v. 166. 6 Obey. — Annals, vi. 1940. ''Service. — CS.PI., v. 170. 8 Camp. — The Lord Deputy to Burghley, Nov. 16th. Ibid., p. 174. Ivi serving against them than in the late service I have done.' 1 He gave as his reason for not shewing more activity, that ' the waters were a stop oetween him and the enemies.' Our author when describing the encounter speaks of disadvantages under which the Irish fought in consequence of the inferiority of their arms. 2 When the combatants were face to face, separated only by the river Erne, the missiles of the English wounded and killed the Irish, whereas those of the Irish did not reach the enemy. In all their wars from the first coming of the English, this was the chief cause of the defeat of the Irish. Fynes Moryson, speaking of the success of the English in the war against O'Neill and O'Donnell, says : — ' Lest the disparity of losses often mentioned by me should savour of a partial pen, the reader must know that besides the fortune of the war turned on our side, together with the courage of the rebels abated and our men heartened by successes, we had plenty of powder, and sparing not to shoot at random, might well kill many more of them than they, ill-furnished of powder and commanded to spare it, could kill of ours.' 3 From this more than from any want of self-reliance or from fear when meeting the enemy in the field arose their constant desire and effort to secure the friendship of other nations. Cox tells how the Irish became accustomed to the use of the new arms : ' Sir John Perrott, to save charges, armed the Irish in Ulster against the islander Scots, and so taught them the use of arms ; and Sir William Fitzwilliams took several Irish into the army, and improvidently sent others of them into the Low Countries, where they became excellent soldiers, and returned stout rebels.' 4 One of the chief causes, according to Fynes Moryson, 'why the fire of rebellion increased to a devouring flame, was the entertaining and arming of Irishmen, a point of high oversight begun by Sir John Perrott and increased by Sir William Fitzwilliam, who at the first sending of forces into Fermanagh gave power to certain Irishmen to raise companies, which they did of their own countrymen, so as this ill custom being after continued, it both furnished the enemy with trained men and filled our bands with such false- hearted soldiers as some doubted whether we had not better have enemies than friends.' 5 One of the charges which Bagnal brought against Hugh O'Neill was, that having six companies at his command in the Queen's pay, he altered and changed the men so often that thereby his countrymen became disciplined soldiers. 6 1 Done. — Ibid., p. 167. In ' The Causes and Articles wherewith the Earl of Tyrone is grieved,' he says he was ' sore hurt-' C- C. MSS , iii. 88. 2 Arms. — Giraldus Cambrensis says the Irish in his time used three kinds of arms, short spears, javelins, and battleaxes. They thought it a disgrace to wear armour. — Topog. Hib., d. iii. c. 10. See also The Celtic Miscellany, p. 152 ; Dublin, 1849. 3 Of ours. — Rebel/ion, &°c, p. 115. 4 Si out Rebels.— Hib. AngL, i. 407. '"Friends. — Rebellion, &*c, p. 14. 6 Soldiers. — Cox, Hib. Angl., i- 403. Ivii In the spring of the following year, 1594, the Lord Justice assembled a force to attack Enniskillen, Maguire's stronghold. 1 So sudden was his coming that the garrison had no time to make due preparations for resistance. Yet the assailants could not get the castle into their power until they had bribed the garrison. Having effected their purpose, they left in it thirty men to hold it. O'Donnell had asked some of the Scots to come to his aid, that he might be sure of the success of his attack on the place. But as he thought them slow in coming, he set off with his own people and encamped close to the castle, continuing the siege from June to August. Here is the account which O'Sullevan gives of what followed : 2 In consequence of the closeness of the siege, the garrison began to suffer from hunger. MacCran, 3 the same who had betrayed the castle and had been left in it by the English, a voracious, hungry beast, was sent out in a boat with five companions, for he knew the country and the roads, to tell the danger in which the castle was ; but being caught by the Catholics, he and his companions were slain. Nevertheless, the English, well aware of the straits in which the garrison was, hastened to send them supplies ; salt meat, cheese, and a large quantity of biscuits were got ready. One thousand men were collected from the several garrisons. The whole force, made up of Irish lately levied, and of English from the garrisons, amounted to 2,500 foot, and 400 horse. Sir Henry Duke, an Englishman, governor of Offaly, was put in command ; and Fool 4 was the marshal. O'Donnell, informed of their plans, sent word to O'Neill that the Protestants were coming to relieve Enniskillen, that he was determined to prevent them at all hazards, and that he would no longer consider the Earl his friend if he did not give his aid in such a straight. When the Earl got this message, he was sorely perplexed, thinking that O'Donnell had acted rashly in beginning the war so soon, through hope of aid from Spain, and not waiting until the help came ; he saw that the cause of the Catholics was in great danger though he lent his aid ; and even if he did not assist them, he would be suspected by the English, and so would be treated as an enemy by both. When the Queen's army was drawing near, Cormac O'Neill, the Earl's brother, came to O'Donnell's camp with a hundred horse and three hundred light foot, armed with guns ; it was not known whether he came by the direction of the Earl or of his own accord. Maguire and Cormac set off with a thousand foot from the camp in haste to prevent the enemy from wasting the country, and to harass them, so that they might not be fresh for an encounter with O'Donnell. Meantime Duke halted for the night three miles from a ford 5 on the Farney river. As soon as it was dark he was suddenly assailed by a discharge of leaden bullets. He sent out his men to repel the attack. The whole night through the firing went on, and 1 Stronghold- — This castle is first men- tioned in The Annals F. M. under the date 1439- 2 Followed. — Hist. Cath., p. 165. 3 MacCran. — O'Sullevan has here filius scrophae ; this name is not unusual in the north. Perhaps he means a play on the name MacSwiny. 4 Fool.— i.e., Fuller. See C.C. MSS., iii. 156. 5 Ford. — Now Dromaine bridge, five miles south of Enniskillen. h Iviii so the Queen's forces were deprived of their rest. Early the next morning Duke formed his forces into three bodies, and protected them on the flank by troops of cavalry and musketeers. He divided the beasts of burthen, which were carrying large supplies of provisions, and the camp-followers into two parts, and put one between the two first divisions of the army, the other part between the second and third. The army, wearied in consequence of their want of sleep during the preceding night, was set on from time to time by the Catholics during the march and forced to halt. About eleven o'clock in the day he reached the ford. He bade the horsemen dismount, as the place was ill suited to the movements of cavalry. Here Maguire and Cormac, with their full force of 1,000 men, attacked them, and their sharp-shooters pressed on the first body, while the rear was assailed not only by the musketeers but by the spearsmen. But the enemy's first body made a passage for itself by the sword, and beating the Catholics off both sides, entered the ford. Meantime the Catholics, who were attacking the rear, forced the enemy's sharp- shooters in among the main body, and by a continuous fire caused confusion among them ; and as the ranks were broken, the Catholic spearsmen rushed in and drove the first body in among the camp-followers and beasts of burthen. The middle body was engaged in a two-fold task, supporting those in the rear and resisting the Catholics ; but these by their onset increased the disorder and drove the middle an 1 rear in among the front lines. The whole army rushed pell-mell into the river, leaving behind the supplies, taking with them only their horses. Duke asked those around him what he should do. George Oge Bingham recommended him to return and attempt to save the supplies; if not, they would die of hunger, as well as the garrison which they were going to relieve ; now they could not help them. Fool the marshal protested loudly against such a course, and besought him to go to the relief of the castle. The place where they halted was very soft, and the horses sunk in the ooze and could not be of any help to them. Hence the Catholics continued their fire with impunity. Wherefore Fool ordered a body of sharp-shooters to advance against them in order to drive them off while the ranks were forming. Immediately after he was pierced by a javelin and slain. The consequence was that the whole army in terror left their horses, broke their ranks, and of themselves returned to the ford which they had crossed shortly before. But the Catholics, some of whom were plundering the supplies, while others were defending the ford, prevented them. Not knowing what to do, they set off for another ford which was near at hand, and crossed it in all haste before the Catholics could come to defend it. They rushed into it in such confusion and terror that one hundred of them were drowned ; the rest crossed over on the dead bodies. Few of the Irish followed them across, despising the smallness of their number. Duke and the other officers of his army halting, threw away their arms, and stripped to their shirts ; yet this did not help him to escape, for he was seized 1 by four Irish soldiers and dragged away from his own men. The Catholics let the runaways escape, turning their whole thoughts to plundering; for the few that had followed them over the ford returned immediately. For that reason only little more than 1 Seized. — He was not killed, for in 'The ■ said to have died Feb 8th, 1 595. CC. Journal of the Lord Deputy Russell,' he is MSS., iii. 241. ENN ISKILLEN CASTLE IN 1616. lix four hundred of the English and of the Irish who were in their service were slain. The horses, a large quantity of arms, the supplies, and the whole of the baggage were captured. When the garrison of the castle heard of the defeat of the army that was coming to them with supplies, they surrendered the place to Maguire, and he gave them pardon and protection. 1 On the 1 8th of May the Lord Deputy and Privy Council wrote to the English Privy Council : We received advertisements yesterday that the traitors have taken the castle of Enniskillen, a matter strange to us, considering the ward wanted no munition ; and for victuals, the constable who had charge therein by his last letter assured us that he had sufficient to serve their turns till this month of May ; and besides, where his company assigned him for warders was twenty-five persons, and according to that number he had received his proportion of victuals, it is now certified there were but fourteen or fifteen in all, by which diminution of numbers he might have drawn on the provision of victual to a far longer time. . . . We hear that after the constable and warders were come out of the castle with bag and baggage and promise of life, they were put to the sword by the traitors. 2 Sir William Russell was appointed 3 Lord Deputy in May, 1 594. In the ' Instructions ' given to him by the Queen, he was told that ' after he had received the sword he should, in the place of Council, require to be informed of the causes in Ulster, both touching the rebels Maguire, young O'Rourke, and certain of the MacMahons, and the behaviour of O'Donnell, of the Earl of Tyrone's proceedings since last he was at Dundalk with the Commissioners, and what opinion they had of his disposition to behave himself like a loyal subject, and to serve the Queen by subduing Maguire and the other rebels and containing O'Donnell in his duty. . . . She did not hear of any public disturbance in any other part of the realm than Ulster, which should be taken in and without delay.' 4 Russell refused to take over the office from his predecessor Fitzwilliam until he should get in writing from the Council an account of the condition of the kingdom. 5 In ' A Summary Collection of the State of Ireland, delivered to him by the Lord Deputy on his coming to Ireland,' he was told that ' all the rebels in Fermanagh and Monaghan had been aided and countenanced by O'Donnell in person and the principal forces of Tirconnell, who were combined with the rebels and had openly shown themselves with them at the siege of Enniskillen and the preying of Monaghan.' 6 1 Profectioji. — Annals F. M., vi. 1952. left us a detailed account of the system of 2 Traitors. — C.C. MSS., iii. 72. government then in use. C.C. MSS., iii. 3 Appointed. — He landed at Howth, July 4 Delay. — Ibid., p. 90. 31st, and was sworn August nth. Cox, 5 Kingdom. — Cox, Hib. Angl., i. 403. Hib. Angl.,\. 403. In his 'Journals' he has 6 Monaghan. — CC MSS-, iii. 92. lx Our author describes at some length two hostings made by O'Donnell in the beginning of the year 1 595 into Connaught ; they were undertaken to punish Bingham for the cruelties which he had practised towards the people of Enniskillen after the castle had been betrayed to him, throwing men, women, and children over the bridge into the river below. 1 The nobles of that province, too, who had been driven from their lands came to him and besought him to aid them and restore them to their homes. ' It was easy to tempt him, owing to the resentment he felt against the English.' These had possession of all the strong places in the province. His first hosting was in early spring. He went to Ballyshannon, along the borders of Breffny, by Moylurg, to Croghan, which he had chosen as the place which he would attack and waste. 'He gathered such a spoil there as no one of the race of the Gadelians had ever before brought together.' Bingham, hearing of his approach, assembled a body of men from the different strongholds, and lay in wait for him, thinking he would return home by the same road as he had come. But he crossed the Shannon at Killtrenan, 2 and made his way back by Conmaicne Reim, and reached Donegal 'with great treasures and much joy.' In this hosting he spared no one over fifteen years old who could not speak the Irish language. The consequence was that many of the English colonists were slain, and most of the survivors fled the country, and there was not left there one Englishman except those who were shut up in castles and other strong places. 3 In a second hosting, early in summer, he went again southwards, through Conmaicne Reim to Annaly, 4 where he took O'Farrell's castle and seized its constable Brown, returning with immense spoils of every kind. O'Neill had now openly taken sides with O'Donnell against the English. The reason which he put forward for casting aside his allegiance to the Queen was the ill-treatment which he continued to receive at the hands of Bagnal and the unwillingness of the Lord Deputy and Council to afford him protection or redress. The State Papers contain these griev- ances 5 in detail. They are : 1. The Marshal having bribedthe Deputy with many bribes of plate and great sums of money, wrested from the inhabitants under his rule, did, in June of the 1 River below. — O'Sullevan, Hist. Cath., p. 160. 2 Killtrenaii. — O'Donovan says he could not find any church of this name in Leitrim. Annals F. M., iv. 1 198. 3 Strong places.— O'Sullevan, Hist. Cath., p. 168. 4 Annaly. — Anghaile, the great-grand- father of Fergal, whence O'Ferrall. This was the name of the tiibe of the O'Farrells ; their territory was conterminous with the present Co. Longford. 6 Grievances— C.C. MSS., iii. 81. See also O'Sullevan's Hist. Cath-, p. 164, and Desid. Cur. Hib., ii. 91. O'Sullevan says O'Neill offered to meet unarmed Bagnal fully armed, because it would be no honour to him to overthrow a man ever held to be of most cowardly behaviour if he met him on equal terms. Ixi preceding year, by false accusations of treason, seek the Earl's life, and produce base men to prove the same when the Lord Deputy and Council were at Dundalk. 2. When the Earl brought into subjection Clandeboy, Kilultagh, Kilwarlyn, Mac Cartan's, O'Hanlon's, and MacMahon's countries, such as appertained to the Earl bearing rule in any of these places were removed, and base and servile fellows of the Marshal's faction put in their rooms. 3. All gentlemen bearing affection to the Earl are put from any place of credit or government, and those that have served under them, either as officers, soldiers, or servants, are preferred before them ; so that all the Earl's followers and tenants do so much loathe and hate these parties as they will never trust them or come at them. 4. The Lord Deputy and the Marshal are knit together against the Earl, and do seek, and have sought, his life. They are greatly befriended at Court, while the Earl himself, since the death of the Earl of Leicester, the late Lord Chancellor Hatton, Sir Francis Walsingham, and others of his friends in England, is destitute of friends. Therefore, although for the confi- dence he has in the Lord Chancellor, and Sir Robert Gardiner, and also in Sir Anthony St. Leger 1 he is come to them, nevertheless he will use the best means he can for preserving his life, and will not trust those that seek his death by such indirect means ; yet he will be true and faithful to her Highness. 5. The Marshal, unknown to her Majesty and the Council of England, has procured a Commission to end and determine all causes in Ulster, and appointed a Chief Sergeant to execute all his orders. The Earl is not well pleased that the Marshal should bear that sway over him. Finally, for as much as neither the Earl himself, nor any of the inhabitants of this country, can abide or digest the said malicious practises against him, in so much as the chiefest in his country were ready to tear him for his coming in to your Honours, he humbly prays that it would please her Highness to remove those base, covetous, and cowardly persons, that only seek his overthrow. 2 Bagnal's answer to these charges was the preferring of new informations 3 against the Earl a few months later. 1. That one sent 4 from the Bishop of Rome to take upon him the primacy of the realm, being accompanied by Maguire and sundry of the Earl's men, foster- brothers, and household servants, invaded Connaught last year, where having spoiled divers of her Majesty's subjects in that province and slain of her soldiers, yet the Earl had ever since entertained those persons. 2. After he had undertaken to serve against Maguire he had a meeting with him and O'Donnell upon a mountain in the night, where they three did conclude how the war should be prosecuted. 3. When pretending to invade Maguire, he preyed Connor Roe, 5 the only service- 1 St. Leger. — He was Master of the Rolls, and one of the Commissioners appointed to distribute among the English Undertakers the lands in south and west Munster es- cheated to the Crown after the defeat of Gerald, Earl of Desmond. 2 Overthrow. — These Articles were pre- sented to the Privy Council, Mar. 14th, 1594. 3 Informations. — C. C. M SS., iii. 97. The date is August 17th, 1594. 4 Sent. — The allusion is to Edmund MacGauran. See p. liv., antea. h Connor Roe. — An accountof his territory will be found in Hardiman's edition of O'Flaherty's Iar Connaught, pp. 134-139, and 352-358 ; Dublin, 1846. Ixii able man to her Majesty in that country. 4. Maguire and other principal traitors had been divers times with the Earl since they were proclaimed ; he harboured their goods and yielded them relief and countenance, making his country a receptacle for their spoils and furnishing them with forces. 5. When Maguire invaded Fermanagh and Breffney, he was accompanied with the force of Tyrone under the Earl's brother Cormock, together with his foster-brothers and household servants, who slew some of her Majesty's soldiers and conveyed the preys taken there into Tyrone. Yet the Earl ever since entertained those parties. 6. Many of the traitors from Connaught were lately in his company, and by him relieved. 7. His son and his chief officers, together with all the forces of Tyrone, were in company with O'Donnell and Maguire when they invaded Monaghan and wasted it. Bagnal's greatest grievance was that O'Neill had married his sister Mabel : Having procured the good-liking of the girl, he (O'Neill) took advantage of her years, and caused her to steal away with one William Warren, at whose house the Bishop of Meath stood in readiness and married them. ... I can but accurse myself and fortune, that my blood which in my father and myself has often been shed in repressing this rebellious race should now be mingled with so traitorous a stock. 1 The Queen attributed all the troubles to the neglect of the Lord Deputy and Council in their dealings with O'Neill. * We can no longer forbear,' she writes under the date October, 1594, 'to let you know what great mischief the remiss and weak proceedings of late have wrought in that kingdom. We do not impute it to you our Deputy, who are but lately come to the helm, but to you our Council. ... It is gross to find that such a man, so laid open to you all and made so suspicious by his own actions, hath been suffered to grow to this head. . . . When voluntarily he came to you the Deputy, it was over- ruled by you the Council to dismiss him, though dangerous accusations were offered against him. This was as foul an oversight as was ever committed in that kingdom. . . . Command him, without any respite or excuse of business or sickness, to make his present repair to you, to answer wherein he is justly charged, and to submit to our estate there ; which if he do not, we are determined to proclaim him a traitor.' 2 In the beginning of the following year the fort of the Blackwater, which afforded a ready passage from Louth into Tyrone, was captured by some of O'Neill's troops ; they were commanded by his brother Art, for he had not yet taken the field openly against the English. We have an official account 3 of the capture from Henry Marshe, one of the warders of the fort when it was taken, dated Newry, July 20th, 1 595. 1 Stock.~CS.PJ., v. 409. See p. xlvi., antea, and Flight of the Earls, pp. 6, 287. 2 Traitor— C.C. MSS., iii. 100. z Account.— C. S.P.I. , v. 298. Ixiii About eight o'clock in the morning some forty or fifty of the Earl of Tyrone s men came from Armagh, with two prisoners bound with them, and marched through the town of Blackwater with their matches alight and. bullets in their mouths, until they came to the stone castle. When they came between both the gates they did shut themselves within and hotly assaulted the door of the castle, thinking to have entered it pn the sudden, only myself and four more being within to defend the said castle, whereof two of us at that assault were sore wounded. We galled and killed to the number of thirteen of them. They continued that assault about a quarter of an hour; then myself, with three of the company that was with me, came down out of the castle and put them from between the gates with our swords ; then they all, with a great number more of the rebels, lay round about the wooden castle, assaulting it both within the fort and without. Then about two o'clock in the after- noon Edward Cornwall sent his wife unto me, to desire me for the Passion of God to yield the castle to Art MacBaron, 1 and he and the seneschal O'Hagan would send us safe to the Newry with bag and baggage, and give us garrons to carry our carriages. Then I answered her I would never yield the castle to them as long as I did live, for that I had within the castle both munition and victuals enough for that company that was there for a quarter of a year. Then she urged me further to yield, alleging that unless I did yield, it would be the loss of all our lives and all the others who were in the wooden castle. Then I told her I would not deliver it before the morning. Then she desired me again, for the Passion of God, to deliver it presently, or else they would set the wooden castle on fire and burn all who were within it. After his wife could not prevail with me, he came himself and bade me give up the castle, for that his munition was gone he could not tell how, and as God judge him, it was gone upon the sudden. Whereupon I consented to yield it; but notwithstanding, if I had been as well furnished with men as I was with ammunition and victuals I would not have yielded it. 2 In the following May O'Neill took the field openly against the English. Uniting his forces with those of Maguire and MacMahon, 3 he made an attempt to capture Monaghan, where a body of English troops had taken possession of the monastery 4 and fortified it. Sir Henry Bagnal went to 1 A>t MacBaron. — A younger brother of Hugh O'Neill, and the father of Owen Roe O'Neill, the leader ot the Irish in the war of 1 64 1. See p. xlv. antea. 2 Yielded it. — Cornwall was put under arrest on suspicion of having betrayed the Blackwater fort. Bagnal to Burghley, March 4th, 1595. The Queen wrote to the Lord Deputy and Council that she expected 'the crime of losing of the Blackwater would be severely punished.' March 10th. See C.S.P.I., v. 298 and 305. 3 MacMahon. — Hugh Roe, chief of the clan, had been executed by order of Fitzwil- liam. ' The Irish say he had hard measure, and instance much foul practise in ihe pro- secution and trial. But however that be, the poor gentleman was hanged, and his country divided between Sir Henry Bagnal, Captain Henslow, and four of the Mac- Mahons, under a yearly rent, each of them giving considerable bribes to the Deputy.' Ccx, Hib. Angl., i. 399, and C. C. MSS-, iii- 156. 4 Monastery. — It was founded for the Franciscan Order in 1462 by Phelim Mac- Mahon, lord of Oriel. Annals F. M., iii. 1019. Nothing remains of it now. lxiv their relief. We have a detailed account of the expedition from one of his officers. 1 On Sunday, 24th May, 1595, we marched from the Newry 1,500 foot and 250 horse, to the Eight-Mile church. The enemy appeared upon a hill with 1,500 horse. Our General, Sir Henry Bagenall, commanded all the horse to be drawn up towards them. The enemy retired, thinking to draw us up into their straights of foot, which lay some mile distant ; but the General drew back. Next morning, after eight miles' march, the Earl of Tyrone brought all his forces to a straight which we were to pass, and turned off seven or eight companies of foot to skirmish with us. They annoyed us much, the passage being between a bog and a wood. After we had passed the straight the enemy's powder was spent, but their forces increased. We found that Maguire and MacMahon had beseiged Monaghan, but they rose as soon as we came. We encamped on a hill close to the Abbey. Our loss was 1 2 slain and 30 hurt; the enemy's, 100 slain, and many hurt. The same evening the enemy drew up his forces, increased to above 8,000 foot and 1,000 horse, within three-quarters of a mile, and yet did nothing. Having put victual into Monaghan, and changed the ward, the next day we dislodged and marched back. The enemy stopped all the straights and passages. It was long before we could wind ourselves through one of them, being driven to exceeding many stands. We lost 12 horse ; among them was Sir Edward Harbert's brother. Having recovered the champion, 2 they somewhat withdrew the heat of their skirmish, their munition being very near spent, having consumed almost 14 barrels of powder, as we were informed, for we had ever good intelligence from among themselves. They sent a supply to the Earl's house at Dungannon. Next morning we marched away in some quiet. Thinking we would go to Dundalk, the E#rl stopped all the passages, but we marched to the Newrie, where we found all our losses to have been about 31 or 32 slain and 120 hurt, and none hurt of any account except Sir Henry Duke, Captain Cunye, five lieutenants, an ensign, and a sergeant. Of the enemy we hear 300 or 400 were slain and very many hurt. The enemy have broken up the causeway between the Newrie and Dundalk, and plashed 3 and made up the same. They lie there expecting our army's coming that way. But having spent all our powder, ten barrels, our General drew to a council, and determined to send away in a small boat by sea to declare what was done and crave a supply of munition, which had, they are ready and desirous to come away if they be commanded. But I think it impossible for them to do it were they as many more as they are, for now the enemy is fourteen or fifteen thousand strong in that place. There could not beany longer a doubt about O'Neill's intention to make common cause with the other northern chieftains in resisting the English power. On the 28th of June following a proclamation was issued against 1 Officers — Report of Lieutenant Tucher. as the interlacing of low boughs and the C C. MSS., iii. 109. casting of bodies of trees across the way, to 2 Champion. — Champaign, the open prevent the enemy's passage. Rebellion, country. p. 20. A great part of the country, now bare 3 Plashed. — Moryson describes plashing was then thickly wooded. Ixv O'Neill 1 and his confederates, declaring them traitors, and bidding all who wished to live peaceably in the Queen's favour to withdraw from them and to make their submission to the Lord Deputy. It begins by enumerat- ing all the favours conferred on the Earl, 1,000 marks yearly, and very large possessions and rule by letters patent. Aspiring to live like a. tyrant over a great number of good subjects 'in Ulster, he has lately allured O'Donnell, the chieftain of Tyrconnell, by matching with him in marriage, whose father and predecessors have always been loyal, to enter into rebellion ; and has in like manner comforted and provoked, with the aid of his brethren and bastards, certain other disobedient subjects, as Maguire, chieftain of Fermanagh, the traitor O'Rourke's son, and sundry of the MacMahons of Monaghan, to invade divers counties in and near the English Pale. In order to become Prince of Ulster, he has also, partly by force, partly by false persuasions, allured and drawn to concur with him in rebellion a great part of the chieftains of Ulster. For these causes her Majesty doth now, upon the preparation of her army, notify to all her good subjects, both English and Irish, the said Earl to be accepted the principal traitor and chief author of this rebellion, and a known practiser with Spain and other her Majesty's enemies ; commanding all her subjects that have aided and accompanied him, and yet shall now desire to live peaceably in her favour, to with- draw themselves from him and his complices. And when her army shall enter Ulster, if they come to the Lord Deputy, they shall, upon their submission, have pardon of their lives and lands. If those who were the servants or followers of Turlough Luineach, 2 her very loyal subject, return from the said Earl to the said Turlough Luineach, and join him in withstanding the said traitors, they also shall have like pardons. 3 When sending the order to the Lord Justice to issue the proclamation against O'Neill, the Queen bade him, if he thought he could recover O'Donnell, notwithstanding this proclamation, to entertain him secretly with hope, for that she had ' a disposition to serve him.' His efforts, whatever they may have been, did not avail to create any disunion between him and O'Neill. 1 O'Neill— -In 'A Discourse for Ireland' it is saidof Hugh O'Neill : ' His rebellion will be more dangerous and cost the Queen more crowns than any that have foregone him since her Majesty's reign ; for educated in our discipline and naturally valiant, he is worthily reputed the best man of war of his nation. Most of his followers are well trained soldiers in using weapons, and he is the greatest man of territory within that kingdom, and absolute commander of the north of Ireland.' — CC. MSS., iii. 105. 2 Turlough Luineach. — He died in the beginning of September, 1595. Imme- diately after Hugh O'Neill had himself inaugurated the O'Neill. ' Old O'Neill is dead, and the traitor Hugh has gone to the stone to receive that name.'— Bagnal to Burghley, September 9th. C.S.P.I., v. 386. The place where the O'Neills were inaugurated was Tullaghoge, eight miles N. of Dungannon. See Flight of the Earls, p. 11. 3 Pardons. — CC- MSS., iii. 1 1 1. i lxviii In the beginning of March in the past year, the Archbishop of Tuam, 1 Thomas Fitzjohn, son of John of Desmond, and Mr. John Lacie, with a certain captain of his Catholic Majesty Philip n., set out from hence to cross over to you in Ireland, whose return we have awaited with the utmost anxiety. But it now appears evident that they are nowhere in existence either there in Ireland or else- where, but rather it is thought that they must have been swallowed up in the vast ocean. If they had come back Philip n. would doubtless have sent you help. Now however we have just learned with great satisfaction that you the Earl of Tyrone have openly taken up arms and joined with the other chieftains of Ulster against the Queen, and I have every confidence you will be successful. I have earnestly, but with great caution, persuaded the King to send you a fleet with which to oppose the enemy and subjugate the English government, and that you may free yourself and all your people from the oppressive yoke of the English for ever. Furthermore, I find the King's mind most ready and willing to send you assistance, and that immediately. Wherefore you must manfully and bravely and vigorously resist, without making any peace or treaty with the enemies of the faith, for King Philip has seen these letters and requested me to write to you that you shall be helped immediately, and be assured that I shall be with you very shortly, so that you may crush the enemy and regain your liberty. Resist therefore like a brave noble- man and an uncompromising warrior, and I promise that instant succour shall not be wanting. I would freely unfold to you everything, only I fear my letters might fall into the enemy's hands. The one thing I ask and beg of you is that you will not make peace with the enemy till I come to you. In the beginning of this year, owing no doubt to the failure of Russell's expedition to the north against the united forces of O'Neill and O'Donnell, the English government again entered into negotiations for a peace. A Cessation had been made at the end of the preceding October with O'Neill ; its terms 2 were that ' no act of hostility or stealth should be committed on her Majesty's subjects, that her garrisons should freely pass with victuals, munition, and other provisions, and with timber and stone for the said garrisons ; and that the Earl's cattle should freely feed on the plains. The truce was to last till the first of January following, and for one month longer if the Lord Deputy desired it.' Wallop 3 and Gardiner were appointed Commissioners 4 to treat with O'Neill and O'Donnell, 'to persuade them to accomplish her Majesty's instructions and the Articles which the Earl agreed to in England, and to renounce all superiority and aid of foreign powers, especially from the King of Spain.' The Cessation of arms might be continued till the last day of February. 1 A. of Tuam.— James O'Hely. See p. li., antea. 2 Terms.— C.C. MSS., iii. 126. 3 Wallop. — He was Treasurer at war. He got the confiscated lands of the Franciscan convent of Enniscorthy, which his descen- dant the Earl of Portsmouth still holds. His grandson was one of the judges who presided at the trial of Charles 1. 4 Commissioners — Hid., p. 152. Ixix The Commissioners left Dublin January 13th, and reached Dundalk two days later. There they received a letter from O'Neill, who was come to Aghnoskye, 1 promising to attend them, and praying that ' the grievances since the last truce made between him and Sir John Norris, the Lord General, might be first cleared on all sides.' The Commissioners answered by letter dated January 1 5th, that ' they doubted not to accord all matters past,' praying him to meet them at Dundalk ; and that they had authority to protect him and all others that came with him. The Earl replied that he could not then give them full satisfaction, for his secretary Henry Hoveden was absent, and others he could not trust to write for him ; and that O'Donnell was not yet come. On the 17th, the Earl announced the arrival of O'Donnell and most of the Irish chieftains, and prayed the Commissioners to come to a place called the Narrow Acre, 2 while he came to a place adjoining called the Black Staff. This they refused to do, and commanded him to come to Dundalk under her Majesty's protection. The letter was sent by Philip Hore, Sir Henry Wallop's secretary, who was well known to O'Neill. He made answer that he could not come to Dundalk, but would come to any other indifferent place. On the 19th, the Commissioners wrote to the Earl reproving his fears, and requesting him and his associates ' to set down in writing their demands, with such offers as they in duty would make to redeem her Majesty's wonted favour, and thus thought it good, the rather that by knowing the same they should be better able to accept or refuse what might stand best for her Majesty's honour and the quiet of her people.' On January 20th the Commissioners wrote to the Deputy and Council : Yesterday by your messenger we received such insolent demands, with no dutiful offer of his and their parts, only copy of them which we have thought meet to send unto your Lordship : 1. That all persons might have free liberty of conscience, 2. That the Earl and all the inhabitants of Tyrone should have pardon and be restored to their blood ; and that all the chieftains and others who had taken the Earl's part should have like pardon. 3. That O'Donnell should have pardon for himself and his followers, and all those of Connaught that had taken O'Uonnell's part ; that O'Donnell should have such right in Connaught as his ancestors had. 4. That Feagh MacHugh be pardoned. 5. That no garrison, sheriff, or other officer shall remain in Tyrconnell, Tyrone, or any of the inhabitants' countries before named, except Newry and Carrickfergus. 6. The Earl, O'Donnell, and the rest (if these requests be granted) will remain dutiful ; and after a while, when the great fear which they conceived is lessened, they will draw themselves to a more nearness of loyalty to her Highness. 3 1 Aghnoskye. — 3 miles N of Dundalk. 3 Highness, — See 'The Proceedings of 2 Narrow Acre. — This name and The Sir H. Wallop and the Earl of Tyrone, Black Staff are now obsolete- CC. MSS-, iii. 132. Ixx The letter of the Commissioners continues : We assented to meet Tyrone and O'Donnell thus, viz., we would come to some open place in the field by us named one mile from Dundalk, near unto Sir John Bedlow's house, having in our company only the sheriff, Sir Henry Duke, and Garrett Moore, 1 and they to have as many, which should stand within our view, all without weapons except swords during the time of our parley. And so about ten of the clock this present we went forth accompanied as aforesaid, until we did see Tyrone and O'Donnell with about 200 horse and foot coming towards us, whereupon we stayed, sending unto them that their coming was not according to our agreement ;■ but after many messages on both parts that the former conclusion should stand, and further, that on either part two should be sent to search and view the ways and what weapons either part had, and that their troops should stand one quarter of a mile distant from us, and we to have two horsemen betwixt us and their troops, and the like for them between them and Sir John Bedlow's ; and so we meeting made choice that one of us should parley with the Earl and the other with O'Donnell, because we judged it the best way to deal with them dividedly. After we had laboured to remove their suspicion and to make our coming acceptable, we thought best at first not to make known our Articles, but, orderly as their demands are set down, to require upon what grounds they conceived the same, and to use our best endeavour to lead them by persuasion to desist any further therein, because the grounds by them alleged were in part false, and in the rest by them in duty not to be mentioned, but rather to submit themselves to her Majesty's mercy and to be willing to meet your Lordship and some of the Council at Drogheda, which they should do upon good assurance. ... At which their coming they should plentifully not only taste of her Majesty's mercies but also receive allowances most fit for themselves and their countries ; but to come thither or in any other town to your Lordship they utterly refused. In this treaty we continued this stormy and windy day about three hours on horseback, because to alight they refused, and in the end we found them to continue very untoward, not much drawn from their former articles of demand, and especially O'Donnell, who was most resolute. After our parley thus apart, we joined again together, and then, after many reasons with persuading courteous speeches, we wished them to better conformity, setting down some hard examples they were like with their whole countries to fall into if they so persevered, but in the end they answered, if we would stay some reasonable time, they would return to their company and give us a resolute answer, which short time of consideration by them demanded gave to us suspicion they would conclude in their former disloyal desires, and thereupon we said it were better for them to return and take longer time of consideration in so great a cause, with some speeches to like effect j whereupon we agreed to meet at the former place again to-morrow. We also gave them some taste of one of the most easy demands in her Majesty's behalf, partly presuming they would hardly digest the stronger until they were better prepared ; but chiefly because, under your Lordship's reformation, we thought it best, if they shall persevere in 1 Moore. — His father got a grant of the was a friend of O'Neill's. The Flight of the Cistercian abbey of Mellifont- Sir Garrett Earls, pp. 36, 367. lxxi •• such their undutiful course, rather to take advantage of their said disloyalties and thereupon to insist to their greater condemnation, than to give them cause (although without cause) to judge her Majesty's demands over hard, except your Lordship for any respect by you to be considered by your next shall otherwise direct, which we desire may be with speed, as well because the Cessation now agreed upon doth end with the end of this month, as also because we did let them understand we had authority to prolong the same, of which they seemed not to take any great hold. 1 In reply the Lord Deputy wrote to the Commissioners in reference to these demands : Their demands are insolent and unreasonable, and most unlikely of either safe or honourable end ; yet have I imparted them unto the Council here, all saving that for their liberty of religion, which I do not think fit should be broached here, lest it soon procure too great a party, being plausible generally to this country men. Endeavour to conclude a prolongation of the Cessation, considering we are not provided for them. 2 The second meeting was on the 2ist. On the 23rd the Commissioners wrote : They (O'Neill and O'Donnell) were more fearful of foul dealing than before, and wished to treat by writing, which we refused. As the evening was approaching we perceived their troops were drawn nigher the place than we agreed upon ; O'Neill then sent to say he was ready to parley with us. We sent word the day was too far past, but we would come to the same place the next day, when we met as before, and continued on horseback about two hours. During our parley we found them as men exceeding fearful, continually gazing about, and their spies riding near unto us, and less attentive to our speeches than at first. 3 O'Donnell was asked what cause he had to enter into rebellion. He gave as reasons his long and unjust imprisonment, the plundering of Maguire's country, the like of which he feared for his own country. 4 ' In the conclusion of our parley we required them to set down dividedly all the causes of their grievances, their demands and offers, and thereupon we would answer them as reasonably as we hoped should be to their satisfac- tion ; according to which they assented. . . . O'Donnell carrieth great rule among them, and Philip O'Reilly is a great councillor.' 5 As the truce was about to expire at the end of January, it was renewed for a fortnight longer. The chief objection on the part of the Commis- sioners arose from the demand for liberty of conscience, ' which, besides the dishonour to God, is most dangerous, and being contrary to the laws, 1 Hold.—C.S.P.l., v. 453. 4 Country.— O'Donnell's 'Grievances' are 2 For them. — C.C. MSS., iii. 145. given, p. xlvii. antea. 3 First.— 76id.,p.. 1 41. 6 Councillor.— C-C. MSS., iii. 142. lxxii may not be granted.' 1 The hope of coming to terms grew less day by day. It was therefore agreed that the Cessation should continue till April ist, and still further to May ist, unless warning was given to the contrary. O'Donnell asked that he might be allowed 'to mitigate such points of his demands as were thought unfit,' before the conference ended. He sent in to the Commissioners the following Petitions, January 27th : 1. He craves pardon for himself and followers. 2. For free liberty of conscience. 3. That all castles, manors, and lands in the county of Sligo may be permitted in the hands of O'Donnell, all which lands he will give Donogh MacCale Oge O'Connor, 2 upon condition that he yield to O'Donnell such services, rights, and duties as his ancestors have given out of the same to all O'DonnelPs predecessors. 4. That no garrisons, wards, or officers whatever be placed in Tyrconnell or Sligo until the fear they have conceived by the hard dealing of such officers shall be somewhat lessened ; but that it will please her Majesty to appoint Commissioners for the ending of all controversies that shall arise, whose orders we shall put in execution. 5. He desires a remittal of all arrearages past, and a year's freedom yet to come, in regard to several great sums that his father paid as well to the Earl of Tyrone and Sir Edward Moore, Knight, as to others sent from the State, to receive the same for her Majesty's use. 3 The Commissioners' answer to each of Hugh O'Donnell's demands was as follows : 1. The first her Majesty will grant if O'Donnell will yield to reasonable Articles, and upon his submission ; and it is likely she will let him have the spiritual lands of Tyrconnell. 2. As her Majesty has hitherto tolerated therein, without punish- ment of any, so in all likelihood she will continue the same. 3. To be left to her consideration, the Commissioners having no power to deal therein. 4. No garrison has ever been placed in Tyrconnell ; neither will be until the fear mentioned be overpast ; but in Sligo, of long time, officers and ward have been placed. Commis- sioners for Tyrconnell will, as usual, be named indifferently, and O'Donnell may except against them upon just cause. 5. To be referred to her Majesty, who we think will be merciful. 4 On January 29th the Commissioners wrote to the Lord Deputy and Council : By our last of the 25th we signified that we had agreed to have another conference with the Earl and O'Donnell. Yesterday as we were going to a further parley, we received yours of the 26th, in which you wished we had at the first 1 Granted— Letter of the Commissioners 2 O'Connor — O'Conor Sligo, of whom to the Lord Deputy, January 25th. 'Their more later- demand was of free liberty of conscience for 3 Use. — C-C. MSS., iii. 153. all men in the whole kingdom, Ibid., p. 147- 4 Merciful.— Ibid., p. 154. lxxiii imparted her Majesty's Articles to them. We reserved her Majesty's Articles until we might compass a new Cessation, fearing they would seem to them too hard and not alterable, being sent from her Majesty, but we imparted all the easiest of them as of ourselves. We have laboured by conferences, letters, messengers, and other devices to draw them first to a Cessation, and thereupon to impart her Majesty's demands and merciful disposition towards them by granting unto them a free pardon. We have obtained with difficulty a Cessation for two months certain, and further for a third month if it please your Lordships. Perceiving O'Donnell would depart immediately after yesterday's conference, we devised certain Articles and delivered them to him ; for in the Articles from England little is said touching O'Donnell. As he greatly disliked them, we advised him to set down by way of postile or cotation his liking or disliking, as he might obtain some change of our demands from the Queen. . . . O Donnell continues as arrogant and insolent as formerly. The Earl uses terms submiss, but still persists he cannot conclude without the consent of the rest according to his oath. The Earl yesternight did press us for his departure this morning, by want, as he said, of provision ; but in the end, at our earnest motion, he said he would stay until Friday, if he might find meat so long to relieve his company. 1 We conceive they will dislike of most or all of our proposals, considering the arrogant insolency of O'Donnell and most of the rest, except the Earl, who giveth mild speeches, but concludeth he will do the liking of the rest, for to that he saith he hath sworn. Had we not considered our weakness and our want of victuals and other necessaries, we would have broken off the treaty rather than endure their insolency ; and most likely her Majesty will dislike this prolonging of the Cessation, considering her great expenses, unless you mention these reasons. 2 The Articles propounded by the Commissioners to O'Donnell were : i. That upon obtaining pardon he should disperse all his forces and return into their countries all Scottish men of war and other strangers ; neither should he here- after entertain any Scottish men of war without license. 2. Tyrconnell to be made shire ground and to have a sheriff. 3. Restitution for value of the spoils made by him and his followers. 4. He should acknowledge his grievous' offence in destroying the castle of Sligo, persuading her Majesty's subjects in Connaught to fall from their obedience, and in making roads and journeys into that province. 5. He shall not assist O'Rourke, Maguire, or others in their disloyalties or receive any disloyal persons. 6. He shall deliver to her Majesty all such munition and artillery as he found in Sligo, Enniskillen, or elsewhere. 7. He shall re-edify the castle of Sligo 1 and such other castles as he defaced in Connaught. 8. He shall pay such rents and duties as his ancestors covenanted to pay, and such further rents and reservations as her Highness shall think reasonable. 9. He shall upon 1 Company. — Ibid., p. 158. police barracks on the Old Quay. See 2 Reasons. — Ibid., p. 159. O'Rorke's H. of Sligo, i. 68 and 188, ii. 291, 3 Castle of Sligo. — It was not rebuilt for some interesting facts in the history of then. Its site is now occupied by the this castle. k Ixxiv oath confess and declare how far he or any by his advice, knowledge, or consent, have proceeded in any request or action with any foreign prince or potentate, and especially with the King of Spain ; and he will by like oath and writing under his hand renounce all superiority and aid of foreign princes and chiefly the Spaniard. 10. That he permit Sir John O'Dogherty to enjoy his country and lands according to his letters patent, n. That he shall cause a gaol to be built. 12. To deliver pledges. 1 O'Donnell's answer to each of the Articles was as follows : 1 . He agrees. 2. He standeth to the tenor of the article in his petition now exhibited touching the same. 3. The damage which he has sustained by her Highness's soldiers and subjects surmounts any harm done by him. 4. As he claims Sligo and the county thereof, the loss redounds to himself. He was com- pelled to do what he did. 5. He agrees. 6. He was not at the spoiling of these places. 7. He is not able, and the loss of Sligo is his own. 8. He will yield to give her Majesty whatever hath been reserved unto her Highness upon Tyrconnell before the time of his father, who haply (through extremity) consented to give more than he was able to perform, which is more than this O'Donnell is acquainted with. 9. That when he receives his pardon he will renounce foreign aid and declare how far he has dealt in matters of that nature. 10. O'Dogherty hath no lands but what O'Donnell doth give him in Tyrconnell, neither hath his predecessors any lands there but such as they held of O'Donnell's ancestors. 11. When he receives a sheriff into Tyrconnell, he will help to build a gaol. 12. He agrees so as the pledges be reasonable. 2 The Commissioners announced to the Lord Deputy and Council by- letter 3 of January 30th, that they had made known to the Earl and O'Donnell her Majesty's Articles, which they feared to do before. ' We advised them to consider of the same and return answer in writing, with the demands and offers, which we said we trusted would be more dutiful and reasonable than before ; which on Wednesday last they performed. 4 O'Donnell's demands did not vary much from the former, and he refused to perform the Articles propounded on her Majesty's behalf. The next morning he departed homeward with MacMahon and the rest, except the Earl, his brother Cormock, and their followers, who intend to depart this evening. The Earl and O'Donnell sent us a letter ' ; it was dated January 29th : Forasmuch as we have now exhibited the causes of our griefs in writing unto you as also the causes of the most of the rest in Ulster now in disloyalty, we have thought it very necessary to let you understand (in regard of the oath passed between us and the rest of our faction) that unless Feaughe MacHughe, Mac- William, Ran Mac William, Brian Oge O'Rourke, the sept of the O'Connor Don, and 1 Pledges— C.C. MSS., iii. 161. 3 Letter.— Ibid., p. 165. 2 Reasonable. — Ibid., p. 162. 4 Performed. — Ibid. lxxv all others in Connaught in action, as also O'Reily and all those of the Breffny, may (for their lives, lands, goods, and followers, in such sort as their ancestors held or enjoyed the same) be received into her Majesty's most gracious pardon upon their several submissions, we cannot or may not be tied, for the reasons before mentioned, to perform anything that is now to be agreed upon saving only the Cessation. 1 Sir Robert Gardiner, one of the Commissioners, was sent by the Deputy to inform the Queen ' particularly of all the proceedings with the said rebels ' (Tyrone and O'Donnell). In reply, she wrote to the Lord Deputy and Council : You have at length in writing described the particular disorders almost in every part of the realm, an advertisement very uncomfortable from you who hath had the authority otherwise to govern the realm, than, for lack of regard in times convenient, now to present unto us so broken an estate of so great a part of our realm, as to have all Ulster wholly, saving two or three places, and all Connaught, saving as few places, wholly possessed with rebels, and likewise some of the counties next our English Pale in like danger. You propose remedies which rest altogether upon great preparations of forces and treasure, without offering any reformation of the Government there. 2 She ordered the Council to prepare an answer to O'Neill, O'Donnell, and each of the chiefs in particular. Sir John Norris and Fenton, the Secretary, were appointed to meet them before the end of the Cessation ; and ' to proceed with them to some final end, either according to their submissions to yield them pardons, with such conditions as were contained in the instructions, or, if they should refuse the reasonable offers therein contained or seek former delays, to leave any further treaty with them.' 3 Of the petitioner's demands, she ' found for some part so great cause of mistake as that she was offended with her Commissioners, that would receive or give ear to any such presumptuous and disloyal petitions and answers.' 4 The following are the Articles she ordered to be proposed to O'Donnell : As his demand for liberty of conscience has been made by compact between the Earl and him and others of the rebels, her Majesty makes the same answer 5 to him as is made to the Earl. His request that the castle and lands of Sligo may remain in his hands, and be given over to Donough MacCale Oge O'Connor under such services as O'Connor's ancestors yielded to O'Donnell's ancestors, is strange ; it was ^Cessation — Ibid., p. 160. 'He may be sharply told that the request 2 There. — Ibid., p. 166. for free liberty of conscience was unreason- 3 With them. — Ibid- able and disloyal, it being a request to have 4 Answers. — Ibid., p. 167. liberty to break laws, which her Majesty will 6 The same answer. — In her ' Answer to never grant to any subject of any degree.' — the rebellious Earl of Tyrone,' she says : Ibid- lxxvi taken out of the Queen's possession by treason and shameful murder, and he alleges a title thereto by a tenure whereof neither O'Connor himself nor any man else has ever heard any report. Neither is it yet known whether this Hugh O'Donnell have any right to be O'Donnell by his father's sufferance during his life, the interest to be O'Donnell after his father's life being due to another. But her Majesty will be pleased that O'Connor may receive the possession of the house and lands ; and if there be any good proof made of O'Donnell's claim to be lawful, O'Connor shall yield to O'Donnell such services as are due. Whereas he requires that no officer or garrison be placed in Tyrconnell or Sligo for a time, she consents so far as regards Tyrconnell ; but with regard to Sligo, she will, as she finds cause for the profit of the country, appoint or not appoint officers. There is no reason why he should not yield out of Tyrconnell the like as his father hath done. The rest of his answers to the Commissioners' Articles are allowable. If he will promise dutifully to perform them, her Majesty will grant him pardon upon her own mere grace, without respect of any mediator. 1 O'Donnell seems to have taken no further part in the negotiations for peace. ' Pledges ' were demanded from him, to secure his performance of the terms, but these he refused to give in, 2 perhaps, because the other side gave no similar proofs of their desire to keep their part of the contract ; as for their promises, he set little value on them. O'Neill, however, still continued to treat with them. A new commission was issued to Sir John Norris and Sir William Fenton, Secretary of State, ' to make a final end with all the rebels.' He put in pledges and protested loyalty and obedience, but refused to renounce foreign aid on oath. 3 Very probably neither of the contracting parties meant to bind himself irrevocably ; both were anxious to gain time in order to prepare better for the contest. We have already mentioned the appeal for help made by the Irish chiefs through their envoy the Archbishop of Tuam to the King of Spain. On the 25th of September, 1 595, O'Neill and O'Donnell wrote to him : Our only hope of re-establishing the Catholic religion rests on your assistance. Now or never our Church must be succoured. By the timidity or negligence of the messengers our former letters have not reached you. We therefore again beseech you to send us 2,000 or 3,000 soldiers with money and arms before the feast 4 of SS. Philip and James. With such aid we hope to restore the faith of the Church, and to secure you a kingdom. 5 O'Neill wrote to Don Carolo, the King's son, at the same date : I have been informed by the bearer of this that you have written to me, but 1 Mediator. — C.C. M SS., iii. 168. man coming into the country for conscience • -To give in. — fh'd.,p. 178. sake. C.C. MSS., iii. 173. z Onoath. — Cox, Hid. AngL, i. 410. He 4 Feast. — May 1st. refused also to apprehend any spiritual 6 Kingdom. — Ibid., p, 122. lxxvii your letter has not yet reached my hands. I was confident that I should not appeal to you for aid in vain. The faith might be re-established in Ireland within one year if the King of Spain would only send 3,000 soldiers. All the heretics would disappear, and no other sovereign would be recognised than the Catholic King; Both I and O'Donnell have besought him to succour the Church. Pray, second our petition. If we obtain positive assurance of succour from the King, we will make no peace with the heretics. We have written frequently, but are afraid none of our letters has reached the King as he has returned us no answer. The bearer, a man of pious zeal, has undertaken this perilous mission. 1 Both wrote to Don Juan del Aguila also, who" was destined later to play- so important a part in the expedition to Ireland, and to effect its results in a way which the writers did not then foresee. They asked de Aguila, whose fame and good-will they had heard of, to assist the bearer in obtaining aid in the war for the Catholic faith ; and, by acceding to this request, the King would re-establish the Catholic religion and acquire a kingdom; 2 Early in the following year the King sent an envoy to Ireland, Alonso Cobos. 3 He came with three pinnaces, each having on board 60 musketeerSi They put in at Killybegs, 4 and from that port he went to Lifford, where O'Donnell then was. He brought a letter from the King to O'Neill. ' I have been informed,' he wrote, ' that you are defending the Catholic cause against the English. That this is acceptable to God is proved by the signal victories which you have obtained. I hope you will continue to prosper, and you need not doubt but I will render you any assistance you may require. Give credence to Fussius the bearer, and acquaint him with your affairs and your wishes.' 5 By the same envoy he wrote to Brian O'Rourke, ' the noble and greatly beloved O'Rourke : ' ' Seeing it is so notable a work to fight for the Catholic faith when the enemies thereof endeavour so mightily to trample the same under foot, I may not doubt but that you who hitherto (as we hear) in the defence of God's cause have laboured so well, will now with might and main give yourself to the same cause. For mine own part, I would be your guide that you would prosecute the same hereafter, lest the obdurate enemies of the true religion damnify it at all, but rather they be repulsed. The which if you perform, you shall do me a most grateful work and always find the same favour wherewith I am wont to grace the true defenders of the Catholic religion.' 6 1 Mission. — Ibid., p. 122. This letter, as well as that to the King, was intercepted and received from the hands of Piers O'CuUen.— Ibid. 2 Kingdom — Ibid., p. 123. 3 Cobos.— O'Clery and O'Sullevan call him Copis. There is in the Archives, at Simancas a detailed account of his voyage from Spain to Ireland. He left Santander April 22nd. 4 Killybegs. — 18 miles west of the town of Donegal. 5 Wishes.— C.C MSS., p. 141. 6 Religion. — CS-P.I., v. 452. Ixxviii O'Neill and O'Donnell replied 1 to the King as follows : We have received most opportunely your Majesty's letters so much wished for, full of clemency and almost fatherly love, shortly after we had been discussing about entering into a treaty with those who represented the person of the Queen of England, on account of the long delay in sending the aid expected from your Majesty, and the sufferings and complaints of our subjects and people worn out by the continuous wars and hardships. The terms were indeed honourable and very favourable, so far as they related to the liberty of the Catholics and the security of our country and friends. We did not however conclude it, though some of our pledges have been placed in the hands of our enemies. But as your letters, mighty King, clearly testify your feelings and kindly disposition, we shall not in future take into reckoning comfort or discomfort, but, supported by the hope of your favour next after God, we will again enter on the conflict and we will gladly renew the war, which has ceased for some time, though the forces of the enemy by sea and land are increasing daily. You, most merciful King, -will in the meantime supply us with all that is needed to take the business in hand and to carry on the war, six thousand soldiers and arms for ten thousand. And we consider it most desirable that as soon as this letter reaches you, you would send some quick-sailing light- armed vessels of the fleet with lead, powder, and engines of war, and about a thousand soldiers, in order to increase the courage of our people and lessen that of the enemy. But in as much as we have felt to our great and indescribable harm the evil doings and crimes of those whom the Queen of England is in the habit of sending amongst us, we beg and beseech your Majesty to send someone well known to you and perfectly fit to be the King of this island, for his own welfare, ours, and that of the Christian state, who will not be unwilling to rule over and live amongst us, and to direct and guide our nation well and wisely ; he will obtain much advantage and glory by so-doing, as it is quite certain that we are willing to encounter the risks of war through our great affection and love for you, caring little for the temporal advantages offered to us by the enemy ; and would that your Majesty would appoint the Archduke of Austria, now Governor of Flanders, a famous man and worthy of all praise, than whom none would be more acceptable. Your Highness should know that we have given information about all to your Envoy. This declaration of our sentiments will suffice for all the other noblemen, and he can return to Spain all the sooner. May the great and good God long keep your Majesty safe for the spreading of the Catholic faith in all parts of the world. Given in Lifford, the 16th day of May, in the year of our salvation, 1596. We wish in fine that your Majesty should give implicit credit to the bearer Alonso Cobos in all that relates to the present business. Your Majesty's most humble servants, [L.S.] Hugh O'Neill. [L.S.] Hugh O'Donnell. 1 Replied. — Archives, Simancas, no. 839. sent May 25th; it is little more than a The original is in Latin. Another was repetition of this. 0FONEILL& O'DONNELL TO DON CARO lxxix O'Neill and O'Donnell wrote 1 a joint letter to Don Carolo at the same time : Most Serene Prince, We have written to your father, the mighty King, as well as haste would allow us, what we thought most necessary for us and our country. In this business we beseech your Highness to respond generously to the hopes which we entertain of his generous qualities, and set us down in the number of his clients, and help us mercifully, as is his wont in a cause so pious and just, namely the asserting of Catholic liberty and the delivering our country from the yoke of wicked tyrants ; and in this way obeying the majesty of God, he will save an infinite number of souls from the jaws of hell, gain them over to Christ, and either crush utterly the agents of Satan's wrath and the wicked disturbers of the Christian republic or compel them to return to wiser counsels. We beg God to grant your most serene Highness every blessing. From Lifford, May 16th, in the year 1596. [L.S.] Hugh O'Neill. [L.S.] Hugh O'Donnell. The other chiefs too wrote to the King to the same purpose. So Maguire : I was the very first of all in this kingdom, not of my own authority, but through reliance on God's help and your clemency, who had the courage to rouse the wrath of the Queen of England. I have incurred infinite losses in consequence. But all these I care little about, because of your good will towards me. . . . The Lord O'Neill, whom we all obey, has written our unanimous request. ... I have entrusted my private business to the nobleman, the Rev. Charles O'Conchyr, as my trusted agent and spokesman, in whom I beg you will put all trust. — From Donegal, 23rd of May, 1596. And MacWilliam Burke : 2 The hateful and cruel violence of the tyrant's wrath has had the effect of preventing the knowledge of our family, always most attached to the Catholic faith, from reaching your Majesty's ears. For the English, who could not endure the glory of our family, not only directed their efforts mainly to destroy the best of them by deceit and treachery, but also they plotted how to root out completely all trace of their noble descent by cleverly cutting up our territory into several parts. But now, O mighty King, powerfully drawn and attracted by the sweetness of your kindness and mercy, we place ourselves among your servants, we promise your Catholic Majesty for ever fidelity and obedience, and we undertake to use strenuous efforts, with God's help, to defeat and root out the enemies of the Christian name — even 1 Wrote. — Archives, Simancas, no- 839. personally, as he had done to several others 2 MacWillia7n Burke. — From the tone of of the Irish chiefs. He had been appointed this letter it would seem that he was hurt the Mac William by O'Donnell shortly be- because the King had not written to him fore. See ad ann. 1 595, postea. lxxx our enemies will bear witness that we have done this hitherto. May God long preserve your Catholic Majesty safe. Given at Donegal, 25th of May, 1596. Your Majesty's most devoted, Mac William. Brian O'Rourke wrote : I conceive that I have received an adequate reward for all the toil and for the hardships which I have endured from the tyrannical cruelty of the heretics, and that I am abundantly consoled, when I call to mind the great generosity of your Majesty, expressed so kindly and lovingly in your letter. This I received later than the others did theirs, owing to an attack made on me by the enemy, and therefore I could not reply with the others. Not doubting in any way of the prosperous issue of your kindness, I promise at all times to be most obedient and faithful to your Catholic Majesty, and most willingly I subscribe to the answer sent by the chiefs O'Neill and O'Donnell. From Donegal, May 26th, 1596. The most devoted servant of your Catholic Majesty, O'Ruark. MacSwiney Banagh, too, wrote 1 that 'he had received his Majesty's letter, that he was chief of a territory and of one side of the harbour into which his Majesty's messengers had come ; that he had treated them with all kindness, as he was bound to do, and aided them to bring their business to an end as soon as possible, and would do the like so long as he lived, so that his Majesty's ships could make a stay in the harbour with security at all times.' He asked for guns and five hundred men, to be put under his command for the welfare of the country. The Bishop of Raphoe, 2 also, wrote to the King ' from his manor of Killybegs, thanking him for the aid he was about to send, especially on behalf of the Church, which was spoiled by the English heretics.' O'Neill and O'Donnell wrote a joint letter to Don Juan de Idiaquez, Councillor of State, from Donegal, May 25th, 1596, asking him to urge their petition with his Majesty : Having opened our minds by letter to his Catholic Majesty, and set briefly before him our wants, it remains for us to address you, who have always shown singular kindness to us. Therefore we beseech you earnestly to remember our ancient and remote descent, and, as is your custom, to take means to inform his Majesty carefully and exactly of the state of this kingdom, which we have undertaken to defend as best we can, an honourable and holy undertaking, and persuade the King not to allow this excellent opportunity to pass unheeded ; we can hardly hope 1 Wrote. — His letter is dated May 26th. bishop of Raphoe, died at Gleneany, and 2 Raphoe. — Niall O'Boyle, who occupied was interred at Iniskeel ' ; this is an island the see from 1591101611. Under the latter at the mouth of Gweebarra Bay, in west date the Four Masters say : ' Niall O'Boyle, Donegal. lxxxi that such another will ever again occur, and to send us aid as soon as possible. We leave to the care and fidelity of Thaddeus, bishop of Clonfert, 1 and Bernard O'Donnell much more, in which we trust you will not fail to aid us. It was the wish of O'Neill, O'Donnell', and all the other chiefs who made common cause with them, to send a joint letter signed by all to the King. Their anxiety for the speedy arrival of aid from Spain, and the Envoy's wish to avoid the English ships that would be sent to intercept him if news reached those in authority that he had come to Ireland, made him hasten his departure, so as to anticipate the arrival of many of them at LifTord or Donegal. This fact is borne testimony to by O'Neill and O'Donnell in a document which they, no doubt, handed to the Envoy : We, the Lords O'Neill and O'Donnell, testify by this letter that it was by our persuasion Don Alonso Cobos, the Envoy of his Catholic Majesty, was impelled and moved to hasten his return to Spain before the arrival here of the rest of our nobility who live Jar away from this place. We are of one mind with these, and therefore can speak for all of them. Our chief reason is that he may take our letters with all possible haste to the Catholic King, and set before him our wishes. Given at Lifford, 1 6th May, 1596. The Envoy, on the other hand, bore testimony to the universal desire of the Irish chiefs to cast off their allegiance to the Queen of England and to submit to the King of Spain : I, Alonso Cobos, say and certify to all who may see this, that I came to Ireland when all the Irish Lords had almost concluded peace with the Queen on terms favourable to them, and that solely through conscientious motives, and for the great love they bear to his Majesty, they have declined to bring it to a conclu- sion, and have taken up arms against the Queen, and turned their hearts in all sincerity to God and the King, whose vassals they are, until his Majesty orders otherwise, as most suitable to his service. And to show that I am sure of what I state, I have set down at the foot my name and seal. 2 Lifford, 15th of May, 1596. Another letter from the King reached O'Neill and O'Donnell soon after the one mentioned above, whether by the same or another messenger we know not. Here is their answer : We welcome with much joy your Majesty's second letter, breathing the fragrance of sweetness and mercy, and in our inmost hearts we embrace it. We have answered it not only with the same feelings but almost in the same words as we did your first. About the time we received your first letter from the hands of your Majesty's Envoy we were very urgently asked by those who governed 1 Bishop of Clonfert.— Thaddeus O'Fer- 2 Seal— Archives, Simancas, no. 839. The rail, who occupied the see from 1587 to 1602. letter and signature are in the same hand. I lxxxii here on behalf of the Queen of England to make a truce and accept terms of peace; just and very favourable terms were offered and laid before us, which guaranteed liberty and peace to the Catholic faith, and security of our possessions to us from the heretics. Some pledges of ours have passed to the enemy, for we were induced to accept their terms owing to the complaints of our suffering subjects, worn out by the hardships of the war continued up to the present, and most of all to the great delay in the coming of the succour we expected. But since we are asked piously and affectionately by your Majesty's letters, setting at nought the hellish devices of the English, and relying on God's mercy and yours, we have not hesitated to renew this war, which was interrupted for some time, even though the forces of the enemy both by land and sea are increasing day by day. It will be your duty, most merciful King, in the meantime to supply what is needed for bringing the business to an end, and to send the war supplies — six thousand soldiers and arms for ten thousand. 1 The Earl, O'Donnell, Brian O'Rourke, and Mac William strove to stir up the war again in Munster. On the 6th of July they wrote to the chiefs by the Clanshies, 2 ' that they had given oath and vow that whosoever of the Irishry, especially of the gentlemen of Munster, or whosoever else, as if they were particularly named, from the highest to the lowest, should assist Christ's Catholic religion, and join in confederacy and war with them, should give firm credit to the Clann Sheehy as their true messengers and agents, and to the warrant sent with them, that they would never conclude peace or. war with the English for themselves or any of them during their life, but that the like should be concluded from all that should join in their confederacy ; and to relieve and enable anyone as themselves in case he should be driven to extremity.' 3 The Queen thought that the troubles in the north were at length ended. Seeing that many of these arose from the misconduct of her officers, she rebuked them, and declared that thenceforth she would subdue the stubborn by the sword, but would govern the oppressed with justice. 4 Norris and Fenton were sent to pacify Connaught, and to make inquiry into the many grievous complaints made against Sir Richard Bingham. The Annals 5 of Loch Ce say of him, under the date 1599 : 'The person who was Governor from the Queen over the province of Connaught at this time was Sir Richard Bingham ; and all the Clann William 6 whom he did not hang he set at war with the Queen ; and the Clann Domhnaill, 7 in like manner ; and he set the 1 Ten Thousand. — Ibid. 2 C ans/nes. — The Clann Sheehy were the gallowglasses of the Earls of Desmond. Keating says they are descended from Colla Uais and of the same stock as the Mac- donnells of Scotland. Preface to H. of Ire- land, xxi. 3 Extremity — C-C MSS., iii. 179. 4 Justice. — Cox, Hib. AngL, i. 410. 6 Annuls. — ii. 494. 6 Ciann William. — The De Burgos, whose ancestor was William Fitzadelm. 7 Clann Domhnaill. — This seplwas called of Lough Conn, and were of the same stock as the O'Dowds. See Tribes, &*c.,of Hy Fiachrach, p. 113. lxxxiii posterity of Turlough Donn O'Conor, 1 and the posterity of Aodh, 2 son of Felim, and Muinter Flannagain, 3 and O'Ruark, and the posterity of Eoghan MacDiarmada 4 at war with himself and the Queen. And he made a bare, polished garment of the province of Connaught. When the Justiciary of Erin heard of that evil inflicted on Connaught by the Bing- hams, 5 he came with great anger and terrible fury until he arrived at Galway ; and he brought with him no army save ioo horse and 100 foot. And the Governor remained at Athlone, studying how he might ruin the portion that he had not ruined of the province of Connaught. The Clann William and Murchadh O'Flaherty came to Galway, and they made peace with the Justiciary, and placed their hostages in the hands of the people of Galway.' Bingham was sent to England, and 'being a severe governor, and perhaps, therefore, obnoxious to the Irish; who were frequent transgressors, he was, upon their repeated complaints, removed from the government of Connaught, and Sir Conyers Clifford substituted in his room.' Towards the end of this year another Envoy would seem to have come from the King of Spain. Our author says he came in April of the following year ; but from the State Papers we infer his visit was earlier. We have not his letter, but we have replies to it sent to the King by the several chiefs of the north. O'Neill and O'Donnell wrote to him a joint letter 7 from Donegal, bearing date October 16th : Most merciful King, — We cannot express in words the intense joy and delight which the letter of your Catholic Majesty, full of extreme kindness and mercy, has caused us. Since the former Envoys left us we have used every means in our power, as we promised we should do, to gain time and procrastinate from one day to another, without causing any bloodshed or allowing our countrymen to be plundered or oppressed. But how could we impose on so clever an enemy, so skilled in every kind of cunning and cheating, if we did not use much dissimulation, and especially if we did not pretend we were anxious for peace ? We will keep firm and unshaken 1 Turlough Donn O'C — Called also Tur- lough Oge. In 1384 two lords were set up in Connaught, this Turlough, supported by the O'Kellys and Clann Donough; the other, Turlough Roe, supported by the MacDer- mots. In consequence a great war broke out throughout Connaught. They were res- pectively ancestors of O'Conor Don and O'Conor Roe, and gave rise to these two family names. See Annals F. M., ad ann., and Top- Poem-', p. 20. 2 Aodh- — The father of Phelim, King of Connaught from 1230 to 1265. 3 Flannagain.— A branch of the O'Conors of Magh Naoi, called Sil Muireadhaigh, from their ancestor, Muireadach, king of Connaught, who died in 701. 4 MaiDiarmada. — The Macdermots of Magh Naoi, a branch of the same stock, and different from the Mac Dei mots of Moylurg. See Top. Poems, xxxiii. 6 The Binghatns. — Later we shall see that more than one of this family signalized himself by his cruelly. 6 In his room. — Cox, Hib. Angl., i. 412. Clifford was a native of Kent. He had served under the Earl of Essex at the siege of Rouen, and on the expedition against Cadiz. He came to Ireland in Jany., 1597. 7 Letter. — Archives, Simancas, no- 839. Ixxxiv the promises which we made to your Majesty to our last breath ; if we do not, we shall incur at once the wrath of God and the contempt of men. Letters of the same purport were sent to the King by Maguire, Brian O'Rourke, Mac William, O'Doherty, MacSwiny Banagh, Cormac O'Neill, and Hugh MacDavid. The Guardian of the Franciscan monastery of Donegal wrote describing the pitiful state of his convent, 'which still con- tinued to spread round the light of heavenly doctrine, and to bring back many from the wickedness of heresy to unity with the true worship of God. Three times it was pulled down and almost levelled with the ground, the church was burned, the dwelling-house levelled ; the chalices and vestments intended solely for the worship of God were now turned to the uses of wicked men.' About this time, too, O'Conor Sligo, 1 having obtained the Queen's favour and the command of some troops, came from England. His territory was close to Ulster and Connaught, and his influence and power would be of the greatest importance to his English allies. Archdeacon O'Rorke in his History of Sligo 2 gives briefly, yet comprehensively, the history of the relations of this portion of the Claim O'Conor to the Cinel Conaill. Dwelling in Connaught, the Cinel Cairbre were subject to the kings of that province, first to the fourteen kings of the Hy Fiachrach race who ruled over it, and next to the Hy Bruin kings, who belonged mainly to the O'Conor family. As however the Cairbrians were of the same stock 3 as the Cinel Eoghain and Cinel Conaill, they had a greater leaning to the inhabitants of Ulster than to those of Connaught, with whom they were often at variance. After the sovereignty of the province had passed from the Hy Fiachrach to the Hy Bruin, the O'Dowds 4 still claimed to rule over Lower Connaught, which included Carbury, at least the portion of it to the south of Drumcliff, but their authority was merely nominal. From the time the O'Connors settled in Carbury, in the 12th century, to the abolition of Irish tenures in the 17th, there was a perpetual contest between them and the Cinel Conaill for the chief authority in Carbury. In the battle of Crich Cairbre, 5 in n 81, the Cinel Conaill asserted their claim, and were the undoubted 1 O'Conor Sligo. — This family is de- scended from Turlough Mor, ardrigh from 1 126 to 1 1 56, through a younger son Brian Luighneach. See Annals F. M., ad ann. 1 1 56, and D'Alton's King James' Army List, ii. 529. 2 H. of Sligo.— \. 33. 3 Stock. — See p. xiii., antea. 4 O'Dowds. — See The Tribes, &*c, of Hy Fiachrach, pp. in, 343. 5 Crich Cairbre. — 'Flaherty O'Muldory, lord of Tyrconnell, defeated the sons of the King of Connaught on the Saturday before Whitsuntide. Sixteen of the sons of the lords and chieftains of Connaught were slain by the Cinel Conaill and many others, both nobles and plebeians. They held the Connatians under subjection for a long time after this battle'. — Annals F. M., ad ann. On account of the number of kings' and chieftains' sons who were slain in this battle, it is usually called by Irish historians 'The Battle of the Royal Heirs.' See The Annals of Loch Ce, ad ann. lxxxv chiefs of the territory for near two centuries, as appears, first, from their defending the territory against all invaders ; second, from their taking up the chieftain's rents ; third, from their alienating a portion of the territory ; and fourth, from their enemies regarding any injury inflicted on the district as an injur)' inflicted on the Cinel Conaill. The O'Connor family did not submit to this supremacy, and in the middle of the 14th century not only vindicated the right to be paramount themselves in Carbury, but invaded Tyrconnell, and acquired there for a short time authority over the O'Donnells. The latter, however, maintained all through their pretensions to Carbury and Lower Connaught. So late as the middle of the 16th century we find Manus O'Donnell taking up the rents of Lower Connaught, and even petitioning Henry viii. to be made Earl of Sligo. ... In 1603, when Rory O'Donnell was about to be created Earl of Tyrconnell, James 1. ordered that he should first renounce all claim upon O'Connor Sligo's country ; which he accordingly did. Like most of his predecessors in the office of Lord Deputy, Sir William Russell was weary 1 of it long before the time during which he should hold it was at an end. 2 In October, 1596, he sent in a pitiful petition to the English Privy Council, in which he sets forth his troubles at length, and prays for his recall. ' From time to time for a whole year and more he had made known by letter to their Lordships the dangerous state of this distressed kingdom committed to his charge, as well through the great force, strength, and means of the rebels themselves, as through their continual practice to draw in continual assistance, if the same were not prevented by a timely and round prosecution ; and yet, to his great grief and discomfort, he could not in his devices be credited, but others suftered and authorized to proceed in a course of pacification, which in the opinion of the said Deputy and the most part of the Council did tend directly to her Majesty's disadvantage and the gaining of time to the said rebels, the better to bring to pass their purposes. . . . The Earl of Tyrone with all his forces, save such as are left about Armagh to block up the fort there where he daily preyeth, is drawn up, with purpose, as may be thought, to take all advantage by joining with the Spaniards or otherwise. It is most humbly desired by the said Deputy, in discharge of his duty, for the good of her Majesty's service and the safety of her realm of Ireland, that your Lordships would be pleased to revoke him and place some other better countenanced and graced in Court, to the end, more credit being given to his advices, he may be better supplied of means than he findeth himself to be to withstand so imminent dangers.' 3 The Deputy alludes here to the 1 Weary. — Brewer remarks, with a good deal of truth, that ' no Englishman ever tasted the bitter-sweet of the Irish deputy- ship, but sighed and prayed to leave it ; no Englishman who had left it, but forgot in England the bitter, and remembering only the sweet, sighed and consented to return to it. . . .. The infatuation seems wholly in- explicable. ' Introd. to C. C.MSS.,\\\. p.xxviii. 2 End. — His appointment was for three years. 3 Dangers.— CC MSS. % in. 184. lxxxvi disagreement between himself and Sir John Norris, who had the title of Lord General and by commission the sole command of the army in Ulster in the absence of the Deputy. ' The clashings and janglings that were between these two high-spirited men did very much prejudice to the Queen's affairs.' 1 She was well aware of their differences and of the harm arising therefrom, and recalled Russell in the beginning of 1 597. Thomas, Lord Borough, was appointed in his place, April 1 8th of the same year. 2 He landed in Ireland May 15th, and a week after received the sword of office. Supreme authority was given him in martial and in civil causes. To avoid 'the clashings' that had injured the public interests during the term of office of his predecessor, General Norris was ordered to return to Munster, where he held the place of President. This affront, joined to the disappointment he felt at not receiving the office of Lord Deputy, which he expected, and the many baffles put upon him by the Earl of Tyrone, broke his heart. He died two months after his return to Cork. 3 As was the custom, the new Deputy, when entering on his office, received from his predecessor and the Council ' a Summary Collection 4 of the state of the realm ' for his future guidance. They reported to him that ' Ulster was universally revolted, no part of it being free from hostility to her Majesiy and adherence to the capital traitors of Tyrone, the only places left her beyond Dundalk being the Newry, Knockfergus, 5 Carlingford, the Green Castle, 6 Dundrum, 7 and Oldrifleete. 8 At the Earl's first entrance into rebel- lion there were several countries in Ulster which held for her Majesty, and some of the lords thereof paid rents, compositions, and risings-out. . . Now they are all in confederacy with the Earl. ... In Connaught not one of the six shires was free from revolt, but each had its particular disturbers. Sir Conyers Clifford, Chief Commissioner there, with twenty-one companies of foot and a half besides horse, was not strong enough to reduce the rebels to obedience, for his companies were weak, and O'Donnell tyrannized over most of these people at his pleasure, having drawn to his side the whole country of Leitrim, whereof the O'Rourkes have usurped rule, and are at his direction, and, in effect, the whole country of Mayo, where he set up a supposed Mac William, who is the most notorious traitor in Connaught, and altogether at his commandment only. ... In county Sligo the 1 Aflairs. — Cox., Hib. Angl., i. 406. 2 Year. — The Queen's instructions to him are given in C.C. AÍSS-, iii. 213. 3 Cork. — Moryson, Rebellion, &c, p. 20. 1 Collection- — It is given in C.C. MSS., iii. 216. 6 Knockfergus.- Now Carrickfergus, on the western side of Belfast Lough. 6 Greencastle. — At the entrance to Car- lingford Lough, opposite Greenore. 7 Dundrum. — In Co. Down. The walls of De Courcy's castle are still standing in great part. 8 Oldrifleete- — On the narrow peninsula called the Corran, which projects into Larne Bay, Co. Antrim. Ixxxvií O'Harryes, 1 the O'Hartes, and divers others are overawed by O'Donnell and combined with Mac William.' The Earl wrote to Sir John Norris before his return from the north, asking that a reasonable time should be appointed for him to gather together his confederates and to bring them to the borders. After this letter was produced, the Lord Deputy asked the Council their advice ' what course he should hold with the Earl. They agreed that it would not pre- judice her Majesty's interest to give him till the 20th of May following, no mention to be made of any Cessations.' 2 But no treaty was made, and the Deputy determined to carry the war into Ulster. In 'A Brief Discourse declaring how the service against the northern rebels might be advanced,' 3 the author dwells on the importance of securing a permanent footing, on the other side of the Erne. ' The river of Lough Erne is convenient for transporting victuals, as also for the service, and divides Connaught from Ulster. The passage of this river at Ballyshannon and Belleek being garrisoned, will defend Connaught and the south side of the Pale, and so annoy O'Donnell that he will be forced to disunite himself for his own defence from the Earl.' Our author gives an account of the forces that assembled by the Deputy's order at Boyle. The first who came was Donough O'Brien, Earl of Thomond, known in history as the Great Earl. In early life he was a Catholic, but at the suggestion of Boetius Clancy he conformed to Pro- testantism, in order to ingratiate himself with the Queen. He was all his life a faithful ally of the English, and in return for his zeal 4 he was rewarded with high offices. The Earl of Clanricarde, 5 the Baron of Inchiquin, 6 O'Conor Roe, O'Conor Sligo, and Tibbot na long, 7 all these united their forces with those of the Crown. Thinking that such .a vast force, so well armed and equipped, would meet with no opposition of any moment, and sure of success, they set off for Tyrconnell by way of Sligo. They crossed the Erne at Ballyshannon, the Baron of Inchiquin and O'Conor vying with each other in their efforts to reach the opposite bank, 8 where some few of O'Donnell's forces were drawn up to receive them. Inchiquin fell off 1 O'Harryes. — The O' Haras, of whom later. 2 Cessations— C.C. MSS., iii. 218. 3 Advanced. — Ibid., p. 199. 4 Zeal. — He is buried in the south side of the choir of St. Mary's cathedral, Limerick. A long inscription tells his services and honours. See O'Donoghue's Hist. Memoir of /hi O'Briens, p. 214. 5 E. of C-anricarde.—Th.^yá Earl. For the aid which he gave Bingham he was rewarded with extensive grants of land in Connaught. He died in 1601, leaving a son, of whom more later. 6 Inchiquin. — See ad ann. 1597, postea. 7 Tibbot na long. — i.e., of the ships. He wasthefirstViscountMayo. His mother was the famous Grace O'Malley. See p. xxxiv., antea. He is buried in Ballintubber Abbey, Co. Mayo, opposite the high altar. The tomb is inscribed in raised letters : ' The body of Tibbot na long, first Viscount. . . .' See ArchdalPs Peerage, iv. 235. 8 Bank. — O'Sullevan, Hist. Calh., p. 203. Lxxxviii his horse, and owing to the weight of his armour could not rise again ; he was carried away by the force of the current and drowned. Large guns were brought by sea from Galway to batter down the walls of the castle. The garrison consisted of eighty men, six of whom were Spaniards, survivors no doubt of the Armada ; the rest Irish, under the command of Hugh Crawford, a Scotchman. O'Donnell's force was small, his friends not having had time as yet to come to his aid. With these he attempted to relieve the garrison ; but his efforts proved of no avail against the superior force ; however, he continued to molest them night and day without intermission. These made a breach in the lower part of the castle and effected an entrance into it ; but they were beaten back by the garrison. They were not more successful in their attempt to enlarge the breach and enter by the help of the opening which they had made. The besieged hurled down large stones from the battlements, breaking their machines and crushing those within them. Meantime O'Donnell's friends, O'Neill and O'Rourke, were approaching to his assistance. The besiegers, disheartened at their losses and want of success, and fearing they should be crushed by the numerous forces that were gathering about them, took counsel and resolved to raise the siege. They left behind three of their large guns ; the fourth they contrived to put on board the ship that had brought it. 1 Our author describes at length their crossing the river, their flight, and the losses they endured when pursued by O'Donnell. About three hundred of them were lost that day, some of these having been drowned in the river, others slain in their flight. The expedition marched from Boyle July 24th, and set out on their retreat from Bally- shannon August 15th. The Four Masters say ' the body of the Baron of Inchiquin, who was drowned at the crossing of the Erne, was taken up by Cormac : Clery, one of the monks of Assaroe, and buried by him with due honour in the monastery. In consequence of this a dispute arose between the friars of Donegal and the monks of Assaroe, the friars maintaining that the body should be of right buried in their own monastery, because the ancestors of the Baron had been for a long time before buried in the Franciscan monastery in his own country, and the monks insisting that it should remain with themselves ; so that the monks and the friars went before O'Donnell and the two Bishops 2 of Raphoe and Deny, and these decided that the body of the Baron should be buried in the monastery of St. Francis at Donegal. Accordingly the body was taken up at the end of three months after its interment in the monastery of Assaroe, and the 1 Brought it. — Ibid. English in Oireacht Ui Cathain, March 2 Bishops.— Niall O'Boyle and Redmond 1 5th, 1601. See Annals F. M., vi. 2238, and O'Gallagher. The latter was killed by the p. lxxx., antea. lxxxix friars reburied it in their own monastery with reverence and honour, as was meet.' 1 Immediately alter the English had withdrawn from Ballyshannon, O'Neill sent word to O'Donnell that the Lord Deputy was on his way to Tyrone. Lie was accompanied by the young Earl of Kildare, 2 Henry na dtuath. He encamped on the northern bank of the Blackwater. In the skirmishes which took place the Deputy was wounded. He was taken to Newry and died there. When the Lord Deputy was disabled by his wound, the chief command devolved on the Earl of Kildare. He too was wounded and twice thrown from his horse. His two foster-brothers, sons of O' Conor Faly, 3 were slain while assisting him to remount. He was so grieved at their death that he left the army broken-spirited, and having reached Drogheda he died there of grief and the fever resulting from his wounds. The brother-in-law of the Lord Deputy also, Sir Francis Vaughan, and Robert Tumour, Sergeant-Major of the army, were slain.* In the course of this year, Don Roderigo de Vayen was sent by the King of Spain to confer with the Irish. He landed at Killybegs and went to Donegal where O'Donnell then was. There he was entertained most generously, and at his departure he was given presents of dogs and horses for his royal master. We have not the King's letter, but we have a reply to it written no doubt on behalf of O'Donnell and the other chiefs too. We have received your Highness's letter by Don Roderigo de Vayen this last March, in which you informed us that we should go forward in our enterprise, and that your Majesty would send us aid. We returned answer by the said Don Roderigo. Believe no news from England of any agreement in this country. Great offers have been made by the Queen of England, but we will not break our oath and promise to you. We are compassed round on all sides in such a way that except God keep us we shall be undone. But as yet we have defeated our foes. We skirmish with them very often, and they come off the worst, and lately I was present at the killing of the Sergeant-Major of the Queen's army, and of the Lord Deputy's brother-in-law, with many others. The Earl of Kildare was hurt and died of his wound. The Governpr of Connaught came into the country where O'Donnell was, with a great army, nearly as great as the Deputy's was, and laid siege to one of his castles ; but after a while he was forced to steal away with the loss of a nobleman and many officers and soldiers, and driven to leave the Queen's great ordnance behind, with all their victuals and carriages. Hence at present we are so situated that we must humbly crave your immediate aid. 5 1 Meet, — Ibid., vi. 2047. O'Donovan thinks it strange that these two religious houses should contend for the possession of the body of a Protestant Baron. But the Baron was not a Protestant, though his cousin the Earl of Thomond was, as we shall see later. 2 E. of Kildare. — See The Earls of Kildare, p. 234, and Addenda, p. 315, for an account of this expedition. 3 O'Conor Faly. — O'Sullevan says their name was Hickey. Hist. Cath.,\>. 185. 4 Slain. — Moryson, Rebellion, &c, p. 21. 6 Aid.— C.C. MSS., iii. 269. m xc Donough O'Conor Sligo had returned to Ireland from England in the autumn of the previous year. Bingham was anxious to obtain possession of his territory, the land, especially Sligo itself, being of great importance, lying in the only strait through which the Scots were accustomed to annoy the province. The common argument of officials who wished to seize on the lands of Irish chiefs was employed against him ; it was asserted he was base-born. Perrott, however, befriended him, and had a commission appointed to investigate the case. It found against the contention of Bingham and declared Donough the lawful heir of his grandfather, who held under a patent from Elizabeth. After the recall of Perrott, Bingham still urged his plea, and succeeded in carrying out his plans. But when Bingham was disgraced, O'Conor, who meantime had sought redress in England, returned in triumph with a great number of Englishmen. 1 He was allowed to take possession of his inheritance, if only he could wrest it from those who held it. This will go far to explain his zeal to promote the Queen's interests. He co-operated with the Governor of Connaught, brought over to him his brother-in-law Tibbot na long 2 and many of his family, and with the MacDonoughs, O'Harts, and others formed a powerful party in opposition to O'Donnell. After the English army had withdrawn fromr the province O'Donnell preyed his territory and the lands of his dependents, though by so doing he incurred the resentment of O'Rourke, as we shall see later. After the death of Lord Borough, Sir Thomas Norris, President of Munster, was appointed Lord Justice provisionally ; but being melancholy at the death of his brother, he grew weary of the office, 3 and at his request the government was handed over to Adam Loftus, then Chancellor and Protestant Archbishop of Dublin, and Sir Robert Gardiner. On the 15th of November they were sworn. In 'A Summary Report 4 of the Estate of the Realm,' presented to the Council, November 5th, it is said that ' there is no part of Ulster freed from the poison of this great rebellion, and no country or chieftain of a country, being Irish, whom the capital traitor Tyrone had not corrupted and drawn into combination with him, so as from sea to sea beyond Dundalk there is no part standeth for her Majesty except the castles held by strong garrisons.' The Earl of Ormonde was appointed Lieutenant-General and Captain of the army. 5 To him O'Neill addressed himself, asking ' to make known to her Majesty the several grievances done to him and his by some of her ministers.' He asked ' a time of forbearing of arms for two 1 Englishmen. — O'Rorke, H. of Sligo, He held it for only a month. Moryson i. 135. Rebellion, p. 21. 2 Tibbot na long. — See 'An Abstract of 4 Report. — C.C. MSS., iii. 272. his Demands unto Sir Conyers Clifford, 5 Army. — The date of the appointment is April 25th, 1597,' in C.C. MSS., iii. 265. October 29th, 1597. It was renewed by 3 The office. — Cox, Hib. Angl., i. 144. James I. in 1603. Avchdall's Peerage, iv. 35. xci months, till her Majesty's pleasure be returned.' 1 He promised that he and those who had taken part with him would observe the Cessation and would put no hindrance to the victualling of the fort of Blackwater. Ormonde procured that a Commission should be issued to himself, the Bishop of Meath, 2 and Fenton, to treat with O'Neill. They met at Dundalk, December 22nd. A Cessation of eight weeks' duration was agreed upon. The negociations were renewed on the 15th of March following. The same terms were offered by the Crown to O'Neill as two years before ; some of which he agreed to, and others he refused, such as the delivering to the Lord Lieutenant the sons of Shane O'Neill, as he had not these prisoners from the State. Nor would he put in his eldest son ' for pledge/ He would accept a sheriff for Tyrone, but ' a gentleman of the country ' should be chosen. To the last condition proposed, viz., that he should not receive any disloyal person, but send such to the chief Governor, he agreed, ' provided that he would deliver no man to the State who came to him for cause of conscience.' A further extension of the Cessation till April 10th was agreed on, that O'Donnell and the other Ulster chiefs who had been associated with him might come in and make their submission. 3 The Lord Justices caused O'Neill's pardon to be drawn and sealed with the Great Seal of Ireland, bearing date April nth, 1598. O'Neill, however, never came for it. 4 In 1587 O'Neill got the Queen's letters patent under the Great Seal of England for the earldom of Tyrone, without any reservation of the great rent to the Crown which he had promised the Lord Deputy to pay. One of the conditions of the grant was that one or two places (specially that of Blackwater), should be reserved for the building of forts and the keeping of garrisons there. This site was chosen as it commanded the passage from the county of Armagh into that of Tyrone, and was the key to O'Neill's country. The garrison there could easily join with those of Dundalk, Newry, Monaghan, and Enniskillen ' upon actions of service.' ' ki A Brief Discourse declaring how the service against the northern rebels might be advanced,' already mentioned, 5 among the fittest places for garrisons on the borders of Tyrone, the Blackwater was set down first in regard of the commodities of Lough Erne. . . . ' By the garrison of Black- water the whole country to the Newry should be conquered, and the Earl forced to keep below G the Blackwater, where, notwithstanding, he shall take small rest, the garrison of Lough Foyle playing upon him as a northern 1 Returned. — C.C MSS., iii., p. 296. 3 Submission. — Moryson, Rebellion, &c., 2 B. of Meath. — Thomas Jones, Protest- p. 23. ant bishop of Meath from 1584 to 1605; 4 Came for it. — Cox, Hib. Angl., i. 414. at the latter date he was translated to Dub- 5 Mentioned. — p. lxxxvii., antea. lin. He died in 1619. See Ware's Bishops, 6 Below.— i.e., to the north of this river pp. 156, 354 ; Dublin, 1764» and within Co. Tyrone. xcii storm, and the garrison of Blackwater descending upon him as a southern tempest.' 1 In all the Articles proposed to O'Neill by the English Crown, one of the first was, that he should suffer her Majesty's garrison to live in security in the Fort of Blackwater, and send a safe conduct with the victuals and munitions to be sent there from Newry or any other place. It was even proposed to him once that he should allow a tax to be levied on him, his kinsfolk, tenants, and followers for the support of this garrison as well as those of Armagh, Newry, and Monaghan. 2 He replied that before agreeing to such terms he must first obtain the consent of his followers and kinsfolk ; this, even if he desired it, he could hardly obtain. In the beginning of 1 595 O'Neill seized 3 the fort; it was not sufficiently secured against attack, and the moment he chose was when the Constable of the Ward-was absent. The Queen wrote an angry letter to the Deputy : 'You, our Deputy, cannot but call to mind what charge was given to you for the safe conservation of the fort of Blackwater, which the Earl has long ambitiously sought. . . . It ought to have been sufficiently secured. against the traitor.' 4 O'Neill razed the fort and broke down the bridge. When the Commission treated with him the following year, one of the terms proposed to him was that he should 'rebuild 5 the fort and bridge of Blackwater.' It was rebuilt, not, however, by O'Neill, but at the expense of the Government, and a garrison put into it. It was retaken by O'Neill. Again the Lord Deputy in person went to recover it, and coming before it of a sudden he captured it. He gives the reason of his easy success: 'There was only a straight retrenchment and a plain curtain without flanks, one at the one end and the other at the other of their defences, both of which were blinded so soon as a man had passed half the water, and from the rampart itself was least danger if one recovered to the foot and would direct the rest accord- ing to the commodity.' 6 Tyrone's army was in the woods hard by, and thence could give no relief, the undertaking and execution being so unexpected. One of his officers 7 who was present says it was because of the ill-disposing of the flanker-holes, which only beat the descent of the hill and left the fort unguarded. Soon after- the engagement took place, in which the Lord Deputy's brother-in-law and several of the officers were slain. The Deputy, too, whether owing to a wound which he received there, as O'Clery and the Four Masters state, 8 or to a sudden illness, was 1 Tempest.— C.C. MSS., iii. 201. 2 Monaghan. — Ibid., p. 164. 3 Seized. — See p. lxii., antea. 4 The traitor. — C.C. MSS., iii. 109. 6 Rebuild. — Ibid., p. 162. 6 Commodity. — Borough to Cecil, July 1 6th, in Facsimiles of the National MSS. of Ireland, edited by J. T. Gilbert, pt. iv. no. i.intr. xli.; London, 1882. In plate xxiii. there is a plan of Blackwater Fort and a coloured drawing of the attack made on it by Lord Borough and his forces. 7 Officers. — Letter of Edward Loftus to his father, ibid. 8 State. — 'When the foot soldiershadcome up with the Lord Justice he advanced to the fort, and some say he was never well from that day forth.'— Annals F.M., vi. 2034. XC111 obliged to retire ; he died at Newry. Though his valour was much com- mended, his expedition was little more than a brag of courage in passing to Tyrone's chief seat, which no other Deputy had yet attempted. 1 However, he left a garrison at Blackwater under Captain Thomas Wil- liams. In the spring of 1598 O'Neill attempted again to capture it. He was repulsed with severe loss. After a while, learning that the garrison was short of supplies, he resolved to lay a regular siege to the place and reduce it by starvation. Williams and those under his command were brought to the greatest straits. They had eaten the few horses they had, and were living upon herbs that grew in the ditches and walls. 2 When the news reached Dublin, the Lord Deputy sent Sir Henry Bagnal with the choicest English troops to raise the siege and victual the fort. We have ample details of the preparations made by the English, and of the battle itself, from contemporary writers, some of whom took part in it. 3 The entire force on the side of the English consisted of 4,000 foot and 300 horse. Half that number was made up of Irish ; among these were some men of good birth, as Philip O'Reilly, surnamed the Fair on account of his graceful figure and handsome features, and Christopher St. Lawrence, the Earl of Howth's son. They were all trained soldiers ; many of the English had served under Sir John Norris in France, others had been long employed in the Irish wars. The Irish in the service of the English had already given frequent proofs of their valour in the field. All were well armed, some having heavy guns, others lighter ones. They had a plentiful supply of powder, balls, leaden and iron ; oxen too, salt meat, cheese, butter, biscuits, for their own wants and for the relief of the garrison at Portmore. 4 The whole force was under the command of Sir Henry Bagnal, a man skilled in the art of war, and, a rare thing in a general, he was both brave and prudent. He was not unduly elated by success nor cast down by defeat. To those whom he had defeated or who , had surrendered to him he was less insolent than most of the English, who are never sparing of insult. The Irish force opposed to them consisted of 4,500 foot and about 600 horse. Of these three thousand were brought by O'Donnell, two thousand of them being the men of Tyrconnell, and one thousand Connaught troops, under Mac William Burke, whom O'Donnell had then in his pay. The rest were O'Neill's troops and those of his brothers and allies in other parts of Ulster. In the matter of arms they were far x Attempted. — Moryson, Rebellion, &c, p. 21. 2 Walls— Ibid. 3 Part in it. — See Gilbert's Facsimiles, pt. iv. no. I. intr. xliii., and 'The Journey of the Blackwater,' in Kilkenny Arch- J. for 1856, p. 256, for several very interesting documents connected with this important event. 4 Portmore. — i.e., the great fort, the name it usually went by among the Irish. By the English it is called Blackwater Fort. xciv inferior to the English, their guns, all but a few, being light and short. O'Neill, face to face with so formidable a foe, at first thought of falling back beyond the Blackvvater. But the alleged prophesy of St. Bercan, foretelling the success of the men of the north against the English of Dublin, roused his men to a high pitch of enthusiasm. 1 Meantime he employed his forces in plashing the passes, and digging pitfalls and covering them with leaves and grass, in order to hinder the advance of the cavalry. On the 9th of August the English army set out from Newry ; three days after it came to Armagh. Here is an account of the battle given by one who was engaged 2 in it on the side of the English : When we came to Armagh we might see Tyrone lodged upon the highway between us and the Blackwater, on the other side of the pass and the river which we were to pass the next day, after our camp was set. Sir Henry Bagnal called a council of the captains, and there imparted to them that his purpose was not the next day to march the ordinary highway where the rebels lay, but he was furnished with good guides, and going not passing a mile or two wide, we should march all through the hard and open champain, save the passing through one bog some two or three flight-shot over, where he would maintain skirmish with the rebels till he had made the bog passable with boughs and sticks for the artillery, horse, and carriages. It was ordered that the army setting forth in six regiments should, if occasion required, join and make three bodies and turn out their wings as- they should see cause. Colonel Percy having the vanguard, the Marshal his second, should both join and make one vanguard. Colonel Cosby having the vanguard of the battle, 3 Sir Thomas Maria Wingfield 4 his second, were appointed the like ; Colonel Cunie, the sergeant-major, 5 having the vanguard of the rere, Colonel Billing his second, were appointed the like. The horse was divided into two bodies ; the vanguard was led by Sir Callisthenes Brooke, general of the horse ; the point by Captain Montague, Lieutenant General ; the rere by Captain Fleming, marching between the two rere regiments. . . . We marched severally some six or seven score paces distance between each regiment, our way being hard and hilly ground within caliver shot of wood and bog on both sides, which was wholly possessed by the enemy continually playing upon us. After a mile's marching thus, we approached the enemy's trench, being a ditch cast in front of our passage, a mile long, some five feet deep, and four feet over, with a thorny hedge on the top. In the middle of the bog, some forty score paces over, our regiment passed the trench. The battle stood for the bringing up of the 1 Enthusiasm. — O'Sullevan, Hist. Cat/i., p. 191. On St. Berchan's prophecy, see ad ann. 1598, postea, and O'Curry's MS. Ma- terials, p. 417. 2 Engaged- — Facsitniles, intr., xliii. 3 Battle. — The main or middle body of an army, as distinguished from the van and rear. 4 Wing field. — See Archdall's Peerage, v. 268, for account of the services which he rendered to the Crown and the rewards which he received in return. 6 Sergeant- Major. — This would seem to correspond with the present title of Major. See Notes and Queries, 3rd Series, xi. 446 ; London, 1867. xcv saker, 1 which stuck fast in a ford, and also for our rere, which, being hard set to, retired foully to Armagh. In the meantime the vanguard passing on was so distressed as they fell to run, and were all in effect put to the sword without resistance. Up came the Marshal, being chief commander, to relieve them, who was killed 2 dead in the head with a bullet. Notwithstanding, two other regiments passed over the trench. The battle coming up, two barrels of powder took fire among them, by which they disranked and routed ; in which while, these two former regiments, being passed the trench, were for the most part put to the sword. Then, by the help of our horse, the enemy's munition being well spent, we brought off the rest into the plain, and so recovered Armagh, where the Captains resolved to refresh their men with victuals and munition, and so to march directly to the Newry. In the meantime the enemy approached and fell round on all sides of us with their whole force. Then the Captains, finding the insufficiency both in mind and means of their men, concluded that the horse should adventure to break forth through the enemy's quarter, and so pass into the Pale to advertise the State, that present succour might be sent to fetch them off ; or else the enemy, seeing the horse gone, might be persuaded that they, having a month or two of victuals, which indeed was there, but disposed upon their first resolution, so as they made account they had not now left meat for above ten days at the uttermost, that the enemy could not keep together, hearing by a prisoner that was taken that O'Donnell and Maguire were then ready to depart ; the horsemen, according their desires, per- formed it with some loss. By the Captain's estimation we had killed and run away to the enemy not less than eighteen hundred foot, some ten horsemen, and -thirty horses. The enemy lost, as we heard by some of them we took, seven or eight hundred. There remain of ours about fifteen hundred in the church of Armagh. The ' Declaration of Captains Ferdinando and George Kingsmill, who were present at the fight, made to the Lords Justices in answer to certain questions demanded of them touching the late service,' 3 explains still further the causes of the defeat : The vanguard, though it had taken possession of the trenches, was not seconded, because the Marshal's regiment, which was to second the point, was in distance so far off and hotly fought with that they could by no means come up to second them, whereby the whole regiment was defeated and all the Captains slain, Colonel Percy and Captain George Kingsmill only excepted, who by a stand made by the horse recovered their second. The battle did not come up because the saker being bogged stayed the battl so long, and the enemies gathered so about them in such multitudes, as that they could not both second the vanguard and save the ordnance. Yet, Colonel Cosby 1 Saker. — A small piece of artillery. • that he might have a better view, and on the 2 Killed. — O'Sullevan says: 'Thinking the instant he was struck in the forehead by a battle was ended and the victory gained bullet.' Hist. Cath., p. 194. by his side, he lifted the vizor of his helmet 3 Service. — Facsimiles, &c, ibid. xcvi having the vanguard of the battle, and the rear of the battle remaining with the saker, for want of seconding his regiment was lost with the rest of the vanguard, and Cosby himself taken prisoner. The rear of the battle maintained fight for the saker, which could not be recovered by reason it was bogged and the oxen killed that drew it. Upon which accident and former defeatment, Sir Thomas Wingfield, chief commander, the Marshal being dead, commanded the retreat to Armagh ; and Captain Ferdinand o Kingsmill, who was in Captain Cunie the sergeant-major's regiment, in the vanguard of the rear, saith that they were so hotly fought withal by the force of O'Donnell, Maguire, and James MacSorley, their horse and foot, that in an hour and a half they could not march a quarter of mile forward, by which means they never understood in the rear of the killing of the Marshal nor of the defeating of the former regiments until they came up to fetch off the rear of the battle, with whom they joined, and leaving the saker bogged and not to be recovered, they marched with the assistance of the horse all together to Armagh, where we fortified and kept the place until the Earl (of Tyrone) offered composition upon these conditions following : first, that we should quit the Blackwater, 1 leaving there the colours, drums, and munition, the Captains having left them only their rapiers and hackneys, and that, being delivered, the whole army with those men of the Black- water should march away for Armagh with all their carriage and hurt men to the Newry or Dundalk. For performance of which pledges were put in on both sides ; for the army, the two Captains Kingsmill, and on Tyrone's part, two of the O'Hagans, the men of most estimation in his country. Which of each part was accordingly performed, and the army being come to the Newry where it yet remaineth, the two captains were sent to Dundalk, who are now repaired thither (Dublin) and do make the report ' Thus,' says Camden, 2 ' Tirone triumphed according to his heart's desire over his adversary, and obtained a remarkable victory over the English ; and doutless, since the time they first set foot in Ireland they never received a greater overthrow, thirteen stout captains 3 being slain and over fifteen hundred common soldiers, who being scattered by a shameful flight all the fields over, were slain and vanquished by the enemy . . . This was a glorious victory for the rebels and of special advantage, for hereby they got both arms and provision, and Tirone's name was cried up all over Ireland as the author of their liberty.' So too Fynes Moryson : ' I term the victory great, since the English from their first arrival in that kingdom (Ireland) never had received so great an overthrow as this. Many of the soldiers slain were of the old companies which had served in Brittany under General Norreys. . . . Tyrone was among the Irish celebrated as the 1 Blackwater. — The battle took place August 15th. By English writers it is usually called the Battle of Blackwater ; by Irish writers, the Battle of Beul Atha Buidhe, as we shall see later. 2 Camden. — H. of Elizabeth, p. 365. *Captains. — A complete list of the Captains who were slain at the battle of Blackwater will be found in Facsimiles, pt. iv. no. 1. app. xiii. ' xcvn deliverer of his country from thraldom, and the combined traitors on all sides were puffed up with intolerable pride. All Ulster was in arms, all Connaught revolted, and the rebels of Leinster swarmed in the English Pale, whilst the English lay in- their garrisons, so far from assailing the rebels, as they rather lived in continual fear to be surprised by them. . . . The yielding of the Fort of Blackwater followed this disaster, when the assaulted guard saw no hope of relief; but especially upon messages sent to Captain Williams from the broken forces retired to Armagh, professing that all their safety depended upon his yielding the Fort into the hands of O'Neill, without which danger r^<- : Williams professed that no want or misery should have induced him thereunto.' 1 When the news of the defeat reached the Queen she was highly incensed. She wrote to the Privy Council : ' Though we have sent over great supplies to our excessive charge, yet we receive naught else but news of fresh losses and calamities. Although you have the great number of 9,000 men, we do not only see the northern traitor untouched at home and range where he pleases, but the provincial rebels in every province by such as he can spare enabled to give law to our provincial governors.' 2 To Ormonde, Lieutenant-General and Captain of the Army, she wrote : ' We must plainly tell you that we did much dislike (seeing this late action was undertaken) that you did not above all things attend it, thereby to have directed and countenanced the same ; for it was strange to us, when almost the whole forces of our kingdom were drawn to head and a main blow like to be stricken for our honour against the capital rebel, that you, whose person would have better daunted the traitors, and which would have carried with it another manner of reputation and strength of the nobility of the kingdom, should employ yourself in an action of less im- portance and leave that to so mean a conduction,' 3 She had been inspired, no doubt, by the Lords Justices, who strove to shift the blame off their own shoulders and to throw it on others. Ormonde was the cause of the defeat, ' because that he had not undertaken the matter in person, since his Lordship might draw with him many of the nobility with their followers, and, besides, his presence in the field might move Tyrone either for fear or for some other respects to give way to him.' 4 Ormonde imputed the disaster 'to want of good direction and the dividing of the army into six bodies, marching so far asunder as one of them could not second or help the other till those in the vanguard were overthrown.' And for those who were not satisfied with this solution, he adds : ' Sure the devil bewitched them.' 5 Neither did the Lords Justices escape her censure. 1 Thereicnto. — Rebellion, &c- , p. 24. 2 Governors. — C.C. MSS., iii. 284. 3 Conduction. — Ibid., p. 283. 4 Way to him. — Facsimiles , &c, app. xii. 5 Bewitched them. — O. to Cecil, 15th Sept., 1598, in Kilk. Arch. Joicrnal for 1857, p. 280. The whole letter is well worthy of careful perusal. 11 xcvi having the vanguard of the battle, and the rear of the battle remaining with the saker, for want of seconding his regiment was lost with the rest of the vanguard, and Cosby himself taken prisoner. The rear of the battle maintained fight for the saker, which could not be recovered by reason it was bogged and the oxen killed that drew it. Upon which accident and former defeatment, Sir Thomas Wingfield, chief commander, the Marshal being dead, commanded the retreat to Armagh ; and Captain Ferdinando Kingsmill, who was in Captain Cunie the sergeant-major's regiment, in the vanguard of the rear, saith that they were so hotly fought withal by the force of O'Donnell, Maguire, and James MacSorley, their horse and foot, that in an hour and a half they could not march a quarter of mile forward, by which means they never understood in the rear of the killing of the Marshal nor of the defeating of the former regiments until they came up to fetch off the rear of the battle, with whom they joined, and leaving the saker bogged and not to be recovered, they marched with the assistance of the horse all together to Armagh, where we fortified and kept the place until the Earl (of Tyrone) offered composition upon these conditions following : first, that we should quit the Blackwater, 1 leaving there the colours, drums, and munition, the Captains having left them only their rapiers and hackneys, and that, being delivered, the whole army with those men of the Black- water should march away for Armagh with all their carriage and hurt men to the Newry or Dundalk. For performance of which pledges were put in on both sides ; for the army, the two Captains Kingsmill, and on Tyrone's part, two of the O'Hagans, the men of most estimation in his country. Which of each part was accordingly performed, and the army being come to the Newry where it yet remaineth, the two captains were sent to Dundalk, who are now repaired thither (Dublin) and do make the report ' Thus,' says Camden, 2 ' Tirone triumphed according to his heart's desire over his adversary, and obtained a remarkable victory over the English ; and doutless, since the time they first set foot in Ireland they never received a greater overthrow, thirteen stout captains 3 being slain and over fifteen hundred common soldiers, who being scattered by a shameful flight all the fields over, were slain and vanquished by the enemy . . . This was a glorious victory for the rebels and of special advantage, for hereby they got both arms and provision, and Tirone's name was cried up all over Ireland as the author of their liberty.' So too Fynes Moryson : ' I term the victory great, since the English from their first arrival in that kingdom (Ireland) never had received so great an overthrow as this. Many of the soldiers slain were of the old companies which had served in Brittany under General Norreys. . . . Tyrone was among the Irish celebrated as the 1 Blackwater. — The battle took place August 15th. By English writers it is usually called the Battle of Blackwater ; by Irish writers, the Battle of Beul Atha Buidhe, as we shall see later. ''■Camden. — H. of Elizabeth, p. 365. * Captains. — A complete list of the Captains who were slain at the battle of Blackwater will be found in Facsimiles, pt. iv. no. 1. app. xiii. ' xcvii deliverer of his country from thraldom, and the combined traitors on all sides were puffed up with intolerable pride. All Ulster was in arms, all Connaught revolted, and the rebels of Leinster swarmed in the English Pale, whilst the English lay in- their garrisons, so far from assailing the rebels, as they rather lived in continual fear to be surprised by them. . . . The yielding of the Fort of Blackwater followed this disaster, when the assaulted guard saw no hope of relief; but especially upon messages sent to Captain Williams from the broken forces retired to Armagh, professing that all their safety depended upon his yielding the Fort into the hands of O'Neill, without which danger Captain Williams professed that no want or misery should have induced him thereunto.' 1 When the news of the defeat reached the Queen she was highly incensed. She wrote to the Privy Council : ' Though we have sent over great supplies to our excessive charge, yet we receive naught else but news of fresh losses and calamities. Although you have the great number of 9,000 men, we do not only see the northern traitor untouched at home and range where he pleases, but the provincial rebels in every province by such as he can spare enabled to give law to our provincial governors.' 2 To Ormonde, Lieutenant-General and Captain of the Army, she wrote : ' We must plainly tell you that we did much dislike (seeing this late action was undertaken) that you did not above all things attend it, thereby to have directed and countenanced the same ; for it was strange to us, when almost the whole forces of our kingdom were drawn to head and a main blow like to be stricken for our honour against the capital rebel, that you, whose person would have better daunted the traitors, and which would have carried with it another manner of reputation and strength of the nobility of the kingdom, should employ yourself in an action of less im- portance and leave that to so mean a conduction,' 3 She had been inspired, no doubt, by the Lords Justices, who strove to shift the blame off their own shoulders and to throw it on others. Ormonde was the cause of the defeat, ' because that he had not undertaken the matter in person, since his Lordship might draw with him many of the nobility with their followers, and, besides, his presence in the field might move Tyrone either for fear or for some other respects to give way to him.' 4 Ormonde imputed the disaster 'to want of good direction and the dividing of the army into six bodies, marching so far asunder as one of them could not second or help the other till those in the vanguard were overthrown.' And for those who were not satisfied with this solution, he adds : ' Sure the devil bewitched them.' 5 Neither did the Lords Justices escape her censure. 1 Thereunto. — Rebellion, &c, p. 24. 2 Governors. — C.C. MSS., in. 284. 3 Conduction. — Ibid., p. 283. 4 Way to him. — Facsimiles , &c, app. xii. 5 Bewitched them. — O. to Cecil, 15th Sept., 1598, in Kilk. Arch. Journal for 1857, p. 280. The whole letter is well worthy of careful perusal. 11 xcviii They had offered certain terms to O'Neill after the defeat. ' We must not pass over this foul error to our dishonour, when you of our Council framed such a letter to the traitor after your defeat as never were read the like either in form or in the substance for baseness, being such as we persuade ourself, if you peruse it again when you are yourselves, that you will be ashamed of your own absurdities, and grieved that any fear or rashness should ever make you authors of an action so much to your Sovereign's dishonour and to the increasing of the traitor's insolency.' 1 In the south the news of the fight of the Blackwater had roused the Irish to take up arms once more. ' All Munster revolted,' says Camden, ' and that not so much upon the fortunate success of the rebels as out of hatred of the inhabitants against the English Undertakers who had been settled in the lands confiscated after the Earl of Desmond's rebellion.' 2 Another reason for the general revolt is given in James FitzThomas' letter to the King of Spain : ' The government of the English is such as Pharaoh himself never used the like, for they content not themselves with all temporal prosperity, but by cruelty desire our blood and perpetual destruction, to blot out the whole remembrance of our posterity as also our old Catholic religion, and to swear that the Queen of England is supreme head of the Church ; I refer the consideration hereof to your Majesty's high judgment ; for that Nero in his time was far inferior to that Queen in cruelty. Wherefore, myself with my followers and retainers, and being also requested by the bishops, prelates, and religious men of my country, have drawn the sword and proclaimed war against them for the recovery first of Christ's Catholic religion and next for the maintenance of my own right.' 3 Even the old English of the Pale, many of whom were still aliens at heart though staunch Catholics, were in self-defence drawn into the confederacy. To increase the alarm, a report spread abroad that the King of Spain was again preparing to invade England, and that he intended to send immediately 12,000 men to Ireland to aid the revolters. Since the death of Lord Borough, in August, 1597, the government of Ireland had been carried on by Lords Justices. Their appointment was but temporary. The Earl of Ormonde was made Lieutenant-General and Captain of the Army ; but he was then advanced in years, and hardly fit to encounter the hardship of campaigning. How far the disasters that occurred under this system of government could be imputed to the Justices or to Ormonde it is not easy to determine. It was but natural, however, that a remedy should be looked for in a change of ruler, and that one should be sought whose past successes would be a warrant for the future. 1 Insolency. — C.C. MSS., iii. 284. 3 Own right. — Pacata Hibernia, p. 252 ; 2 Rebellion. — H. of Elizabeth, p. 566. Dublin, 1820. James FitzThomas was the Desmond was slain in 1589. The war eldest son of Thomas, Earl Gerald's elder ceased for some years after his death. brother. XC1X The Queen proposed to commit the government to Charles Blount, Lord Mountjoy. The Earl of Essex, the royal favourite of the moment, warmly opposed such a choice. He argued that a man of varied experience was required for the conduct of the war, that the retired and studious life which Mountjoy had hitherto led was hardly a fit preparation for such a service ; a brave and skilful General would be needed, a man who would possess the confidence of the Crown, and be superior to the petty factions that had hitherto ruled supreme in Ireland. The Queen lent a ready ear to the arguments of her favourite. She asked him to accept the office. On all sides he was urged to obey the royal wishes. His friends thought his previous achievements in Spain proved beyond a doubt that he possesed considerable talents for war, such as would be sure to crown his expedition with success. His enemies hoped that his inordinate vanity would soon bring about his ruin. 1 His patent was made out with the title of Lord Lieutenant ; 2 it gave him more extensive powers than almost any other Governor of Ireland ever had. He could make military laws and put them into execution, pardon all crimes, even treason itself against the royal person, appoint to all offices, and confer dignities at will. He was allowed to conduct the war almost entirely at his own discretion. 3 On one point only had precise instructions been given to him : he was ' to pass by all other rebels whatever, and to head all his force against the chief traitor Tyrone, and the Ulster rebels, his confederates.' 4 On the 15th of April he landed at Dublin with 16,000 foot and 1,300 horse, with provisions and munitions in proportion. The Queen being resolved to spare no earthly thing of hers which might be necessary for the defence of that kingdom and people, 5 assigned him an army as great as he himself asked for, and such for number and strength as Ireland had never yet seen. After some days' rest in Dublin, in opposition to the Queen's express command, he set out for Munster, at the instigation of some of the Irish Privy Council, who were interested in the newly planted lands of that province; The Annals of the Four Masters give a detailed account 6 of his expedition to Munster, and they end it with the suggestive 1 RuÍ7i. — ' Coveting this great authority and station, he at once gratified his own ambition and his enemies' malicious de- signs, for they desired nothing more than his absence from the Court.' Cox, Hib. Angl., i. 416. 2 Lord Lieutenant. — On this title see Gil- bert's Viceroys of Ireland, p. 503 ; Dublin, 1865. 3 Discretion. — 'The Queen's Instructions to the Earl of Essex,' in C.C. MSS., iii. 292. 4 Confederates. — Moryson, Rebellion, &c, P- 3°- 6 People. — C.C. MSS., iii. 293. 6 Account. — vi. 2 1 1 1, and O'Sullevan's Hist- Cath., p. 206. See also 'A Journal of the Proceedings of the Earl of Essex from May 21st to June 22nd,' in C.C. MSS., iii. 301. An account of the famous battle of the Pass of the Plumes is given by Rev. John O'Hanlon, whose intimate knowledge of the Queen's Co. has enabled him not only to determine the place of the fight, but to set down the many traditions current among the people about it, in The Trans- actions R.I. A., May, 1874. c phrase : 'The Gaels of Ireland used to say that it would have been better for him if he had not gone on that expedition.' About the end of July he returned to Dublin with the remnant of his army, 'his men wearied and distressed, and their companies incredibly wasted.' 1 He was deeply chagrined at the failure. In his letters to the English Privy Council he lamented his discomforts and disgraces ; ' he will take any disgraceful displacing of him or punishment dutifully and patiently.' The Queen was greatly incensed at his failure. 'Much time and ex- cessive charges had been spent to little purpose. Nothing had been done which the President (of Munster) might not have effected. . . . Tyrone had blazed in foreign parts the defeats of regiments, the death of captains, and loss of men of quality in every corner.' She bids him ' proceed to the north with all speed, to plant garrisons there, and assault that proud rebel.' 2 The Privy Council were told that ' their opinions for the northern action rather deserve reproof than much answer. They dissuade that which must be done. ... It was they who persuaded the Lieutenant to make so long a journey into Munster.' 3 At his arrival in Ireland he was informed that 'the province of Ulster was, in a manner, all in revolt.' 4 His failure in the south was soon bruited throughout the other provinces, and when he reached Dublin, ' his body indisposed and distempered, he was not free for one hour from alarms both from the west and the north. . . . Yet though the poor men that had marched with him eight weeks together were weary and unfit for a new journey, and his horsemen so scattered that he could not draw three hundred to an end, he would call 'the troops together as fast as he could and go look on yonder proud rebel ; and if he should find him on hard ground and in an open country, though he should find him in horse and foot three for one, yet would he, by God's grace, dislodge him or put the Council here to the trouble of choosing a Lord Justice.' 5 Sir Conyers Clifford and the Earl of Clanricarde had joined their forces with those of the Deputy when he was in Fircal on his way to the south. When he reached Limerick they were told to return to their province, and later, when he was about to enter on the expedition to the north, he ordered Clifford to draw his forces to Belleek, 6 a castle on the river Erne, that he might divide O'Neill's forces, and so weaken him on the other side, where he would be attacked by the Deputy. On the way 1 Wasted. — Only a month before he wrote to the Queen : ' These rebels are more in number than your Majesty's army, and have (though I do unwillingly confess it) better bodies and perfecter use of their arms than those men whom your Majesty sends over.' Cox, Hit. AngL, i. 420. 2 Rebel.— C.C. MSS., iii. 315. 3 Munster. — Ibid., p. 316. 4 Revolt. — ' State of Ireland at the arrival of the Earl of Essex.' Ibid., p. 298. 5 Lord Justice. — Letter of the Earl of Essex to the Privy Council, July nth, 1599. Ibid., p. 312. 6 Belleek. — On the north bank of the Erne, five miles east of Ballyshannon. ci he would cause the siege of Collooney castle to be raised, where his friend and the Queen's ally O'Connor Sligo was sorely straitened by O'Donnell. An army was collected from all the strongholds of Connaught. Many of the old English, and some of the Irish too took part in the expedition. At Boyle, where they rendezvoused, the whole force was found to be 1,900 foot, divided into 25 regiments, and 200 horse, of which one hundred was the Earl of Southampton's troop under Captain John Jephson, the rest Irish horse. Clifford 1 came to the entrance of the Curlews, 2 the most dangerous pass in Connaught, the 15th of August, about 4 o'clock in the afternoon, being then high time to lodge his men after a painful journey, where understanding the rebels had not possessed that passage, he resolved to march through that night. Thereupon putting his troops in order, the vanguard was conducted by Sir Alexander Ratcliffe ; the Lord of Dunkellin, son of the Earl of Clanricarde, followed with the battle, and Sir Arthur Savage brought up the rear guard. The horse (where also the baggage was left) had directions to stand between the abbey of Boyle and the entrance into the passage, under the command of Sir Griffin Markham, until the same should be freed by the foot about a quarter of a mile from the mouth of the passage, had the rebels traversed the same with a barricade with double flanks, in which and in other places of advantage thereabouts were lodged about 400 of them, contrary to that which was advertised to the Governor. They who possessed the barricades, at the approach of our vanguard, delivered a small volley of shot upon them, abandoning 3 the same almost without any force, which the Governor possessing, made it passable by opening the midst, and placed guards upon the same, appointing to the angle of the sinister flank Rogers, lieutenant to Sir Henry Carye, to the angle of the dexter flank, Ralph Constable, a gentleman deservedly esteemed of the Governor for his virtue, and not much distant from him upon the same flank Captain Walter Flood and Captain Windsor, giving to them forty men a piece, with command not to abandon their places until they heard further from himself. These things being thus ordered, the vanguard, followed by the battle and rear guard, advanced in a short time by a narrow way betwixt two large bogs to the side of a wood half a mile broad, through which lyeth a highway so broad as it gives liberty for twelve men to march in front, the same rising equally and gently until it have passed the wood, where it is carried upon the side of a high hill, which it leaves on the left hand ; and the hill and ground adjoining being a main bog, upon 1 Clifford. — This description of the battle is taken from Dymmok's ' Brief Relation of the defeat in the Curlews,' in Tracts relating to Ireland, p. 44 ; Dublin, 1843, published by the Irish Archsol. Society. It agrees in substance with O'Sullevan's account. Hist. Cath., p. 209. Moryson gives only a few lines to it. 2 Curlews. — Four miles north of Boyle ; they are on the boundary between Sligo and Roscommon. The name has its origin in the Irish Coirrshliabh, with which it has no connection beyond that of the sound. 3 Abandoning. — O'Sullevan says these were under the command of Owen Mac- Swiny na dtuath ; they retreated, but they rallied at the call of their officers. Hist- Cath., p. 210. cii the right lies a thick wood not more than a musket shot from the same, in either of which places, although the rebels from their continual practice have exceeding advantage over our men, yet have they more advantage upon the bog, which they well knowing, made at the time choice thereof, and even thither were followed by Sir Alexander Ratcliffe, who although he was in the beginning of the skirmish shot in the face, yet he ever continued to spend all his powder upon them ; and no supply coming unto him, prepared to charge them with a small number of such pikes as would either voluntarily follow him, or were by him called forth by name from the body of the vanguard ; but before he could come to join with them, he had the use of a leg taken from him with the stroke of a bullet ; by which ill fortune he was forced to retire, sustained upon the arms of two gentlemen, one of which receiving the like hurt, died in the place, as did also himself soon after, being shot through the body with a bullet. There was with Sir Alexander Ratcliffe in the head of the vanguard Captain Henry Cosby, whom at his going to charge he invited to accompany him : and perceiving him slack, ' Well, Cosby,' said he, ' I see I must leave thee to thy baseness, but I must tell thee before my departure, that it were much better for thee to die in my company by the hands of thy countrymen, 1 than at my return to perish by my sword.' Cosby, as is the general disposition of all true cowards, yielding to have the time of his life awhile deferred upon any condition, stood firm with at least a third of the vanguard till he saw the adversity of this noble Knight, when by example of his turning head the vanguard fled in such route that it discomfited the battle, with the sight of which (not abiding any impression) was broken the rear guard, the whole forces being without any enemyfe force in a moment put all in confusion ; which disorder the Governor endeavouring, but in vain, to reform, whilst he had any strength left in him, was, after much fruitless travail, sustained breathless upon the arms of Sir John MacSwiny 2 and Captain Oliver Burke's lieutenant, who perceiving the disordered flight of the whole army, desparing to save their lives by other means, persuaded him to retire himself with them ; when he reproving the baseness of his men, replied Romanlike, that he would not overlive that day's ignominy. But the affection which moved Sir John MacSwiny to use entreaties persuaded him now to practice force, by which they carried him from the pursuing rebels some few paces, where enraged with a consideration of the vileness of his men, which he often repeated, broke from them in a fury, and turning head alone, alone made head to the whole troop of pursuers, in the midst of whom, after he was struck through the body with a pike, he died fighting, consecrating by an admirable resolution the memory of his name to immortality and leaving the example of his virtue to be entituled by all honourable posterities. There died likewise Godred Tirwhit, brother of Mr. Robert Tirwhit, of Kettleby, in Lincolnshire, fighting by the side of Sir Alexander Ratcliffe, of whom cannot be said less than that he hath 1 Countrymen. — Probably he was one of the Cosbys of Stradbally, Queen's Co. O'Sullevan tells of the cruelties of Francis C. and his son Alexander to the Catholics. Hist. Cath., p. 99. 2 Sir John MacS. — O'Sullevan calls him Maelmuire MacS. na dtuath. He had been drivenfrom his territory by O'Donnell, and to be revenged, he had gone over to the English. Ibid., p. 209. ciii left behind him an eternal testimony of the nobleness of spirit which he had derived from an honourable family. But these went not alone, for they were accompanied to the gates of death by divers worthy both lieutenants and ensigns, who were followed (for that they were not followed by them to fight) by 200 base and cowardly rascals. The rest, which else had all perished, were saved by the virtue of Sir Griffin Markham, who charging the pursuers in the head of my Lord Southampton's troops, gave security to this ignominious flight, having in his charge the smaller bone of his right arm broken with the stroke of a bullet, and that which adds most to the commendation of his charge is that it was presented upon the narrow way between the two bogs before mentioned, and forced with the loss of some, both men and horses, into the bog upon the right hand, where the rebels followed eagerly the execution of our men, until the fear they apprehended upon the sight of our horses caused them to stay their pursuit and to think upon their own safety. This defeat was given by O'Rorke and MacDermon, 1 O'Donnell being there, but came not to fight, to whom the Governor's head was sent that night for a present. His body was conveyed to a monastery not far off from thence, as appears by MacDermon's letter to the Constable of Boyle, which is censured by Sir John Harrington 2 (from whom I received a copy of it) to be barbarous for Latin, but civil for the sense. For confirmation of whose judgment the letter itself is con- tended by my hand for justification of his barbarism to appear before as many as will vouchsafe to read it : Conestabulario de Boyle Salutem : Scias quod ego traduxi corpus Gubernatoris ad monasterium Sanctse Trinitatis proper ejus dilectionem, et alia de causa. Si velitis mihi redire meos captivos ex predicto corpore, quod paratus sum ad conferendum vobis ipsum ; alias, sepultus erit honeste in predicto monasterio, etsic vale, scriptum apud Gaywash, 15 Aug., 1599: interim pone bonum linteamen ad predictum corpus, et si velitis sepelire omnes alios nobiles non impediam vos erga eos. ' MacDermon. (To the Constable 3 of Boyle, Greeting: Know that I have carried the body of the Governor to the monastery 4 of the Holy Trinity on account of my affection for him, and for another reason ; if you wish to return to me my prisoners for the aforesaid body (which) I am ready to hand it over to you ; if not, he will be buried decently in the aforesaid monastery, and so farewell. Written at Gaywash, August 15th, 1599. Meantime place a good cloth on the aforesaid body and if you wish to bury all the rest of the noblemen, I will not hinder you from so doing. MacDermon.) 1 MacDermon. — i.e., MacDermot. 2 Harrington.— -He came to Ireland with Essex, who knighted him. He served as commander of the horse under the Earl of Southampton. 3 Constable. — One to whom the command of a castle and the.] warders in it was given. The office was rarely held by the mere Irish. See The Ulster J. of Arcluzol., ii. 4 1 . 4 Monastery. — In Lough Ce, near Boyle, founded by Clarus O'Mulchonry, Canon of Elphin, for Premonstratensians in the year 12 15. See ArchdalPs Monasticon, p. 614, and The Annals of Loch Ce., I. 395. CIV Fynes Moryson gives some further details of the flight of the English from the field : They had all perished, if the horse had not valiantly succoured them. For the Lord of Dunkellin (who that day had most valiantly behaved himself) sent word to Captain John Jephson of their distress, who presently charged upon the causeway and to the very skirts of the wood with such resolution, as the rebels, either thinking horse could not have served there or expecting advantages upon them in that boggy place, stood gaping on them and gave way without any resistance for a good space, in which our men had leisure to retire over a ford into the plain where the carriages were, and thence to the Abbey of Boyle, being very near the place. Afterwards the rebels began to charge our horse, but their powder being almost spent, Captain Jephson retired safely, with the loss of some few horses. In a consultation some were earnest to have marched forward the next day, but the Lord of Dunkellin, Sir Arthur Savage, Captain John Jephson. and many of the best judgment, considering the Governor was lost, our troops utterly dismayed, and O'Donnell come down with all his forces into those parts, thought fit our men should retire to their garrisons. So Captain Jephson all that night kept the ford, while our foot in the silent night retired, and in the morning when they were in safety he, with the horse under his command, went softly after them to the Castle of Athlone. It is strange, the rebels then present being but some two hundred, and most of our men being old soldiers, how this defeat could be given, but small accidents in military affairs are often causes of strange and great events : for I have heard this mischance fully attributed to an unorderly turning of the whole body of the van ; which, though it were towards the enemy, yet being mistaken by some of the common soldiers for a flight, it caused a general route. 1 When the news of Clifford's defeat reached Essex, he thought it high time that he should himself take the field against the northern ' rebels.' At his request, seconded by that of the Privy Council, his army was re- inforced 2 with 1,000 men from England. Before he set out, he wrote to the Queen, to anticipate, it would seem, the news of his failure. ' During the remainder of the year ' — it was now but the end of August — ' he could do no more than draw to the confines of Ulster with 3,000 foot and 300 horse.' He gave his reasons, subscribed by the chief officers : ' the army was unwilling to be drawn to Ulster, a fact proved by the number that deserted from their colours ; he had but 4,000 men at the most, not enough to withstand the rebels, who were six thousand strong, and lay within strong entrenchments ; no plantation could be made that year ; any garrisons left in the north being more likely to endanger the English than to annoy the rebels.' 3 On August 28th he left Dublin with 100 horse. 4 Just before setting out 1 Route .— Rebellion, &>c, p. 36 2 Reinforced. — Ibid., p. 37. 3 Rebels.— Ibid '., p. 38. 4 Horse. -C.C MSS., iii. 321. cv he wrote to the English Privy Council : ' I am even now putting my foot in the stirrup to go to the rendezvous at the Navan, and from thence I will draw the enemy as far and to do as much as duty will warrant me and good enable me.' The forces were first ordered to assemble there, but the companies not coming in, the order was given that they should come together on the 31st at the hill of Clythe, near Kells. They mustered 2,700 foot and 300 horse. His purpose was first to go by the most direct way to Donnemaine, 1 in Farney, and to plant a garrison there, which would easily make incursions into the neighbourhood of the Blackwater. At Ishleragh 2 he left seven companies of foot and a troop of horse. Dymmok, who was on the expedition, tells what followed : 3 Whilst this work was on hands, Sir William Warren obtained leave from his Lordship that he might treat with Tyrone, who lay then encamped not above three miles from us with 10,000 foot and a thousand horse, for the delivery of Captain John Moore, taken prisoner not many days before in Ophaly. Tyrone professed to Sir William Warren to have had a long time a great desire to make his sub- mission, and entreated the Lord Lieutenant by him that he would be pleased to receive a message from him by Henry Agen, his constable, who being permitted to have access to his Lordship that night, entreated him to vouchsafe to parley with his master the next day ; to which the Lord Lieutenant said that he would in the morning draw into the field and be ready by ten o'clock to parley with him sword in hand. Early in the morning the Lord Lieutenant marched through the open champain, until he came within a mile of Tyrone's camp, which, besides the natural strength thereof, was so strongly fortified by art and industry, as it appeared to them who had seen the works impossible to be forced by twenty times our number. Tyrone being-resolved not to fight upon equal ground, and the Lord Lieutenant not having sufficient forces to attempt his camp, he resolved by the advice of his council to retire back into Meath, and directing his march accordingly the next morning towards Nobber, 4 he was overtaken by Henry Agen, who let him under- stand that Tyrone desired the Queen's mercy, and entreated to speak with his Lordship concerning his manner of making his submission, adding that Tyrone attended his Lordship's pleasure at a ford called Bellaclyne, 5 not half a mile out of the way of the army. Before the Lord Lieutenant was fully arrived at the ford, 6 1 Donnemaine. — Now Donaghmoyne ; it is three miles north of Carrickmacross, Co. Monaghan. 2 Ishleragh- — 'Half a mile from Louth, where there is a square castle and a great bawn.' C.C. MSS-, iii. 323. Sir Christopher St. Laurence, baron of Howth, was left in command of it. Ibid. 3 Followed. — Relation, &c, p. 48. ^ Nobber. — In Meath, ten miles N. of Kells. The castle is still standing. 6 Bellaclyne. — Now Anaghclart Bridge, on the river Lagan, where it forms the boundary between Louth and Monaghan. 6 The ford- — ' Tyrone leaving a troop of horse upon the hill not far off, came down alone, and putting his horse up to the belly in the water, with all humbleness saluted his lordship standing on the other bank, and there they passed many speeches. Tyrone very courtly saluted each one-' Moryson, Rebellion, &c, p. 38. CVl Tyrone took his hat and inclining his body did his duty to his Lordship with very humble ceremony, continuing the same observance the whole time of the parley. It was at first emparled between themselves in private, and then before six on either party. With the Lord Lieutenant were the Earl of Southampton, 1 Sir George Bourchier, 2 Sir Warham St. Leger, Sir Henry Danvers, 3 Sir William Constable, Sir William Warren. On Tyrone's part were Cormac MacBaron, 4 Ever MacCowley, Maguire, Henry Ovengton, 5 and Richard Owen. 6 Where it was concluded that there should be a Cessation from arms for six weeks, and the war to be renewed at the Lord Lieutenant's pleasure, giving 14 days' warning. It was further agreed that it should be lawful for all them that were now in action to participate of the benefits of this Cessation. For performance of which agreement Tyrone tied himself by oath. So soon as this conclusion was made with Tyrone, the Lord Lieutenant dissolved his army, and having lodged his men in such garrisons as served best to preserve the subject, he retired himself to Drogheda, from whence after some few days he returned to Dublin. 7 The journal of his proceedings was duly transmitted to the Queen. There was little in it to repay her for the vast expenditure of men and money, or to console her for former failures. She gave vent to her wrath in a letter 8 addressed to him from Nonsuch, September 17th : By the letter and journal received from you we see a quick end made of a slow proceeding. We never doubted but that Tyrone would instantly offer a parley when he saw any force approach, either himself or any of his principal partisans, always seeking these Cessations with like words and upon such contingents, as we gather these will prove by your advertisement of his purpose to go consult with O'Donnell. It appears to us by your journal that you and the traitor spoke together half an hour and without anybody's hearing ; wherein, though we that trust you with our kingdom are far from mistrusting you with a traitor, yet both for come- liness, example, and your own discharge, we marvel you would carry it no better. . . . You have dealt so sparingly with us in the substance by advising us only at first of the half-hour's conference alone, but not what passed on either side, by 1 The E. of Southampton. — Henry Wriothesley, 3rd Earl. 2 Sir G. Bourchier. — Third son of the second Earl of Bath. 3 Sir H. Danvers. — Created Earl of Danby in 1626. 4 C. MacBaron. — He was O'Neill's brother. See p. xlv. antea. His name occurs frequently in this work. 8 H. Ovengton. — Often written Hoveden. See p. lv., antea. ' He was O'Neill's chiefest councillor, without whom he deliberated no matter of moment.' Dymmok, Relation, p. 21. 6 R. Owen. —An Irishman by birth, that came from Spain. C.C. MSS., iii. 324. The author of Pacata Hibernia calls him an ancient and inward servant of Tyrone's, p. 454. 7 Dublin. — Besides Dymmok's there are several other accounts of the interview be- tween Essex and O'Neill ; one in C.C. MSS., iii. 324, and another in the Trevelyan Papers, pt. 2, p. 102 ; published by the Camden Soc in 1863. It was one of the chief charges brought against him later. Moryson, Rebellion, &c, p. 70. 8 Letter.— C.C. MSS., iii. 325. CV11 letting us also know you sent Commissioners without showing what they had in charge, as we cannot tell but by divination what to think may be the issue of this proceeding. Only this we are sure (for we see it in effect) that you have prospered so ilk for us by your warfare, as we cannot but be very jealous lest you should be as well overtaken by the treaty. ... To trust this traitor upon oath is to trust the devil upon his religion. To trust him upon pledges is mere illusion, and therefore whatever order you shall take with him of laying aside of arms, recognition of superiority to us, disclaiming from O'Neillship, which were tolerable before he was in his overgrown pride by own success against our power, yet unless he yield to have garrisons planted in his own country to master him, to deliver O'Neill's sons, 1 and to come over to us personally here, we shall doubt you do but piece up a hollow peace, and so the end prove worse than the beginning. 'The Lord Lieutenant,' says Moryson, 2 'being nettled, or rather galled, with this letter, resolved to leave Adam Loftus, the Lord Archbishop of Dublin, and Sir George Carey, 3 Treasurer at War, to govern the king- dom in his absence, and presently sailing to England, posted to the Court, 4 where, altogether unlooked for, he arrived September 28th', and presented himself on his knees to the Queen, who received him not with that cheerful countenance which she was wont to show him, but after a brief conference commanded him to retire to his chamber, and there to stay until he knew her further pleasure, from whence his lordship's next remove was to the Lord Keeper's house in a state of a prisoner.' 5 In a letter which he wrote soon after his return, he speaks of ' his pains and infirmities, which have made him an old man in twelve days, which are his comforts, for he took the beginning of them in her Majesty's service.' 6 His further history does not belong to this place. He suffered death in the Tower of London February 28th, 1601. In his interviews with Essex, O'Neill demanded, before entering on the question of a truce, that these three conditions should be agreed to: 1st. That the free practice 7 of the Catholic religion should be allowed throughout the whole of Ireland. 2nd. That the ecclesiastical property which had been seized by the Crown, or given to individuals, should be restored to the Church. 3rd. That the lands taken from the Irish for the last forty years 1 O'Neill's Sons. — See p. xxxviii., antea, 2 Moryson. — Rebellion, &c, p. 41. 3 Carey. — Or Carew, already mentioned in this work. His name will occur fre- quently in the sequel. 4 The Court — At his appointment he re- ceived a sign- manual from the Queen, licensing him to return to her Majesty's presence at such times as he should find cause. — C.C MSS., iii. 295. ''Prisoner. — An account of Essex's trial will be found in Moryson's Rebellion, &c, p. 68, and Cecil's account of it to Carew, in C.C. MSS., iv. 35. 6 Service. — Shirley's Dominion of Farney, p. 106. This work contains Essex's own account of his interview with HughO Neill. See pp. 103-105. 7 Practice.— -Warren told O'Neill that her Majesty would no more yield to that demand than she would do to give her Crown from her head. C.C. MSS., iii. 349. cviii should be restored to their lawful owners. 1 Essex had deputed Sir William Warren 2 to treat with O'Neill during the Cessation. On September 29th they met at the fort of the Blackwater. The continuation of the Cessation was first discussed. This O'Neill would not agree to until he he had got O'Donnell's consent. Besides, the Cessation had been already violated by Ormonde, who had slain seven or eight score of O'Neill's men, and by Tibbot na long, then besieging Mac William, to whose assistance O'Donnell intended to go in all haste. He would give a definite answer in a few days. 3 On the 17th of October they met again at Dundalk. While they were in conference a messenger came from O'Donnell bidding O'Neill to proceed in the negociations, and declaring that he would be bound by whatever O'Neill would conclude. A prolongation of the Cessation for a month was agreed on, though at first he was unwilling to yield to any further time, ' alleging that it was now winter and the English army weak, that he was' stronger and better able to keep the field, and that the Lord Lieutenant's tarrying in England was but to procure a great army to come upon him on all sides during the next spring.' Three weeks later a third meeting took place. Warren asked O'Neill why he had broken the six weeks' Cessation agreed on. He answered that he had given the fourteen days' notice according to the Articles. His reasons were, that he understood ' the Earl of Essex was committed, the only man in whom he put his trust to deal for him, for the Council here had deceived him.' On the 25 th of December O'Neill wrote to Warren from Dungannon : 'Seeing the conclusion of Cessations is so prejudicial to that which I pretend, henceforward I will conclude none if present redress be not done. In this last concluded there were sundry breaches by your side committed. . . . and chiefly the Cessation is greatly violated by the appre- hending of Father Henry FitzSimons, 4 a man to whom (as before God I protest) I am no more beholden than to an Irish Catholic that is restrained in Turkey for his religion, but undertake generally to plant the Catholic faith throughout all Ireland. According to my often protestations, I must undertake, be it accepted or not, for all Irish Catholics, and do feel myself more grieved that any should be for his religion restrained in time of Cessation, than if there were one thousand preys taken from me. Where - 1 Owners. — Lombard, De Beg- Hib., p. 2 Warren.— C.C. MSS., iii. 335. 3 Days. — Warren's account of his ' Nego- ciations with Tyrone' is given in full ibid., pp. 341-349- 4 H. FitzSimons. — Though born of Ca- tholic parents, he was ' inveigled into heresy' at an early age. He was converted by F. Darbyshire, S.J., in Paris, where he had gone to continue his studies after leaving Oxford. In 1592 he entered the Society of Jesus. Three years later he was sent to Ireland. About 1600 he was seized and imprisoned in the Castle of Dublin, where he remained till June, 1604. He was banished to Spain, but in 1630 he returned to Ireland. He died at Kilkenny Novem- ber 29th, 1 643. See his Life and Writings^ by Rev. E. Hogan, S.J. ; Dublin, 1881. cix fore, as ever you think that I shall enter to conclude peace or Cessation with the State, let him be presently enlarged.' 1 Finally, O'Neill declared he could not agree to any further Cessation, ' having resolved upon a course for O'Donnell into Connaught, and others into other parts.' 2 This declaration seems to have ended the negociations, and both parties set to prepare during the winter for the war which was sure to take place early in the following year. The history of the year 1600 opens with an account of O'Neill's 'visit' to Munster. Our author treats of it very briefly ; not so, however, the Four Masters, who give it in great detail : 3 A hosting was made by O'Neill (Hugh, son of Ferdoragh, son of Con Bacagh), in the month of January of this year, and he proceeded to the south to confirm his friendship with his allies in war, and to wreak his vengeance on his enemies. When he left the province of Ulster, he passed along the borders of Breffny and Meath, and through Delvinmore, 4 and did great injuries throughout the territory until the Baron of Delvin 5 came and submitted to O'Neill on his terms. He also spoiled Machaire Cuircne 6 and all the possessions of Theobald Dillon. O'Neill afterwards marched to the gates of Athlone and into Fircal. In this country he remained encamped nine nights, and the people of Fircal, upper Leinster, and Westmeath made full submission to him, and formed a league of friendship with him. On leaving this country O'Neill passed over the upper part of Slieve Bloom, westwards, and sent forth three parties in one day to ravage Ely, because of the enmity he bore O'Carroll, lord of Ely. 7 . . . After this he moved onwards to the borders of Ballymore, 8 to Roscrea, Ikerrin, from one encampment to another, until he arrived at the gate of the monastery of Holy Cross. 9 They had not been long here when the Holy Cross was brought out to shelter and protect them ; and the Irish presented great gifts, much alms, and many offerings to its keepers and to the monks, in honour of the Lord of the Elements. They gave protection to the monastery with respect to its houses and glebe lands, and to all its inhabitants also. . . . Afterwards he proceeded to the gates of Cashel, and there came to him at 1 Enlarged. — C.C. MSS., iii. 349. 2 Parts.— Ibid., p. 348. 3 Detail. — Annals F. M '.,vi.2i47 . O'Neill had sent his son the year before to Munster in order to ascertain who were firm in their friendship and promises to him and the Irish. Ibid., vi. 2095. 4 Delvinmore. ■ — The present barony of Delvin, Co. Westmeath. 6 The B. of Delvin. — Christopher, 9th baron, who for services to the Crown ob- tained a considerable grant of lands in the counties of Cavan and Longford. See Archdall's Peerage, i. 2344 6 Machaire Cuircne. — Now the barony of Kilkenny West, Co. Westmeath. 7 Ely. — The baronies of Clonlisk and Ballybrit in north Tipperary. For the cause of the enmity see An?ials F. M., vi- 2137. 8 Ballymore. — Near Borris-in- Ossory, on the high road between Mountrath and Roscrea. 9 M. of Holy Cross. — Founded for Cister- cians in 1 1 82 by Donald Mor O'Brien, king of Limerick. For its history see Irium- phalia Chronologica Monasierii S. Cruets, written by M. Hartry, O. Cist., in 1640, edited by Rev. D. Murphy, S. J. ; Dublin, 1891. cx that place the Earl of Desmond, James, 1 the son of Thomas Roe, and they were rejoiced to see each other. They afterwards proceeded westwards, across the Suit, through Clangibbon, 2 through the Roche's country, 3 and through the country of Barry Mor, 4 who was always on the side of the Queen. O'Neill wrote a letter to Barry urging him to join the Irish : — Your impiety to God, cruelty to soul and body, tyranny and ingratitude both to your followers and your country are inexcusable and intolerable. . . . You know the sword of extirpation hangeth over your head as well as ours if things fall out otherwise than well ; you are the cause why all the nobility of the south, . . . you being linked to each one of them either in affinity or consanguinity, are not linked together to shake off the cruel yoke of heresy and tyranny with which our souls and bodies are oppressed. All these aforesaid depending on your resolution, and relying to your judgment in this common cause of our religion and country, you might, forsooth, with their help, and the rest that are combined in this holy action, not only defend yourself from the incursion and invasion of the English, but also by God's assistance, who miraculously and above all expectation gave good success to the cause, principally undertaken for his glory, exaltation of religion, next for the restoration of the ruins and preservation of the country, expel them, and deliver them and us from the most miserable and cruel exaction and subjection, enjoy your religion, safety of wife and children, lands, and goods, which are all in hazard through your folly and want of due consideration. 5 Barry replied that ' Her Highness had never restrained him in matter of religion ; he held his lordships and lands of her Majesty, and had settled himself never to forsake her.' 6 'Ashe was loyal to the Queen, O'Neill remained in the territory until he had traversed, plundered, and burned it from one extremity to the other, both plain and wood, so that no one hoped it could be inhabited for a long time afterwards.' 7 1 A disastrous action ' happened while O'Neill was in the neighbourhood of Cork. Maguire set out from the camp to go on a raid, as was his custom when in an enemy's territory. He was accompanied by Edmund 1 James. — The son of the elder brother of Earl Gerald ; he is known in history as the Sugan Earl of Desmond. 2 Clangibbon. — The territory of the White Knight, now a barony in the north-east of Co. Cork. 3 Roche's Country. — Now the barony of Fermoy. 4 Barry Mor. — David Fitzjames, Vis- count Buttevant. He had joined the Earl of Desmond in the war against the English ; he was received to his submission by Lord Grey, and from that time forward he was the constant supporter of the Crown, and was rewarded accordingly. See Archdall's Peerage^ i. 293. 6 Consideration. — Pacata Hibernia, p. 36. This letter was signed by O'Neill and the Earl of Desmond. Similar letters were written to Lord Roche and to Edmund and Thomas Fitzjohn Fitzgerald. CC. MSS., iii. 363. 6 Forsake her. — Pac. Hib., p. 37. 7 Afterwards. — Annals F. M., vi. 2147. cxi MacCafifrey, his standard-bearer O'Durnin, and a priest. He fell in with Sir Warham St. Leger, 1 who, having heard that he had left the camp, lay in wait for him with sixty horse. Besides their hostility to each other as leaders- of opposite armies, there was a rivalry between them, the Irish giving the palm for bravery and skill in horsemanship to Maguire, the English to St. Leger. When Maguire came in sight of the enemy, though far superior to him in numbers, he thought it unworthy of him to fly or surrender. Poising his lance he put spurs to his horse and charged at them. St. Leger discharged his pistol and shot Maguire. He then bent down to avoid the thrust ; but the spear struck him in the forehead and pierced through his helmet. Maguire left the spear in the wound, and drawing his sword cut his way through the enemy, followed by his companions. He expired immediately after. 2 The ' death of Maguire,' the Four Masters say, ' caused a giddiness of spirits and depression of mind in O'Neill and the Irish chiefs in general ; and this was no wonder, for he was the bulwark of valour and prowess, the shield of protection and shelter,the tower of support and defence, and the pillar of the hospitality and achievements of the Oirghialla and of almost all the Irish of his time.' 8 The Queen on hearing of Maguire's death bade the Privy Council w.rite to the Commissioners of Munster : ' Her Majesty commands us to give you her thanks, it being a great contentment to her to see this change from receiving news of losses and disasters on her Majesty's side, that one of the first traitors hath received that end which, we doubt not, shall befall the rest of these monstrous rebels.'* St. Leger died a fortnight after of the wounds received in the encounter. After receiving the submission of nearly all the Munster chiefs, both Irish and Anglo-Irish, O'Neill returned to the north by the same way he had come to Munster. The time spent in the expedition was somewhat less than three months. 1 The province of Munster,' says Moryson, ' was much confirmed in rebellion by the Earl of Tyrone's journey into these parts, where he strengthened James FitzThomas. He combined with Florence MacCarthy (called by the Irish MacCarty More, a name greatly followed there), and in like sort with most of the great men in those parts, encouraging those whom he found willing to persist, taking pledges of those 1 St. Leger— Shortly after the death of Sir John N orris in September, 1597, he and Sir Henry Power were appointed Com- missioners for the Government of Munster. C.C- MSS., iii. 327. 2 After. — The Council of Munster, in their letter to the Lords Justices, say : 1 St. Leger and Sir Henry Power, with some horsemen, did rise forth to meet any stragglers.' Ibid., p. 366. This agrees substantially with O'Sullevan's account, which we have given. Hist. Catk-, p. 212 ; but not with that of Pac. Hib., p. 39, which says ' he was riding out the city for re- creation to take the air.' That is the account given by Cox also, Hib. Angl., I. 422. s Time. — Annals F. M., vi. 2165. 4 Rebels. — CC. MSS., iii. 370. cxií he suspected to be wavering, and burning and spoiling those few who did absolutely refuse to join with him.' 1 The same writer thus describes the state of Ireland in the spring of 1600 : At this time, I may boldly say, the rebellion was at the greatest strength. The mere Irish, puffed up with success and blooded with happy encounters, did boldly keep the field and proudly disdain the English forces. Great part of the English- Irish were in open action of rebellion, and most part of the rest temporised with the state, openly professing obedience that they might live under the protection thereof, but secretly relieving the rebels and practising with them for their present and future safeties. Among the English the worthy generals of this age partly by this fatal war, partly by factions at home, were so wasted as the best judgments could hardly find out any man fit to command this army in chief. The English common soldiers by looseness of body, the natural sickness 2 of the country, by the poverty of the war in which nothing was to be gained but blows, and by the late defeats wherein great numbers of them had perished, were altogether out of heart. The Colonels and Commanders, considering the army's weakness, were somewhat dejected in mind ; yea, the very Councillors of State were so diffident as some of them in late conference with Tyrone had descended (I know not upon what warrant 3 ) to an abject entreaty for a short Cessation. . . . Not only the remote parts but the very heart of the kingdom now languished under the contagion of this rebellion, Leix and Offally being possessed by the O'Mores and the O'Conors, and the mountainous country on the south-west side of Dublin being in the hands of the O'Byrnes and O'Tooles (and more remotely of the Cavanaghs), who nightly made excursions to the very gates of the city, giving alarm of war to the long-gowned senate and (as it were) to the chair of estate. 4 The Queen was displeased at Essex's return, contrary to her command and without her permission. 5 For her honour's sake she could do no less than in some measure to chastise him. She therefore determined to use his services no further in Ireland. On the 10th of January, 1601, Charles Blount, Lord Mountjoy, was made Deputy. The Queen had purposed to employ him in this office the preceding year ; but Essex, who coveted the 1 With him. — Rebellion, &c. , p. 64. 2 Sickness. — A kind of dysentery. ' Against this disease,' says Lombard, 'they employ a remedy easy to be had, viz., a certain most excellent liquor, which they call usquebagh, so well mixed that it has the power of drying up and does not inflame like that made in foreign countries.' De ilib- Com., p. 38. 3 Warrant. — ' I left with the Justices order to keep this Cessation precisely.' Relation of the Earl of Essex. CC. MSS., iii. 335. ' I advise her Majesty to allow me at my return to Dublin to conclude this treaty, yielding some of these grants for the present ; and when her Majesty has made secret preparation to enable me to prosecute, I will find quarrels enough to break, and give them a deadly blow.' Answers of the Earl of Essex. Ibid., p. 337. 4 Estate. — Rebellion, &c, p. 5 1 . 5 Permission. — She had given him licence to return to her presence at such times as he should find cause. CC. MSS., iii. 295. » CX111 place, secretly opposed her determination, alleging that Mountjoy had no other experience in martial affairs save what he gained in the short time he had served in the Low Countries; besides, that he was too bookish, with too few followers and too small an estate to embrace so great a business. 1 On February 24th he landed in Ireland, and a few days after received the sword. By warrant from the Queen, he appointed Sir George Carew, lieutenant of the ordnance and one of the Council of Munster, to be President of that province. 2 The Earl of Ormonde, in return for his good services and because he had been much toiled now in his latter years, was allowed to choose whether he would retain the place of Lieutenant-General of the army. 3 In the Instructions* given to the new Lord Deputy by the Queen, it was ' recommended to his special care to preserve the true exercise of religion among her loving subjects'; the time, however, did not permit that he should intermeddle by any severity or violence in matters of religion, until her power was better established there to countenance his actions of that kind. The employment of Irish in the army should be avoided as much as possible, since they might run away armed to the rebels, or upon days of service turn their swords into their fellows' bosoms. 5 For the employ- ment of the forces upon the rebels, there was no course to be taken but by- plantation of garrisons in the heart of the countries of the capital rebels. Whenever Tyrone was distressed, he by general offers cf submission caused a suspension of his prosecution until the opportunity was lost. Heed should be taken that she be no more abused in that kind, but all means possible were to be used to cut him off as a reprobate to God, and he should be left to the force of the sword.' These Instructions were supplemented by others, ' Ordinances to be observed during the war in Ireland.' Among them are the following : No merchant or other person to sell powder, armour, or munition, but all furniture of war to come out of the Queen's store only ; no Irishman to serve in any company except those of the Pale, because of the general revolt ; every soldier to be enforced to wear a murrion, 7 because the enemy is encouraged by the advantage of 1 A business. — Moryson, Rebellion, &c, p. 45. This writer was Mountjoy's secre- tary. He gives a detailed account of the character and manner of life of his deceased master. Ibid. 2 Province. — Pac. Hib., p. 4. His in- structions are given Ibid., p. 10. Brewer remarks that Carew, though apparently the inferior, was in fact the superior, as he was the friend of Cecil. C C. MSS., v. pref. lxvii. 3 Army.— C.C. MSS., hi 361. 4 Instructions. — Ibid., p. 356. 6 Bosoms. — ' All the mischiefs of our ser- vice have grown above all by nourishing the Irish, who are snakes in our bosoms while we hold them, and when they are out do convert upon ourselves the experience and strength they have gotten by our making them to be our soldiers.' Letter of the Queen to Mountjoy in Rebellion, &c, p. 56. 6 Ordinances. — C.C. MSS., iii. 365. 7 Murrion. — Morion, a helmet without a vizor to protect the face. P cxiv arms to come to the sword, where commonly he prevaileth ; a strong prosecution to begin in March, and strong garrisons to be placed near the enemy, which will eat out the rebels within twelve months if the captains be men of worth and diligent. In pursuance of the plan laid down here, Mountjoy determined to establish garrisons on the borders of Tyrone and Tyrconnell. He would at the same time gratify the Earls of Thomond and of Clanricarde, whose terri- tories O'Donnell used to waste from time to time, by forcing him to remain at home in order to save his own lands from being preyed. A force was got together in England of 3,000 foot and 200 horse. The commander was Sir Henry Docwra. 1 They embarked at Chester on the 24th of April, and four days later they reached Carrickfergus. They were joined by 1,000 foot taken from the old companies about Dublin. Ten days later they set sail for Deny, and landed at Culmore. 2 Here they set about erecting a fort that would lodge 200 men. A company of 1 50 men was put into the neigh- bouring castle of Elagh, 3 which O'Dogherty had abandoned shortly before. On the 22nd of May 600 men were left at Culmore to finish the works ; the main body marched to Deny. 4 This place they took possession of without any resistance being offered to them. Two ships of war were appointed to attend on them during the whole summer. These coasted along the shores, and brought in any building materials they found. Timber was got in abundance from a wood in O'Cahan's country opposite ; ' but there was not a stick brought in that was not fought for.' The Lord Deputy made a diversion to draw off O'Neill and O'Donnell, by marching to the Black- water ; but learning that the force had taken possession of Derry and secured themselves there, he returned to Dublin. After his return home, O'Neill joined by O'Donnell made a sudden attack on the outposts of Derry ; but the sentinels gave the alarm, and the garrison stood on the defensive and would not be drawn outside the walls ; and as they had several large guns planted in position, any attempt to take the place by assault could not succeed. It was Mountjoy's wish that a garrison should 1 Sir H. Docwra. — The Instructions given to him will be found in C.C. MSS-, iii. 374. He has left ' A Narration of the Ser- vices done by the Army in Lough Foyle' ; it will be found in the Miscellany of the Celtic Society, p. 233. 2 Culmore. — A point of land projecting into Lough Foyle, four miles N.E. ofDerry. 3 Elagh- — It is three miles north of Derry. A considerable portion of this castle is still standing. See an account and a view of it in The Ordnance Survey of the Parish of Templemore, p. 234. 4 Derry. — Sydney, the Lord Deputy, to check the increasing boldness of Shane O'Neill, sent seven companies of foot and a troop of horse by sea to Derry, that they might fall on the enemy in the rear. Ran- dolph, their commander, was slain in a battle that took place in October, 1566. Two years later an accidental explosion of gun- powder destroyed the town in great part, so that it was not thought tenable any longer. The troops returned to Dublin. Ibid., p. 35. We have seen how the attempts of Bagnal and Essex to enter the north failed. cxv be placed at Ballyshannon, under the command of Sir Matthew Morgan, 1,000 men being taken from the force at Derry for the purpose ; but as it was evident that these forces would be exposed to manifest ruin if at that time and in the state as things then stood he would go forward, directions came to suspend the proceeding till another time. 1 On the ist of June Sir Arthur O'Neill, 2 son of Turlough Luineach, came and joined the English garrison with 30 horse and foot, ' a man I had directions from the State to labour to draw to our side and to promise to be made Earl of Tyrone, if the other that maintained the rebellion could be dispossessed of the country.' Three months later, Rory, brother to O'Cahan, who had before made an agreement with Docwra to serve under Sir Arthur O'Neill, came to him and brought with him 12 horse, 30 foot, and a hundred fat beeves, a welcome present at the time, for fresh meat was then rare to be had, and the provisions in store were very nearly spent. Docwra gives at some length an account of an affray, the result of which was the capture by O'Donnell of several horses belonging to the garrison of Derry : On the 29th of July O'Donnell came again with 600 foot and 60 horse, and lay close in ambush in a valley within a quarter of a mile of our utmost horse sentinels ; and Moyle Morogh MacSwindoe 3 (a man purposely sent with me by the State, and so well esteemed of, as the Queen had given a pension of six shillings a day unto during his life and the present command of 100 soldiers), having intelligence with him, caused some of his men to go a little before break of day and drive forth our horses (that were usually every night brought into the island to graze) directly towards him, in so much as upon the sudden before anything could be done to prevent it, he got to the number of 60 into his power and presently made haste to be gone. By the alarm I rose up from my bed, took some 20 horse and such foot as were ready, bade the rest follow, and so made after them. At four miles' end we overtook them ; their own horse kept in the rear flanked with foot, marching by the edge of a bog, and those horse they had got from us sent away before with the foremost of their foot. When they saw us coming they turned head and made ready to receive us. We charged them, and at the first encounter I was stricken with a horseman's staff 4 in the forehead, in so much as I fell for dead, and was a good while deprived of my senses. But the cajotains and gentlemen that were about me . . . gave beyond my body and enforced them to give ground a good way, by 1 Time. — C.C. MSS., iii. 374. 2 Sir Arthur O'Neill.— He died of fever five months after. ' His brother Cormac claimed to succeed him as next of kin, and had in that name good entertainments from the Queen. But shortly after came his own son Tirlogh, whom the State admitted to inherit all the fortune and hopes of the father.' Docwra's Narration, p. 247. 3 MacSwindoe.— i.e., Maelmuire Mac- Swiny na dtuath. 4 Staff. — O'Sullevan says his helmet was pierced through by a spear. Hist. Cath., p. 218. In a skirmish that took place a month before between some of O'Dogherty's men and the garrison of Elagh, Sir John Chamberlaine, the second in command, was killed. Docwra's Narration, p. 240. cxvi means whereof I recovered myself, was set upon my horse, and so safely brought off, and conducted home, and they suffered with the prey they had got to depart without further pursuit. 1 The writer attributes the success of the assailants to the treachery of Maelmuire MacSwiny 2 'who caused his men of purpose to drive forth our horses. For which he was seized and put on board a ship then going to Dublin ; he was put under hatches, but these being opened to set beer, he stepped up on the deck and "threw himself into the river and so swam away to O' Kane's side, which was hard by, those in the ship amazed with the suddenness of the fact and doing nothing that took effect to prevent it.' 3 In the spring of this year two ships came from Spain, under the command of Ferdinand De Barranova. They were laden with materials of war, and knowing that the northern chiefs were then at enmity with the English, they put into the harbour of Killybegs. In answer to the question why the King had delayed so long the promised relief, he said that his master was fully determined to aid them with men and money ; but having been told that they had made peace with the English, he wished to learn from messengers of his own what was the true state of affairs. 4 For this purpose he now sent Matthew de Oviedo, a Spanish Franciscan, who had already visited Ireland at the close of the Geraldine war with James Fitzmaurice and the Spanish force 5 sent to the help of the Irish. A year after he was sent back to Spain for the purpose of soliciting further aid, and he was instructed to proceed from thence to Rome, and to act as agent of the Irish at the Papal Court. Now he came as the joint Envoy of Pope Clement VIII. and of the King of Spain, 6 the first congratulating O'Neill on his victories and exhorting him 7 to persevere in his glorious struggle, so that the Catholic kingdom of Ireland might not be subject to the yoke of heresy, the latter sending him a gift of 22,000 crowns and promising him further aid. But the chief purpose of his coming was to see and understand the state of the country, 8 misrepresented by English emissaries at foreign courts. On the 13th of May he was appointed Archbishop of Dublin. We have several « 1 Pursuit. — Ibid., p. 242. 6 King of Spain. — Philip III. His father, 2 M. MacSwiny — He had been knighted Philip II., died in 1598. for. his services against the O'Mores 7 Exhorting him. — Moran, A. of Dublin, during the expedition to Leix. O'Sullevan, p. 206, gives the Pope's letter. Hist. Cath., p. 218. See also p. cii., antea. 8 Country. — Hib. Pac, p. 457. The 3 To prevent it. — Docwra's Narration, p. Primate Peter Lombard in more than one 243. place complains of the injury done to the 4 Affairs. — Lombard, De Hib. Com., p. Irish cause in foreign countries by the want 175. of fitting agents to uphold it, and by the mis- 6 The Spanish force. — Moran's Arch- representations made by the English and bishops of Dublin, pp. 194 and 426. thoseintheirpay. DeHib. Com., pp. 127,165. cxvii letters 1 written by him during his stay in this country, which was somewhat less than a year ; some to the King of Spain, others to some of the King's ministers. On the 24th of June he wrote to the King : Sire, — I wrote by Don Martin de la Cerda 2 giving your Majesty an account of the state of things in this island when we came with your Majesty's letters. As I have been here for two months, seeing everything that has been done, l ean give a more exact account of what is taking place in this province. At present we are hemmed in between two armies, one of which came by sea, 3 the other by land, not to speak of the many garrisons which the English have near us and from which they make incursions every day. Yet such is the bravery of these two Earls and of their followers that if they fought with equal arms they would have no fear ; but as they have neither muskets nor artillery, they cannot drive them from the forts which they are erecting each day within the province, and as the war has lasted so long they are so exhausted and impoverished that they have not the means of supporting the soldiers or of paying them, and so every day we are afraid they will leave us. The English are making great efforts to bring about a peace, offering excellent terms ; and for this purpose the Viceroy sent messengers twice to O'Neill, saying among other things that your Majesty is making peace with the Queen, and that his condition will be hopeless. At other times he says that no greater misfortune could happen the country than to bring Spaniards into it, because they are haughty and vicious, and they would destroy and ruin the country. To all this they reply most honourably that they will hold out so long as they have one soldier, or there remains a cow to eat. At present they have got together a very good army, so that O'Neill made the Viceroy retreat when he was coming by land, and O'Donnell keeps those who came by sea shut up in their fortresses. The consequence is, that if a help of six thousand men and some large guns were now sent them, they could take any city in Ireland. I wish it were possible for me by word of mouth to show the importance of this undertaking .and the great service that would be rendered thereby to God and to his Church, and the great advantage it would be to the service of your Majesty and the peace of your states to attack the enemy here. This is the best possible opportunity, and if it is allowed to slip by, I do not know when we shall find another. But as I cannot urge it otherwise than by these few lines, I pray God, in whose hands the hearts of kings are, that He may move the heart of your Majesty to help us at once. Every day I promise the Catholics this help, and in this way I keep them on hands. May the Lord preserve your Majesty for many and very happy years to be the protector and help of all the afflicted. From Dungannon in Ireland, June 24th, 1600. Your Majesty's humble chaplain, Fray Mattheo, Archbishop elect of Dublin. 4 1 Letters. — The originals of this and the four letters that follow it are in the Archives of the College of Loyola, Spain. 2 M. de la Cerda. — He seems to have come to Ireland with de Oviedo or soon after. There is a good deal of uncertainty about the precise dates of the arrival of the Spanish envoys. 3 By sea. — This refers to Docwra's force. The land force was that led by the Lord Deputy to the north. ^Dublin. — It was received Dec. 16th. cxvin Another reached the King from O'Neill at the same time, though it was written six weeks after that of the Archbishop. Hugh O'Neill wrote again to the King a few days later : Sire, — We have written by Don Martin de la Cerda to your Majesty in acknowledgment of what your Majesty has done for us and in gratitude for what we have received, both arms and money bestowed on us by your generous hand. We have given to the Archbishop of Dublin and to Don Martin a very long account of our condition, that the one in writing and the other by word of mouth may give information to your Majesty, and you may rest assured that if we were able with our own forces and those of our friends to resist the power of this enemy, it would be enough for us to know that we were doing a great service to God and to his Church, and also to your Majesty's interests, in order to make us risk our lives and shed our blood, without troubling and wearying your Majesty, who we know has so many and important things to attend to. But, Sire, a war so long and continuous against so powerful an enemy, and against some of our own countrymen, who do us still more harm, as your Majesty will understand, must have so exhausted and empoverished us that it is by a miracle we hold out, and that owing to our reputation. At present matters stand in so favourable a way in this kingdom, that with some help and some large guns to make breaches in walls, this war would end successfully, for we have an army in all the provinces of Ireland, and when the succour reaches us and its arrival becomes known, our strength would be doubled ; whereas if the aid fails to come or is delayed, our forces must grow less and melt away, not haying means to subsist. We humbly beseech your Majesty to order this aid to be hastened, since experience has shown us what evils arise from a delay in such matters. The Archbishop of Dublin encourages and strengthens us and revives our hopes, and by his presence has given us much courage and confidence, and in this way his coming has been of great use and benefit. It only remains that the authority of his Holiness, which has been asked for on behalf of your Majesty, should be sent to him, for there is urgent need of it to correct and reform matters concerning religion, and without it this cannot be done. May our Lord watch over and preserve your Majesty, giving you the increase and prosperity which your vassals and humble servants desire. From our Camp in Ireland, June 28th, 1600. It is so difficult to send our letters to Spain, that though I sent this off more than a month ago, it has been returned to me. Now it will go by way of Scotland. I can assure your Majesty that the enemy's strength grows daily, and that our people are losing courage, seeing the succour delayed. But I trust in God and in your Majesty that it will not fail us. 1 From the Catholic Camp, August 3rd, 1600. Your humble vassal and servant kisses the feet and hands of your Majesty. Hugh O'Neill. 1 Fail us, — It was received December 16th. cxix On the 17th of September O'Neill again wrote to the King : Sire, — If the letters which I sent to your Majesty by several ways by special messengers had reached your royal hands, I have no doubt the clemency of your Majesty, your generosity, and your zeal for the increase of the holy Catholic faith which exist in the breast of your Majesty to an heroic degree, would have moved you to send to this kingdom as soon as possible the aid so often promised and so much desired by us. Knowing too from our letters the extreme danger in which we are and the great advantages both spiritual and temporal which must accrue from sending this aid, and its importance to your Majesty's authority and the spread of the Catholic faith, we cannot believe your Majesty will fail us in such circumstances. But fearing the letters have been lost, I am obliged to send this third messenger and by him to give you again an account of the wretched and unhappy condition in which we the Catholics of this kingdom find ourselves. It is such that if your Majesty does not aid us speedily we shall all be ruined, to our great sorrow and to the extinction of your Majesty's authority, in whom we all put our trust, and against whom the enemy think they are carrying on the war when they attack us. This year the Queen has employed all the forces both by sea and land to crush the Catholics, knowing they are under your Majesty's protection, and for this reason she has sent by sea to the port of the Foyle a large number of vessels bringing infantry and cavalry and a vast quantity of ammunition and provisions, and every day this expedition is strengthened with additional vessels and forces. She has erected three fortresses along this coast, which her garrisons hold. They are doing great harm, since they oblige us to make encampments in order to prevent them from entering farther into the land. On the other hand, the Viceroy came here in the spring, and I and all my friends were obliged to go and hinder his advance over the frontier, where I was for many days. And now he is coming back with 7,000 foot and a large body of horse. Such is our enemy, not to speak of those dwelling on our frontiers. I am so impoverished and exhausted, having carried on the war for six years, that I have neither food for my men nor money to pay them ; and what is worse, seeing that I am weak and that the help does not come, my friends pass over to the English, for the Queen confers on them great favours and extraordinary gifts. From what I have said your Majesty may infer the great danger in which we are, and since we are yours and you have received us under your protection, and the chief cause of the persecution which we suffer at the hands of the Queen arises from the hatred she has towards the Spaniards, we have the natural law both divine and human in our favour, and we can prove that according to it you cannot abandon a nation which is fighting for the Catholic faith and trusts in the promises of aid given us by his Majesty Philip the Second of blessed memory, your Majesty's father, and by your Majesty and your Ministers, when the Archbishop of Dublin and Don Martin de la Cerda came, and on behalf of your Majesty commanded us to continue the war. We found that all we could do was to hold out till this September. This is now half passed and we do not see the help. We beseech your Majesty to consider the straits in which we must be, and for the love of God and for your own dignity, I beg you will not allow these traitorous enemies of the Catholic faith to triumph over us, for they would triumph over Spain cxx at the same time. Even if this help comes at the end of October it will be in good time, and with six or seven thousand men and heavy guns (to make batteries) we shall be masters of the kingdom. May God inspire your Majesty and your Royal Council to determine on what is best in this case and all others. Watch over us and promote the welfare of yourself and of your kingdom for His holy service and for the increase of His holy faith. Written 1 in the Irish Camp, September 17th, 1600. O'Neill. Here is the letter 2 written at the same time by de Oviedo to one of the ministers. Most Excellent Lord, — By every possible way and with the greatest care we have sought out messengers to give his Majesty and you an account of things in this country, and in addition to the letters which Don Martin took with him, these gentlemen and I have written at great length. But as the voyage by sea is so uncertain, I am afraid that of those which I sent by three different ways none has reached your Excellency's hands ; and hearing that the Earl O'Neill has resolved to make again the same petition to his Majesty, informing him of this state of things, to him I refer your Excellency for the account, not to weary you with a long letter and a repetition of what you have already heard so often of the sufferings of this country. They are so great that the mere narrative of them will move to much pity a heart as christian as yours. I have been employed all this time in giving consolation to them, being continually with O'Neill and assuring him that aid will come from his Majesty, the only way of putting an end to these sufferings. He has always put his trust in it, knowing that such is the desire of his Majesty, and he has often told me that in it chiefly he places his hopes. And though he is still as hopeful as ever, yet seeing that some of his people are not so, as the delay seems to them very great, he is very downcast, fearing that some of his friends will grow weary of enduring so much suffering as he has already witnessed and even now has before his eyes. With all this he conceals this fear, and he bears his share of these hardships with as much courage as if it were his first day ; and hearing that the Viceroy was coming to his territory with a large force, he went half way to meet him and engage him in battle, and God knows how small his force is. But the reputation he has with the enemy is so great that it alone sustains the war, and I trust in God that if the Viceroy comes he will return with as little profit to himself as he did last spring. I beseech your Excellency by the love of God if perchance (a thing I do not believe) the succour has not set out when this reaches, you will continue to urge this matter, and that the aid will not fail to come immediately, lest the delay may be the cause of our losing all, as undoubtedly it may be. Our Lord bestow all happiness on your Excellency as your chaplain desires. From this island of Ireland, Sept. 18th, 1600. Fr. Mattheo, Archbishop elect of Dublin. 1 Written. — It was received Nov. 17th. been enclosed very probably in O'Neill's 2 Letter. — It bears no address, having letter. The date of its receipt is not given. cxxi On the same day the Archbishop wrote to the King, again urging him to take pity on the distressed condition of the Irish : Sire,— Already in three other letters I have described to your Majesty the state of things in this island, which is sustained in its sufferings by the hope which it has in your Majesty, and owing to it, many of the friends of these two leaders O'Neill and O'Donnell persevere in their fidelity, for without it I believe from what they suffer they would have passed over to the Queen's side, as some have done since I have come here. My coming by order of your Majesty has been of some advantage, for I have assured them they will be very soon aided by your Majesty, as I tell them every day. As things are set out more at length in O'Neill's letter, I refer you to it. In this I merely beseech your Majesty to take pity on these poor Catholics, remembering the great service that will be done to our Lord by taking up the cause of his Church, which is persecuted in this country, and how worthy this undertaking is of the greatest Prince in the world and her son, and how great is the reward which in return is prepared for your Majesty in heaven. May God protect the royal person of your Majesty. From this island of Ireland, Sept. 18th, 1600. Fr. Matheo, Archbishop Elect of Dublin. 1 O'Neill was anxious to send his second son Henry 2 to reside for some time in Spain, that he might learn the accomplishments suited to his high station and see the Catholic religion 3 in its full splendour. He made known his wish to the King. Here is the kindly answer which he received : Noble and Well-beloved, — I have already written a joint letter to you and your relative O'Donnell, in which I replied to the letter of both of you. By this, which I now write to you personally, I wish to let you know my good will towards you, and I mean to prove it not only by word but by deed ; and whereas, from intelligence which reached me from Ireland some days past, I understood you wished to send your son here to be reared and instructed in the Catholic faith, and those who brought the letter understood so from you, I wish to let you know hereby that if such is your determination, it will be a pleasure to me to carry it out. If you send him here, he shall be very dear to me, and I will treat him as a youth of fair hopes, and as the son of such a father should be treated. Don Martin de la Cerda will bring him over, and supply his wants on the journey, as we have ordered. 4 Given at Madrid, the 24th of December, 1599. 1 Dublin- — Received November 27. 3 Religion — The Lord Deputy proposed 2 Henry. — ' He (Owen) saith that Tyrone to O'Neill, in 1594, to send his eldest son to sent his son into Spain, to be there brought be brought up in the University of Dublin. up, not being demanded of the King as a C.C. MSS iii. 79. pledge.' Pac. Hib., p. 459. 4 Ordered. — Archives, Simancas, no. 839. cxxii O'Neill wrote in reply : 1 Sire,— The singular favour which your Majesty has done me in deigning to call my son to your service as your vassal, is such as I cannot express in writing. I have nothing now to offer you in proof of my gratitude, since I have already de- voted to your royal service my life, my property, and my slate ; in this profession I will continue all my life, and I hope to do such service as will give proof of my good will. I do not need to commend my son to your Majesty, since he is your vassal and will be received as such by you. We have received the Archbishop of Dublin as a proof of your Majesty's good wishes, with whom we will treat of our affairs. He will give you an account of all. And as there are many vessels from this port belonging to merchants who cannot be trusted, it would be much for the advantage of your Majesty's service if they were not admitted into any ports of your kingdom unless they have letters with my signature, for I know such persons as are suspected and such as are not. I had not an opportunity of communicating with you through the Archbishop of Dublin, since Maurice Fitzgerald has been prevented in Spain from coming in these vessels ; as he has a claim to the Earldom of Desmond, we might well suppose he would be opposed to its present possessor, who is on our side and does good service to your Majesty's cause ; for in spite of the noble birth of that gentleman, his services, and our obligations to him for what he has done and is still doing on behalf of the Church and your Majesty, yet good reasons compel me to beseech your Majesty to keep him back and employ him elsewhere ; he can come at some future time, with the aid which you are about to send us, for then there will be no fear that his coming will do any harm but rather much good to your service. May our Lord prese r ve and prosper your Catholic Majesty, and increase your successes, as we your vassals and stewards desire. Given in the Monastery of Donegal, in Ireland, 24th of April, 1600. Your Majesty's vassal and servant, kissing your royal hands, Aodh O'Neill. The King on receipt of this letter sent it, as was his custom, to the Council of State to report to him on its contents. They replied that his Majesty might give Hugh O'Neill to understand the high estimation in which he was held for his bravery and continuous efforts against the heretics. As regards the coming of his son, he will carry out all that Don Martin de la Cerda will make known as his father's wishes, and he will give him a position near his royal person. It will be well to carry out his suggestions about the ships also. On the 18th of May the Archbishop of St. Iago wrote 1 to the King : In obedience to the orders of your Majesty, I have received the person and despatches sent hither by Fray Matheo de Oviedo from the kingdom of Ireland, where he has gone by your Majesty's order. Don Henrique, son of the Earl of 1 Reply. — Ibid., no. 25 1 1 . 2 Wrote. — Ibid., no. 840. CXX111 Tyrone, and Captain Don Martin de la Cerda have landed here. I received them with all possible respect and supplied all their wants. Moreover, I gave them the opportunity of confessing and receiving Holy Communion, as they did at the Mass which I said at the altar of our glorious Apostle and Patron St. James ; and by so doing he and his suite have proved themselves good Catholics. From what I have learned of the condition of the Catholics of that kingdom, I consider the course which your Majesty has taken in defence of our holy faith very just and worthy of your Majesty, namely, to help those who suffer there because they are good Catholics. For which your Majesty will receive a lasting reward from our God. He was sent to Salamanca to study in the famous University, the King allowing him a pension of 200 ducats per month. It would seem that he resided for a time in the Franciscan convent there. But as he showed some inclination to join the Order, the King, by the advice 1 of Cardinal Guevara, wished him to reside with his Governor either in the Bishop's palace or elsewhere in the town, until his father was consulted and his wishes ascertained in reference to the matter. Later we find him at the Court of the Archduke of Austria. After some time, in spite of English in- trigues, he got the command 2 of a regiment of his countrymen in the Spanish service, and served with them in the Low Countries. He was made a Knight of St. Iago, much to the disgust of Turnbull, the English envoy, who thought that by such an honour it was intended to attach the recipient of it and those of his nation still more to the Spanish Crown. 3 We have now come to the turning point of Hugh Roe O'Donnell's fortunes. Hitherto his successes had met with no check. In the field he and O'Neill had shown themselves a match for the ablest generals that the English Government could send against them. The force which had been sent to assail him in his own territory was wasting away day by day almost without any effort on his part. ' Now the winter began to be fierce upon us,' says Docwra, their commander ; ' our men wasted with continual labours, the island scattered with cabins full of sick men, our biscuit all spent, our other provisions of nothing but meal, butter, and a little wine, and that by computation to hold out but six days longer. Tyrone and O'Donnell, to weaken us the more, proclaimed free passage and relief through their country to send them away to as many as would leave us and 1 Advice. — Ibid., no. 251 1. 2 Command. — The Conde de Punorostro to the King, December 9th, 1604. In this letter he speaks of ' las buenas cualidades que se veen en este joven y excelente caballero.' Archives, Loyola. 3 Crown. — Flight of the Earls, pp. 41, 302. Turnbull's intrigues, however, pre- vented his marriage with the daughter of a wealthy Spanish nobleman. Ibid., p. 325. He died at an early age, but the date of his death is uncertain. His younger brother John was styled Conde de Tyrone in 1616. See Kilk. Arch. J . for 1867, p- 91. cxxiv depart for England, our two forts, notwithstanding all the diligence we had been able to use, far from the state of being defensible . . . our horses were so weak and few that we were not able to hold watch any further out' 1 Once, indeed, O'Donnell made an attack on them. With a large body of horse he came to the bog that divided the island 2 from the mainland ; but they had had notice of his intention, and were prepared to receive the assault. It ended with some loss on the part of the assailants. Twice in the course of this year, once in early summer, and a second time in October, O'Donnell made hostings into the territories of the Earls of Clanricarde and of Thomond, to wreak his vengeance on them for inducing the English to seize on Derry, and to show his contempt for the force that then held it. On both occasions he left a portion of his army encamped near Derry, ' to watch the foreigners, that they might not come to plunder his territory,' and he placed in command of them his cousin Niall Garbh O'Donnell, having complete confidence in his bravery and fidelity. ' The English began privately to entreat and implore Niall Garbh O'Donnell [to join them], offering to confer the chieftaincy of the territory upon him should they prove victorious. They promised him many rewards and much wealth if he would come over to their alliance. He listened for a long time to their offers, and his misfortune at length permitted him to go over to them, by the evil counsel of the envious and proud people who were along with him.' 3 ' Woe to mind that conceived that ruinous plot,' exclaims our author in sorrow, ' woe to the heart that entertained it, woe to the tongue that advised it.' * ' On the third of October,' writes Docwra, ' came in Neale Garvie O'Donnell with 40 horse and 60 foot, a man I was directed by the State to win to the Queen's service, and one of equal estimation in Tyrconnell that Sir Arthur O'Neill was of in Tyrone. The secret messages that had passed between him and me he found were discovered to O'Donnell, and, therefore, somewhat sooner than otherwise he intended, and with assurance and hope of many conditions that he stood upon ; yet it is true I promised him in behalf of the Queen the whole country of Tyrconnell to him and his heirs, and my Lord Deputy 1 Further out. — Narration, p. 244. 2 Island. — The hill on which the part of the city surrounded by walls stands. The position of the bog in ancient times can be determined by the names Bogside, Long- bog, Cowbog, which still survive in the suburb of Edenballymore. See Ordnance Survey of Derry, p. 102. 3 With him.— Annals F. M., vi. 2209. His wife, Nuala, a sister of Hugh Roe, left him in consequence of his treachery. O'Sullevan, Hist. jCath-, p. 219. She ac- companied the Earls in their flight from Ireland in 1607 ; she is the ' woman of the piercing wail,' whom the poet Mac an Ward represents as mourning over the grave of the Earls in San Pietro in Montorio, Rome. See Flight of the Earls, p. 383. 4 Advised it. — O'Sullevan says it was Conn O'Gallagher who persuaded Niall Garbh to pass over to the English ; he was captured soon after, and hanged by O'Don- nell's order. Hist. Calh., pp. 219, 220. More of him laten cxxv and Council at Dublin did afterwards confirm it unto him under their hands, and his coming in was very acceptable at that time, and such as we made many uses of and could ill have spared.' 1 Niall Garbh was envious of Hugh Roe's power, and the greatest temptation that could be held out to him was the chieftainship of the territory. His sentiments could not but be known to Hugh Roe, for our author says, he came to the first hosting summoned by the young chief ' not through love but through fear.' No doubt he thought that he, and not Hugh Roe, should be the chief of the clan ; and if the supreme power passed on from father to eldest son, it would have come to him, as may be seen readily from the pedigree. 2 But such a mode 3 of succession, though in strict accordance with the English law of primogeniture, would be far more the exception than the rule in the succession to the chieftaincy of an Irish clan. Yet it was strenously upheld and insisted on by the English as the one and only mode that was in strict accordance with the fundamental laws of right and justice, and availed of very often to raise up á rival to the elected chief and to create dissensions from which they usually reaped profit. Myler Magrath in his ' Declaration of the State of Ireland,' 4 says : In O'Donnell's country named Tyrconnell there are three principal families of the name, viz., Sir Hugh O'Donnell and his children, Hugh Duff, uncle to the said Sir Hugh, and the descent of Sir Calvagh O'Donnell, who in like sort severally think to have the best right to the superiority of that country each of them. Hugh Duff and his house, who is uncle to him that is now O'Donnell by the custom of the Irishry, has the ancientest right to the superiority, being put from it by Manus O'Donnell, this O'Donnell's father. Calvagh, oldest son of Manus, got a patent from England upon that country to himself and his heirs in state of inheritance, upon whose death, that state notwithstanding, this Sir Hugh has used the name both against his uncle Hugh Duff being the eldest«of the name, who according to the custom of the country was to have the same. By which it appears this O'Donnell has no right either by custom or by law. Docwra tells of the other advantages besides those mentioned by our author, which the English garrison of Derry derived from Niall's Garbh's ' coming in ' : The next day after he came, we drew forth our forces and made a journey to the Isle of Inch, 5 where by his information we had learned there was a good prey of cattle to be got. But the tides falling out extraordinary high, we were not able to 1 Spared- — Narration, p. 245. 2 Pedigree. — See p.xii.,antea. O'Sullevan says another grievance of Niall Garbh's just then was that Hugh Roe had taken from him the castle of Lifford, given him by Hugh's father, and would have him be satisfied with Castlefin. Hist. Catk., p. 219. 3 Mode. — See Keating's defence of tanistry in the preface to H. of Ireland, p. xxx. *S. of Ireland — C.S:P. I., iv. 498. 6 Isle of Inch. — The only island in Lough Swilly ; it lies about a mile off Churchtown, and three miles S. E. of Rathmullen. It contains over 3,000 acres, chiefly pasturage. CXX\ 1 pass them to get in ; so as~ we were forced to turn our course and go down into O'Doherty's country, though to little purpose : for knowing of our coming, he drove away all before us ; only some stacks of corn we found, which we set on fire. The 8th of October I assigned to the said Neale Garvie 500 foot and 30 horse, under the leading of Sir John Bowles, to go to take the Liffer, where 30 of O'Donnell's men lay in garrison in a fort in one of the corners of the town ; and most of them being abroad when they came, were surprised and slain and the place taken ; yet so as one of them had first put fire into the fort, which consumed all the buildings in it ; but the rest of the houses scattered abroad in the town (which were about 20) were pre- served and stood us afterwards in singular good stead. 1 One of O'Donnell's own people brought him word of his kinsman's treachery ; he was then in the neighbourhood of Ballymote. He was greatly surprised at the news, and he set off on his return home as fast as he could, • none of his soldiers being able to keep with him except a few of his horsemen,' 2 in order to undo in some way by his presence the evil effects of treachery. O'Donnell having heard of the taking of this place, 3 came on the 12th of October with 700 foot and 100 horse, and encamped himself about three miles off at Castlefin. The next day he came and showed himself before the town. Our garrison made out, had a skirmish with him of an hour long, wherein Neale Garvie behaved himself bravely. Captain Augustin Heath took a slight hurt in his hand, and some ten or twelve men on each side were slain. On the 24th he came again and laid himself in ambush a mile from the town, watching to intercept our men fetching in of turf. . . . The alarm taken, the garrison made forth again, and Neale Garvie behaved himself bravely as before, charged home upon them, killed one, hurt one or two more with his own hands, and had his horse slain under him. Captain Heath took a shot in the thigh, whereof he shortly after died, and some twenty more that were hurt and* slain. . . . All this while after Liffer had been taken O'Donnell kept up and down in those parts, watching still to take our men upon some advantage, but finding none, and hearing two Spanish ships that were come into Killybegs with munition, arms, and money, on the 10th of November, he departed towards them, and between Tyrone and him they made a dividend of it. After he was gone, the garrison both here and at Dunalong set divers preys of cattle, and did many other services all the winter long, which 1 stand not upon to make particular mention of, and I must confess a truth, all by the help and advice of Neale Garvie and his followers, and the other Irish that came in with Sir Arthur O'Neale, 4 without whose intelligence and guidance little or nothing could have been 1 Stead. — Narration, p. 246. 2 Horsemen. — Annals F. M., vi. 221 1. 3 This place. — i.e., the castle of Lifford. 4 Sir A. O'Neale. — He had gone over to the English on the 1st June preceding. Narration, p. 240. ' Her Majesty doth now determine to create Sir A. O'Neale Earl of Tyrone, who doth very good service at Lough Foyle, and is a very gallant fellow. Cecil to Carew, July nth, 1600. C.C. MSS., iii. 409. Docwra says Sir Art did him important service. cxxvn done of ourselves, although it is true withal they had their own ends in it, which were always for private revenge, and we ours to make use of them for the furtherance of the public service. Ulick; 3rd Earl of Clanricarde, died in May this year. He was succeeded by his son Richard. The Lord Deputy wishing to give him an early opportunity of showing his bravery and his good will to the English, ordered him to put himself at the head of his own forces, to summon to his aid all the English from several of the Munster garrisons, and at their head to march to Sligo. He wished the Earl to create a diversion in favour of the garrisons lately erected along Lough Foyle, by drawing off O'Donnell from his own territory ; in his absence they would be able to establish themselves securely in the several strongholds which they held already, and perhaps to seize on other places and so extend their power. ' As soon as O'Donnell saw the Earl's numerous army coming to Elphin, he assembled his forces and did not halt until he crossed the Curlews and the river Boyle into Moylurg, and he pitched his camp directly opposite his enemies. They remained thus for some time face to face, spying and watching each other. Many were the conflicts, slaughterings, and affrays which took place between them while they remained thus in readiness for each other, until at length the English army became weaned and returned in sorrow to their homes.' 1 Niall Garbh thought a favourable opportunity was presented by O'Donnell's absence to seize on Donegal and establish a garrison within the monastery. ' Conferring with Neale Garvie,' says Docwra, ' I then found by O'Donnell's absence the country behind him was left without guard, the abbey of Donegal was kept only by a few friars, the situation of it close to the sea and very convenient for many services, especially for a step to take Ballyshannon with, which was a work the manifold attempts and chargeable preparations the Queen had been at to accomplish, and my Lord had himself so lately aimed at and valued 2 equal to this other of meeting him at Blackwater, 3 did argue would be of special importance and good acceptation ; I concluded therefore and sent him away with 500 English soldiers to put themselves into this place, which they did on the 1 Homes. — Annals F. M-, vi. 2251. 2 Valued. — 'The plantation at Bally- shannon will straighten, and presently banish the two vipers of the kingdom, and consequently make a final end of this war.' Mountjoy to Carew, May 1st, 1601. C.C. MSS., iv. 49. 3 Blackwater. — The allusion here is to two attempts which Mountjoy made in the months of September and October to enter Tyrone by the Moyry pass, which was a road in the parish of Killeavy, barony of Orior, Co. Armagh. But he was met by O'Neill's forces, 'like swarms of bees issuing from the hollows of bee-hives who compelled him to return by the same road, after the killing of countless numbers of the gentlemen and recruits. He did not go be- yond Moyry pass for some time after this.' Annals F. vi. 2225. CXXV111 2nd of August.' 1 Our author describes the resistance offered to the party of Niall Garbh by the small force which Hugh Roe had left behind. Wisely judging that any opposition which they could offer in the face of such superior numbers would be worse than useless, they contented them- selves with making an attack on the first body which had been sent on before to reconnoitre the road. These they beat back, but on the approach of the main body with Niall Garbh at their head, they retired and allowed them to march to Donegal and to take possession of the monastery. Here is a description 2 of the state of the monastery then by one of the monks who was an inmate of it at the time : In the year 1600 our community at Donegal consisted of forty brethren, by whom the divine office was sung day and night with great solemnity. I had charge of the sacristy, and I had in it forty priest's vestments with all their belongings ; many of these were of cloth of gold and cloth of silver, some of them interwoven and wrought with gold ornaments ; ah the rest were of silk. We had, moreover, sixteen large silver chalices, of which two only were not gilt. And we had two ciboriums for the Blessed Sacrament. The church furniture was very respectable. The windows were all glazed. But when the war grew more fierce and the heretics were getting a firmer footing, they made their way to the town of Donegal while the Lord O'Donnell was busily engaged elsewhere, and on the feast 3 of St. Laurence the Martyr they placed a garrison of soldiers in the monastery. Some of the brothers who had been warned of their coming fled into the woods some miles off, having first put on board a ship the church furniture in order to save it. I was the last to leave the monastery, and I came away in that ship. The monastery was besieged soon after by the Lord O'Donnell, and the English who were in it were reduced to great straits. A wonderful thing happened. At one and the same time fire seized on the buildings of the convent, burnt many of the soldiers, consumed the whole convent and church, and the vessel which was in the harbour with provisions for the garrison on board was dashed against a rock. The English who survived took refuge in the trenches which they had dug, and were arranging to surrender, treating of the terms and conditions. News reached our Prince that the Spaniards, under Don Juan del Aguila, had come to aid the Irish, and were landed at Kinsale; and that after they had taken possession of the town, they were besieged therein by the heretics. He thought that it was his duty to hasten to their relief, and leaving things as they were at Donegal, he set off in all haste for Munster. Having arranged to meet O'Neill and the others on the way, all of them went to the relief of the Spaniards. But things did not turn out well at Kinsale, and the Spaniards were forced to surrender. When the Catholics were worsted in this way the Prince O'Donnell went to Spain, and in the following year, 1602, all his territory came 1 August. — Narration, p. 255. it extensively in his Rise and Fall of the ^ Description. — The author is F. Mooney. Irish Franciscan Monasteries. This passage His manuscript history of the Irish Francis- is printed in thelntroductiontoO'Donovan's can Convents is in the Burgundian Library, translation of The Annals F. M. Brussels. Rev. C P. Meehan made use of 3 Feast. — August 10th. cxxix into the hands of the heretics, and the church furniture too of our convent of Donegal was seized by Oliver Lambert, Governor of Connaught. He made drinking-cups of the chalices, and tore up the vestments and used them for profane purposes, and so both the convent and all its furniture were destroyed. We may be allowed to give here, as not altogether out of place, the further history of the convent and its community from the time when the above account of its capture by Niall Garbh was written. The brethren still live together in secure places within the limits of the convent, and they have at all times a Guardian and community of twelve at least. Some of them have been transferred to other convents. When peace was restored, and after the death of the Lord in Spain, his brother Rory was put into possession of the greater part of his territory, and was made an Earl by the King of England, a title far inferior to that which he had before. He began to rebuild the convent, but learning that the English were plotting to take away his life, he fled with Earl O'Neill to Flanders ; from that he went to Rome, where both of them died. Now the English heretics have possession of the whole country, and they allow the older brethren to live in remote places, knowing that all of them must die soon, but they will not readily allow any younger men to join them. Such is the present state of that convent. 1 Whoever opens even casually the volumes of the State Papers that deal with the public events of this country at the end of the 16th century can- not fail to see there almost endless allusions to the coming of the Spaniards. When the Desmond revolt was at an end, and the territories of the Earl and those of his followers parcelled out among the English Undertakers, and peace seemed to be well and firmly established, there was still the dread of the coming of the Spaniards, like an ugly dream ever disturbing the minds of the officials. ' The state of this realm was never more peace- able than now ; and it is likely to continue so if Spanish invasion do not interrupt this good quiet.' 2 So wrote Carew to a friend in England in 1 590. And a year later the Lord Deputy wrote to Carew : ' The only fear I have is, that Spain, out of their great numbers in show prepared for France, may upon a sudden let fall on us in Ireland 4,000 or 5,000 soldiers, which number . . . may do for the time what pleaseth themselves, having in effect the whole country to join with them. Such an event would cost the Queen £100,000.' 3 And when the Queen, who was ever complaining of the vast expenditure of money in the government of Ireland, ' marvelled that the garrisons there were so great, considering the present quiet, she 1 Convent — The original is: Fratres usque in words it is not easy to judge whether they hodiernum diem vivunt turn per modum con- lived near the Convent or on its lands, gregationis inlocis magis tutis infra terminos 2 Quiet. — CC. MSS., iii. 40. et limites destructos conventus. From these 3 £100,000. — Ibid., p. 51. r cxxx was told that time would not permit a discharge as the enemy threatened invasion, wherewith she was satisfied.' 1 In 1594 some one who 'has been acquainted with Ireland for the space of these twenty years,' declared in ' A Discourse for Ireland,' intended no doubt for the eye of the Government, that ' he knew not any one city or almost village in all Ireland but in affection was Spanish.' 2 In all the Articles proposed to O'Neill, O'Donnell, and the other chiefs, it was required of them to declare how far they had proceeded in any requests or actions with any foreign prince, and especially with the King of Spain, and to renounce all superiority and aid of foreign princes, chiefly of the Spaniards. 3 The English Privy Council wrote to the Lord Deputy in September, 1595 : ' Nothing will become the traitor (O'Neill) more than his public confession of any Spanish practises, and his abjuration of any manner of hearkening or combining with any foreigners, a course fit in his offence to be made vulgar, that in Spain and about the hopes of such attempts may be extinguished '; 4 in other words, the report of O'Neill's ' abjuration' of all friendship with Spain, it was thought, would have the effect of preventing the Spaniards from sending him further aid. In the following year, where there was question of prolonging the Cessation, the Commissioners were told by the Lord Deputy and Council to prolong it still further; 'for in this respite of time, as it is like that it will be seen what will become of the Spaniards, so we shall have commodities thereby to strengthen the borders and be fit not only to defend and resist their incursions into the Pale, but to invade and offend the enemies of Leinster as occasion shall offer. And yet the forces, being thus laid upon the borders, may be always ready to make present head against the Spaniard if he shall attempt to march to- wards Dublin or the English Pale, as is doubted by your Lordship, if he make his descent at Waterford or thereabouts.' 5 In 1600 these ' uncertain bruits,' as the Queen used to call them, 6 assumed a more definite form. ' Send me all the news you receive from Spain, for Tyrone doth fill all these parts with strange lies ; although some part be true, that there came some munition and a Spanish priest that calls himself Archbishop of Dublin.' 7 So the Deputy Mountjoy wrote to Carew from Newry, May 15th of that year, and three months later Carew wrote from Mallow to the Privy Council : ' For the heartening of the rebellion, Tyrone hath sent 1 Satisfied. — Ibid., p. 58. 2 Spanish. — Ibid., p. 106. 3 Spaniards- — See p. lxxiv. antea. This was the 14th of the Articles propounded to O'Neill in January, 1596. C.C MSS., iii. 163; and again in 1598 Ormonde is told ' to urge at meeting with Tyrone to tell truly how far he hath proceeded with the Spaniards or any other Prince.' Ibid., p. 278. 4 Extinguished. — Ibid., p. 121. 6 Thereabouts. — Ibid., p. 219. *Call them.— Ibid., p. 177. 7 A. of Dublin.— Ibid., p. 387. The re- ference here is to de Oviedo, about whom see p. cxvi., antea. cxxxi letters of comfort to all his friends and confederates of this country, assuring that before Michaelmas day the Spaniards would land in Munster. 1 The Spanish Envoy was reported to have sworn a.solemn oath 2 that they would come immediately, and James Fitzthomas confidently believed it, and ' vaunted that ere that time he would be the greatest Earl of Desmond that ever was in Ireland.' 3 Then there were doubts and conjectures about the precise place where the Spaniards would land. In ' A Discourse of Ireland,' writen by Carew in 1594, he gives his reasons for thinking they would land somewhere in Munster rather than in Dublin, Connaught, or O'Donnell's country. ' In Munster there are goodly havens, and good towns to refresh the men, and the climate is more agreeable and the soil more fertile than in Ulster. The people of Munster are Spanish in heart, Popish in religion, and infinitely discontented since the traitors' lands were divided among the Undertakers. If the gentlemen of that province could agree upon a leader, they would declare themselves in action as Ulster has done, and with joyful hearts, as unto deliverers out of bondage, they will resort and yield obedience to the Spaniards, who at Wateriord would find all kinds of conveniences. . . . 3,000 Spaniards would be sufficient to take and keep Waterford, and raise a general revolt in Ireland. . . . Next to Waterford, Cork is the most dangerous haven for the Spaniards to land at.' 4 They did not come however in 1600 ; but in the beginning of 1601 their immediate arrival was looked on as a certainty. ' The late rumour of the Spaniards landed in Ireland,' writes Carew to the Privy Council, January 13th, 'hath bred a great distraction in this unsettled people, who desire nothing more than their coming, being persuaded very confidently in the same by a multitude of priests and friars which came in the last ships of munition that came to Tyrone, which is confirmed by other intelligences out of Spain lately received by merchants 5 from thence . . . albeit part of the forces will be withdrawn by the Lord Deputy, yet because the coming of Ulster and Connaught men, or both, may chance to be true, I pray that the victualling until Christmas next may be continued for 3,000 foot and 250 horse as heretofore. . . . Send between this and Easter five lasts of powder with lead and match proportionable, 200 shovels and spades, 500 pickaxes, and 150 crows of iron." 6 'By the intelligences that can be learned,' he wrote, very probably in the spring of this year, ' the Irish do persuade themselves that this summer the King of Spain will send 1 Munster. — Ibid., p. 427. 2 Oath.—C.C. MSS., iv. 55. 3 Ireland. — C.C. MSS., iii. 427. 4 To land at. — J bid., p. 129. 6 Merchants. — And spies too a great number of whom, under the name of pensioners, were in the pay of the English Government in all the Spanish ports. 6 Iron. — C. C. M SS., iv. 4. See also Pac. Hib., p. 217. cxxxii them succours ; which if he do, no part of that kingdom — no, not the cities — will be free from rebellion, as well in regard of the affection they have to that nation and their religion as the inveterate malice they have to our religion and us.' 1 Not only O'Neill and O'Donnell in the north repeatedly besought the Spanish King to give them aid, but many of the southern chiefs were as importunate, notably the Earl of Desmond 2 and Florence MacCarthy Mor. 3 But by the middle of this year both were seized * by Carew and placed beyond all power of aiding any forces that might be sent to them. The Earl proclaimed openly that his chief reliance was on the Spaniards ; not so Florence, who was more wily. But his wiles did not save him from the clutches of Carew. On the 14th of June the President and the Council of Munster issued a warrant for his apprehension ; ' being credibly given to understand of the continual conspiracies and combinations by him plotted with Spain and Tyrone and others in Munster, they resolved to restrain him and commit him to custody. 5 Two months later both were transported to England and consigned to the Tower of London for safe keeping' tí He hoped that ' the news of their apprehension, if the report do come in any good time into Spain, would work a diversion of their intentions ' 7 of sending forces to Ireland ; and even if they were sent, he was almost assured 'that having James MacThomas and Florence MacCarthy, no great defection would follow.' 8 And, moreover, 'if it do not divert their descent into Munster, yet the want of two such chieftains (unto whom it is to be supposed they were addressed) will make them to deliberate after their landing, be- fore their march into the country ; for although the repair unto them is likely to be great, yet strangers will hold it unsafe to trust unknown men.' 9 But not satisfied with having these in his power, he ' restrained three more of the principal men of the south, MacDonough, Tiege MacCarthy, and O'Mahony, the pretending Lord of Kynnelmeke, all of them to his knowledge being dangerous and discontented persons.' 10 By the beginning of August the Lords of the Council were confident of the Spaniards' descent, and wrote that 2,000 men would embark immediately at Bristol for Ireland, and 4,000 more were appointed to be in readiness at two ports, 1 Us.—C.C. MSS., iv. 169. 2 E. of Desmond. — Carew says that one year before his apprehension he was the most potent Geraldine that had ever been of any of the Earls of Desmond. Pac. Hib., p. 251. Two letters of his to the King of Spain, bearing date March 14th, 1600, are given ibid., pp. 252-254. 3 F. MacC. Mor. — See his Life by Daniel MacCarthy, p. 326 ; London, 1867. 4 Seized. — Desmond was betrayed by his kinsman the White Knight. Pac- Hib., p. 240, and C.C. MSS., iv. 121. 6 Custody —C.C MSS., iv. 81, and Pac. Hib., p. 283. 6 Keeping. — Life of F. MacC M., p. 343. The Earl died there. 7 Intentions. — CC- MSS., iv. 100, and Pac. Hib., p. 313. 8 Follow. — C.C. MSS., iv. 103. 9 Men.— Ibid., p. 119. ^Persons. — Ibid., p. 121. CXXX111 to be sent so soon as notice would be received by them of the Spaniards landing. 1 The disaster that befell the great Armada would have crushed the courage of a nation less warlike than Spain, and thwarted for years the plans of a sovereign less tenacious of his purpose than Philip II. This sovereign died September 13th, 1598, and was succeeded on the throne of Spain by his son Philip III. Though by no means the equal of his father as a ruler, yet he seems to have looked on his father's good will to Ireland in the light of a sacred inheritance bequeathed to him. He continued to show the same kindly and generous feeling to the suffering Irish, the same readiness to aid them. Soon after he mounted the throne, he wrote to the Irish chiefs who had sought help from his father so often and so urgently, assuring them of his desire to assist them in their struggles for their country and religion. The letter was an answer to one of O'Neill and O'Donnell addressed to his father. It bears no date but that of the year 1598 : Philip by the grace of God, &c, greeting. — Your letter reached me at the time I was in very great grief for the death of my dear father. Knowing his good will towards you, I received it with much satisfaction, both because of your constancy in defending the Catholic faith and of the victories which you have gained over its enemies. I congratulate you on both, and I exhort you to persevere courageously in your good work. You need have no doubt about my good will towards you, and you shall see proofs of it when opportunity offers, as you can learn from Hugh MacDavid, a modest and sensible man, who brought your letter to me. 2 The places which both the Deputy and Carew most suspected would be attempted by the Spaniards were the cities of Cork and Limerick. Into these the forces were gathered from all quarters, none being left outside but the wards in the several castles. With them Carew hoped to make good these places until he should be relieved either by the Deputy or out of England. 3 In the middle of September he went to Kilkenny to meet the Deputy and consult with him about such services as he thought most necessary at the time. 4 On the 20th of that month the Sovereign of Kinsale sent a messenger to Sir Charles Wilmot, then acting as Governor of Cork in the absence of the President, with letters importing that a fleet of forty-five ships was discovered from the old head of Kinsale, and that they were bearing towards Cork. The inhabitants of Cork harbour brought him- word that the fleet was at the haven's mouth and ready, as they thought, to put into it. The Governor immediately despatched a horseman with letters to the President. He returned to Cork on the 23rd, and ordered all the forces of the province and the gentlemen of the country to 1 Landing. —Ibid. - To me. — Archives, Simancas, no. 839. 3 England. — C.C.MSS., iv. 100. 4 The time. — Pac Hib., p. 336. cxxxiv repair to him. When the Spaniards were close to the harbour's mouth the wind suddenly changed, whereupon they tacked round and made for Kinsale. On the 23rd they landed and marched with twenty-five colours towards the town. The English garrison quitted the place, and withdrew to Cork. The townsmen received the strangers in a kindly way, the Sovereign with his white wand in his hand going round to billet them in the several houses. To banish all fear and to win them by gentle usage, the Spanish General issued a proclamation, 1 promising that no injury would be done them, and full freedom given to any who wished to leave the town and take his goods with him. The harbour was commanded by two castles, Rincorran, 2 on the east side, and Castle ny parke 3 on the west. The Spaniards immediately took possession of these, and put garrisons into them. The General was Don Juan del Aguila 4 who had held important com- mands in Brittany and the Low Countries. De Oviedo, 5 of whom mention has been made already, returned with him from Spain, where he had gone in the preceding February to urge on the king the need of sending immediate aid to the Irish. Del Aguila was much disappointed 6 that the native chiefs and their followers did not join him in great numbers. Carew, however, had forestalled him by apprehending the leading men, and taking pledges from the rest for good behaviour. Besides, there was much surprise among them at the smallness 7 of the force that had come. De Oviedo and he wrote 8 to O'Neill and O'Donnell to tell them that the long expected aid had at length arrived, and that they looked forward with much anxiety to the coming of these chiefs and their forces. The history of the siege is given in great detail in the ' Diaries 9 of the ^Proclamation. — Pac. Hib., p. 338. See also his Declaration in answer to the Deputy's Proclamation. Ibid., p. 357. 2 Rincorran. — This castle was pulled down in 1656. On its site the Duke of Ormonde built Charles Fort, so called in honour of Charles II. 3 Castle ny parke — A view of it is given in Pac. Hib. 4 Del Aguila. — From the beginning he had disputes with his fellow-officers. Hist. Cath., p. 224. 6 De Oviedo. — See p. cxvi., antea. 6 Disappointed. — ' Relation by del Aguila, Hib. Pac, p. 341. O'Sullevan says the chief of Bearhaven offered to join him with 1,000 men fully armed, and as many more if arms were supplied to them, and with them to prevent the Deputy from coming to Kinsale until O'Neill and O'Don- nell came ; but Don Juan did not seem anxious to accept their services- Hist. Cath., p. 224. 7 Smallness. — He had but 2,500 men. Some of the ships with troops on board in- tended for Ireland were sent to convoy trea- sure ships returning from the Indies, and were prevented from putting to sea after- wards by the stormy weather. Ibid, p. 223. The names of the officers are given ibid., P- 339- 8 Wrote. — Both letters are given ibid., p. 353 ; the first is in Latin, the latter in Spanish. 9 Diaries. — There are several such in C. C. MSS., iv. 179-199, as also abstracts of Spanish letters intercepted by Carew during the siege. See also Moryson's Rebellion, pp. 133- 187. But it is well to remember that these are the English accounts. cxxxv Siege of Kinsale,' in the Calendar of the Carew Manuscripts. We will give a summary of them here : t6oi. Sept. 23rd. — The Spaniards landed at Kinsale. „ 24th. — Marshal Wingfield was sent to the Pale and to Dublin, to assemble the forces and to get what necessaries the Council could supply the army with. Sir Henry Danvers was sent for the companies at Armagh, and Sir John Berkley for those at Navan. Captain Slingsby, with his foot company and some of Sir Anthony Cooke's horse, marched to view the enemy, and entertained a small skirmish with them. ,, 29th. — The Deputy, President, and Council went to view Kinsale. They found the Spaniards possessed the town, and that the greater part of the shipping was at sea returning into Spain. Oct. 8th. — The Marshal and Sir John Berkley went to Kinsale to view a fit place to encamp in. ,, 1 6th. — The Lord Deputy left Cork, and encamped with the army at a place called Owny Buoy, five miles from Kinsale, rather choosing to take the field in that sort unprovided than the country should discover those wants and fall away to the Spaniards. ,, 17th. — The army rose and marched within half a mile of Kinsale, when they encamped under a hill which is called Knock Robin, having not the means to entrench. ,, 26th. — The army dislodged and encamped on a hill on the north side before Kinsale, called the Spittle, somewhat more than a musket-shot from the town, and there entrenched strongly. 30th. — Two culverins began to play on the castle of Rincorran. The same day they gave an alarm to our camp, drawing artillery out of the town, and with it played into our camp, and every shot that was made fell near the Deputy's quarter. Don Juan perceiving the castle would be distressed, attempted to relieve it by boats, but Sir Richard Piercie beat them back. . ,, 31st. — The cannon played without intermission. 500 of their principal- men drew out of Kinsale, with show to relieve Rincorran by land. At six o'clock of the night they in the castle prayed admission of parley. The Commander came to the President ; but not agreeing 1 about the conditions, for he insisted they should be licensed to depart to Kinsale with their arms, bag and baggage, the battery began afresh. About 2 o'clock, when they found the weak state the castle was grown to, they sounded for another parley ; but this not being accepted, many of them endeavoured to escape under the rock close to the water side. On deliberation it was thought convenient if the Spaniards would quit the place with promise of life only to be sent into Spain, that they should be received to mercy, in order to entice others that were in Kinsale by this merciful dealing to leave the place. In the end ^Agreeing. — The officer in command, to cast him out of the breach so as they not being permitted to retain his arms, might be received to mercy. He consented threatened to bury himself in the ruins of at length to yield, and that his people should the castle. But his company seeing him be disarmed, and he should render his sword desperately bent not to yield, did threaten to the President. Ibid., p. 149. cxxxvi it was concluded that they should be all disarmed. They were brought prisoners into the camp and thence sent immediately to Cork. Nov." 5th. — Intelligence that Tyrone was coming with a great army to join the Spaniards. Resolved that the camp should be entrenched on the north side,and that the President with 2,100 foot and 325 horse should draw down to the border of the province to stop or at least hinder his passage, the Lord Barry 1 and the Lord Bourke - with the forces of the country to join with him. „ 10th. — News of the Earl of Thomond's landing with 1,000 foot and 100 horse at Castlehaven. „ 1 8th. — The Deputy called a Council. Resolved, that the soundest course would be to invest the town at once and plant our artillery. „ 19th. — A demi cannon played upon Castle ny parke. The Spaniards attempted to relieve the Castle by boat, but were repelled. ,, 20th. — The Spaniards in the Castle hung out a sign for parley and sur- rendered, being in number 17. „ 21st. — The Deputy went over into the island to view from thence ho.v the town could be best invested. „ 22nd. — Four other pieces planted. ,, 23rd. — Tbe six pieces did great hurt to the town. The Deputy sent direction to Sir Richard Levison 3 to land three culverins and to plant them in the Island about Castle ny parke. „ 26th. — Two regiments of the Earl of Clanricarde and Sir C. St. Lawrence were quartered upon the west side of Kinsale, to keep the Spaniards and O'Donnell from joining. 4 „ 28th. — In the morning a trumpet was sent to summon Kinsale ; he was not suffered to enter the town, but received his answer at the gate, that they held the town first for Christ, and next for the King of Spain, and so would defend it against all enemies. „ 30th. — The, Marshal went to the wall of the town to view which was the best place to make a breach, and found the wall close to the gate on the right hand to be the fittest. The artillery beat upon that place and broke down a very great part of the wall. Dec. 2nd. — The enemy sallied about eight o'clock in the night (being extreme dark and rainy) with about 2,000 men, and first gave slightly towards the new trenches upon the west side, and presently after with a great gross upon the trench of the cannon, continuing their resolution to force it with exceeding fury, having brought with them tools of divers sorts to pull down the gabions and trenches, 1 Lord Barry. — See p. ex., antea. s Lord Bourke. — He was descended from Edmund, 4th son of Richard, 2nd Earl of Ulster, and Slany, daughter of Morrough O'Brien, king of Thomond. He was created Baron of Castleconnell in 15S0 ; his grandson was made Baron of Brittas in 1617. Archdall s Peerage, i. 121. s Le?t'son.— He was Admiral of the Queen's fleet sent to Ireland. 4 Joining. — Moryson says the total of the English army at Kinsale on November 20th was 12 200 foot and S57 horse, Rebellion, p. 160; he gives the names of the officers and the number of men commanded by each, p. 1 59. CXXXV11 and spikes to cloy the artillery. Succours were sent from the camp, and repulsed the enemy, who at one time obtained possession of the trenches. 1 „ 3rd. — Intelligence that six Spanish ships put into Castlehaven. In these were said to be 200 Spaniards, with great store of ordnance and munition. „ 13th to 20th. — The weather fell out so extreme foul and stormy and our intelligence concurring so fully of Tyrone's drawing near with his forces, as we neither could nor thought it fit to attempt any thing to any great purpose. ,, 21st. — Towards night Tyrone 2 showed himself with the most part of his horse and foot on a hill between our camp and Cork, about a mile from us, and on the other side of the hill encamped that night, where he had a fastness of wood and water. ,, 22nd. — Tyrone's horse and foot kept still in sight in the place where they showed themselves the day before. That night some of their horse and 500 of their foot were discovered searching out a good way to the town. ,, 23rd. — Our artillery still played upon the town, but we had no meaning to make a breach until we might discover what Tyrone meant to do. W e intercepted letters of Don Juan's advising Tyrone to set upon our camp. The 'Diary' under the date of December 3rd speaks of six Spanish ships seen to be making for Castlehaven. These had set sail under the command of General Pedro de Zubiaur from Corunna on the 6th of December. 3 Five days after they caught sight of land. They intended to go to Kinsale, but the wind forced them to put into Castlehaven. The General has left an account 4 of the expedition, of which these are the most important parts : We entered the harbour without let on the nth at eight in the evening. Some gentlemen of that part of the country came on board and told us how Don Juan was situated. The same night messengers were sent to him to let him know that aid had come, also to the Earl of Tyrone, and to the other ships to tell them not to make for Kinsale. The natives thought we had at least 3,000 men on board, and so the whole province rose in arms, 5 and all the gentlemen declared themselves ready to join Don Juan, and promised to bring in 1,000 men. The General gave them 1,000 stand of arms. They handed over to him their castles ; the Lord of Castlehaven gave up his castle, the Lord of Baltimore did the like. They were 1 Trenches. — O'Clery speaks of this sally. So too Annals F.M. : 'The Spaniards slew many men, and would have slain more were it not for the Earl of Clanricarde, for it was he and those around him that drove the Spaniards back to Kinsale.' vi. 2275. See also Moryson, Rebellion, p. 165. 2 Tyrone. — O'Donnell was with O'Neill. They had joined their forces at Bandon. 3 December. — New style. The differences of the dates arise from the English using the Old style, whereas the Spaniards used the New. This was not adopted in England until the year 1752. 4 Account. — The original is in the Archives of the Irish College, Salamanca. It was written by de Zubiaur at Luarca in the Asturias, January 14th, 1602, after his return from Ireland. 6 Rose in Arms. — The O'Sullevans came within 24 hours with 500 men. The O'Driscols, O'Donovans, and some of the MacCarthys also came to his aid. See O'Sullevan's Hist. Cath., p. 225. s cxxxviii fortified, and men and guns sent to them. So too the castle of Bearhaven. If we had brought arms for 10,000 men we could have had them, for they are very eager to carry on the war against the English. The Irish are very strong and well shaped, accustomed to endure hunger and toil, and very courageous in fight. The greatest force the enemy has in his camp consists of 4,000 or 5,000 Irish. On Saturday we saw six ships coming from the direction of Kinsale. The next day they cast anchor at the mouth of Castlehaven harbour. The firing went on vigorously on both sides at a stone's throw from each other, and continued till night- fall ; it went on all the next day ; forty of our men were killed and fifty wounded. The next day our guns began to play very vigorously. A large battering gun, landed during the night, did them much harm. In the night a letter came from the Earls to the General, thanking him for coming to Ireland and stating that they were going to join Don Juan ; that they could not do so sooner owing to the long journey they had to make in bad weather and the deep rivers they had to cross ; they were then but seven leagues from Kinsale. On the 17th another letter came from the Earls, asking the General to send them all the men and guns he could. The English ships left the harbour soon after ; their loss was very great. Eight days later an order was issued that all the forces which could be spared should be sent to the Earls. 600 Irish and 120 Spaniards set off the same night ; the Earls and all the choice troops were encamped two and a half leagues from Kinsale, ready to attack the English as soon as they were joined by a large party of Irish, who they hoped would come from the English camp. On the 24th word came from the Earls that they had arranged with Don Juan at a given signal to make a sally and attack the enemy . . . ' When O'Neill and O'Donnell and the Irish of Leith Cuinn in general* heard the news of the arrival of the Spanish fleet, the resolution they came to with one mind and one intention (although their chiefs and gentlemen did not assemble together to hold their consultation or conclude their counsel), was that each lord of a territory among them should leave a guard and protection over his territory and fair land and proceed, without dallying or delaying, to aid and assist the Spaniards who had come at their call and instance, for it was distress of heart and disturbance of mind that they should be in such strait and jeopardy as they were placed in by their enemies, with- out relieving them if they could.' 1 O'Donnell was the first to set off on this journey : ' for it was through him that the Spaniards and their King had begun the war. He was full of joy at their coming, and he thought it of little importance that the English should dwell in the castles which they had seized in his territory, for he was sure they would escape from them at once if the Irish and the Spaniards were victorious in the contest with the Lord Deputy at Kinsale.' 2 Our author describes O'Donnell's journey in detail. He remained nearly twenty days in Hykerrin, waiting for O'Neill. ' Upon certain 1 Could. — Annals F. M., vi. 2275. Kinsale. — See ad ann. 1601, postea. cxxxix intelligence that Tyrone was coming up with a great army to join with the Spaniard, it was resolved by the Council of State and the Colonels of the Council at war that the Lord President with two regiments of foot consisting of 2,100 men and 325 horse should draw to the borders of the province to stop or at least hinder Tyrone's passage.' 1 The 7th of November he left the camp and never ceased travelling until with long and weary marches he came to Ardmayle, 2 in county Tippe- rary. By that time O'Donnell had come near to Holy Cross, and lodged in a strong fastness not six miles from him, but not daring to make his passage by Cashel, as he pretended, fearing the Lord President's forces. The way over the mountain of Slew Phelim 3 was impassable by reason of the late rain ; and from thence into Limerick there was no other passage but by the Abbey of Owney, 4 a narrow strait, distant twenty miles. But there suddenly happened a great frost, which enabled the enemy to march over the mountain in the night. The Lord President pursued them as far as the said Abbey, where O'Donnell made no stay, and never rested till he came to a manor-house of the Countess of Kildare, called Croom, adjoining the fastness of Connelloe, 5 twelve miles from the Abbey of Owney, so that the march from O'Meagher's country to Croom (by the way which he took without any rest) was above two and thirty Irish miles, the greatest march with carriage that had been heard of. To overtake him, the President marched from Cashel to Kilmallock, near twenty Irish miles, but his labour was lost. The President thought it meet to hasten to the camp at Kinsale to prevent his coming thither. 6 Our author gives a detailed account of O'Neill's march to Munster. He and O'Donnell, coming near the enemy, united their forces. They pitched their camp at Culcarrin 7 wood, a mile from the enemy's, and surrounded it with a rampart. O'Sullevan 8 describes the events that followed : The Irish and the Spaniards kept the English, who were between them, in great straits, preventing them from being supplied with corn or food from the towns or 1 Passage. — Moryson, Rebellion, p. 151. The author should have said O'Donnell, not Tyrone, for O'Neill had not yet come to Munster. 2 Ard?nayle. — Five miles N. of Cashel. 3 Slew Phelim. — A mountainous district on the borders of Limerick and Tipperary, 14 miles E. of the city of Limerick. 4 Owney. — A Cistercian monastery, founded in 1205 by Theobald FitzWalter, lord of Carrick. It is 8 miles E. of Lime- rick. It is also called Abingdon. 5 Connelloe. — The ancient Hy Conall Gabhra, an extensive district lying S.W. of the city of Limerick. 6 Thither. — Pac. Hid., p. 376. 7 Culcarrin. — A mile and a-half from Kinsale, on the road to Cork. There are still traces of the entrenchments on the spot. 8 O'Sullevan. — His account is in most parts very different from that of Pac. Hib., p. 413, or of Moryson, Rebellion, p. 141. It is now for the first time published in English. cxl cities or any other place, and intercepted those who made sallies from their camp for the purpose of foraging. Wherefore the English, not going to a great distance so that they might be able to return speedily, in their necessity used to forage with less freedom and boldness ; and on sustaining a little loss, or even at the sight of the enemy in the distance, would throw away what they had and fly. Afterwards they foraged not in the day time but by night, and ultimately they did not dare to appear at all outside their camp for the purpose, so that they had consumed nearly all the supplies which they had with them. 1 Hence want at first set in, next famine, and lastly pestilence assailed them. The Irish had abundant supplies. The Spaniards also could subsist for several days on the provisions which they had brought with them from Spain or which the town afforded, and were protected from the incursions of the enemy both by their valour and by the fortifications they had made. The Munster chiefs, 2 who had hitherto assisted neither side, promised to come as speedily as possible to their assistance for the defence of the Catholic religion. The Irish soldiers, regular and auxiliary, relying on whose valour the English held their ground, promised O'Donnell by means of messengers that they would go over to his side before three days had passed, and had begun already to redeem their pledges by deserting the English by twos, by threes, and by tens. Indeed if their total desertion were to be looked forward to it was all over with the English, for of the 15,000 men which they had at the beginning of the siege 8,000 had succumbed to the sword, to hunger, cold, and pestilence, the greater part having been sent to their aid recently from England, young recruits, 3 ill-suited to endure perils and toil. Of the rest scarce 2,000 were English, the others being Irish and Anglo-Irish. The Viceroy, alarmed at these dangers, resolved to raise the siege, betake himself to Cork, and content himself with merely defending the city, so that without conflict or bloodshed the Catholics might have had the victory. 4 Our sins prevented this from coming to pass. In the first place del Aguila by frequent letters over and over again besought O'Neill most earnestly to unite with him. O'Neill, O'Sullevan, 5 and others were of opinion that they 1 With them. — The Irish reduced the English to great straits, for they did not permit hay, corn, water, straw, or fuel to be taken into the Lord Justice's camp. Annals F. M., vi. 2281. 2 Chiefs. — MacMahon, Maguire, and others had come with O'Neill. The Four Masters say all the Irish of Munster came to him except MacCarthy Reagh and Cor- mac MacCarthy, the lord of Muskerry. vi. 2279. 3 Recruits. — These were probably the 1,000 men and 100 horse which were sent from England under the command of the Earl of Thomond, and landed November 10th. Moryson, Rebellion, p. 151. 4 Victory. — ' By reason of Tyrone's near- ness, the day before the battle it had been resolved in Council to send the horse from the camp for want of means to feed them, and if Tyrone had lain still and not suffered himself to be drawn to the plain ground by the Spaniards' importunity, all our horse must have been sent away or starved.' — Ibid., p. 178. 6 O'Sullevan. — Chief of Beare. He came with his own forces and was joined by 300 Spaniards from Castlehaven, under the command of Alonzo Ocampo. O'Sullevan, Hist. Cal/i., p. 227. His forces then num- bered 4,000 foot and 300 horse. Pac Hib., P- 379- cxli should not bring matters to such a crisis, 1 but wait for the desertion of the Irish to them and the flight of the English. But O'Donnell 2 and many others were of the opposite opinion. Accordingly the majority prevailed over the more prudent side. A day was fixed on which O'Neill was to post himself at early dawn close to the enemy's camp, so that del Aguila, making on his part a sally, might join his forces with him. The letters of del Aguila to O'Neill on this subject were inter- cepted 3 by the Viceroy. O'Neill, having arranged his troops in triple column, endea- voured to reach the appointed place. The English being aware of the plans of the Catholics, while it was still night, by the beating of drums and the sound of trumpets and the bursting of bombs in the place which ONeill sought to reach, made false pre- tence and show of battle. 4 It is said that spies sent out by del Aguila brought back word of the pretended fight that was taking place. O'Donnell, with his troops, on account of his guide's ignorance of the way, was straying about some distance off. The forces of O'Neill and O'Sullevan, hearing the war trumpet sound and thinking that del Aguila had come out into the appointed place, came up speedily. But when they saw the camp in perfect calm and quiet, the enemy having now returned to their fortifications, they perceived the stratagem. And remaining a short time under arms, as the day was now dawning, they advanced a little beyond the place marked out for them ; and the first ranks of O'Sullevan's column, which were in the van, took up a position not far from the rampart; they were protected, however, from the enemy's observation by a low mound which intervened. When it was now full daylight 5 O'Neill, surprised that del Aguila had not sallied forth or given the signal for battle, proceeded to the top of the mound with O'Sul- levan, the Spanish officers, and a few others. From this eminence he made a most attentive survey of the enemy's camp. It was very strongly fortified with a rampart, a trench, turrets, and engines. The soldiers were under arms, the horses ready bridled. 6 Even in point of numbers they were superior to the Irish, for many had left the camp of the latter, especially the Munster men, on the previous day to forage and procure corn. O'Donnell with the third division had not yet arrived. For this reason O'Neill, putting off the engagement for another 1 Crisis — ' O'Neill's advice was not to attack them immediately by any means, but to keep them still in the strait in which they were, until they should perish of famine and the want of all the necessaries of which they stood in need, as some of their men and horses bad already perished.' Annals F. M., vi. 2283. 2 O'Donnell. — 'He was oppressed at heart and ashamed to hear the complaints of the Spaniards without relieving them, even if his death or the loss of his people should result from it.' Ibid. 3 Intercepted. — One of these letters, ad- dressed to O'Neill and O'Donnell by del Aguila, is given in Pac. Hib., p. 405. 4 Battle. — The author of Pacata Hib. says information of the attack was given to the English commander by Brian MacMahon in return for a bottle of aqua vita? sent him by Captain Taaffe. p. 414. ' Some assert that a certain Irishman had sent informa- tion to the Lord Justice that the Irish and Spaniards were to attack him that night.' Annals F. M. t vi. 2285. 6 Daylight. — 'The guides were not able to make their way to the appointed place, opposite the camp of the Lord Justice, until clear daylight next morning.' Ibid. vi. 2283. 6 Bridled. — 'The Lord Justice and the Queen's army stationed themselves in the gaps of danger and certain other passes to defendthe camp against theirenemies. Ibid cxlii day by advice of the leaders, ordered the troops to retreat. When they had retreated about half a mile they met O'Donnell, and at the very same moment the Viceroy's cavalry was at hand. These crossed the river which was near at a ford. O'Donnell, coming up with his horse, beat them back through the same ford, and put them to flight. The Viceroy's cavalry made another attempt to recross the ford. O'Donnell, thinking they could be easily overpowered between himself and the ford, gradually retreated. -While he was thus engaged, a portion of his cavalry, either by accident or through perfidy and treachery, turning back their horses and thrusting themselves into his lines, forced the ranks of his infantry asunder. The infantry thrown thus into disorder betook themselves to flight. The columns of O'Neill and O'Sullevan fled likewise, though the enemy was not pressing on them, and their leaders were in vain calling them back. Thus were they all panic- stricken, or rather their flight was caused by the divine vengeance. The royal cavalry did not press boldly on them as they fled, as they believed they were being led into a snare. Many of the Irish cavalry who were on the English side, strove in vain to encourage the Catholics, urging them to renew the combat and promising them their assistance. O'Neill and O'Donnell were unable to bring them back again to the fight. Here is the Spanish account of the fight : On the 23rd of December news came from the Earls that they had arranged with Don Juan, that on a certain signal being given he should make a sally and attack the enemy. To carry out the plan, they drew up their forces in three divi- sions. The weakest of them attacked the enemy with 1,000 horse and 500 foot. Thinking they were not safe, though they were eight times more numerous than the enemy, they began to give way. The 200 Spaniards who were in the camp alone offered any resistance ; 150 of them were slain, the rest escaped to Castlehaven. After this mishap not a single man remained in the Earl's camp. . . . The same morning that the disaster happened, Don Juan made a sally and slew more than 400 of the enemy. He took seven colours and all their guns. . . . During the half hour that the Earl's forces stood their ground, our men gained such a victory as they never gained before. If they had not retired so soon they would have driven the English from Ireland, for they are far superior in numbers. Their great numbers are a great help to us, but the Irish are not trained, and hitherto they have been accustomed to carry on the war by ambuscades in the mountainous parts of the country, and do not know how to fight in regular bodies. 1 ' The Irish forces returned tha't night to Inishannon 2 with O'Neill and O'Donnell. The condition in which they were that night was not such as they had expected to return in from that expedition, for there prevailed much reproach on reproach, mourning and dejection, melancholy and anguish in every quarter throughout the camp. When they met together 1 Bodies. — Account of what happened to ''■Inishannon. — A village, eight miles the General Pedro de Zubiaur. N.W. of Kinsale. cxliii their counsel was hasty, unsteady, precipitate. What at length they resolved upon was that O'Neill and Rory O'Donnell and the chiefs of Leith Cuinn in general should return to their own countries to defend their lands against foreign tribes, and that O'Donnell, with Redmond Burke 1 and Captain Hugh Mus, 2 should go to Spain to complain of their distress and difficulties to the King of Spain.' 3 On January 6th they set sail from Castlehaven in a vessel that took back the General Don Pedro de Zubiaur also. 'When the Irish had dispersed, the Lord Justice, the President, with the chiefs of the English army in general resolved to attack Kinsale, and to force their way through the shattered breaches. As soon as Don Juan heard this, and when he learned that the Irish, to whom he had come, and who he thought would have relieved him, 4 were dispersed from him, and that he was left in the- strait and blockaded prison in which he was, and that it was not in his power to return to his friends or to go forth against his enemies, the resolution he came to was to send messengers to the Lord Justice and the President to state that he would surrender to them.' 5 The terms 6 of surrender were that Don Juan should quit the places which he held in the kingdom, as well the town of Kinsale, as also those held by the soldiers under his command in Castlehaven, Baltimore, and the castle of Bearhaven, 7 the Lord Deputy giving him safe transport- ation to Spain. 2. That the soldiers under his command should not bear arms against the Queen of England, if supplies came from Spain, till the said soldiers were unshipped in some port in Spain. 3. He might depart with all the things he had — arms, munition, money, ensigns displayed, artillery, and all other provisions of war, as well in Kinsale as in other places. These articles were agreed to on January 12th, and on the 19th the siege was raised. Del Aguila and the Spanish forces set sail from Kinsale on April 26th, on their return to Spain.' The engagement at Kinsale was not a battle ; it was a rout. If we accept the account of English writers, ' of the Irish rebels, twelve hundred 1 R. Burke. — He died soon after in Spain. 2 Mus. — Mostian or Mostyn. He is mentioned more than once in Pac- Hib. One of the same name is mentioned in C.C. MSS., iii., 183, as being in the service of the Queen. 3 Spain. — Annals F. M., vi- 2289. 4 Relieved him. — He told Godolphin, who was sent to conclude the surrender with him, that he found the Lord Deputy, though sharp and powerful, yet an honourable enemy ; and the Irish not only weak and barbarous, but (as he feared) perfidious friends. Moryson, Rebellion, p. 182. On his return to Spain he was imprisoned, on the accusation of the Irish. 5 To lhe>n. — Annals F. M., vi. 2299. . 6 The terms. — They are given in full in Pac. Hib., p. 438. 7 Bearhaven. — The Irish complained bit- terly that Don Juan surrendered these strong places, ' not having been yielded or taken to the end they should be delivered to the English.' See O'Sullevan's letter to the King of Spain. Ibid., p. 486, and Hist. Cath., p. 234. cxliv bodies were left in the place, and about eight hundred hurt, whereof many of them died that night ; they lost besides two thousand arms.' 1 O'Sullevan says, of O'Neill's forces only two hundred of the foot were slain, 2 and the Four Masters, that ' the number of slain was trifling, not very great on account of the fewness of the pursuers.' 3 The Earl of Clanricarde in particular distinguished himself in the pursuit ; ' for no man did bloody his sword more than his Lordship that day, and he would not suffer any man to take any of the Irish prisoners, but bade them kill the rebels. After the retreat was sounded, the Lord Deputy did give the order of knighthood to him in the field, in the midst of the dead bodies.' 4 That each party should reproach the other with being the cause of the defeat was but natural. The Irish said that Don Juan was so importunate in his demands for help that he made them change their wiser plan, urging them thoughtlessly and hastily to attack the enemy in any way they could ; this they did, contrary to the advice of Earl O'Neill. Don Juan had promised to join in the fight, but when they came to the place appointed, not only did he not meet them then, but he lay quietly within the walls of Kinsale; and they seeing this, so different from what they expected, some of them began to turn back, from which the confusion grew and the losses arose. 5 The author of Pacala Hibernia tells how O'Donnell was received at his landing in Spain : Among the many letters and papers found in the castle of Dunboy 6 after its capture, there was one written by Patrick Sinnett, 7 an Irish priest then living at Corunna with the Earl of Caragena, to Dominick Collins, 8 a Jesuit, bearing date February 4th, 1602. In it we find an account of O'Donnell s reception there : ' He embarked with the General de Zubiaur at Castlehaven, the 6th of January. The next day after he came to the Groyne, 9 where he was nobly received by the 1 Arms. — Pac. Hib., p. 420. 2 Slain.— Hist. Cath., p. 229. 3 Pursuers. — Annals F. M., vi.2289. 4 Bodies. — Pac Hib., p. 421. 6 Arose- — MS. in the Archives of the Irish College, Salamanca. Del Aguila was ac- cused of conduct of the same kind when the English and French captured Morlaix.Quim- per, and Crodon. He was in prison awaiting his trial for his conduct when he was chosen to command the Irish expedition. O'Conor's Military History of the Irish Nation, p. 2 1 ; Dublin, ) 845, and C. C. MSS., iv. 203. 6 Dunboy. — It was surrendered to Mount- joy in November, 1602. He caused the garrison to be executed, contrary to the terms of surrender, to the number of about 600. O'Sullevan, Hist. Cath., p. 238, Pac. Hib., p. 558. 7 Sinnett.— He is mentioned by O'Sulle- van , Hist. Cath. , p. 234. 8 D- Collins- — Hewas a native of Youghal, and at an early age went to France, and later to Spain, and was employed in the military service of both countries. In his 31st year he entered the Society of Jesus as a lay brother. After the surrender of Dun- boy he was taken, contrary to the terms of the surrender, and hanged in Cork, Oct. 1st, 1602. See Roth's Analecta, p. 238, O'Sullevan's Hist. Cath., p. 385, and Pac. Hib., p. 577. 9 The Groyne. — i.e., Corunna, with which this word has no connexion beyond that ot sound. cxlv Earl of Caragena, 1 who invited O'Donnell to lodge in his house ; but he being sea-sick, in good manner refused his courtesy. Wherefore the Earl lodged him in a very fair house, not far from his : but when the sea-sickness was past, he lodged in the Earl's house, and upon the twenty-seventh of January O'Donnell departed from the Groyne, accompanied by the Earl and many captains and gentlemen of quality, who evermore gave O'Donnell the right hand, which within his government he would not have done to the greatest Duke of Spain ; andat his departure he presented O'Donnell with one thousand ducats, and that night he lay at Santa Lucia. The Earl of Caragena being returned, the next day he went to Saint James of Compostella, where he was received with magnificence by the Prelates, citizens, and religious persons, and his lodging was made ready for him at St. Martin's ; but before he saw it he visited the Archbishop, who instantly prayed him to lodge in his house ; but O'Donnell excused it. The nine and twentieth the Archbishop saying mass with pontifical solemnity, did minister the sacrament 'to O'Donnell, which done he feasted him at dinner in his house. The King understanding of O'Donnell's arrival, wrote unto the Earl of Caragena concerning the reception of him and the affairs of Ireland, which was one of the most gracious letters that ever King directed, for by it it plainly appeared that he would endanger his kingdom to succour the Catholics of Ireland to their content and not fail therein, for the perfecting whereof great preparations were in hand. O'Donnell carried with him to the Court Redmond Burke, Father Florence, Captain Mostian, and nine gentlemen more, where they were nobly received. 2 The kindly reception that O'Donnell met with on all sides made him hope that his mission would be successful. On February 28th he wrote 3 to the King : Sire, — All we have learned about Ireland, we have informed the Council of State of. In this letter we merely beseech your Majesty with all humility that you would be pleased to look into this business, for if we know that you take it in hand we shall have more confidence in you than in all the world besides to advance the welfare of our poor country, and you will see the need of making haste. I pledge my word to your Royal Majesty that, once landed there, we shall make the whole country subject to your Majesty in a very short time ; this I promise knowing the state of the country just now, May God preserve your Majesty for many years. From Corunna, February 28th, 1602. Hugh O'Donnell. Nearly two months had gone by, 1 E. of Caraccna. — O'Sullevan says he had great affection for the Irish, and re- ceived the exiles with much generosity. This writer, then a young boy, was one of the Irish exiles whom he treated with much and yet no sign appeared of succour kindness. The Earl was then Governor of the province of Galicia. Hist. Cai/i., p. 234. 2 Received. — Pac. Hib., p. 478. 3 Wrote — Archives, Simancas, no. 2516. / cxlvi being sent immediately. On the 15th of April he wrote another and still more pressing letter to the King : Sire, — I, a faithful, humble, and favoured servant of your Majesty, should commit a great crime if I doubted about the accomplishment of what, for such well-founded reasons, worthy of Christianity and of your Majesty, you have been pleased to offer me and assure me of, it being in every way so conformable to the Catholic sentiments of your Majesty. But having such experience in the matters I mention, that no other, from acquaintance with them, can judge better of them, and knowing that the whole of the success of what I desire arises from succour being sent immediately, and seeing time pass by so quick, and the cruel knife coming so near each day to the throats of this persecuted people, who put their hopes in the mercy of God and in the clemency of your Majesty, I cannot refrain from renewing my sad entreaties. This resolution I have taken in consequence of what I hear to-day (the 15th of April) will happen in Ireland, and I say it with all the earnest- ness and zeal which I owe to God and to your Majesty, that if within a month from this day there do not land on the northern coast of that kingdom 2,000 soldiers, or at least 1,500, with arms, provisions, and money to enable us to raise and bring together 5,000 or 6,000 of the inhabitants and revive the war, so as to expel the enemy from the Earl O'Neill's territory and from mine and to make them abandon that quarter, even though in the whole of June a great fleet with aid should reach there, I doubt very much whether they will reach in time, or whether they will find anything but the blood and ashes of that multitude of faithful men. Most humbly do I beg of your Majesty to allow me to set off with 2,000 soldiers, a thing that can be done very well this month, and will be most useful until more forces can go ; and if any one asserts the contrary, I ask your Majesty to allow me to go in all haste to the Court, that I may, in presence of the Council, give good reasons for my assertion. If this force is not sent I take it as certain that the whole of the north will fall away, and all the rest will soon follow, and all will come under the intolerable yoke of the heretics. The States of your Majesty will suffer thereby. I say this in God's presence. But I will submit myself in all things to your Majesty's will, putting my hope in God and in your Majesty. May God preserve your Majesty for many years. 1 ^ Hugh O'Donnell. From Corunna, April 15th, 1602. Reports of his movements were duly made by spies to Carew and Mountjoy. On the nth of April Carew wrote to the Privy Council: 'Albeit the reasons are many which do move that no credit should be given to intelligence concerning preparations in Spain, the youth of the King of Spain considered, and the violent affections that possess young princes, the importunity of the Irish and their agent O'Donnell, whose estimation by all intelligence is great in Spain, together with the dislike held of 1 Fears. — Archives, Simancas, no. 840. cxlvii Don Juan (del Aguila), as is reported, are motives sufficient of suspect that the King may run headstrong courses into the worst counsels.' 1 In spite of the wearisome delays O'Donnell was hopeful. On the 14th of May he wrote from Corunna to O'Conor Kerry : 2 ' Of one thing you can assure yourself, the King will not fail to gain Ireland, though it cost him the greater part of Spain.' 3 This information differed much from what Mountjoy had. Just a month later, June 13th, he wrote to Carew : ' I hear divers ways that Don Juan is well received, O'Donnell disgraced and commanded to depart in a pinnace for passage, which he excused by sickness.' 4 Carew replies to him June 28th, giving expression to his fears : 4 When these people shall be thoroughly persuaded (as I fear they are too much already) that the King will persevere in the conquering of this kingdom (which, as they affirm, he pretendeth), there is no doubt to be made but the defection will be universal. ... I do more fear these seconds expected . . . (though the numbers be not great), than those which Don Juan brought, for their last coming, though it were wished by many, yet was believed but by a few, which incredulity weakened their combination. But now having O'Donnell and other principal agents in Spain, in whom their affections are placed and unto whom they do give credit, I do assure myself that all such as áre corrupt to the State, without further deliberation or neutrality, will instantly, upon the arrival of aids, declare themselves. No man that understandeth Ireland but hath reason to conjecture the same.' 5 Yet in spite of the promises made to him, time was passing by and there was no sign of immediate aid being despatched to Ireland. Winter went by and spring too, and yet nothing was done. ' It was anguish of heart and sickness of mind to him that the Irish should remain so long without being aided or relieved by him, and deeming it too long that the army which had been promised to him did not come together to one place, he prepared to go before the King to know what it was that caused the delay in raising the army which he had promised.' 6 The Conde de Caracena wrote to the King, June 10th, from Corunna^ demanding of him the favour of an audience for O'Donnell, in which he might set forth in full detail the state of affairs in Ireland and the pressing want of the promised succour : Sire, — The Earl O'Donnell is in a state of great affliction, thinking of the straits to which the Catholics of Ireland are reduced and particularly the Earl O'Neill ; yet he holds his own condition to be worse, since they can lose but their lives, while he will forfeit his honour and the good name he acquired by continuing the war for 1 Counsels— C.C. MSS., iv. 225. 2 O'Conor K—Hist. Cath., p. 235. 3 Spain.— C.C MSS., iv. 239. 4 Sickness. — Ibid., p. 249. 6 The same. — Ibid., p. 253. c Promised. — Annals F. M., vi. 2295. cxlviii so many years, being now absent from his country. This he supports by many reasons and proofs. In fine, what he desires now is that your Majesty would immediately give orders for his departure to that kingdom in whatever way your. Majesty may be pleased, though he has no doubt whatever but that your Majesty means to help them, and he is equally sure that the delay has been the cause of his losing his lands, and that his followers are either slain or have gone over to the enemy. He says what he feels most is that your Majesty does not give him an audience ; in twelve days he will go by the post to where your Majesty may be in case you are pleased to allow him, and all the more readily because he thinks the success of his expedition depends on this interview. And it seems to me that the matter is so very urgent and important that it is my duty to write to your Majesty. Your Majesty in all this will command whatever best suits your service ; which I will always carry out, as I am obliged. May God watch over your Catholic Majesty. 1 A week later O'Donnell wrote to the King : Sire, — Several times I have written to your Majesty what I thought likely to advance the service of your Majesty and the safety of the persecuted Catholics of the poor kingdom of Ireland. To these letters I have received no answer whatever ; and I am weary of seeing how I am wasting my time here, and I fear that things are going on badly at home. It concerns the interests of your Majesty to learn exactly the fallen state of the Catholics of Ireland. I beseech your Majesty to deign to send me permission to proceed to the Court for the purpose ; and not to trouble you farther, I end by asking God to prosper and preserve your Majesty in all your undertakings, as we your favoured vassals need and desire. 2 From Corunna, 20th of June, 1602. Hugh O'Donnell. O'Donnell's request to obtain an audience from the King was at length granted, for in a dispatch from Corunna, bearing date August 2nd, 1602, the Conde de Caracena says: 'I will avail myself of the order of your Majesty in your letter of the 27th of the preceding month, allowing the Earl O'Donnell to go to your Majesty at Simancas. He will set out from this place by the post on Monday, the 9th of this month ; I could not keep him back longer. He has many matters to speak of in reference to this kingdom and to several persons.' The Conde issued an order bearing date Corunna, August 3rd, 1602, that by order of the King the Earl O'Donnell was to receive a monthly allowance of five hundred ducats for the support of himself and his servants. 3 He must have left Corunna on the 9th of August or very soon after. The Court was then at Valladolid. 4 On his way he stopped at the royal 1 Majesty. — Archives, Simancas, no. 2516. 4 Valladolid. — The royal family usually ''■Desire. — Ibid. resided here until Philip II. built the palace 3 Servants.— Ibid. of the Escurial. n ^7 ^-T^-^^^'^ á^f^iAt cO&tiv %Ay?u>% fr&nSLL&£. Ci>itu>^u*JS0 tni^fyteLa^tA, yjt&nus^J)* &^J^^*jfe ^ftA^i^ua^é^ X ^^TTna^ Jl$orJ*> deenJ**T -Tte frceMcA, ^x*€uyr> ^•^u^^ir cuz^t^ &Jel* y (faj j &frvO 1t4fCí&ra*^eofs ^town<&xJ3?J /^a^a^A^f J=^TL^rTL^f fx&C^&aíí^ $e/í&&m#f. $k£c ^rUPW LETTER OF HUGH ROE O'DONNELLTO PHILIP IP. cxlix castle of Simancas, 1 and there, ' after lying seventeen days on his bed, he died September ioth. By his bedside, to solace him in his last moments in a foreign land, were Father Flaithri O'Mulchonry 2 and Father ! Maurice Ultach, a poor friar of the Order of St. Francis, from the convent of the monastery of Donegal, which was one of O'Donnell's fortresses.' 3 The death of Hugh Roe would be at any time a great disaster to the Irish cause. Occurring when and where it did, it was indeed a misfortune and a curse for Ireland and its people. Our author gives no details of his death-sickness ; nothing beyond the fact that it lasted for sixteen days. There was a traditional suspicion among the Irish that his death was the result not of illness but of foul play. The publication of the State Papers during the last few years has revealed many a secret which the writers thought would never reach the light of day. The suspicion is now a certainty. We have a letter 4 written by Carew, President of Munster, to the Lord Deputy Mountjoy, bearing the date of May 28th, 1602, a little over three months before O'Donnell's death, as follows : If your Lordship be remembered, one Pglsz Hrgql (Jaems Blake) 5 of Ngrcgel {Gal-way e), desired your Lordship's protection to come unto you to Corke, but before his coming thither your Lordship was gone. Afterwards he required the like from me, and he came unto me. After much speech, protesting innocency and integrity, to clear himself of all suspicion, he took a solemn oath to do service that should merit good opinion and reward. Having no cause known unto me of any fact by him committed, nor yet having power to detain him because he came unto me upon her Majesty's protection, I applauded his enterprise, whereupon he departed from me, and is gone into Zwgetl {Spayne) with a determination (bound with many oaths) to qerr ukvttlrr (kyll O'Donnell). That he is gone I am sure by those that were eshgyxqlk (ymbarked) with him. God give him strength and perseverance. If a man may judge of resolution by external appearance and protestations, he will effect his business ; if not, there is nothing lost. I told him that I would acquaint your Lordship with it, and that but unto your Lordship I would not acquaint any man with his purpose. 1 Simancas.— The Spanish Records are now kept there. 2 O'Mulclionry. — Better known by the name Conry. Later he was appointed Archbishop of Tuam, and occupied that see from 1608 to 1629. See Renehan's Collections, p. 395. 3 Fortresses. — Annals F. M., vi. 2297. 4 Letter. — It is printed here from Carew's MS. in the Lambeth Library, which con- tainsthewordsin cipher. Theseare notgiven in cipher in the printed Calendar, iv. 241. The key of the cipher is very simple ; it merely throws each letter of the alphabet six places back ; thus for g in the cipher put a; for h, b, and so on, remembering that i and j, u and v, are treated as one letter. There are some mistakes in Carew's use of the cipher, as where Corde is set down for Cdrke. 6 J. Blake. — One of this name, a merchant of Galway, is mentioned in C.S.P.I., iv. 463, as having been received with great favour by the King of Spain, because of the aid he had given some Spaniards who had survived the wreck of the Armada. cl O'Donnell died on the ioth of September. On the 9th of October Carew wrote to Mountjoy from Cork : By this intelligence inclosed it appears that the Spaniards come not this winter, and that O'Donnell is dead, whereof your Lordship may be assured, for the merchant that bringeth me the news I do trust, and I do think it will fall out that he is wuezuelk (poysoyed) by Pgslz Hrgql (James Blake), of whom your Lordship hath been formerly acquainted. At his coming ptav Zwgetl (into Spayne), he was suspected by vkvttlrr (O'Donnell), because he lshgyxlbk (embarqeud) at Jvykl (Corde), but afterwards he insinuated his access and vkvttlrr pz klhk ( O'Donnell is debd.) He never told the wylzpklta (President) in what shttly (mbnner) he would qprr (kill) him, but did assure him it zhvrk (sbold) be lmmlialk (effected.) It will not be many days before the truth will appear. 1 Such a suspicion in former times seemed to some to exceed the bounds of charity. Here is the way in which the biographer 2 of a famous man in those times, a preux chevalier sans reproche according to English notions if ever there was one, speaks of his hero : ' Raleigh, Cecil, and Carew, on another important matter were at one. In regard to what, in the phrase of the day, were called practices against rebels, they were as little troubled with scruples of conscience as Sir Humphrey Gilbert, or Sir Henry Sydney, or Arthur Grey of Wilton had been a few years earlier. In plain English, practises against rebels meant the deliberate assassination of rebels, or even of persons vehemently sus- pected of an intention to rebel.' Here are some of the 'practices ' employed against Shane O'Neill. In- dentures were drawn assigning to him the sovereignty of Ulster in every- thing but the name ; they required but the Queen's signature. As a token of friendship a present of wine was sent to him from Dublin. It was con- sumed at his table, but the poison had been unskilfully prepared. It brought him and half his household to the verge of death, but no one actually died. The guilt could not be fixed on Sussex. The crime was traced to an English resident in Dublin named Smith ; and if Sussex had been the instigator, his instrument was too faithful to betray him. 3 When put on his trial ' he confessed his guilt, took the entire responsibility upon himself, and declared that his object was to rid his country of a dangerous enemy. Of course the prisoner got off unpunished.' * When 1 Appear. — Ibid., p. 3 50. 2 Biographer. — Edwards, Life of Sir Walter Raleigh, I. 321 ; London, 1868. 3 Betray him. — Froude, H- of England, viii. 49; London, 1864. 'I tried by long circumstance in persuading himiNeilGray), to receive your Highness, to benefit his country. In fine I brake with him to kill Shane O'Neill, and bound myself by an oath to see him have a hundred marks of land by the year to him and his heirs for a reward.' Sussex to the Queen, 24th August 1561. Ibid., p. 28. 4 Unpunished- — See Richey's Lectures on Irish History, 2nd Series, p. 301. The Earl of Sussex was then Lord Deputy. THE CASTLE OF SIMANCAS f cli O'Neill refused the invitation of Sir Henry Sydney to an interview within the Pale, because the Deputy's predecessor had attempted to assassinate him, and when he remonstrated against the repeated acts of treachery which had been at least meditated towards him, with Elizabeth's know- ledge, she assumed a tone of innocent anger. When at length he sought refuge in Scotland he was killed at the instigation of Sir Henry Piers, an English officer and an emissary of the Government, who received a thou- sand marks and the estate of Tristernagh, county Westmeath, from the Government as a reward for murder. 1 The Earl of Ormonde, a man of by no means tender conscience in his dealings with his oppo- nents, was indignant that he should be asked to take any part in such practices. He writes to Burghley : ' The clause in the Queen's letter seems most strange to me. I will never use treachery to any, for it will both touch her Highness's honour too much and mine own credit ; and whosoever gave the Queen advice thus to write to me is fitter to execute such base services than I am.' ' To Ormonde,' remarks Froude, ' the Irish Were human beings with human rights. To the English they were vermin to be cleared from off the earth by any means that offered.' 2 As for Carew and Mountjoy, the one the instigator of the poisoning of O'Donnell, and the other the approver after the fact, we have proofs of the most convincing kind that both employed hired assassins to get rid of their political opponents. In the pages of Pacata Hibernia we find Carew's emissary, Nugent, attempting to shoot John FitzThomas, the brother of the sugan Earl of Desmond, having made an offer to the President that ■ if he might be well recompensed, he would ruin within a short space one or other of the two.' 3 Again, a certain Annyas was employed to poison Florence M'Carthy Mor. 4 Even Cecil was contented to hear his promise to take a rebel alive or to bring in his head ; ' though his soul never had the thought to consent to the poisoning of a dog, much less a Christian,' 5 yet we find that a proposal was made to him by a certain Atkinson to kill the Earl of Tyrone by means of ' some poisoned Hosts ; ' the proposal 6 is still in existence, endorsed by Cecil. He wrote to Carew in reference to the young Earl of Desmond, that he should not be allowed to escape out of his keeping ; and he adds : ' Whatever you do to abridge him out of providence shall never be imputed to you for a fault, but exceedingly commended by the Queen.' 7 Mountjoy wrote to Cecil, August 23rd, 1601, that one Walker, an Englishman, had come to Sir Henry Danvers at Armagh, having plotted the manner to kill Tyrone. . . . ' Sir 1 Murder. — Ulster J. ofArchceol., ii. 2. 2 Offered. — H. of England, xi. 258. 3 The two.—Pac. Hid., pp. 68, 82. 4 F. MacC. Mor.—See his Life, p. 302. 6 Christian— C.C MSS., iv. 468. 6 Proposal. — Life of F. MacC Mor., p. 305- 7 The Queen. — Ibid., p. 318. clii Henry imparted this offer of his to me, and I wished him to give way to it, as I have done to divers others, and may not refuse the like to any, for if any one speed it is enough, and they that miss lose nothing but themselves.' 1 On the 15th of October Carew again wrote 2 to Mountjoy from Cork, confirming the news of O'Donnell's death, expressing his satisfaction thereat, and pointing out its political consequences at home and abroad : O'Donnell is certainly dead. The report is both brought and sent to me from Lisbon by merchants from this town, which I employed into Spain. I know they dare not deliver untruths to me. The death of this traitor will much advance the Queen's service in Ireland ; for the other Irish which live in Spain are not of the estimation which O'Donnell was of. The Franciscan church in which O'Donnell was buried exists no longer. Every trace of it has been swept away. O'Clery and the Four Masters say he was buried in the choir 3 of the church, a place specially reserved for founders and signal benefactors. He was not indeed a benefactor of this monastery, yet the feeling of brotherhood between the houses of the Order throughout the world made the members of one house look on the kindness done to any other in the same light as if it were done to their own. No monument marks the spot where he lies. The inscription over the grave 4 in which his brothers Rory and Caffir are buried, close by the tomb of Hugh O'Neill, is the sole memorial of as a noble chief, as stout a warrior, as ever bore the wand of chieftaincy or led a clan to battle. 5 UTRUMQUE . ANTECESSIT . jETATE . ET . FATI . ORDINE . FRATER .PRIMOGENITUS HUGO. PRINCEPS. QUEM . PIE . ET . CATHOLICE . PRO . FIDE . ET . PATRIA . COGITANTEM . PHILLIPUS . Ill . HISPANIARUM . REX . ET . VIVUM . BENEVOLE . AMPLEXUS . ET . IN . VIRIDI . iETATE . MORTUUM . HONORIFICE . FUNERANDUM . CURAVIT . VALLISOLETI . IN HISPANIA . IIII . IDUS . SEPTEMBRIS. A . S . MDCII. 1 Themselves.— F . MacC Mor., p. 465. 2 Wrote.— C.C. MSS., iv. 356. 3 Choir. — Called by the Spaniards pres- biterio. It is close to the spot where the Calle de Victoria and the Calle de la Cons- titution meet. No. 6, C. de la Victoria, called El Circulo de la Victoria, is built on it. 4 Grave. — InS. Pietro in Montorio, Rome. h Battle.— MitchePs Life of Hugh O'JVeil, p. 215. ' History does not present a more chivalrous and devoted Irishman than Hugh Roe proved himself to be during his short and- eventful career.' O'Donovan, Annals F. M., vi. 2385. cliii Few pieces of intelligence were more acceptable to the English nation than that of O'Donnell's death. Here is how the Earl of Shrewsbury writes of it to Carew, October 17th, 1602 : The death of O'Donnell is very welcome news to us here, and no less cause to you there. There goeth withall a report here that a kind of snake or serpent was found within him. It may be he was troubled with worms, as many children and men be ; but if he was not tormented with the worm of conscience whilst he lived, for his hateful treasons and other villainies against his natural sovereign, which made him no doubt carry a black soul away with him, it were to be wondered at. 1 A few months after Carew wrote to Mountjoy : Out of Spain I hear that the Irish are clean out of heart and hopeless of succour. Of this I am informed that the merchant reports O'Donnell certainly to be dead. 2 O'Donnell left a will. Unfortunately we have only a part of it. 3 It runs thus : . . . Also I declare, that in case the Earl O'Neill (though I know and believe he will not do so) should wish to violate the agreement 4 and settlements arranged and made between him and me and our heirs, I hereby beg his Majesty to uphold my brother in his rights and to retain him in his service. Also I say and declare this is one of the terms of our agreement, that all aid and help sent by his Majesty to the Earl O'Neill and to me shall be divided into two equal parts, and the same shall take place with regard to our heirs, seeing that one claims no pre-eminence above the other, and whichever of them shall be the elder in walking together shall be at the right of the other. I beseech his Majesty to uphold my brother according to the agreement, and to oblige him to serve all the better, I pray his Majesty to place him in some position of trust with a sufficient salary. F. Florence Conry was one of those who had gone to Spain with O'Donnell to solicit aid, and was by his bedside when he died. Imme- diately after O'Donnell's death he addressed to the King the following Statement 5 on the condition of affairs in Ireland : F. B. Florence says that at the end of nine years, during which the Catholics have carried on the war against the English army more by a miracle than by human 1 Wondered at.— C.C. MSS., iv. 370. 2 Dead. — Ibid., p. 384. 3 Pari of it. — Archives, Simancas, no. 251 1. It is endorsed: 'Some heads of the will of the Earl O'Donnell.' I have made inquiry at Simancas and Valladolid for the whole of the will ; but in neither place is there any record of it. The connexion of this part of it with the King of Spain will explain why it is in the Spanish Archives. 4 Agreement. — ' Rury O'Donnell was he to whom O'Donnell had, on the night before his departure, left the government of his people and lands and everything that was hereditary to him until he should return. And he commanded O'Neill and Rury to be friendly to each other as they themselves both had been. And they promised him this thing.' Annals F. M., vi. 2327. 6 Statement. — Archives, Loyola. u cliv power, they find themselves so exhausted by the struggle and so discouraged, receiving nothing but letters from Spain, that in order to remove this doubt they sent to Spain the best messenger they had, namely, the Earl O'Donnell, to make known their wants to his Majesty and to ask for aid ; and when lately they heard that the Earl had died, and that his entreaty did not avail with his Majesty, and that no aid in men is going there but only some money and more letters, they will certainly make terms in one of two ways : if all the Catholics are still in strength, they will make terms all together ; and if they are not, but in great straits, the enemy will willingly give very good terms to each lord individually, and in this way they will leave the leading men without help or power to offer resistance. This would be a great pity, and so Spain will lose this Irish nation, after the infinite hardships which they have undergone to serve the King ; and two evils will ensue therefrom : the first, that the other foreign nations, seeing this pitiful ending and the wretched spectacle of the destruction of Ireland for want of help, will never again incur any risk for or put their trust in Spain ; the second, the Irish who are so long Catholics, for they received the faith 1,300 years ago, will turn heretics through mere compul- sion and necessity, as there is no one to aid them. And the Queen of England will employ the seventeen thousand soldiers whom she keeps in her pay each year in Ireland and all the Irish soldiers, in the war of Flanders or on the coast of Spain or on the way to the Indies. All this may be prevented by sending help in men there without any delay, as the Earl O'Donnell demanded; that is, if the help sent amounts to 10,000 or 12,000 men, they should go to Cork or to Limerick ; if to 2,500, they should go to his territory and be placed in garrisons in Donegal and Sligo, and they should not be led out to fight but erect fortifications there with the footsoldiers of the country. If the aid sent amounts to 3,000 or 4,000, they should go to Galway and take possession of that city, where the Earl O'Neill and his brother can come without hindrance from the enemy, and for this reason the Earl O'Donnell brought with him the Baron of Leitrim, 1 who is now here, because all the people about Galway are his vassals and are tyrannized over by his rival. When our troops surround Galway, neither the Viceroy nor the enemy can succour it by land or by sea after two days have elapsed ; after eight, not even by sea. Galway is almost an island, and by making a trench from an arm of the sea to a lake, all succour will be cut off by land ; and by making a little fort on the other side of the river where St. Mary's church stands with two pieces of artillery, the entrance will be cut off for the ships which now go up to the walls. If his Majesty is pleased to send 3,000 men to Galway now, the Baron, who is here, promises to take them there to capture Galway with them, if the Viceroy is not in the city. If he happens to be there, he will take them to a place two leagues from Galway, where they can stop in spite of the enemy, and he will undertake to provide them with bread and meat for six months ; and if on coming there they do not find all he says to be true, he will be satisfied that they should cut off his head. X B. of Leitrim. — This is Redmond Burke, who went with O'Donnell to Spain by de- sire of O'Neill. See p. cxliii., antea. ' The Baron of Leitrim's Memorial,' evidently presented to the King, is in the Archives, Loyola. As its contents are very nearly the same as those of Conry's Statement, we need not give it here. civ This is the reply 1 that was given to Conry : At the meeting of the Council in 2 . . . last year, his Majesty decided that 50,000 ducats should he sent, with whatever arms and ammunition could be provided. Later he was pleased to order that the sum should be 30,000 ducats, and that from the beginning of this year 20,000 ducats should be sent every month ; the Earl O'Neill should be informed thereof. Though his Majesty ordered the Minister to procure the said sum of 30,000 ducats, in order that Don Martin de la Cerda might take it with him in two ships that have been got ready for the purpose in Corunna, and though frequently urged to do this, he has not done so up to the present. The result is that the Irish who are living here have lost heart and spent the supplies given them for the journey, owing to the delay. The season too is so far advanced that if the expedition is further deferred, Don Martin de la Cerda and all he is taking with him, as well as the above-mentioned Irish, run manifest risk of being lost. Besides, the Earl O'Neill and the Catholics who are of his party will be entirely ruined, not caring to make terms for all, since they relied on his Majesty's promises. In this way the enemy will be freed from the excessive expenses that the war will bring on them, and can more easily attack his Majesty's subjects; from which irreparable harm may ensue. Much harm has been done already in the estimation of the Irish by the delay, for they think his Majesty has changed his mind, and is the cause of the delay for some reason unknown to them, for they do not suppose it arises from want of money. Taking it for granted that his Majesty will not abandon this business, which tends so much to God's service and his own advantage, as has been already proved on several occasions, the Council is of opinion that they should be provided with money immediately, from whatever source it is to come, in order that they may set off without further delay with Don Martin and the others who are going ; and if this cannot be done, these people should be undeceived and told that they are to look to themselves, though this would have such bad results that his Majesty ought not to allow it. 3 The help did not come, and history tells what the sad consequences were to the cause of Ireland and its people. Whosoever cares to ' trace the pitiable state of the Gaels of Ireland,' both chiefs and people, in the events that followed within a very few years the defeat at Kinsale and the death of O'Donnell, will find it set forth in the pages of Rev. C. P. Meehan's Fate and Fortunes of the Earls of Tyrone and Tyrcomtell} We will give briefly the events that followed immediately on these disasters, from the Annals of the Four Masters. 5 O'Neill and Rury O'Donnell returned to the north with their forces. In the be- ginning of the winter of \6ot„ Mountjoy sent letters and messengers to Rury O'Donnell, requesting him to come upon terms of peace and tranquillity, for news had reached 1 Reply. — It bears no date. 6 Annals F. M.—v'i. 2335. See also 2 In. — The date is omitted. : Sullevan, Hist. Cath., p. 230., who tells of 3 Allow it. — Archives, Loyola. the resistance offered to the English after 4 Tyrconnell. — See also Roihe's A nalecla. the capture of Kinsale. clvi him that O'Donnell, his brother, had diéd in Spain, and that the war was at an end by his death, and that it would be a great want of wisdom if he did not make peace immediately. As soon as he had read the letters Rury called his advisers to him to consider what he should do ; and he began to deliberate with them in council. Some of them said that the report of O'Donnell's death was not true, but that the story was fabricated to allure and deceive him and to bind him under the law. Another party asserted that the rumour was true, that it was good advice to accept the peace. So what they finally agreed upon was to ratify the peace with the Deputy. They showed great honour to the son of O'Donnell and made peace with him. O'Neill and most of the Irish of the north came under that peace, for a proclamation of a general peace and a restoration of his blood and territory to every one that wished for it had been issued by his Majesty King James. 1 A few words, before we conclude, about Niall Garbh. He had been promised, as a reward for ' passing over ' to the English, the whole country of Tyrconnell. This was to descend to his heirs. In January, 1602, the Lord Deputy and Council wrote to the English Privy Council asking ' that they would procure her Majesty's warrant to pass unto Neale Garvie O'Donnell the country of Tyrconnell, in such sort as they premised the same unto him under their hands almost a year before, so warranted by direction from her Majesty.' They added : ' he thinks the time long till he hath his grant, and in his late letter to the Deputy he protests that he will do no more service until he have seen me and that his grant be per- formed.' 2 Docwra reported to the Lord Deputy that ' he found him to be by his nature proud, valiant, miserable, tyrannous, unmeasurably covetous, without any knowledge of God or almost any civility, good to be used while he was satisfied, which he could hardly be, being like a quince requiring great cost ere it be good to eat, or whilst he is kept under (which was the fitter course to be held with him) ; yet he thought him sure to the State in regard of the pledges he had given, but much more because he could no way better his estate by leaving the Queen's service, nor be secure of any word from O'Donnell whose brother he had killed.' 3 Tyrconnell was given him to keep till it was passed to him by letters patent ; but he was not satisfied. He claimed as his Tyrone too, Fermanagh, and every part of Connaught to which the O'Donnells had at any time extended their power. 4 The Lord Deputy and Council decided against his 1 K.James.— Annals F. M-, vi. 2335. He ascended the English throne March 24th, 1603. 2 Performed- — Moryson, Rebellion, p. 143. '■''Killed. — Ibid., p. 101 ; Hist. CatA.,j>. 261. The allusion here is to Manus, Hugh Roe's brother, slain by Niall Garbh, of which more later. ^Power. — Docwra , Narration, p. 266. See Sir Neale O'Donnell's ' Demands unto the Lord Deputy,' and ' the Lord Deputy's Answers,' in The Flight 0/ 1 lie Earls, p. 202. I clvii claims, ' which decision he took with a great deal more indignation and fury than became a man that was to raise his fortune only by favour of another.' 1 He insisted that the people should swear allegiance to him and not to the Queen ; he would allow no officer of the Crown to enter his territory, nor would he permit any thing to be sold to the English garrisons or work to be done for them. 2 He even had himself inaugurated 3 as the O'Donnell at Kilmacrenan 'without consulting the Viceroy or the Council' Docwra was ordered to arrest him. He fled into the woods of Kinnaveer, in north Donegal. Later he repaired to the Deputy on protection, and went to England to solicit pardon for his offences. He was given back his own patrimonial inheritance from Laght to Sheskinloobanagh, on both sides of the river Finn. In 1608 he, his son Neachtan, and two of his brothers were supposed to have taken part 4 in the conspiracy of O'Doherty, who, to avenge the insults offered to him, had slain the Governor and garrison of Derry. They were taken to Dublin, and thence to London. His brothers were set free in the following year ; but Niall and his son ended their lives in the Tower of London, the first after an imprisonment of eighteen years. It would be beside our purpose to follow the historyof theClann O'Donnell farther or to trace them in foreign lands. Those who wish to pursue the subject will find much to interest and enlighten them in the appendix to O'Donovan's edition of The Annals of the Four Masters? and in his papers on ' The O'Donnells at home and abroad ' in Duffy s Hibernian Magazine. The Cathach 6 or 'Battler' (so called because it was borne three times round the troops of the O'Donnell before a battle on the breast of a sinless cleric), of which we give a print reduced by a third, is a cumdach or box made by order of Cathbhar O'Donnell about the close of the 1 ith century, as an Irish inscription on it records. It contains a portion of a Latin psalter on vellum, said to have been written by St. Columba. Its present frame-case was made for it by order of Daniel O'Donnell, who, after the treaty of Limerick, left Ireland and entered the French service, in which he attained the rank of Brigadier It is now in the Library of the Royal Irish Academy. Here is the record of Hugh O'Neill's death in the Annals of the Four Masters, under the date 1616 : O'Neill (Hugh), son Of Ferdoragh, who was styled Earl of Tyrone at the 1 Another. — Docwra's Narration, p. 250. 6 Cathach. — See Gilbert's Facsimiles of 2 For them.-^Ibid., p. 266. National MSS. of Ireland, part 1, plate iii., 3 Inaugurated '. — Annals F. M.,V\. 2345. where a portion of the manuscript is re- 4 Taken part. — See the accusations of produced in facsimile and an account given Ineen Dubh in The Flight of the Earls, of the Cathach; also Reeves' Adamnan, p. pp. 195,216. 319, and Betham's Antiquarian Researches 5 Annals F. M. — vi- 2377. 1. 109; Dublin, 1827. clviii parliament of 1585, and who was afterwards styled O'Neill, died at an advanced age, after having passed his life in prosperity and happiness, in valiant and illustrious achievements, in honour and nobleness. The place at which he died was Rome, 011 the 20th of July, after exemplary penance for his sins, and gaining the victory over the wtfrld and the devil. Although he died far from Armagh, the burial-place of his ancestors, it was a token that God was pleased with his life that the Lord permitted him no worse burial-place, namely, Rome, the head city of the Christians. The person who here died was a powerful, mighty lord, with wisdom, subtlety, and profundity of mind and intellect ; a warlike, valorous, predatory, enterprising lord in defending his religion and his patrimony against his enemies ; a pious and charitable lord, mild and gentle with his friends, fierce and stern towards his enemies until he had brought them to submission and obedience to his authority ; a lord who had not coveted to possess himself of the illegal or excessive property of any other except such as had been hereditary in his ancestors from a remote period ; a lord with the authority and praiseworthy characteristics of a prince, who had not suffered theft or robbery, abduction or rape, spite or animosity to prevail during his reign ; and had kept all under the law as was meet for a prince. He too lies in the church of San Pietro in Montorio. On his tomb is the simple inscription : d . o . m . HIC . QUIESCUNT . UGONIS . PRINCIPIS . O'NEILL . OSSA. 2km RuAjt) U) í)oti)t)A|ll. LIFE OF HUGH ROE O'DONNELL %0 Ut11St1lfT)tl érh cÍAnn AT>riArhnA "oUa *OlioniriAitt (-dó-ob m&c niAjnuj-A míc Aó-oIia óicc mic -dó-oriA UÚAi'oh nnc tléiVl gAiftb mjc UoinjvoeALbAig An ponA, 6oc). -An In^heAn T)ub, mjfn SemAir mic -dbAXAn'OAin rmc Com CliAcliAnAij mec "OliorhnAiU,, -oo pol CIioLIa UAir rmc GacIi-oac *Ooirhléin, nobA bAin-peicij "oú a *OoriinAibl, GL nob ip-óe mACAin An nobcAn Aipfgh-OA "01A clomT». 1ciacc AnmAnnA a ^CnrcAL ífn nujvo jfme Acroh flÚAt)b, Ttu-onAi^e, tílAjtiuf, & CAchbAnn. *OÁLa An cei-orheic ■oibp'óe •Aó'ohA tXÚAit), 'oo nAnA-ornoe ÍAn nA jfmen'iAin yo checcoin "oía oiteAifiAin & -oía LeArt^liAt) "oo f AoncÍAiTOAib roichenélcliAib chenéb ConAiUl 5 u ^ An mc HéilX, 7 mn bo hiA-o rorh nA mÁ no écc eipx>e yo\\ Attnom Gt oilCriiAm, acc no í,Ab]\5,p An aiVL x>o óenel, Oó^hAin mic íléitL, •an nobA-ó -oCnb teó *oo nAjriAt) ní "óe m&i> t>ia noirf/oh co bAior mft/ómA. Ro gliAbroiri lAnorh -jron fÁr Go fop fonbAipc An A01 énocriA & cViAoiriroenriiA, a"Iait> & C]\lAbnA, CgnA (x C^nA, lonnpAir C1 "ó ■piA pú nAimcc CAn Ádr riiACÓAchcA, (x po choimhtion chóij; biiÁt)nA -oécc. -dec cuAr immono "oo "ÓAnAnAib 'Otnblinne ATjbcLor Gb í|vófncAr An rheicpn, Gt bArf-o 'oo nmmCnrCcc occa m a mCnmAin nA b&oi a Aich jdn , o6nen - ochAib jrpi 1iAicbe a An^AÍAt) Gt "oio^IiaLca 5)ieip AchdneoiL tma bfcci co ViAoir 1 O'Donnell. — We have given his pedigree 4 Provinces- — Cuigeadh, a fifth. It came and that of Ineen Dubh, pp. xii. and xxx., to mean a province because Ireland was antea. divided into five parts at a very early date. 2 Foster — See p. xxxii., antea. Keating's H. 0/ Ireland, p. 52. 3 Puberty. — The Irish divided life into 6 English. — Gall was the namegiven to all five periods. Macdacht was the second, strangers, the Gauls being the foreigners from the age of seven to fifteen. best'known to the ancient Irish. FAMOUS progeny sprung from O'Donnell, 1 (Hugh, son of Manus, son of Hugh Oge, son of Hugh Roe, son of Niall Garbh, son of Turlough of the wine, etc.). Ineen Dubh, daughter of James, son of Alexander, son of John Cathanach MacDonnell, of the race of Colla Uais, son of Eochaidh Doimhlen, was the wife of O'Donnell, and she was the mother of the most renowned of his children. The names of their sons in the order of their birth were Hugh Roe, Rury, Manus, and Caffir. As for the eldest of these, Hugh Roe, immediately after his birth he was given to be fostered and brought up to the high-born nobles of the tribe of Conall Gulban, son of Niall, and it was not these alone that got him to rear and foster, 2 but some of the tribe of Eoghan, son of Niall, took him, for they were sure that something would ensue through him if he reached puberty. 3 Then he continued to grow and increase in comeliness and urbanity, .tact and eloquence, wisdom and knowledge, goodly size and noble deeds, so that his name and fame spread throughout the five pro- vinces 4 of Erin among the English 5 and the Irish, 6 even before he passed the age of boyhood and completed his fifteenth year. Moreover, the fame and renown of the youth were reported to the foreigners 7 of Dublin too, and they reflected in their minds that there would not be one like him of the Irish to avenge his wrongs and punish the plundering of his race if he 6 Irish.— The people of Ireland are known 7 Foreigners. — Danar, properly a Dane or by various names derived from their ances- black foreigner, is often synonymous with tors. They are called Milesians from robber, pirate, ferocious person, without Milesius, Gadelians from Gaodhel, a more any distinction of nation. War of the ancient progenitor. O'Flaherty, Ogygia, Gaedhil with the Gaill, p. xxxi ; London, p. 162. 1867. y fjifVÓACA. Ho hAirneiti>í/oh -óoib beór pin no cAijinn^vpfc pÁi-óe (x tuchc fieriiAif neip (x ao]\cliAncA nA co-óocnATone co caocpvoh a ionnr ArhAitpum no béno cheneb cconAibb Gt pCn LÁn "oo nAch Gb "oo "oeoLAi-oeAchc An S]iinAcxA nAoimh bAil AcnubAinc : UlOCpMT) yC\\ A11 (Vl^llA Aljlt), *Oo benA 5otmAin5 m ^ac cin, X)m é rm An -oonn "oíat)1ia 1r biATÓ .ix. mbliA-onA m a ílij. ■AcbenAc yoinfn*o combA'ó é CÁibLni pA-ónACA no chAi]inn5iii- -AnAitb Ann "OAn. "Ro omnAijrCcc nA 501VI cfccnA eiporii Gt An 1a|VIa úa HéiLL (Acoli mAC piiTOonchA tnic Cuitro bACAig rrnc Cuhto) -oo ennAiT)1im fol.i.3. ACC0t)Ai5 (x accaiaa-o|\aix) ppi A]\ oile in a nAjliATo UAin nobA -ofinbiniri-oe ■01A chuira-óibriorii ó chdn n'iÁiji, €L bA In "oeAnbriún An Aó-oIia KuatoIi neriiebe|\cmA|i nobA corhniAim Gb r ]iobA cé'orntnncen "oon 1a]iIa úa lléitb, SiobAn ih'jCn uí DhoriinAitb a comíiAinm. An cIIa lléilt no hoin"onf-ó iccCnnur jron cenéb nCo^Ain jreAchtx niArh 6b t)iA ngoinci AnniAnn An cah pn (Uoi]\]TOflbAch t,umeAch niAC Heilb ConAbÍAi5 mic Ainc nnc Cuhto mic 6nyii nnc eojAin) bA fHAnoclirToe -oo 5liAtbAib -oon c1ui|i rm, 6fc ní^ bo cuAbAin^ ■potlAn'mA'ó a "plAithiurA Ia heimnce 7 AnpobnAcbu, & no bio-óromli "oo gjier occ ionnl,Ach (x occ CcAncofAoicc An Ia^Ia uí 11éill pnir An 1urcir (x fjnr An reAnA-ó An orhAn a AicbnioglicA ÍAir, A]i Ar nnne bAoip'óe 1n ccuite a nAcliA (x a Aoire An cAn rm, (x bA rcciAcb hhoC^Ia & i]\rcctAToe -oau cfnn a cenéoib. bA 1iAi]ie pn no jAbrAC 501U, Aca cLiac *Ouiblinne Airin|iCr & nuchonrmin "oe (genbo niAnAcb T)oib|ioim 50 pn) An An ccAHA-ojiA-opn bAoi -oó fjn cenél cconAibb, & "oo fitnmenr Ccc occAib combA ton "oacoiíiaI & "oiompjXA-ó pn • 1 Colmnkille.— This prophecy was made 2 Earl O'Neill.— 'E. of Tyrone. His name not by St. Columkille, but by St. Caillin. recurs very often in the course of this work. Itwillbe found in thepoem in which the Saint We have given his pedigree at p. xlv. foretells the kings who would descend from antea. Conall Gulban. See The Book of Fenagh, s j-Jie O'Neill.— After the chiefs inaugur- p. 152. On Caillin, see p. xv., antea. We ation, he was no longer called by the name have given St. Columkille's descent from given him in baptism. O'Sullevan, Hist. Conall Gulban at p. xii. Cal/i., p. 34. 5 was allowed to reach manhood. It was told them too that prophets and people with foreknowledge and predictors of futurity had announced that there would come one like him who would cause disturbance among them and in the island of Eire also, as Columkille, 1 son of Feidhlimidh, the famous holy prophet of the Cinel Conaill, a man too full of grace and of the gifts of the Holy Ghost, promised where he said : There will come a man glorious, pure, exalted, Who will cause mournful weeping in every territory ; He will be the god-like prince, And he will be king for nine years. Some say it was Caillin of Fenagh who made the prophecy. Moreover, these same English were afraid that he and the Earl O'Neill, 2 i.e., Hugh, son of Ferdoragh, son of Conn Bacach, son of Conn, would join in alliance and friendship with each other against them, for the Earl was much attached to his parents for a long time ; besides, O'Donnell's daughter, named Joan, the sister of Hugh Roe, of whom we have made mention, was Earl O'Neill's spouse and first wife. The O'Neill, 3 who was inaugurated chief of the Cinel Eoghain some time before, and who had the title then, i.e., Turlough Luineach, 4 son of Niall Connallach, son of Art, son of Conn, son of Henry, son of Eoghan, was submissive to the English at that time, and he was not able to govern his principality owing to his weakness and infirmity, and he was ever accusing and complaining of the Earl O'Neill to the Lord Justice 5 and the Council through fear of being deposed by him, since he was in the flood of his prosperity and (in the prime) of life then, and he was a shield of pro- tection and defence to his tribe. Wherefore the English of Dublin 6 conceived suspicion and an evil opinion of him (though he was obedient to them up to that) on account of this friendship of his with the Cinel Conaill, and they reflected that the capture of Hugh Roe would enable them to 4 T. Luineach. — See p. xliii. antea. 'He 5 L. Justice. — This is used here and in was a lord prosperous in peace and war, the Annals F. M. as synonymous with till old age and infirmity came on him.' Lord Deputy, Lord Lieutenant. See Ware's Annals F. M., vi. 1984. The Queen in- Anliguilies, p. 170. tended to make him Earl of Clan O'Neill, 6 Dublin. — Athcliath, i.e., the ford of the but the patent was not perfected. hurdles. O'Curry's MS. Materials, p. 269. s 6 "otiglieA-ó pop chenét cconAibt (x CógliAin a CpgViAbAitponi An &óx>& HÚAnó cem bAoi acVic in a jpoUlA biucc An lonbAib pin. ConA-ó Ap nA pocAib perhpAice po pccpuT)pAr;c nA 501 Lt chfcnA a ctnmpeAch cix> piA pm po poichc lAip popbAt) An ndcli po orhnAi^hpCcc -oo cochc Ap a topp. 13a riArnLAi'oh popcAorhnA^Aip An ^AbhAii hipin. fto hiopl^rriAijl-oh bAipc mbebcuib mbpApbAn^Aicch (im peilt tTlichit "oo bponnpAb Anno. 1587.) mt> -Ach cLiac conA poipinx) poipniACApipniip^nigh 50 nATohnnb lopghAite Gc 50 ccpeAbniAib cpot>A teo -pyii hunrccl,Ai je (x lomjuin mt> a^ai-oVi a neAp^ccApAb, gonA ppopcAin píonA Gc copmA ppi cneic 7 connpAt) int> on cirmAijeAchcA ■oup An ccAinriccir eitt n^AbAÍA pop Aóv>h úa n"Oorhnot1X. t)A cpiA Aipte An lupcip Sep 1ohn pAppoc 7 nA coriiAipLe Ap cCha no ^mche in-o pin co hion- poitjibe. X)&yCx) a o]vo An lupcip a beic ppi b&irh Hi j SAXAn iccCVraup pop imp Tnt)AnbA co "oiuib ceonA rnbtiAT>An. O no bAoi ^ac Aibme bA Iia-óaiIj mt) eAtbriiA ÍAr An Luin^ pempAiciu, Gt ÍAp ccoibechc nA ^aoici An-odr jac nbípeAch, pop no gluAir An tnbAipc acVi5ic aj\ cÚAti "Ouibtmne AniAch mt) lonróomAin An Ai^fm, gup no péobApcAip peAÓ nmt) eccaip bub cliÚAch ÍAirh cte ppi hop nGpeAnn co piAchc co pfnchuAn Súibje hi cpich conAibb mic 11éiVl tlo Ainif Ainnp-óe po CncoriiAin 11ac1ia HlAotÁm aitiac pop pan bpAippige. CAipcÍAtL eipibe bAoi pop up nA cnAjA. 1lo pochAijfb eccbAp ppi hunt) 7 oipppenn -oo TMiAipe riiAÚAip An comroet) hi ccompocpAib t»ó, (x bA niíVmAC Aipp-oepc ppi htomACAi 51 "óe Laoc 7 cbepic nA cquoc ccorhpo^up. La clomnib cSuibne conpócAcc 7 aciácc |io AiccpeAbrAC An nibtoit)1i cijie bAOi pni ínmeA'lbon'o ah diÚAin 5ur An moin móin, 7 A]\Ailb cenmocliÁm-opn. *Oo cenéb GoghAin nnc tléitb *óóib íaja mbunubAr, 7 a 1iAbpAin 00 •óeocliACAp An 1 Gunwale. — This is the portion of the boat called beat in Donegal. 2 Wine. — ' The Captain had this com- mand given him that he should proffer his wines to be sold, being sack, which the Irishmen love best.' Life of Perrott, p. 279. 3 Beer. — This was the common intoxi- cating drink of the people of northern Europe. It was made from barley, wheat, or oats, and flavoured with aromatic herbs. 4 Deputy. — Lit. by the hand of, hence the substitute for another. 5 English. — The name Saxon became familiar to the Celtic inhabitants of Britain (and of Ireland too earlier) than the Angli- can name. Hence Saxon, not Angle, has been the name by which Teutonic immi- grants in Britain (and English immigrants in Ireland) have been known to their Celtic neighbours from that day to this. Freeman, Norman Conquest, i. 13 ; London, 1870. Banba. — Ireland is often called by the names of its most famous kings, but par- ticularly it has three names, Eire, Fodhla, and Banba, three sisters of the royal blood of the Danaans. Ogygia, p. 13. 7 Rinn Edair. — The promontory of Edar ; extend and secure their sway over the Cinel Conaill and the Cinel Eoghain, though he was but a mere youth at the time. Wherefore, for the aforesaid reasons these same English planned his imprisonment before he should succeed in effecting what they feared would come about by his means. That capture took place in this way. A vessel was got ready, with black gunwale, 1 deceptive, precisely at Michaelmas in the year 1587, in Dublin, 1587- with a murderous, odious crew, having.implements of battle and weapons k of war for defence and attack against their enemies, with abundance of wine 2 and beer, 3 for traffic and barter to trade with, to see if they could get an opportunity of seizing on Hugh O'Donnell. By the advice of the Lord Justice Sir John Perrott and of the Council too this was done secretly. The Lord Justice was appointed to be the Deputy 4 of the English 5 ' king in supreme authority over the island of Banba 6 for the space of three years. When every implement that was desired was ready in the said ship, and while the wind was coming straight from the south, the vessel went out from the harbour of Dublin into the deep sea and sailed past Rinn Edair 7 northwards, keeping the coast of Ireland on the left till she came to the old harbour of Swilly, 8 in the territory of Conall, son of Niall. She stopped there opposite Rathmullen 9 out in the sea. This castle was on the edge of the shore. A church 10 was founded there for the divine office and mass in honour of Mary, mother of the Lord, close by, and it was a well-known resort for most of the laity and clergy of the neighbourhood. It was built by the Clann Swiny, and it was they who inhabited the portion of territory along the edge of the harbour as far as the ocean and others besides this. They were of the tribe of Eoghan, son of Niall, by descent, 11 and they had come from Scotland he was chief of Eachrad shortly before bishop of Raphoe from 1610 to 1632, and the Christain era. The Bailey lighthouse, made into a residence. O'Sullevan gives Howth, stands on the rinn. an account of his persecution of the Catho- % Lough Sivilly. — An inlet of the sea run- lies. Hist. Cath., p. 286. See also De ning twenty miles due south into Donegal. Burgo's Hibeniia Dominicana, p. 617 ; Col. 9 Rathmullen. — A village on the west Agripp., 1762, who gives the proclamations shore of Lough Swilly. Here the Earls em- issued by Chichester at his suggestion, barked when leaving Ireland in 1607. See 11 Descent. — See p. xix., antea. Keating The Flight of the Earls, p. 77. ridicules Spencer's statement that they are 10 Church. — The Carmelite monastery and originally of English descent. See preface church were seized by Knox, Protestant to H. of Ireland, p. xx. 3 "oú pti (x yobcAy iacc bA cuAiygni-oe cacIia -oo yij óconAitb itro AjjAi-ó a ppcc&jv&cc. UvnycechcA riA tmnge itriyoyAitiyCrn ln coyAij. 1a]\ ccui-óeAchc xn juy An ccÚAn yoy lonchAib UauIta tffAobÁm AihAib AcyubyAmAy, "oo yetccic a •peoÍA yyi tÁy 7 yo ytntngyic a hAnjcAiyeA'OA t>ía himyoycAt) 1n corhyocyAib An cViAbAib. *Oo coriitAc "oneAtn "oia yoiym"o yoy cíy ÍAy rxAin mt» eccoycc cfnnAigeA-ó yo •óeibb yioti>A (x CAonchorhyAic, 7 gADAicc yon byac & cAircceÍAb yoy cneicc 7 connjwó yyiy An ccÁch ■oo cvnyfcAy yoy a cchto, Gb a-coaiíiac combAoi yíon 7 conmAim beó iyin bum^. O no cloy bA mtnnnn An "oúnAib An ní rm m ÚAnccrAc hi yoibt, acc no gAbrAc yoy cCitoac An yionA 7 An bfnT)A 1 mm Ate 7 occ comót yoy a óete combcAy mCrccA. 1a]i byioy ycéb x>or\ cyió ccomyoguy x>o lonÁbAc An •oocum, 7 bACAn aj yAmob combcAy yubAig AmAit Accebi. Thy bo cÍAn "oóib •pAifibATó conur cubcliA-ó Aó-o ua T)orrmAitb yechx AimurA yon cétnóe "oon bAibe b& bAoy 7 yeAbyA-o yoy a bAoicyCim 7 yon cuaijac mAcoAccA con •oiyirh "oóccbAif) nA cyiche m a chAoimcecc. O yo ctoACAy éccm An ní ym t& bAoy An bjiAic nnyoAc Ay yon cúLvó -oocum a tumge. tlo yAoibicc •oAiVeAtiiAm 7 "oeo^bAiyl/oA An ttunAit) m a niaCgiiAit) "oo cumjeAt) yionA t>o Í0I.2.Í. nA bÁoyÓA'OAib -ouy yAn^A-OAy. -AybfyAcyorh nAC bAoi beo ní bAt> mó aiti oboÁy ní noy yiunyet) An yoiyCnn, 7 nAcb Ay yetccciy UAt)Aib yoy ciy "oo yAip'o nAC Aoin acc mÁ no ciyeAb uacat> •OA^'OAome mA n-oocum 'oon bumg, yo jeb"OAiy AyyyfycAt 7 AypA'oujA'o "oon cfyuAiyyi no yuAyAt) aca t»ia ypon. lAy ypoy ycet -oo mAC Stnbne (-oyioy An minAi-o, *OomriAtt) nA "OAiteAriiAin •00 -oiutcA-o imon yyíon,bA riAiDnAy ÍAiy mt)yin, comt> í Aiybe 'oo yioncoiycc <\ Ainyen "oo a chijeAynA (Ae-oh uÁ *OomnAitt) "oo cocinyeA-o t)on bumg. bA yo-oAing ón AcojAocATDyom An ionbAixi> ym, úaiji m bAoi Aon "oía •oe^comAiy- beACAib "01A oitJeAtiAib nAc "oia obÍAriinAib mA cliAouiicecc '00 yeifiiomcúy nA •00 yewujAt) con'iAiybe •óó, 7 m yAimcc cAy Aoiy coicc mbtiA-OAn 'oécc, 7. m cAim^ AjÁoy nAc AjbocAy An caii ym. 1)a yArhbAi'o ón "oon Áoy bAOc bo]\yyAT)Acb bAcAy inA yAyyAT) 51 1) iacc b* yme Ay aoi nÁoíp. 1aja ccinjt) a ccoriiAiybe "oon yoiymt) AinCgnAi-o yo bAy&cc AniAch tumgine nibicc ■oo yAl,A 1 Leaders. — Some of this family came to Frequent mention is made of them in The Munster in the 13th century, and settled Annals F. M. on land given them by the MacCarthys. 3 Hy. — Or /, the plural of Ua or O, a 9 to that country. They were leaders 1 in battle of the king of Hy Conaill 2 *5 8 7 . against his enemies. As for the ship of which we spoke in the beginning, after she came to the harbour opposite Rathmullen as we have said, her sails were lowered on the deck and her anchors were cast to secure her close to the landing- place. A part of her crew went on shore after a while in the guise of merchants under pretence of peace and amity, and they set to espy and pry about, to traffic and bargain with every one who met them, and published that they had wine and beer in the ship. When the people of the castle heard this they made no delay, but set off to purchase both the wine and the strong drink 3 and to drink together till they were drunk. When the neighbourhood learned the news they assembled there and were carousing until they were merry like the rest. They were not long thus when Hugh O'Donnell came recreating himself, to visit the place in thoughtlessness and sport on a harmless excursion and youthful tour, with many young men of the country in his company. When the spies heard this for certain, they went away back to their ship. The butlers and cup-bearers of the Castle were sent after them to ask for wine for the guests who had come. They said they had no more than what the crew would need, and they would allow none of it to go out to any one, but if some of the gentlemen would come to them to the ship, they should get attendance and entertainment with what remained over to them of the wine. When Donnell MacSwiny, the owner of the castle, learned that the butlers had been refused the wine he was ashamed thereat. Wherefore the plan which his ill luck suggested to him was to invite his lord Hugh O'Donnell to the ship. It was easy to lead him astray then for there was not one of his wise counsellors, of his preceptors, or of his learned men in his company to direct him or to give him advice, and he was not yet fifteen years of age, and he had not then acquired wisdom and sagacity. It was the same with the thoughtless forward persons who were with him though grandson. The tribe-name with this word prefixed is often used to signify the territory of the tribe. Introd. to Top. Poems, p. 8. 4 Drink. — Linn is rather a general term for any strong liquor than the name of any particular kind. JO pop up tiA cp 7 m pobA LAinn beó -oon tuchc t>o ■óeAcriAexAp Anonn t>ia pAijm *Oo cáocc cpA rccélA n* ^AbAÍAron ccpioch 1n ccoiécm-oe, 60 'oo ecomAbÍACc nA coThpochpAibe ■oocum An cIiaIai-o "our An fol. 3 a. ccÁinpccír bAojáb nop Aop nA ceLge. 11 1 báoi bA "oe rot>Am Ap po bACAp m iom-óoriiAin An chÚAin ÍAp ppeAngtAppAing chticA An AtigcAipeAt) puLAing 7 •popcA-ÓA, 7 m povbáccAp bon^A nÁc LAOi-óCngA aca -oia ccogpAim nAC "oia ccÁppochcAin. XDup pice Ann AccummA CÁ15 niAC SuibnenA ccúac (^o^An 05 ACACornnAic. t)A ViAicce -oon Ao-ó eipmeicc, po ^Ab occ fpAil jiAÍb (x Aicape oibe "OAp a éipi. 11ip bo copbA "óóponi ón Ap m baoi m ccoicceAt) ConcobAip mic TlfppA 561 lb no griAbcAip x><\\\ a éipi,T>óij b& pop AiApAip t>Aon bopp "oo -oeocriACCAp. 'OÁLa tiA tumje impopAi-ópCm 7 nA pAipne bAoi mnci, o po popbpAc An coipcc imniA ccAn^AUAp, 7 ■oo bCpAuc beo m pobA coipccix>e t>o bp&idroib 7 •OAiucipib on cípe, impoAC Ap pop ccúLa'ó La cpfcAn An cppocíiA 50 pAngACAp An muip móip. SeobAicc ÍAppunbe Ía cumnpCnibeAX) nA 5A01Ú1 AniApcÚAic ppi hop népeAnn pAipt>Cp ppioúpopcc n* conAipe peme'oeochACAp, gup po ^AbpAcc bi CCÚA11 T)uibtmne "oo pni)ipi. Ac clop po chfccóip pon ccAcpAij; uibe a ccui"óecc pArhLAiT) 7 "oon lupcip 7 "oon covhAip1e pAinpe'ó, & Aót) úa "OonmAibt hi popcomfx) leó, bA pAoibm iAt>poni -oia pochcAin cViuca, & mp •bó r;op a peApc iccip, 7 po cbocbuippCcc eipioiti ^An ppuipeAcb "oia fAi^ix) combAoi CmeAc m loncíiAib ppiú, eAt>A, 7 An Ailb "OUAirbib nA bponnjjAbb mi-p pMi^ACAn An mp p?chc nÍArh -jio ^AbrAc bÁit> 7 coiroAtbAr pu jy&oToeAbA int) AgATó nA hjaLL •on-)" peer Cc pvófóit) a epoch Aib Saxati t>o ^AbAib nAÍnnp ro|\|\A -oibLmib. bArC'ó nob Ainfr 7 nob AineAcc coite "óóib -oo tó 7 ■oa'daij ipn cAncAin commíncA imbACAn aiti bic occ éccAoíne m niiiiro étcuALAinj;, (x occ Aipiftr m Aincp'óe AnproiVl no himbencA ronnA eicen ^ALLAib 7 jAonóeAlAib, Gt occ ccoircecbc pnr tiA gúbpftAib no coiccencA Gc, pur An hitoiacIt 7 pur An niíimbenc "oo b]\CcA ron p)CncLAn'OAib roicenétcriAib rriAC IHiieA-ó 7 nA pno.mjAbl hi ccoiccmtn. loméurA Acvoa hi •ooriinAiUl, bAoíp'óe pvml.Ai'ó I11 cumniA cViaic mA chtnmb|\eAch rp né ceonA mbbiA'ÓAn (x ceoyiA triir occ ctoircedic pnr An ■oAO|\b]\oicc 1111 bACAn gAoroeAb. t)A cocombnAcc €t bA 5<*bÁn menmAn 7 bA rmovh A-ob&b ÍAir a bde 10'nurf no bAoi, 7 mn bó aj\ a "ÓAij btmein acc ro bic An éccuriiAmg éccomA-oíiAir imbACA]i a chÁipoe fx a cliorhpnbije, a u|\|\a"0a 7 a A]rocóipg, a ndmf'oh 7 a nAom'i eccAbpx, a pteA-OA 7 a otbAriiAin, a rorhÁniAigce 7 a oi]teAchc p>n Achc1ui]\ 7 ron lonnAnbAt) in AiLe cpocriAib pCcnón G|\eAnn. 1"ió h'}ox> occa mnecCrii 7 occa rcnú'OA'ó -oo gner CAifje An cCpmr etú-ÓA ro jébA-ó. 11in bó prÓAing -ooroiri ón An ni pn, An •ou]' pjcccA 1n cubAcliAib p^pACA ipn CAircÍALt gAC nononche "01A lomcom'iecc con-our pecet) cenc AnAbÁ]\Ac1i. t)A mine bAoi An CAi]xÍAlb hipn,7 bftriAn ctair bÁirooTÍiAin Uonn uircci uta ui]\cimceAÍt, 7 ctA|vopoichec corh-olúcA pnpte pD CnchoniAin -oojiAir An T)úine, 7 ^ApiAT) gnÚAmAineAch nA n^All. Amuij 7 ifcij mion *oonur "oia *óú|\coin'ié'o conA •oicc^eA'ó Aon CAÍnpb Anunn nAC A1T1AC ^An accoitia]íc "oon pAntAC AbtiiiA]TOA. A]\ a A01 m bi piiocbAi) e A)\ nAC p'AjlicA^ pMÍb p^ "oeono. "peclic nAon "oia mbAoi &ót> con "oiium^ 1 Castle— i.e., of Dublin- It was built by Henry De Loundres, Archbishop and Lord Deputy, about 1220. 'It was much beau- tified with sundry and gorgeous buildings in the time of Sir Henry Sidney.' Holin- shed's Description of Ireland, p. 27 ; Lon- don, 1808. The Birmingham Tower alone, if even it, belongs to the original building. 2 Fingallians — i.e., the white or fair- haired foreigners. See p. i., antea. The word is used here to designate the English who came over before the beginning of the 1 6th century, some of whom were said to be Hibernis ipsis Hiberniores. They are called by Keating Sengaill, the old foreigners. //. of Ireland, xv. 13 with him and ask information of him, and in a special way they observed 1587- and searched into his natural qualities. In the end, however, they ordered him to be put in a strong stone castle 1 where the noble descendants of the sons of Milesius were in chains and captivity expecting slaughter and death, together with some of the nobles of the Fingallians 2 who had come to the island long before and had entered into amity and friendship with the Irish against the English, who came last from the country of the Saxons to take the island from both of them. It was their solace and satisfaction day and night in the close prison where they were, to be lamenting over the hardships and sufferings and relating the great cruelty which was inflicted on them both English and Irish, and hearing of the unjust sentences pronounced and the wrongs and wicked deeds done against the high-born noble descendants of the sons of Milesius and of the Fingallians alike. As for Hugh O'Donnell, he was, just like the rest, in chains for the space of three years and three months, hearing of the ignoble bondage in which the Irish were. It was anguish and sickness of mind and great pain to him to be as he was, and it was not on his own account but because of the great helplessness in which his friends and kinsmen, his chieftains and leaders, his clerics and holy ecclesiastics, his poets 3 and learned men, his subjects and whole people were, owing to their expulsion and banishment to other territories throughout Erin. He was always meditating and searching how to find a way of escape. This was no easy thing for him, for he was put each night into a well secured apartment in the castle for security until the morning 4 of the next day came. That castle was situated thus. There was a broad deep trench full of water all round it and a solid bridge of boards over it opposite the door of the castle, and a grim-visaged party of the English outside and inside the gate to guard it, so that no one should pass them, in or out, without permission from the party of foreigners. However, there is no watch of which advantage may not be taken at last. One time, just at the end of winter, that Hugh was with a number of his /?* 3 Poets. — File taken by itself means a of law, history, languages, music, and poet, but it was the general name applied poetry. O'Curry's MS. Materials^ p. 2. to a scholar. Filidecht included the study 4 Morning. — Tert^i.e. he third hour. \ 14 •oía Aop corhcA in "oeipC-o jCiriipiTj "oo punnpATj mupcopAÓ oix>che piA piú t)o pACA ip HA cubAÓLAib poipiÁcA 1 mbiccíp 5Ac1i noíóche, bApefj AppiAÓc teó céicc pépe-ó po pcoA *oo bpeicjup An ppemeipcep bAoi -pop An ionchAib, Cfoup fol.4.a. peLccfc piop ppip nA pÚAmCrhnAib 50 po cApbttnngpCc pop pAn invopocViAc po bAoi AÍlAmuij "oo "óopup An -ounAni). 1)aoi 1*0 impfrhAp lApAmn Ap An ccomtAfi) ppi ACAippAmg cViucca A1HAC "oo neAc cAn bA'ó a-oIaicc. *Oo pAcc- ■pAcpon'i bAlc lÁn ^lAice no cpont) conroAin jfn cpepAn 1-0, An nA cíorcA co cmnCrnAc "oia co^pAim Ap An •oúnAt). 1)ai óccIac "oo pAinrhvnncCp An -Aó-oVia hi -poiciiibb An elÚTDA, 7 t>o pAbApi-óe "óoib ÍAp ccoibechc AmAch, & tm bAnn- cboibCm bAncocAcc ÍAip po Achonn, Gb t>o pAcc ibbAni'i mn Aó-óa. 11)0 bepc -Aota cloiT>heAin 'oíbp'óe x>\ Apoite Laoc ArhpA t>o LAipnb vo plot chAcViAoip rnóip nnc pCi-ólimit> pipupjLAip, ^pc c&oriiÁnAc aca coifinAic. t)A hÁiftpig io|\jAibe (x bA coipeAÓ lomjonA eipni)e. *Oo pAc ÍAporh pcÍAÉ pop bopg bom hógAib cpe ppÁiccib 7 pbijab An bAite. Cm iacc nA popchonrie'óije cpA m po pAcÁijpfc m eAbttfiA An ceLút>, Gt ó -00 pAccpAc t»ia nuí-ó nA hóccA "oo nncecc x>o cCVijacc po cfcóip -oo p ai^tó -oopAip ah c1iAirceoib AmAiL Ap -oéne conpAngACAp, Ap An x>Ap Leo no chÁiprior 1 ccpAice. lAp poccAin t)óib gup An "oopup poppenin-o poppA A CppbA^A-ó nAC An ccoriibA'ó -oo ppfn^A-ó Anonn, COnup CApCCfAC ppi A CCO^Aipm dlUCA An buchc "OO pAÍA 1f 11A Cl^lb bACAp Ap ionc1iAib An "oopAip "oon cAob ApAiLL -oon cppÁic. lAp ccochc pon cojAipni ■ooibpi'óe, po jAccpAc An cpAnn bAoi cpepAn it) eipce, &"oo téccfc An corhbAX) pÚAp "oo bucc An chAipceóibL. "Oo "óeócliAccA]» -oponj móp *oo tuchc nA cAcpAch pop bupj nA nócc AcpubAccAp UA"OAib. tli bAoi bÁ -oe -po-ÓAin UAip bACAppotii AbLAinui j "oo inúpAib An bÁiLe piú po pAÉAijpcc, Ap pobcAp eppboicce óbétA *ooippi nA pio jcAcpAch ipm lonAinm. *Oo coiptfc hia nt>ocum, 7 -oo bCngAc CAp cLYOAib CAp ^App-ÓAib 7 cAp múpib imechcnAclm An bAite, jup po pcucfAC pop pelt) An cpteibe bAoi pop a moncliAib bu-ó "odp ^ac fol. 4.Í. n-oípeAdi. StíAb poccA pt>ptCchAn eipit>e. ^pé bA cía-ó coicccpiche fiap ^Aoi'óeAbAib cVioicctó ^AibÁn 7 ^AibL *Oubimne. t)ACAp ionróA Apbglici 1 Lagenians. — This word is derived from laighean, the long spear used by the Gauls who came over with Labhradh Loing- seach to aid him in recovering Leinster from Cobhthach Caolmbreag, A.M. 3648. Keating's H. of Irelatid, p. 186. 2 Cava7ia%h. — The tribe of the Cavanaghs descends lineally from Donnell ''"avanagh, son of Dermot na nGall, to whom this name was given because he had his educat on in a place called Cillcaovan, in the lower part of Leinster. Ibid., xxi. There is an old i5 companions, in the very beginning of the night, before they were put into 1590. the well secured cells in which they used to be every night, they planned to attach a very long rope to the window near them, and they let themselves down by the rope until they alighted on the bridge outside the door of the castle. There was a very strong iron chain on the door to draw it out to oneself when desirable. They put a bar of solid wood a palm thick through the chain, so that no one should come in haste out of the castle to pursue them. There was a young man of Hugh's own people awaiting their escape, and he met them after coming out. He had two well tempered swords under his cloak, and these he placed in Hugh's hands. Hugh gave one of these swords to a certain famous hero of the Lagenians, 1 of the race of Cathaoir Mor, son of Feidhlimidh Firurglas, i.e., Art Cavanagh. 2 He was a champion in battle and a leader in conflict. He then covered the flight of the youths through the streets and roads of the town. As for the guards, they did not perceive the escape immediately ; and when they perceived that the youths had got off, they went at once to the gate of the castle as fast as they could, for they thought they would catch them instantly. When they came to the gate, it was impossible for them to open it or to draw the gate in ; so they set to call to them the people who happened to be in the houses near the gate on the other side of the street. After coming at their call, these took out the bar which was through the chain, and they raised up the gate for the people of the castle. A great crowd of the city people went in pursuit of the youths who had escaped from them. This was not easy, for these were outside the walls of the town before they were noticed, as the gates of the royal city were wide open then. They went after them and leaped over fences and enclosures and walls outside the town until they stopped at the slope 3 of the mountain opposite due south. This mountain is long and very wide ; it was the boundary between the Irish of the province of Leinster 4 and the English church of this name close to Begerin near 4 Leinster. — After Ireland was divided Wexford. into five parts by the Firbolgs, Slainge, 3 Slope. — The Irish word reidh, accord- son of Dela, and his followers, obtained ing to Joyce, is usually applied to a moun- as their share the territory extending tain flat, or a coarse, moory, level piece of from the mouth of the Boyne to where land among hills. Irish Names of Places, the Nore, Suir, and Barrow meet near 1st series, p. 387 ; Dublin, 1869. Waterford. Keating's H. of Ireland,^. 52. 16 7 a coitAine, Ap a aoi nir nelicc An om-an -ooibpbe Ap^nArh ir ha conAipb coicchfnnA. Hi no AnfAc mn t>ia neirmm 50 nAnv,AccAn cAnpxn TIuai-d -pli Ab \\ó, mAccAin hipn iAn p;cir Aip3Ain 7 imceccA yoc nA hoi-óce. O nobcAji fcicnig cuinnpj;, CIA5AICC jur An ccAillib c1ioéAjvó1úic cecoriinA^Ain fop a ccin-o, 7 Ainipcc mnce gur An rnuichbeboil. IDo bfjiAc Iaitíi pon imcecc ÍAn ruibe, An mn bo lAÍninm11 leó Ainifiuiii ipn bpo-obAb 1a horriAn (x cnib- enbÁr Apjin 7 An í Ann aca "oía nAirhab. tlin bo conn niA cciob x>o Aob úa "OomnAill a elu^o, UAinni]\bo cÚALAmj; ArccnAm 1a Aoer cumcliA Apn lonAt) AmbÁoi, "0015 n'obcAn AchjAoice ilcnechcnAijce a t]\o\ jce comn jeAÍA cÁnAige 1Á ViAicen 7 1a Vnm-ónffAib, 1a 1iAirh]ieTóe 7 1a Inom-oonAib An crtigeTl) cAjirA ccu-ócíia-ó, An no heicepoei- 1151c a AfrA pn Aénoijjab ÍAn nt)iorfcÁoiteAt) An ÚArtiAnn 7 An Ai-ómchfngeA-ó lÁr An prteAcliAb nÁ ppjAijirfc 50 pn. \)& p&Cc móp 7 bA jAlAn 1a a Áor cumctiA nÁ no éccpxc leó é ní bA ppu, 6fc ónA no cuniAin^pCc ní bo domnAicc celebpAX) nx>ó, 7 pv^bAicc benx)AcccAin occa. Ay p\in 'oept) 1ur An proi jbeAt> mmllCr no lompiA'OA'ó occa. ■pélnn ó cúacaiI Aplon-oA-ó. bA CA|\AX)on Aé*ó niApvn CAn pn (An t)Ap lAir) An "oo coto p3chc pon ceilí-oe chugA ipn ccunnbneAC imbui m -dccliAc, 7 no nATompCc a ccAnAccnA'ó "oib1mib cecib cAn -oo cvnpícAn neAc UAi"oib p>n ioncbAib An oile, ^un bo hiomAingi-oe lAiporh -ool pan CineAc phélim An aIa An cÍioccaij pn no enpiAi-omf ecc. T)o coiplé Ap^ An ceAchcA IaiI Ainbui An pélim & ac fécc bo An coip^" rniA ccAnAicc. bA fAoili-ópom nÍAm 7 no cmjeAll a coipém ah Aet)bA nn jac m bA coip^it>e -oia ccAomp^ti. Ap Á01 m connAin1eiccpocc a chAnAicc nac a cboriipjilige bó At>ic1eié nAc AXMArhliijA-ó An UAiiiAn pnAcbc cbÁnA nA ngAll t)iA Aiée pM]i. fto p^p- f on]iA ÍAnom a beicpom ipn bpobbAb p?ib AcpjbpAmA|i, 7 AcnAgAc An cÁch ac cúaIax) pop AÍA]iAin, 7 "00 nelccfc conA luin^ fop a yoilleecc. O pob 1 Slieve Roe. — This name is still given by those who speak Irish to the Three Rock mountain near Dundrum, Co. Dublin. There is near Powerscourt a townland named Fassaroe, i.e., the red desert. See Annals F. M., v. 1423, n. 2 Shower. — i.e., it was not comfortable. 3 Phelim O'Toole. — O'Donovan traces his descent to Oilioll, king of Leinster, who was baptized by St. Patrick at Naas, and whose great-grandfather Breasal Bealach was the common ancestor of the O'Tooles O'Byrnes, MacMurroughs. — Ibid., vi. 1901." This tribe dwelt in Hy Muireadhaigh, the * 17 of Dublin. Its roads and ways were numerous, but fear did not allow 1590. them to go by the usual roads. Moreover, they did not delay on their way till they crossed Slieve Roe 1 before that morning, though fatigued by the journey and travelling all the night. As they were tired and weary, they went into a dense wood which happened to be on their way, and they remained in it till early dawn. They prepared to go on after that, for they did not think it safe to remain in the wood, owing to the fear and great dread of being sought after and looked for by their enemies. His flight was*not a cloak before a shower 2 for Hugh O'Donnell, for he could not go on with his companions from where he was, because his white- skinned, tender feet were wounded and pierced by the furze and thick briars, and the roughness and intricacy of the road by which he had come, as his shoes had fallen off his feet owing to the loosening of the seams and ties from the wet, which they had not met with up to that time. It was a great sorrow and affliction to his companions that they had not him with them farther, and as they could do nothing for him, they took leave of him and left him their blessing. Wherefore he resolved after a while, when some of the party had left him, to send one of his people to a certain nobleman of the free-born tribes of Leinster, who happened to be in a castle in the neighbourhood, to see if he could obtain refuge or protection from him. Phelim O'Toole 3 was his name ; he was a friend of Hugh before this time (as he thought) for he had once gone to visit him when he was in prison in Dublin, and they formed a friendship with each other, whenever either of them should seek the other's aid. So that it was fitting he should go for protection to Phelim on account of that friendship which they had contracted. The messenger went off to the place where Phelim was and told him the business on which he had come. He was rejoiced at his coming, and promised to aid Hugh in every way he needed, so far as he could. However, neither his friends nor his relatives allowed him to conceal or hide him through fear of the power of the law of the English revenging it on him. It became known to them afterwards that he was in the wood, as we have said, and every one who heard it went to look for him, southern part of the present Co. Kiklare. H. of ike Clan O'Toole, p. 141. Phelim's After the English invasion they took refuge territory of Glancullen was given to Richard in the mountains of Wicklow. O'Toole's Wingfield, Marshal of the army, in 1603. l8 Cpt>AlcA ía pébm 7 Lia bpAicpib các oibe t>ía po gbÁiLpiorh, Ap pAip t>epit> leo 1AT) butroem *oia epgAbAib & a bpfic gu p An ccAcpAig pop cúLa-ó "oocuni An cp£tiAi"ó. *Oo 5111c pAriiÍAi-ó. O pAimccpioifi co ViAc cIiac, pobc&p pubAige An pCYiAt) impot>Ain, Gfc no ponpAC ndppm & bpig nibicc t>on uite giALb 7 Aicopi AcpuÍA uAnáib, & bACAp buit)ig t)on coiccfn po cAchctnp cuca t>o pitnpi. gepbA móp AnAincpme Gt AnéccpACAp -ooporh An cécnA pechc bA 1iuiLte Anpechc CAtiAipi Ap a ebú-ó UAit>ib, 7 -oo bpfcA geimet gLAipiApAinn poA peib Ap cum'igi conpAngACAp, 7 po cuipeA-o 1pm ccA|;cAip cCccnA, 7 po bodi igA ppiocAipe 7 ica popconiiécc lonnup Ap pCpp po pet>pACc. Ac cbop co corhcoiccfnn po cpich nGpeAnn a eLtmpom pAmLAit) fx a CpgAbAib "oo pitiipi. Tlo bÁ pochc móp pop gofi-óeLib •oepi'óe, & po mÁobAicc mCntriAnnA a miLeAt) 7 aiccCYica An AnpATO 7 cpoit)Ct)A AccupAt) acc cloipcecc An pgeoil In-pi n . "RobcAp iomx)A piognA 7 pomnÁ 7 mgCYiA ÁibLe uichcgeAbA occ "oubA 7 "oépchÁoi po a "OAigm. HobcAp lie poCpcÍAmiA poicCmeoil Ag LÁrhcomoapc 7 acc ACAome co hmpoiLgit>e A|\ a AbA, 7 mp bó LugA "oeiVlig pop pAn t>pumg ppip AmbAi a chÁipt>ine 7 a cnoib-oebACAp mÁp po LÁ poppAn Luchc ppip AmbÁCAp a rmpolcA 7 a eccpACAp. bA poit>eicbip •ooibpioiii ón tiAip pob é pAoibeAccAm tiA podiAitie conAX) cpiA t)up piocpA-oh a ppoipicin on ■OAOipe 7 on -oochpAicci •ofpriiÁip imbACAp occ gALlaib. t)AOipmm pAmÍAi-ó 1pm ccApcAip cCcciia poc nA btÍAtinA 50 ■oeipftj genii pit) t)o pitnpi 50 1ioit)ce nocclAcc pcetl vo ponnpAt) Anno 1592. An cau po bo truclng "La mAC nA hoige a elii-opom AppAimcc peipm fx ApAibt tna Áop comcA eibb po]\p nA coiméccAigib m upcopAÓ oi-óche piApiú t>o pAccAipm ppomnag, 7 g<5,ccAit) mgfimliLe tnob. Ac pAgAcc ÍAp ccAm gup An ppiAiL- ceAC, 7 puAineAn'i piocpot)A Leo, 7 t>ó peLccfc pi op LAp An puAineAiii cpepAn ppéLcig go piAclicACAp gup An cctApAt) ccoiii-oom Am popcAorimAgAip in lomcAcriiAng An x>ún&m. Mo -opingpCc ÍAppuit>iu ppip An mbpuAC aLLcatiac go mbACAp pop up nA cLApAC "oon CAob ApAlVL 1C1ACC géiLt ac pulACAp App 1 Relatives. — The Irish word bratJiair means both brother and relative. 2 Council. — Not the Parliament, which was not sitting then. An account of the Parliaments held in the reign of Elizabeth will be found in Lynch's Feudal Dignities, p. 343; London, 1830, and in Hardiman's Statute of Kilkenny, p. 134 ; Dublin, 1843. 3 Clappmg their hands. — Compare Dante's Inferno, canto III. : ' Parole de dolore, accenti- d'ira, Voci alti e fioche, e suon di man con elle, Facevano un tumulto, il qual s aggira Sempre'n quell'aria senza tempo tinta, Como la rena, quando a turbo spira.' The Irish word lamhchomait t in the tex 19 and they set off with their followers in search of him. As it was evident to 1590. Phelim and to his relatives 1 that any one else might find him, they resolved to take him themselves and bring him back to the city to the Council. He did so. When he came to Dublin the Council were delighted thereat, and they made little or no account of all the hostages and pledges who escaped from them, and they were thankful for the visit which restored him to them again. Though great their cruelty and enmity to him the first time, they were greater the second time on account of his escape from them, and iron gyves were put on him as tight as they could be, and they put him in the same prison, and they watched and guarded him the best way they could. His escape in this way was heard of universally throughout the land of Erin, and his recapture. There came a great gloom over the Irish, and the courage of their soldiers, and the minds of their champions, and the hearts of their heroes were confounded at hearing that news. There were many princesses and great ladies and noble white-breasted maidens sorrowing and lamenting on his account. There were many high-born nobles clapping their hands and weeping in secret for him, and he not only parted from the people with whom he was on terms of friendship and intimacy, but he went among those who had done him evil and shown him enmity. And with good reason on their part, for the multitude expected that through him relief would come to them from the dreadful slavery and bondage in which the English held them. He was in this way in the same prison for the space of a year up to the end of winter, to Christmas night exactly, in the year 1592. When it 1592. seemed to the Son of the Virgin full time that he should escape, he and some of his companions found an opportunity on the part of the guards in the very beginning of the night before they were taken to the refectory, and they took off their fetters. They went after that to the privy, having a long rope, and they let themselves down by means of the rope through the privy till they came to the deep trench which was around the castle. After that they climbed to the opposite bank, till they were though usually synonymous with basghaire, ward manifestations of joy as shown by the i.e., death-cry, is used to express the out- clapping of hands. 20 iniA]u\on pfiif An Aót> Gii|\í 7 A]\z -oa iíiac SeAAin nnc Cuinn bACAig nnc Ctnnn mic enní nnc CóghAin. 1lo bAoi Anoite ^itte cAijnri occ Acoi^e-ó cuca -oon c1iAirciAbl m-oon CchtAiji pur netccfc A]\tin con-our -jiaIa cuticub uaii bA 1iat)Laic combuí "oeottir nompo. t,ocop Arr iA^-po-OAin cnerAn rnAicc- rbglicib -|')>eAc1ibtn-oni j bAoi yo\\ lonchAib An -óúnAix) jati Ainpor jati yoincloi^cecc t)o neoch A|i m cucca imonAi]\ Achc AifiAib jac nAon "oo tuchc riA CAÚ]\Ach, uain" ni no Aiipxc các t)0 c1iacoi jCó no "oo cIia-oaVI eiri|\ chijhcifa riA cnénÓAcnAcn ah c]aac pn An bA co^ac oTÓche "oo funnnA-ó Ann, Gt ni no "0ÚHA1CC T)oi]\p iia cAch]iAc beóp TIah ^ACAjA cAjArAn ccAqiAij reccAi|i yon ■pAiriAib pn. íto leAblAmjrfc ca]\ Airiinei-rj (x loirrao^Ai-ó nA iToúnctA'oh fol.6. a. iTOiojliAmn & nAm^i^CY) Ainbe nT>CjtmÁij\ nobtn pu cAcnAi^b AneccAiri 50 nAnjACAp yoy. nei-óib An nuAix) -pléibe neme^oeocbAiT) An cAox> ipn cécnA hettm AC|\ubA. Ilo eicirvóetij "oopchACA n<\ hoit>che (x cinnCnur ah cechi-rj An cí bA pniu ■oía nÁor conich<\ p^iú .1. Gnp úa néilb erpum. An zAóvh bo yo Atii 'oon a róf]\cbAn , OAib. 11i bACAn póitaj lAccrorh nnon CcA]\rcA]\A-ó. -AqiAjAC Arf AnA AbA & AprCn mtnnt-i]\e -oia neimimcúr. gebbA-o An A-ohAij; yo\\ pnt)be 7 yf]\cAin Aptor p]\neittineAC yleoc1iAi*ó 7 ArtAmm rtfmAinauj pieccAit>e, conA^ bo •po'ÓAin^ •oqha pyio]\p?nAib roicdneoib ApobAb hsy An •oomni'o 7 bÁr Ati •oiécc^At), UAi]t bA iiAmbATO bACAji jah ponb|\ttcA ía]\ nuAcbcAn ÍAnnA nÁ^bAit ipn ppAhcoij cnfpx ccutjcacavi. 1Da moo -oeiLLij An DiAnA/ifcCp AnnArh Ainniíimc ^0|\rAii Ayr ínÁr yoy Aó-oh, GobAbATolej-cce lonnioibte Acheimim A|\ Arnnne bAOipx>e & é coltnA-ó nfmAipfbA]"CAC, 7 bA cíah yov a|\ m pAimcc cAn Aoir tiiac-oacca, 7 m no An avcai j\ •opÁr ha ■oiAnfonbAi^c An lonbAm -pn, & bA 1iÁic eccpom eiporh "oep-óe 6: bAliucmAÍi é\-px> Aimcecc. O \\o nACAijriuiii A\\v occa emjicuijA-ó 7 loinqnnme Achenne Aret) -oo -pome pAir a iÁih t)o cop yo\\ a guAlomn 7 ah Íahíi nAibt Ap ^UAÍAinn An í,iHe. T)o ífgliAc Af p3n lonnur pn ca|\ mumcino ah niAij fléibe. llobcAH rcidnj cuijtpj; ía]ioh'i, 7 m no éccrAc A\\c leó 111 bA fípiu, 7 ó ha -pÚAIHpOC pOfAljlUC l'pfO'pCCA'Ó Atlb]\ÚA1C 10mA1]TO ipnt) CjWlOtlA bAOÍ A|\A 1 Shane. — This was the famous Shane Introd., p. cl. His history is given at some O'Neill. On the death of his father in length in Richey's Lectures o?i Irish History, 1559 he was elected The O'Neill. From 2nd Series, p. 262, where the author vindi- that time until he was murdered at the in- cates him from many of the charges brought stigation of the English he was almost against him, and shows that he was no continuously at war with them. See worse than his accusers. 21 on the edge of the trench at the other side. The hostages who escaped 1592. with Hugh were Henry and Art, the two sons of Shane, 1 son of Conn Bacagh, son of Conn, son of Henry, son of Eoghan. There was a certain faithful servant who visited them in the castle, a horseboy, to whom they imparted their secret, so that he met them face to face when they wanted him to be their guide. They went off after that through the crowded streets, near the castle, without being known or overheard by any one, for they were not noticed while thus engaged, but like every one else of the city people, as they did not stop to converse with or visit any one whatever in the houses of the fortress at that time, for it was the beginning of the night exactly, and the gates of the city were not yet closed. They went out through the city in that manner. They leaped over the enclosure and impediment of the surrounding fences and of the strong, firm palisade which was outside the city, until they came to the slopes of Slieve Roe, where Hugh had come before the first time he escaped. The darkness of the night and the hurry of the flight separated him who was the oldest of the party from them. This was Henry O'Neill. Hugh was the youngest of the nobles. They were not pleased at the separation. They went away however, their attendant leading the way. The night came on with a drizzle and a violent downpour of rain and slippery slime of snow, so that it was not easy for the high-born nobles to walk on account of the inclement weather and the want of clothing, for they had hardly any upper garments, having left them in the privy through which they had come. This hurried journey, strange and Unusual, was more severe on Art than on Hugh, and his gait was feeble and slow, for he was corpulent, thick- thighed, and he had been a long time closely confined in the prison. It was not so with Hugh, for he had not passed the period of boyhood, and he had not ceased to grow in size and strength then, and he was active and light on that account, and his gait was quick and nimble. When he perceived Art growing weak and his step heavy, what he did to him was to place one hand of his on his own shoulder and the other hand on the shoulder of the servant. They went on in this way across the upper part of the slope of the mountain. They were tired and weary after that, and they could not bring Art further with them. As they could not, they went under the shelter of a lofty cliff of the mountain which was in 22 mbeLAib. 1a]\ nAipipioiii x»óib1i Ainnpnae pAoi-óic aii poblA UAt>Aib biA pcetAib 50 ^teAnt) tTlliAoitujpA bail ipAibe PacIia mAc OCVhA. gtCnn -OAin^en •oiocojLAÍTje eipiT>e, 7 no gnACAijcip 5A1U, "Ouibbmne conA mo-óriAib cacIia fol.6.£. ionipui"óe 7 lonnpoijjit» pAip t>ia cpeAcViA-o 7 m-opeA-ó. Vló chopnA-ó An ci "PiacIia co pepptiA ppiu co bpApccbAice ioLa]i cCnn ÍAir, 6: m cliuni^Ainr ni t>o, acc Ap a A01 jepbAc iomt>A ioIajtoa An ionnpoi£ci 7 ^epbo caIttia AccongAÍb di aca, nip bo piApAchpoiri -óóib cfn bAoi im bíu. 5 Acn 5ÍAVI 7 5AÓ cimbfó no elA-roC-o nAmib m cliAipip no chéi^e-ó acc Ap cmcce no •oÁileA-ó 7 bA hC-ó AcfcnA buí-óe "oot 50 gtfivo tnliAoilugnA bAit AinbAoi An "PiAcliAt) Acpubpomop An bA pé A-oúnÁpAp. -dchuniAc cfcnA -oonA 5'iAblAib pémpAicm Ap cinge no •OAÍpAc pAtieipm, (x no poix>pfc An 510UIA. O nAnAicriom Ai|nn imbtn An ^iacIiax) ac pet) ArccelAnx)ó, 7 An ionnuppoppÁj;Aib nA hoccA po elÁcAp Arm ccAcpÁi^, 7 nAc Ap bfpcA imbCchAni poppA mun* CipCA "OÍA CCOipiC111 1CCpA1CC1. LApo'óAin -oo poCjtiA An cí PiacVia pAniAc -oia óCp SPA-oa "oo neocb bACAn cAipipi -ÍAip "oiob, fx no C]\b poppa cecc lÁr An ngiile pop Ammup nA nócc. -AcnAjAc pó chCcoip peb po bfpbA'ó ppiú, 7 -oo cothIac App, 7 pfp-pó bm-ó ieó 7 A]\oil,e po Lionn 7 copmAim,5o piAchcAcap ^up An riéib bAit in pApccAibci nA piopa. TllonÚAp Án'i ni|\ bó pommeAÓ p 7 "oon bionn -oo choc1iAicfm, & m hécup 1 Hostage. — He afforded protection to the receiving others openly. O'Sullevan, Hist. Catholics from the oppression of the Pro- Cat/i., p. 152. See what has been said of testants, concealing some of them and him at p. xxxix., antea. 23 front of them. After stopping there they sent the servant away with the 1592 news to Glenmalure, the place where Fiach Mac Hugh was. This was a ' secure, impregnable valley, and the English of Dublin were accustomed with their instruments of battle to besiege and assault it in order to plunder and lay it waste. This Fiach maintained it valiantly against them, so that many heads were left behind with him, and they could do nothing against him ; but though their attacks were many and various, and though there was strength in their implements of war, he was not submissive to them so long as he lived. Every hostage 1 and every prisoner who escaped from them did not halt or go away, but went to him, and his first journey 2 was to go to Glenmalure, the place where Fiach was, as we have said, for it was his strong dwelling. So, too, the hostages aforesaid addressed themselves to him, and sent their servant to him. When he came where Fiach was he told his story to him and the state in which he left the youths who had escaped from the city, and that they would not be over- taken alive if he did not go to their assistance immediately. Thereupon Fiach selected a party of his people (of those trusted by him), and he bade them go with the servant to the youths. They rose up at once as they were ordered, and went off with one having food and another ale and beer, until they came to the mountain, the place where the men had been left. Alas ! truly the state and position of these nobles was not happy or pleasant to the heroes who had come to seek for them. They had neither cloaks nor plaids, nor clothing for protection under their bodies, to save them from the cold and frost of the sharp winter season, but the bed-clothes under their fair skins and the pillows under their heads were supports heaped up, white-bordered of hailstones freezing all round them, and attaching their light coats and shirts of fine linen thread to their bodies, and their large shoes and the fastenings to their legs and feet, so that they seemed to the men that had come not to be human beings at all, but just like sods of earth covered up by the snow, because they did not perceive motion in their limbs, but just as if they were dead, and they were nearly so. Wherefore the heroes raised them from where they lay and bade them take some of the food and of the ale, and they did 2 His first journey. — See Spenser's View of Ireland, p. 187. 24 ÚAchA, uai]\ 5AÓ •oeog 110 eAbt)Air mif ^etcccíf hi ppicip yo]\ AmbeoÍAib reccAi]i. Achc chíViA no diACAniAin ah cí A]\c pó "óeói-ó, & AcnA-ónAchc aii ■oil pn. T)aLa An Aó-oIia norcon^Aib An óonmAim ía]i pn Gt no bACA|\ a b)\iojA \'0]\ yonbAinc ía|\ nA bob acItc a "ói choir iia mÁ, An A-p mine bACAnriT>e mAmbAVtAib mAjVbA ^An mocu^A-ó ía-|\ nAc Gi lonbot^A-ó -ppTp An \\eóx> 7 pnr An rneAchcA. Cmnicc 11A pn yo|\ lomochun eiporh j;ur An njteAim ac nubnAmA|i. *Oo nACA hicxi j •ofinpcc int)iAniAin An TyltncyCoA. 1lo boc iccÁ tCi^Cf 7 beA-pujAt) Ann da jac m bA coirgi'óe co connAcc ceAchcA co 'oiceAtcA T)1A Áichneor 7 -oia por rccéb ó a cLiAihAin Of/ó úa néiVl. T)o jiACcrorii Iaiíi yO]i iméecc ÍAnrtiTÓe ÍAn mbneic t>on ceAccA rAin. t)A ■otnLij •oófoiri c)\iaIÍ ro|i An cunA-p pn, oin ni no cíiurii- Amzjrecc nA bege yjieApAt) -oía cnAighcib 1 ccnAicce ÍAn nA ccnejlroA-ó •oon neó-o neriiepencniA|i, Gb bA béiccfn -oa nach oibe a cunccoAiL yon eAch, 7 a 5ADÁ1L eran a -óib ÍAThAib "oo yitnyi CAn no cAnbLAin^e-ó. t)Áoiyiorh Amne co no ecAyyccA-pyAc Veije a t>i ojtoAin yjny ÍAn cqnott aj\ noccAin "oia AchAjvoA btniroein. pAOTOir An cí piAcliA T>iyini niA)icAC ÍAir iym A-oViAij -oia rnAt>A-ó CA]i AbAinn "Life .1. ob pt 1 coiccjnc coicctó ^AibÁn & tiA tT)iT>e. 1lo bACAn eccA|AnAi-óe 7 Aor com'iecA ó ^ALLAib *Ouibtinne yo|i ÁchAib ét>onhne tio, liAbAnn 7 yon a conAipb coiccínx)A oc clor *oóib Aó-ó ó DomnAibt "oo beic m ^tionn mhAoilu j]\A, An nAc eLAi-of/o cAiyyib co coicceAt) ConcobAin, 7 *iac1i élACAÍr nA cimbiT>e An cCVia ac nuÍA miAnÁon niy Ay An ccAÉnAij, gun bó fol.7./'. 1ieiccCn "oonA hóccAib A|i a AbA ^AbÁit m ^Aj^occur von cnAcnAij caj\ ác itoo]\ai-ó monTóoriiAin no bAoí yo\\ An AbAinn 50 nAnjACAji gAn nAéuccAt) jah •pofcboifcecc -oonA jAllAib combACAn fon lonlAinn An -oúme ah upco^Ac OTÓche. ílo bAoi An buchc lÁr no c]\ecceAT)forii bi corAc ÍA|\rAn ccfcnA betú-ó hi cnechur>iu|x An -oio]\mA .1. "pebm ó cuAcViAit conA b|\Ac1iAiji ÍAn ccocbc T)oib f-nA-óA-óroiii & dia comAi]\ce AtfiAib cac1i "of)\f'nAit)m 7 -oo cfnjAit AccoccAij 7 AccAi]A-oCrA }-pif . lllAjwo An coccAcrm beof, 7 ménAi-ó cox)íuit) nibecbA eiccin cenét ConAilt nnc tléifL 7 fbochc Cac1iaoi]\ 1 Liffey. — This river rises in the glen at to Celbridge, it enters Co. Dublin at the south of the Kippure Mountain, county Leixlip. From that its course is due east, Wicklow, twelve miles south of Dublin. by Lucan, until it falls into' the sea in Its course is at first westwards, by Bles- Dublin harbour. sington, Ballymore-Eustace, and K lcullen, 2 Rere.— The Irish word is translated in where it turns to the north, and flowing O'Clery's Glossary 'the rere of a house by Newbridge, in a north-easterly direction, where food is kept.' The Four Masters say, 25 not succeed, for every drink they took they let it out of their mouths 1592. again. However, Art died at last and was buried in that place. As for Hugh, he retained the beer after that, and his strength was on the increase after drinking, except in his two feet, for they were like dead members without motion, owing to the swelling and blistering from the frost and snow. The men carried him to the valley of which we have spoken. He was put into a house hidden in a remote part of the thick wood. He had medical skill and care in every way he needed until the arrival of a messenger in secret to inquire and get news about him from his brother-in-law Hugh O'Neill. He proposed to set off after the messenger had come to him. It was painful to him to go on that journey, for the physicians could not heal his feet all at once after being pierced by the frost as we have said, and some one else was needed to put him on horseback and to take him between his two hands again whenever he alighted. He was so until the physicians cut off his two great toes after a while when he came to his own country. Fiach sent a troop of horse with him in the night to escort him across the river Liffey ; 1 this is a river on the confines of the province of Leinster and of Meath. There were ambuscades and watches from the English of Dublin on the shallow fords of the river and on the usual roads since they heard that Hugh O'Donnell was in Glenmalure, that he might not escape by them to the province of Conor, and that the prisoners too might not escape who had fled with him out of the castle ; so that it was necessary for the youths for that reason to go very near the castle, over a difficult and deep ford which was on the river, and they came without being perceived or overheard by the English till they were at the rere 2 of the castle in the very beginning of the night. The people by whom he had been abandoned formerly after his first escape were among the troop, i.e., Felim O'Toole, with his brother, who had come to escort and protect him like the others, to establish and cement their friendship and amity with him. This friendship lasts still, and will last to end of time between the tribe of Conall, son of Niall, and the race of Cathaoir Mor, son of Fedhlim adann. : ' The youths who were along with {duine) unperceived by the English.' There Hugh proceeded on their way until they is an Irish word, ur/ainn, which, according came to the green (faithche) of the fortress to O'Donovan, means a lawn, yard, green. 26 mói]\ 1111c "peiLmi p]ui]\jl,Air. UiomnAic celiobpAX) 7 pygbAicc bCn-OAcncAin OC Á]1 Olle ÍAjt 11 ATÓffl A CCA]\ACC]\AI"Ó A1TltA1t) rm. "OaLa &óx)h& Imí 'OhóriinAitL ía]i mtncecc "ooibp-oe úa-oa 7 iAn da pá^bAit n a óCiiAn acc An cofn ó^Iac .1 . coinjvoeAVbAc buit)i ó ó^Ain, "oo ■óeACÍiAit) pon a ía]aó\ j no biot) m iA]\f'Aite An 1a]i1a uí 11éiLL CAn vxiy riccex) pni a corccib 50 cac]iai j •Ac'Iiac'Iiac. TtobcAn ioía]toa beór cai n"o& ah cí &év& uí 11éiLb "oonA ^AltAib yA'odn, tia]ic1ia An a f on irin creAHAt). 13a "ÓAn a ah cóccLac ifn ha txuccAi-OAib nirin 7 nii\ bo himecclAc mi jjAbÁiL c]ie ^nAicrlijcib ha h^aLI. locAn A-pr ÍAnon'i Aóx> úa 'Oorii- 11A1I.L 7 eirium nop -oib neAcliAib ÁnA uccniALLA inÓT>Aib pAÓm-oín^e 7 irbjob taIcIia nA rCinn'n-óe gonibÁcAji ron un iia "bómne niA niAccAm f-o ^A1]11CC O 1nbfp CoLpCA ftA|J. tip CUIÍTOACX CACA1|1 A1]\|VofnC lAfnA HaH- iiiA]\c1iAib i--ec1ic niAin occ nibfn cobpcA -|:o|irAn AbAinn 7 "ojioichecc CAijirm •oati. *0]\oichfcc -AcIia vo ^Aijiéi "oon bAiLe hirm, 7 bA]if-ó conAiri coitcCYm t^aLL 7 jAonoeAt ^AbÁil c|ierAii ccAcnAig. -dec cIiCYia mr petice An oifiAn ■ooibrToe jAbAit cneice, conf-ó -oo nónrAC ^AbÁit 50 hun nA liAbAnn ac fol.8.<7. nubjiomAn bAil imbiot> ÍArcAi]\e "oínnm'i •of]\óit 7 bfrcAji becc rni 1noni- InclicA-ó, *Oo cocai\]-oiii irm cch|\ac conur rAnccAib An poyc iomAncu|i- diAij pojirAn nibpuAc aVIxa]iac ía|a ccAbAinc a toi je co vAi-obin vó. X)<\ 111AIC LAiron'i AttilnmA A|\ aiíiCcc i?iiai|i ■oajiccac, 7 bA niAchcnAt) mó|i bAir aji m no écc Ati]voAiL nÍAtn ó nAch n-o^umg t>ia cca]\-o acu|iac1i. ^AibAit) aii 1 0" Hagan. — This tribe were owners of a small district called Tullaghoge. They took part in the inauguration of the O'Neill, casting the gold sandal over his head. The Flight of the Earls, p. II. There was another tribe of the same name in Munster, descended from a totally different ancestor. -Language. — The Irish word bearla means any language ; but for the last three centuries it has been used to denote Eng- lish in particular. 3 Meath. — Tuathal Techtmar, ardrigh A.D. 76, cut off a part {meidhe) from each of the four provinces to support his Court at Tara. The exact extent of the territory will be found in Keating's H. of Ireland, pp. 54 and 233. 4 Boyne. — This river rises in Trinity Well, at Carbury Hill, Co. Kildare, and flows through this county. It forms for four miles the boundary with King's County, and for seven with Meath. Entering this county at its south-east corner, it passes by Trim, Navan, and Slane. It meets the Mattock at Oldbridge, four miles west oi Drogheda, and passing through this town it falls inlo Drogheda Bay. See Wilde's Boyne and Blackwater j Dublin, 1849. 27 Firurglas. They bade farewell and gave their blessing each to the other after strengthening their friendship in this way. As to Hugh O'Donnell, after they had gone away from him he was left with only the one youth, i.e., Turlough Buidhe O'Hagan, 1 who had gone in search of him to the famous valley ; he was one of Hugh O'Neill's own people, and he spoke the language 2 of the foreigners, and knew them and was acquainted with them, for he was in attendance on the Earl O'Neill whenever he came on business to the city of Dublin. Hugh O'Neill had many friends too among the English themselves, for he gave them large presents and stipends of gold and silver for supporting him and speaking on his behalf in the Council. For these reasons the young man was bold and was not afraid to go by the usual roads of the English. Hugh O'Donnell and he went away after that on two fine fleet horses by the straight-lined roads and the muddy ways of ancient Meath, 3 so that they were on the bank of the Boyne 4 before morning, a short distance to the west of Inver Colpa. 5 A fine city had been built by the foreigners some time before at Inver Colpa on the river, and also a bridge over it. Drogheda was the name given to that town, and the usual road for the English and the Irish to take was through the town. But yet fear did not allow them to go through it, so that what they did was to go to the bank of the river of which we have spoken, where there was a poor miserable fisherman who had a small ferryboat. They went into the curach, 7 and the ferryman left them on the opposite bank after generous payment was given him. His mind was happy on account of the sum of money he had received, and he was greatly suprised, for he had never received a like amount before from any persons to whom he had given his curach. The same • r ' Inver Cclpa. — This place has its name from Colpa, one of the sons of Milesius, who w as drowned, here when attempting to land with his followers. Ogygia, p. 182. St. Patrick landed here after being repulsed by the chief of Hy Garchon, i.e., Wickiow. Trias Thaum., p. 124. The ancient name is still preserved in that of the village of Colpa. 6 Drogheda. — i.e., the bridge of the ford. It is latinized Pontanum. By the English of that time the word was usually written Tredagh, which resembles somewhat in sound the Irish word. It is a seaport, thirty two miles north of Dublin. 7 Curach. — A boat made of twigs covered with hides, having its name from corium, a hide. Formerly boats of considerable size were made in this manner. See Ogygia, p. 254, and Ware's Antiquities, ii. 174. Caesar says boats of this kind were used by the Britons. De Bell. Civ., i. 54. D 28 yfp ctccnA ÍAr nA heocA cnepAn ccac]\ai§ con'our i\a"o cIiucca iAt> "oon CAob AJ1 AiLL "oon AbAinn. . UfjAic yon AneAcliAib, 7 LoccAj^Ayy iAyyuronj iriA néimim ^ombÁcAn mile cCimdro yó t>i on AbAinn. Ac chiAcc "ooiye "oorAÓ -oiojAinn Ay <>ccionn An conAip no jAlbj'AC & ■oúnc'LA'ó T)íoiiio]\ mA tnyamceAbt AriiAiL bit) Lubijonc. Uo buí -oúnÁnar Aiyofnc (-oiAn^Ayoy An iiiAiniyuy riion) 1a hogbAcn nAiyCg-OA "oonA jjALLAib yniA CAob An "ooiye, 7 bA "ofybiyiy x>Aóx) úa VléiVl eiyni>e. UAiybLingiccruirii o con-ounclA-o cCciia, 7 cifjAiúc iycij cipioirouy UAin nob eotAch hiaic a yfymtnnaneyiuiri rpn mAigmpn. Sco]iAic An eich, 7 vo jniAC Ai|uymrii lnrui-óm. turoyiorh ipifi mín at>, 7 yo jeib a yiA-oujA'o Ann tiAiy bA |'UAicni-ó eiyiurii An , oú ym yAinyeA"ó reAch jac nionAt>. por nÚAip aiiajaL n-odynic "oo Aóx> 7 "oo beyc bAiy é, 7 no yyeAycLA-o 7 no yyiocAiteA-o é ÍAnccAin Ariióib no bA Lce ca]\ rtÍAb mbyfg 7 eye iriAchAiye conAilL, 50 yAnjACAy 50 cyAijbAibe 1111c buAin yiA niAccAin. ConyocAcc CAchAiy hi-pume yoy uy ha cjiAjA bAr ah eccAincenéb imyoyAiT>yiom eiccin "Oun-oeljAn 7 tntuji. O nobcAn Cyytoicce x)oiyyi nA cAqiAch vpn mActnn n'uncli Ay yAiy x>eiyi-ó téoyon'i ^AbÁiL 5ATI aha'ó ^An Ainiputfi cyeice. "LocAy ÍAnon'i yoy AneAcliAib mA néumni 5A11 yAcujA'o 50 niAcbcAC.,The strand Delga, a Firbolg chief. It was the chief re- of Baile, the son of Buan. He was sixth sidence of Cuchullin, the most distinguished in descent from Rudhraidhe, monarch of of the Knights of the Royal Branch. See Ireland 212 B.C., who was buried here. See O'Curry's Manners, &c, ii. 197. 30 ccAr|\Aij cipniT)ii|\ jtenracAjt ca|\ pjlAlCfLiijcifa ha caciw\c1i nobcAji pit>Aij p)nbp\oiti 5 A]1 AbA a ccC]waix> cati ^ac mbAojAÍ Iiaoi ndnpo, a]\ m ]\o mieAccbAipec hacIi ni aji nochcAin -oo hurpn'Oiu a\\ bA yo rnÁniAr Aox>a ui tléiUl bÁoi An epoch pn cAépMj acuait». Locaji a]- 50 pot> món ati A-óAijjpn •oo leigeA-o a prfp, 7 bA hmniVl 'oóib inibic ati •oúpn ^eii bo jAproccur •do jjAttAlb 1AC. X)A CAJ1A 7 bA COIÍIALcA "O Op} til ATI €1 bui hlpH'Óe U01]l|TOetbAC m ac 6np mic petmi IIúató ■oo p^fnctAn-OAib cenét 6ojAin 7 bA b ion Ann iriAchAin "oopwoe Gt xion ia]\Ia úa íléill. 1Xo pAt)AijeAX) ucporh co riAip n'ncneAc ati AX>Aij pn, 7 gAibic peitfiio aji AbA-pAc eye pliAb |-úaic mic bneo^liAin 50 nAn^ACAy guy An itiacHa bvó cuato. Aitaic Ann An aiDAigpn pD •oicbeic. UÍAjAicn A]i a bÁpvc 50 min gfnAinn 1111c caudax), bAib ijiAibe AOV Ó tlélbt. l3A T:A0ltTÓpt1111 pAptfl AOTÓeAT) "OO pAcllC CUCCA, 7 "OO nACAX) jAn pjipíAC m a|ia^aL UAi^neAC 50 hmpDibji-oe jjah ]iacu ja-d t>a hac Aon ipn -ounAX) Ache niAT) uacIiat) -OAO-pcAipp ]\o bACA]\ 05A puocAibeAX) 7 05 Aipu^coibe 'óó, oin bA pA]\Ac1i Ae-ó ó tléibb 111 lonbATÓ ipn •oo jAÍLAib TKnbtmne, 7 m|\ bó ViaiL -oó cochc ca]\ a nf]\]:UA5|iA ac1ic co hmcleice. T)aI,a AóvhA uí 'Oon'mAibb, íaji ccop pcípi a Aipnn €& imnij -oe ipn -oúnA-ó pn \\é ceceojiA noi-óce con a LÁib, -00 bípc Lahi'i yo]\ imceAclic 7 cioTniiAif ceibeAbjiAX) -oo Aót> úa tléitb, 7 pxgbAix) bent)AcbcAin occa. *Oo CU1]lfchA1\ •Oiptll TT1A|1CAC bAiy "01A pTA-OÍlAT) AJI CÚAnAlb 7 cf ich e]V11 ACAlb 50 1 Fiodmore. — i.e., the great wood, now the Fews. There are two baronies of the name in the south of Co. Armagh. 2 Turlough Mac Henry. — Owen O'Neill, who died in 1456, was the common ancestor, on the father's side, of Earl Hugh and Turlough. His daughter married Hugh O'Donnell ; from these the O'Donnells of Spain and Austria are descended. Annals F. M., vi. 1922. He was a half-brother of the Earl. 3 Mother. — This was Joan, daughter of Cuconnacht Maguire. The Four Masters, under the date 1600, the year in which she died, say of her that ' she was the pillar, support, and maintenance of the indigent and mighty, of poets and of exiles, of widows and orphans, of the clergy and men of science, of the poor and needy, the head of counsel and advice to the gentlemen and chiefs of the province of Conor Mac Nessa, a demure, charitable, meek, benign woman, with pure piety and the love of God and her neighbours.' After the death of Earl Hugh's father she married Henry O'Neill of the Fews. Annals, vi. 2223. 4 Slieve Fúaid. — In the barony of the Fews, between Castleblaney and Armagh. It has its name from Fuaidh, one of the colony which came to Ireland with the sons of Milesius. Keating, H. of Ireland, p. 134. 5 Armagh. — i.e., The height of Macha. She was the only daughter of King Aodh Ruadh, from whom Assaroe has its name. At his death she claimed the kingdom by right of descent. She was opposed by Dithorb and Kembaith, her father's cousins, who with him had governed in turn, each for a period of seven years. She defeated her opponents and drove them into exile. 3i to go through the town at all. When they had gone through the streets of the town, they were glad and delighted at having escaped from every danger which was before them, for they feared nothing when they had come to that place, since the country to the north of the town was under the sway of Hugh O'Neill. They went on to Fiodmore 1 that night to get rid of their fatigue, and they were safe while there though they were very close to the English. Turlough Mac Henry, 2 son of Phelim Roe, who dwelt there, was his friend and foster-brother. He was of the nobles of the Cinel Eoghan, and he and the Earl O'Neill had the same mother. 3 They were enter- tained with much respect that night, and they went on next day though Slieve Fuaid 4 Mic Breoghan till they came northwards to Armagh. 5 They remained there that night concealed. The next day they went on to Dungannon 6 Mic Cathbaidh, where Hugh O'Neill was. He was glad of the coming of his guest, and he brought him without delay to a private chamber secretly without being perceived by any one in the castle except by some of his trusty people who attended on and entertained him, because Hugh O'Neill was submissive 7 to the English of Dublin at that time, and he did not wish to transgress their commands except secretly. As for Hugh O'Donnell, after getting rid of the fatigue of his journey and hardships in the castle for the space of four days and four nights, he prepared to depart and he took leave of Hugh O'Neill, and gave him his blessing. A troop of horse went with him to protect him from robbers and kerne 8 until he came to the district of Lough Erne. The lord of that She was the only woman who occupied the throne of Ireland, having reigned from A.M. 3559 t0 358°- She built the palace of Emania, now Navan fort. See O'Curry's Manners, Sec, ii. 112, and Keating's H. of Ireland, p. 179. Dungannon. — This was the chief resi- dence of Hugh O'Neill, Strabane and Benbuib being those of Turlough Luineach. O'Neill's castle was on the rising ground just over the town. Little, if any, of it is now remaining. A more modern residence was built on the site later j of that too only a small part remains. It has its name from Genan, son of Cathbadh, a Druid, who lived here in the first century of our era. ''Submissive to them. — 'Articles agFeed unto by the Earl of Tyrone before the Right Hon. the Lords of her Majesty's Most Hon. Privy Council, for the better settling and confirming of his country, June 17th, 1590/ will be found in C.C. MSS., iii. 37. 8 Kerne. — They are called by mediaeval writers turbarii and turbiculi. Dymmok describes them as 'footmen armed with a sword and a target of wood, or a bow and sheaf of arrows with barbed heads, or else three darts which they cast with wonderful facility and neatness. Within these few years they have practised the musket and caliver, and are grown good and ready shots.' Treatise of 'Ireland, p. 7. 32 pAntn^ co hoipCp Loca hCipne. t)A CApA ■oópon'i cpiAc An dpepm, 7 bA bpAÚAip It 1 |\Ainn AniACAp Aó~oh lii^vn-óip ACACon'niAic. X)& pÁoibi'ópi'óe -oía curóechc chuccA uccAT> cohATJArhpA bAip. *Oo bpCdiA CdiAp •oeAppcnAice miibplCriiAin AT>oc1ium, 7 -oo caoc in'o, 7 pAdjAi-ó betroAcViCAin A5 ITlAgui-cnp. 1ompAip(c App iCppo-c-Ain gup An ccÁeL ccuApcun'iAng bAOi poppAn Loc perhepepcniAp baib bi cóCc App An ob AtibcLopAc lAichiom-oA -ppi-p pÁicep Cpne. t)Á "oía AdiAp'ÓA peipm An peponn hirm. *Oup nÁipcCrop Ap aiVI -oía óCp CAipipi 7 "01A pAinmuincipbuTi-oein, 7 -oo bfpAc eocliA ÁnA ucniAVlA 111A -ÓAib An mirm, (x locAp Aippnl>e co hAi SeAUAij. bAOi CAipdAbt com- ■OAingeAn bipui-oiu pop up An -Aca cuÁp^Aibce iccopAC 1a pmnpfp An (HÍAbb 5AifipA 7 lopcAX) pbACA t>ia cenebporh An CAifcÍAÍt 7 "oia AcbAip pAinpeA-o, Ap Ap é bAOi hi cCnnup cpicbe An lonbAit) pin, 7 bA bé poppACAib Ap aiUI -oiApAin- iiiumnp Aj con'i'OA An diAip'oéoib, 7 pobcAp pAilcig ha piopA ppi "OAiimA ha plACA -oup pAimcc, 7 x>o LeccCc cuca ipcfj. l3A0ipiutfi ippop huipuitnu co beicc copup cApcomlAipfc An dp ("oo neAcli bAOi m a corhpocpAib) "oia pAipt) bAiL ipAibe. Hip bó hfpupA éirh eipix>e Ap ApAiiitATo bAOi An cpioc mA céi'oe cpeAch 7 CAib-ofn a^ ^AÍÍAib 7 A5 jÁoi-óeAbAib, 7 AcpAcbcACA]\ -oeAbdiA fx -oecécpAi-óe ©CpiiiÁpA ícoppA péin ApmC-óon, co nú|\ boc piApAig -oía ppLAic aiíiaiI pobA-ó cécbcA -ooib, Ap bA popApóccÍAC An ionbAi-ó pm é 7 mp bó cÚALAing cacu jA-ó acuac nÁ fpnAitmi a npAbl uac a iiAicipe ó po b Cpí; AbAt>poiii, 7 x>&r\ -oeillij ah cpCn-OACA rAiti piú pobA pfn co Leicc. Oc cIhacc 5A1LL *Ouibtinne An cpioc pArhLAi"ó popop- cojjgAppAC pop pAn ppÍAiitAC bAoi iiATÓib iccoiceA-ó OtneccniAclic Ap oile pocbAme -óíob "oo diUToecbc 1n dp ConAitt nuc HéiVL bACAp ÍAt) pobcAp co'ónAij poppnA 1nb poppo hCjiAitf-ó cocc hipuit)iu CAipcm uuitip & CAipcm Coninlt. X)o coiplfc App con -óíb cécAib ÍAec cAp "Omb CAp "OpobAOip CAp 1 Relative,. — His mother was Nuala, daughter of Manus O'Donnell, Hugh Roe's grandfather, and consequently Maguire and Hugh Roe were first cousins. Annals F. M.,vi. 1925. On the meaning of the word irat/mir, see p. 13, antea. 2 Erne. — This river rises at Ballyjames- duff, county Cavan, and after a circuitous course passes through Belturbet and enters Lough Erne a little north of that town. It leaves the lake three miles east of Belleek, and continues its course by Ballyshannon, where it is called by the name of Saimer, and falls into the Bay of Donegal. 3 Ballyshannon. — Properly Beul atha Se- naigh, the mouth of the ford of Senach, an Ulster chief who was slain there by Conall Gulban. See The Book of Fenagh, p. 327. 4 Castle. — The site is pointed out in a field on the east side of the town, called 53 territory, i.e., Hugh Maguire, was his friend and a relative 1 by the mother's side. He was rejoiced at his coming, and he proceeded to entertain him splendidly. A boat was brought to him well built, black-polished ; he went into it, and took his leave of Maguire. They rowed away then as far as the narrow neck which was at the lough of which we have already spoken, the place whence issues the famous river abounding in salmon, which is called the Erne. 2 That territory was some of his own patrimony. Some of his own loyal and faithful people came and they brought fine fleet horses to meet him there. From that they went to Ballyshannon. 3 There was a very strongly fortified castle 4 on the bank of the ford, built formerly by the ancestor of Hugh, Niall Garbh, son of Turlough of the wine, in the year 1423. The castle was a noble dwelling and a princely residence of his family, and of his father especially, for he was the chief of the territory then. He had left some of his own people to guard the castle, and the men were glad that the heir 5 of the chief had come, and they let him in. He rested there for the present until the country assembled (every one who was in his neighbourhood) where he was. This, indeed, was not easy, for the country was in the course of being plundered and robbed by the English and by the Irish, and there had sprung up fierce disputes and contentions among themselves, so that they were not submissive to their prince as they should be, for he was an aged man then, and he was not able to unite his people or to secure their hostages or pledges since he (Hugh) had been captured, and age lay heavy on him, for he was now old. When the English of Dublin saw the territory in this condition they ga,ye order to the troops which were away in the province of Olneccmacht 6 that a certain number of them should go to the territory of Conall, son of Niall. The captains of the people who were appointed to go there were Captain Willis 7 and Captain Conell. They marched away with two hundred the Castle Park. Of the old walls the only part remaining is a piece incorporated with some back buildings attached to the pre- mises of Mr. Stephens, a merchant of the town. See The Donegal Highlands, by Rev. Dr. MacDevitt, p. 56 ; Dublin, n. d. b Heir. — Damhna, the material out of which anything is made ; hence the com- pound Righdhamhna, a royal heir. Olneccmacht.— An ancient name of the province of Connaught, the origin of which is unknown. 7 Willis. — See an account of the ravages which he wrought in Maguire's territory in Introd., p. liii. MacSwiny Banagh at- tacked him as soon as Hugh O'Donnell reached Donegal. O'Sullevan, Hist. Cat/i., p. 156. 34 ©An* RÚAit), Gt 111 po AnpAc t>iA péumm 50 pAngACAp T)un nA ngAbt pop up n\|-ccAij;e. t)Aoi ó "OoriinAitb ipin mbAile con uacIia-ó pocbAnoe, 7 m po pét>pAc riAc 11Í -óó. Ho bÁoi niAimpcip bLÁic benncobpAc 1ucoihpocpAib aii cliAipceoib aI1ac1iía|a pop up ha cIia^a, 7 bA be úa *OoriinAibb acc pf/obAipc •oupt> S. Pponpeip pecc pÍArh Anno 1474, fx "oo iCghAcc Apppuice 7 AcébeAtjA *Oé urce An cah pin yon cecbet) & lomgAbÁib n* njALb. Aipipic ha goilb irin niAnircin, 7 -oo jnÍAC pmpte 7 pAiVliuin -oo tfj^ouipAib -oía-óa "oeippice, 7 120 cbubc\cbAib clApuAigce iiAccetiti n*Oé 7 ha itiac mbeAÚA'ó. 1\o cbuippfc "om An mbLoi-o cipe no bin ó bfpnup mop co he-pne 7 50 jbenn Cobumib cible 1111c peit)Liini'ó* co roniAniAijce pócAib 7 bA béccfn mjéiLb 7 AnAirci|ii 130 c1iAb 7 miA cftnAib, 7 -Q1A CAbainc yo *0Aoine 7 yo -oocnAiTje yo •óeóit). Ache cCYia UAin r\&]\ bo lAinn 1a *Oía An DitjjCnn 7 An "0}\oich-óiAc1i vo |\AcrAC 501LL yoy Luchc ha c]\ic1ie lira iiaca|vóa -oíbir burroem, T>ur yucc ÍAir An ttiac cAinn^CncAC mojn^ton'OAC (Aóx) TUiax) itiac Aót>a 1111c TtlAjnurA) co ceneL ConAiLL mic VléiLL T5ÍA yupcAcc 7 t>ia foi|\icin tha rnA"ÓA"ó 7 -oia rofnA-o Ap An Ainjrpine neccnócAn neccnonn, yeib mir fAimcc fflorye hiac AmpA icoi]iicm cuÁce 'Oó "D1A rAonAoine nejepcACÓA. An cAn bA liAÍnCm t>o n* jAbtAib yon An AbAinc Acpti'buAtnoM Af Ann ac co&y "oóib An ÍIúa-ó AcnuLA vo cuiTjechc "oon tip, nor §Ab quoth oriiAin 7 niifgiA iacCi 7 bA i:aij\ xieirm teó "oeinje ha cjuche xma ccAoir.rACAir, 7 bA yó Leo tia cirtAir mce lean. *OÁLa <\ó-óa uí "OhomnAilb no cochtnn An cin cIuicca, 7 ni no ah pjuti colbeícc (óc cuaLa nnlteAX) & mí-óiAch tia niAim-pcnec) 50 ]wnuic 50 "Ovm ha njALL eineAc hi moncliAib yyiy ha ^AtlAib. -Ay a aoi m CAjiccrAC An cín eiriorh 1n roibt ^ah cochc yo a cojAinm (-00 neoc no cliAnrAc é) n* neipb 7 nA mbtn-onib aiíumI Af -001116 connAn^ACAn. La rcÓAin no LÁroiii a cechcA An Ammur nA n^ALL -oía nAt>A nm jjAn lompjineA-o no CprnA-ÓA-ó irin ecclAir 111 bA ri]mi, 7 tiAc gebcA ronnA cochc ah conAin buú l,Ainn Leo, Ache iia 111Á 50 rrAnccbACAir -oía néir Ainboi Leó -oo bú fol. 10.6. €t -oo b]\oi-o, -oo chnu-o, 7 -oo diCcnjUMb -oionnmur 7 oéccÁit ha qiiche a]\ cCiia. pA^bÁic ÍA]\on'i ].-ocCcoi]i peib ]\o yoiicongnA-o -|:o]\jiA & nobcAn buit>ij no nochcAin ah Anmonn teó, 7 nnroAC A]y yo]\ cuUvo 1 coicceA-ó olnéccmAcé o ccut>hcACAn. 1a|\ mtficecc "oóibp-óe 1 mír yebjiuAjn "our nmncAifCc nA bnAicni yo\\ cúIa-ó -oocom nA rriAinAircni 7 ^AbAicc occa hfi^tAnA-o & occa liAcnnA-OAchA-o •oa]i é]-i An pAHÍAij aILiíiajtoa 7 oc •oénom Anvun-o 7 ah oi^-]ienn AifiAit bA gnArAc teó, 7 occ a-óhioIIa-ó aii conn-oex), oca acacIi 7 05A CcA]ijuit>e ^CcaI iiAile -oaii cCn-o acca|\acc 7 ófpA A^-ojnAniA 7 , OA|i ccAnx) Aó-óa uí ■oomnAitt rAin]\eA-o, a]\ a]' é x>uy yucc 1 Prophecied. — On the belief of the Irish Jacobite Narrative of the War in Ireland, in so-called prophecies at all times, see p. 1688-91, edited by J. T. Gilbert, p. 151 ; xxvii., antea. A remarkable instance of the Dublin, 1892. How false the hopes in this'case persistency of such a belief, in reference were, we may see from O'Kelly's Macaria to an O'Donnell too, will be found in the Excidium, pp. 140, 466; Dublin, 1850. case of Hugh Balldearg O'Donnell, in The 2 Moses. — Exod., iii. 7-10. 37 take with them their heavy cattle and long- fleeced sheep at all times. They 1592. proceeded to call additional troops and hosts to them to go beyond Bearnas More in order to oppress and plunder the territory and everywhere to rob them of their herds and flocks and to reduce them to slavery and great misery in the end. But yet as the robbery and evil deeds which the English practised on the people of the country in their own dear native land were not pleasing to God, he gave the prophecied 1 child of mighty deeds (Hugh Roe, son of Hugh, son of Manus) to the tribe of Conall, son of Niall, for their relief and succour, to protect and free them from the merciless foreign tribe, as Moses, 2 the son of Amram, came to the aid of the people of God to free them from the Egyptian bondage. When the English learned the report of which we have spoken, and when it was told them that the Roe who had escaped was come to the country, á quaking fear and great terror seized on them, and they resolved in consequence to leave the country if they could, and they wished they had never come into it. As for Hugh O'Donnell, he summoned the country to him, and he did not wait for them then (because he heard of the spoiling and profanation of the monastery), but he came to Donegal face to face with the English. However, the country did not keep him long without coming to his call (such as were friendly to him) in companies and in bands as speedily as they could. Thereupon, he sent his messenger to the English to tell them not to delay or abide any longer in the church, and that they would not be prevented from going away by whatever road they pleased, but only they should leave behind them whatever cattle, captives y herds, and flocks they had, and the riches and wealth of the country in like manner. They left them behind immediately as he ordered them, and they were thankful to go away with their lives, and they returned to the province of Connaught whence they had come. After their departure in the month of February, the brethren returned to the monastery and set about cleansing and renovating it after the barbarous crew, and saying the divine office and the mass, as was their custom, and praising the Lord in their prayers and in their petitions sometimes on behalf of their friends and of their bene- factors, and especially of Hugh O'Donnell, for it was he that brought them 38 irwv fpucfmg -oía ropvó pp&ibincCclAi-rj 6: -oía iiApur Aib coi]ucneAÓ €t pofcoipnercAip An Ainppne aVLtíia^vóa UATÓib. T)áIa Aót)A uí •óoriitiAilt, Un-óp-óe co liAcrCiiAij ipncip 7 -oeifit) lire, 7 •00 bCnc Leije clm^A vo coniicijpn a copp, 7 m no fécpAC fneApA'ó "oó co no heicepóebjce a -ói opoAin pur vo x>eóvó, 7 ni|i bo hojptÁn co x>wó mbtiAt>riA. A\\ Á1 pn nir nebccpurh -oe -jppi-p An -pé pn ^An -oénoiTi recip ní bA coirccnae "oo cacu^ax) cúac, *oo riiAtAinc (x "oo mu-óu jATi rheinbeAcli, 7 T)Aice a An^pAtA-o An a CppccAipóib. bóiporh iiiA ocliAinbjje ah'iaiL AcnubnAniAn ó lomebcc co hAppb. Oc cliíporii A-óuAine iia liAimppe Cnpc1iAit>e A]i mmcecc fx fpcniAbb ha fine rArhnAÉA cIiucca, 1>a pot>A bAir nobói mA otAinbje cCn 'ol/ijvge ah puijic AmbAoi, cem connA-i^beicc-pCcc a ie^e •óó, €L bAreó 'oo nóme caj\ AnCjvgAijte ceccA -oo chon 50 cenét conAibt "oo neAch nobA niApAÓ -01A cuifcicib "óiob, 7 ACCA]\ccloniAt> 7 Acaonót A-óocum AbbAcliAtn x>on cpbÍAb Aipofn c . i . tDfnnur món tíne h^e-ÓA. DuppAcrorii a fol. ii. «. pCiroAt) tÁuii pop imcecc m ah *OAib, (x x>o ionÁLA€ chuccA rnibúi AbbACÍA|i "oon trbÍAb Acpub|iAtTio]i. T)ur pec Ann ua tíAOijiLb ^A'óg ócc 111AC Uatoj nnc UoipvoebbAij cóireAcb cojA-roe "oo cenéb conAibb. Dur pvimcc Ann tiiac Stnbne cíne bójAine, "OonncriA-ó mAc fflAoibmuine mfin^ig rmc 1T)A0ibmuine nnc Héibb. \) icóipgecc AriipMne La pjj ó cconAitt, niAc Suibne pÁnAcc, 7 111AC Suibne 11A ccúac ah -oiAr nAile. t^ACAn iacc CAngAccAn ipn coicCrcAb cCccnA AbbúAin "oon crbéib úa T)oirmAibb a ac1iai|i purii Aóx) niAc IllA^nurA 11lic •df'oliA óicc mic -Aó-óa Húait) conA coiiiAim . 1 . An 1n jCn •oub m jen cSémAir rrnc AbAXAn'OAin rrnc eoín di AÚAn ai j itiacaih An Of-oliA, 7 IT15C11 nnc CAibm a inAcliAippnáe. t)A pfip]\T)e "oah Acuit>ecc p-óe irm TJAib An Ápí bA cCnt) Ai|\be 7 AccoriiAifc 'oo cenéi conAibb, 7 jepbó fopAX) lomTiÁbtA 7 5e]\bo 1iAt)mobcA m Ai]\t>ib mnÁ, no bAoi cnoiúe cu)\ai-ó 7 mncmn pAnnupA Aice itteic fniA fonngAife iccip pop p\n ccác 1 Beginning of Spring. — Io melc is derived Sedna, son of Fergus Ceannfoda, son of from immefolc, the beginning of spring, or Conall Gulban. See p. vii., antea. from oi-mels, sheep-milk, this being the time 3 MacSwiny of Tir B. — His chief dwel- when the sheep give milk. In O'Con- ling was Bawan, in the parish of Kilcar, nell's MS. Irish Diet, it is explained Feil barony of Banagh. BrigMe, i-e., Brigid's festival, February 4 Maelmuire. — i.e., tonsured in honour 1st. The Book of Rights, liii. of Mary, the servant of Mary; it is often 2 Tir Hugh. — A barony in the south of latinized- Marianus. Many Irish names are Co. Donegal. It has its present name formed from the word mael prefixed to from Aodh (Hugh), son of Ainmire, son of names of Saints. 39 back to their abode of psalmody, to their pleasant hospitable dwelling, and 1592. drove away the savage foreigners. As for Hugh O'Donnell, he returned to Ballyshannon and remained there. He called in physicians to examine his feet, but they could not cure him until his two great toes were cut off in the end, and he was not quite "* recovered for a whole year. However, he did not omit during that time to do what was necessary to unite the people, to destroy and slay thieves, and to avenge his wrongs on his enemies. He was on his sick-bed, as we have said, from the beginning of spring 1 to April. When he saw the great cold of the spring season departing and the summer weather approaching, it seemed to him a long time to be on his sick-bed without leaving the castle where he was, for his physicians did not permit him, and what he did, contrary to their prohibition, was to send messengers to the Cinel Conaill (such of them as were obedient to his parents), and to assemble and collect them to the east of the well known mountain, i.e., Bearnas More of Tir Hugh. 2 He resolved to go himself to the meeting, and those that were to the west of the mountain which we have mentioned assembled to him. O'Boyle came, Tadhg Oge, son of Tadhg, son of Turlough, a famous chief of the Cinel Conaill ; MacSwiny of Tir Boghaine 3 came, Donough, son of Maelmuire 4 Meirgeach, 5 son of Maelmuire, son of Niall. He was the third man who was in command of the mercenaries of the King of Hy Conaill, MacSwiny Fanad 6 and MacSwiny na dtuath being the two others. Those to the east of the mountain who came to the same gathering were O'Donnell, his own father, Hugh, son of Manus, son of Hugh Oge, son of Hugh Roe, with his wife, i.e., Ineen Dubh, daughter of James, son of Alexander, son of John Cathanac, mother of Hugh ; the daughter of Mac Cailin 7 was her mother. It was an advantage that she came to the gathering, for she was the head of advice and counsel of the Cinel Conaill, and though she was slow and very deliberate and much praised for her womanly qualities, she had the heart of a hero and the soul of a soldier, 6 Meirgeach. — i.e., wrinkled. was the chief of this territory until he was Fanad. — This district forms the N.E. driven from it by the MacSwinys. Topog. * extremity of the barony of Kilmacrenan, Poems, xx. extending from Lough Swilly to Mulroy 7 Mac Cailin. — i.e., Mac Callum Mor, the Lough, and from the sea southwards to Ra- Earlof Argyle. Aiterherfirsthusband'sdeath melton. According to O'Dugan. O'Breslin she married Turlough Luineach O'Neill. 40 conecfpcAip, 7 pop Acete pAinpeA-o occ Aicé a htnbc 7 a hecópA -jrop 5Á6 nÁon ■oon Aipilbe-o, (x no biot> buitme ioiitoa a 1iAbbAin 7 ApAibb •oéipfn'ocoib pop a cop 7 pop a ccomtriAr, pop a cuitbthe 7 pop a cuApApcAib bu-o-oem •00 jpeAp, 7 50 fAinpf-óAc m Aipfcc bAoi a hiac (ah 11uat)), hi ccmibi-oecc 7 bi ctnrii peach 05 ^AblAib. UAimc 'oati ipn corh-oAit éfcnA itiac Suibne tia ecu ac GójAn ócc hiac 6ojAin oicc mic CogliAin rhóiji 1111c *OoiiinAitl, 6t hiac Sinbne pÁnAcc, 'OotfinAtt itiac Uoipp-ohebbAij 1111c 1XÚAit>pi. t}Á pé 10HA-Ó e]\-ÓAÍcA m po xxsbpAC ha iiiAice , oiblinib iccibl mic nenÁm m eiopriiC-óon cpioch<\ic cét> cenúit tuij-oeAÓ ppi tíViAinn aii cuató, Aipni m po IiaIc Cotunib citle tiiac peilim tmc fepjupA aii iiaoiíi aiíi]ia -oo cenét coriAitb, (x, po bA-ó -oó po pocujf-ó ah ceAlt cfcup, (x Apnincepme po hoip- ■onuijce ua "OoriiriAibl hi cCnnAchc riA cpiche, 7 bA pé AipdniroeAC iia cible fol. 11.0. c f ccnA tio oi]roneA-ó, Gt pobÁ-ó Ap ónóip 7 Ap Aipirnccm -oo haoh'i cotumb -oo 5111C1 •oin nropn ía cenét cconAitb. 13aca]i unoppo -opopgA -oiAipmhe x>o cenét ccotiAibt íia caii jAcop hipuit>e -oon cuppm. t)A •oibprae &óx> ítiac -dét)A 015 mic Aét)hA TtúÁm \)& T)iob pbiochc An CAbbAií; rrnc niAjnupA mic Ae-oliA óicc. Ko bACAp beóp -opong riióp vo cÍAnn cSuibne iia ccpecummApcc ÍAp riA ccopAnn Ap a ccíp ó cém riiAip 7 Ap Ann po AiccpeAbpAc pop up tocliA "PeAbAit mic boccAm, & ApiAcc bA cuipij niomjonA, 7 bA cuAipccni-óe cacIia oon CaUí>ac1i ua •óorhnAibl 6; 'oiApio'l nA"of5riAi-oh. TI1 cAmmc Ann oT)ocliAp- . CA15, SeAAn 05 CAOipeAÓ cpiochAic cet» hmpe lieógliAin mic Heitt, uAip Apé 1 Scotland. — The employment of Scotch See The Battle of Magh Leana, p. 106. auxiliaries about this time was very com- O'Donovan says the cantred contained mon in the north of Ireland. Frequent thirty ballybetaghs or one hundred and mention is made of them in The Annals twenty quarters of land, each quarter con- F. M. It was but natural that Ineen taining one hundred and twenty Irish acres. Dubh should put special reliance on her Tribes, dr*c, of Hy Fiachrach, p. 149. See countrymen. ' The Townland Distributions of Ireland,' 2 Both places. — i.e., from the east and by Reeves, in The Transactions of the from the west of Bearnas More. R J.A., vii., 473; Dublin, i860. . 3 Cantred. — So the Irish triochat is 4 Leannan. — It rises in the south of the usually translated. O'Curry quoting from barony of Kilmacrenan, and flowing to the an ancient Irish poem, says there were N.E., passes close to the villages of Dromore thirty townlands in each cantred. A town- and Kilmacrenan, and falls into Lough land sustained 300 cows and contained Swilly at Ramelton. It was the boundary twelve ploughlands besides, the ploughland of Fanad. being as much as a six-horse plough could 6 Erenach. — The origin of this word is plough in a whole year. For instance, very doubtful. Colgan says he was a person Meath is said to contain eighteen cantreds, appointed to exercise authority over those Connaught thirty more, Ulster thirty-five. who held church lands. Trias Thaum., p. 4i inasmuch as she exhorted in every way each one that she was acquainted with, and her husband especially, to avenge his injuries and wrongs on each according to his deserts. She had many troops from Scotland, 1 and some of the Irish at her call and under her control, in her hire and pay constantly, and especially during the time that her son (the Roe) was in prison and confined by the English. There came to the same meeting MacSwiny na dtuath, Owen Oge, son of Owen Oge, son of Owen More, son of Donnell, and MacSwiny Fanad, Donnell, son of Turlough, son of Maclmuire. The precise place where the nobles of both places 2 came together was at Kilmacrenan, in the middle of the cantrcd 3 of the Cinel Lughaidh, on the north of the Leannan, 4 the place where Columkille, son of Feidhlimhidh, son of Fergus, the renowned saint of the Cinel Conaill was fostered, and it was by him the church was first established, and in it the O'D'onnell was inaugurated in the chieftaincy of his territory, and it was the erenach 5 of the same church that inaugurated him; and it was through respect and reverence for St. Columb that this was done there by the Cinel Conaill. There were also innumerable bodies of the Cinel Conaill who did not come there on that occasion. Of these was Hugh, son of Hugh Oge, son of Hugh Roe. They were the descendants of Calvagh, 6 son of Manus, son of Hugh Oge. Among those also who took no part in it was also a large number of the clann Swiny, who, having been banished from their territory long before, dwelt then on the margin of the Lough of Fcbal, 7 son of Lottan, and they were the leaders in battle and captains of fight of Calvagh O'Donncll and of his posterity successively. Shane Oge O'Doherty, 8 chieftain of the cantred of the island of 631. In some places the office seems to have been hereditary. The Four Masters use * the word as synonymous with abbot. On this question, see O'Hanlon's Life of St. Malachy, p. 116, Todd's Life of St. Patrick, p. 160; Dublin, 1864, Cotton's Visitation, edited by Reeves, p. 4 ; Dublin, 1850. 6 Calvagh. — See Introd., pp. xii. and exxv., for the reasons why his descendant did not join Hugh Roe O'Donnell. 7 Lough of Febal. — Now Lough Foyle. It is an inlet of the sea which divides the counties of Derry and Donegal ; at its mouth it is only a mile in width, at its widest part it is over ten. In ancient times all the extent of water from Lifford to the sea went by this name. Lodan was one of the Tuatha De Danaan chieftains. 8 O'Doherty— This family was descended from Conall Gulban. See Introd., p. xii. Shane O'Doherty spoken of here died in 1600; he was father of Sir Cahir, about whom see Meehan's Flight of the Earls, p. 191. 4 2 An quocliAcécrin narnn -oeojAn ó ConAiti vo chuna nonnA, 7 v>vy ymc co ceméb cconAitt 1n pnchifi. l3<\cAn "o^ong mó\\ x>o mumcin 5 A ^cobAi|\ ^ati cechc Ant) AiriAii chÁch qÚA miorcAir 7 tmpún. lAn cAnccLomA-ó An UACA1T) rtói j pn 1n ccfnn a chéLe, no eicin"óebi jffc An Aijuj; 7 An UArAiL nnAijm yo\\ Leic 7 ^AbAicc ac cq\út> a con'iAinte 7 05 a rcpút)A'ó 7 05A nenrroeiccri cionnur 110 poibqicAir a nAiriAicc, 7 no bCncAir ro Anein t>o nni>iri An các AcnulA lnnuqiÁÓAr ÚAitnb 7 AmbAÓi itro CrAoncA pnú "oo cenét conAitt yo -óéin. t)A rAin 'oeiri-ó t,A-p nA niAicib 7 La Iiúa n"OoriinAilt reipn (o no AijnjCrcAin a enipce 7 ATÓble a Aoiri) a cijeAnnAr "oo ceL^eA-ó tma mAc . 1 . t>o Aox) UÚAt) Gt ó "OorimAitb T)o 5AIJWI "óe. 1lo rhotrAc cÁch biccoiccint)e n coiriAi]\Le hifin, Gc no gmce rAmLAiú. T)o nAccAt) ah CAi|icbmt)eAc mA rAiji-ó úa pnjpt ArjAcorhnAic. tlo oi|vonfrcAinp'óe An cúó-ó "RvLvo 1n ccCnnAcc 114 qnche 1a yoncon^nA (x La beAnt>Ac1icAin a ac1ia]\, 6t bo nome o]vo An aiitha feib Ar cechcA no bA ^nAÉ t>ÍA cenéb 50 pn, 7 T)o ^A-pA o 'OomnAitb -oe. ^AbAicc ctejnc ha citle occ Ccca]\- jufóe An choiiii-oe , ó -OA]! a chCVm, 6: occ cahcahi prAtm 7 hymon mt> onoin Cprc 7 An ChoUnmb AquibjiAinon 1111 - nroínrinje a p\,AiciurA AtiiAib jta bér -oóib. fo<\ 1npn qtCr bAiche -oo rhír ITIai -oo ront>nA"oh jto jAinmCó a 5Ai)\m ]>Iaca t>eporn -oon chuji pn. 1592. Uni]\ceccA Aót>a Ruato ÍAnoiti no 1ioi)voneA-ó nit) lotiA-ó a aca|\ aitiaiL nobd céchcA, níp nelicc eipieiT>eAt> nAn A|\ pobcAp uvo cenét n6ojAin bA coilb popccAib ft bA *oop -oiTnn no jpép ■da jac Á011 -oo cenél ccoiiaiUI pA Tjém no ppiochAp-OATj & no unpfpnAigeA-o m AjATÓ a pplACA píptrílip, & nip bo 'oóibp'óe nAmÁ ac1ic "oa jac neAch m eccAipcpich no biot> ippitbepc nó mo eccpAiccfp ppi cenéb ConAilb An a nnorcAir uto. -ApAitb beóp ni|\ boc CAip'ofiiiLACC ft m]\ boc CApAcpA-o 1111 op. oite -oon cbup pm Ua 11 éibb (UoippbebbAc t,uineAC hiac lléitb conAbbAij;) 7 An ciAptd ó TléiLb (Aóx) mAc "Pipx)oipce) pobA t)epbipip T)ópoiii 6: "oía ACAip •00 jper, coitat) Ap ha pocAibpm bA poppa -oucpeccAip -ouLa iccoppAÓ "oo pponiA-ó a cé-ogAipci-ó 7 -oimbfpc a Aincpni>e ft a bApAinx)e. 1a]\ -pocbcAin •oon úaúa-ó ptóijpm 1 ccenét CojAin po cpoicpfcc ft po mxnppecc An poba conimCpArh Tjóib *oon cpicli. goncAp, AipLijcfp gAch Áon pob méchcA a]\a pugpAcc An ptoj. puAippfcc 0-oa1a 1011TOA bó 7 x)Amh, 7 jac mt)ite Ap cfnA ip TlA compocpAibe. "001 j m TjeAchAccop pAibcbe pfmpu. til po pAoibpCcc cpA An cíp -Ao-oh Uuat) "oo eipghe 1n cqiAicce Ap An bighe ochpAipp AmbAoi, ft m diA|TOpAc tha nóiT>h ft til bAoi pop mfnniAin x>óib ceicheAt)h pi a ccenél cconAiLb ó chém liiÁip. -Ap Ann cpA bAoi •oúnÁpAp uí tléitb (Ulioipp-óeAbbAi j "Ltnmj;) An ioiibAi-ó pin Ap An ScpAchmbÁn bAiL hi coriipAic ah -oa pdiAbAnn poppA^A-ó -oíle ha -of-oliAij ppi ApoiLe . 1 . "Pionn ft 1TloT)hApn, ft mp bo jnAC AiccpeAb iu\ Ai]\ipmiii uí néitb In pui-ohe 511 p ah ccoipp-oeALbAC liipm. 11ip uó moi-oe pAinpepc Aóx)1ta IIuato im Ua lléitb ótc cÍiuaLa gop po "óÁbpotfi ATjochum *oi a nfpcAt) m ajIiato cenét conAibb ft &ox>h& 1111c pipTjopcViA 1111c Cuimi bACAij (popA ca'^a ft po bA cliAn'iAin "oópoiii) "oi CAipcin Ai|\]ir>f]\cA cAipcin uuilip ft cAipcm puLopc An AnniAnnA co •oib céx)Aib LaocIi Leó combÁco]i ÍAip An CAnpm, ft m AiicAip "oo jpep ac1ic acc bpAch & cAipcceleA-ó ah cípe mA ccnncheAit. 1Da cocpATD mfniiiAn, 7 bA coimbpipeA-ó cpnolie Ía 1iAó"ob úa n"OoiiinoiH 1 Friendly. — See an account of the battle that took place eight years before this near Strabane, between Turlough Luineach and Hugh O'Neill, in which Turlough and his English allies were defeated, in Annals F. M., v. 1 813. 2 Straba7ie. — i.e., the white strand, a town in Co. Derry, sixteen miles south of Derry. The site of O'Neill's residence is said to be that occupied by Castle House, in Castle Street. No trace of it remains. 3 Left behind.— 'The Irish Annalists make frequent mention of the bursting forth of lakes and rivers throughout the country. They even go so far as to set down the very year when these eruptions took place. 4 Willis — The outrages and exactions practised by him and the English under his 45 English. There was another reason too, for the Cinel Eoghain were a 1592. wood of refuge and a bush of shelter at all times for every one of the Cinel Conaill itself who opposed and resisted their own true prince, and not only for them but for every one in other territories who was in opposition to or in enmity with the Cinell Conaill by reason of their hatred of them. Besides, the O'Neill, i.e., Turlough Luineach, son of Niall Conallach, and the Earl O'Neill, i.e., Hugh, son of Ferdoragh, who was always attached to Hugh and to his father, were not friendly 1 and affectionate to each other then. Wherefore, for these reasons it was against them he wished to go first to perform his first feat of arms and to display his enmity and anger. When that small force had come to Cinel Eoghain, they harassed and preyed that part of the country near them. Every one fit to bear arms whom the army got hold of was wounded and slain. They found much spoil of cows and oxen and every sort of beast too in the neighbourhood, because warnings had not preceded them, nor, indeed, did the people of the territory imagine that Hugh Roe would rise so soon from the sick-bed on which he was, and they did not conceive in their thoughts nor did it occur to their minds to fly before the Cinel Conaill for a long time before. At that time the residence of the O'Neill (Turlough Luineach) was at Strabane, 2 the place of meeting of the two ancient rivers which the deluge left behind 3 together, i.e., the Finn and the Mourne, and it was not the custom of the O'Neill to dwell or stay there, except this Turlogh. The affection of Hugh Roe for O'Neill was not increased whes he learned that he had invited to him to strengthen himself against the Cinel Conaill and Hugh, son of Ferdoragh, son of Conn Bacach (who was his friend and brother-in-law), two famous captains named Captain Willis 4 and Captain Folart, 5 together with two hundred soldiers who were with him at that time, and they never ceased espying and prying about the country all around. It was anguish of mind and a great heartbreak to Hugh O'Donnell that command in Fermanagh and later in Done- 5 Folart. — He is called by the Four Mas- gal, while Hugh Roe was confined in ters Foal, vi. 1983, and Fool by O'Sullevan. Dublin Castle, are given by him and by Hist. Cath., p. 165. His name seems to Maguire as the chief reasons whytheytook have been Fuller; so we may infer from CC. up arms. See pp. xlvii. and liii., antea. MSS., iii. p. 156. 4 6 5iyi "oo iTTonAX) ciyi TleogViAin. *Oo ia^Viaicc AiccyeAbaij An ciye An "oajia yechc conA ccyim 7 conA ccCchyAib conA monrriArAib & ó "oo cofcc m iomx)oriiAin An cine, Ay Ann ac ctiAy "oó úa tleitb (coi]iyóeAt- bAcb) conA yochyAToe 5AUI (x jAoibeAbfx conA yloj An cCYia vo bic mA com- yoch|\Aib f± iriA nuyyoichitl. Oc chuAlAyomh cyA An niyni, no gAiyrmcc yo cCccoiy a cbotfiAiybij 7 ACtnngCohA cacIia cuja, Gt o *oo yiAchcAccAy Acyé"o nA 13.«. yccébA cecnA "óóib, Gfc An coiycc rniA mbúi occa cco^ViAiym conepeyc yynl Ac cÚAbÁyA eíccm bA bÁoy yfya 7 coldiy guyAb -ofyb Ayoycc Aiyyofyc o chfm, 5AÓ yltiAj nAC yAi^h yAijpbfy. Ayoe aca bfmyA m-oym, Ay eyiorn, t>ia byAyccbAm An cyioc -oon chuyyA 6c. cut ■oo cochAy yyi Ay nAiriroib non bfnyAicyibe yoy Ay buyg 6t yoy Ay yyoilbitichc X)1A|\ yyobAiyc co yeodiAiy inAy n-oiuiT), 7 bix> t)Cyb teó guy Ab cbÁy 6c amme yo *oe)iA -óum gAn AmonyoijeAb icciy. ITIa-ó eo -oo ^CYiAimne cécuy a yyobAiyc ymrh hi yeccyA co hAifinuy Ain'oiu'o my yetccye An UAiriAn 7 An cyit>CnbAy -ooibyiorii nAC tDon Ainyyme eccyonn yibCc miAiite yym Ay cojyAim t>o yioiyi. Uo rhobyAc cac Ay cCYia An coifiAiyie hiyin. *Oo jniAcc iAyon'i yAiy atíiaií AcyubAiycyiuvh, Ay -oo bejtcyAc yobAiyc biobbA-o 6c Annnuy AnroiAyyAij yoyyA nm-onieoon bAoi t>o yotro^iATi). Oc chiAccyorfi cenél ConAitt t>ia yAijix) m yo AnyAC yyiú, acc ciC^aic yoy a moinjAbAil 50 Ayoibe CAiyciAtt yo bui yoy ' TirEoghain. — i.e., the territory of Eoghan the Irish Annals by the name of O'Conor son of Niall of the Nine Hostages. For of Glen Geimhin. Keenaght is a barony its limits seeTAe Book of Cazl/i/i,pp .395-405. in N.W. of Co. Derry. Top. Poems,xvi. 2 Ciatiachta. — The tribe called Cianachta, 3 GHnne Geimhin. — The name is preserved i.e., the race of Cian, was descended from in that of the old church of Dungiven, in Cian, son of Olioll Olum, king of Munster the southern part of the barony of Keenaght. in the third century. After the establish- 4 Attacked. — This same saying occurs in ment of surnames the principal family of a poem by O'Slevin, in which he urges Cianachta of this territory took the sur- O'Neill to give battle to Brian Borumha. name of O'Conor, and is distinguished in War of the Gaedhil, &°c., p. 125. 47 the English of Dublin should obtain a knowledge of his patrimony or of 1592. the province either, for it was not easy to establish a friendship with any one who was reported to be in amity with the English on account of the great information and knowledge which they had, and of the vindictiveness with which they had inflicted cruelties on him without cause. When he had wasted the territories, as we have said, he returned to his own country. Hugh O'Donnell did not delay long after that, for he went back on that day week to plunder Tir Eoghain. 1 The inhabitants of the country, a second time, with their herds and flocks, with their treasures and chattels, went away, in order to fly and avoid capture, to the remotest places they could. He went with his forces in pursuit of them and on their track until he came to Cianachta 2 Glinne Geimhin, 3 and when he had gone far into the territory, he was told that Turlough O'Neill with his force of both English and Irish and with his own troops also was in the neighbourhood and awaiting him. As soon as he heard that, he called his counsellors and his heroes in battle to him immediately, and when they had come he told them the same • tidings and the business for which he had summoned them, and said to them : ' I have heard it for certain from persons of knowledge and experi- ence that the well known saying has always proved true : every army which does not attack will be attacked. 4 Wherefore, it seems to me' said he, ' if we abandon the territory now and turn our backs to our enemies, they will follow on our track and on our footsteps to attack us boldly on our rear, and they will feel sure that weakness and fear is our reason for not attacking them at all. But if we first make the attack now boldly, obstinately, fear and deadly terror will not allow them or the*foreign tribe that is with them to follow us again.' All alike approved of that opinion. They did then in regard to it as he said, for they made a resolute attack and an angry advance on them in the middle of the day exactly. When they saw the Cinel Conaill coming towards them, they did not wait for them, but went off to escape from them to a certain castle 5 that was on the bank of the Roe, 6 this is a river 6 Castle. — The castle of Limavaddy. the barony of Keenaght, and running due Roe. — This river rises in the Sperrin north, falls into Lough Foyle six miles above mountains, near the southern boundary of Limavaddy. 4 8 b\\ú 11A 1Ioa, AbAnn iribe pi hi ciAnAchcAib gbmne geninn. X)& "OAingeAn "oiéojÍAi'óe An CAirciALL tuny no bui cLocaLL CAij\ivc;it)e -oo cAoib be cotu\ Laitica a beim t>on t-eé -oia mbvn. bACA]\ ioLa]\ mú]\ 6t móncLArAb (x cLaí> ccoiii'OAingfn t>on cAob a}iaiLL -oe coiia Laii'ica ní bó. bA -oion rtóig 7 focliAibe An cAirciAÍt 1n]-m, 7 111]» uo hfnurA a lomrtnbe ico]i. O |\AngACA]\ rorii po -OAmgeAn ah -oúnAib niA fíu nAimcc La Iiúa n'OoirmAiLL conA fluAj nochcAin nerinb, jeibAib o 'OorimAilL Lon^nojic "oon cÁoib A|tAitL'oon AbAinn 50 aji a bA]iAch. T)ÁtA uí ChACAin, 1íuató|ai 1111c 111 AjnurA micDoncliAib nnc SCahi cóiriuch An cine, fAoibir AceccA x>o fAijit) uí "OhorhnAiLL, 7 -pccnibenn ÍAir. -ArCb bui fcifurotu oca aj nA-ó gun bó -daLca bórorh o T)oirinAiLL niAfAn cAn rm, GL 50 nonCViAircc ACAnAcnAb ó cfm fjuf, 7 no pÁip cIiucca 1nomAinccibe bó (An "OAn bAir) An AbA An chA]\AcnAib hirm An ccneich bA ■our fAinicc ro]i a^ao^aiii & coniAi|\ce "oo LegeAb bó An lonbAibpn, 7 nAC Ar neitccreAó chnccA "oo nróiri t>iA mbecriorii ron a Luncc. Ro cmjeAlL beor "oa cneAbArii "oécc niAncAc t)o úa "OÓithhaLL aji f Aoine, 7 rnÁbAb x>on ch'Ác X)o •oeAÓACAn pon a ionc1iAib T>on cunrm. Soai|' ó 'OorhnAiVl yon cúIa-ó, acíic nA mÁ no Ai]\ir wpn cqnc "oiAjtbo nuibtCr nA bú -oia ccAncc comAince 50 cenn ceo|\A noibce con ALÁib ojaLoc 7 occÁ tAinifubLeAt) 50 niAchc ro -oeoit) 50 a cín reirm. O ^AnAic-pum 50 a •óúnAnAr 50 "Oun iia n^ALL "oerib hiruibiu, 7 t>o bpfcíiA a Lei^e chuccA -oo choimchijrm a chorr, €fc AnAib occa ocjtAr rni né X)Á miojp, 7 no Lécc cumrAHAt) "oíÁ flog An Ainfcc ipin. t)A ycoA tAirunii no bui úa HéibL con a ^AÍÍAib ^An yuAbAi^c -ppir m |ié pn. tlo cAnccboniA-ó a rlo^ tha fAijm ía|\ cAi]icc]-m An •oa mwy AC|\ub]ioniAn, 7 -oo coirlfc A|f ca|1 "bfimA^ nio]\, ca|\ pnn, caji 1llot)Aii\n, ^i?^ a u rc|\AC mbÁn bAite nr,bACA|\ nA gAitl 7 úa 11 éiLL 'our aii ccAinpccif AmboCgliAÍ. O nA ]:A]i5bACA]\ nA 5Aitb "OAingCn An •óúnAi'ó t)iA f):obAincporii aiíiai1 b& mfnmAnc 'óóib, bA ret> "oo nón^Au cfmce 7 cCitoáIa *oax>ú-ó 7 'oa tiAntiAb hi cCtConA hAi]TOe An bAile, 7 m ]vo rccA]\fAr fjtt|« gu|\ |io 1 Strong part. — Donjon, the strong tower. 2 O'Ca/ian. — These were a branch of the Cinel Eoghain. In the twelfth century they drove out the O'Conors. The Book of Rights, p. 50, n. An account of this clan will be found in The Ulster Journal of Archccology, iii. 1. ; Belfast, 1855. 3 Horse-trappings. — These are often mentioned in The Book of Rights as being given by the chiefs to the kings as a tribute, and by the kings to the chiefs as a stipend. Thus ' the truly heroic king of Ui Liathain was entitled to a steed and trappings (from) across the high sea ' from the king of Cashel. p. 83. 1 Finn — This river rises in Lough Finn, 49 in Cianachta Glinne Geimhin. The castle was strong and impregnable, for 1592. there was a steep cliff by the side of it, so that it was not possible to leap over on the side where it was. There were numerous walls and a great trench and a strong rampart on the other side, so that no attempt could be made on it. That castle was a shelter for a host and an army, and it was not easy to besiege it. As they had reached the strong part 1 of the castle before Hugh O'Donnell and his army could succeed in coming there, O'Donnell encamped on the other side of the river till the next day. As to Rory O'Cahan, 2 son of Manus, son of Donough, son of John, chief of the territory, he sent a messenger to O'Donnell and with him a letter. In it he said that O'Donnell was his foster-son before this time, and that he had entered into friendship long before with him, and he sent him word that it would be becoming, he thought, owing to tha^t friendship, that he should leave to him the property which had come under his care. and pro- tection, and he would never again admit such if he was in pursuit of it. He promised also twelve horse-trappings 3 to O'Donnell if he would secure and protect all who had come for protection to him then. O'Donnell withdrew, but yet he remained in the country which owned the cattle to which he gave protection for the space of three days and three nights, plundering and wasting it, and then at last he came to his own territory. When he came to his castle at Donegal he remained there, and his physicians were brought to him to examine his feet ; the illness remained with him for the space of two months, and he allowed his troops to rest during that time. It seemed to him long that O'Neill and his English should not have been attacked during that time. He assembled his troops after two months' preparation of which we have spoken, and they went off through Bearnas More across the Finn, 4 across the Mourne to Strabane, the place where the English and O'Neill were, to see if he could do them harm. Since the English did not leave the strong part of the castle in order to attack them, as they were anxious they should do, what they did was to kindle and light up fires and conflagrations in the four quarters of the town, and they did not go away until they had burned and in the barony of Boylagh in west Donegal, Lifford, where the united rivers take the and flowing due east, joins the Mourne at name of the Foyle. 5o toipgpfc 7 $up po iiToi|vpfc Ambm oo coijib ppi mújtAi'b peAÓcAip, €fc rti« pop ctnppfc OAp cfnt) 'oo pÁic combA top t>o cochAp neich pop lompoVl 7 AinéoL ah •oLuniicéo oiax) t)o "oeAchATj f-o imcbiAn on mbAibe, (x bA ipin ochcniAt) "oecc I11L11 t>o ponA-o mopm. O nACAn^ACAp cpA ha 5 A1 bl "OAnACAb riAc •onirofghAit, An bAiLe poppA, pAjbAicpmrh é ían ha opccum pArhtATÓ ft, ciCjAicc -oía ccijib cen nAc ppicbeApc ppm. lomcupA Aó-oh& uí tléiLb (ah ia]\Ia) ac piAOAp punn pCccAt nAite, ó no A1|TI 5porh lomcnut) 7Ainmme A'oCpbpme but) -oem ppi Húa nT)orhnAiLt 7cCnCbit ConAiti uile Ache mATj bfg, 7 AmbCic A5 pubAipc jjaVI *Ouiblinni pAip, Apft> "oo pome pAijni> aii Aipioj; no bui ppi Laiiti Ttij Saccau m imp CpeAnn, 1. uuiiLiAm pizuuittiAin, Are no bAluror An cAn pm, Gto-oo ■óeAcliAt) m a "óocom Acbepc ppip conoup piocpAÓ o "OorimAiVl po chopA (x cAoncborhpAC cbuccA tha fol.14.ff. ccAp'OAt) AnACAt 7 lompnATjATj "óó Ap AbA An étú'óA ac pubA. UmjeAbbAip All 1 11 pop co.bpmghbice ArhAit po InopnA-omcA UA-opom. ScpiobdiAp ppocexoon if pom peb "oo pioncoipg -Acrab ó tléitb oon pcpibnró, (x vo pAC An 1upop a bAirii pAip, Gc T)o pAcpAc An pfnAfj Ap chCYiA. 1lo *óÁb An 1upop chu^A j;up An ccac]\ai j pit pop bpú cpAgliA bAite mic bÚAin eiop mm "oeAÍ^An 7 tntnp. -dn ScpAic bAibeACA coiimAic, & ac bepcnAch ApbépA-ó ó T)omnAitt peAcViAbu-ó •ofpp 50 h&t cbÍAC. CeibeAbpAip Aovh ó tléiVl oon Aipij & "oon cpCYiAX) ifp CAin, Gb unpen "oía 05, Gc mp uó cÍAn An lo-ónAróe 00 pome An cAn po ApccnÁ 1 ccpAice 1pm pfcc Gb 1pm pbijeb ó mm gdiAinn mic CAcbAfó piApcuÁró ^ac ntnpeAcn 50 pAimcc *Oún 114 njAtt Aipm AmbAoi "OorimAitt. Hi po pACAi^icc 50 po cbApbUnngpCc An •oiopmA pop fAn ppAidice. tlobcAp poilo^ pfmmb An các bAoi pop Accint> ÍAp tiA ppiop pcét. t)Áoi ó "OomnAibL in a ti§e pop a lonroAt) ocpAip, ft m po cbtntiAinj Cipje m eAÍtiiiA -oo piA-ótijA-ó nA nAoroet) T)o piAcbACAp A-oochom, 7 ó nA CAoiimACCAip iccip oo caCcc ACx> ó tléitt •oia Aicpeop 50 a lortroAX), & acc pet> t>o An coipcc nil a cwócIia-ó. ^cbepc pom nÁp bo ÍAinn lAip, 7 nÁp bó ptÁn a itifnniA -oía •out ippeAciiApcAp nA 1 Fitzwilliam. — His grandfather was in from 292 to 212 B.C.; he lived about the the train of Cardinal Wolsey, and earned beginning of our era. An account of his the notice of Henry VIII., who knighted romantic death caused by grief for the loss his son. Sir W. was Lord Deputy five of Aillinn, grand-daughter of Fergus, king times between 1560 and 1594- His des- of Leinster, will be found in O'Curry's MS. cendant, Earl Fitzwilliam, is the owner of Materials, p. 465. He was buried on the extensive estates in Ireland. sea shore, whence the name the Strand of 2 B., son of Biian. — He was fifth in des- Baile. cent from Rudhraighe, who was ardrigh 3 Stradbally.— This name is now obsolete- Si plundered all the houses close to the walls outside, and until they drove off" 1592. immediately many of a large number of horses they met wandering about confused by the thick cloud of smoke which came a long distance from the town. It was on the iSth of July this took place. As the English did not come meanwhile to guard or protect the town from them, they left it after wasting it in this way and went to their homes without any opposition. With respect to the Earl Hugh O'Neill who has been mentioned already, when he perceived the envy and anger of his own tribe, all but a few, against Hugh O'Donnell and all the Cinel Conaill, and that they were urging on the English of Dublin against him, what he did was to go to the noble- man who was Deputy of the English King in the island of Erin, viz., William Fitzwilliam, 1 for he was Lord Justice then ; and when he went in to him he told him that O'Donnell would come to make peace and friendship if he gave him protection and complete security in reference to the escape which he had effected. The Lord Justice promised that it should be given as it was agreed on by him. A protection was written then as Hugh O'Neill directed the Secretary, and the Lord Justice put his signature to it, and the Council put theirs also. The Lord Justice invited him to meet him at the town which is on the edge of the strand of Baile mic Buan, 2 between Dundalk and the sea, that is Stradbally, 3 and he said he would not bring O'Donnell further southwards to Dublin. Hugh O'Neill took leave of the Viceroy and Council then and went home, and the stay he made then was not long, for he went immediately by the way and the road from the Dun of Genann, son of Cathbadh, north-west exactly, until he came to Donegal, where O'Donnell was. The troop was not noticed till they dismounted on the green. 4 Every one who met them was rejoiced hearing the news. O'Donnell was lying on his sick-bed, and he could not rise readily to entertain the guests who had come to him ; and as he could not, Hugh O'Neill went to his bedside to confer with him, and told him the business on which he had come. He said it was not agreeable to him, nor was his mind satisfied to go into the presence of the English, since the 4 Green. — The Irish word faitJtche means part of the present town of Wexford, which a green or enclosed space attached to a in former times lay outside the walls, still fort. See Reeves' Adamnan, p. 360, n. A goes by this name. G 52 M^aIL Ó \\0 c(/0Alj A11 CAOin *OÍA "00 eCOj^CCAriAT) pnÚ, A|l A "ÓAIÚe 7 A|1 A ATóbte po imbifipVc ah AncnoiT>e pvip jaii picliATin, cix> p<\ pú pobA-ó *oion rmconiToin -do chAbAinc 'oó, acc a|\ a aoi nó nA^A-o LAiporh •oíaitia-ó Có bA"ó cob "óó. Da 'otntij Tjópmi ctinbeAchc An cupAp pn, uai|\ pobcAn cpéchcnAi jce Acbop~A, 7 ni no híocAic tdo pÁic o po bfnAt) a OjvoAin -oe |-eb AcpubnAmon. t)ACA-p1ii ■jrpAnpA'ó Anoile aíi a"óai j pn acc cmneA-ó AccoiiiAi]\be,& ó po ómnpCc ón "oo corhlAc A-p Ap a bA-pAch -oipm mApcAC, & m -|\o aii^ac "oia jjeimim (acc 111A-Ó inti 01-óchib nAmÁ) 50 nAn^ACAp SpAcbAibe •óuíne -óeAb^An. £0 jAibic ah 1típ;ír pjp Accmt) An -oti pn psb "oo pnjeAbb. UAinblmpc ah -óíovvniA Í0I.14.Í. fon lonbAinn An -oúme, 7 piorolncc Ann An A-ohAigpn. O DorhnAilb q\A ó 11Á ]\o cbumjArcAi^ cCirrmiujA-ó yop a chop^Aib ac1ic mAno cip?AT) pop eocb, •our pec An Itrpcif po t)fin "01A f'Aigit) Ainm imbui & p\iLcmjir pAiii, (x •oit^Air 'oó An cébi'ix) T)o noíne, 7 jac cion a|\ cbCViA. 1a|\ nAix>m pot)"hA 7 ca]\ac]\ai*ó "óófon'i pnp ah 1uprir A-pA hAich'le, cebeAbpAip vó (x pájbAfó bCnnAcbcAin, -00 bepc ÍApoiii L&im pop imcechc T)o Aox> ó Héibb ah ccfccnA ÍA]1 ntténom AcopccA An'iÁib pobA tiaca bAip lompAic "oibbionib ppiocpopcc pop cúLax> ah conAip cu-ócliACAp ó a cajib co ccoppAchcACAp 50 Dún gfnAinn. t)ACAp achato iruixmi occ pLf-oliugA-o & occ Aipmcc ctnbe jrup 11 ó midnj La 1iúa n'OorimAiLb imcechc, & ó no cpiAVlpoiri iiropn CcoppcApATi) *oon cup pn ppip aii aCx> nAite j^ep bo hAnolCpcc beó niA iroír nnp^ApA-ó "oo bic Cco]\|\a. *Oo chÁocÍAnon'i o 'OomnAitb 50 p"Achc 50 TDun iia ti^Abb, 7 Aippr co béicc m a bijm oc]\aiv "oo p-óip ó fo cC\\x> a ÚAiiiAn -oe qMA lonnATÓm po'óA 7 cAoncon'i]íAic An lujxip O no 1iAipiei-óeAt) von roinmn bACAn ipncbfpr piipum -oo cenéb conAiib a ccoacIi 7 a cliAnA'oníVó •00 nAix>m 'óóporh pnr nA ^AbbAib, -our pccfcc focCx:zó\\\ 50 yoiiiÁmAijce yo fm tnA f Atgi*, & "oo bf]\rf acc a 0151161)1 iroó, yo bié iia]\ boc cÚAbAing cochAji no cAippurh pnu (ge^bAc iobA]\t)A An óicc) a]\ a]^ r\\(-\\-\ p^Aic po]u\. bA bCx) mx) p> mA-|" Aiiifj-ÓA "oon tnchc -our pxngACAnpo chónA diuccApoiii. *Oon Aimcc Ann cCtxur Aóx> hiac AótdIia "ouib uí 'OotimAitb, pnnp^ji p\,eAchcA 1 Peace. — Perhaps it is to this peace the mission, making a great show of sorrow for Lord Deputy refers in his lettter to Burgh- his misdemeanours committed, protesting ley, August 8th, 1592 : ' O'Donnell made henceforth to hold a more dutiful course of his repair to Dundalk the first of this month, life, and very willingly yielded himself to be and the next day in the church before a sworn to perform the several parts of his great assembly delivered his humble sub- submission and several other articles, 5,3 one God allowed him to escape from them, on account of their vindictive- 1592- ness and the extent of the cruelty which they had inflicted on him without reason, though before this it was hard to give him a refusal ; but yet he would go with him if it was his wish. It was painful to him to go on this journey for his feet were wounded, and they were not healed immediately after his two great toes were cut off, as we have said. They were together that night taking counsel, and when they had taken it they set off the next day with a troop of horse, and they did not stop on their road except at night, till they came to Strad- bally of Dun Delgan. The Lord Justice came to meet them there, as he had promised. The troop dismounted at the rear of the castle, and rested there that night. Since O'Donnell was not able to move about on his feet but only rode on horseback, the Lord Justice himself came to the place where he was and bade him welcome, and forgave him the escape he effected, and every fault beside. After he had entered into peace 1 and friendship with the Lord Justice, he then took leave of him and left him his blessing, and prepared then to depart. O'Neill did the like after he had completed his business to his satisfaction. They both returned by the same road they had come from their homes till they reached Dungannon. They were feasting and enjoying themselves there for a while, until Hugh O'Donnell thought it time to go away, and as he proceeded to part then from the other Hugh it was painful to both to be separated from each other. After that O'Donnell went his way until he came to Donegal, and he remained again in his sick-bed, as he had no fear, having entered into peace and friendship with the Lord Justice. When it was told to the party which was in opposition to him among the Cinel Conaill, that amity and friendship had been entered into between him and the English, they came immediately very submissively to him for peace, and they made full submis- sion to him, because they were not able to contend with or hold out against him, as his warriors were many ; for the strength of a prince are his men. These were the principal persons of those who came for peace to him. First came Hugh, 2 son of Hugh Dubh O'Donnell, the senior of the race whereof, as also of his said submission, 2 Hugh. — He was descended from a your Lordship shall herewith receive the younger son of the great-grandfather of copies.' C.S.P.I., v. 569. Hugh Roe. See p. xii. an tea. 54 *Oá1ai5 1111c IVhnpcfpcAi 5 cen mocliÁ -dó-ó tiiac ITlAjlinurA Gt hó. ppif "oo fAÚi- AiLce Abdch 1n cCn"OAchc nA qncne -oía éiri, fCp pCgAinn poibéfac, cfnnAir, cAijvo(Yn1iAit eirnbe con CineAch- con AonaC-ocliAine 7 con fngnAih, pein-oit) a]\ •pfin-oi'ófcc, pb An ptnoechc, & bA p|H-p ac bfi|\ci p?Achnón GpeAnn 1n coicchirrae gu]\ uo heiporii gtún •oCtóIViac ^Airccit) ^AOTÓeAb, úai]a bApMÍiAtcA "oo LugAfo iTiAC cén no t>o Upoitur itiac ppAim au mAncui jeAclic. 1)a liAicjm fo . 15.3. -oo com 11A cf]it>A A]\ m tebcce'ó nAÓ nojichAn niomntnLt, 7 A-p 1115 mÁno cCpiA neAcb niAni yon An ftnbeAC nopon An poin'oepgpBib |\obo bépoon jAirccTOeAc gpAeg-ÓA "oo -AichiLb rriAC peit, 7 "OAn m "óeAchAi-ó 1 cac nó 1n cLiacac 111 iomAi]\f5 nó m lomAnjAib nAgonpvó neAÓ éiccm cipint»up 1}a yC]\ -oiojAbcA 7 Aice a Anp^AÍA-ó AiiiAib ConAbt chC|uiAch mAC .diinengin, conA ppié AbAojAb cem bÁoi rmbiú. -debt cÍVia nin bo nÁn nó meAbAb •oórorii aiviaiL no pxv & no ion]!-o]\bAi]\ Ai]\be]\c 7 Ain'oíui-oechc, •oécÍAcbc 7 "oÁnAcur An pA^Aine níogh-OA néificio]\c1iAncAi5 cbAipp 1. Aót> Rúa-ó idac Aó-óa nnc ItlAjnu-pA, ói]\ bA -pCp -oúp -oocoircc -oaiia "oCgCnbAbjiAc 50 ngnuir pocbpí; p_nbbi]t 50 nAiiiAinp 7 con Áijvoe Aigmt), 50 nmncbecc 7 con AineAg tnCnmAn, 50 yyoy (x 50 ppoU-AiiinAclic pÍAcbA 50 ccoitiaicCiíi 7 50 nunfppAic iiiA -ppconjjnA co nA ÍAiiicA U]icÚArAc1ic Apojtn §Aine nÁc Abneicne, AiiiAib bio-ó é An Cepun Ai|it»enc pon a rcpiobAic pbí-ó rAniAib nA cfpoA bipn. ConA-ó Ainepn nÁn bo bAX>bA|í AT)nAi|ie Gc nÁp bo t»AinnA •oímÍAT>A x>Aóx> iiiac -Aó-obA -ouib uí *OomnAibb 111A "oa nAÓ Áon tjía bunAT) pnerh hia né An iiiac cAijin^f^icAc mopjton'OAc AC|\ubnAnio|i "oía ponuAirbu §ax), a|a •oo noircce-oo ibcenéÍAib ti* bmp m no gCViAin ó cem riiÁi]\, 7 "oah bA -daLca -óórorii pvoem An caii no buí 111 a tiiAcb]\ACAib, gen bó poipnceAÓ pnr -oon cuppn nnón rjrbAciur. 1 Dalagh.— See p. xii., antea. 4 The hound. — i.e., Cuchullin, or the 2 Lughaidh. — There were two of this hound of Culainn, who was King Conor name, both famed in Irish history, one Mac Nessa's artificer in metal. From him called Lamhfodha, i.e., the Long-handed, a Sestanta got this name. He was a native Tuatha De Danaan chief, whose exploits of Ulster and cousin of Conall Cearnach. are a favourite theme of the Irish bards. Tigernach in his Annals calls him 'fortissi- See Ogygia, p 177, and Keating, H. of mus heros Scotorum.' His residence was Ireland, p. 93. Another of the name was at Dundalk. He was killed at the age of ardrigh from A.D. 182 to 212. He was twenty-seven, at the battle of Muirtheimhne slain at the instigation of King Cormac, by in Louth. See O'Curry's MSS. Materials, whom he had been expelled from Tara, at p. 37, 'The Deathbed of Cuchullin,' At- Gort an oir, four miles N.E. of Cahir, Co. lantis, July, 1858, and Ogygia, p. 279. Tipperary. See Annals F. M., i. 110. b ConaU Cearnach. — He was chief of the 3 Troilns. — The allusion no doubt is to Red Branch Knights. The Irish records Virgil, Aeneid, L 474. speak of him as the greatest hero of the 55 of Dalagh, 1 son of Murchertach, except Hugh, son of Manus, and he 1592 thought he was likely to be at the head of the territory after him. He was a comely, well-mannered man, kind, friendly, generous, and hospitable, dexterous in the use of arms, a soldier in martial exploits, a poet as regards poetic skill, and of him it was said throughout Erin commonly that he was the last generation of the Gadelic heroes, for he was likened to Lughaidh, 2 son of Cian, or to Troilus, 3 son of Priam, in horsemanship. He was equal to the hound 1 of the artificer, for he never made an erring cast, and hardly ever did any one escape from him in deadly slaughter or red carnage, as was the custom with the Grecian warrior Achilles, son of Peleus. More- over, he did not go into a fight or skirmish, into a dispute or a struggle, that he did not wound some one certainly somehow. He was a vindictive man and keen to avenge his wrongs, like Conall Cearnach, 5 son of Amergin, 6 so that he' was never worsted so long as he lived. But yet it was not a shame or a disgrace to him that, in preference to him, the royal prophecied Hugh Roe, son of Hugh, son of Manus, should be proclaimed the royal ruler, since his vigour and courage, his bravery and fortitude, had grown and increased, for he was a man hard to oppose, intrepid, eloquent, with a pleasant, cheerful countenance, with subtlety and superiority of knowledge, of generosity and inventiveness of mind, with the firmness and ruling power of a prince, of severity and sterness in his commands, so that it was not allowed to dispute his order or his words, just as if he was the noble Caesar, to whom the poets ascribe such qualities as these. For that reason it was not a cause of shame nor was it a matter of dishonour for Hugh, son of Hugh Dubh O'Donnell, nor for any of his family in his time, that the prophecied child of great deeds of whom we have spoken should be placed over him, for he surpassed all the people of the island in which he was born for a long time past ; and he was his foster-child when he was in his infancy, yet he was envious of him at this time on account of his supremacy. western world. He was ancestor of the MacFirbis thus : Amergin, son of Cas, son O'Mores and the other tribes of Leix. See of Fiacha, son of Caipe, son of Ginge, son Keating's H- of Ireland, p. 210, The Book of Rudhraighe, from whom the clan Rudh- of Rights, p. 214. n., and Ogygia, p. 278. raighe descends. See The Battle of Magh 6 Amergin. — His pedigree is given by R*th, p. 28. 56 X)ur pvimcc cliugArorn yon ccnuc ccfcnA tlÍAbb 5<*nb rriAC Cumn true An CliAbbAij 1111c TTlAgnufA 1111c Aó-óa 015, •ciau^a^o]! Aé-ó -oub. X)& p?n -oiAn 'oeimnine'oeAC r>\ con nAi peel ep^oe o ré Ainj;iT> eccnACAc 50 nenii nAcnAch 50 lumne LeorhAin. \)& t^enAicc jAite 7 jcjAircceA'ó, bA cfnn -ptoi j (x -pochA-rae pu cac 7 pu coccax), Ache tia ttia bA ptnmceAC pnporii atviaiL cac1i gombo 1n x>eAnbpu]\ An Aóxxx no bA bAinchebe "óó. *Oo nAÍA ca]iac|ia-ó oiLe CcopiA, aj\ \\o IiaÍca An cAót> m a niAC'OAchc occa cuiprit>ibporh, An a aoi m cjha pympfnc r>uy pyimj Ache bA An oriiAn lean. *Oo cIiaoc Ann beór "OochAn- CA15 .1. SeAAn ócc niAC SeAAin rrnc pebim rrnc ConcobAin CliApiAi 5 CAoipodi fol.15 b. qnociiAic cox) mp hGojAin true 11éibb. 1)a cuipt) cacHa 7 bA écclonn lopgliAite, Gt b* cofCAit) rboij í An piAomeAT» f op\A An fCp -oo caocc lupjixnu. Ache An a aoi bA cniA nmn 7 -pebAn "our pjee oDorhnAiLL mA ThuinceAjvÓAr ^e}\ uo liAn^bonn. 1)ai nine oiii. "boipurii An cí ó *OochAncAi5 05 cochuine-o uí "OhorimAibb chuccA Ainff "oáLa "óó "oo -óeitb po-ohA pjtif, 7 no clnnmnij cbuccA ^An cochc ipn "oÁib acc mAti> v& riiA-pcAC -oecc, & bA rAmbATO aveA'ofOTTi mA -oochum x>on ÚAob AnAibb. 11i nonAip^ Iu^a tia "OAingfn pMft fx m no pnfrcAin nÁcA mAfo Aiccine Ache niA-ó pri. Dur pec ó'Oomr.Aibb ipn "oÁíb, 7 m ca|vo tAir Ache An bon AcnubuAc ppip. UAnAicc c]ia ó *OochA|icAi5 t»on cÁob HAibe An bion cfccnA combACAn cub bi ccub. bA piiorii A-óbAb ía bÚA n"OoiTinAilb, 6t nin uó miA-ó no mAip bAir AÓn coip?Ach "oía ríiuman , óiLir bu-ó-óem x>o bic occ puchbeAnc & occ ponnAn pup conAX) é ní •oo noíne lonnpnjTÓ prinb co p-eAp^ & co bpiApiAT» 50 nÁomieAt) yo\\ úa n*Ooc1iApTAi5 con a riiuinan, 7 geibcen é bu-ó-óem, 7 -oo bfnc bAip & "oonuc ^enneb gbAipAnomn yoA, 7 mr nebcc Ayy conur caux) a ói^jiéin n-oó 7 ^éibb 7 Aicane pu cotnAbb "oo jnep O nobA pnuAmAi^hce ó "OocliAjicAi^ 7 cenéb ConAitb An cCua gu-p ua hib p3 bACAp 1n pAicbfijic pur "ÓÓpDril, ]\0 gAb occ -pobbAitinu jA-ó a p^at;a píb uobA céchcA, 05 cop^c md]ibe 7 tnijniom, 05 ropxnn cuau & cAibibfn, 7 occ jUAgAt) jac aohi nó bío-ó p i u ^Iaicc & 1 Niall Garbh. — 'This man might well be 2 Sister. — i.e., Nuala. She left Ireland called Garuff, i.e., rough or rude, for he was, with the Earls in 1606. See p. exxiv., as Sir Henry Dowcra writes of him, proud, antea. valiant, miserable, tyrannous, unneces- 3 O'Do/ierfy.—See p. xii., antea. Later sarily covetous, without any knowledge of he took an active part on O'Donnell's side God, or almost any civility.' Cox, Hib. against the English garrison of Derry. Angl., 1 426. It is remarkable that friends He died in 1600. Our author speaks of his and foes agreed in their estimate of Niall death as a great disaster to the cause of Garbh's character. O'Donnell. 57 There came to him to the same meeting Niall Garbh, 1 son of Conn, 1592. son of Calbach, son of Manus, son of Hugh Oge, who was called Hugh Dubh. He was a violent man, hasty, austere, since he was spiteful, vin- dictive, with the venom of a serpent, with the impetuosity of a lion. He was a hero in valour, and brave. He was the head of an army and óf troops in battle and war. But yet he was envious towards him like the rest, though the sister 2 of Hugh was his wife. There was another bond of friendship between them. Hugh had been fostered in his boyhood by his parents. But yet it was not for real love for him he came, but it was wholly through fear. There came also, O'Doherty, 3 i.e., Shane Oge, son of Shane, son of Phelim, son of Conor Carrach, 4 chief of the cantred of Inishowen Mic Neill. The man who came then was a prop in war and a pillar in the contest, and the shelter of an army after defeat. But, however, it was by the point and' edge of the sword that O'Donnell brought him to his friendship, though he was a mighty champion. It happened in this way : O'Doherty invited O'Donnell to a conference with him under a show of peace, and he told him that only twelve horsemen should come to the meeting, and would come in the same way on the other side. He did not take promises or bonds from him, and he did not give sureties and securities but in this way. O'Donnell came to the meeting, and brought with him only the number mentioned. Meanwhile O'Doherty came on the other side with the same number, so that they were face to face. It was a great trouble to O'Donnell, and it was not an honour or an ornament to him that one chief of his own people should be in opposition and enmity to him ; so what he did was to make an onset on them angrily, vigorously, so that O'Doherty and his people were overcome, and he was himself seized. He took him with him and put iron fetters on him, and he did not let him go 5 until he made his submission to him, and gave him pledges and hostages for its observance always. As O'Doherty and the Cinel Conaill, even to the portion that had been in opposition to him, were subjected to him, he proceeded to govern his principality as was right, preventing theft and evil deeds, banishing rogues and robbers, executing every one who was 4 Conor Carrach. — So called, probably, 6 Let him go — He was kept in confine- from Carraig Braoidsidhe, a district in the ment for nearly three years. CS.P.I., N.W. of Inishowen. v. 308. 58 AipceALt, conAn bo heiccfn t>o chÁó •oCiciccm im coiii-oa atiaUíia tia AnmniLe Achc "oonfpMnor yo|i conA 7 ceAcliAin namÁ, gombuí An epoch jah cornAih 5AT1 comoi]>b 5A11 riAc pnthop^Ain ó chÁch pu a ceite, Gt no cuibcír An -oí nÁrriAic pan AomwCpgA-ó A|\ r»f peibjet) An oriiAn -oóib p>r\Aiéirifc AprAbA-ó •oiAnoile. bÁ -OAOineAC "oáIac caiciíiac con^AineAcb AircneAC epproAl AipcoceAch nnrAijceAC no coc1iaic -Aé-ó TIúa-o úa "OorhnAibb An ceicc btiA-ÓAin pn "oo popiopvch a Í'Iaca, 7 Ar p3]\bAinc bÁoi pMnp-óe occa jac btiAt)Ain "oiato m "oiato co ccAn^ACAn Aciuj bAice. T 593, An 2. btiAxxxm. O no •óeip'ópuiii mA finite ptAcliA (.1. 24 lAn. 1593) & mA iorcA-ó AineAcViAir 1 "Lecben pop iondiAib a nAriiAC úa Tléibb UoipvóeaVbAc LtnneAC, fio t^b occ imbCinc a AmcpT>e (x Aec|\Aiciu pvin tdia corAnn Ar a p^Aictnr 7 t)ía emncugA-ó I11 roiriicm -AébA uí VléiVl -oo oijroneA-o mA ionAX). T)o "oeAcliAt) yon bAiL *oórom ah nen'i-óeccp t>o nómm ÚAipoo nochAin An ptAicmr •po x>eóit) -oo pMjib Aét)A ní 11éibL, 7 "oo )iacc Uoip\-óeLbAC LumeAC ófncA 7 Aicciccm "oó nnon Ainm Ar úa tléibb t>o jAinm -óe. *Oo ^Anon ÍA]\orii, 6L teijeAX) An cí UoinjAoeAlbAc uató ha 5A1LL no bACAn ÍAir ó •oo -oeAchA-o 1CCOCCAC 7 hiccAi)voCr úi 'OhomnAitL. Ill mír 1T!aii -oó f unnpvó x»o nómepurii m-opn A.D. 1593. O no bA pcóAc ó *OoiiinAiLL pnporii, *oo nArrAc An ^oa Aóx> cóicceA-ó ConcobAi]\ tine llfpp&p) a piiAchc cahi po-OArhuit co teicc, Gb -po bfnrAcc Angéitb 7 AnAiane "oíob "oia nAcomAb 7 t>ia ccuimbneAch pn cAipp -oogpep O "oo bf|ic ó *OorhnAiLL Aób tnA uí-ó gun bo cAipp & gon uó 1nnnitt ÍAir An coicceA-ó mbe An CAn pn, no ctnmmg Aiin-po'lcA -jro-oem pii ^AllAib, & bAoi occa -f-onAicniCc on moT) ccfcnA *oo gAOTÓelóib An cCVia ATÓbte AHAnp:AbA"ó rptú 7 An "oCnjenrAC mitc, 7 •oAin'o'LijeA-ó ó cém mÁi]i pu pot ^Ae-ÓAit gÍAir mic tliAit, A5 50m accoc1iai|' fccA|\p^AncA 7 nemCcApxAncA nopiA, 05 a ccAbAi]Ac 1n ccA]ic]iAib j hi ccimbnoeAchc, 05 a pAi^yo cpA Aincp-óe 7 l In one bed.— The. Four Masters say that Hugh O'Conor, son of Cathal Crobhderg, and the Mac William Burke, after conclud- ing peace, slept together in the one bed cheerfully and happily. See Annals F. M., iii. 387. 2 Chieftaincy. — Turlough Luinench re- nounced the title of O'Neill, and yielded at the Queen's intercession the government ot those parts to the Earl. In 1595 Sir Tur- lough died, and the Earl took the title of O'Neill to himself, which was treason by 59 plundering and robbing, so that it was not necessary for each one to take 1592. care of his herds or cattle but they differed only in prosperity and want, and the country was without guard or protector, without plundering one by the other, and two enemies slept in the one bed, 1 for fear did not allow them to remember their wrongs against each other. Hugh passed the first year in the very beginning o his sovereignty in a manner that was kindly, generous, joyous, progressive active, hospitable, aggressive, and he was advancing every year in succession till the end of his life came. 1593, the 2nd year. Whilst he was staying in his princely seat and his chief residence in Lifford (24th January, 1593), confronting his enemy Turlough Luineach O'Neill, he proceeded to wreak his vengeance and his enmity on him by driving him from his principality and weakening him, in the hope that Hugh O'Neill might be inaugurated in his place. The foresight which he used proved of advantage to him, for the chieftaincy fell in the end to Hugh O'Neill, and Turlough Luineach gave his consent and yielded to him as to the title that he should be styled The O'Neill. He was pro- claimed after that and Turlough sent away the English who were with him, since he entered into peace and friendship with O'Donnell. In the month of May exactly, in the year of our Lord 1593, he did this. Since O Donnell was at peace with him the two Hughs brought the province of Conor Mac Nessa under their friendly peaceful sway immediately, and they held hostages and pledges for its observance and maintainance faithfully at all times. When Hugh O'Donnell saw that the whole province was obedient and secured to him, then he called to mind his own wrongs done by the English, and he reminded the Irish in the same way also of the extent of the wrongs done to them, and of the evils and injustices which they had wrought for a long time to the descendants of Gaedhal Glas, son of Nial, robbing them of their inheritance singly and collectively, putting them in prison and in chains, executing Act of Parliament, still excusing himself urged to promise it upon oath. Moryson, subtilely that he took it upon him lest some Rebellion, &c, p. 9. Leland, H. of Ireland 'Uher should usurp it, promising to re- ii. 330 ; London, 1873. This was one of nounce it, yet asking that he might not be the chief charges brought against him later. II 6o Ainmne, (x bAt> unne "oo melcAir An é co "onjit) mbCciiA in ^ac CAn no ^ebcAÍr eilb nó bAogAt pDnpiA ^AonoeAtu, Gt t)An ac pfcc t)óib j;un no p5>oix> jreipti AceAchcA 7 a pjpbCiTO ■oo p&ijp'ó tia SnÁmne "oo cocmneATj con^AncA rloig in AjAit) tia n^Att, 7 jun bo bAnp\oiLeACCAm Iait a ccui-oechc m ^An ÚAip Da pop •oó'poiri itropn An no tÁ eprcob éitle hALAfó AccechcAinechc co H15 nA SpÁmne -oeccAome a imnnó pnr 7 "DCnnA-rom a chAint)CrA 7 chAinx)iurA ctomne tTliLeAT) An chCYiA. An ceproc nnonno m ronnAimcc bAir roAX> ron ccuIa-o biA rcéÍAib An CAn no pvm An cAom TDía ceAchcA nA cAoiimAccAin Cncoiciiift) ppip fon a cfnn, Gt -oo bfyc bAir -opor An AblcAin, 7 ni CAimc beóp Ro jAb 5^01111 •óóptii An gnepachc pn ÚAin no A-OAm 7 no At>Ái-ó ecqiAicAr 7 éccAippechcÍAn nmrhf-óón ipiopctAm'OAib rlechcAtHíteA-ó SpÁínne pn ^AblAib DmbbiiToe j;un bo 1ié Aominnícerh 6c Aon-oúcnAchc bAOi mA nifnmAn'OAib mte lompu-o pop gliAÍÍAib, jun no pvpACUjt -oeAbdiA 7 •oecCcpvi'óe CcopiA ífn ccpobb 1a liAptAC & \& hfcAp^uí-óe ui 'OhorhnAibl pon jAoi'óeA'lAib, lÁ neUvó 7 "La p^pvicmfcc m -ofnjfnpjc nA 501U, pDp\A nÍAn'i 6c p^n ApnnpCnAib 50 pn. O no pccinporh cÁch x>o conheinge x»Aom riifnmAin ipn coccax) -oucnAccAin, \\o yAonoh cechcA 7 p^pbfnnA co 1iAbbAin •00 cocuineAT) pjitbx) pbóij "o am pub, •op^in-oé-ouib 7 -OAor cuApvpcAil. An CAn ac ctor 1a hAó-ó ThÁgui&ip j;ennA nA ccúac nn loch n6nne An cfnc|\u\bL •oopnnpoAm ó "Oorhnoibt, bA -po bAirjomAt) ébo"óeipn cfcnAimnopoAijreipn combAit) coccató 1npn. \)<\ pCn •oiúmp\ciorncotcAnAc eip'óe co nifc mCnniAn, co nÁipoe Ai^m-o, rmbi-ó a|i rinlcnechc, 5|ieicc a|\ jmoriiAib goile 7 jAipjciTj, cijeAnnA ah ciconACAb, 50 mobA]i nócc 7 noAome iAip "JTo chAprcpom ati aiIl t>ía pAimnnincej-v ipn ccoiccpch bÁite i|iAibe óccIac Aii'inA -oo ^AlÍAib, gonno oncp^c 7 jujA no oinccpfc An bAite. peAchc nAite -oia iToeAchAt» tnA^ui-ói^ Aó-ó (cpA coiriAinbecceAX) 7 cioncopg ní 'OonmAill), (x bA-pi conAin "oo tint) 50 tíon Afocnia n^Anon Vft&ch<\i]\e connAchc. Uo teícc rcAoiteAb -oa rgeniietcib in •oobArvfoiltri tia mAÍccne muiche 1111 on cíji 111A tlnmceALL. X)& liAtin -oo nAÍA x>o joibepnóin choiccib ConnAchc (Si|\ His-oeivo iDionjom) Abdc An AbAijpn a}\ ati ccnuchi coihpoc- p.Aib cuiLLrce occ coirceAchc ne rgeLAib aii cíj\e 111A cimceALt. T)o neccAim •oí|ieim *oía riiAncrLog occ rineAT) tia noinfn ccoriipoccur "oon cetAch fO]\ AinbAoi An j;oibe]moi|i, (x m nAtAi jpec nAc ni 1a -oaVI cíac tia CAriiÁine, conmir nAbAcun Gt mÁ5Uit)i|\ conA mAjtcpluAj cub hi cub gAn cf-oujAX) "OA nAcli iix)]íuin5 bíob. Ko c|\iAÍLrAt; tnAttcploj aii goibejinonA roA-o mA fol. 17.«. ynvicCitig, 7 no bÁp mA tCntnÁin a^a teó-ó 7 tC-onAb 1a 111Á5tnbi|\ 7 La a riuuncin, 50 nAn^ACAn gur ah tnAijm nnbAi An goíbCjvnóin yobdn. Ko mubujAb bAir -oon chujt pn neAch UArAb Ai]voepc -oo jALLAib uuibliAm Cti]:o|\c a comAinm co r-eiren niApxAch cenmocÁrorh. Sóice]t yo]\ tTlhÁgtnbiri X)o ni'óip vpn conAvp cfccnA, 7 no bÁr occa co^pAim 50 niAchu hia cipe caca 7 mA coi]iijcib con'mAncA. O no pccip An goibennóin nA|\ bó co|Voa bó ^Aijit) poiipu, no f"Ai pon ccúIa 7 no bAb LÁnbuibe lAir cépnub ahiaiI x>o énnÁ. T)o nocnAco]i éccA mópA ó riiÁjuibin •oon ]uiaca]v pn .i. Gin Aim mAC SAiii|AAbAin pnioriiÁTÓ -AfroA IDacIia -oo |aa1a c|ha Amfen hia ■jrAnjiAb Gb aíi CAb 1T)Á5uvói}\ .1. CacaL ihac ^AfnATÓ, & mAc Ab C}\bpACAn. -Achc cCVia gep bo 1/iaó lAir nA rriAiue pn t>ia cCrbAib, nuj ÍAir m no aonóbAb 7 m ]\o ciom- Ai]\ccfb •oo c]\ub 7 "oo c]\eAc1iAib nA ccniche chuccA, 7 -oo Lui'ó on Longponc a]a oite co cobrAib ceínmi jm 50 nAimcc 50 rf|iAib mAnAch. x\c cÚA-p c]\a •00 gAbLAib *Ouibbinne m-orm, no 1iotiaic t)o connur & •omni]\e. Ro hCp- yo5|\Ab ífncAin Ia^ ah 1urnr yo]\ mó]\floijib lllibe, l>Ai§Cn, 7 teiée IH05I1A X)ul hi coicceAb ConcobAi]\ vpin rojniAjv vo f , onn]\At)h -OAice foji]\A 111 -oejv 1 Monastery. — It was erected in 1161, Hib-,^. 10. The usual system of govern- according to the Annals of Connaught. In ment was martial law. Hence Davis speak- 1235 the English, under the Lord Justice ing of the then President of Connaught, Maurice Fitzgerald, plundered it of all its Fitton, says he governed ' in a course of valuables, vestments, chalices, &c. In discretion,' in other words, very much as 1603 it was granted to Sir John King, an- he liked. cestor of the Earls of Kingston. Archdall's 3 Tulsk. — A village ten miles north of the Monasticon, p. 601. town of Roscommon. O'Conor Roe erected 2 Governor. — Properly the President. a castle there in 1406. About the same What his powers were may be inferred from time a monastery was erected there for the instructions given to Sir George Carew, Dominicans by the MacDowell family. See president of Munster in 1600. See Pac. Hibernia Dominicana, p. 314. f- 63 the bridge of the monastery 1 of Boyle, thence to the plain of Magh Aoi, 1593. which is called the Plain of Connaught. He let his scouts scatter in the twilight of the early morning through the country around. It happened that while the Governor 2 of the province of Connaught, Sir Richard Bingham, was that night on the hill in the neighbourhood of Tulsk 3 listening to the news of the country all round, a troop of his cavalry happened to be reconnoitring the plain near the hill where the Governor was, and they saw nothing owing to the blinding fog of the early morning until they and Maguire met with their horse face to face without the knowledge of either party. The cavalry of the Governor retreated, and during the pursuit they were mangled and cut down by Maguire and his people till they came to the place 4 where the Governor himself was. A well known nobleman of the English, William Clifford by name, was slain and seven horsemen besides. They turned again on Maguire on the same road and pursued him till they came to the battle front and to the strong lines. When the Governor saw that it would not be advantageous to attack them he retreated, and he was very thankful to escape as he did. Important persons were slain on Maguire's side in that skirmish, i.e., Edmund MacGauran, 5 primate of Armagh, who happened unluckily to be with him, and the Abbot Maguire, i.e., Cathal, son of Geoffrey, and his brother's son. But though he was much grieved at the loss of these noblemen, he took with him what had been collected and brought together of the cattle and plunder of the country, and he went from one encampment to another steadily and slowly till he came to Fermanagh. This was told to the English of Dublin, and they were filled with anger and wrath. An order was issued then by the Lord Justice that a large force from Meath, Leinster, and Mogh's half, 6 should go to the province of Conor in harvest precisely to revenge on them what they had 4 Place. — O'Sullevan says the skirmish Nuadhat, called also Eoghan Mor, in the took place at Scieth na bfeart, which he middle of the 2nd century of our era. See translates Scutum Miraculorum. Hist., The Circuit of Ireland, p. 44, n. ; Dublin, Cath. p. 151. The date was July 3rd. 1841. The account of the contest between 5 MacGauran. — See pp. Hv.and lxi.,antea. Conn and Eoghan will be found in The e Mogh's half— -This refers to the divi- Battle of Magh Leana, p. 19, and The sion of Ireland into two parts that took Annals of Clonmacnoise, a MS. in the place between Con Cedchathach and Mogh R. I. Academy. 6 4 jCnrAc 7 "oo ]\&cz Accfnnup uite -oon 1a]\Ia úa néiLL ce nipi bo LAinn t,Aip •oot ipm coicftxAt/pin, 7 beóp x>o riiApurcAt An lobAip. ílo tropconjAÍp "oin An lupnr fop goibennóiji coiccit) connAchc con AtnbAoi -oo f'toj ó ShionAinn 50 *OpobAoip "oub inA niAifupi'óe co héipne. lAp\ ccC^LAmA'ó ah cCctia floij; pn AcpubpAtnop, x>o combAC neirmb 50 Loc Ghpne m jme binpg buipeA-OAij AttAtiAin. Sin llenpi binget ni'oe-pe AriipA -oo jjALbAib Apé bA coireAch moin jonA '0011 c-ptogeAt). DaIa 0Cvh& Thégui'óin íaji ccloircechc rcéb ati criói j eAchcnAnx) jtocCito a bú 7 a inmle -pop AniomjjAbAit 50 cípi CoiiaiVI rmc lléitt po cúató, 7 t)o tnonóit fto£ rnóp -oia cín bu-óem "OAmpAib 7 t>Aop cuÁ]\ArcAit Aibe cpuoc 7 -oo ctoinn cSiubne cípe ConAibb 7 po bAoi con A-plog btntmib 'oon CAob Ap aiUI T)on boc, 7 conpnipfc jppif An -pluAgh necncpAn-o conA netccpec reAchA fÍApi. "Oo coiíiLac Ar An fbÚAj gAbt Íaiiíi ctí fpip An toch 50 piAngACAp gup An AbAinn "oo cófcc Af An bocb. 13aói Ách -pAinne'OAch ytnppepi'oe p'pi InoniAcoigeAxi 'oon chÁc bA coipci-óe. -Acchtnte UAin a coriiAinm, 7 bA hé "ooriiAm An ionbAit> pn é. pobp\Aic nA ^Aibb An các An "peireAX>tA "oo occoben *oo fonnpAt). "Ro bui tHÁgtii'óiTí con a flój 'oon "oaLa beic x)on au ipoiriicm nA n^AÍL conrnifCc ypiu co ■plnp'ohA acIiai-ó p-0T)A. 11íp uó ro-ÓAincc -oógbAi-ó p(p péne AnuprclAi'óe, ÚAin nobcAp •oiAinm iacc An cAn fin in AicpejAX) nA n^AÍb La IhoIata a néTofó nALLriiAn'OA 7 An gAbÍAT) njjLAiriApoin on AbAinn ^An neAÓ ir-pioconjAin -jrniú ■p-A'oeipin. 1)aoi xio iionifiAine a bAec (x 'OAinfcAnjnAi'óe AnA-pm 50 no ponrAC An "oCnbApurc fo "óeóit> .1. tuijit) iobA]\ -pop úacax), ÚAin m p~op AebAn^cAn An óccbAt) ei]\eiTOAC p.pi ocAipipom ppiú m bA ppiú. S]\AomceAp foppA ÍApom ón Át, joncAp Aiptijcfp "opongA "oíob, 7 AcpuÍAtxAn A]~p -pon ■ppiot)bAT) An fprhon Ap nobA jApp'occup "oóib í. JoncAjx &óx> úa 11eí1i hipuit)iu 7 bA pó bAip '0Á15 nA ^AbtiAip gAibb Airinpfp -oe. 1 Marshal- — i.e., Sir Henry Bagnal. See p. lv., antea. 2 Newry. — Afi iubhair, i.e., of the yew- tree, said to have been planted here by St. Patrick. See Annals F. M., ad ann. 1 162. A Cistercian monastery was erected here by St. Malachy O'Morgairin 1144. This was granted to Sir Nicholas Bagnal by Edward vi. It still belongs to his descendant, the Earl of Kilmorey. See Reeves' Eccles. Antiquities of Down andCon?ior, p. 1 16, n. ; Dublin, 1347. 3 Athaduain. — A ford on the river Erne, half a mile to the west of Belleek. O'Sul- levan translates it os vadi prati, the mouth of the ford of the meadow, p. 159. clone, and he gave the chief command of them to the Earl O'Neill, though 1593. it was not pleasing to him to go in that army, and also to the Marshal 1 of Nevvry. 2 The Lord Justice also ordered the Governor of the province of Connaught with all the forces from the Shannon to the Drowes to go and wait for him at Lough Erne. When the first body of which we have spoken was assembled, they went on eastwards to the Lough of Erne the daughter of Burg Buireadhach. Sir Henry Bingham, a famous knight of the English, was the leader in battle of that host. As regards Hugh Maguire, after hearing news of the foreign army, he sent his herds and flocks, lest they might be captured, northwards to the territory of Conall, son of Niall, and he gathered a great host thoughout his own territory of soldiers and mercenaries of other districts and of the MacSwinys of Tyrconnell, and he was with his troops on the other side of the Lough, and they opposed the foreign army so that they did not allow them further westwards. The English army then marched on, having the Lough on the left, till they came to the river which flows out of the Lough. There was a special ford over it for every one to pass who needed. Its name was Athculuain, 3 and it was deep at that time. The English attempted the ford, on the sixth of October exactly. Maguire, with his troops, was on the other side of the ford, waiting for the English, and they resisted them manfully for a long time. It was not easy for the Irish to defend it, for they were at that time unarmed in comparison with the English, with their abundance of strange armour and of their grey steel lances and their powder-guns producing sparks of fire for shooting and sending forth circular balls of lead and brilliant sparks of fire, so that they reached the men on the other side of the river without any one of themselves being injured. Owing to the number of their forces and the difference of their arms they verified the proverb in the end : ' The many shall overcome the few,' for the youth of the Irish could not hold out against them any longer. They were driven after that from the ford. Crowds of them were wounded and taken prisoners. Most of them fled to a wood, for it was very near them. Hugh O'Neill was wounded 4 there, and he was pleased thereat, so that the English should not have any suspicion of him. 4 Wounded. See A?mals F. M., vi. 1941. 66 U1A5AICC ah rbÚAg jaLL cAinif co Leicc, 7 jaIdaic bÁm cti -ppi-p An Loch ALLAmAn "OUT A11 CA1}\p€Íp éT)ÁlA CntlTO HO cCchnA, 7 O HA CAincfcAn 101TipA1C •oía capb, 7 "oo neLgfcc eir|\é , oe , ó "oía ftoj. lAn txochcc "oo joibennoip coigi-ó connAcc 7 "oia^Ia cuA"ómtiriiAn "OonncViATj tiiac ConéobAin mic "Oonn- cIiató uí "bjuÁin co 1ieochAinimLib G]\ne co pDcnAnoe C015TÓ connAcíic imAiLLe i'OAic mA p-nicCin;g 50 mAirnpnn nA buíLLe, 7 -oo iaí;ac ÍAnorh "oía ctnjib AriiAiL X)o X)eACACA]A An rtoj nAite. .Acc cCVia pDptÁ^Aib úa 1léiLL (Aóx>) Gt An mAttAfcÁL *onechcA -oenrMAnA "oóccbAi-ó 7 do foi^h-oiunAib jaVL ij^ajijuvó concobAi|\ rrnc concobAin TtiiAiTj rhéjtii'óiti no bvn m fnp-ó (x m eccnAiccfr pn tnÁgtivóij» "oo jpe-p mi cCiTour na cpóe. tlA*OoriinAiVl t>An bA cocpAt) món mfnmAn (x AiccfncA tAipTje nA ^AiLb "oo cionncú-ó pmíiLató. A\\ a AÓirm ó nA no -pAi^tirCcc pun 111 no fAi j -ponnA &]\ a Anpnpci no daoi, Gb no p^bAttrc "oneAm tnó|i "oía rhumcin ipn ac nérhnÁice "oo nAcc 1n pjprAcbc liiéjtii'óip no lomgAb é -pGrm An pDjiAiLeArh uí TléiLt, ÚAin no bin cec- cAi|íecc CconnA yo •óicbeic ^An nÁcuccAt) •oonA j;ALLAib. 1594, An cneAf bbiA-ÓAin. t)AccAn "om 501VI 7 ^AOTÓeAb íAn pn occ ccoircecc pn An oile ^An nAÓ puoconccAin o ceAÓCApiAepti An oitepvi ceonAib míorAib geníinit) colnomuLcc tia btiA-óiiA AnAibb a° 1594. 1n eAcmAin^ n<\ née 7 riA 1iAimyine pn no cCgbAnh An 1urar rbuAg món ^An nAcuccA-ó "oon cÁch bAr An rinorcAip *Our pcccAn ha cpochA bACAn compnccp ^An tiac mompiineAc 50 nAnAt^ 1 cnAicce co hmir cdéLeAnn p>]\ loc neinne m eicinriif-óon cpche monAC. h>s beip-óe "ounÁnAr 7 bA poyr oipeAcViAir IDé^tn-óin &ov<\ 7 ^ac Aom 110 hoi]vomce 1n cCntiAf nA cniche. bA "óúnAT) "OAingen '7 bA mún -oicojbui-óe •pni fbo^ necqiAin-o, acc tia bACA]\ iia trponiinn An cAnpn. *Oeip-ó An Itipcif iyonbAi|-i yo]\rAii -oúnA-ó & ^AbAicc An rtuAj ]:o|i cojAib Am riiui|\ feib con- nAngACAj-i, & nin bA copbA Doib inr»rin co ccA|iccrAC An AÍbb "oia Áor lomcoiriieDA An bAibe ÚA'OAib ^ro -óeóm -OAn cfnn I0151. O no bAoi An bAite 1 Emiislcillen. — i.e., the island of Ceth enn, a town in Co. Fermanagh, on a narrow neck between Upper and Lower Lough Erne. Cethlenn was the wife of the famous Formorian chief Balor. It gives the title of Earl to the family of Cole, the first of whom was an Undertaker. In 161 1 he obtained possession of a large part of the ancient territory of the Magennisses. 2 The dwelling. — The site of the castle is now occupied by the barracks. The gateway on the water's edge is the only portion of the buildings remaining from Maguire's time. The position was very 6 7 The English army crossed over immediately, and went westwards, keeping the lake on the left, that they might seize on the spoil of cattle or flocks, and as they did not find them they went to their homes and allowed their army to scatter. After the Governor of the province of Connaught and the Earl of Thomond, Donough O'Brien, son of Conor, son of Donough, came to the banks of the Erne with the forces of the province, they returned to the monastery of Boyle, and they went after that to their homes as the other army did. However, Hugh O'Neill and the Marshal left strong bodies of English youths and soldiers with Conor, the son of Conor Roe Maguire, who was discontented and at variance with Maguire always on account of the sovereignty of the country. As for O'Donnell, it was a great affliction of mind and soul to him that the English should go back as they had done. But yet as they did not attack him, he did not attack them, on account of the unprepared state in which he was, and he left a large body of his people at the aforesaid ford, which he gave for Maguire's protection, though he withdrew himself by command of O'Neill, for there were messages between them secretly without the knowledge of the English. 1594, the 3rd year. Now the English and the Irish after that were listening to each other, without either attacking the other, for three months of winter up to the beginning of the spring of the next year, 1594. At that period and time the Lord Justice collected a great army without the knowledge of any one, through hatred. They marched into the neighbouring territories without any delay until they came very soon to Enniskillen, 1 on Lough Erne, in the middle of the territory of Fermanagh. This was the dwelling 2 and principal stronghold 3 of Hugh Maguire and of every one who was appointed to the chieftaincy of the territory. The fort was strong, and the wall impreg- nable by a strange force, but they were not prepared then. The Lord Justice sat down to besiege the fortress, and the forces proceeded to break in the wall as well as they could ; this was of no avail to them till some of warders gave up the place at last for a bribe. As soon as the castle was strong, being surrounded on all sides by dence is expressed in Irish by the word Lough Erne. See p. lvii., antea. port. It is used in the composition of many 3 Stronghold— Any kind of fortified resi- Irish words. I I 68 ■pop" comma]- An 1upci-p Se|\ uuibliAm "PizuuiLtiAm rAccbAró cruocA Laoc "oia coriit)A rjur An ccÁc ppir po h CccAppcApcA coiia congAib ceccA t>o biúb 7 x>Apm, 7 roAitj A]~ pCipn pop cúIax) •oo|\ix)ip. "porAi 51c ÍAporii pop jac teix 5An cpeic ^An opjAin pop ApoiLe ppi cCiceopA míopAib o "PebptiApi co hlun. t}A ViA-ónAp LÁ hÚA n'OonmAiti -dot) flu At) Apot> po búi ^An cochc ippupcAÓc Tnhéguninp Ap Ap é |\o A-pÍAi 5 An coccAt), 7 bA pop Apopcon^pA po liAbnAt)' An cúp Oa •pCt) pot>pÚAip -ooroni ^An t)ub m eitrhA mA poipiéin attiaiI pobA mfnmApc bAir, a beic occ lobnAibe 7 occ iomp tnppeAC ppip tiA hALpAnchAib -oo pmgeAbb chu^A pop AtiirAine. O no bA pot)A LAipiorii no bACAppróe 5A11 cuiúecc, CApcclorncA cenét cconAiLb LAip co teicc, 7 t>o coCc nemnb con a rloj 50 hrnir cdcLeAnn. "Oeipro iruit>e ip-opbAipi poppAn "óúnAt) o corAC lun co mf-oon ^Xu^urc 50 no cpoicrecc 50 po Aipccpfcc 7 50 no nroippfcc Ambm pó rtiAmAp ha njjAbl hi cpich AingiAtA, 7 1111 "bpeipne vS RA151H15 co cAprxpAC Ambú 7 Ambeoce- AcnA 1 bón ploij t>ÍA nArhpAib 7 t>ía nAop cuApApcAit. t)ACAp na 5A1LL ipop An CA11 rw if tiA poprjAib ^AbAÍA m no ^AbpAC for pecc niAifi .1. mAinipcep riiumeAciiAin, cluAin 6óaiv It í epic AifijiAtb, (x niAimrcin An diAbAin ipm rnbpeipne, ÚAip bA m eAccLAipAib n* nÁorh fx tiá ttiac mbeACAt) bA memce An Ainirnn 05 cpeAcliAt) 7 occ m-opeAt) ha ccpioch (x 05 jAbAit m^iAli 7 AnAiccii\e. lomcup a Di 'OhorimAiLL bmpróe conA pocpAroe ipopbAipi 6: mt) lornptn-oiu pop mip cetlerm co hupcopAc pochrhtnne peib AcpubpAniAp co po rcAic AttibíAt) t)on -piAntAc bACAn ifm ccAircÍAtb acc itia-o bfj. O popft)ACAp 5A1IL "Otnbbmne combAcopporh pArhLAro ?Aoit>ic cechcA ^up nú jALbAib bACAn bi coijeAt) olneccmAcc t)iA -popcongiiA p'0|\]AO cuibecc 50 Loincib bit) 7 tnje beó gur An ccAÍpcÍAbt. T7A]iclAmAic iia gAitt rbuAj rnó|A m A0111 ionAt) attiaiL no -poncon^iAt) ronno combACAn CÓ15 cet> -oécc bech -oóccbÁit) A]\mcA con -oruing -opfnAib 111it)e t)ó "bpeip-ne ui RAjAbLAij 7 t)o bhion^AmACAib coigit) connACc. 1a]a ttfgtoriiAt) t)oibpit)e, ^ Ab ai t) occ bÁij 7 occ bubcAt) 1 Brefny 'Reilly : — It included origin- ally the whole of the present county of Cavan except the baronies of Tullyhaw and Tullyhunco, which belonged to Brefny O'Rourke. In the reign of Elizabeth these baronies were united to Brefny O'Reilly to reward Sir John O'Reilly for his services. He was called the Queen's O'Reilly. See D'Alton's Army List, ii. 747. 2 Clones. — i.e., the retired place of know- ledge, a town on the eastern boundary of Co. Monaghan. St. Tigernach founded a monastery here about the beginning of the sixth century. It was destroyed by Hugh De Lacy in 1 207 ; five years afterwards it was rebuilt. It belonged to the Canons Regular of St. Augustine. 3 M. of Cavan. — It was founded by Gilla 6 9 in the possession of the Lord Justice Sir William Fitzvvilliam, he left thirty 1594- soldiers to keep it against any one by whom it would be attacked, with proper supplies of food and arms, and he went back himself again. They ceased after that on each side plundering or slaughtering each other for four months, from February to June. Hugh Roe O'Donnell felt ashamed at being so long without going to the aid of Maguire, for it was he who urged on the war, and by his advice it was enkindled in the beginning. What he did for him was not to go with all his forces to his aid, as he intended, but to delay and wait for the Scotch, who had promised to come to him for pay. As he thought they were long in coming, he mustered the Cinel Conaill then, and he marched forward with his forces to Enniskillen. He sat down there besieging the fortress from the beginning of June to the middle of August, till they wasted and plundered whatever was under the power of. the English in the territory of Oriel and Brefny O'Reilly, 1 and they gave the cows and herds as provisions to their auxiliaries and mercenaries. The English were dwelling at that time in the fortresses in which they had been dwelling some time before, in the monastery of Monaghan, Clones 2 in Oriel, and the monastery of Cavan 3 in Brefny, for it was in the churches of the saints and religious they dwelt most commonly, plundering and wasting the country and taking pledges and hostages. As for O'Donnell, he was with his forces besieging and attacking the castle of Enniskillen up to the beginning of harvest as we have said, till all but a small part of the provisions which the party that was "in the castle had was consumed. When the English of Dublin learned they were in this state, they sent messengers to the English who were in the province of Olneccmacht, ordering them to go with supplies of food and drink to them to the castle. The English assembled a great host in one place as they were ordered, so that there were fifteen hundred armed soldiers, with a multitude of the men of Meath, of Brefny O'Reilly, and of the Binghams of the province of Connaught. After assembling Iosa Ruadh O'Reilly for Dominicans in 1300, and transferred to the Franciscans by The O'Reilly in 1393- See Hib. Domin., p. 285. Not a vestige of the monastery remains, the materials having been used in the erection of the barracks close by. c 70 yoy MA jAOi'óéAWib' ft occa cmjeAbbAt) 50 rtAocyAOAiy hi coiyicin An bAibe -01A nAim-oeom, acc cCtia my yebc An oriu\n •oóib cuit>ecci ccyAicci. bacAy rAOi-óeAb mA yyoirimn cecib cÁn -ouy yiocyAOAiy. CmycechxA nA tiAbpAnAÓ x>o ymjeAbb yoy An AtiiyAine •oo yAijit) ui T)1ioiiinAibb, •ouy yiccCccyit>e mtmcolybAC moy 50 boc peAbAibb mic toccAin eicey cenéb cconAibb 7 eogliAin, co yo jabyAU yoy iym eccbAiy nAijvoeyc •oiAnA-o Aifim "Ooiye baib m yo bCYroAC CyiorhcAnn hiac Veobmn-o 11110 -peyjuyA -oía n^Ayoy An Cobumb cennAiy. Ac yiAT>oy •ocnbyiom combuí ó "Oon'inAibb yoy yboijeA'o iym ccoiccyich yeb AcyubyAmoy. Foi-DicyioTh ceccA •oiA cocmyeAO cIiuca 7 ycyibennA. O yAngACAy nA cechcA co 1iAiym Ambui Ó •OothflAitL, •oo bfyAC a bicye -oó. Aiy bC§Aiy iac bAyet> a ccocacc .1. ■OothTiAU goym tnAc t>omnoibb 7 mAc Leom ha tiA^A -oo cochc yo cojAiym ui ■oomtiAibb yoy An muycoblAC AcyubyAinoy 50 yiÁccACAy An "Ooiye yemyÁiau, 7 munA ayeA-oyorh icyAiau tha yyoycA-o AiiiAib yo geAbb, 50 yoiyi-oiy hia ioi. 19.«. yyyic'fni 5 -oía n acajvóa 5 au CyynÁc*ó 5 An iomyuiyeAc. Uy nAiybeseA-o nA ycyibeAnn -oua "Ohomnoibb yobin^yocbc moy yAiy combuí 5AI1 tAbyA acIiató yo-oA occa ycyimAt) 7 yemroéccyi cm -oo gCtiA-o. pechc Ann bA hAonAy Uiy a jeAbbA-ó -bo ndhcoriiobb yyiy tia 1iAU>AnACAib ÍAy via ccocuiyeA-o cIiucca hi ciAnA. An -OAbA yecbcbA hiomotfiAti lAiy ua gAiUyeTnepeycmAy -oo cichcAtn 1 yuycAchc ah ■outiait) X>1A yyAysbAoyoiii An bon 5 yoyc. ConAO yAiy -oeiyi-o occa yo -óeói-o a yboj *oo yÁ 5 bAib iym bongpoyc 7 iym lomfuvóe AmbÁcAy, 7 é bu-ó -óCm con úaca-o -oAoíne miniAibbe yyiy -oo xiub yoy Amtnuy ha nAbbAUAC >oia yyoyoAo Ay riA hepeycAiy gcAtih yyiy. turn ÍAyom t>iyim mAyeAc co hAiym nnbACAy. feyAix) yÁibce yyiú. Ho yyeAycUic 7 yo yyiocAibc iCyorh yyi ceoyA horóchib cortA bÁib -oo bCrroAib mmCyccAib & v& §ac Cynt)Aib cua]\a bA -oeAC iym cyic. ' CeibeAbyAiy T)oiiinAibb goym *o11a >Olioninoibb 7 yoyyAgAib AbyACAiy bA yo Aril occa 50 CCÓ15 cé-oAib bÁoc -oóccbAi-ó AymchA, 7 vo bAocyAi-o lei-omijj, 1 Derrv _ in ancient times Doire Cal- See Trias Thaum., p. 398, and The Ord- eaich i e., the wood of Calgach. A site nance Survey of Tempiemoty, p. 17. for a 'monastery was given to St. Colum- * Criomihann—Thxs was the name given Se here by King Aedh . The church built to Columba in baptism by the priest Cruith- bv him in 545 was called Dubh Regies, necan ; but the word being synonymous nLhaS to distinguish it from the Teampul with crafty or cunning, his playmates desig- Mor built in I164 by Flathbheartach nated him Columba, the dove on ac- OTrolh .h in. The site is now occupied count of his gentleness, and added to it by the Catholic church of St. Columkiile. cille because of the frequency of his coming /I they proceeded to bluster and threaten the Irish and to assert that they 1594. would go to the relief of the place in spite of them ; but yet fear did not allow them to go immediately. The Irish were ready for them whenever they should come. As for the Scotch who promised to enter O'Donnell's service, they came with a large fleet to the Lough of Feabhall, son of Lodan, between the Cinel Conaill and the Cinel Eoghain, and they occupied the famous church which is called Deny, 1 the place which Criomhthann, 2 son of Fedhlimidh, son of Fergus, who was called Columba the Mild, blessed. They were told that O'Donnell was on a hosting in the neighbouring territory, as we have said. They sent messengers and letters too to invite him to them. When the messengers came to the place where O'Donnell was they gave their letters to him. He read them, and these were their contents : Donnell Gorm 3 and MacLeod of Aran 4 had come at the invitation of O'Donnell with the fleet we have mentioned until they reached Derry aforesaid, and if he did not come immediately to retain them as he had promised, they would go back to their country without dallying or delay. When O'Donnell read the letters, a great silence came on him, so that for a long time he did not speak, thinking and forecasting what he should do. At one time he was ashamed not to fulfil his promises to the Scotch after inviting them to him from a distance. Again, he was greatly afraid that the English of whom we have spoken would come to the relief of the fortress if he left the encampment. Where- fore in the end he resolved to leave his army at the encampment and siege where they were, and to go himself with a small body of men to meet the Scotch to retain them, as every one advised him. He went after that with a troop of horse to the place where they were. He bade them welcome. They were attended and entertained for three days and three nights with strong drink and every sort of food that was best in the country. Donnell Gorm took leave of O'Donnell and left with him his youngest brother with five hundred armed soldiers and robust troops. MacLeod from the cell in which he read his psalms. State Papers Lord of the Out Isles. See See Reeves' Adam?un, Ixx. and p. 6, n. HilFs Macdonnells of Antrim, p. 148. 3 Donnell Gorm. — He is caUed in The 4 Aran. — An island in the Firth of Clyde. c 72 -Apipib mAcLeoit) A11 couiiLíon cCccnA 7 -popcAip Ua "oomnAilt i&"o "oibtmib. bÁ puAicmb on iCcporii hi cpécumupcc pfp péneLApAme ah Apm 7 An CppAi-o a haLa-d 7 An epLabpA, An Apeb bA be-ogub bóib tiía neccAip bpeAchpAic ioI/oacac1ia ipopcmpAt 50 nCrccACAiu 7 oipcnib. -AccpfpA cAp AHAip-omb AllAmmj T)1A mbpACAib. 'Onon^ -óiob co cctoibrhib bfnn-oopnchup iciCc niopA rrnbfcA ór a p-p-opmnAib. Da heiccCn ■oon tAech a bi Iauti t>o ÚAbAinc mAonpAbALL m-o up-oopn a cboi'óiTh An cAn no bCYiAb a bénn *oe. -dpAiVl •oíob 50 bpiobbACAib -pécrnoi jab peibmnCpcriiApA 50 ppeAngpnÁicib pecpij- wrioc cnAipe, 7 50 p Aijbib pptnbjepA riAmeceAch.A. 'Oáía ha n^Att on cuAp •ooibpi'oe *oei]\je An bongpopc "oúa TjorhnAilb 7 50 bpApgA-ó AfluA^ "oía éip ifin bpopbAip imbÁcAp 7 Anfpmop "oeLub tha cci^lnb A]\ cepce bóm, *our piccicpbe m oibne 1a ctoipcecc An -pcéoib 50 mbÁCAp mt) imeAb cpiche rnonAch p~pi boch nCipneAnÍAp. Oc cIiúaIa-ó IVIÁ5- tnbip a ccocc cah on a cliche, vo bepc a pocpAi-oe t,Aip -pop Ammur ha nj&Ul .1. Aiiiuincip n-oitir buóbem, (x -oepbpAcliAip uí tl éibb CopbmAc fol. 19.Í. niAC pip-oopcA nnc Cuinn bACAij; ^"o ■opuínj "oía rhumcip 7 •oo cenél e-ogliAin 1111c lléítl, 7 rocAibe T>on cÁch ac pulACAp Afin Lon5popc. O nAtnicc ITlÁjinbip & An l/uchc nériiepepcniAp m gAppoccup -oon cptoj eccpAnt) T>eipi-óCcop px>p Accmt) pop Ác iToopAit) nx)oibeoiL m pob Cpt)AlCA Leó a ccochAp cViuca ipm conAip cubcACAp, fx nip bo cíah ah lobnAToeAn -oúpm An CA11 -oo piAclicACAp An fboj gAÍt in a ccfn*o. 1)a 1i fppmiiince]it)A AH pÍAbujAb pÚAippCc ón piÁnpÍAcbÁCAp ipuibe, peApcliAp gleo Ainnup Ain-opeAn- x)A Cco]i]\A 50 paemeAt) po tteoi-o poppnA jAÍÍAib 7 povpAgAbpfc iolAp cfnt) •oo poicenélAc1iAib 7 "ooicénétAcliAib 7 ótdáLa Ai-óbte xteAcliAib 7 gpoi-óib bACAp beó p'o bómnb bib & "oi^e gup An "oúnA-ó 50 ApcpiAÍtpAc, coiia'ó ónA bAipjCnAib tx ó ha bpiop5Aib ioía)toa po p-ÁccbAb occ aii ác -oon cup pm no jAb A11 các 7 An 1HA1-Ó111 An CAinmmu jAb Aip-óepc .1. niAibni áca iia mbpiop^At). Soaicc 1Tlibig 7 TIa^aLIai^ (iha ccepnÁ ApAn niAibm pm 1 Cormac — See p. xlv., antea. He is Archives at Simancas a letter written by usually called Cormac mac Baron. He him to the King of Spain when the other took an active part in the war on O'Don- chiefs wrote asking for aid. See p. li., nelPs side to the end. There is in the antea- 73 remained with the same number, and O'Donnell retained both of them, j These were recognised among the Irish soldiers by the difference of their arms and clothing, their habits and language, for their exterior dress was mottled cloaks to the calf of the leg with ties and fastenings. Their girdles were over the loins outside the cloaks. Many of them had swords with hafts of horn, large, fit for war, from their shoulders. It was necessary for the soldier to put his two hands together at the very haft of his sword when he would strike a blow with it. Others of them had bows of carved wood strong for use, with well seasoned strings of hemp, and arrows sharp-pointed, whizzing in flight. As for the English, when they were told that O'Donnell had gone away from the camp and left his army behind at the siege in which they were engaged, and that great numbers of them had gone to their homes for want of provisions, they marched in haste on hearing the news till they were on the borders of Fermanagh, west of Lough Erne. When Maguire heard they had crossed the bounds of his territory he took his troops with him to meet the English, viz., his own faithful people and O'Neill's brother Cormac, 1 son of Ferdoragh, son of Conn Bacach, with a number of his people and of the tribe of Eoghan, son of Niall, and some of O'Donnell's troops, for fear did not allow these to transgress the word or the warning of their prince, for he ordered them to remain in the encampment until he returned to them, and their provisions were not consumed, as were those of such as had gone away from the encampment. When Maguire and the people of whom we have spoken came near the strange army they halted opposite them at a rough, difficult ford, where they were sure the enemy would come to them marching by the road they did, and their stay in that place was not long when the army of the English came up. The entertainment which they received from the party there was unfriendly. A battle, sharp and fierce, took place between them until in the end the English were defeated, and they left a multitude of heads of high and low born and a large prey of horses and mares which they had bringing the supplies of food and drink for the castle to which they were going, so that from the many cakes and biscuits left at the ford then the ford and the battle got the well known name of the battle of the Ford of the Biscuits. The men of Meath and the O'Reillys 74 •oíob) in a ygeolAn^Aib ygAoiLce y^Ain-oyice co Oyeiyne ui ilAjAtLAij. t)Áyi conAiy in yo turn Seoiyyi 05 foionjom guy An tuchc no bCn é Ay An loniAyjoilyin eye bfygAin ctomne cobcAig Ruató riieg SAihyA-oAin, eye t)yéíyn'e uí tluAinc Gt Aiyrae co Sbgec. ÍI1 iní Aujuycoo yónA"ó mt>yin. Oc cliuÁÍAcÁn ófy coniifcA chAiyceóiL wyi ceicbfnn yyAomeAT) yon An rtoj no cyiAbt coccc x)ía ccoiyicm no bfnyac céiLL -oía ccAbAiy (x x>o bfycyacc An bAile ÚATÓib "oo riiAgtn-oiy, & t)o yAcyorh yofyAih -oóib con •ooyio-onAcbc cyey An ríy 50 yiAchcAcoy b 7 •oéoyAix),&'oo coiíiIa 50 cyicb nionAch. "PoyAijiy ÍAyom h.1 cíy cCmiACA yyi Loch neyne AnAiy. *Oo 5111AC An ybo£ bocA tx betyccACA Ainnyix>e 7 aiiaic yArhbAi-ó ó -oeiyeAt) -duguyc 50 5. •oOccobey. Oc diUAbA-ó An 1uyoy ó *OotijnAiUl tdo beic dia uyyoicitt, 7 itlAgtn-rjiy con a yocyAToe -oibbmb, ó yo yicciy co cciocyAX) ó 11éitb mA ccoiyicm yo A^AycAiy 1A-Q conA yo yAgAib AccIiac An CAn yin. O yobA "oeninn Ia íiúa n"OomnAibb hac cciocyA'o An luyciyco hmiy ceictenn -oon cuyym, iompAiymA yyicdnj -oía cbíy 7 yo beicc a AtbAnAig úa-óa ífy neiynft) acc u Ay AycAi b T>óib 7 yo ^cAbtyAc clmccA -oo yit)iyi m uycoyAC yArnyAix) Ay cchto. x Largan. — This territory was held by the Magaurans, subject to O-Rourke. See O'Flaherty's Iar Comiatcght, p. 347- "-Clan Cobhthach Rtiadh.— lhe tribe- name of the Magaurans. They were chiefs of Teallach Eochdach, which now forms the barony of Tullyhaw, in the north-west of Co. Cavan. 3 Russell. — He was the youngest son of the Earl of Bedford. See p. lxxxv., antea., In 'The Account of his Journey to Ballen- acor ' there is a description of the cruelties which he practised towards the O'Byrnes and other Wicklow tribes. See C.C. MSS., iii. 226, and Annals F. AT., vi. 1955. He was recalled in May, 1597. 75 escaping from that battle went in confusion, scattered and disordered, to Brefny O'Reilly. The road by which George Oge Bingham went with the people who followed him out of that fight was through Largan 1 of Clan Cobthach Ruadh 2 Magauran, through Brefny O'Rourke, and thence to Sligo. This took place in the month of August. When the warders of the castle of Enniskillen heard of the defeat of the army which intended to come to their aid they gave up all hope of relief and surrendered the castle to Maguire, and he gave them a protection during their journey through the district till they came to a place where they were safe. As to O'Donnell, after engaging the Scotch, he went to the territory of Fermanagh to con- tinue the same siege in which he was engaged before at Enniskillen. After the journey he saw some of his soldiers who were at the defeat in the fight against the English with the plunder in their possession. They gave him the account of how it happened. He was pleased with them, but yet it was anguish to him that he was not himself in that battle, for so many of the English would not escape as there did. O'Donnell went back with the Scotch, and he remained in his territory until Maguire's messengers came to him to tell him that the Lord Justice, Sir William Russell, 3 was threatening 4 and asserting that he would go to Enniskillen to take it a second time. When O'Donnell heard this news he assembled his forces, both high and low-born, and he went to Fermanagh. He went afterwards into Tir Kennedy, 5 to the east of Lough Erne. The army made huts and tents there, and remained so from the end of August to the 5th of October. When the Lord Justice heard that O'Donnell was well prepared, and Maguire with his auxiliaries also, and as he knew that O'Neill would come to their aid, he prevented them from leaving Dublin then. When O'Donnell was certain that the Lord Justice would not come to Ennis- killen then, he returned to his own country and sent away his Scots after giving them their pay, and they made a promise to him again for the very beginning of the following summer. 4 Threatening. — ' He formed a resolution that provisions and stores should be put into every town in the Queen's possession in Ireland, in despite of all those who were opposed to him. . . . He went to Athlone at that time and from thence to Roscommon.' Ibid. 5 Tir Kennedy. — Now a barony in the east of Co. Fermanagh ; it lies between Enniskillen and Fivemiletown. K • 76 Anno 1595, An 4. bliAt>Ain. bÁoiporh 1 \'oy ía|\oiíi íf]\ nimcechc -oía Ariipvib 50 mi-orhC-oon CptAit. UAnjACAn 1I10111AC 'oÚAiLib coicci-o 1'HeA'obA -oo f-Aijit) tti T)homnAiUl pur 111 nérin joinbACA-p f o^v AthfAine LAir ify nA ccoj-onn Ar a ccin 1a ViAnpnAchc 5ALL, & m AnuAir 'oo gfief acc aja ACAcrorh & 05 ÁiljCr pMfi imcui-oecc •oAice An AnprAbtAT) pojipiA 1iAttmAnciiAib (x, -oongAin 7 ■om'oneA-o AOfA mt) lompibAinj; 7 iia ccuac pobcA'p jrotnAtnAigce -óóib. Tto bAoi immono "Oía Aincp-óepurh & "oía m-oí|\e pn ^AbtAib ^un tió próAin^ a AflAij pvi]t An ion-o|\in -oia ccAoríipvo. \}&ye rnCiroAU -pAmneA-ó no cAifcéteA-ó X)1A iinorieA'ó hi corAC TIaí. c]\oichCn qtonoepje jron niAj no nAcr*AC nA ^AiLt coicceA-ó ConnAcc tube ro cnAib non cnuc Aijvóepc 'oo céir cojAAinn cnumne. SocliAi-óe -óíob ipn po}\c húa, múfi -OAin^eAn eipT>e no ctATófCc iia gAitt eici|i toch cé 7 Loch nA-pbAc. A\\ aiLL -oíob hi mAimrcin rhonAch pb ro|i bjui nA SCjnA, ob ipbe 'oo caoc a loch ceichfc ■oía njAyiAn binbl An cAnp^. *0|\eAm oite In ccuitrce m ecipiiCbon IIII1A151 h-doi pu Raic c|\UAc1iAn ahai]\úúai-ó. tlo bAoi 5oibf]inói]í coicctó ConnAÓc Si|\ ílippe|TO l3iongoni 1 Xiuyy commÁm. 1vit)i|\e cnoúA eip-óe, (x a yé bA ViAipnj pn Laitti An creAnAit) ^onfAn ccoi^eAX) uitepsb AC|uib]iAmo]u 1)a "ouilig "oiocuir.Ain^ -OAnAc nno'ó'LAc Ammuf 'oo ÚAbAipc p?]^An p^AntAc neriienbe]icmAn X)ía cc]\eACAX) nÁc -oía nmt)]ieA , ó Ía hAbÚAé 7 Ía hungnAm AnApn 7 m-o mnitt, bÁn An •om'njin 7 bÁr ati "onnbin j 'oo p3n]'Ac x>o jAoi-óéA- 1 Middle month.— The year was divided by the ancient Irish into four parts, each beginning with a stated day on which the lighting of fires and games took place. O'Donovan thinks the last month of Fogh- mar, or summer, corresponding with our November, was also the last of the year. Accordingly the middle month of spring would be our April. See The Book of Rights, liii. 2 Sligeach. — i.e., abounding in shells. This was formerly the name of the river Garvogue, which flows through the town of Sligo. From it the town has its name. 3 Bally mote. — A town fourteen miles south of Sligo. The castle was built by- Richard De Burgo, called the Red Earl, in 1300. A good part of it is still standing. 4 Kesk. — A hill immediately to the west of Ballymote. 77 The year 1595, the fourth year. He was then at rest, after the departure of his mercenaries, until the middle month 1 of spring. Many of the nobles of the province of Meadhbh came to O'Donnell at that time and were in his service, having been banished from their territory by the oppression of the English, and they never ceased beseeching and begging him to go to punish the English for their misdeeds, and to plunder and prey the people who bore with them and the territories subject to them. It happened, moreover, that owing to his resentment and anger against the English it was easy to tempt him to prey and plunder them whenever he could. The precise place fixed on to be plundered first was Rathcroghan of Crobdearg, in the plain of Aoi, son of Allgubha, in the middle of the English, where their flocks and herds were. That was not easy for him, for the English had brought the whole province of Connaught under their power, so that they were in possession of the impregnable castles and strongholds of the country and in the gaps of danger, viz., some of them in the castle on the bank of the ancient river which the flood left behind, called the Sligeach, 2 and others of them in Ballymote, 3 a strong fortress in the neighbourhood of the celebrated hill of Kesh 4 of Corann the harper. Some of them at Newport, 5 a strong fortress which the English had erected between Lough Ce and Lough Arrow. 6 Others of them in the monastery of the monks on the bank of the Seghais, a river which comes from Lough Techet, 7 now called the Boyle. Another body in Tulsk, in the middle of Magh Aoi, north-east of Rathcroghan. The Governor of the province of Connaught, Sir Richard Bingham, was in Roscommon, 8 a valiant knight, and he was Governor, under the direction of the Council, over the whole province, as we have said. It was a hard, difficult, bold, brave thing to make an attack on the party of whom we have spoken already, in order to plunder or prey them, owing to the great dread and abhorrence of their arms and accoutrements, and to 6 Newport. — This is no doubt the great miles W. of Boyle. Coolavin, the territory fort between Loughs Ce and Arrow erected of the O'Garas, lay on the west side of it. by the Governor of Connaught, spoken of & Roscommon. — This castle was built by by the Four Masters under the date 1590. William De Ufford, Lord Justice, in 1268. 6 Lough Arrow. — Five miles N. of Boyle. See an account of it in The J. of the, R. 7 Lough Techet. — Now Lough Gara, six Soc. of Antiquaries of Ireland, Oct., 1891. 78 tAib o céin rhÁin. A]\ a aoi cna Ar* p\in -oe^it) Ía íiúa n"Ooriinoitt doL pon ■An ptuAijf/ó A]i impi-óe 7 An ApptAÓ nA nÚApxt 7 tia nAineAch no ACAomp Cc in niine-rj pup Ilo CA]\cctomcA 7 no oonóiteA-ó cenét ^conÁitt tAip cotnbÁCA]\ occ At SeAHAij. Lmb Ar-p ÍApoiii conA ptoj; An cneAp 1a "oo 1TIa]\ca caja rfnptuc SAifiAoi|ie, tÁm x)Cy pu tocli ITIetije rmc CobcAij ca)\ imeAtboju) nibneipie, 50 b]tAiccptiAb, 7 Aippbe co ci]\ ctiAcliAit. J ^ 11 ^ tonjponc hipinbe co ine 'óóib co cáoicóicCtiac qie itia^ luijij An TDÁjh-ÓA 7 c]\e 111A5 A01 An pnnbeAnx>Aij 50 niAchcACAp Ia -oobAH foittp nA iriAit)ne 50 CnÚAchAn Rioj^Aic Ao\. Acz cCVia $en bo hiom-ottnc loinpoccup AiccpedbAiv 7 aíciu jA-ó imon 11ioí;]aáic 7 gejt uó hiotAn'ÓA AmbÚAn fol. 21. a. 7 AmbócliAtnce, AneAcnATj lomtuAC a1Ítíia]toa, An tdauti 7 m "0^15 mnite, 7 ^en 50 nétccpCc AlCpgeA-ó a pccfm'ieAtcA no p^AinnCt) no An ogbAb •oeifneibeAT) ó A]\ Aite -oo chumgeAt) c]\uix> no cfcnA (ÚAin po jebcAi]' AppoÍA|\cnAit) Tjíob 7 x»a 5AÓ et>Áit bA mfnniA]\c teó genmocÁ ón no a^jac) ni]\ bo hebpn "oo norrp&c iccitl, acc Ap pAippng poi]\tCúAn no pcAOitpCc ó A]\ oite x>o inuttAÓ nA Riog Raca úai]\ "oo •oeAcíiA'OAp "opon^ -óíob po buÚAi j uí Concobía ^0 cíonóiteAX) -oo chneAcViAib m A0111 ionA-o -OAiiicccib Aon Iaoi Ia neAc no pot ^Aeibit gtAip mic HiAit. "Oo choCc úa "OomnAitt conA ftÓ5 mA neimim lonmAtt nnceccA CAn imeAtbont) n'iAije Viaoi tÁm x>C\- pu p^n ac StipCn & 50 1unb b|\ium co J Z. í?/" Melge- — Now Lough Melvin, at the of the barony of Boyle, including the whole extreme N.E. of Co. Leitrim. Melge parish of Kilronan. Top. Poems, xxxvi. was the son of Cobthach Caolmbreagh, 4 Knockvicar. — Five miles N.E. of Boyle, and was ardrigh from A.M. 3696 to 3673. 6 Daghdha. — i.e., Eochaidh Ollathar, ard- Keating, //. of Ireland^ p. 192. righ from 3371 to 34.50. He died at Brugh» 2 Braulieve. — Four miles S. of Droma- na Boinne of a wound which was inflicted haire, where Leitrim and Roscommon meet. on him in the first battle of Moytura. 3 Tir Tuathail.—A. territory in the N.E. Annals F. AL, i. 23. ' 79 the contempt and insults they offered to the Irish for a long time. How- 1595 ever, O'Donnell resolved to go on a hosting at the request and petition of the nobles and gentlemen who complained of their sufferings to him. He assembled and gathered together the Cinel Conaill, and they came to Ballyshannon. Then he went, the third day of March, with his host across the old stream of Saimer, having the Lough of Melge, 1 son of Cobthach, on the right, over the border of Brefny, to Braulieve, 2 and from that to Tir Tuathail. 3 He encamped there till morning. The next day they set off through the wastes and deserts of the country, without being noticed or heard, to the river at Boyle, east of Lough Ce. The army crossed the river in the beginning of the night at the place called Knockvicar 4 bridge. From that silently through Moylurg of the Daghdha 5 and through Magh Aoi Finnbendaig, till they came at the twilight of the morning to Croghan, the royal fort of Aoi. However, though houses and dwellings were close in the neighbourhood of the royal fortress, and though the cows and herds of cattle, the swift foreign horses, the oxen and preys of cattle were numerous, and though they might with profit forbid their marauders to scatter or their soldiers to separate from each other in order to collect herds or flocks (for they would find plenty of them, and of every treasure they wished except gold or silver), it was not this they did at all, but far and wide they separated one from the ether from the hill of the royal fort, for some of them went into the territory of O'Conor Roe and Annaly, and others to the bridge of Ballymoe, and another body beyond Castlerea, 7 westwards. All these active marauding parties, with their spoils and booty, returned with what each one could, moving together and driving before them herds and cattle, after mid-day on the same day to Elphin, 8 where O'Donnell was. It was a long time before that since the same quantity or the like was gathered and collected as was brought together of spoils in one place, the plunder of one day, by any one of the race of Gaeidhel Glas, 9 son of Nial. O'Donnell went forward with his army by slow marches over the border of Magh Aoi 6 Ballymoe. — Six miles S. of Castlerea. gives its name to an ancient bishopric • ''Castlerea. — Fifteen miles N.W. of Ros- founded by St. Patrick, common. No trace of the castle remains. 9 Gaeidhel Glas.— Ox Gadelas. Milesius 8 Elphin. — See Trias Thauin., pp.89, 139. was 19th in descent from him. See It is fifteen miles north of Roscommon. It Keating's H. of Ireland, p. 107. 8o pAngACAp co hup Sioitóa Ap Apf/ó x>o chÁdcpi AHAip cuái-ó 5AC nxiípeAch ecip nib t)piAm fx ConiriAicne tlCin. J*^* 3,1 " ton^popc InpuToe AiiATDliAig pm. UuipceccA An joibfpnopA Uip-ofp-o biongom, ac cuAp -oopAi-óe o *OoriinAibb ■oo cpuVlb |\u piu cAimc -oon cip, 7 po Itaoi hia poichibl ah'iaiL Ap -oeAC po pét> GL Ida po LAip a cochc imp ÚAip ah "OAp beiporii ni cfpnAit>pC-ó yo|x ccúía ^Ati AidunelA, •oo peccbAnn cIiucca iia ^Aibb bAcop ipopbAipi ipm ccpic 1 ccoiccmne Ap jac mCntiAC mibAcop 7 -OALAip ditncce ifcc gup An SfgliAip -oia nj^Apop ait fouiLb, a|\ Ap Ann bA "0015 bAÍp úa DoirinAibl -oó gliAbAib aj^ poA-ó •óó t)ia cip. UAngACAn 1pm coichfpcAb pm riA 5A1LL bACAp ipopbAipi occ An SbicceAc imbAiLe ah ITIocai j 7 ipm pope hua jombACAp 1 tiiAnnpcip tia buibbe. fol.21 b. UAn^ACAp ipm coiceApcAb cfccnA ha 5A1VI bACAp hi cctÚAin ha ccAippeAb. UAn.Aic An 5 01 ^^P n óip peipm 50 ngAbUab UoppA comniAm bAip, 7 50 nopum^ 1llÓip 'OO jAOlbeAbAlb HTIApoCYl p piÚ, ^OmbACAp OCC tlA1C CpÚACAII, 7 'OO ifgllACC pop pbiochcbopcc 11 a pbuAj fx nA ccpeAch, fx j;ep bo po-ÓAin^ a bop^ -oo bpeic (Ap mp bo pbioclic pion^oAij pop 01 jpeoj Cng 7 poibLechc An cpeAC- ploij bAoi pfmpu) bA pAin conAi]i po chm^pfc La •omit) Iaoi Gfc 1a hupfopAc oi-oclie ía|\ nA infpgeAT) rhCputjA-o La hÁitjiup 7 Ía nnnCnup AtcAppAccAm 7 AccojHAini, ÚAip bApC-o ÍAnpÁoibeACCAin ha njAbb ^up bo 1n An conAip 1 ccú-ócIia-ó úa 'OorhnAibb'oon cíp nó ApgnÁipeAX) -oo pi-oipi occ poAb mA ppicdng. 0"001TinAllb CpA (Ó po ^lé All LÁ CO 11A tAnpOlt]'1 Ap AbApAÓ) pO p'opcon^Aip pop a 5iobÍAn|\Aix) 7 pop 5AÓ Aon -oía plój -oa HAp bo heob Apm "onnbeApc no •oiomtiiAt) m AjAi-o a nÁniAc ApccnAm ^Án ptnpeAc La AccpeAcjAbÁÍAib 7 La Ané^oÁÍAib -oo poigit) iia Sioitoa 50 Apoibe Ác -ooriiAin bAOi poppAn AbAinn n«ri pAicep Azh cibbe cpenAm. 'OO pónA-ó pAippiorii m-opm po chfccóip 7 boccAp cA]\pAn AbAinn 5A11 11AC mbAojAb gombAcop poppAn mbpuAC AbbcAjiAC icconifiAicne triAije lldn ppipi pAicfp mumcfp eobAip ah cAn pA. lomcupA An goibfpnópA tlip'OAp-o bion^Ain, ó -oobfiic -oía uí-ó ó 'OorimAilb conA pbo<5 -oo lom^AbAib 7 xio peAcbnA nA pb^f-ó cA]ipA ccu'ócACAp -oon cip po pAi-o cecbcA gup iia jAbbAib ppip Ap -óÁbApcAtp occ inAimpap tia buitbe 1 Slishen. — Now Bellaslishen, a mile 3 Conmaicne Rem. — i.e., the plain of the south of Elphin. track. Through this the Formorians flying 2 Hy Briiiin— Now Tir ua Riuin, the ter- from the battle field of Moytura passed to ritory lying between Elphin and James- Fenagh, where they were slain. It com- 1 own, Co. Roscommon. It belonged to the prises the southern part of Co. Leitrim. O'Monaghans, descended from Brian, son 4 Cluan nx gcaisket.—Now Cloone, in of Eochaidh Muighmeadhoin. the barony of Mohill. 8 1 having on the right the old ford of Slishen 1 and Hy Briuin, 2 until they came 1595. to the bank of the Shannon, for it flows straight from the north-west between Hy Briuin and Conmaicine Rein. 3 They encamped there that night. As for the Governor Richard Bingham, when he was told that O'Donnell was marching before he came into the country, and he was as well prepared as he could be, he thought it well that he had come anyhow, for he supposed he could not escape back without a great disaster, he assembled all the English in the country in general, from whatever garrisons they were in, and he summoned them to meet him at the Seghais called the Boyle, for he thought O'Donnell would pass there when going to his own country. There came to that gathering the English who were in the garrisons of Sligo, Ballymote, and Newport, and they were in the monas- tery of Boyle. The English who were in Cluan na gCaishel 4 came to the same gathering. The Governor himself came with the English of Roscommon and with a great body of Irish, and they were at Rath Croghan. They went on the track of the army and of the prey, and though it was easy to find the track, for not like the track of a fox on the ice were the track and footsteps of the plundering host before them, they took a different road at the end of the day and beginning of the night, after wandering and straying through a longing desire and haste to take vengeance on them and pursue them, for the English were fully persuaded that O'Donnell would march again, when returning back, by the same road by which he had come to the territory. Meantime (as soon as the day shone out with all its light on the morrow), O'Donnell ordered his attend- ants and every one of his army who did not know how to use or wield arms against their enemies to march without delay with their booty and spoils to a certain deep ford of the river Shannon, which is called the ford of Killtrenan. This they did immediately, and they crossed the river without any hurt to the opposite bank in Conmaicne Magh Reim, which is now called Muintir Eolais. As for the Governor Richard Bingham, when he perceived that O'Donnell with his army had escaped and had taken a different road from that by which they had come into the country, he sent messengers to the I 82 ■oia ccoctnueA-ó chuccA t>o -out Tióib uitei LfmiiAin ah tflcnj •oon Aim^-omn- neA"ó 11A cniche, 7 o riA nuccp\c pvin 1 cnAicci nocliAn bo IiaiL t>ó fAigit) pin An fLój nAiLe 50 1iAiipjipce, con-oCcliACAHpoiii •oepbe CAn SioriAinn fA1J1 CÚA1T) -|\e pú CA1]\cCcCAn 11A gAltb AcllC IDAX) ÚAchA-Ó TMA IIAlilfAlb ]\0 p^Albrfc T)ÍA 1léir T>0 CAClljAT) CA]1 ACcflTO 7 "OIA niTITófjVlAl'L 111A troiuix). "Our rAincfco]i -opon^ tfióji "oo jLAp^Ait An crtuAij jALL 7 "oía nóCr •oiobpAicce lADp-óe & -oo bfpAcc 'oeAbdi'ó -oóib jup po chéchcnAi 51c 7 jup po jonAic iLe CcoppA. Cit> pi Ann cpA acVic x)o •óéAcliACAp cenél cconAiLL "OAnrAn AbAinn ro •óeói'ó ífp mbuATÓ copccAip. SoAip An ^oibepnoip conA jAltAib pop ccúLAib 7 mp bó rl,An l,Aip a mCnniA A|\ bA metA Iait m-opeA-o An cipe cAifup *Oo cofc ó •ooiiinAiLL con a fbój ínA nuít)1iet)Aib imceccA tha cojib con énALAib ATobLe 7 co bpoitce nióip. -An mc puri'lAiT) occ LéigCn Arcíp 50 ■oeipeA-ó neappAij. O no compoiccpj ceocopAC ha pine pAmpACA ■oóib po ecc ipn ccoicccpich no nróip x>o puAbAipc tiA ccuac no bACAn in ^éiLLpme jaLI, 7 pobA pu\pAij; "oóib "oia ctAbAinc pop ccúÍAb mA rhuincipAp 7 mA ca]aac|ia'o "oo copnAvh ah acaja'óa pn ^AlA-Aib nó •01A ninopeA'o munA cioprAir icnp. lApo-ÓAin x)o pecctomcA a pLuAj^ ÍAip An .18. "oo Appil. tJAp(t> accCcciia riui'óe ca|i pfnppuc SAifiAoipe Iah'i "ófp ppi Loch llletje 1111c CobnAij co pAn^ACAp^o Uopmbfp aii AÚAi^pn. Aipípic co m at)aiii ipn niAi jm pn. Uia^Iiaic Ap a bA]\Ac1i co ciLle pfpgo. "Oo jniAc lompupeAch VnpiToe co puccpAC "oeipeAb a pboig poppA. 'Oo 1C5AC ifporii cpepAn mbpdpne co t)pAiccplÍAb. t)ACAn AtiViAij ton^ioi'c Ann, 7 'oo jniAc AnAi]iie ía]aoiti. I^A^f-o no co^AiprCc cecip cnuch yo jAbcAir eiVl yojipiA gAllAib bAco|i imAinipri|A nA Sfgli^A no bAT) pó leó. Ay mine bACA|ip"óe co iroíb cét)Aib Iaóc ipojibAip ipn necctér 1npn, 7 |io pÁrAijpCc nA cpocA bÁcoji com^oiccp "óóib pon jac lec 5ombcA]i *oic|ieAbA ^An lonAcodic ^An A1C|1GAb AT). -Aff-ó AineAcc Annichc 1a 1uía nT)oninAitl- po "oeoi-o. "Ro "óebjfiicAin 1 Ross Inver. — A parish in north Leitrim, near the south-eastern extremity of Lough Melvin. 2 Killargy.— i.e., the church of St. Ferga. The village is six miles south of Manor Hamilton. 3 Monastery of the Seghais-— -The Cister- cian abbey of Boyle, which is called here by the name of the river close to which it is built. The church and a considerable part of the monastery are still standing, but they are in very neglected state. 83 English whom he had summoned to the monastery of Boyle to ask all of them to go in pursuit of the host which had come to plunder the territory, and as they did not come instantly, for they did not wish to go meet the other army unprepared, they went from thence across the Shannon north- eastwards before the English came up, all but a small number of their soldiers whom they left behind to fight in their defence and to protect them on their rear. A great body of the infantry of the English army and of the shooters came up and a skirmish took place between them, so that many were hurt and wounded on both sides. However, at last the Cinel Conaill went across the river after a victory in the fight. The Governor with his English retreated, and his mind was not at ease, for he was sorry that the country was plundered in spite of him. O'Donnell and his army went on their way to their homes with vast treasures and great joy. They remained there to get rid of their fatigue to the end of spring. When the beginning of the summer weather was approaching a longing and a great desire seized O'Donnell to go again into the neighbouring districts to attack the people that were in subjection to the English and obedient to them, to bring them back to an alliance and friendship with him, and to protect their patrimony from the English, or to prey them if they did not return. Wherefore he got together his troops on the 1 8th of April. His first march was across the old stream of the Saimer, having the Lough of Melge, son of Cobthach, on his right, and they came to Ross Inver 1 that night. They remained there till morning. They went the next day to Killargy. 2 They made a halt there until the rear of his army came up with them. After that they went through Brefny to Braulieve. They encamped for a night there, and held a council afterwards. What they agreed on was whatever hurt they found an oppor- tunity of doing to the English who were in the monastery of the Seghais, 3 they thought it right to do, for these were with two hundred soldiers in possession of the church, 4 and they wasted the neighbouring territories on every side so that they were wildernesses without residence or dwelling. This was the plan adopted by O'Donnell in the end. He detached a 4 Church. — Regies, an abbey church, of the secular or of the regular clergy. See whereas teampul may mean a church either Petrie's Eccl. Arch., p. 153. L 8 4 *oí]inn mAjAcrluAAj &y&n crtuAj x>ía p&inriuiinncin 7 voi'óeA'ó úa-óa iac 1n conAi]\ n Aite cai_a t)uíVt gur An niAimran, (x Athene rniAÍ •oo'L -oo ch.Aircce'leA'ó fO|\ cAin bó bAoi occ iia ^AVlAib t>ía mbjAéjAb 7 *oía ccAnnAn ^ CAn cLvÓAib & rnú]\Aib 11A niAinercnech jur An mAij neí-ó aitoC-oIaa-i j Ambu -our An ccAorii- fol. 22.Í. p&DAip An rtuAj cuibfcc fcon]\A 7 An "OAin^Cn, ÚAin ac cÚAr "oúa DomnAiVl gombm cécc Lut^eAC teó "oía mbfcliAtiinAr. 1mrÁi ó 'OorhnAitb App conArtoj 1 rtigeb nt»fin|MC xnA "oiAniln^A-o 1a himeAtboivo IocIaa 1i-A]\bAC Allan aija (x co coi|\nfliAb nA SfgrA. HacIaaijic n* 501II bÁcon ironbAipi ipn pope nÚA emn loch Cé 7 loc <\|AbAC peireilbe An crloi j at^ j^AbAil cÁnrA. ^AbAAcc occ T)iAin'ouib]\A5A'ó An ubAillriieAll luAATje Gc 05 pnAplorccA-ó a bpút>Ain ■do cAbAinc f-cét 7 jAAbAiTj "oonA hójAibh bÁcon Arm mAinAiv"oin An nA cAnT)A-ó An flóg bneicc lompo 7 nÁ cíorcA ron]AA ^An nAcu^ATj. O pAimcc ó *Oomnoill ca]a rAn ccoAnnflAAb bvnb •ofr no jAb tropr irpcobAT) nuf Annie bm mx) lompoccur tiA 1iAbAnn m CcAnnAifj ronrnA ^AÍÍAib co cCinc An a bAnAC. T)áIa An "oio|\itia no yonof'o -oo diAirceleA-ó fo\\ An cc]ieic ac cuA-óomon, "ou] % pccfcpbe ipn •oeTjóil muicli gnr An mAinAi] ,- oi]\ 7 t>o bCnAc Atiibu ÚAt)ib co leicc. Ac^mAc nA 5A1II ^uja uó celj; no hinnlfó ro]A acchto, & ní no •oenAigrCc An "OAingCn acc Aipiriorii Ann. An caii cnA no bfn "Ua T)oAÍinAill ceill "oia ccui-óeccrorii &y m mAinirci|t ron neix> pn bAoi m AinCnTnoinpom, acc no coc1hh|a cluncce co Inncleice -oiAon^ "ooUichc nA quce 7 AcbCfAn rjUAJ -ool ipm coiccc|aic1i -oo *fol.23. a. b]AAC 7 "oo cliAipccéteAt) ponfíiA cuÁrAib bAcon mjellpme gAÍl. X)o cócojs ÍA]\om Ia rojAcon^nA ha vIaca no c1iAirccéteAX> ipn AngliAtte, rnÁc ipbe m no c|AeAbfAC AjAAibL T)UAi] , tib ConniAicne -oo f-íot pCnju-pA nnc Rojw Siot 1 Fergus.— He was the grandson of Rudh- naught and Munster, where his descendants, raighe, ardrigh from a.m. 4912 to 4981. He the families of O'Ferrall and Reynolds still became possessed of large territories in Con- dwell. O'Curry's Manners, '&>c, ii. 86. 85 troop of horse from the army of his own people and sent them away i59S- by another road across the Boyle to the monastery, and told them to go reconnoitre for the purpose of driving off the cattle belonging to the English, to delude them, and draw them beyond the fences and walls of the monastery as far as the level plain after their cattle, to see whether the force could go between them and the fortified place, for O'Donnell was told that they had one hundred milch cows for food. O'Donnell went away with his army by a private road to conceal himself by the bank of Lough Arrow to the east, and to Corrsliabh of the Seghais. The English who were in garrison in Newport, between Lough Key and Lough Arrow, heard the talking of the army when passing by. They set to shoot their leaden balls and to burn their powder in order to give information and warn- ing to the soldiers in the monastery, so that the force should not deceive them and come on them without notice. When O'Donnell had passed over the Corrsliabh southwards, he rested in a retired wood near the river in ambush for the English until the morning of the next day. As for the troop that was sent to reconnoitre about the prey, as we have said, they came in the early dawn to the monastery and drove off the cattle from them immediately. The English saw that a stratagem was attempted against them, and did not leave the fortress but remained therein. When O'Donnell had given up all hope of their coming out of the monastery into the level plain in pursuit of their small herd of cattle, the loss of which was an injury to them then, he rose from his ambush and passed on across through Magh Aoi with his soldiers, so that it was completely gleaned by him and what remained to them after the first time was entirely plundered, and he went straight on till he came to the western bank of the Shannon. He went across the river to Conmaicne Rein, and he encamped in Leitrim of Muinter Eolais, and remained there with his army until they had finished the celebration of Easter, and while his enemies thought he was going to his native country, such a thing was not in his mind, but he summoned to him privately some of the people of the country, and told them to go into the neighbouring district to spy and watch the people who were in subjection to the English. They went afterwards by the prince's order to watch in Annaly. This is a district in which some of the nobles of Conmaicne of the race of Fergus Mac Rossa dwelt. They were 86 fT^FB&j^ Apton-OA'ópM-óe. 7 nobcAn roriiAmAijjce "oo ^AttAib An CAn pm. 13aca]\ nneAcclAi^e "oia z]\éccm &]\ ]\o bAt) jjAjtpoccur ACCotiiAi^cfr T)1 ApDite. Uo fofo béor úa *OoriinAitt ceccA co h&ox> ITIhA^ui'óin *oía cochuip3AT> cIiucca, 7 no T)AtAp:oin pnr ipn ccoiccpcb cCcha. *Our pccp-óe AtiiAit no hiApuvó. Soaic ófr An bnAich p>n ccútAib co ppior reel 7 bAo^Ait nA cpée -oUa "OoriinAitt. Do coh'iIa Ar í Cpom conA rrnteA'OAib tÚAn CArg 00 fonnpvo CAnrnA beitjib no cioncoipxr fc a coipj; conAine -óó 50 nAimcc ]ma mACAin •oon AngAibe. Oiricccfri An -oa An^Aite 7 An epoch inte pop ^Ach tec beó con* pApccAibrCc rrnob nmmte óchÁ StiAb Uittnro poebup oCpcc tine "Pnro ■oía n^Anop ptmb CAipppe mtnu 50 ^tAipr "bfpnAmom pnp nAicfp ^cne, bAit m no bAfoeAt) €hchne mjfn GocItoac pei-ótij. *Oo nAcrAcc cpA mumcfp ui *OoiiinAitt po cpuunnétt cdnf-ó An cíp mA cnrnceAtt sup bó pmuícceo •oobA]TOA t)uibciAch •oojichA •ofdiAijje Ancoibdr bAoi ÚApoA CcApbÚAp, t^upbo bo]\ t>iA toe 7 "oia tAnbAojtu^At) t)iAmbeic lomcopnArh ppíu nÁp bo puAi- chnro 7 nAjA bo roittéip -oótb An ai c Cn ca 7 AnAfp com jdij-ji-ó (tnÁmcAip eicipciÁn ÚAióib) otoÁc AnAtm-oe 7 Ambiox)bA'OA bunAfó. bAOi CAipcÍAtt ipn ccpich, ton^popc uí pfpghAit a Ainni, Ap Apé bA ■oúnÁpAp oópxioe (x "oon cí no biot> hi ccfnnAr iia cpce -oía éenét. 1)a ■ounAt) OAm^Cn -oiéojtAije eip'óe 7 •our fuic ^up no, ^AttAib ah lonbAfó pn. Do nAcroc iCpoiii 5 A1 tt vfppoirh tiia pMnmtnnncfn m-o "oia ionicoitiié-o 7 jjeitt 7Aiccip3 An cípetAip, Cpiopcoip bpoun a Ainm. t)A h&iceAch aIiucc cpeóm eiptbe itteic ppi pirhiccin 7 CApcApAt -oo CAbAipc pop ÚAirtib (x tnppiogAib A11 cípe pop ^ac tCich oe. ^AbcliAn An cAircÍAtt tA 1iúa n"OorimAitt, & "oo ]\acca'ó Cporcoin 7 a ctiAthAin A-pf Anibnoicc con a mnÁib -oibtionib. *Oo nocbAip x>An 1loibC|TO mAC "pfpjurA mic b|UAin tA]' An ftuAj bA t)UAirtib a cCmiuit eipoe, tA 11lA5UiT)i|\ 00 -rincporii. 1o]i5AbdiA]\ ConcobA]\ mac An PH10|\a uí ttA^AttAij tA "OjAumg nAite oon ftójh. 1 Annalies. — In 1445, at the death of William O'Ferrall, lord of Annaly, the territory was divided and two chieftains established. Annals F. M., v. 941. 2 Slieve Uillin. — It is mentioned in the Book of Lecan : 'Lughaidh went to be re- venged of Furbaidhe and killed him at the summit of Slieve Uillen, and he made his earn there.' fol. 252. a. The name is now obsolete. z Slieve Car&ry.—A mountainous district in the barony of Granard, Co. Longford. It takes its name from Cairbre, brother of Laeghaire, ardrigh in St. Patrick's time. 4 Inny. — This river rises in Lough Shee- lin. Flowing southwards, it passes through Lakes Derravaragh and Iron. For a part of its course it forms the boundary between Longford and Westmeath. It falls into the eastern angle of Lough Ree. 37 called the Clann Farrell, and they were subject to the English then. They were very much afraid to separate from them, for they were very near each other. O'Donnell also sent a messenger to Hugh Maguire to invite him to him, and he appointed a meeting in the same territory. He came as he was asked. The spies returned with an account of the country and of its dangers to O'Donnell. He set off then with his soldiers on Easter Monday precisely through the passes which his guides informed him of, and he came before morning to Annaly. The two Annalies 1 and the whole country on every side were wasted by them, so that they did not leave a single beast from the mountain of Uillinn of the red spear, son of Finn, called Slieve Carbry 3 now, to Glaiss Beramon, called the Inny, 4 where Eithne, the daughter of Eochaidh Feidhleach, 5 was drowned. O'Donnell's people put a heavy cloud of fire on the land all round, so that there was a gloomy, blinding, dark cloud of smoke of a strange kind overhead, enough to make them wound and endanger those who were defending them, for their acquaintances and fellow-soldiers could not be recognised and distinguished (if they were any distance from them) more than their hereditary foes and enemies. There was a castle in the territory called O'Farrell's fortress, 6 for it was his fortified residence, and that of the person of his tribe who was at the head of the territory. It was a strong impregnable castle, and it had fallen into the hands of the English then. The English gave it afterwards to one of their own people to hold, and the hostages and pledges of the country with it. Christopher Brown was his name. He was a giant in bravery ; besides, he used contempt and abuse towards the nobles and chiefs of the country on all sides of him. The castle was taken by Hugh O'Donnell, and Christopher and his brother-in-law were carried away as pledges with both their wives. Hubert, too, son of Fergus, son of Brian, fell by the army ; his family was of the nobility. He was slain by Maguire. Conor, son of the Prior 7 O'Reilly, was taken by another part of the army. 5 Eochaidh Feidhleach. — For an account of the manner in which he reached the throne, and the chief events of his reign, see Keating's H. of J re land, p. 196. O'' 'farrell 's fortress. — The town and county of Longford take their name from it. Tradition says the castle occupied the site of the present barracks. 7 Son of the Prior. — This was Maelmora, the illegitimate son of Philip O'Reilly, called the Prior though not an ecclesiastic. Annals F. M., vi. 1966. Tlo mAn'bA'ó 7 no mu-OAijC-o -OAoine ioniT>Abeó An bÁ pn nAc CAbAncAn p>n Ai]to An AnmAnnA pMnneAbActiA Ia cAob n* ré npAbb •oécc "oo ■pAopcbAn'OAib n<\ cpche (bÁco|A m Aicane 1a Cpoproin bnoun pu ÍAirn gAbbipn bon^popc) •oo torccAt), aji ni no cinn'igC-o a ctCp\]\ccAin 1a cneACAn nA cdnf-o 7 1a toirccet>ne nA bÚAC bApiAcb bÁoi m jac ai|vo Gfc m ^ac Aincfnt) -oon bAibe. Tlo toircce-o beó beór An bÁ pn ceicne CAipreoibb oite t>o chAip;iAbbAib An cine cénmocÁ An bon^ponc. Do boo bionriiAi](e t>a né-OAÍAib "oa nAincccib 7 •da ccpeAchAib mÁr aitiaiL no fé'Opvc a caomÁm A5 pvgbÁib ha bAnjAibe •óóib. "Loccaj\ Ap^ ÍA]i mn-oneAb An ci]\e t^un no jAb^AC bongpopc i ceAbbuch n"0Únc1iAt)hA An AbAij pn. *Oo beiccfc ArcdmeAbcA ApAbAnAC jur An "0Ú unbACAn 501U, ipDj\bAip ipn cb|\ich .1. 50 mAinip;i|i conpóccAcc La hojro SAn PiiAncer m iomp>ccur "oon cliAbÁn (bong-pope ui Htx^AbtAij) (x vo bfnAC beó ^Ach et>Áib po]\ a nugpxc ó ha pjAinreAC bAojAÍ f onr nA gAlbAib La . "OAin^Cn mmLbe An ioiiato AmbÁcAji. gAbAic pop 1 An At>1iAij pn 1 ceAblAC neAclTOAcb aVIa ciAn "oo béb Ac1ia ConAiVL Ko bub jrÚAibb An Cnn-OAib lonmupxpon ACCAbpACAir mumcCn ui *OhorhnAibb mópbÚAch cjiuit) Gt cCch|\A if nA conAipb nfmpA m o]\ ait "oa t)peipie 7 1 p?pAib tnonAC Ap a bionriiAipe bACAn beó aji a yox> 7 An a micfine ÚAibib -oía ccip, An ÍAige 7 An eneinte jaca cenéoib cfcpA m lonbAit) pn. 11ip bó pÁbAb fol.24.rt. ruAncoinpcnneAch no coc1iaic Aót> HÚAbh úa T)oriinAibb An cpeccniAinpn, 7 bA be icipctnÁn &\\ oite a uibeAbA (x a nnceccA, Ap bA -oía p*c1iAinn no bfnpAC a riiumcfp a rnbú no gAbbAib mAinep:ne nA bmble 7 ]\o Auujrfc niAc1iAipe contiAÓc. t>A X)ía niAinc a]a cciunt) no cpeAÓboirccrfc a fbóij An •oa AnjAibe AtilAil AcpubpAmop, & bA -oia ceTJAom ifporii ]\o puCcnAi-orfc Afincbeunon ccAbÁn. bocAn cenéb conAibb if]\ccAin -oia cagib ÍAjipcínéiujA'ó AneAcbqiA. An Cpoproin bpoun yeinpAice bAoipbe m^ÍAbbnAr bA bÚA n"Ooiiinoibb jur no Ci]tn úai-ó a puAp^cbAt) .1. ye peine ponncA. Ilo yfr t)o gAbbAib 'Ouibtmne ó tléibb "oo -oub 1 ccommbATo cojai-o ha ngAÓiceb A|i Ap^bAC 7 pD]\ÁibeArii ui "OliotiinAibb cem bA p^|\péib pvin co beicc 1 TicUyhunco. — Now a barony in the Conall Cearnach, the famous Red Branch west of Co. Cavan. knight, who was slain there by the men of 2 Tullyhaw. — Now a barony in the N.W. Connaught, to avenge the death of Oilioll of the same county. Mor, husband of the famous Meadhbh. 3 Ballyconnell. — A small town in the Keating's H. of Ireland, p. 199, and barony of Tullyhaw. It has its name from O'Curry's MS. Materials, p. 483. 8 9 There were slain and destroyed many persons by them on that day 1595. whose precise names are not given, together with the sixteen hostages of the high-born nobles of the territory (they were hostages with Christopher Brown by direction of the English in the castle) who were burnt, for they could not be saved owing to the rush of the fire and the burning of the red- hot ashes which were in every part and corner of the town. Four other castles also of those of the territory were burnt besides Longford. There were more spoils and plunder and cattle than they were able to take away with them when leaving Annaly. They went away after plundering the territory, and they encamped at Tullyhunco 1 that night. They sent out their scouts on the next day to the place where the English were in garrison in the territory, i.e., to the monastery built by the Order of St. Francis, very near Cavan (O'Reilly's fortress), and they took away with them every .kind of booty which they met_ with, as they could get no advantage of the English owing to the place where they were. They rested that night at Tullyhaw 2 to the west of Ballyconnell. 3 O'Donnell's people thought nothing of the quantity of treasure which they took, the wealth of cattle and flocks on the roads before them on the borders of the two Brefnys and in Fermanagh, owing to the great quantity they had and to the remoteness and distance of their own territory and the weakness and feebleness of all kinds of cattle then. Hugh O'Donnell did not pass that week in a pleasant, sleep-producing manner, and his journeys and marches were far from each other, for on Saturday his _ people took their cattle from the English of the monastery of Boyle and plundered the plain of Cbnnaught. On the following Tuesday his forces wasted the two Annalies, as we have said, and on the Wednesday after his marauding parties spread about Cavan. The Cinel Conaill went away after that to their homes, having ended their expedition. The afore-mentioned Christopher Brown was kept in confinement by Hugh O'Donnell until his ransom of six score pounds was paid by him. It was known to the English of Dublin that O'Neill had entered into the confederacy of the Irish at the instigation and request of O'Donnell, though it was not evident then, and though he concealed it as long as he 90 (x 5 e I 10 *oict,f]XAij\ Ai|\Ccc no yezx:. O -|io bwó •oenrnn 1&y An luprif Sip UiU/iAm Hup-eb & LÁpAfl fCYi -oo noine a ft-ójj -oo cfccLoniATj chtnccé pDchCcóin 50 1iAonrhAi tin Gt cu'óecc co cíjt ebghAin bAiL nnbui ó tléiVL UiAjAicc nnÁnoCn 50 "pocAijvo 1Tlui]\ceitiine h&ú, nTofnnA An Cucut.Ainn Ai|\-oC]\c An f oicfjvo jAip^TÓ. *Oo jniAcc bócA 7 bel/pccÁcA yy\y m "pliochAi]TO An ai|a hi mír 1T1ai 130 fon^A-D. t)ACAn pfcAit hipji-óm 1n -pniicm An lujnf •oo AnACAb 7 "oo lomchoinié'o An choiccm pvip Acc cfriAno Aipf An 1u-pcif m -c\c cliAc T)on chunpn ÍA|i ppor p^céb "oó ^onibArjAnfom m a foichiVt •pAn'iÍAit). íol. 24. b. "boí LAoch AiTO^Ait) AiniAnttAc "Doha ^ALÍAib 11T0 lonbAfópn ipn ccAincÍAbt no boi yoy uy -pfnAbAnn Sbiji^e hi yo]\bAip conxnb cofgAc ÍAech imtriAiLLe pp Seoinp ócc biongom a Ainmp-óe. 1Da coireAc momjonA 7 bA cAipcm coccAiT) é y\\i Iauíi irra Aipuj; x>o nÁÍA yo\\ coicceA-ó Hlf-óbA An cah pn .1. TtipoCnt) biongom. lomcupx An cSeoínp Aq\ub]\AmAn, no feobApTAn tuchc bungA bAíh t>Cy pu hoy n&nenn fAiji cuÁix) co pMiAic ffncÚAn Suibje 1 ccpch ConAibb rrnc íleibb An CAn no bÁoi úa "OomnAiLt con a ft 05 1n cí]V CógliAm. Ho bAOi mAini]-ci|i Ainnp-ohe yo\\ un nA cjiAgAcuAnjAibce a]\ onoi]\ 7 A]\ Ainmicm -oo nAÓmh 1TIai]\i mAÚA]\ An coirh-óeT>. UifgbAic pDn mAimpri]\, 6: T)o be]\oc 24 1nmbui ime 'oécjjA'ó oip\emt) & "OATÓn'nb C'óbA]icA coinp An cptAimgceo^íA & 'oé'OAbAib oibe &y cCnA. Soaic yoy cúbAT» co nAngACAji co UojiAij •oú m no bCnt)AC An Cobumb Aip-ofnc, miy ip-óe pb yo C|\coriTAi]A iia 1 Promised- — An account of this expedi- and the site of the battle in which Edward tion is given in 'A Journal of the late Journey Bruce was slain in 13 18. See Trias by the Lord Deputy against the arch- T/iaum., p. 566, and Grace's Annals of traitors Tyrone and O'Donnell, entered Ireland, p. 95 ; Dublin, 1842. into at Dundalk, the 18th of June, 1595, 3 Murtfieimhne. — So called from one of and ending at the said town, the 7th of the leaders of the Milesian colony. July following.' C.C. MSS., iii. 113. 4 Feat 0/ valour. — The reference here is 2 Faughart. — Two miles west of Dun- to the combat between Cuchullin and Fer- dalk. It is the birthplace of St. Brigid, diadh during the famous incursion made 9i could. When this was proved to the Lord Justice Sir William Russell and 1595. the Council too, they could not overlook his fault. He sent a thousand men with proper implements to Iubhar cinn tragha to keep in check the Cinel Eoghain, and the Lord Justice promised 1 to come himself with his army in a short time to ravage the country and to destroy its strongholds and difficult passes. Thereupon O'Neill sent his messengers to O'Donnell to tell him of the assembling of that great army that was intended for Tir Eoghain. The mind of O'Donnell could not suffer to hear the news. Wherefore, what he did was to assemble his forces immediately in one place and to go to Tir Eoghain, where O'Neill was. They went together to Faughart 2 Muirtheimhne, 3 the place where the famous Cuchullin performed the great feat of bravery. 4 They made tents and sheds to the east of Faughart in the month of May precisely. They waited for the Lord Justice here for some time to protect and guard the province against him. However, the Lord Justice remained in Dublin then, having learned that they were ready for him in this way. There was a roguish, powerful soldier of the English then in the castle on the bank of the ancient river Sligeach in garrison, and one hundred soldiers with him ; George Oge Bingham was his name. He was a leader in fight and a captain of war by appointment of the General who happened to be over the province of Meadhbh then, i.e., R ichard Bingham. As for George of whom we have spoken, the crew of the ship sailed north-eastwards, having the coast of Ireland on their right, till they came to the old harbour of Swilly in the territory of Conall, son of Niall, while O'Donnell was with his forces in Tir Eoghain. A monastery was there on the edge of the shore built in honour and reverence of holy Mary, Mother of the Lord. They went to the monastery and took away twenty-four mass-vestments that were there and the vessels for the offering of the body of the Saviour, and other treasures besides. They went back till they came to Tory, 5 a place which the famous Columba 6 blessed ; this is an island opposite the territory due by Queen Meadhbh at the head of an and its history see Keating's H. of Ireland, army, known as the Tain bo Chuailgne. p. 78, The Itish version of Nennius, p. 4. ; For an account of it see O'Curry's Man- Dublin, 1848, and Reeves' Aaamnan, p. 279. tiers, &c, ii. 296. 6 Columba. — He is said to have erected a ° Tory. — An island off the N.W. coast church, monastery, and round tower there, of Donegal. For the origin of this name Marty rology of Donegal, p. 151. M 9 2 quelle AniAch acúai"ó ^Ach n-oíueAc yo|\rAn rrAinjvge C-ó nnciAn ó cín. Tlo cnoichrfc ndniC-ó <\n nAouii 7 ati imvp mle co nA rAngAibrfc míoL ninnite mnce. Az viAt>An miA TDhorhnAiVl ai ohmi lie a-o An cí)\e t>ia éir "oo coIAac eccnont), occrroe "oia cín do cliAnnAccAin riA hoinccne. t1in bó vó-oa An lo-ónATÓe tiororh ífncuAin An uAn -oo ]UAchc pccéLA chuccA An 1urnr conA fbóg Tio cocc co cín eojAin. SoAip ó "OorhnAiLL rnioúporcc ■oo ]UT>iri co nAnAicc Ainvn Anibui ó 11éiVt uto Ainfr t>aLa -pnif An lurcir pecip conAin no chmjteAT). t)A ■jrói'li'ó úa 11éiLL ueiinbriojii 7 AcnAcc a mfnmA -oía pAiepn. 5aoaic occ fniocAi|\e 7 occ ronconiiCcc An 1urrir emeAch m"0 loncViAib fuif, m no rAijrCc rAin, 7 ní 1110 no rAijriom vonno, acc iia mÁ m connetcfc eirneibeA-o t>ia flój •oo chmn^eA-ó qan-o no cfqiA, combA lieíccCn "oon lurcir po "oeoTO lomptco 130 ni"oiri co 1iac cbiAc oha CAOiimA^Ain ní "oonA ^AoíbeAbAib. UvnpxeccA An cSeon-p nerhnÁice íCfi ypVLeA-o -oorAi-oe pir ah Slí^eAÓm ^o-oa An né ponAétAin^ coimpt) nA nuiLe "óó jaii a Aithe vai|\ ah •oímiA'ó -oo nAcc •oecclAir ha 1n iiAoiii 111ai]\i 7 -oeAccLAir An Cotvnmb Aquib]ioriio]i. Ay unne on Anniochc. bAd DUine ú Ap&L x>o coiccfb 111 Cx)bA fo]\ AiiirAine 1 frrodiAin ah cSeoinp con TnbLAOcliAibDegDÍApxiniiiuincfji hia coirhcecc. tlitbeAc A^iinc AcorriAinm, mAcp-oe TlemAinn nArcuAb rmc Uibbic ha cceAnn rmc 1\iocai]it>, 6: cemb "oo jAOTÓeAÍAib -oia cenébrorii bA pAm mo-ó 7 bér "001b a]ia yocc ó tio AicnebrAcmn mre, fx mn bo lujA rAinffnc ha njAenoeAl imnA jAtÍAib mAr a rfncfon'i, An no bo cumniAóm nnorcAir&Aincni'óegA'Lt'OtJibtinneiTncecnrAnnAe ■óiob. *Oo noncA •0111115m & CAncurAb món ron ]'ah thlbeAcc lAr ha gAllAib fin 05A mbui -poiifAn AiiirAine. ílo t/ionrorh "o^Cng & •oo ionnur, 7 bAoi occa nci'iú'OA'ó -oo 5|iér cifi c]\ut no AidiyeAX) a -oinnA-o vonrnA ^AÍbAib & cui'óecu 1 iiunncfnAr.uí "OomnAibL ÍAnpn, ÚAin bA nifnmAnc Iaiv lojuiATohm Ac1iAijtofrA rnif. t)Aoipoiii rATtilAit) occ bnAc j occ rAircetAD -pon An Seoinp cipm-ou-p conup -pÚAi]i nnbAo^At mA AjiA^ot tÁ nÁon, no cub ppip a eccoin 7 a 1 Glebeland.—S&e Petrie's remarks on the word ncimhcadh in his Eccl. Arch., p. 58. 2 Redmond va scuab. — i.e., of the sweep- ing brush. He was the son of Ulick na gceann, so called because he made a mound of the heads of those he had slain in battle ; and grandson of Ulick, who was created Earl of Clanricarde and Baron of Dun- kellin by Henry VIII. in 1545. See Arch- dall's Peerage, i. 128. 3 They lived. — The first of the family who came to Ireland was William FitzAdelm. On the return of Henry II. to England he was entrusted with the management of all his affairs in Ireland. In 1 1 79 he obtained a grant of a great part of Connaught. He died in 1204 and was buried in the abbey of Athassel, Co- Tipperary, which he had founded. He was grandfather of the first Earl of Ulster. Ibid., i. 118. See also 93 north out in the sea a long distance from the land. They plundered the glebeland 1 of the saint and the whole island, so that they did not leave a four-footed beast on it. O'Donnell was told of the plundering of the territory by the strange fleet in his absence. He went to his territory to avenge its devastation. He had not long to wait after that when the news reached him that the Lord Justice was coming with his army to Tir Eoghain. O'Donnell turned back once more until he came where O'Neill was waiting to see what road the Lord Justice would choose. O'Neill was glad of his arrival, and his soul was stirred on seeing him. They set to watch and observe the Lord Justice face to face ; they did not attack him, neither did he attack them. But, however, they did not allow his forces to scatter or collect herds or flocks, so that in the end the Lord Justice was obliged to go back to Dublin since he could do nothing against the Irish. As for the above mentioned George, after his return to Sligo, the Lord of the Universe did not allow him to be long unpunished for the irreverence which he did to the church of the Blessed Mary and to the church of Columb, as we have said. It happened in this way. There was a nobleman of the province of Connaught in the pay of George, with twelve soldiers of his own people in his company. Ulick Burke was his name. He was the son of Redmond na scuab, 2 son of Ulick na gceann, son of Richard, and though he was not of the Irish by descent, he was kindly and respectful to them owing to the length of time they lived 3 in the island, and the love which the Irish had for the English was not less than his love for them, for the hatred and cruelty of the English of Dublin towards both of them was the same. Great contumely and insult 4 was offered to Ulick by the English, in whose service he was. He was filled with anger and wrath, and he was continually thinking how he could avenge the insult on the English, and become intimate with O'Donnell after that, for he was anxious to enter into friendship with him. In this way he was spying and watching George continually until he got an advantage of him in a room one day, and he charged him with his injustice and illegalities, and he got Giraldus Cambrensis, Exfiug. Hib., ii. 16, for a description of his character. 4 Insult. — O'Sullevan gives a different account of the cruise of the dispute. He says Ulick was wroth, because the Irish soldiers who had accompanied Bingham into Tyrconnell had not got a fair share of the booty from him. Hist. Cal/i,, p. 74. 94 Aitrobgliet) |tai]a, 7 no conruain piecq-iA bwo ni 130, 7 ó nA pÍAin gebA-ó cbAnofp nt»ó co ccobAcc a cCtto -oa chuitrheTóe. 5 A ^ CA 1 1 1t1 bAite 1a hthVleAcc iCnom, feno p\oiTj AceccA co h&i SeAriAi j. flo LÁrAC mumcfn uí *OorhnAiVl a cceccA •01A i'Aijit) co c\]\ Co^hAin Ainni Atnbói. Ac pA-ÓAc a •pccéL'oUA "OhorhnAiUL Ac cuAr t)úa 11ei1l iCji ccAin. 1lobcA^ rubAigi T>ibbinib. *Oo cViaocc cnA úa T)on'inAibb "oia C15 ífn ccelebnA'ó x>úa 11éiVl, 7 m ]ao Aipr.Acc m OTóchib 50 nAimcc ^ur An SbcceAc conA rodinAToe ÍAir. "£o jAibh pMice hipjiT>iu 7 x)o nAcc UiiieAcc a bupc An cAircÍAÍt "oó. popM jir ip\n mbAibe AchAit) prnibAm, Gfc bArÁníi ÍAir a mfnniA. hi mi]- 1un "oo -punnATj int> pn. fol. 25. Ida hrpn né pn -oo j\aLa "00 ÍAec ArhnA "oo gAbbAib cochc fo rcéÍAib ait bAite co ccpb cét)Aib ÍAech ínA yApAA-o. t)A CAipcm coccai-ó 7 bA coip?Ac momjoriA eip-óe thttÍAm ttlor AfLoTTOAt). Uiccp-óe co hCr]~oA}\A cit> \\e riú fo pcan rccéÍA uí *OhorhnAiU,. 7 m coCrhriACCAir\ lompu-ó 1 cc]iAiau An CA11 nAHgAcon mumcCp uí DhoriinAiVl "oon coeb oiie -oon AbAinn, combÁcon CmeAÓ m loncbAib A]i ^ac cAob -oón -onoichCr no bAoi •ponfAn AbAinn 7 nAÓ bA rnó on'i oboÁr Ct>1i -oiobrvAicche b<\oi CcojinA. Hi bAoi conAip jur nA gAbÍAib acc cnérAn -onoich Cc, che \\o éLA-rarfc &yy nA 5A1VI reb Ar "odne no nuccp\c "oiAbAiLe, & m no nAchAijicc co mAccAin. "Ro bfnrAC nA bóicc iac tpn "of-ooii cAn mumcmt) An crlebe 7 m nuccrAt ■popnA, 6: bA métA rhóp béo ACcCjmut) ÚAit)ib AriilATÓ pn. Soaic yo]\ ccúIa-ó jur An Sbccec -oo |M"óiri. ílo ipÁ^Aib ó 'OorhnAitl "0^0115 "oía AriipMb 7 "oía Áor CAipp hi ccAirten St/iccij x)\a lomcoiniétD, (x bA rÍAn bAir AnifnmA ^o -óÁigh ah bAite x>o bic rop a comAr. turóporii ífpcAin con a ftój t)AppAn Gi]\ne but) cuato co nAnAig "oia C15 50 X)ún nA n^Abt. t)Áoipion'i 1 rop^ 50 mf'óón -An^urc. Ac coA-óACAn "oórom CAfccAji mu|icobÍAÓ "oo ceAchc 1 bocli peAbAil ah CAn pin. t)A bé bA 1iAi]\eAÓ nop ah ccobÍAC hirm .1. TTIac t/eoit) nA b An a (oiten pt 1 The. head. — In 'The Journal of the Lord Bourkes (Ulick Bourke), his ensign, who Deputy Russell, the following entry occurs took the castle the same time from the under the date June 6th, 1595: 'Letters enemy, and slew all the English of the from Sir Richard Bingham, certifying the ward.' C. C. MSS., iii. 231. betraying and murdering of Captain George -Delighted. — 'That killing was of great Bingham at Sligo castle by one of the service to those of th^iPnnaughtmen who 95 no answer whatever ; and as he did not, he took his sword and cut his ^95, head 1 from the trunk. The place was seized by Ulick then, and he sent messengers to Ballyshannon. O'Donnell's people sent his messengers to Tir Eoghain, where he was. They told the news to O'Donnell. It was related to O'Neill afterwards, and both were delighted. 2 O'Donnell then went home, having taken leave of O'Neill, and he stopped only at night until he came to Sligo with his troops. He received a welcome there, and Ulick gave up the castle to him. He rested at that place for a while, and his mind was at rest. That was precisely in the month of June. It happened just then that a famous warrior of the English came to recon- noitre the place, having three hundred soldiers with him. He was a captain in battle and a leader in fight. His name was William Moss. 3 He came to Assaroe before he had news of O'Donnell, and he could not return immediately when O'Donnell's people came up on the other side of the river, so that they were face to face on either side of the bridge which was over the river, and the space between them was not more than a gunshot. There was no way to the English except over the bridge, and O'Donnell's people could not pass through as they wished. However, a famous captain of the English was killed by the shooting which took place between them from one side and from the other. When the darkness of night came, the English fled away as quick as they could all together, and they were not perceived till morning. The youths followed them at the dawn over the upper part of the mountain, and they did not overtake them. They were very sorry that they had escaped from them in this way. They went back again to Sligo. O'Donnell left a party of his soldiers and of his trusty people in the castle of Sligo to hold it. His mind was at ease in consequence of the place being in his power. After that he went with his army across the Erne northwards till he came to his house at Donegal. He was at rest till the middle of August. He was told that a fleet of ships had come to Lough Foyle then. The commander of the fleet was MacLeod of Aran were in exile.' Annats of Loch Ce,\\. 517. Umhall to the river Drowes, had unani- 'Each of them afterwards went to his own mously confedrated with O'Donnell.' An- native territory. In thecourseof one month 7ials F. vi. 1975. the greater part of the inhabitants of the 3 Moss.— Perhaps Captain Mostyn, who district, from the western point of Erris and is mentioned zfo'd., vi. 1867. 9 6 in AlbAin •oiAn bAech a bon, 7 b& yCi> yor notbuAip -oo beic )?o|A ArhpAine 1a Hua n*OorhnAibb. 1ciÁcc Aipun bACA-p béo po-óbACA -péchp noibce 7 rAigh-oe pptnb^epiA 7 bAnn ctoibme bCcliAn-po-OA coiia nupbopnAib •oebCYi'OAchA. X)o coCc úa 'OorhnAibb Ai]\m imbÁcAp (x -pop -pope fpi ye ceopA rrnop, & bA hi mCbón An rhip -Augujx neiii]\Aiciu x>o -punnAb uTopn. "Oo -poncA ACcoinToriiCb p;on choAncAtb (x bpugeAbAib iCpccAin 50 -pebccCV; Arcíp i&n ha rnop-pAocAn minpibe & combcAn ebtriiA a bómce. O nobcAp ■puipce ÍAnorh, vo nACC ó *OorhnAibb bai-p íac j;ur ah 6ipne, & a rbogh An cfnA -oo -oub hi coigeA-o n-dibeAblA. 'Oo coirbfc A-p ÍAponi cAp "OpobAoir, CAn 'Ouib, cAppAn Sbigich, cAp f-pp n-OApA, tApi mumchmn fbebe jAm 511]- An btnjne 7 Aippi-oe co j;oir"oeAbbAchAib. Oaoi x)únA-ó -OA^fn bipui-oiu, CAiroAbb móp rhec goipoebbAij -oo joinci be. 'Oo -puic jti-p nA jAbtAib -peb -oo nochpACAp CAipciAbbA An chtncci-o Ap cCYia. Uo fuit)i5 ó "OoifinAibt a bon^ponc imon 'ounAb, 7 yo jAb A5 pjbAipc & occ comAicfm yoy oCy cohtiC-oa An cAirceoibb. bA p-fppt>e -oopom orh mTvpin Ap yob éi^Cn "oon bApraA -po -óeóm An bAibe "oo cAbAipic ÚAibib -oúa T)horhnAibb. Do nAcrorh ía]\atti commup An bAile •ooha bib w\&y bo coich, 7 yo cmjeAbpAc cechc inA mtnncfpAp 7 yo AcojAipm 5AÓ CAn bub cob t>o, 7 beóp Aipipiom hi combÁi-ó cogAib nA ngAOfóeAb. Lmt) "oaii "OorhniAbb ifpcAin, 7 m yo Aipip co -p^nAic cupbAC TTlocliAin. CAi-pcio ftÚAj uí *OhorhnAiLL Ati cAn -pn. toeifc Af Ann-poiii no bÁoi m 6niu in lonbATÓ pr\ "ootiA jAUlAib ep-óe. Cóicc cé-o •oécc ÍAedi AfunÉA éiT)iche eicin cnAijhceAch Gt mAncAcii a Lion. Oc cÚAÍA'óp'óe ó "OorhnAiVl coiiA ptojib vo "out cAinir p*]i hi cconnACCAib, £b jac m "oa TToepjeme in ^ac conAin in "oeAcViAt), no bAoi itia unpoichiUl 7 f|icomAi]A occ lomnÚT) "óó, & -oo teíge in ac joinic ^acIia coriAi]ie in HobAt) "0015 ÍAir ó "OorhnoiVl vo cochAn itia cfnt>. O no pcan úa "OorimAiLL An nípn no bAoi pon lomjAbAit tiA ti^aH treb A-poeAc no -pex> A|a bA "ofnb Lait ^un bo món "oeicicm An crtoij; imrriA ccnub 7 rniA ccneAcliAib, htia né'oÁib 7 iitia nmmte, 7 j\o btcó ttioa a f-Aoiteí:cAin 7 A CAinipn Af A "plÓjcVlb 1111 cllOntlCU jA"Ó CA1C gllAT) Gt 1111 COrnAlTl CAC bAic1i|ieAcb ní* iroub ipeitb énAbA mfnccAnATÍ) mÁr aii caii nobuAir -oeAice javi "oeicicin iompAib iccin. -ApAiLt Ann -OAn nobcAn Lía "oo tia ^AbtAib oVoac imbÁconrorh, Gt beór ce m bA Via a bA "ouilig pncbeAnc ppi ^AbÍAib An lonbATÓ pn An feAbur a nAinm A|i a1Íiíia]tóac1ic Anéi-OAij 7 An lonjriAice ATnnn'ibb céti 50 nugrAC 5 A01,D1 b ^l 1 eotur aii Ai|imimbfncA íCn cAin m 5A]i ÚA11A. *OÁLa uí "OonitiAibb iiAiiAicp-oe conA rtogriAib 7 con a cc|ieAc1iAib íf|i mi-orhf-ocm An cnfr bAÓi co mumchint) plebe 5A111. "bÁcAp "om nA 5&1LL occ •oÍAnArcnarh nA conAine mA n-oócum AiiiAib Af •oéme iao -jrét5yAC ó bAibe An TMiócAij -po cIiúató. Uo emtvoeti j úa *OoiimAill ní|iini rtiAncAc pon a cciunx» •oo f-Ai^i-ó ujnA ponnA, & "oía mompofCAt) icnn a-ji n|\ a p-oittiuchc gur An SbicceAC. g^^ 1 " ^ tongponc ipn inAinircf|A ah'iaiI p^ber* "oo j^AtbAib Aprfm ir nA nAoimCccAibpb, 7 no b*oi occa rccnii'OAt) lonnur no ^oibenAt) An CAincÍAtt ipo\\ mumcCn ui *Ohoirmoitt. 1lo pn-ó mionno úa "OomnAitt ipn mA-oAin An a bÁnAÓ bui-óin mbij ron eodiAib aha ucmAtbA t>o bneié Aijromfp\ p>nrnA ^AÍbAib 7 "opor p:et An •oúnAi-ó 7 nA nócc bÁcAn úat> ipn cAincÍAtt. fol.27.fl. O nAn^ACAn co InmeAbbopo nA hAbonn ac cViíac nA ^Aibt pin cÁn rfchnón An bAite. 1lo bAoi óccíac uaUac lomcotcAnAÓ ipsnpvó 1lipoCiira iDion^Am An cAnpn, Gc bA mAc pfcriAn'óó eip'óe cAipcm 1TlAi|icin no 5A1]\ci •óé. Ap3 bA cóip?Ac1i "oiopriA b occ piicp3AchAib 7 occ bAi jbpAÉ]\Aib p>n Aó-ó TnliA^tn-oin "oo jnér 7 p>n jac nAon a|a a ccbume-o Ainm 110 AbÍAX) no ctú bAÍrhe "oo jjAOi-oeAtAib itteit pu mApjtn^hecc pvmne-ó. tli pap^oél&njAinp-óe T>éccp An aitiac "oon rAob AjiAitt -oon AbAinn ^An AprtiAbAi|ic. 5 ei ^T A eA ^' 7 At1 "oio|\mA An cCYia. Oc cíac mumcfn ui 'OomniAbb iA-op}m -01A pyijin, -oo ia^Iiacc Ap* ATriAib Ar "ofme conpMigACAp UifjAicptte m a beAnrhAin 7 nír tAincfcop Soaic fO]\ cúIa-ó. -Ac pA'ÓAC nunncfn UÍ 'OhomnAitb a pcetA -oon crtóg péb -oo gtCncA co mbon]ipvo &, •oiuniAp 7 gu^Ab 1a tÚAr An épnA AcimtACAiA Ap~. 1a|a cctoipreóc nA p:et •oúa 'OhorimAitt, bAOi occa p3núx)At> 7 nenn-oéccp lonnAr nó fóibénA-ó nA 501U, (x no bén niApDAc no bA-ó x>eAc -oía ptój 50 txpb cCccAib qiAi^hcbeAc on mu-o ccfcnA conA ccneAlniAib "oiobnAicce .1. pot»bACA p?i-oinnfncmAnA conA pMjCcbolccAib p,AecbioncA, a]í ní nAbACAn AnAicepAig •OAi-onnb -oiobpAicci aca An cAn pn acc m&x) bfg. bocA|\ Af 50 pAcbcACAn bocc mA)i bo hmmlL beó An ceAbj "oo hpjixnujjA-ó. bA mo Aiii ob-OAf mite cfnnfn-o on cSb^eAc. bA p3x>Ain no pom ó "OoiiinAibb A]iAilb-oÍA mAfcfboj p3]i Ammuf nA n5Abl -oía mb^éccA-o clmccA gur An Ai]\m imbm -oia ccAompMdf, 7 Acnóe "oiob gAn (dl.27.6. rodiAn pnf nA ^AtbAib, 7 nÁ bAt> A-ónÁn beó edehf-o nfmpu, acc Ambeic occa ccA^Aing 50 p3itt bice m "oCTíliAij AÍAibe conur ccA]\ccACAip gAn 1 Glendallan. — Now Glencar, a valley Leitrim, six miles to the north of the town situated partly in Co. Sligo, partly in Co. of Sligo. IOI hood of Glendallan. 1 As for the Governor Sir Richard Bingham, as he '595 did not meet O'Donnell's army, he went in pursuit of it to the Sligeach. He made his encampment in the monastery, as it was the custom of the English to dwell in the holy churches, and he was considering how he might take the castle from O'Donnell's people. However, O'Donnell on the morning of the following day sent a small party on fine fleet horses to bring intelligence about the English and to get news of the castle and of the soldiers that he had left in the castle. When they came to the bank of the river they saw the English up and down through the town. There was a vainglorious, obstinate youth with Richard Bingham at that time, his sister's son, whose name was Captain Martin. He was the commander of a troop with the Governor. He was a leader in battle and conflict with the English of the province of Olnecc- macht. He was crying out and blustering against Hugh Maguire continually and against every one of the Irish whose name, fame, or repute for skill, especially in the matter of skill in horsemanship, he had heard of. He could not endure seeing his enemies on the other side of the river and not attacking them. He took horse, and his troop too took horse. When O'Donnell's people saw them coming they went away as fast as they could. These went after them and they did not overtake them. They turned back. O'Donnell's people told the fact to the army how they had been pursued angrily and haughtily, and that it was owing to the fleetness of their horses they escaped. When O'Donnell heard the story he set to reflect and forecast how he might attack the English and give them a lesson. This is what he resolved on in the end. A hundred horsemen were chosen by him, the best in his army, with three hundred foot of the same kind, with their implements for shooting, that is, elastic bows and well filled quivers of arrows, for only a few of them were well acquainted with imple- ments of shooting then. They went back until they came to the spot where it was safe for them to place the ambuscade, more than a mile from Sligo. Thereupon O'Donnell sent on some of his horse towards the English to entice them to where he was if they could, and he com- manded them not to fight with the English, and told them .that it would be no disgrace to them to fly, but to keep drawing them I02 AijMujA-ó •oóib gur An f*uvóiU5o gm-pfc AtriAit cotiAicecc ó "OoiiiiiAibb. A\- mreccAin iiia connAiigACAn up nA 1iAbA An cati no beAbtAinz- cAipcm 111<.\)\cín yo\\ a eoch ífj\ ha pp mgiongobAib a ngneb ngpoiofjuiiAip, 7 An eAchnAt) nucmALL tiAtibrAiT) t>ia pporA-ó con^itiAit m iomyoc]tAib 11A nALLiii a|toa (x "01Á mb|\é5At)CA]\An5 ^or aii bAib itnbui ó *OoriiniAbb. Vhn bó cÍAn *oon a hóccAib rAiiibAi-ó An cAn nob eiccfn -oóib yo x>eóit> beich occ rponA-ó Gt occ ecbborccAt) An eocb An AoínpecÉ7 An^AonpAbAibbbA LuAr;5|\ibe 11A hejníiA nonuccrAc nA 111A iTof/oliAib "oia ccAinceccAin. 5^ A1CC tnuiticftt uí "OhoriiiiAibb a£ ■oiAimmjMm 7 aj •ounApgnAiii n* coiiAi|ie peb Ar •010CUA connAn^ACAn. *Oo cuipfcAp •odnl/ó -pn ófn "oibiribe tiia Airiibeom, conA|\ bo cÚAbAing a Aor comcA x>o y\\eyco liiAijjni. "Pebnn 1liAbAc 111AC "OAue-o Ainm aii cí tiipn. lompAirp-óe a AigliAi-ó yo\\ fol. 28. a. cViAipcm 1TlAi]\cm, A]i ArebA nCroiii x)ó -oonA 1iíb no bÁCAji mA ccí^|vrhóju;1iecc, (x Aré bA coíreAcb moriiglioiiA -oo riiArcfloj nA ngAbb 7 é 1n jiérhcur tia conAipe. íío bAoi rogliA Áic Aiimuf bar An ppébim nén'i|\Aice -oia "oiobpAccAX) cAn bA 1iAX)bAic. T)o jiAcc a ifié]A irm ruAinfrii, 7 no cpoicfrcAin 50 CAbniA An ccnÁoipj, & cA|\bAic upcon "oon pojA 50 irei-ómnCncmAn yo\\ Ammuf CViAipcin TllAincin, conu-p cAnbA ca]a imeAlbo|ro An C1CCA15 AlbtiiA]TOA in -oei|\c a ocrAibie 5AÓ n-oipeAc ju]\ no c|AeA5-0A]XAi]\ a cnoi-óe hia chbÁb neib Aqiuibbfco]» a iin^niomA, A]i bA hAnxj^Aib écqiocA]\ An cí no gonA'ó Ann, 7 bATlAt)bol A 1ll10pCA1]' 1111 11A 5A01t)eAbAlb &bÁCAH10lA]TOAA AlllbjlfcA 111 JAcll lAijm mibio-ó ipn ccoijeA-ó 1nccoicciiToe ocIia lunnneAC 50 'OjiobliAoir MacDevitt— This was Phelim Reagh, Derry, and executed, the charge against him the head of the MacDevitts of Inishowen, being that he had taken part in the rising a branch of the O'Dohertys. He was .of Sir Cahir O'Doherty. Flight of the afterwards subjected to a mock trial in Earls, p. 194. io3 on little by little one after the other till they brought them without their 1595 ' perceiving it to the place where the ambuscade was arranged for them. The soldiers went away as was commanded them, and they did just as O'Donnell asked them to do. As soon as they had come to the bank of the river, then Captain Martin jumped on his horse on seeing them (as quick as a hound would go in pursuit of its favourite game), and a large body of the cavalry of the English jumped on them also. They went after that towards the soldiers whom they had seen as fast as they could go together. When O'Donnell's people saw them coming as they desired, they left the place where they were and set off on their horses, proceeding at first to hold quietly the bridlebits in the mouths of the swift-galloping horses and of the fleet, restless steeds to hold them back, keeping them very near the foreigners, and by decoying them to bring them to the place where O'Donnell was. The youths were not long so when it was necessary for them at last to spur and whip the horses at once and together, owing to the great speed the English made galloping in pursuit of them. O'Donnell's people proceeded to ride quickly and hasten along the road as fast as they could. They left behind one of them unwillingly, for he was not able to keep up with his company owing to the slowness of his horse, so that he went slowly and was in danger from his enemies. Hence it was necessary for him, against the commands of his lord, to fight against the English, since he was sure he would be killed on the spot. Felim Reagh Mac Devitt was his name. He turned his face to Captain Martin, for he was the next to him of the party in hot pursuit, and he was the captain in battle of the horse of the English, and he was leading the way. The aforesaid Felim had a sharp, piercing spear 2 to shoot when he wished. He put his finger to the string and he drew the javelin boldly, and the shot of the dart struck Captain Martin with such force that it passed through the ■ border of the. foreign armour at the hollow of the armpit straight and it pierced his heart in his breast as his misdeeds deserved, for he who was wounded there was a merciless rogue, and his hatred of the Irish was very great, and his evil deeds -Spear. — The fogadh, called also ga or ing. See O' Curry's Manners, &c i. ccccxli gae, was rather for hurling and for thrust- Here it means an arrow. 104 aVLov a bnACAp t,A p>t>Ain lompAic iia £Abb yo\\ ccúlAib ÍAn njuin a cqiémpn 7 Accóipch iombÚAbcA, Gt "oo bfnAC beó pon iomochun fofn ipuincAipb éccA 50 pmgACAjt An bóile. Ko écc ÍAnom AtiAttliAig pn. tlobenc ite opiAt>A 7 mAÍÍACCA bochc 7 Ai-óib^necb no fANA-mporii imo reibb ntnbr bÁCAn in CAonricecc 05 ApiArh "opof ah aUxai]i 7 aj cebeAbjiA-ó "óó- •oon ceAnncAn "oon chuy pn. Oc connAinc ó "OhorhnAilb tia 5A1VI -oo poAt> CAn An Air, yuy bion T)o bonnAr t,AnA-obob pur ah bAOÓnAró oiia cajajvait) mÍAn An'ifnn'iAn 7 Abj;ur a mncmne ponpiA hAbbttiAncAib AiriAib-oo nuimen cfcup *Our pccec pAnbAc ha pxrpUAbA]\cA lnpieAcnAncur ha ^Iaca (^en bo -001115 t)Olb 1C1]\ A]\ A1X)bbe ApJApiATÓ) & ACC pAt)AC AlÍIAlb "OO JAAbA -ÓÓlb, & ]\0 com^rfc uibe x>An cCYro An cunAfó no jon CAprm ITlAincm na bui ní non benA-ó Ap' rnunA ca^toa'ó An caou pon^ompn j;en mochÁ cuvtiacca An cboin'i-óex). "Ro pécnAií^XAn yCy§ ui DhorrmAibb, 7 no cbACAijCprAijx fol.28 b. a Aiccnet) "oepx>e, Gt ac cuav- -00 a]\ a bAUAC 50 nénbAib An CAipcm AiiiAib ACpjb|iAniAn. "Ro but) bujjAi-óe t>ía fmorhroffl mnpn cem bA p\Án bAir a TtiCnmA no uaic if|\ ccepiÁ'ó ua n^Abl ArhAib Acnonepx Gt íau nt)ub -oia cetg & t)ía CcAnnAróe yon nepn, acc niAnbA-o ah Aompn píírhepencmAn. 1oiricup\ ah joibejvnónA íau nécc AbpACAn Gc AgopmCic no bínp-óe "Of Cpg &"OAinmne, Gc. no p^icongAin yo\\ a plÚAj "ool yon niAinAipriji 7 cnAnncAingeAb & cubAcbA ha ccebi-ó n"Oe -oo bbo-ÓA-ó 6c -oo bpp^A-o, 7 a •plAnniA-ó "oo cAbAij\c cbu^Apsm -oia ccbA]\Aib corii-otúcA CAon'i-puAi^bci 7 -oía polgib ponAince p3rtipioit>ci An 50 irofjinA-ororii cnfAbtriA cojaIca mún -óíob. *Oo nAccA-ó ÍAnotti cbugA m |io chumnij. TDohuccca iolAn pk>n & oibnijce loin-OA t)iA lonnpoi^eA'ó. *Oo ]\ónp\c cej-ouipa cAiccCngAitce cnénT)Ain5ne cno-OA -oonAib pxiljib & "oonAib p^eAtiiAnctÁnAib hipn & cun'TOAijci cbAnchAinngeACA cioniAipoipje cobpMt>e p i n cacujax) -oo c1ui|\A-ÓAib ■oóib. *Oo pjccdiA peichC-ÓA bó & "oah'i pD^^io -oÍAneccAin. "Oo nACCA ]\oca-óa jAenToipje nAbAnb "OAingne p3icib t)ÍA pro^buApjvCc ^ur An •oúnAt). O pobcAji eAbbn'iA iia jmorriA ^bmctÁnAig gAibbéccop^coAbipn, ]io líoncA V)0 bA0C|\A1-Ó & "OO bAÍClb JjOlte & X)0 JAj'JAA-Ó JAIp^cC'OAC tlA n^AÍb. *Oo nAccA-ó iA^orii yo jiÚApAcc nAbbniAnx)A y&\y bA -ooiicIiaca u]\co]-ai 5 nA homce 1 Rood-screen. — The Irish word is explained a sow. Pac. Hib. ,'1.24 ; which O'SulIevan in Cormac's Glossary : the wooden structure translates mucum bellicum. Hist. Cath., between the laity and the clergy. p. 175. He says 600 soldiers were slain in 2 Machine. — This was commonly called this assault. io5 many, wherever he had been throughout the whole province from Limerick to 1595. theDrowes, on account of his relative. Thereupon the English retreated after the wounding of their defeated hero and leader, and they carried him, weak in the throes of death, till they came to the town. He died that night. When going to the other world and leaving this at that time he bore with him many a groan and curse of the poor and distressed whom he oppressed on account of their property. When O'Donnell knew that the English had turned back, he was filled with very great wrath against the soldiers, as he did not get the wish of his mind and the desire of his soul regarding the barbarians as he planned at first. A party of the assáilants came into the presence of their prince (though it was very hard for them on account of his great anger), and told how it had happened to them, and they all testified on behalf of the soldier who had wounded Captain Martin that there Was nothing to save him if he did not make that shot except the power of the Lord. They quieted O'Donnell's anger, and his mind was appeased thereby, and he was told on the following day that the captain had died, as we have said. His anger was less on that account, though his mind was not at ease immediately because the English escaped as they had done and his stratagem and ambuscade had effected nothing but the killing of that one man, as we said before. As for the Governor, after the death of his relative and nephew he was filled with wrath and anger, and he ordered his army to go to the monastery and pull down and destroy the rood-screen 1 and the cells of the servants of God, and to bring him enough of the firmly bound, well jointed boards and of the strong, smooth-hewn beams to make a machine 2 for pulling down walls. They brought him afterwards what he demanded. Many carpenters and numerous workmen were brought. They made closely jointed, very firm sheds for war of these beams and elm planks, and they were covered with boards nailed straight-edged, fitted firmly for the soldiers to fight from. Skins of cows and of oxen were put outside. Straight-moving wheels of strong oak were placed under them for their removal to the fortress. When these cleverly devised strange implements were ready they were filled with soldiers and warriors and brave mercenaries of the English. They were brought there by strange motion in the darkness at the ioó co pó puibigce cut i cut ppi huibbmn An chAipceoib. ( J^bAic V°f cójAit ah mtrp iCnccAin. 1AC buchc An chAipceoib -OAn, nip "bó mdpb Gt nip bó run po jAbpAC fop ppeAfCAb AfrA nA cojbA, ÚAip no bACAp raoin ifin -oúnA-ó mA uppoic1nbb 7 ^aIíxmc occ bbobAb An b<\bbA fó AnCpcoriiAip "oía nt>oib- nuccA'ó 1 ccofAij. UiÁjhAic AlAicgAite pop CAibbib An -oúnAi-ó, 7 -oo beccfc poppA AnuA-p ibe -oo cAip^ib cfnn jApbA cobpAibe Gfoo cpomcbocliAib cumige cub AmtnAir 511 p boc nnonbAighci mopbbobcA gAch ni ffifi ccfjn'iACÁir 50 CAbn'iAin. U1Á5AICC Ap oibebiob pop fenepcpib 7 popbepAib ati chAipceoib, 7 ^AbAic occ ■ombnACCAX) An ubAibbrheAb buAibe 7 AccopAnncÁop ccCina-oe poppA, gup po poippjic An piAnbAc bÁcAp if nA curii-OAi^ib cbA]iAij *oon cboiccpfp pm, Gt 'oó jAc cenéb -oiubpAicci Ap cIiCYia "co copAcop "ooib, coha bAi bÁ "01A nuipcpiÁttA-ó icap. 11i p^oppoebAn^cAp nA $Aibb AccpécbcnujAb m bA wo Aiii ó nA po pfcpÁc ni x>on ■oúnA'ó acc cuipic a ccaiccLiaca -010b, 7 fÁjbAicc a cage cpooA 6c a ccfjbuipe coJaLca niúp 7 poAic mA pp^picfmg icé beójoncA, 6c nobcap btncnj no bpeic An Anmonn Leo. t)A cocoriipAchc nióp 7 bA .pnioin AbbAb bAf An Aifij Uip-ofp-o thon^Am nA cAomnAccAip a Ancpoi-óe 6c a mmpe •oimbfpc foff&n ccAipciAbb 6c foppnA bib b ACAp m-o, 6c Ó nA p.0 CUTTIAing fOA1f p-OppA Aip ipin COHAip ICUbdlAb CAp COippfbÍAb 114 SfjhfA 7 CAp 111 aj nAoi nnc AbbjubA 50 pwvnAicc UoffcommAin. Ro Aipip Ainnpibe Ap bApé a bunÁpAp, 6c nip bo pbÁn bAip a rhfnmA ÍAp niApbAb a bpACAn ua"óa 7 ÍAn nm-opeA-ó ah cípe CAipip . Soató "oau ó "DomnAibb ÍAp mbÚAib &, cCicc cAppAii SAiiiÁoip pAipcuAib 7 beiceCb ua-oa ua hAbbAnAij bACAp fop An'ifAine occa 7 po eipnCpce "OÍa fol. 29. b. i'AO|\ctAn'OAib ia nÁop •oínnnn •oCpóii "oía nAicpeAbAc1iAib 7 -oia nAop AnppAnn enepc. An cAn cpA ■oo beipeA-ó niA ccíp but» •óem iacc no popcongpAt) pop a rhumcip hi ccoicchnroe con^nArii cptiTÓ (x cCchpA (VHa 7 ApbA ■oo "óÁib "oóib Ap "óait; lonAcochcA 7 Aiccpebe a ccípe t>o pit)ipi. 'Oup pAimcc •oin UeAboit» a búpc 111 ac UÁcep 610CA15 nnc SeAAm mic OibpepAip iccummA cai j -oo ACAoine a AnpoptAinn ppi Iiúa 11*00111 11 aiLL 7 Apoibe pAopcÍAnnA ^enmocÁpoifi. 13a cpoj LAipioiii An eccAome 7 An iomcopAoi-o, (x po cmgeALL 50 ccUApAitcpCo 011 'OAoipe 7 An *oochpAicce nnbACAp •oiatiia'ó e buij popcAib, 7 50 ccmbpA'ó mA nACAp-ÓA iat) -oo pit>ipi. t,Á pot>Ain po popóongAip poppA AthpAib 7 pop a óCr cÚApApcoit 7 pop óCp 'oio'lriiAin a cpiche conAipccpicap bAp nA huAipbib periiepepcmAp ipin ccoiccpicb "oiAnncAt) m a^Iiató a nAriiAcc. *Oo jmAC pAmbAix) peb po CpAitpiorii poppo. Uiajaicc bAp tiA hÚAiplib co coijeA-ó nieA-obA, 7 ^ÁbAicc pop ioiTÓpAt) 7 op^Ain nA n^ALl 7 ^ac Aom "oo PaIa hi ccoccac 7 hi ccApAcpAt) p~piú. O n'iet)on pochiiiAipe "óoib pop An ApAipcpm 50 mOóon jAirhpiTj. lomcupA 111 'OoTiinAilb ÍAp LéiccCn a pcípi "óópAi-óe pfcot pox)A peb AcpubpomAp, *oo lomAipcc a ptojliA 1 mi •qecembCp -oo punpA-ó, GfOO ■óeAcliA'ó iccoijet) 1TleAt)bA, (x bA pi conAip 'oo Lui-ó cAppAn cAp cpAij; tleo- diuibe 7 cpe chip IphiAcpAc tHhÚAi-óe CAp THuaix) pA-óem 7 50 cíp nAniAÍjAvhA 1 Meadhbh.— She was the wife of Conor MacNessa, king of Ulster. She left him and returned to her father, Eochaid Feidh- leach, to Tara. By him. she was made an independent Queen of Connaught. A war sprang up in consequence between Conor and Meadhbh. Conor was at length slain. After the death of her second husband, Oilioll, at the hands of Conall Cearnach, she withdrew from Croghan to Inis Cloth- rann, in Lough Ree. There Furbaidhe, a son of Conor by another marriage, lay in wait for her and slew her with a sling-stone, to avenge his father's death. See O'Curry's Manners, &c, ii. 290, and Ogygia, p. 269. 2 Trawohelly. — The strand near Bally- sadare, Co. Sligo, where Eochaidh, the Firbolg king, was slain in his flight from ICX) there were nobles and chiefs of the province of Olneccmacht in 1595. banishment and exiled from their territory by the English, besides those ' who were in amity and friendship with O'Donnell. Many of the nobles and of the common people came to O'Donnell to complain to him of their hardships and great sufferings. With reason, since he was their pillar of support, their bush of shelter, and their shield of protection for all those that were weak. Moreover, he kept their nobles and chiefs in his company and society. Besides, he gave entertainment throughout his territory in his farmhouses and castles to the wretched poor people, to the houseless, and to the weak and feeble. At the time that he received them into his territory he ordered his people generally to distribute aid in herds and flocks, young cattle and corn to them, with a view to their dwelling in and inhabiting their lands once more. Then Theobald Burke> son of Walter Ciotach, son of John, son of Oliver, like the others, came to Hugh O'Donnell to complain of his great hardships, and certain nobles besides him. Their complaints and accusations were painful to him, and he promised to set them free from the bondage and slavery in which they were if he could, and to restore them to their patrimony again. Wherefore he ordered his soldiers and mercenaries and the faithful people of his territory to march rapidly with the nobles of whom we have already spoken into the territory against their enemies. They did as he ordered them. They went with the nobles to the province of Meadhbh, 1 and set to prey and plunder the English and every one who was in amity and friendship with them. They were at this business from the middle of harvest to the middle of winter. As for O'Donnell, after resting from fatigue for a long time, as we have said, he brought his forces together in the month of December exactly, and came into the province of Meadhbh, and the road he went by was across the Sligeach and Trawohelly, 2 and through Hy Fiachrach 3 of the Moy, Moytura. The earn under which he was in- rach Aidhne, which was coterminous with terred is one of the Mirabilia Hiberniae. See the diocese of Kilmacduagh. MacFirbis's Ogygia, p. 289. Tribes and Customs of Hy • Fiachrach, edited 3 Hy Fiachrach of the Moy. — Now the by O'Donovan for the Irish Archaeological barony of Tireragh, Co. Sligo. It lay along Society in 1857, gives an exhaustive account the eastern bank of the river Moy. It was of this district and its inhabitants in former so called to distinguish it from Hy Fiach- times. I IO mic Piac]\ac1i mic e-Acn-ÓAÓ ITIuijmC-ooin. 13a pain cemeb po Aicpeb í aii fol. 30. a. lonbAib pn & iia cúacIia -oia|\ bo coich ó cdn riiÁip. "búpcAij pbont>A"ó ah chCneoib po cup nAicpeb An cAnpm. 13a "oo PpAHCAib a mburiAt) chenéoib, 7 a cpocliAib Sax An -oo -oeociiAcop An x>ú pn, (x bA cpiA nfpc iia Saxah po che'ojAbi'Ac An chpoch. A\\ a aoi pn mp uó bughA imopcAip nA ngAoi-oeAÍ bAp nA gAbbAib obccÁicce. 111ac UibliAm Dupe bA hAnmAim oipCchAip -oo cijfpnA nA cípe €fc m po gAipci ppi pé ÍAp ppopcAinbujA-rj poppA •00 nA ^AbbAib. 1lo bACAp -OA11 10111AC puipeA.c (x pioglTOAiimA-o -oiobforh, 7 mppcAp co]\a ppi Apoile imón Anrrunm Ap aia T>Ap bA 5AÓ Áon t)iob bA -oo bub-óeín bA -oú cCn-oup & cígfpnup ah cípé. 13o nAngACApp-óe ó biug co rnóp po 5Aipm uí "OorhnAibb ÍAp ccochc ■00 -oon cíp 7 bA micAij; x)oib cia no éiCpcAip ÚAip po bAipfc cenéb cconAibl po ciop •oóib ó chíin rhÁip, 6fc 111 po coibgiéi ppi pe bA 5pAin (x gepAicecc ^aU, 7 bA hAix>bbe AnCipc €t AccumAcnc. AaCc iia mAiche bAcop ipptchbCpc ppi Ap oile 1111 on cigfpnup UilbiAvn foúpcc o SpucbAip ApmnpCppToe tube, "OAÍbib An ppAoicb, Rip-odp-o tiiac "oCniAin An cbop|\Ain, ChluepAp niAC SeAAin true CntuepAip, Cm Ann niAC UomAip An TÍiAch Aipo ó CongAe, UeAboicc nA long mAC 1\ipt>0ip , o aii lApAin-o, *SeAAii itiac •KiocAip'o nnc SeAAm An cfpmAinn, Gt UeApoicc niAC UAceip cbiocAij mic SeAAin mic <3ibuepAip. *Oop pAngACAp ipm coiÍTOAib cfcriA hi cumA CA15 vo pAi jif) uí "OorhnAibb coipig (x bApum An cípe, TIIac goip'oebbAi j, SeAn mib, itiac SiupcAHi .1. 6niAnn An iriAcliAipe, (x 1TIac 13oirmAibb jAblogbAch . .1. ITlApcup r.iAC ah AbbAt), & TIIac 1Tlui|up .1. CiriAnn, (x O ITlAibbe .i. Co^Itati. 13a hÍAp ua 1 T. of Amhalgadh. — Now Tirawley, a Niall of the Nine Hostages, so famous in barony in the Co. Mayo. It lies along the Irish history. See Keating's H. of Ireland, western bank of the Moy. Ibid., p. 397. p. 303. ^Fiachrach. — The name Fiachra is known 4 Shrule. — A village ten miles W.of Tuam on the Continent as that of a saint whose 5 D. an fraoch. — i.e-, of the heath, now hermitage was near Meaux. The French a townland in the parish of Crossboyne, word fiacre is said to have been given to barony of Clanmorris, Co. Mayo, hackney carriages employed in taking pil- D. an chorrain. — i.e., The Devil of grims from Paris there. See Butler's Lives the reaping-hook, usually called the Devil's of the Saints, August 30th. Hook. He was a son-in-law of Grace 3 Eochaid Muighmeadhoin. — He was O'Malley. His descent is given in The ardrigh from A.D. 358 to 365. His wife Annals of Lough Ce, ii. 488. was the famous Mongfinn; they had four ''Cong. — A village in Co. Galway, between sons : Brian, Fiachra, Fergus, and Oilioll. Lough Mask and Lough Corrib. There By his second marriage with Carthan Cas are here still the ruins of a monastery built Dubh, daughter of the Welsh King, he had in the seventh century by St. Fechin. » III over the Moy itself to the territory of Amhalgadh, 1 son of Fiachrach, 2 son of 1595. Eochaiclh Muighmeadhoin. 3 The tribe who inhabited it then was different from the tribes whose property it was from remote time. Burke was the name of the family inhabiting it then. The tribe was descended from the French, and they had come from the English territory to that country, and it was by the power of the English they had first got possession of the territory ; yet they were hated by the English no less than the Irish were. Mac William Burke was the chief title of the lord of the territory, and he was not called so for some time as they were overpowered by the English. They had also many chiefs and princes, and they did not agree among themselves about the title, for each one thought that to himself belonged the headship and lordship of the territory. They came, both small and great, at the call of O'Donnell when he came to the territory, and it was the' duty of all to come, for the Cinel Conaill had given it over to them under tribute long before, and it was not levied for a time owing to the cruelty and severity of the English and the greatness of their strength and power. The nobles who were in contention with each other for the chief- tancy were William Burke of Shrule, 4 the senior of them all ; David an fraoch ; 5 Richard, son of Deman an chorrain ; 6 Oliver, son of John, son of Oliver ; Edmund, son of Thomas an machaire, from Cong ; 7 Theobald na long, son of Richard an iarainn ; John, son of Richard, son of Shane an termainn ; 8 and Theobald, son of Walter Ciotach, son of John, son of Oliver. There came to that same meeting, like the rest, to O'Donnell, the chiefs and barons of the country, MacCostello (Shane Dubh), Macjordan, 9 i.e., Edmund an machaire, and MacDonnell the gallowglass, 10 i.e., Marcus, son of the Abbot, and MacMaurice, i.e. Edmund, and O'Malley, 11 i.e., Owen. 8 Termainn. — i.e., the glebeland of St. 10 Gallowglass. • — i.e., foreign soldiers. Mochua of Balla, Co. Mayo. There are Dymmok describes them as being ' picked still remains of the old church and of a men of great and mighty bodies, cruel round tower here. See Colgan's Acta SS., without compassion. The greatest force in p. 789, and Petrie's Eccl. Architecture of battle consisted in them, choosing rather to Ireland, p. 452. die than to yield. Their weapons are 9 Jordan. — The De Exeters of Gallen, a battle-axe or halberd six feet long.' Co. Mayo, took the name of Macjordan Treatise of Ireland, p. 7. from Jordan De Exeter, founder of that 11 O'Malley. — They were lords of Umhall, family. Campion says that the Jordans, like now the Owles, the district around Clew the Berminghams, were in his time 'very Bay, Co. Mayo. See Tribes, 8r°c, of Hy wild Irish.' H. of Ireland, p. 11. Fiachrach, p. 43. 112 coniAiptipi-óe & ÍAp nA cco^Ae no hoip-ontnci njfpnA pop An dp 1a Iiúa nlDochApcAi j SeAAn 05 (peb po popcon^Aippiorh pAip) clcheopA bopg buit>ne -oía ptojhAib t>puim A]\ ■opunn m lomcAcrriAng An tfpA 7 nA lAocpAcliA rniA ccuAipc. Ochc céx> .x. -01A AifipAib & •oia oep ctnUlme & cuApApcAil p]\i cn Cp nA pio^hpAchA ipin cecnA buvpin, O "OodiApcAij; pofjem & ó l^Aojitt Uatj^ ócc con gÍApÍAidi diípe ConAilX AlÍAinuij "oippi-óe ipm cuAipc CAnAipi. iIa cpi ITIac Stnbne con a n^AÍioccbACAib íma neAchcAippi-oe. pp ConAchc con a ccoichfpcAt •oon leth Amtng T>ibpi"ohe tnle. O "OorhnAill pdpm conA AipeAchAib & ÚAipbb mA ppediciopcAiLt bo-obA pop -oua nA pAch a (x m ÍAiriATj neAch •oía ÚAipte no t)ÍA AipniTomje cochc mA ppeAcnAipc ipm pAidi acc An d no fol.3o.í. popéongpA'ópom 120 ghAipm chuccA Ap nÚAip. 5 e bAi"ó 1 Cpoiri occa pccpút)At) (x pen'TÓéccpi ppip nA triAicib bACAp hia pocViAip cpe-o -oo jCViATjh ppip tia ÚAiptib imon Anmunn 05A mbACAp ppicbAipc & copnAn'i. Rop cochtnp dnnjje bAptfm Gt coipij An dpe ifp nupt> tma AdiconiApc chucA miA peAch cia TtonA hÚAiplib no oip-ompf-o hi cCn-oup nA cpiche. 1T1ac "OoriinAiLl 7 TIIac 1Tluipip (x ó HlAitte bApí/oh AcbCpcAcop ó ófnghudi ^up úo T>on cpmtipip UitbiAm búpc po bA cechcA njepnA -oo j;hAipm, ÚAip AppCoh po ba ^nAidi bép -oóib oip-oneAii) An cpmt)pip Apbeb&ib An cpoipip. tlo pAirjh TIIac 5oipx)elbAi5 7 rtiAC SiupcAm gup uó x>o UheAboic itiac UAceip dnocAii; rmc SeAAin nnc OituepAip po btm tnop jAipm pL&diA Ap bA pdpij pdcpiuch eipi-ohe 1LL0 Gt mn A"o1iAij idp 7 icoiccpich ciAinbA-ó uaca-ó ciAmbAtj pochAirje "oó. lAp ccpúx) Á choifiAipLe t>úa 'OoiiinAi'Lb bA pAip t)epi-ó ÍAip po x>eówh cCnnnp nA cpidie "oo diAbAi j\c no UheApoic itiac UAceip dnouAig & po popcongAi]» po]\ 111ac UeApoic 1T1ac 1ÍiIIiaiii "oo jliAipm *oe. *Oo ponA-o pAippmiii nit) pm, ÚAip po 50i]\eA-ó AnniAun "oe piA-oh ha plóglnb icoiccm-oi, ge po bACAp Ap AibL X)1A difnét bA pmiu Ap aoi nAoipi & bA 1110 ah'i gAipmobcA. A]\ a AÓipm Apé "oo -oeAchAix) ceccup cu^Apon'i pop Acchup 7 ionnApbA-0 Ap a chip, & t>o pAi]\pn5epc -óo co cnobpAT>h hia -oudiAij -oo mt>hipi "oia ccAdnpA'oh. up puccAic co cij\ ConAiVl. *Oo bfnc ^éibb & Ainne ele ó A]\ aiLI -oonA huAirbib bAcoji occ cum^eA-o An cigfnnAir* pn Lahi'i An Tfpoicc íf]\ riA oijroneAt) ipn p:LAidnup *Oo CAec Don'mAitl iÁrt CAin ifn ccochAiciun'i ha VIocLacc "oó im bAnuncAcc dnVle iiif-ocm, e -oo ghoi-[\ AnniAim x>o Ua-oIi^ 1111c UIiatoIij pAbAijh nnc ebgAin uí 'Oub'OA. Aye ry& ó t)oriinAilL no ghoin CetlAij •0011 "phiopooyidiA ttiac CeALLAij; 1111c "OoninAibt 1111c aC-oIia 11A CCAlLLeAch 7 111AC > OlA]linAT)A III1II5I1I LinnCC X)0 ConCobA]\ 111AC Uait)1i5 1111c 6o^1iAin, & niAc *OonchAiTj diíjie 1iOiLeALLA x>o 111 uip^i up c1u\edi niAC Uai-ój, & niAc "OondiAii) An co]\Ainn bo Ru-ónAige iíiac Aót)1iAe, ft o hGj]\Ai pAbAcli ■oo "Petnn hiac ConciiAipl. tlifi tio "oeAcriiAiq-ón a)\ yo bAtron a pnp]\p"ohe yo chior GL diÁm -oo chvnel ccohaiLL *oo j;néj', & bA cubAm liAriitAToh cia btm é "OoriinAiH no oiponeAX) hia iiaco>]toa iA-oroiii, Gt x»o gA-|AA ha liAnniAnnA AC|iub]iAniA|i. 1)a rAin ye vo poineporh itvopn. T)o ■)iAcpoiii t)An o Uúaitic 7 1T1ac DiApnACA wa nAdiA]TOA íaji ha nion-OAnbA"o1i La jAitAib, Gfc ni|i bo 1iia-ot-oiíi hatha acc gAch aoii -oo jAOToeAbAib 00151-0 1T1eAt)bA yo CicijvoeLigíptAiTi yyiy íia gAÍÍAib vo pome ah ccécnA ppú. (11io]\ 5Ai]imeAX) ó tluAinc ye hu& n'Oon'mAibt pAinh). I596. A11 5. bllAX>A111. 1a]i bp3]ibA-ó ha njiotii ]\eiii|iAice, -oo teicce ó "Ooiimoitt con ArtiiAcch ca]\ pin Sbgtj pM|i cuAit)h An 15. lAnuAp 111 unco^Ac íia bliA-onA yo 1596, & -oo 1 Kilmaine. — In the south of Co. Mayo. 2 The Brees. — A castle in the parish of Mayo, in the barony of Clanmorris. 3 O'Dowd. — They were lords of Hy Fiach- rach of the north, from the Robe to the Codnach. See Tribes, &r°c, of Hy Fiach- rach, p. 343. 4 O Kelly. — A genealogical table showing the descent of the different branches of this family will be found in the Tribes, &-*c, of Hy Many, p. 96. 5 MacD. of Moylurg. — They were divided into three families, the head of which was styled The MacDermot ; the other two were The MacD. Roe and The MacD. Gall. Top. Poems, pp. 20 and 47. The Mac ii5 which he was, and, moreover, this Theobald was of that family most hated by 1595- English, and the Irish would have less suspicion because he was so. Oliver, son of John, and Edmond, son of Thomas an machaire, and John, son of Richard, son of John an termainn, were seized and put in fetters by Hugh O'Donnell until they came to Tyrconnell. He took hostages and pledges from some of the chiefs who had sought for the chieftaincy in opposition to Theobald, after he was inaugurated in it. After celebrating Christmas, O'Donnell went next into the barony of Kilmaine 1 and to the Brees 2 of Clanmorris, across the Moy of Tyrawley to Hy Fiachrach, and he appointed a chief over that territory. He conferred the title on Tadhg, son of Tadhg Reagh, son of Owen O'Dowd. 3 It was O'Donnell who gave the title of O'Kelly 4 to Ferdoragh, son of Ceallach, son of Donnell, son of Hugh na Calleach ; and of MacDermot of Moylurg, 5 to Conor, sort of Tadhg, son of Owen ; and of MacDonough 6 of Tirerrill to Maurice Caech/ son of Tadhg ; and of MacDonough of Corran to Rury, son of Hugh ; and of O'Hara 8 Reagh to Felim, son of Concashil. This was not difficult, for their ancestors were under tribute and tax to the Cinel Conaill always, and he was the proper person whomsoever O'Donnell inaugurated in his native country and gave the title to, as we have said. It was right he did this. Besides, he restored O'Rourke and MacDermot to their territories after they had been banished by the English, and not those alone, but every one of the Irish of the province of Meadhbh who had separated himself from the English, he did the same to them. (O'Rourke was never appointed by O'Donnell). 9 1596, the 5th year. After performing the aforesaid actions, O'Donnell departed with his army over the Sligeach north-eastwards on the 1 5th of January, in the beginning Dermot had his residence in a small island 7 Caech.—i.e., one-eyed or blind, in Lough Ce, called the Rock. This place 8 O'Hara— They were chiefs of Leyny, is frequently mentioned in The Annals F.M. Co. Sligo. Since the 14th century they were 6 MacDonough. — They were descended divided into two branches, O'H. Buidhe and from Muireadach, king of Connaught, who O'H. Reagh. For an account of the family died in 710, and were a branch of the tribe see O'Rorke's H. of Bally sadare, p. 363. commonly known by the name of the 9 O'Donnell. — This is a marginal note in O'Conors of Magh Aoi. the Manuscript, in the author's handwriting. P u6 beAchAiDh CAp *Ouib CAp *Opobume ÚApAl, riA SpÁme An 3. piLíb. .AlonpA Copip bA tiAinm *oon "oume ÚApAb ipm. 13a bi CUCCA1C po -oop po jtuAip co hmip mbAnbA "OAichpeop 7 "opiop pcceL riA n^AoibeAb, ÚAip pobcAp Aor ccoAij & coirhcfnjAit ^AoibiL "Pot)bA ■oo U15 riA SpAine A]aa cuibheAchc ón SpAin peAchc piArh, Gb x>o pAcpAC "opong ■oo ppuidiib & -oo pfndiAibib pCp ppeme In popAidiArhfc & 1 cuirhne -oon High cuipdieAcVicA 7 pcebA mAc tniteAt)h, & T>An beóp An tuchc po Iaict pop lon^upp bAp tia gAitlAip a hmir eprnt) ÍAp n^Aicc ah AchApbA popAib no ciA^hcAoir "oeccAome m imneb ppipiumh Gt ppi Apm-opepAib ó chem rnÁip T)up pAimg ah cechcA cipmt)ur peb AcpuppAmAp. Ay í conAip po peoLApcAip a iun^A Laiti beAp ppi bop nepenn AniAn gup po jliAph pope 1 cpích bo^liAine 1n ccÚAn n* cceAtt, mbCj; pAinpeAb. 1po jAib pAita Vnpuibiu La hÚAiplib nA cpiche ifp nA pioppcet (x "oo beAcViAcop Ap AibL biob "oo éotup t,Aip cpé beApnAp tnóp co pAimcc Leidibiop Aipm imboi ó TDoriinAibL An CAn pin. Ro piAbAijf-o co popppAoitib aitiaiL bA "on ppi pé chéopA noíbche conA tAÍb, 6c po jAb A5 AdidiorhApc pgeL An chogAib ac cíiuaLa po cCpopu; nA gAÓibiL poppnA gAÍtAib. Acc coA-oíiAdiAp bóporh coLeicc. -dcbCpcpovh ^up bo "oía nAicpfop & "©ia ppiop pcét -oo "oeAcViAib pop popcon^pA An R15, & nAc ccAOtiinAjjAip t>oL Aipm AvnbAoi ó HeilX, no ah Ab ni bub pipiu 1a on-oCYiApp, ÚAip bA horfiAn ÍAir "oia ccioirnp 501U, ■fol.31. b. Achochc co henmt) co lAipfcif tongup pemib pop An pet). O po pictti ó *OoninAibL ^up bo' píon AnebAipc G: ah bAoghAÍ impoipiorh, po pgpiob l,Aip ^up An TI15 Ap a ucc bub "oém & a 1tucc uí tléibb 7 a huchc nA ngAeibeAÍ A|\ ceAnA. bA pCh codiAchc An p^pibmn -oo chumgeAb con^AncA ploi j 7 pocbAibe Aipm 7 lobpAobAp m A^Aib a uah'iac & t)iA pAopAbporn iac on •OAoi]\e AtnbACAp occa mbiobbADAib •00 ji^ep (a^ jaicc An AchApbA poppA 6: a^a pAobAb on cc^Aeitiioin cacIioIac'oa 1loniAn"OA po ppiocdiAib TlAorh pAcpAicc "oía pCnAib & t)ÍA pmnpepAip, & po con^AibpCc chem riiÁip) 1 Philip in. — This is a mistake, asPhilipn. names given to Ireland by the bards, did not die till 1598. 4 Fenians. — So called from Fenius Farsa, 2 Copis. — See p. lxxvii., antea. an ancestor of Milesius. 3 Inis Banba. — This and Inis Fodhla were 6 Wrote. — See p. lxxvii., antea. ii7 of the year 1596, and he went across the Dubh, the Drovves, and the Saimer 1596. northwards. He remained after that in his own country without leaving it up to the beginning of summer. It was in the beginning of November precisely that a certain nobleman came from the King of Spain, Philip III. 1 .Alonzo Copis 2 was the nobleman's name. The reason why he came to Inis Banba 3 was to confer with and get intelligence from the Gaels, for the Gaels of Fodhla were friendly to and united with the King of Spain on account of their having come from Spain long before, and a number of learned men and historians of the Fenians 4 had set down in remembrance and record before the King the doings and history of the sons of "Milesius, and besides, the people that were driven into exile by the English from the island of Erin, after taking their property from them, used to go to complain of their hardships to him and his ancestors for a long time. The messenger, however, came, as we have said. The course he directed his ship was westwards, keeping the shore of Erin to the right until it entered Tir Boghaine and the harbour of Killybegs precisely. He received a welcome there from the nobles of the territory when they got news of him, and some of them went to guide him through Bearnas Mor until he came to Lifford, where O'Donnell then was. He was entertained very hospitably, as was right, for the space of three days and three nights, and he set to inquire about the history of the war which he had heard the Irish had been carrying on against the English. They laid it before him then. He said it was to inquire and get information he had come by order of the King, and he could not go to where O'Neill was nor delay any longer, owing to haste, for he was afraid the English, hearing of his coming to Ireland, would send ships on his way. When O'Donnell knew that his statement was true and the danger which he ran, he wrote 5 by him to the King on his own part and on the part of O'Neill, and on the part of the Irish too. The purport of the letter was this : to request aid in men and a supply of arms and various weapons against the enemy, and to rescue them from the bondage in which they were held by their enemies always (taking their patrimony from them and persecuting the Roman Catholic faith, which St. Patrick had preached to their elders and ancestors, and which they held for a long time), and that they would be subject to I IS combcir voniÁniAignce t>ó t>o fio\\ fx "oía fíob iriA "oCVhAm T)o nAc iCpoifi An ceccA l.Airh ron imceAcc fx rÁ^bAib bCnx)AchcAin. Udc úa "OorhnoiVl bAir ipn -pbijeb & ni no ncAn pnr 50 An a bA|v&ch, Gfc no LÁ a|iaiUI tjia ArhrAib Iait ipn rét> "oia rnAbAt>h A]i chuAtiAib Gb cfchCnnAib 50 n&nAic "OAnrAn mbfnnAr nérhnÁiciu. StÍAb "oo|iató ■ooibeoil eirit>e fx bA bAT>bA cuAn fx cAiboCn rju -pÍAic & AinceLL cen co nor coirnfrcAin An c-Ao'oh 1lÚAT>h 1nrm, An nir neb^ribe tIacc tiA opccom ipn C]\ic1i ó no hoipiDneA-ó 1 rbdiciuv co vpAnccAib An mnri co Lleicc, conATih Aine Acbenchi An 1\.iAjAij\e nechcAch ■oeriorh A]i a mer> no niAjliAb -oo choibLeA , ÓAib & chuAnAib 6: •oaC]" ^ac inic An chftiA. *OaLa AbonrA Copir fiAimccrrohe gur An bpunc AVfAjAgAib a bun^A fx tiicc mnce fx vo beA|\Ac mtnncin ni "OhoriinAibt a poLAncnAb pfolA Iait ipm tum^ "OAi^ib imneArh- nA fx "oo cfcn ACCAib clumi jeAÍA. "Ro bAoirorh 1 poichibl n a ^ddce AnAin cecib CAn "our riocrAb. ílo feoturcAin no "oeói-ó 1a cex> cmpeb tiA ^Aiche'AnAin- cÚAib bAnfi cbi ppi hop nffpenn riAipbfp ^ac ntnneAch co pAimcc t)on SpAin. 1 lomcupA ui *OorhnAilb no bmpibe irpop 50 corAC 1un. flip uó cÍAn bó ífncAin An CAn nu^Ac cechcA ó ÍDac UilbiAm pAiji "oía AirnCir bo co ccAnAic jenenAil cojAib nA t)Ainpíoí;An Seji Seon tlojiAir co bimetbopt» a cpiche cupcornpAc pLÚAi j rhóin, Ap bAij; co ccmppeAb coigeAb ConnAcc uite mAen pAbAbL ■oaCVi pAnn fx 'OAomteic La PpionnpA SAXon. -AcíCc tiA hAijnj fx nA 1njA]"ti bACAn ipocpAibe An jene]iALA, lApt,A UuAbrhuriiAn, *Oonc1iAb niAC ConcobAip rrnc DonchAib uí Vj]\iAin co Lion a fboij;, Gt lApba. clomne 11iocai|TO thttCc mAC UiocAin"o SAXAnAij; nnc thblic nA ccfn conA coicfrcAb gcfnA. AcbCjicir cac icoiccitroi An cah pn ha ]\o ciomAipgeAb 7 ti* ]io cionóÍAb rpi ViAimrfn nnchCm m &|nnn aViucc PjnonnrA SAXAn coimbion nnbACAji ron An rbuAjrm. 11i ca|\t) ó T)orhnAibl ha rgeÍApn ac coAr "oó ipoitt nAcb rojAXJÁil, úai]\ nobrA]\ puinice eAttifiA a rtÚAjrorii "oo checlic íol. 32. a. iccoijeAb n-AibteÍA cm né riú no pAchcACAn nA ceAchcA. SquobcAn tic|n & rc^nbCnnA bA bÚA n'OomnAilb 50 jAoibeAÍAib An choiccib, 7 no bÁtApcAijx cbugA iac gur An ÍAncAn Ainni ac cÓA-p "oóroth An ftuAj echcAincenéoil vo ^AbAib bon^búi]\c. 1 Sassanach. — i.e., the Englishman, the Lieutenant for some time He died in 1582. second Earl of Clanricarde. He was Lord See Archdall's Peerage, i. 129. 119 him and to his successors always. The messenger then prepared to depart, 1596. and left his blessing. O'Donnell accompanied him on his way, and he did not part from him till the next day, and he sent with him some of his soldiers on the, road to protect him from robbers and kerne till he passed over the above mentioned Bearnas ; this is an intricate mountain, difficult to pass over, and it was a place of refuge for robbers and rogues robbing and plundering until Hugh Roe banished them, for he did not allow robbery or plundering in the country since he was inaugurated in the chief- taincy till he left the island. Wherefore he was called the legal executioner on account of the number of robbers and thieves and of every kind of malefactors too whom he had executed. As for Alonzo Copis, he came to the port where he had left his ship and embarked in it, and O'Donnell's people gave him plenty of flesh meat in the ship, large hinds and white- fleeced sheep. He was ready for the east wind whenever it should come. At last he set sail with the first breeze of wind from the north-east, keeping the shore of Ireland on the left, south-westwards straight until he reached Spain. As for O'Donnell, he was at rest up to the beginning of June. Not long after messengers came from Mac William to him to tell him that a war- general of the Queen, Sir John Norris, had come to the borders of his country, having with him a great army, in order that he might subject the whole province of Connaught at once, wholly and entirely, to the English Sovereign. The chiefs and nobles who were with the General's army were the Earl of Thomond, Donough, son of Conor, son of Donough O'Brien, with all his troops, and the Earl of Clanricarde, Ulick, son of Richard Sassanach, 1 son of Ulick na cceann, with his force too. It was commonly said then that for a very long time there had not been gathered and collected in Ireland on behalf of the English Queen so great a number as was in that army. O'Donnell did not neglect or slight the news which was reported to him, for his forces were in complete readiness to go into the province of Oilioll even before the messengers came. Letters and despatches were written by O'Donnell to the Irish of the province, and he summoned them to meet him to the west of the place where he heard the forces of the strangers had encamped. I20 La •poxxMn "oo tei^e úa 'OorimAiVt iccfnn créfjA conA ftoj ÍAir CAnfAn e-nne rÍAn caji Sbccec Iaiti -of]" jrjn f junto rlétoe ^atii cjié ttngne 7 cné ch]\ích jgAibCng co ftAntncc fo •óeoí-ó m Aiftif -oaIa Seon flontnr Ai|im imbui occ j:ubAi]ic 7 occ bÁij cecc 'oin'oneA-ó tia cnicne 1HA11A ÉÁnccA-oÁir 561 VI 7 Aicajn ÚAi-óito. O ^AngACA]! "0111 ceccA uí "OnorhnAiVl 50 JAOI'ÓeA'LAl'b A11 COIJI-Ó AlflAlb AC|Aul!)]10mO|A X)Mf pceCcp-Óe JAn efftlA-OAX) ^ATI loinptnjieAc yon cojAinm ínrin. Uaiihcc Ann cfccur AblAnÍAn úa TLuAinc, t)ni&n 05 mAc t)ruAin tia rnúnchArrnc t)niAin bAUlAij mic e^ojAin 50 -pocpATce c1i aéa ó 111 D|\iAin. Uahaicc Ann úa ConcobAip Rúa-o. Aób mAc UoirvóeAtbAij HÚA1-Ó a himeAbboncc riiAije .A01 fni hÁc SLirfn AnAin. UAnAicc Ann ó CeAÍÍAi^ ("pf]it)onchA) a huito ITlAine AnAi]rcTr y\w SionAinn AnÍAn. UAmcc Ann 111 ac 'OiApmAccA (ConcobAn ócc), a 111 tnj bvnng An "OÁ^h-OA pni coipnfliAb 11 a SfjrA AnAi)\-óC]\ UAnj^ACAn Ann toéor nA Tií no Ait]\eAtonAc An ccních ó coi]inftiAto 50 mvnn hi cuAirccfnc An coiccix) f-óón An tja rtiAc *Oonnc1iAix) 7 An t>Á ó Ogh^iA Gt ó Duto-OA. lAjt cconjiAchcAm nA ngAei-oeAb 50 1iaic nófnbAibe forAi'oicc jron lonchAito Seon 11oruvir aj\ ^ac caoi1!> •oon AbAinn tjiaiiatj Ainm An 1\0T>bA. fto bAoi loniAicAijCb "oeriú 7 AiiAÍb ■pni f\x> 7 cAoncoriiriAC CcojinA, 7 ni bA 1i(/o ón ÍAn ffiop acc bA -oo bnAc & cAirecéLeAt) Gt "oo CAbAi]\c bneícce im Anoite tdia ccofriirACAir. t)Áoi t>An 111ac UibtiAin UeAboicc niAc UAce]i cbiocAij co bión a aonóit irm coicfrcAb pn uí DhomnAiUl. AnAic acHait) ah cuchcrm emeAc itro loncriAib A]i oiLe 50 ccAi)\neccA|A a Lomci lÁr ha gALÍAib. O no rcAic íCrorh AinbiA-ó ■ocnbri'óe £01.32.0. A-p pan -oeipb beo -ofin^e ah ptnju; AtnbÁccAn o ha cÁomnAgACAn ní T)onA ^AomeAÍAib. "Oo jníCct ■pAiriÍAi-ó. SoÁicc f|iiocb|iofcc & ni]\ uó y1án Ia Seon 11onAir a ThCnmA A]\ ní]i uó gnAC Iai^ a lompú-ó AlnfchAib écc|iAcc imne. *Oo cofcc úa 'Oon'inoi'Lb 7 ha ^AOi-oeAt an cfnA "oia ccijlnb 50 rubAÓ 1"oiirifninnAC. Oc diifcc ■pfnAt) 'Ouibtm'oe ^Aifccet) &, gCnAiccecc ^Aoi-oeAl xifAr G: "om-jropbAinc, 7 gombcA^ eoÍAij m Ai|imimbeAnc 7 m Cnn*OAiteA-ó aii coccAit) no nneccbAirfc |\eiinb. AbbAn oibe beóf hiia no orimAi'óf fee An fjinATÓm 1 Gailettga — This tribe inhabited a dis- out a Firbolg tribe, the Clan Gaileoin. Top. trict now included in the diocese of Achonry Poems, xxxix. and a part of Sligo. They had this name 2 Hy Matiy.—K district which in former from Cormac Galeng, third in descent from times included the barony of Athlone, in Olioll Olum, King of Munster, who drove Co. Roscommon, and the baronies of Bally- 121 Wherefore O'Donnell set out with his army across the Erne westwards, 1596. across the Sligeach, keeping the extremity of the Slieve Gam on his right, through Leyny and the territory of the Gailenga, 1 until at last he came to the rendezvous where Sir John Norris was threatening and boasting that he would go plunder the territory if they did not give in hostages and pledges. As soon as O'Donnell's messengers went to the Irish of the province, as we have said, they came without delay or hesitation at this call. First came from the west O'Rourke, Brian Oge, son of Brian na Murtha, son of Brian Ballach, son of Owen, with the fighting men of Hy Briuin. O'Conor Roe came, Hugh, son of Turlough Roe, from the border of Magh Aoi, east of the ford of Slisean. O'Kelly (Ferdoragh), came from the south-east of Hy Many, 2 west of the Shannon ; MacDermot (Conor Oge) came there from Moylurg of the Daghda, to the south-east of the Corrsliabh. There came also those who inhabited the territory from the Corrsliabh to the sea in the northern part of the province, i.e., the two MacDonoughs, and the two O'Haras, and O'Dowd. After the Irish had assembled at one place they halted opposite Sir John Norris on the banks of the river called the Robe. There were very many on one side and on the other for peace and amity, but it was not so in truth, but they were spying and circumventing and deceiving each other if they could. Mac William too, Theobald, son of Walter Ciotach, with the whole of his forces, was at this gathering of O'Donnell's. They remained for a while in this way opposite each other, until the English had consumed their provisions. When their supplies were consumed they resolved to leave their encamp- ment, since they could effect nothing against the Irish. They did so. They turned back, and the mind of John Norris was not at ease, for it was not his custom to withdraw from the enemy's territories in this way. O'Donnell and the Irish also went away to their homes merry and cheerful. When the Council in Dublin saw that the bravery and valour of the Irish had grown and increased, and that they had a knowledge of the use of arms' and of the management of war, they were much afraid of them. Another reason too why they feared was the union of friendship moe.Tiaquin, Killian, and Kilconnell, in Co- and O'Maddens. See O'Donovan's Introd. Galway. It was inhabited by the O'Kellys to the Tribes, &°c, of Hy Many, p. 2. 122 CAj\AquMt> 7 combAjA pu H15 nA SpAine, 7 An long ]\erh]\Ain no piAchc ón SpÁH1 AlilAlt AC COATDACAn *D Óllí)|"1 01Í1 . -Afí Aiple Aprnochc tÁr An ffno/o 7 La^ ah ccon'iAi]\1e "oeptdie ceccA "oo chop "oo pAijib uí Tléitt,(x uí *OhorhnAiVl •opubAÍpCm Gt "OArLAch pot>hA hA CcoppA 7 tiA goroeAbAib 1a]a1a U|nfiun'iAn UomÁr buiaten a AnmAim. A SAXAib x>uy pAnjjACAp An cenéi "oiAmbAoi. 1lo bAoipbe m Aoir enfp; pfn-OACA An ionbAit> pin, Gfc Ai]roeprcop CAipL tYlAoLmuipe 1T)ac Ivaiu. X)uy pccCcp'óe tAr An ceccAinecc 50 pAn^ACAn guf An ccAqiAi^ pL p^p bnú cjiAjA bAite nnc t)UAin "oÍAn^A^on An SpAcbAite. 1lo yói"ópfc céccA "oú imbói ó HéitL ■oo neÍAt) nA ccorccA htia ccubcACA-p. "PoTóir úa tléitb nA rccelA cfcnA 1Y1 ■oochum uí T)horhnAiVl. Uiccp-óe íCnorh •oipnn n'iAjACAc co 1iAipm imboi ó tléitL 'Oo ifgliAcc •oibbmib co pocliAipo THuincfirhne yon londiAib cjaa^a bAite bti*ó cÚAix). UAnAicc An c1a|\1a AtjuibnomAn 7 An ceppcop •pop ionn 11A cotcliA cfcnA. -Ac pétxA-o *oonA pÍAicib An coircc ittia ccAnjACA]\ 7 Acbf]icfAC ^ojt bo pCpfl CÓ]\A ot/OAp CeAlÍAC (x 110 blAt) iomAichbAt> c1iaic "oíob pop Ap 01L1 mutiA "ofpncA An pí-ó. Ac gú A*on ACAp -oóib ha covncliA "oo pAipn^epcpAc An rfnAb ÚAit>ib cAp cfnt) An críot>1iA .1. •óilpmccA'ó coiccib ConcobAip •oóibporh ^énmochÁ An mbloib cípe pL min "OeLjAn co t)oínn po caILua "óe ó ófm riiÁip ÍA-p nA ^AtbAib Gt nA cipEAip 11A 501LL yoppo CAp copomn acc hatha ^aiLL CAtpp^e ■pC^jupA T)o bécceA'ó pu cpeic 7 connpAb •oo pop, Gt nA 5A1I/I bACAp 1 ccAipLmn & mx) iobA|i chto c]aaj1ia ón tntl'ó ccrtinA, & "OAn íia cocnATiAoii' mAoi|\ mAÍc Aittjuo^hA po]i|\A 110 AccuniAC nAibe t)o chobAch chíorA nó chÁnA, acc ha niÁ cecip cíop -oo bnfcliA pop Apntipf-pAib t)o icolinACAÍ "oóibpoiri 50 bÁé cIíac 7 nA cumppce 5éitt tiA Aicnpi ponnA acc tiia-ó pm, & yo gebhx)Air An ccfcnA nA ^oibib AcnAchcAcop m a cconibÁig cojAib iccói^ft) OlnéccmAcc. 1a|a ccAi]\ccfin a Aidnrcc 7 A onpnjitt -oon 1a]\Ia, ac|aacc Butler. — The tenth Earl, commonly called ' Black Tom.' He succeeded to the title at the age of fourteen. He was brought up at the English Court with Prince Ed- ward, later Edward VI. For his services against Gerald Earl of Desmond and the O' Mores of Leix he received grants of several abbeys with their lands from Elizabeth, to whom he was distantly related, Sir William Bullen, the grandfather of Anne, having married Margaret, daughter of the seventh Earl of Ormonde. See Archdall's Peerage, iv, 31. 2 M. Magrath. — The apostate Bishop of Down. He was Protestant Archbishop of Cashel from 1570 to 1622, and held that I I2 3 and sympathy with the King of Spain and the coming of the ship from Spain, as was reported to them. The plan adopted by the Senate and Council in consequence was to send messengers to O'Neill and O'Donnell, and to propose and offer peace and friendship to them. One of the messengers chosen by the Council to discuss the business of the peace between them and the Irish was the Earl of Ormonde, Thomas Butler 1 by name. The family to which he belonged had come from England. He was weak through old age then. With him was the Archbishop of Cashel, Myler Magrath. 2 They went on the errand until they came to the town which is on the edge of the strand of Baile Mic Buain called Stradbally. They sent messengers to the place where O'Neill was to tell him the business they had come about. O'Neill sent the same message to O'Donnell. He came after that with a troop of horse to the place where O'Neill was. They both went to Faughart Muirtheimhne, opposite Stradbally, a little to the north. The Earl of whom we have spoken and the Bishop came to the summit of the same hill. They told the princes the business on which they had come, and said peace would be better than strife, and they would blame each other if the peace was not made. They stated to them the terms which the Council offered in reference to the peace, viz., to hand over the province of Conor to them except the tract of territory from Dundalk to the Boyne, which was cut off from it long before by the English, and that the English should not encroach beyond the boundary except the English of Carrickfergus, who were allowed for trade and traffic always, and the English of Newry and Carlingford in the same way, and that they should not send stewards or governors over them, nor in any such way force rents or tributes, but only the same tribute that was laid on their ancestors, which was to be taken by them to Dublin, and that hostages or pledges should not be demanded from them beyond this ; and that the Irish in the province of Olneccmacht who had risen to aid them in the war should have the like terms. After the Earl had set forth his statement and proposal, see with those of Waterford and Lismore- A sketch of his career will be found in the Eccies. Record for 1884, p. 633. Bruodin says he returned to the Catholic church about a year and a-half before his death. He gives some interesting details of Myler's early life in his Examen Anatomicum, p. 71 ; Prague, 1 67 1. Q 124 ó 1léitt 7 ó *OoiiuiAiLb (x AiiibÁccAn hia t:poc1iAi]\ "oo chtiinj;C , o1iAib -íii C0151Ú Af Aii Áiab pnbe 7 vo 1C5V1AC -oon cÁob A|\ aiIL -oon ceAÍAi^. gAbAtcc c\\ux) AccoriiAi|ibe 7 occ AipbegeAb gnioin^At) tia n^AÍb ó no chéx> jAb]iAC An mnp cCcur ^up An cAnpn. 1Da proAing "óóibpoiri on, iiAin bACAn meAbjiA beó (x Ia 1iúa n"OoriinAilt pvinneAT), "0015 bAoiptibe A5 coip:ecc pptú iia cCiceojAA bbiAbnA 7 ha ceoi'A rníopx no bin ipn cca|icai]\ m At cUac, (x bA ínpri AicCpc &p rao aiu ]'o iiieAb]iAt> o HA cmibit)ib t:o cfn'ocA ipn ccAncAi]» imA|\ófn pnp (x bAco|\ In ccuirhne 7 1 yo]VAicififc bAip 6: AcbCpc ^un boc ce'oLuicheAC co^aocIiao cin^eAblcA 5 A ^b t)o jpep, & ^up - bo cpA gticAipijine ]\o gAcpvr AnAchAivó\ V°V "S^^omeúX.M'b coiccib 5 n ConnAoi mic T)Ai]\e & m h(t> n a mÁ acc cecib neAC "oia ccaH-|\vc accíji mn Gpm bA c|\ía chAntpiAchc & fol.33. b. b|\eiccpc "oo bf|\n]"Ac •óe. foib irnne-oo jCnAtx pnbp An lonbAib bur cfnci b<5|\ ccongAib cacIia Gt coccAib (x bur CAnA bA]i ccViac jAbAÍA (x A11 CA11 jCc^n ropoib ha J 01 " 01 ^ AcnAchcACAjA m bAn mbAi 5 pArunn "oiAib m "oiAib, 7 pi^AbAc cecip ní clminjip^cc An bAn rxnegAb. *Oo bej^AC 11 a 5A1IL bnCi^ ioniAibp Ainnp-óe (x, pvigpc rojinoib aii cah ro^AbAC co 1iAinC|tlArii Anpnpcbe 1b m HAdiA-ó A|\m 7 ei-oij, ócc & Cptet», niA-o pc t>o gneci pmí 7 5A11 i\ac1ia n ato Alain ropio p i n coiíiaVIa'ó pnb m -oo nAipm^eprfc "ÓAoib. -AbbAii oite beóp Uo Acbcbui|\pb a cAnAq\A-ó pop nA SpAine mÁ-ó f\t t>o gneci, (x bi 5 nÁt\ 7 bit) meAbAb "OAOib 50 "oo "ófnom pur An ct nAbepin 501, Gfc corhALnApjr 1111 no tliAptnjAin, (x no bA-ó Ainppon niA]\ •OAOib Aimi]\ip -oo jAbAib -oe, & -01 1 rnir pn níc cob]AACA]\ úat) *oo i\it>ip cah beice i|ipocbcAin a beAp ía|a p^At» ronAib -oonA ^AtbAib. 1lo n'iobtfAC A|\Aibt -ooiia niAicib ait e]»pe]ic, & ]\o ACncAijpoc puj - nA 1iAicmpccAibpn no ymjitb. 13aca]i poi]\Cnn oile ■oibp-óe 1a]" An bAinn An pib "oo ■oénorii, (x Acbejtcpwcp'óe bA hiomAi]i5i-ce •oCnAiii An cfiobA, & bA-ó Aicpuch munA -or-iAncA. THonÚAH Aiii bA pop "oóibporii m no nAiúpoc cib íf|A cahi, iiaiji bACA' ( \ iombA mnA & mionTiAoine 7 po-purócctAoic ■oo cocAn écc ■oÚAchc G: §0|\ca po ■OAijm An choccAfó hipn. TlobcAp ioiitoa béoi' ÍAecli bonnAinnpctccliA 7 1 Curoi MacDaire. — He was King of 2 King of Spam. — See pp. xlviii. and Munster about the beginning of our era. cxxxiii. The support given by the Arch- See Keating's H. of Ireland, p. 220, and duchess, the King's daughter, to Irish O'Curry's Courtship of Mo?nera, p. 164, n. ; Catholics in the Low Countries is well Dublin.- 1855. known. 125 O'Neill, O'Donnell, and the other chief men of the province who were with 1596. them rose up from where they were seated and went to the other side of the hill. They proceeded to take counsel and to recount the conduct of the English since they first seized on the island up to that time. This was easy for them, for it was remembered by them and by O'Donnell in particular, since he had been listening to it during the four years and three months he was in the prison in Dublin, and that was the tale which he remembered best from the captives cast into prison with him, and it was in his recollection and remembrance ; he said that the promises of the English were always vain and deceitful, and that it was by false promises they had stolen their patrimony from the Irish of the province of Leinster and of the province of Curoi mac Daire, 1 and not that merely, but whomsoever else they deprived of his land in Ireland it was by fraud and a false peace they obtained it. ' It was thus they acted towards you when implements of war and conflict were few and your battle-ranks thin ; and when the Irish attacked you, they took your part heretofore in the conflicts one after another, and they obtained whatever they desired by abandoning you. The English tell you lies now, and they will attack you when they find you unprepared, not ready, with scantiness of arms and armour, of soldiers and champions, if peace is made with them and if securities or hostages are not given by them for fulfilling to you what they promised you. Another thing, too ; you will give up the friendship of the King of Spain z if peace is made, and it will be disgraceful and shameful for you to practise a deceit on him who never tells a lie and who will perform what he has promised ; and it would be dishonest also for you to entertain any suspicion of him ; and, besides, you will never again be helped by him when you will need him after going over to the English.' Some of the chief men commended what had been said and agreed with the resolutions which he proposed. There was another party of them who were satisfied to make peace, and they said it was right to make peace, and they should be sorry if it was not made. Alas ! what they said proved true, though later, for there were many women and children and old men who suffered death by cold and hunger on account of that war. Besides, there were many proud heroes, and 126 coipi^h c|\ot)A Gi poCpcÍAnnA poicfneoit t>o coccAp AibCbA AiiAipche CcoppA x>i piu 7 AnAlA, pobicin An ccocAib cfcnA. Cib pit Ann cpA cecip tCp nó Aiiiitfp •oon Aimcc App, bA heiccfn An pib "oo chAipmfpcc cpiA AptAch 7 popcongpA tii "OhomnAitt. 1ompAip ah daptA 7 An c&ppcop co h&t ctiAC, Gc AcpCcpAC •oon lupcip 7 "oon coniAipte An •ouitcAb nnon pic 7 Apppe AjpA ó ha ^AoibeAtAib. fol.34.fr. "La pot)Am po tÁipCc An piYiAb ApcélA co cpiocliAib SAXAn jup An •mbAinRiogliAm etizAbech. ílo jAb pfps 7 tonnAp ipibe. 1lo cionóileb7 po cfglAinA-o ioIa|a n-oÁome té •oia ccop co he-pmn conA congAib cCcca -oa JAC nATDAltge A]\ cCYlA C011A]\ bo tu§A otcCAC pdie mile -Oófp CUApAipCAlt (x •oo AvhpAib po bACAp muppoichitt coccAib ha ngoibet. 1lo curhpcAijCb An goibCpnoip 7 An CAipij bAoi pop coicce-ó 111 fbb* An lonbAib pin a cfntiAcc ah 60151b, .1. Sep 1li]"oe|TO biongom con a bpAicpib Gb po jAiprmc co hAch cIíac 6c po ctnpicc Aippibe co SAXAib. T)up pAmicc Ap oite m ionAb An goibfpnopA bA pfpp oboAp 7 bA ppu j;eAttAib "oo ha jAoibeAtAib miíp 'Oecembep vo pinnpAb Coneup Clip'opu a comAinm, pit5ipe A^voeApc eipbe An Á01 njApmA. bA hÚApxb ÍAp pptnt, bA pfp ciobnAicú yéx> 7 mAoine. 1lo cliApnniAij boporh int>pin ÚAip po poAic chuecA -oponj n'-.op •oÚAipbib coiccib lllf-óbA Ap Ab CgliAipi tie Ab. fto poAic cbuccA cfccup ó ConcobAip RÚAt), -Aób 111AC UoippbetbAij Ixúato 111ic Uaitd^ buibe, 7 111AC DiApniAt>A 111 lunge tinpj, ConcobAp itiac UAibg, combACAp inA riunncfpup 7 po riAibinpfc AccopA ppipp. Uahucc beóp ó ConcobAip Sliccij a cpiocAib S AXAn ipn bpojtiiA]\ -oo punpAb.1. 'OoncliAb niAC CacaiÍ 015 rmc UAibj^ mic CacaiI 015, ifp ha oi]TOneAb hi ccCYraAp on nibAinlíiogliAin yo}\ iLceuAib pbóij 7 pAi5ht)iu]\Aib in uppoicibt in ]\o bA comyoccup "oó •otltcAib & •00 ConnAchcAib -oo cCnnpugAb ppi a Iaiiti. Uiccpibe co ConnAch- CAib po chécÚAip t>o codiAp ppi cenéL conAilb & vo c1iac ppnj iccombAijnA ng^b, ÚAip po bA mó\\ a nnpolcA ppipAn ccenéb hipn ó po bebjfprAip Acebpine ppiu La poppAn 7 poptonn ^&Lt, 7 nAp bo piApacb bóib AriiAib bA •oucAij bo Gt cía 110 beicpiom co poriiÁmAijhce "oija *Ohon'inAitt nip bo fol. 34. b. coip longnAb -oe, a]\ po b^oi bpiAn iuac e-AC^AC a pnnpCp pArhbAib •oo IIíaIí pA poAtri mÁp, Gt ]\o bACAp cbAnn Hlhoingpnne Ap cCita, 7 Ap X.& pAcpA iuac 1 Set aside. — See pp. lxxxii. and 99, antea. of the Earl of Desmond. His treacheries 2 O 'Conor Sligo- — See p. 84, antea. A are described at length in Pac. Hid. He son of Donough was married to a daughter was slain by Tibbot na long. 127 leaders in war, and freeborn nobles who met with an untimely death on 1596. both sides in consequence of the same war. Yet, whatever may have been the advantage or the loss which arose from it, it was necessary to reject the peace at the request and demand of O'Donnell. The Earl and the Bishop returned to Dublin and told the Lord Justice and the Council of the refusal of peace and the answers of the Irish. Thereupon the Council sent the news to England to Queen Elizabeth. Anger and wrath seized on her. A large number of men was assembled and collected by her to be sent to Ireland, with proper equipment of every kind too, so that there was no less than twenty thousand mercenaries • and soldiers ready for the Irish war. The Governor and the chief man who was over the province of Meadhbh then, i.e., Sir Richard Bingham, and his relatives were set aside 1 and summoned to Dublin, and sent from thence to England. There came in the month of December another in the office of Governor who was better and more faithful to his promises to the Irish. Sir Conyers Clifford was his name, a knight famous by repute ; he was noble by blood, a man who bestowed jewels and wealth. This was an advantage to him, for a great number of the chiefs of the province of Meadhbh came to him on account of his good qualities. The first who came to him was O'Conor Roe, Hugh, son of Turlough Roe, son of Tadhg Buidhe, and MacDermot of Moylurg, Conor, son of Tadhg ; so that they became intimate and entered into peace with him. O'Conor Sligo, 2 too, i.e., Donough, son of Cathal Oge, son of Tadhg, son of Cathal Oge, came from England in harvest precisely, having been appointed by the Queen to the command of many hundred troops and soldiers in complete readiness ; as he was near the men of Ulster and Connaught he would bring them under her power. He came to Connaught immediately to fight against the Cinel Conaill and wage war on them on behalf of the English, for his misdeeds against that tribe were great ever since he withdrew his obedience from them owing to the wrath and hatred of the • English, and he was not obedient to them as he should be ; and it was no wonder that he should be subject to O'Donnell, for his ancestor Brian, 3 son of Eochaidh, was so to Niall, who was younger, and they were 3 Brian. — See O'Donovan's Genealogical Table in Tribes of Hy Fiachrach, p. 477. 128 e^ch-oAc ]\o hatcA ah ci ConAlb JubbAn, 7 hi 00151-0 ObnéccmAchc boi A-oornnur cen co fiur beiccfprAm I11 pDibb ó por §Ab ah nibboitj oné pi An Saitiai]\ ACÚAit) co boc peAbAib ía]\ nia •ófiib1iiiAchAip & ó no c]teAbp}»cc rbiocbc foniAin 1111c GacIto'ac An p?nonn ÍA|1 rroiobA-ó ceméoib Coi|\pj\e acc niAt) becc. Ho bÁpJC cenéb cbonAibb yo chior & pbuAijeA-ó "oóib btro "oeipn aj\ AbA -pnomn Ainb|\Ac1iAp Hip no niActicnA'o eni'i •óeip'óe cia no cliAippjATj ó ConcobAin Sbiccice Amuincf|w\r 7 1n cebpne ui T)1iorhnAibb'*7 cia bvra niA]\Ac •00 cCn pucbbfpr pup, acc cbCYiA ]\o "obechc An ccfccnA "oo ChonnAchcAib co beicc cénmochÁ pn ÚAin no ponuAirbm jrfc pob Héibb nnc 6-acItóacIi pop jonáeAbAib cfm, 7 Ar "ooib bA "0UCA1 j p§e nA bmp. *OAbA ah uí ConcobAin ininojvoAi§rCni, ó nAnnccp-óe co cóigex) HleA-óbA no pMbcni^pCc a ófr coccait> (x cAipo Cp\ nÍAiii,&no bionp*c a ÁÍr 5iiA'ÓA Gc CAipp X)UAibb 7 "oo ■oiumAp -oinnine 6t "onncobcA *oia cui^oeAcc, 7 no jAbpjc A5 bÁi§ 7 occ bAgAji, occ cÁinpurh Gt 05 coiíiaicCiii yo|\ cenéb cconAibb. tTltnncrp -Aijic ApboiroA'ópM'óe 60 Ap At) bA cAippj x>po|i a ionAit)poifi •oo jnép Oc cbuAbA-ó DorhnAiLb a ccm-oeAcq^on'i pvir 7 AtnbAij bpACjw\7 ah "oub 1n ccoriibÁij; JAbb ha AjATo, 11Í no Aipp pn cfgbAiiiAt) a pVuAij no lei]\ 50 ccofc CA|ipMi Sbigec pA]\ conA Atti|'Aib 7 coiiA óCp cuA]\Ap:Aib bAir 50 yvy oip5 An coCr CAipp 7 ionriiAine im^o^Ai-ó^fm no-buibAbÚA cconcobAin in 5AC •oú imbacon miCiTOACCAib mocAjTOAingne 7 111 "onoibebAib -oiaiii]ia conA yAngAib 11110b nmmbe beo, & 111 nor cnoic x>or\ chpch acc i Ccpo ni nA mÁ cia nor coijeibb Tioib 50 pn An An-ommriie 7 a|\ AiroeA]\oibe bAir cen 50 yoy b]\o|X Amb|\iAC]iA boniipvohAcliA AnAinc1ipt>e 7 Aninrri|ie p/ipn nA cofiimAcc- CA]1 •oo -oicleic a nojiccAin p3]i|\A. gAbAit) ÚA "Oomniobb bon^pojic ifjiccAin hi mbneipie contiAchc y\\\ rbiAb -oa en Aiioi]i. Ro oipif Ainnp-oe conur COIinACC Apboig "OIA fAIJIX) Af ^AC "OU imbACA|U l Mongfinn. — She was sister of Criomthan, ardrigh A D. 360. She gave him poison in order to obtain the crown for her son Brian ; but she, too, died of the same draught, having tasted it in order to recommend it to the King. Keating's //. oj Ireland, p. 307. 3 Blackwater. — This river rises on the eastern slope of Benbrack, Co. Cavan. and flows into Garadice Lough, Co. Leitrim. 3 Catkaom. — This name is not given in the Ordnance Survey list of townlands. 4 O'Nar/s — This tribe was seated in the barony of Carbury, Co. Sligo, between Grange and Bunduff. 129 both children of Mongfinn; 1 and it was by Fiachrach, son of Eochaidh, 1596. that Conall Gulban was fostered, and his residence was in the province of Olneccmacht, where he did not remain inactive as he seized the portion of territory north of the Saimer to Lough Foyle on the east ; and after taking it by force he divided it among his brothers, and gave the cantred which was from the Blackwater, 2 on the north-west, to Callcaoin, 3 on Lough Erne, to Cairbre, son of Niall, his brother, and as the family of Brian, son of Eochaidh, inhabited the territory after expelling the descendants of Cairbre all but a few, the Cinel Conaill put them under tribute and hosting to themselves because the territory belonged to their relative. It was no wonder, therefore, that O'Conor Sligo should render obedience and sub- mission to O'Donnell and be subject to him without opposition, for the same was due by all the people of Connaught besides, since the race of Niall, son of Eochaidh, had become supreme over the Gaels long before, and to them belonged the sovereignty of the island. As for O'Conor cf whom we have spoken, when he came to the province of Meadhbh his supporters and friends welcomed him, and his trusted people and followers were filled with pride and arrogance, and with anger and self-will, in con- sequence of his coming, and they proceeded to boast and bluster too, to insult and threaten the Cinel Conaill. They were called the O'Harts, 4 and they were obedient to the man in his place always. When O'Donnell heard of his coming and of his boasting language and of his having entered into an alliance with the English against him, he did not wait for the assembling of all his forces, but he went across the Sligeach, westwards, with his soldiers and mercenaries, and plundered O'Conor's subjects and friends of whom we have spoken in every place where their dwellings were clustered together, strong and difficult of approach, so that he did not leave a single beast with them, and he disturbed no one in the country but them, though he had spared them up to that on account of their weakness and wretchedness until their insolent language, enmity, and hostility, which they could not conceal, brought this plundering on them. O'Donnell pitched his camp after a while in Brefny of Connaught, to the east of Slieve da en. He remained there until his forces came to him from every place where they were. !3Q 1597, An 6. bLiAt>Ain. 1a|\ nA ccfjLAriiATj pMiiLAib An -oeineA-o lanuAp. 1 597- 100 coi]"Lec cpe- 1"An coicceA'ó pMjvólf hi cniucTiA cé-o úa nOiLéAUlA, Aipbe t>on conAnn cne ctÁn n'iAchAi]\e ChonnAÓc hi ctomn chonriiAij 1n cpch ITlAine mic GacItoac. O -00 pAclic m ei-oiphebon ó ttlAine no téig p^inA-o 7 pteAcnu^A-ó -oia rsfirheAtcoib p^nioblÚACA yo cliÚAich An cViaIai-o (x yo ÚAchcAn ah cine, & •oon An ^ ac An con a n Ainccob cneAch (x cCchnA con Ambj\oicc 7 conA mbó^AbAil m-ounb IÁ01 co bAite AcVia An' U105 Ainm mibói ó Dorhnoilt. Tlo -OAlorcAin Ua T)orrinAitL TIIac UiUgfcMii bu|\c (UeAboicc) chu^A gdy An nú pn. UAimccp-óe yo jAinm 111 "OhorhnAill. Ay Ann q\A bAoi ah bAite hirm f-o mbfj o At ctiAcii 1Tlf-ó|iuit)e pMp bA -OAingfn ■oíoco^lAi-óe eip-oe, 7 nin no ■poi|\b Ammur yiA neccAin. *Oo bfnAc c1iucaía]ioih •oneimineA'ÓA •oimó]iA 7 ai]iax)a imleAbjiu & yo tArÁc pn munAib 7 bALLvoAib An bAite co yo piedp^Abpxc yoy cAibbb cm 5A]toa An cnen-oúnAib yoy jac cAob. Tlo teAblAmrCc An aiLL •oiob -ooiia CAibbb ^ombÁcAji yoppiA rjiAicib mA rCyon'i í An n5Uin & AijiteAch •optnnje "oia iiT>CgtAechAib. Do Léccíc ha -ooiup óbeÍA x>on crtoj ArA ViAicle coiiAinccrCc yoy LÁj\ ah bAite. 5 A ^ A1CC T°V coghAil 114 ccijCb cAirccCx»1iA 7 ha ccfghmir ccuh'toacIica 7 ha ccubAchAb ypoipifcA no bui ipn •otnuvo co ccAnccrAc eip:ib Amboi mncib 'oionnriiA]\Mb Gb "oéccÁÍAib co ]\o cnoicrfc An chACAin co teicc. 1lo b btródpn no beic occa copiAiii £f»ú. Ace chfnA yo bAt> -ooibg •oiochuniAing 'opeim yyty ah ci bui lnpji-óe hac rniA rnumcCn cen baoi ah coimtie 7 An conAcli aj con^nAiii Laij*. t)Á -oipm •oontifprA mA ccugAb -OA 5AC fun-OAit CoáIa Apr. mbAitepn -oionnniur 7 -oiot- iTiAornb, •ouriiA 7 -oiAponn, X)fn|iA-ó 7 -oé-OAc, 7 -oa jac1i ní ^iAii^ACAji a teAr ah 1 January. — ' J. 20th. letters from the Earl of Clanricarde, that O'Donnell was come into the country of Clanricarde with 3,000 foot and 200 horse, burning and spoiling.' C.C. MSS., iii. 254. 2 Callow. — A district comprised princi- pally in the barony of Kilconnell, Co. Gal way. z Athenty. — A town thirteen miles east of Galvvay. This place was granted to the Berminghams soon after the English inva- sion. In 1241 Meiler, second Baron of Athenry, founded a Dominican convent there. The ruins of the extensive castle are quite close to the town. See Archdall's Peerage, iii. 30. i3i 1597) the 6th year. After assembling in that way at the end of January, 1 1597, they marched through the province south-westwards to the cantred of Tirerrill, from thence to Corran, through the level part of the plain of Connaught, to Clann Conway, to the territory of Maine, son of Eochaidh. When he came to the middle of Hy Many he let his active marauders spread and extend themselves over the district of Callow 2 and to the upper part of the country, and they returned with the proceeds of their plunder and cattle, with their captives and captured cattle, at the e«d of the day, to Athenry, 3 where O'Donnell was. O'Donnell invited Mac William Burke (Theobald), to him there. He came at the summons of O'Donnell. That town was a short distance east of Athcliath 4 of Maree. 5 It was a well secured fortress, and an attack on it was not easy. However, the army attacked the strong- hold and they put fires and firebrands to the gates on each side, so that the gates of jointed wood of the beautiful fortress were set on fire on the outside. They took with them there very large and long ladders, and they put them to the walls and ramparts of the place, so that they mounted to the strong, lofty battlements of the solid fortress on every side. Some of them jumped from the parapets, so that they were' in the streets standing after wounding and skirmishing with many of the brave soldiers. They threw open the gates for the soldiers afterwards, so that they came to the middle of the town. They set to pull down the storerooms and the well secured apart- ments, and the private chambers which were in the fortress, until they took all the treasures and wealth that was in them and they plundered the residence immediately. Great would have been the slaughter by the Queen's people in defending that royal stronghold against the party who entered the town if these by themselves had contended for it with them. However, it was a painful and difficult task for him who was there or for his people, if the Almighty and good fortune were not aiding him. There was taken away from that town an immense quantity of every sort of treasure, of wealth, of brass and iron, of clothing and dress, and of everything needed 4 Athcliath. — Clarinbridge, eight miles bay of Galway, five miles S. of the town, S W. of Galway. Mention is made of it in the Life of St. 6 Maree- — A peninsula extending into the Enda. See Colgan's Acta SS., p. 709. 132 Luetic bACA]t occa iohacocc 7 05A Aicc]\eAbin An cnuic in -oopjf tia gAillriie An "óÁij lomAgAbLn'iA pn luchc ha cac|vac -our An p-uijbf-oh cAomclut) t)ÍA nfpt 7 t)o cfch]v\ oca ■oo cioniAiigA-o nAC -oo cioiiiAin leó -oía n acajvóa, 7 •OAn no but) mCnmAnc lAiporii jy&n cioncÚT» tma cin (munb&x> ATóble ét>ÁlA Afloij) 50 ]\ochcAin "oó 50 gop^ mp 1 cenél -Ae-oliA iia heccjA. O n* pjAi]\porh An nobA lAinn 1ai|- ó luchc ha CAC|\Ach, bA p\i]t "oep-o occa fol.36.ii. pbLC-5 mA puchdng 50 piimcc cpA cCiprmC-oon 00151-0 ConnAcc ^An AnbuAin gAn uinfgbA $An pviccCf 5A11 fuiyieAchpxr 50 nochcAm -oo cAjipxn Sbjjec CAn Duib CA]i DnobAoif 7 ca]\ aii SAtiiAoin but) cuató. UuipifccA ui ConcobAijt Sbccij ac pAt>An pun p^cAl tiAile, cAncclomcA ftÚAj mo|\ íai^ 1 Clanricarde. — It included the baronies 5 Rathgo?-gin. — A townland in the parish of Loughrea, Kiltartan, Clare, Dun- of Kilconerm, barony of Athenry. On the kellin, Athenry, and Leitrim, i.e., the rath there are the ruins of a caslle, sur- south- eastern portion of Co. Galway. See rounded by a fosse. O'Flaherty's Iar Connanght, p. 323. 6 Rinvylle. — A townland on the eastern 2 The river. — i.e., the Suck. It rises end of Galway bay. There are here the near Ballyhaunis, and passes by Castle- remains of an old castle. reagh and Ballymoe- From this to Shan- ' Teach Brighde. — z>., Bridget's house, a non Bridge, where it joins the Shannon, it hospital on the east side of the town, built is in great part the boundary between by the citizens in 1542. See Lynch's Pii Galway and Roscommon. Antistitis Icon, p. 57 ; Dublin, 1847. 3 Lara- — A townland six miles N.E. of 8 Gaillimh. — See Hardiman's Hist, of Athenry, containing the ruins of a castle. Galway, p. 2 ; Dublin, 1820. i Magh seanco7)dadh. — i.e., the plain of 9 Oranmore- — A village on the eastern the old gate. The name is now obsolete. end of Galway bay. On the shore there is - 133 • by those who dwelt in and inhabited it, which they had plundered and collected from every place long before that. O'Donnell with his forces remained in the town that night. They left the place the next day, after plundering it. They sent out their marauders to plunder Clan- ricarde 1 on both sides of the river. 2 It was plundered and scoured by some of the marauding party from Lara 3 to Magh seancomladh. 4 The district from Athenry and Rathgorgin, 5 westwards, to Rinvylle, 6 Maree, and to the gate of Galway was burned and wasted by the remainder of them. Teach Brigdhe 7 was also burned ; itis close to the same city, i.e., Galway, which is so called from the river in which Gaillimh, 8 daughter of Breasal, was drowned. They encamped and made tents, killed cattle, and prepared food ; they rested and slept that night between Oranmore 9 and Galway at Lynch's Causeway. 10 The next day O'Donnell went with his army to the monastery of the hill, 11 at the gate of Galway, for the purpose of a conference with the townspeople to see if he could obtain an exchange of strange clothing and beautiful property from them for some of the plunder which he had, for it was not easy for his people to collect and drive with them to their own lands all the flocks and herds which they had ; and besides, he did not mean to return to his own country (were it not for the great treasure his army had) until he came to Gort 12 of Inis Guaire, 13 in Cinel Aedha 14 na Hechtgha. 15 As he did not obtain what he wished from the people of the town, he determined to turn back, and he came through the very middle of the province of Connaught without anxiety, fear, apprehension, opposition ; and he came across the Sligeach, the Dubh, the Drowes, and the Saimer, northwards.. As for O'Conor Sligo, who has been mentioned elsewhere, a castle, said to have been erected by one O'Heynes, O'Clerys, &c He was King of of the Earls of Clanricarde. Connaught from A.D. 652 to 665. The 10 LyncJis Causeway. — The name is ob- Irish poets speak of him as the personifi- solete. cation of hospitality. See Tribes of Hy 11 M. of the hill. — Not Knockmoy, as Fiachrach, p. 60 ; and Transactions of the O'Donovan thought, which is fifteen miles Ossianic Society, v. 34 ; Dublin, i860, off, but the Augustinian monastery, which 14 Cenel Aedha. — Aedh, son of Cobtagh, was on the south side of the town. See from whom this tribe has its name, was Hardiman's H. of Galway, p. 272. eighth in descent from Eochaid Moigh- 12 Gort. — Gort insi Guaire, i.e., the field mheadhoin. of the island of Guaire, a town midway 15 Na Hechtgha. — Now Slieve Aughty, between Ennis and Athenry. the mountainous district between Loughrea 13 Guaire. — The common ancestor of the and Mount Shannon, Co. Galway. 134 •oo ^AtlAib Gfc "oo jAoibeAÍAib -oo cheAchc gup An Sbccic 1 mi pebpuApi £Ap biocc ÍAp niomutcc. T)o pAbA úa "OoriinAibb An cAn pm 1 ccAbpAi-oe 1 popbongpopc ppi Sbiccij AnAip hi poichibb poppa ^ An A1 P^Y "o^bA *óoib. *Oo bfpc puAbAipc Arimup poppo pepú pAn^Acap gup An SI1515. K.o chdchpfc •|AÍA1T1 (x T>0 pCcbAipCc A1|\e ACC THAT) U AC AT) CAppApCOip "Óíob 0CC CpAlj ne-odiAile. 5 oncA P bAicep -opon^ rhóp t>íob. 1lo niApbAb Ann -oati ttiac "oo UibbiAin bupc .1. 11ioca]vo iTiAC UibLiAm True 1\i]"t)Ci]TO nnc OibeuepAip & Ap AibL HAC Aiprmcfp runn|\AT>. SoAip ó ConcobAip ■pop cúbAib 7 m bA pb&n t,Aip a mfnniA 1111 cuix>ecc An cupAif pin. Uahaicc ó "OorhnAibb •ota cij (x ■oo Leicce CippenbeAt) 7 pccAoibeA-ó -oía pbóg con cebccop Apcíp acc tia mÁ poppA^At» ACp ArhpAine Gt cuApupcAit 1n coicceAt) llleAobA 1 poichibb coccato Ú1 concobAip 7 ha ngAÍi 7 Híaíí gApb ó 'Ooiimoiii t>ía ■ofnbpne bútroeipn 1 ccAoip jeAÓc beó. 5AbAicpit>e pop mnpAt) 7 Ai-ortiibbeAT) na n^AOToeAtchuAc pemi'oéocACAp hi combAi j nA ngAbb 7 ui ChoncobAip, concApccpAC pop ccuVa-o •00 pnbipi •opong 111 o|\ x)iob. UAnAicc Ann cfcurniAC 'OÍApmA'OA (.1. ConcobAp) cuipmch fflh&igi btnpg pib ppi coipppbÍAb tiA SfjpA AnAipt>fp co pup nCViAipcc a riunncfpAp 7 a chupu ppi hÚA n*OorhnoiLt An -oa^a peAchc & co ccApAcc a oi^pÍAp n-oó peb po bA bép t>piop a ionATO r>o jpep. "Oo ponpAc coipj n* ccúac pi ppi pbiAb acuato 50 nnnp ah ccCcha (x "oo pAccpAc Angerbb 7 AnAiccme -oúa DhoTrmoibb ppi coriiAbi jac nCic po cinjeAbpAc. bA in eAcmAing nA peepm .1. 1 rrnp Appib -oon auhcc tong on SpAin 50 nÚAcliAT) poipne "OAicpeop ha ngAoi-óeAb. 1lo jAb pope hi ccpich ConAibb rmc íléibb hi cÚAn nA cceAlLmbf5 pAnijieAt) m ci]» bogAine ía]i nÍAjichAji AbhAnAin "oon ^lionn in po bfnnAC An Cohumb Ai]\t>f]ic. UAn^ACAn Aippit>e fol. 36. b. At-pm AinbAoi ó "OoirinAibL 50 TDún ha n^Aht. Uopcop poihcig.CAc ■oiob pp An oile 7 po piA-ou jic|'ion'i co hAi]HTiiccneAC 1a hÚA n'OomnAi'L'L, & *oo pAc ApccAt)A con 7 eAch -oóib. 7 iompoipCc &yy pop cúIa-ó & vo bfpAC pccélA ha epiche heó. Uui]\ceccA nnc thUliAm bupc ac pÍAbAppunn po coipnfcAp Ap a ci)\ 1a VnompoppAn a cemuit bu-ót>eipin & 1a jfpAicecc jaII, ÚAip po nAit>m ■ÚA ConcobAi]i Shicci5 cooa"ó 7 cApA-opAt> einp a chiAiiiAin itiac nnc tlill.iAin bupch UeAboicc 114 honj ttiac llipweipo An ÍApomn nnc T)athx) nnc CAniAmn mic Uitticc &, An goibfpnóip Sip Coneup Clipopcco po hAtcuipeAb 7 rup po 1 Calry. — A parish in the barony of Car- 2 Glen. — i.e., Glencolumkille. See p. 35, bury, between Glencar and Lough Gill. antea. 135 a large force was gathered by him of English and Irish to go to Sligo in the month of February, very soon after the beginning of spring. O'Donnell happened then to be encamped at Calry, 1 to the east of Sligo, ready and waiting for them. He made a vigorous attack on them before they reached Sligo. They fled before him and ran off, all but a small number who re- mained behind at Trawohelly. A large number of them were wounded and drowned. A son of Mac William Burke, too, i.e., Richard, son of William, son of Richard, son of Oliver, was killed, and others who are not specially mentioned. O'Conor returned, and his mind was not at ease because he had gone on that expedition. ■ O'Donnell came home, and he let his forces separate and scatter that they might get rid of the fatigue, but he left his hirelings and his mercenaries in the province of Meadhbh, in readiness for war against O'Conor and the English, and Niall Garbh O'Donnell, one of his relatives, in command of them. They set to prey and devastate the territories of the Irish who before that had joined in alliance with the English and O'Conor, until they brought back a great number of them to him. First came MacDermot (i.e., Conor), the chief of Moylurg, which is near the Corrsliabh of the Seaghais, to the south-east, so that he established intimacy and peace with Hugh O'Donnell a second time and made submission to him, as was the custom of the man who held his place always. The chiefs of the district north of the mountain to the sea did the same, and gave hostages and pledges to O'Donnell to observe all they promised. It happened at this time, i.e., in the month of April, that a ship came from Spain with a small party to confer with the Irish. It came to the territory of Conall, son of Niall, to the harbour of Killybegs, in the western part of Tir Boghaine, to the east of the glen 2 which the famous Columba blessed. They came from that to Donegal, where O'Donnell was. They were glad to meet each other, and they were entertained honourably by O'Donnell, and he gave them presents of hounds and horses, and they returned and took with them an account of the country. As to Mac William Burke of whom we have spoken, he was banished from his terri- tory by the violence of his own people and by the hatred of the English for O'Conor Sligo established an alliance and friendship between his brother-in-law, the son of Mac William Burke, i.e., Theobald na long, son of Richard an iarainn, son of David, son of Edmund, son of Ulick, and the 136 hionnApbAt» bAp ua niAicib pn coua caonot ITIac UibtiAm CeAboicc rriAc tlAceip Ó10CA15 ApA aca]yoVia gup bo heiccfn t)ó ApcnÁrii 50 cenéb ConAitb nuc lléítt. 1Áp cceAchc *oóporh Aipni imb&oi o TDorimAitb •OACAoine a miniTj ppip po Aipip mA pochAip 50 mi-ómf-óón pArhpAi-ó. Do 5111 ó "Oon'iriAibb ■ptuAijf-o An "oeipeA-o 1un 50 coicceAb nAiteAtlA con cubit) CAp 1TIúai-ó úa n AiíiaI^ait). til cAomnACCACo|A An chpioc ppicbfpc FJiif 50 ccApccpAc An 561 tt -óó. Do bCpcporh -oo ITIac UibtiAm. Tlo pAi úa DorhnAibt mA ppicdnj ÍAp ppA^baib nA cpiche po Aiccinn ft, urhtA "oo ITIac UibbiAm (x, poppAgAib "RuTjpAije ó DorhnAibb (a "ofpbpAcliAip bu'ó'óein 7 pio£ •OArhnA cenéoit cconAitt) nA pocliAip "oia nfpcA-ó m a^ato a nATiiAcc 50 flog móp "oía mitC-otiAib cpAijbceAC Gt -oía Aifipoib cuApApcAit iniApófn pip. t)A popmceAch cpA UeAboit) ha long ppi itiac UibtiAm im on pptAicfp 7 -OAn beóp nip bo pAinpeApcAch 1111 ó nDomnoibb "oia oípt>n(/ó -pop a belAib. tlip bo buj;A nnnioppo miopcAip ui ChonóobAip Sbicci j mi cenél cconoibb 7 1111 ITIac UibbiAm, con Aipe pm po jAb Aitgfp 7 AccobAip iac ■oibbnub im Aice AnpAbA-o 7 AneccpACAip po]\ THac t1ibbiAin €fc pop cenéb cconAibb pAinpeAt). TjApf-oh -ooponpAc m gAp ÚAipÍAp nniitecc ui DhomnAilt plot; mop -oo jAbbAib 7 "oo joei-óebAib -oo tfjloniA-o, 7 pAigeA-ó pop itiac UibtiAm co ]\op coipmpiocc Ap An cip co nA riubeAtiAib, ÚAip 111 p-oppoebAn^Aip An poiption bAoi mA A5I1AIX) Gb ó po cpiAbbpom conA ógAib p^ÁgbAib An cipe. *Oo 10111A1 jCcc pCmpA cCrhpA 7 innibe nA cpicbe coha nAicpeAbcAcliAib CAp ITIuaix) úa nAn'iAbgATÓ 7 cpe tip phiAcpAch tTlbÚAiTje co pAn^ACAp pbiAb jau'i piA nAx>Ai j. ^AbAicc occ ApccnAifi An cpbÍAib 1 pocc nA boifjce. lomcupA An Aippigb Coneup Cbopopc, o po cfpT)porii ó ConcobAip 7 An pbój Acpub]\AiTiAp "oo copAnn 111ac UibbiAm Ap a cip, po codnnp cbuige An bion Ap bm pop coCn'mAccAip "oo pocpAToe. Don AngACCAp Ann ah "oa 1 a|\La bACAp ipm ccoigeAT), 1 ApbA UuA'ómuniAn, 'OonnchAt) iiiac ConcobAi]i nuc "OonncbAit) ui bhpiAin, (x lApbA cbomne 1liocAipt) IbbbeAc mAc 1\iocAipt> SAXAnAij 1111c "UibUcc ha cceAim, 7 a niAcpATÓe 1liocA]\r> 1 Province. — Clare at this time belonged to Connaught. It had been added to that province by Sir John Perrott in 1584- It was reunited to Munster in 1602 at the request of the Earl of Thomond. Cox, Hib. At/gl., i. 454. 2 Dunkellin. — A townland in the parish of Killeely, Co. Galway, in which there are the remains of an old castle ; and close by is a rude stone seat called Clanricarde's chair in which the Mac William was in- augurated. 137 Governor, Sir Conyers Clifford, so that Mac William, Theobald, son of 1597 Walter Ciotach, was driven and expelled by the nobles, together with his forces, from his inheritance, and it was necessary for him to come to the race of Conall, son of Niall. When he came where O'Donnell was to complain of his sufferings to kim, he remained with him till the middle of summer. O'Donnell made a hosting at the end of June to the province ot Oilioll, and he went across the Moy of Tirawley. The district was not able to offer any resistance, and it gave hostages to him. He gave them to Mac William. O'Donnell went back, having left the country under the control and obedience of Mac William, and he left Rory O'Donnell (his own brother and the roydamna of Cinel Conaill) with him to strenghten him against his enemies, and a large body of foot soldiers and mercenaries with him. Theobald na long was envious of Mac William on account of the chieftaincy, and, besides, he had no special love for O'Donnell for having appointed him in preference to himself. The enmity of O'Conor Sligo too was as great against the Cinel Conaill and against Mac William, for which reason a violent desire and longing seized on both of them to avenge their wrongs and injuries on Mac William and on the Cinel Conaill especially. Shortly after the departure of O'Donnell they gathered a great body of English and Irish and attacked Mac William and banished him from his territory with his soldiers, as he was not a match for the great numbers opposed to him, and he proceeded with his soldiers to quit the country. They drove before them the flocks and herds of the country, with the inhabitants, across the Moy of Tirawley, and through Hy Fiachrach of the Moy, until they came to Slieve Gam before night. They set to march over the mountain all through the night. As for the Governor, Conyers Clifford, when he sent O'Conor and the army of which we have spoken to banish Mac William from his territory, he summoned to him the greatest number of soldiers he could. The two Earls who were in the province 1 came there, the Earl of Thomond, Donough, son of Conor, son of Donough O'Brien, and the Earl of Clan- ricarde, Ulick, son of Richard Sassanach, son of Ulick na cceann, and his son Richard, Baron of Dunkellin, 2 and Murrough, son of Murrough, son of 138 bAjttin Duni C01LI111, fx 1Y)uyc1iAb hiac HluychAbA tine "OiAymACA ui tjniAin bApun mnyi uí Chimin, lAicpbe mte conA yocyAicce. O t>o yiAchcACAy co 1iAiym Aniboi An joibfyncny x)o iCjIiac in be yon cmt> mic t1ibliAm conA óccAib ah coiiAiy ha cofmnAcccAy t>o yeAchmAtb 7 in yo bub •oeuiun tAiy ipogbAil cIiujja, Ct>hón j;uy An cceafciALL yit yoy Abomn rhoin yyi ytiAb 5 Am Anoiy, 7 rtiAb -oa én AniAy. CuiLmAOite a Ammyibe. Ida conAin coicceAnn 7 bA yecc yuAic1imb An mennoc hiyin. 13aoi ait goibfynoiy ifltl CAirciAtl An A-c-Aijym 7 ytoj moy bo jLeiye LaocIi AymcA eim jen 11a]\ bo tughA oLcacc 0015 cét> •oecc a Lion 1 yoiclnVl yoyynA ^AoibeAbAib. -Ac coAy ■oo 111 ac HitliAiii (x -oo Ru-oyAije o "Ohomnoill An goibfynoiy no cochc yfmpo yojip&n ybi^hfb 11 a no yet>yAc -oiom jAbÁiL. Ay yAiy "oeiyib teo ó nAngACA]! niA niAccAin ca]\ iiuinic1iinii An 1Í1A15 ytebe Acyubyomoy yAijeAb ■cur An AbAinn yo An CychomAiy AngAyyoccuy -0011 diAirci Alt, 7 a ccfc]iA7 a nmmte, a n^ioLLAiiyAib 7 ah glAyLAic 7 An "oyonj bÁ t>iAym aca "oo téccAb uacHa ly'ujib bA InnmLe mÁy Cb imdiÍAn ón ccAiyciALL. O yo bACAyyom ÚACAb -OAome AHAicliyejAb ha nALbiiAyAC ni yo yAi jyCc yoyyA Acc-oob cAyyAn AbAinn 5 An yAcujAt) '001b AriiAiL 11 a yo yAOityfc, 7 bA yfb vo yunnnfc con- t>CynyAC mniLLioy 7 lomyiiAbAb "oia ccyob 7 cfdi]ioib 7 gioLLAnyAib o yo jAbyAC yeiyin AccomyochyAib An diAiyceoib yoy beLAib An cyLoig eccyonn, ionnuy ^oniAb iacc no yoibeycA cAy cfnn Amuninoye. Hi lift) t>o yAlA t>óibyiom énii An ni bA mfnniAyc beó, acc "oo clioco|iyom cAyrAn AbAinn jombACA]\ •0011 cóib A|w\ibl jau yAcu 5 At) jau yoyctoiycecc. Ida ipn c&npn ACjiAchc An goibfynoiy conA AllriiAyACAib AyA yuAn 1a yfycAii 7 yeiyeilbe ah cyLoij acc tiob cA|\yAn AbAinn. iol 37. b. mélA moy LAy ah 5 01 t>Cimói|\ ah tiul yeice pspti cA]\)iAib 5]ifnn yopjio. La yobAin ac c1iÚAÍACoy bmyeAb beiceAt) tiA mbó 7 nA nt)An*i 7 Alljloy ha nAiiniAnn neicciAlÍAib A5 coniipieccyA a diéte 7 yogliApniAtl ofyA a momÁnA 7 An AfgAiyeAb AbLAnAip tnob iym tiebóit nnncli. *Oo teicci'c a iiiAyq'togh ha nt)|\on5Aib 7 mA nt>ioymAib yo com jAiy ha cceAcjiA t>ny An cAiyyiciy. *Ouy nAi]icec on t)i|mii -ooiia Innnibb, 7 ac]uiIac Ay A]\oite t»ib. gonAic "Ojion^ móti 1 Dermot O^Brien. — Murrough O'Brien, and Baron of Inchiquin, with remainder to second son of Turlogh Donn, King of Tho- his heirs male. The Earldom was re- mond, surrendered his title and country to granted to his nephew and his heirs male the Crown in 1543 ; and in return Henry by Edward VI. in 1552. The title of viii. created him Earl of Thomond for life Inchiquin passed to Murrough's son, Der- 139 Dermot O'Brien, 1 Baron of Inchiquin, all these with their forces. When 1597- they had come where the Governor was they all went against Mac William and his forces by the road which they could not avoid and on which he was certain he would find them, i.e., to the castle, which is on the Blackwater, east of Slieve Gam and west of Slieve da en. Collooney is its name. That place was the ordinary road and a well known pass. The Governor stayed in the castle that night, and a large body of chosen soldiers with arms and armour; there were not less than fifteen hundred in readiness for the Irish. The news reached Mac William and Rory O'Donnell that the Governor was advancing by the road which they could not avoid. Wherefore they resolved, as they had crossed before morning over the top of the mountain- slope of which we have spoken, to go to the river opposite, which was near the castle, and to send away their flocks and herds, their servants and recruits, and the unarmed crowd, by a 9afer road than that, which was a long distance from the castle. As they were but a few persons in comparison with the foreigners they did not attack these, but they crossed the river without being noticed, as they did not expect, and they thought they should obtain safety and security for their flocks and herds and servants, whilst they themselves went close to the castle, opposite the foreign army, in order that they might be a help to their people. What they wished, however, was not what happened to them, but they crossed the river and reached the other side without being noticed or heard. Then the Governor rose up with his foreigners from his sleep owing to the shouts and the talking of the army when crossing the river. It was a great sorrow to the Governor that they should have passed by before he overtook them; Then they heard the loud bellowing of the cattle and of the oxen, and the noise of the senseless animals responding to each other, and the loud cries of their drovers, and their 9houts in the early dawn of the morning to the east of them; They sent their cavalry in troops and squadrons in the direction of the herds to see if they could overtake them. They seized a quantity of the cattle, and some escaped mot, and to his grandson of the same name ; Perrott's Parliament in 1585. His grandson his son by Anabella, daughter of the ninth Murrough played a very important part Lord Uelvin, was Murrough, mentioned in the war of 1641. Archdall's Peerage, above, born in 1 562. He was present in ii. 46. S 140 •oonA ^ittib & "oofr riA hiomAnu. 11i no ye-opxcc AptuAj pCiptt AnfonAin hacIi An ah ACAt La iiAnrontonn 7 loniAc An cptoij; tio ]\&1<\ fon^A monctiAib. UifjhAic ha g^'Oit ^ff fAmtAix) co nAn^ACA-p cA-p pAn Ginne bu-o cntiAit) & ni no bfnrAc nA gcntt &n n*oot cAippb t>oib An cfccnApscc AriiAib po Airneirriorii. SoAir An goibfpnoip hia yj\ic1i Cing fx mn bó ptÁn ÍAir a mCnmnA óc putACAp a n atíi 7 ífp n^AbAib p>ppo m Áic monichuiTiAing aiíiaiÍ ]\on gAb. -An 29. 1um -oo nAtA mt) pn. 'Don AnAic cpA 1urar nÚA m 6]\uto 1 corAC niír nif-óóm ah cpAiii]iAi-o •00 runnjíA-ó .1. toyvo "bopou^h. UomÁr a Amm. t}ACAp iom-ÓA ioIa]toa An o^bAt) lopjAite 7 An pAntAcli CAcliAin 7 cncoA "oo bepc bAir inA CAonncecc. O -oo niAcbc no ^Ab optAirii ctoitmn An Ri j chu^A, 7 no curiircAijf-o tAip Sen thtbiAm Rurfeb bAoi mA 1uprir pni né ceopA mbtiA-onA 50 pn. *Oo bfnAt) bAir béor genejiALAcc An cojato t>o Sip Seon tlopvnp 7 no cnp-on é butroein ir nA cemnb pn. Ro p^ncon^wó tÁr An 1upar pn pop joibfpncnn C01CC1-Ó OlnecniAcc cocbc co tionniAn téipcionoitce pop cenéb cconAitt ipn cfnx)éÍAp *oo coicceAt) ConóobAip "OAnre AnpAtAt) Gt eccnAicir JAtt poppA. 11ip bo heiptipAc no ppeApctAt) An pDncongnA'ópn tÁp An n^oibfpnoip, (x bA pbAin'oio'ónA'ó móp biA rtifnmAin "oía ccireA'ó Tie a Aincpnoe 7 a mmpe -oo "óiogAb p>n cenéb ConAibb ^utbAn mic lléibb peAch các. Ro cAnccbomA-ó €L jfc> oonoiteAt!) tAip in pobo. nÍApAÓ -óó "oo ^AttAib 6fc •00 jomeAlAib An coiccto, 7 no -ÓAit mA iTOochum 50 niAinipcip nA btntte An 3. bA -oo Au^urc. *Oo pAchc céx>Ainuf ipn coic1ifpc&tpm lAptA UuAtmiuriiAn 'OonndiAX) nu\c ConchobAip 1111c *Oonnc1iAix) ui DpiAin. A pé bA ci gfnnA pop jjAipbpfponn ^•óeAc Rlfnt) nnc Ofn 511 fA ci]\i j pb pnr ah t/tnmneAch a cuató, An A^é An LujAix) bipn no bin ah mbtoit) ci]\e AC]\ub|\onio]\ no coigeAX) ObneccniAcc 50 ]\o cneAbpxc a pot mA 'óeA'oliAij. TDon AnAicp-oe 50 cnonot fol.38.ir. ha UnA-omuriiAn nnAnoCYi UAÍmcc lAiitA ctomne RiocAint) ipn coicb- CpTAt cCx)iia co tei|\cionot a c1ii]ie in a pjchaip 7 coha h'iac Rioca]to h'iac tbtticc nnc RiocAr 7 a cpochAib Sax ah t>o -óeochAcon a cenét An -oupn con ÚAit)ibAintnni5hcCn An pCnonn. Uauaicc -oau UeAboicc nAbonz; itiac ftipoCin-o An ÍAnomn conAroc|AAi-oe. OConcobAin SI1515 "OonncViAt) niAcCAchAib 015 rrnc UA1-Ó5 rrnc CacViaiI 015 7 ó ConcobAin Uúa-ó Aóv rnAc Uoin"oeAtbAij nÚAi-ó co tbion a mumarie mnuAiLte puú. Tto yAoro imonno lurcif Tanon^ -oía p)cnAit>e 50 5 A1 biitii 50 ccAjvoACAoir jon'riA-oViA mop* tua pMgheA-ó jur ati SATl'lAOin. 1a]a ccfs'lAmA'ó An crt.015 co ViÁic nAonbAile ^ombACAn tn niAinip;in nA SfijfA "OA bAnnA An peine "oo rlnteA'ÓAib cpvighceAc Gt "oeicb mbAnnA mÁpcrLoij "oo jtene ^lAnrtoij; coiia ccocunAib conroAm^ne cnuAit>ÍAnomn 7 cotiA rfmonnbAijmb pothproA vtinntfcnA 7 50 n^unnA'OAib ^ucApoA gépiATjAncAchA, 7 co cct,Aix>mib CAOibjeAnA coccA-rap^ne conA nionToopiAib Aitte lorn-óLúice 7 co ccAcbAnnAib cio|\cnortiA coccÚAprA, ^un bó ÍAnpvoitec- CAin Leó 11A bAoi AcmAing AbpneArcAl. V11 cóicceA-ó ConcobAin rmc hC^aLa bAbUriAn'OAcc 7 AinfcAjíjriAi'óe AnAnm ad éiccit) 7 AnmniLt, ÚAin m ]\AbACA]i cneAÍiiiA x)iob]iAicci LÁr nA gAOTÓeAÍAib An cau pn acc ttiax) bfg, 7 m bACAn emgiice yo AnioncpxtfiAibporii. TDo Ap^nACAn ÍAnorh nA rtoig pn 50 SI1516 7 ArAit>e co h&i)\ne. gAbAicc Lon^-poirc An At>Aij- pn ór un SAtriAine. Ida pwn "oeipx) Leó ipn muiclroC'ohoiL A]\ a bdjiAC lonnpDijeA'ó nA hAbÁnn yo ah CncoriiAin jen bo "oenfun Leo nA bAoi Aon Áé ó ÓAoLuip;ce 50 hCyy Uúai-ó ^An iomchoirhfc ó úa n"OorrmoiLL pup O yo cmnpCc yoy An corhAinLe -hipn no chénnni jpoc co bÁc cuiL ÚAin An cpMnneAX) mA ccumcib cnoniA cointfrhbA, gun |\o "ooincrCc mAompecc 7 in ofn pxbALL •oia pyijeAtj. tlo gAbp^c ha com'ie'OAige bACAn An t>ú pn aj; copiArh An ácIia puú attiaiL A-p "oeAc no peccfAC ce m bACAn Lion AcopiAriiA pur An p)]iLonn x>o pAchcACAp chucA. t)A pjiteAc robencAc no jjAbp^c yoy p neArcAL a nAriiAC $un no Lingrfc An LCn fLoij An cáí; "oía nAinroeom popiA yo -óeÓTÓ. Ache cCnA -oo inA]\bAt) & •oo bAiceA'ó eebe món Ann pn on cflóg eccAincenéoib .1. bA|\un mp? ui Chuinn, THunchA-ó tíiac ITlunchA-ÓA rrnc *OiA]\mA , OA rmc 1TlunchA-ÓA ui bpAin, UAin bAoip"oVie eicin a muincfp 7 lonrooriiAin An aca wia nir»t)eA5At yo\\ 1 William the Conqueror. — William Fitz- Adelm De Burgo, so called because he was said to have conquered Connaught. See Annals F. M., ad ann 1204, and p. 92, antea. 2 Name. — It has its name from Ricard Oge, son of William FitzAdelm, and Una, daughter of Aodh O'Conor, the last King of Connaught. The head of this branch was called Mac William Uachtar. 143 the Conqueror. 1 They were from France originally by descent, and the 1597. tribe came from England to that place, and from them the district has its name. 2 There came also Theobald na long, son of Richard an iarainn, with his forces ; O'Conor Sligo, Uonough, son of Cathal Oge, son of Tadhg, son of Cathal Oge ; and O'Conor Roe, Hugh, son of Turlough Roe, with all their forces. The Justice sent besides a body of his troops to Galway, that they might bring large guns to him to the Saimer. When the army was brought together to one place, there were at the monastery of the Seghais twenty-two regiments of foot soldiers and ten regiments of horse of chosen troops, with their strong coats of mail and their stout, long, broad-shouldered spears, and their loud-voiced sharp- sighted guns, and their slender, sharp, hard-tempered swords, with beautiful firmly-secured hafts, and their curve-crested hollow helmets, so that they imagined there was not in the province of Conor MacNessa a power to cope with them on account of the outlandishness and strangeness of their arms, armour, and weapons, for the Irish had only a few guns then and did not wear armour like them. These forces then marched to Sligo, and from that to the Erne. They encamped that night on the bank of the Saimer. They determined to cross the river opposite them at early dawn the next day, for they were sure that there was not a single ford from Cael Uisge 3 to Assaroe that had not a guard of O'Donnell's on it. When they had determined on that plan they went to Athculuain in a heavy, numerous mass, and they poured in at once and in one body to cross over. The guards who were placed there to defend the ford against them did as best they could, though the numbers of the defenders was not great compared with the crowd that advanced against them. With vigour and strength they set to receive the enemy till the whole army crossed the ford in spite of them in the end. It was a great disaster for the foreign army that the Baron of Inchiquin, Murrough, son of Murrough, son of Dermot, son of Murrough O'Brien, was mortally wounded and drowned, for he was between his people and the deep part of the ford, to protect them against danger, 3 Cael Uisge. — This place, at present There is another place of the same name on called Cael na hEirne, is where the lower the north side of the entrance to Newry • river Erne issues from the lake, a short harbour. See Joyce's Irish Names- of Places distance above the town of Ballyshannon. 2nd series, p. 395. 144 jUAi'Acc |\o liAimp^tigo bmtnbb 'oíneAÓ eip-óe 'oo pbuicmeAbb pebein uia o.XAitb munopscbATj a eix)ij pbÁcA ^un no cnCgDa-prAn é on -ofinc ocpvibbego An oibe, 7 \\o bAtron AceaciiAin no acui^ "oo imbcib pCn mA uincimceAit m no cumAingrfc a ahacaL iiac a poipxnn ^un no eroipoebij puA eAC bi pjt>oniAin An ac1ia conAt) ArhbAit) pn -oo nocliAin An -oai 5 -peAn. 11 1 no AnrAc An flog pu corjbAib a conp mA pnA A-ónACAb atíiaiI no bu-o -oiop acc no A] , 5nAco|\ neAmpA uta nénmm 50 nAn^ACAn co pc nof-oA ór un An fppA. *Oia SAcliAinn An A01 lAice peccrhAme mt) pn. Ho ^Abp^cc bongponc" An Dúpn, Gfc A]AAitt -oíob ipn mÁmircfn monAch bAoi ron un tlmnpn'oe. bAcon AmbATo pn ó jAn buicc pA mf-óón Iaoi •oia SACAinn 50 mA'OAin An buAm An ccmt). UuinceccA An bomgir imnonAToporh 1 ccopMj no cojAipneA-ó bÁr aii ngoibfpncnn on n^Aibburi "oia p\i jeA'ó no bApxc An xwong fiUf no bf]\bAic cocbc An cunurpn a bomgeAr p>]\ pMi bionnriiAin m 5 A1 ^- 1m TT 1 biomchon & lompibAng An ^unnAt) n^ucAira nATjbAbriion iiAinfccAngnAit) "oo "óiAn- bloT>AT> 7 •óíopiAoibeA-ó t)iiinceAX) 7 "OAinjCncbAiprÍAb a haitiac. Tto cuipc mcibip"óe 5AC ní bA 1iAt>bAic 'oon rpbó^ a|\ cCYia. SeobAic ApdroAt) Iaiíi -ofr p i \i cuAipCp; An coiccit) 50 nAngAcop 511 r An eípie -oía "OoiimAi j pyinneA-o. Ho j;AbrAC CAbAT>po|u: pon loncliAib mp SAiriien & "oo chuinrfc mA mbÁoi beó "01A niompjlAng eici|\ buit) (x co]\mAim 7 -oa jac Cpn-OAil nAn^ACAn a bfr An ccfm no bdcir occ lompn-oe ah cbAipreoib ipn mp -oia luAin. Ko cAipmgic beó An cojvoAnÁp mó\\ 1 cíp 6t no pn-óijpCc eneAcb in londiAib ■oon "oundt) bAoi pon un -AchA SfnAigb. *Oo niAcbcACA|i ah luce bACAn ipn rriAinipcfn jun po pof-ÁijrCc uile pop lont) pebe AÓ'óa in uipinmceAbb ah 0|At)AnAip gApAic ÍAj^om 05 p\Aipoiub- nAjA'ó AccAoipiieAbb ccoriicnom 7 a cco|AAinn peléji ccemci'óe co ccbor a bpjAiTiAnnA & a bro^ApronmÁnn ipot» 7 m nncdn ÚATÓAib. 1lo bÁ-poc nuntnn "0ÍAi]\nie *oo noi^mb a boecbnATóe po bun An bAite co ccneAbniAib co^AbcA mtun beo 7 50 neicte-ó monroAingCn nÍA^nATóe mi cojipAib ha ccunAt) 7 50 ccACOAp\Aib compobufCA miA ccfn-ooib. 1 Sitk Aodha — i.e., Aodh's dwelling, now Mullanashee. See Introd., p. xvi., antea. The mound was levelled in 1798, to form the Star fort. s Monastery. — The abbey was a little to the N.W. of the town of Ballyshannon. One of the side walls and part of the western gable are still standing. The architecture was of a very simple and unpretentious kind. 145 when he was struck by a bullet exactly in the armpit, at the opening of his 1597- plate-armour, so that he was pierced through from one armpit to the other, and though there were four or five thousand of his men about him they could not aid or assist him, for he fell from his horse in the deep part of the ford, so that the nobleman died in this way. The army did not wait to take his body with them for burial as was fitting, but they marched forward on their road till they came to Sith Aodha, 1 on the bank of the cataract. The day of the week was Saturday. They encamped there, and some of them stayed in the monks' monastery 2 on the banks of the Unshinn. 3 They remained so from shortly before mid-day on Saturday till the following Monday morning. As for the ships of which we spoke in the beginning that were summoned by the Governor to go from Galway, the people who were ordered, to go on that expedition unmoored the greater number of the ships in Galway to bring and convey the loud-voiced guns, 4 great and large and sharp, to break down and destroy the fortresses and strong castles of their enemies. Besides, they put in them everything that was needed by the army. They sailed, keeping the northern part of the province on their right till they came to the Erne, on Sunday precisely. They entered the harbour oppo- site the island of Saimer, and they landed all their supplies both of food and strong drink and of everything needed by them while besieging the castle in the island, on Monday. They drew the large guns on land and they planted them face to face with the castle, which was on the bank of Ballyshannon. The people who were in the monastery came, and all placed themselves on the summit of Sith Aodha around the ordnance. Then they proceeded to cast their heavy bullets and their loud-sounding balls of fire, so that the report and loud thunderings were heard far away from there. They sent a countless number of the choicest of their soldiers to the foot of the castle with implements to pull down the wall, and with strong iron armour round the bodies of their heroes, and with bright-shining helmets on their heads. 3 Unshinn. — This is the stream close to 4 Guns.— The besiegers brought four guns which the abbey is built. It rises in Lough from Galway to batter down the walls of the Unshinn, five miles N.E. of Ballyshannon. castle- See p. cxxx., antea. 146 1)401 tebenn tpÍACAib coiriilfchnA cjuiATOiApDinn iriA motTicAcir.An^ An eccAin *oía nirrroCghAiL p>n "oiobnAicab tia "onum^e •oicomnepcbe •ofgh.LAOc •00 jiaÍa ipn •ounAt). t)Atop ^ah AnA'ó jjAn lonnuApvo 05 An niroebAt) pn co cfnn cp La 7 ceonA noi"óce, "LuAn, TTlApc, 7 CéccAom. •Ace chfriA mn bo copbA -oonA liAVLiriA-pchAib An pjAbAinc *oo fiAcfAC, 7 bA "601b tia "oigpnr An cupj-p ctrochArjAn lÍAin no X)AiLce at ah -ounAX) fonj\A ptoiphfchA CAO]\ccATobeAc1i ccfmci'óe a ^umiA-oAib -porAijche ppoinje 7 a imirccAeccib 111 open op:Aip AnAile "oo ctoichcnfr CAnnAg cfnn^Anb 7 cnomcbocb cuim-oe *oo pMLjiD -oo pnmAib t>o \\cX& p>n cAibbib An •oúnAi'ó conAji bo "oion no "OAmgCYi •oóioporh AccuAipxdc coirhponncAno ACCAcbAinn comnteAcliA con bAc Tmonbpnce mn'OAi^cbe 1 mCoon An C1CC15 nÍAnnAifje •oonA cnént)iub]íAicéib ca]\1aicci p>pio. O no mu-ÓAijpc ti<\ rmleA'OA 50 rnóji ó mux) pn m yo\\ AoLAnj^OAp pnneAch fni AnAipteAc m bA ppú. *Oo purrAC An "ononiAnnA puA nAnhxnb. Tt1eAbAix> mAix>m xríob ^ur ti* fcopvib. ^AbAicc ofr An x>únAit> occ AnxnubpvgAX) mA nx)Cx>ViAi5 50 no rtiA]\bAic xnpme Gb cmnceAcb An eccinceAÓ xríob. ^cjiuíac Ar Anoitex)iob icebeo^oncA biocAinmeAcb. t)ArCx> x>o |iaía x>úa *OoriinAitt beic 1 ceince rboi j Gfc in úacmax> rochp\ix)e An SAchAnn x>on AngACAn An cnonTÓArh '001I15 xnojAbcAc pn xha cip Ho cnumni jrfc 7 ]\o cA]\ccbomrCc a coicheArcAb pA mCx)ón Laoi x>ía Iuahi mA •oocom An mn bAc eirtirAij X)o 5p?|' tm cuix>fcc fo cojAinmpurh ^ac cAn no cumjeAX) cuca coitiecc hia x)aiL. *Oo caoc Ann cétur lllAjuixnn, Aox) co Lion a rhumcine. "Oo niAcc Ann x>An ó TtuAinc, iDpAn 05 mAc t)]UAin mic t)pAin 1~)aUIai]5 mic CojAin con a cionot. O do pÚAchcACoppmi 50 Viúa n*OoiiinAibb m ]\o LeiT^eAX) ciúnur no curhpxnn ibto no m oit>c1ie "oon goibeAji- .lol. 39. b. noin nAcb t)iA thumcfn. "Ho chtnjvoir p^uAj ui "Oon'mAibb cioriip^ An cliAmpA ConnAcbc mA chCincnif-óón & a lÁn hia teicnneAÍ, & 111 p3 teigeAT) An oiiiAn nó ah uij^tA x)óib An eAch|\A no An Aipi Cr vo co\\ fo\\ m^eitc ca|\ mieAÍ- bopt) An tongptnp; m eccAin La hAix>bte a momcuim^e AinbACAp occ Atnbicxó- 1 Covering. — Called by Latin writers was on the scaffold Myler Magrath strove testudo. ' to counsill him for his soule's health,' but 2 Brian. — Surnamed na murtha. He he was sternly rebuked by O'Rourke for his was hanged, drawn, and quartered at Ty- apostacy. His death the Four Masters say burn, in 1 591 , the principal charge against 'was one of the mournful stories of the him being that he had given shelter to Irish.' See A?inals F. M., v. 1905 ; Lom- some shipwrecked Spaniards. When he bard's Comment, de Hib., p. 149 ; and H7 There was a bright covering 1 of round, broad shields of well-tempered JS97- iron all round outside to defend them against the shots of the impetuous party of heroes who were in the castle. There was no hesitation or cessa- tion in that contest for the space of three days and three nights, Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday. However, the attack which the foreigners made was of no avail, and it was better for them that they had not come on that expedition, for there were poured from the castle on them showers of bright fiery balls from the well planted straight-firing guns and from the costly muskets, and of missiles of rough-pointed, sharp rocks, heavy, massive stones, with beams and blocks, which happened to be on the battlements of the castle, so that their well made bent shields and their closcfitting helmets were not firm or strong enough, for they were crushed and killed within their iron armour by the well aimed shots directed against them! When the soldiers were massacred in numbers in this way, they did not prolong their stay any further to be slaughtered. They turned their backs to their enemies. They were driven into the camp. The people in the castle continued to shoot after them, so that many were slain, both reckoned and unreckoned. Some of them escaped severely wounded. It happened that O'Donnell was in want of soldiers, and had only a small force on the Saturday the fierce, vindictive multitude entered his territory. His forces assembled and collected to him before mid-day on Monday, for they were never slow to come at his call whenever he asked them to come to meet him. First came Hugh Maguire with all his forces. Then came O'Rourke, Brian Oge, son of Brian, 2 son of Brian Ballach, 3 son of Owen, with his party. When they came to Hugh O'Donnell he did not allow quiet or peace day or night to the Governor or to his people. O'Donnell's force drove those on the outskirts of the Connaught camp into - the middle of it, and those in the middle to the outside, and fear and terror did not allow them to put their horses or cattle to graze beyond the boundary of the camp outside owing to the great straits in which they 'Offences of Sir Bryan O'Rourke,' in the 3 Brian Ballach. — i.e., .the freckled or Egert07i Papers, p. 144, Camden Society, spotted. A notice of him will be found in 1840. Annals F. M., v. 1591. He died in 1562. T 148 bAbAib. 11o bioti lomftUA^A'ó 7 nii-oiubjiACCAt) 5AÓ íaoi eicin An niAncflu Aj a "oui 7 aviaU, ]ié ik\ c]\i Lá j\o bÁcAjt An rtÚA^ jaVI occ lonnroigeA'ó An •oúnAib. fto 5011AIC & 110 qif^'OAic ■pocliAi'oe CcopiA rÁn cÁn An Ainfcpn, acc 114 niA bA móo ]\o c)\ec1icnAij;ic An vLtiAj ^aIL oVoác n<\ ^of-óiL. bA -oo 114 huAifbib b& lifivoejice }\o ^onA-ó liAimb An cah pn vía ConcobAin Stigicch "OonncliAt) mAc CacIiaiL 015. llo ro^b yo\\ niA|\c]'luA5 nAn^Ablfo beóib ifin cpeAi-LAice ^ur iia rcojiAib combACA]i mCfcc <\\\ riifrcc ppif nAcnAi^hceACAib. Scaiwmc ÍAjioiii pjti A|ioile, 7 m c]ma fAinfCjtc no rcAjirAc acc ÚAifiAn Anóile •0iAiiCcA]K;Ai]ie. O }\o nACAijjfCc nA 5A1LL ^AirceAb 7 ^AjiAicecc n& n^AoibeAb ■ojrÁi* 7 x)ini:o]\bAi]\c cAittfib AttiAit ha no fwoitrfc, bA mebA món Leo cuTO-oecc An cii]\Ar cubÓAcoit c]ie a brA]iccAibrioc "oía ccujiAbAib mion ccAirciAlt, Gfc 1a rbuAj uí "OhoirmAiH "oon leic nAibe fx j^bAit -poptAO iriti ccuiL cutTiAing iceAcotimA5c\i|\ 1 ceAiincA occa nCrccAiivoib conA bAoi hia ccuniAng roAX) yo\\ cútAb •oo i\m jeot) aii ácIia caja^a CAn^ACAji iccorAÓ, mA lonnroigeAb nAC acIia HAile oca loch Clime nijme buijij 511]' ah muin irróin. O *oo uiAchcAUAji An rluAg ^aII "oia rcoju\ib ní]i bo pÁirh concuitrfc 7 níji bo tnCnnvnAÓ nujjfAC A]' An A-oliAij pn Ia Iiuaiíi ah 7 qnbfnbAf cenéoil cconAibb, A]\ bA T)f]\b tÁr n<.\ ^AÍlAib gun uó 1ia]\\ teóroiii ah oi-oeb An én bACAin mÁr AnemeAé r>o bneic. gAbrAc Ati goibCnnóin 11A hUntA-ohA 7 ha mAice AC|\ubnAmo)\ A5 ciiub a ccoriiAi]\le ó uncorAÓ oibce t)ia cCoAom 50 iiiuicbC-ooiL niATone -oía T>A]\t»Aom X)tí\- Clb X>0 gCtTOAVf 1111011 115ÚA]"ACC HAIippib bAOI yO]\ C11T0 -OÓlb, COIIAb J.'A1J\ ■oeipb leo y:o beói-o noj^le bAnfoilp An tÁoi yo]\]\o ArgnAiii \~o]\ unoncliAib Af aii niAijeAii inibACA|\ -oo h'iuIIac pche AóbA -oionnrAi^eAb 114 1iAbArin ú&y u]\ errA 11ÚA1-0 1 fAib ha|\ bo conAiji coicchCiro -oo -oAoinib nÍAtii 50 pn, Achc nAinÁ niniiA t)i5pcif cii]\Aib 110 c]ienp]i CAippn hi cca^ic fAiii]iAit> -oo rpion'iAt) AnCi]\c 7 a iiiAX>Ac1iAir, -oCicbiii ón A^ bAyCb A11111A1111 ah lotlAfopn no 101111- rAatfCc pjAfAti AbAHití cAfi'Án ma ccupA-ó. 1lo bAoi -OA11 nC|ic móp 05A nj^ffAGhcfotti cliugA t)on chuppn .1. eijfn ^ UAtnAti, gup |\o XMnycf fc in Aomyecc 111A iiAonb|\om -oUnc -oeinmne-OAij gUf ati AbAinn tro ah fiicoiiUM]i. 1 Cassan na ccuradh.—0 ) ?>\\\\t.\-A.\\ trans- lates this semita heroum, the heroes' path. Hist. Cath., p. 203. It is immediately above the cataract of Assaroe. For a more detailed account of this flight see Introd., p. lxxxviii., antea. 149 were placed by their enemies. There was skirmishing and shooting every 1597. day between the cavalry on both sides for the space of the three days that the English force was besieging the castle. Many were wounded and hurt on both sides, here and there, during that time ; but yet more of the English force were wounded than of the Irish. Of the nobles among them who were wounded then the best known was O'Conor Sligo, Donough, son of Cathal Oge. The English cavalry retired at last on the third day to the camp, and they were mixed up with the foot-soldiers. They separated afterwards from each other, and it was not through love but through fear they separated from each other. When the English saw the bravery and courage of the Irish grow and increase beyond them, as they did not expect, they were greatly grieved for having come on this expedition, on account of those of their heroes whom they left behind round the castle, and at the army of O'Don- nell on the other side coming on them in the narrow corner in which they were confined by their enemies, so that it was not in their power to go back towards the ford across which they had come first, or to go by another ford from the Lough of Erne, the daughter of Burg, to the ocean. When the English army reached their camp they did not sleep pleasantly, nor did they pass that night agreeably, through fear and terror of the Cinel Conaill, for the English were certain that it was more likely they should be destroyed all together than come off safe. The Governor, the Earls, and the nobles of whom we have spoken went to take counsel from the beginning of Wednesday night to the early dawn of Thursday morning as to what they should do in the great danger before them. Wherefore they resolved in the end, when the bright light of the day shone on them, to go forward from where they were, from the hill of Sith Aodha, across the river, up the bank of Assaroe, at the point where the river was not a common passage for people up to that, but only heroes and t brave men would cross it in the drought of summer to prove their strength and courage, so that the name of the place where they entered the river was Cassan na ccuradh. 1 There was, besides, a great power urging them on then, i.e., necessity and fear, so that they passed on together in one violent, thick crowd to the river opposite them. The crowd, both front and rear, ISO *Ouc)\Aiccpfc An -opon^ bA coipCnctiA 7 b\ "oemCncliA *ótob ^ombA-ó m eici|\riiCt)ón ah cptoij 110 rtHTn^che iax> An AbA UAcbAip 7 AinCcAn^nAroe riA íiAbAnn pop Accmnt) & Ap ihiCjIa 7 cniT>fnbAp a riAiiiAc "oía ccojpAim m Atroiuix). Ro pA;gAibpCc AnjunnAtthA niopA 7 An opx>AnÁp 7 ^ac ní bAoi beo ha no chuiiiAinjrec ■oiomoc'hop eicnp biu"ó 7 "015 7 jac nAitnt/ge Ap cCYia. *Oo bCpcpAC ÍA]\om An udicbpumne pop An pbjex) n* ^AipblmAnnAirh 11A111- Tnenncpn, Gc, no bAoi -oo cpeipi 7 "oo cpennfpc V11 ppuch nA -pfnAbAnn (AifiAib no bA bép tn) 7 •OAinCcAp^nA'noe 11A -optum Leice •ouibpteniine rriAp conAip coiccmn -oo cpomploj 7 T>An /oenepce 7 "oo A-olAige nA n^Aibl -ofpbAi-ó AipbCpcA bic j;up no bAnóicc ite x>ía prCpAill) "OÍa innÁíb ■oía neAchAib 7 -oía ccAiplib, 50 puce cpfcAn An cppodiA 1 pu'óoifi/Ain 6ArrA Rúai-ó iacc, 7 Aippi-oe piAp gup An muvp mói|\. O po nACAijpfc Luchc An •ounAi'ó An fLuAj A5 etú'oh -pAiiilAix), ^AbAicc occa n-oiobnACCA'ó An'iAib Ap -oeme conpAn^ACAp. Ro rpeAccpA-ó 1AX) pTDem on poipmn -oo pAbAipémcup 7 pAHAic gup An mbpuAch AÍbcAnAcb, no jAbrAC occ -oeAbA-ó cAp cfnn nA "opvnnge no bA -oebCnchA, co ccbop Apu Am Ann a 7 a ppogliApcopmAn 7 a mACAÍtA ró nA c|noc1iAib com- poiccpm combA rAn'iAtcA Leo con bo 1ié coinneAC 6b cpfdiAn nA n-oul nfriiAicpfoe accViuaLacop a huAclicAp Aeieoin (x a p-ipcteidie pnmAimenci. An cAn c|ia ac cIu'ia'Ia'ó ó 'OomnAiLL "oiubpAicce ha -oebcA 7 m acaIA-a nA hio|^"hAi"Le AcpAchc Ar a pupubt pó chfcoin, 7 AcnAchcpAc An rtuA^ Ap chCnA. fol. 40.^. U1C5AIC 111A ccneliiiAib cpotJA co cmnCrnAc, €t "oo coiplfc App "oochum nA ViAbAnn •oo diAppACCAin ha n^AÍb AttiAib Ap •ofimu p>onuccpAc tha AbAite. Hi chAi]vpoc 5pCim poppo 50 nibArAn ronpAn mbpuAC AnAilb x»on AbAinn. ■Ro ^onAicc no bAToic ibiomAC "oo -oeipeAT) An cpboij, 7 m -ofpgenpAc Ache bpij mbicc *oe ó -oo CnnÁCA]\ An ÚApAib 7 An Ai|ng, a tcoipij 10m jonA 7 a lucVic cdmenn 7 cA-ourA. RobcAp buixnj lAccp-oe -oo bpeic ah Anmonn ó t)iub]iAicc1nb "oip^e •oon'iAinc]\eccnAi5ce tochccA An "oúnAnó 7 cAnpAn fjvut n-oC]\mAi]A n-oifneccnA cAnnA ctmcACA]! cnenp|\ ^An cuiptft) jAn cm^'ÓAib nÍArh nempopon'i. X)o cIiaoc "om ó *OoninAi1t mA tfnniAin , OA|\rAn AbAinn acc nA mÁ ní bA rAin conAi]A -oo cfn^AC. O -oo "óeAcViA-ó An 50^^1101^ conA ftoj CAn Gi|\ne pAifitAn!) ro cfnt) a rhumcCn mt) mneAÍb 7 m oh'oucca'ó. *Oo nAcc a tiAiiti & a jnonoe impf-oniA 1 Took. — See Annals F. M., vi. 2031. i5i was so eager, that they were placed in the middle of the army on account of their dread and the difficulty of the river opposite them, and their fear and terror of the enemy pursuing them. They left behind their great guns and the ordnance and everything they had which they could not carry away, both food and drink, and every other necessary too. They then presented their breasts to the passage of that rough, unfrequented torrent, and on account of the strength and power of the current of the river (as was usual with it), and the difficulty of the very smooth surface of the flags as the common passage of the great host, and, moreover, from the weakness and failure of the English from want of a proper supply of food, many of the men, women, steeds, and horses were drowned, and the strength of the stream bore them into the deep part of Assaroe, and thence westwards to the ocean. When the people in the castle saw the army escaping thus they set to shoot at them as fast as they could. They were answered by the party who were in the van, and had reached the bank on the other side. They began to fight in defence of the crowd that was in the rear, so that the noise and report and the echo were heard in the places near, and it seemed to them that it was thunder and the conflict of the heavenly elements which they were hearing from the upper part of the atmosphere and from the depths of the sky. When O'Donnell heard the shooting in the engagement and the echo of the contest, he came from his tent immediatetly and the forces came too. They went with their weapons of war speedily and set off towards the river to take vengeance on the English as quick as they could, all together. They did not come up with them until they were on the other side of the river. Many of the rear of the army were wounded and drowned, and they set little value on them, as their nobles, leaders, and chiefs of war, their followers and friends had escaped. They were glad to carry away their lives from the straight, deep- wounding shots of the people of the castle, and over the strong, violent stream, over which heroes had never come before them without ruin and death. O'Donnell set out in pursuit of them across the river, but however that was not the way took. 1 When the Governor and his army came across the Erne in this way he put his people in order and array. He placed his oxen and horses used 152 pén & cA|\CAt) (bACA]\ Láj* ah ybuAj ©lowfulAtig a Lorn Gb a nAi-óib^e A|i cIiÍVia) ah j^oblAnnAi-o 7 An ofr "oiAinm & jac aCh 110 jouca -óiob fcopAA 7 moi]\. Idaoi pevpn cotia xnopnAib "OAjfloig cotia Aiiipyito 7 coha ojjbAi-o -oon CAoib A|\Aitt, 7 no Ia a ófr •ombnAicce pon AmbebAib T>unrcbAróe (x *oiom- copiArh -oa]\ cCnn An ÚApxb 7 An ai jieAC conA hCcA accacitiahj iia a ccimceAbbAT) Aji a yeAbur jio pji'óigic. ^|ia aoi pn no pnrAC nnnncfn ui Doriinoibb •oeAbAi-ó dioc1i|aa pviú 50 no 50TICA ite fcoppA *oe pii 7 AiiAbb, 7 50 p-A|\ccAibce eich Gfc ■OAome An bÁ Inpn. gAbAicc nA jgAibl ah cuclic pn bATh "ofr ppr An nunp pC|icAfi ^iéy pbeocliAit) po-pud ifpxAin 7 bA 1iAnAicfncA a met). 1lo poipjicc HApotAA -oep-oe 50-pbo bmbpeccAin t)on boecpAi-o An ai|aiti ■oioinbuAt) Ía liATóbte An yteAcbAi-o. IDa mo atti ]ao 1a ipbe pop rhumcfjA ui "OoiiinAitb oboÁp poppiA ^AtlAib íau ha TcoiecgA-o ÚAift no pxjAibpoc Arro|\b]\ACA An An An a lonnpoccA 7 AniAbtc]\AnnA 7 AjAoibe -oia néc^At) bA cmnCnur 7 bA cpce tia co^ApiiA "oo tliAjiuAccAin ha n^Abb. 13aca|a ah -01 l'-oc]AAi'oe pop An ApAipcpn occ An un-oeAbAit) ]\o pM-órfmon 7 occ cfccAp- nocbcAin bofgliAib Anoibe 50 pAchcACAn ca]a 'OpobAoir ca]\ Thnb 7 50 lllAj ccCiccne. O |\obcA]A rccidn j muinci|A ui fOlioiiinAilL -oon cojAipn lompAic in a brnic0m<5 fx aciauIac iia 5 01 ^ 101 a caglnb ro mebA 7 Aicir. -Ace cIiCtia pobcop rubAij ponbpdobij a|\ AbA ah ebu'óA Ar ha 5Aibcib imbACA]i, & m •ofpirAC acc bnij mbicc t)ia p-Aju^Aibpoc ó *oo CpiACAii pCipn. blip bó pAtiibAi-ó miA TOliorimAibb m \\o robAncnAij •óórovh AmmebAchcnugAt) t^An pÍAti a til Cn m An •opijbAib popiA (x \\o ^<\h occ niAingmu jA-o 7 occ mipp co mo\\ miA ccfpiú-ó ua-ó An cuchc pn. tX\cA]\ in SbicceAc An a-oaij pn, bAp/ó accCcua liunoe, A]a a bAjiAc •oa'dIiaiJ 1 niAini]xf]\ ha touiHe, 7 ah cjify oivche 1n cuaic Ac1ia bÍAcc. 1n pSt eicyeccA ha hi 11A01Í1 111 Ai|\e 7 1n coicc •oecc Augurc a|a Á01 bAidie mi-p jneme ac uuIacau ah rbÚAg pn "oa|a SAlilA01]A. O no ponncAipTc ua niAicepn 'oibbionAib -oia cnglup m p bo rÚAnAÓ pÁ-oliAb ]\o cocIiaic Aovh IliJAt) úa 'Oon'mAibb coiia focli'iiAi-oe imbui iifmpA x Magh Ccetne. — i.e., the field of compulsion, where the Formorians obliged the Neme- dians to pay a tribute of children, cattle, wheat, milk, and butter on the first of November each year. It lies between the rivers Drowes and Erne. See Keating's H. of Ireland, p. 78, and The Book of Fe?iagh, p. 250. This place is often mentioned in Annals F. M. 2 Athleague. — A village on the river Suck, in the N.W. of the barony of Athlone, Co. Roscommon. 153 for the wains and carts (which the army had to carry their provisions and 1597- their implements also), his attendants and his unarmed people, and every one of those wounded between them and the sea. He was himself with companies of chosen troops, with his soldiers and youths, on the other side. He put his shooters opposite for the defence and protection of the nobles and chiefs, so that they should not be surrounded or circumvented owing to the perfect way in which they were placed. However, O'Donnell's people made a fierce attack on them, so that many among them were wounded on this side and that, and horses and men were left behind that day. The English marched then, keeping the sea on the right. A shower of rain fell on them after that, and the intensity of it was unusual. The men ceased in consequence, for it was dangerous for the soldiers to use their arms on account of the heavy rain. This had a greater effect on O'Donnell's people than on the English on account of their clothing, for they had left behind their cloaks, long stockings, and shoes, and other parts of their dress, owing to their haste and the urgency of the call to take vengeance on the English. The two armies were engaged in this way in the contest of which Ave have spoken, harming each other until they crossed the Drowes and the Dubh to Magh Ccetne. 1 As O'Donnell's people were tired by the pursuit they turned back, and the English escaped to their homes with sorrow and confusion. But yet they were pleased and glad on account of their escape from the straits in which they were, and they made but little account of those whom they left behind since they them- selves escaped. It was not so with O'Donnell ; their joy was not pleasing to him, since his mind was not satisfied that they had got away, and he proceeded to lament and reflect very much at their escape from him on that occasion. They stayed in Sligo that night ; that was their first journey ; on the night of the next day, at the monastery of Boyle ; on the third night in the district of Athleague.' 2 On the feast of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary, and on the 1 5th of August, according to the solar month, 3 the army crossed the Saimer. When the nobles on both sides had gone to their homes, O'Donnell and his forces did not pass idly or slothfully what was before them of the 3 Solar \Month- — See The Book of Rights, p. xlviii. r 54 •0011 yoghriiAppn ÚA1|\ ^acIi CAn no coimAicOo CijCn-óÁiL no Anp;o|Vlonn o gliAÍLAib pan úa 110111 (-dox) ihac "PipoonchA) no y&ovóe<\x) bqn 7 ceccA co Iuia nT)orhnAiLb "oeccAoine a eccÚAbAinj pnr tma Aib 7 "oia AchchumjeAX) mi chochc "oia chobAin 7 -oia chompoprAchcc An CAn nA pNj;bA , OAir 5 A1 ^ a bAOgliAl bubem 7 nA Lei^eA-o ah omAn -ooib bic occ -ponnAn fAin. bA ■ooibb "oichurhAmj; -oo nAch nAon nAibe nA h Apr An a eicincrAnA nA rluAi^hci pubLACA 7 nA "oeAbcA "ouib^e nó pieAprbvo hi coicccCt» n<\itetlA mA cin bu-otjem 7 jac cAn no cei^eAt) 1 cí p nGogriAin 1n coipcm uí néibb tlin bo C1A11 bÁoi úa H>oirinoiLL ip*or íaji mmcec.c An jjoibfnnónA 7 nA nlAnbvó AiiiAib no neiriAirnei-opom An cAn cAngAcon ceccA uí tléiti "oo f-Ai jeAt) ui "OhorhnAibl "oia Aipieif -óó combui An lupnr (UomAr Lojto bopougli) (x 1a|iIa dntte T)A]iA (henp itiac ^C^toicc) co roc^AToe ~^&\X, m-me 7 ÍAijfn occ ccochc co ci]\ GogliAin An CAptAin^ 7 a\\ cioncorg UoipvoeAbbAi j mic Cnp nA Í0I.4LÍ. ngAjicA-o true "febm Uuató uí Héibl, 7 no pxoib chuccA cochc co bon A dnonoil X)ía cobAin 7 -oía nCjicA'ó m ajai-o a nAriiAcc & no cm^eAll beór cecip CAn nAite "oo niccpeAt) úa 'OoriitiAilb A iff cocc tma compjpcAcc co ccireA-oroiri mA coipcm cfn C|inAT)A-ó ^An lompuineAC. O no CplXj; úa 'OomnAiLL nA bene, no -popcon^Aip nop a coichfprAb oonóL Ar- ^AC Aint) ínA *oochom p5 éCccóip ÚAin nin bo ÍAinn bur úa tléilt •00 bic ipn ei^Cn 1mb1.11 ^ah AÍÁbÁ^liA 'oo CAbAipc teip T)eicbin ón A]\ mp uó coinroeb co no dim •oía ccenéb AjtAon 'oiAr ÍArA]t -óile Gt La^a]! cocIia a|\ oile oboAcc An "OA -Aobpn bACAn cobnAig, 7 bACAn p^ACA po]\ a cenélAib An CAnpn. "Oo cofc ía|\oiii o *OorimAiLL 1 ccpvicce co 1iAipn AmbAoi ó HeibL con •oio|miA moip "oia tti Ancf-bj a j 7 "oia irnLeA-oAib nuApofn rpir 7 Anoibe "oiob mA tCmtiAin A]\ m no Ainirporii hia noije pnú La cmnfnup aja uAinAn ha n^All T)o cm-oecc 1 cí]\ n6o§Ain ci"ó pA pv cip3At>pDm ^u]- An mAigm i]\Aibe úa 11éitb T)AbA An 1up:ir 7 na ngAbb AC]\ubnAmo|\ cAngACApp-óe co ftuAj tÁnifióp bonriiAji tei|rcionoilce 50 •onoichfc Ac1ia, <\fp-oe *o cpM^bAite 50 1 E. of Kildare. — This was Henry, twelfth Earl, called by the Irish na dtuagh, i.e., of the battle-axes. O'Neill urged him to renounce all allegiance to the English Crown and to join with the Irish. His second daughter, Brigid, married Rory O'Donnell, brother of Hugh Roe. See Annals F. M., v. 2380. 2 Men of Meath. — O'Sullevan says one of the Barnwalls commanded the forces of Meath. He detached a party under the command of his son to attack Tyrrell, one 155 harvest, for whenever any oppression or violence was threatened by the English against O'Neill (Hugh, son of Ferdoragh), he sent letters and messengers to O'Donnell to complain of his sufferings to him, and to ask and beseech him to come to his aid and assistance when the English did not strive to harm himself and fear did not allow them to oppress him. The long journeys, and swift hostings, and difficult skirmishings which he carried on in the province of Oilioll and in his own territory and each time he went intoTir Eoghain to the assistance of. O'Neill, were painful and hard to every one else. O'Donnell was not long at rest after the departure of the Governor and of the Earls, as we have related, when messengers came from O'Neill to O'Donnell to tell him that the Lord Justice (Thomas Lord Borough) and the Earl of Kildare 1 (Henry, son of Gerald), with the forces of the English and the men of Meath 2 and Leinster, were coming to Tir Eoghain at the instigation and by the advice of Turlough, son of Henry na ngarthadh, 3 son of Phelim Roe O'Neill, and he sent to him to come with all his forces to aid and strengthen him against his enemies, and he promised besides that whenever O'Donnell would require him to come to his aid he would come to help him without hesitation or delay. When O'Donnell read the letter he ordered his whole force to assemble from every place to him immediately, for it was not agreeable to him that O'Neill should be in such straits without giving him help. This was natural, for it was not usual that two such flames of mutual love and of affection should spring together from their stock as these two Hughs, who were lords and princes over their tribes at that time. O'Donnell went soon afterwards to where O'Neill was with a large body of his horse and of his foot- soldiers, and others of them followed, for he did not delay in his journey for them in his haste, fearing lest the English army might come to Tir Eoghain before he reached the place where O'Neill was. As for the Lord Justice and the English of whom we have spoken, they came with a very large, powerful, numerous army to Drogheda, from of the Anglo-Irish of Leinster, who was friendly to O'Neill. Young Barnwall was captured, and a great part of his forces slain. Hist. Cath., p. 184. 3 T. Mac Henry na ngarthadh. — i.e., of the cries. See p. 31, antea. Owing to his guidance the Lord Justice crossed the river in safety. Annals F. Jlf., vi. 2023. U 156 llAjTOlflACÍlA, C011Ap AlipAC CO pAngACAp CO hup AbAtm nióipe. "£o ^AbAC ÚA 11éitt 7 úa "OomnAitt conA pto^Aib pop Accirra au -oú pn. Vhp bo -potíAin^ pAigeAb pop An bpochtA teoiiiAin 7 pop An nCt> njpibe t)o potA cut 1 cub fjuú. Aipipip An lupcip conA ptoj & no ^Ab bon^popc m jjAppoccup -oon AbAinn An b<\ •ofpb tAip nAp bo pCib bó nÁc •oía ptog ApgnAm pop aha^ato ni bub pipe. Oa puiteAch, pAebpAÓ, cpechcAc, cpoitmnceAch, ■oebdiAC, -oiub- pAicciuc An piAbujAb poppuAip An 1upap conA liiumcfp o ptojAib uí lléitt 7 uí "OhorimAitt a^ copnArh Accpice 7 ACCAompopbA ppíú. t1i|\ bo ní An "oo piíjfnpAc "oo cliAtniA piAih nA ÍAporii occ mToit)Cn An aca-|voó Ap An eccpAicob mAicpejAb An pobA "oiop boib vo "oénon'i -oía ppCpcAip An cAnpm nA builc fol.42.ij. iomt>A "oo pAbA boib cib ÍApcAin pobAb enmbc "OAipneip An oppA. -Ace cCYia ni no bei^eAb pÚAn ha pAbAite, conbAb nA coiimAibe, ionnroijeAX> tiA AnAb boib ibló na m oibche t^ah "oeAbdib 7 T>iAin-oiubpe An lupcip cpA m cepnAipibe ^An cpeccnujAb Ap An iomAi|\C5 pm. llleAbAib niAibm poppA ^upAn cfnn 7 ^up An cAipipion'i bAoi teo jup An ccAinpA, 7 ttiuna bAb Apoiccpi vóib bAoipibe 111 pAjjAt» pceotAn^A ÚAi"oib in a bCchAb cbuccA. lA|\bA cibte "OApA t)An pob ei^Cn "oo ceiteAbpAb -oon lupcip po bicbm a cpeccnAijá 7 cjUAtt 01 a ci 5, 7 ó ■oo piAcc co "Opoicfc Aca Acb ac ipm mbAibe pm x>o ndn'i 7 -oo ciAcliAip A^on. 1 He died. — Wallop wrote from Dublin to mother's house in Drogheda.' The Earls Lord Burghley, August 3rd, 1597: 'Yester- of Kildare, by the M. of Kildare, p. 234, day the Erie of Kildare coming some 1 2 or and Addenda, p. 316. His mother was • 13 days past from the camp, dyed at his Mabel, daughter of Sir Anthony Brown. 157 that to Straclbally and to Armagh, and they did no stop till they came to the bank of the Blackwater. O'Neill and O'Donnell went with their forces to meet them there. It was not easy to attack the den of a lion and the nest of a griffin when face to face with them. The Lord Justice and his army halted and encamped close to the river, for he was sure it would not be easy for him or for his army to advance against them farther. The reception which the Lord Justice and his people met with from the armies of O'Neill and O'Donnell while defending their territory and lands against them was bloody, sharp, wounding, maiming, quick-shooting. Never before or after did they do anything heroic while defending their native land from their enemies to be compared with what they ought to do if they knew then the many evils that came on them afterwards, which it would be too tedious to relate now. However, neither the calm of delight nor the sleep of repose was allowed to come or abide with them day or night without attack and shooting at them continually by the Irish, so that numbers of their noble, magnanimous horsemen, of their destructive, impetuous youths, and of their beautiful foreign horses were killed and destroyed. One day while they were thus engaged, a great desire seized on the Lord Justice to go to the summit of the hill that was near to view and survey the country all round, and it were better for him if he had not gone on that business he went on, for some of the Irish soldiers came face to face with him there, and they made a hard, fierce onset and a daring attack on the Lord Justice and on the Earl of Kildare and the nobles who were with him, so that the chief officer of the army was slain there, together with a large number of the captains and gentlemen whose names are not re- membered or recorded, besides the common soldiers who were killed. The brother of the Lord Justice's wife too was slain. Some of the people of the Earl of Kildare also were slain, and the Earl himself was wounded. Even the Lord Justice himself did not escape without being wounded from that encounter. With all their valour and perseverance they were driven to the camp, and if it had not been near them, those of them who fled would not have returned alive. It was necessary for the Earl of Kildare to take leave of the Lord Justice, as he was wounded, and to return home. And when he reached Drogheda he died 1 in that town of the poison and the ilugAb a co]\p t)iA c1iAi]-benAt) da cViAiptnb co ciVl *OApA, 7 po hAt>nAcc Veo e mocliAipLije a pCn 7 a pijmpCp 50 nonoip 7 50 nAiprhiccm AriiAib po b&v T>iop. 'Oa'La An 1upcip po pAi 111A ppicfmg a]aa bA)iAc gopAnAicc 50 h AptmiAcliA, 7 bc\ pop, nnochop 111 ÁpAc no hi cAppAC bAoi a copp 05A cnAipipib 7 o^a pAmmumcfp An LÁpm. llugA-ó ÍAptcAm co hmbAp cmx) cpAghA 7 AcbAib Annrm "oía jonAib. lompAic An pbuAj gAbb -oia cojjib po n'ieÍA 7 Aichip fol. 42. b. aii'iLai-ó pm. Ho cpiAlbpAc cenéb ConAiVt 7 GogliAin roAt> "OÍa n-ounAib 7 '01A mbAitcAib bunATÓ 50 pubA 7 co ponriiYimAin ÍAppAn ccopgAp pm. UionmAip úa 'OorimAiLt ceteAbpA-ó tjiia Tléitb 7 pob AibbCpcc Ia ceccAp x\\q "óiob pcApA"ó p pi ApoiLe. 13a po^OA 1a Iuia nX)omnAibl bArAp goibt coipt) nAibeVlA ipAniie ^An Atnmup poppo 7 poppm tuchc po ntYiAipcc ACCupA ppiu. po "oeoixb (x "oo pome AmumcCpAp p|uporii ÍAp tiA cpe^A-o a cco|wc. Ida "oibpiDe ó ConcobAip Rua-o (Aevh mAC Uoipp-oeAbbAij; Ruait)). t)A rmopcAip Ia 1hía n"OoiimAiUl eipixbe ó po Ci\nAi-om a mumcfpAp pjvip nA ^AbbAib 5e]ibó cApA -oó peAchc piAinb. iDAOipion'i 05A pccput)AT> ionnup no oi|\5peAt) ACjuocb. bA t)Uiti j erii eip-óe ÚAip bA hmnilA, loirroopATO An mCn-oAc "imbui An cúa ConcobAip hipm, Gi bA gAppoccup v>o Aipm it-Aipftm a mmbe 7 a rhAome Ap cCnA Ap lom^AbAib a eccpAC munA aopcA^An pAcujjA-o pAip. Ro cmjeAbb ó RuAipc "óóponi hac Ap petjpet) ó T)orimAiLL t)ía opgAin ^An pAbAxi) 7 Aipcipecc ÚAÍ>Aporh *óó. -dp pAip T)epix> ía 1iúa n"OomnAibb a ptoj no cegbomAt) 7 "ool ipin coiccf-ó. *Oo choi"ó "om 50 po Aipip ppr gbfnn nt)AttAin AniAji'oCp. 5 AC,A1 P tongfaopc ipuitnu. t)A-|C-ó mumbeAc •oo pAcc nn ó RuAipc T>up An oipgpeA-ó po|\ ó ConcobAip cAipip. "Poi-óip ceécA chugA t>ia cochuipeA"c> 111A "ÓAit 511 p ah Longpopc (x "oia pÁ"ó pip cocu 111A x)ocum a|\a bA|\Ac gAn nAC mompuipeAC icctp. Ua 11liai|ic immon|\o m ]\o pAoibpi"óe An'ibAib pm "oé|\Ac An tonjptnpc t>úa "OoiimAibb 50 ccireA-opoiii cu^a. bApet) AipeAj mennwn Appiochc 1a Húa n*Oonmoitt ía]\ ccop A ceccA-o "oo cocui]\eA*ó ui Ruai|\c. pop]\A^Aib a bongpouc ÍAp mit>mft)ón Iaoi & T)up pebcce -OAppAn Sbgech but) -oCp, 7 m po Aipip co pAimcc 50 coipppliAb nA SfjhpA. Ilo jAb popp bmcc Vnpunbe gup po cochAicpCc a 1 Tomb. — He was buried in St. Brigid's ~ He died. — The accounts differ as to the church. The Earls of Ki/dare, p. 235. cause of his death. Moryson says he fell The family burial-place at Kildare was sick in the course of the second expedition rather the Franciscan monastery, since the which he made to relieve the Blackwater 1st, 2nd, and 3rd Earls were buried there. Fort. Rebellion, &c, p. 21. 159 soreness of the wound. His body was taken to Kildare to be shown to his 1597. friends, and was buried by them in the tomb 1 of his predecessors and ancestors with the honour and respect that were meet. As for the Lord Justice, he set off on his return the next day and he reached Armagh, and he was carried on a litter or in a carriage by his faithful followers and his own people that day. He was carried after that to Iubhar Cinn Tragha, and he died 2 there of his wounds. The English army returned home with grief and shame in this way. The Cinel Conaill and the Cinel Eoghain set off to return to their family strongholds and castles cheerfully and gladly after that victory. O'Donnell took leave of O'Neill, and it was very painful to both of them to part from each other. Hugh O'Donnell thought it long that the English of the province of Oilioll were at rest without any attack being made on them and on the people who had entered into friendship with them in the end, and had contracted friendship with him after separating from them at first. Of these was O'Conor Roe, Hugh, son of Turlough Roe. O'Donnell had a dislike to him since he entered into friendship with the English, though being his friend some time before. He reflected how he might ravage his country. This was difficult, since the dwelling of that O'Conor was very safe and hard to reach, and very near a place where he might put his cattle and treasures also beyond the reach of his enemies unless they came on him unawares. O'Rourke had promised him that he would not allow O'Donnell to plunder him without notice and help from him. Wherefore O'Donnell resolved to collect his army and to go into the province. Pie went on, therefore, until he halted to the south-west of Glendallan. He encamped there. This was the deception he practised on O'Rourke, in order to plunder O'Conor. He sent messengers to him to invite him to a meeting at the camp, and to tell him to come to him the next day without any delay whatever. Meantime O'Rourke did not think O'Donnell would leave the camp there until he would come to him. This was the plan adopted by O'Donnell after sending his messenger to invite O'Rourke. He left his camp after the middle of the day and went across the Sligcach, southwards, and he did not halt till he came to Corrsliabh of the Seghais. He made a short halt there, so that his soldiers might take some refresh- i6o mibeAt>A A|t -oía bomab, 7 co yo beiccpoc Arcir 7 Ap nA nfi;cAir va\\ pan pbiAb butj -off Ia bATi foitp An LÁ01. O no rorcAmlAij "oondiACA cojiac ha honóce pnp mbACAf. occ piiuiATÓe yoy roilp An bÁoi, vo coipbfc aj CAffAn ptiAb ca]\ SCgAif cAn tThiijtuinj; An DAg-ÓA & -oAn mtnncim) fol.43.0. 11H11 5 e nA01 b 1A niACAin. T)o nelccfc rccAoibeA-o día rcflmiulcoit) ipn ■of-óoit yo ■oidi|\eAt)Aili) 7 •oCii_vnicib iia cpcbe conA fAjigAibpCc mib nmnite ó ■Ach Stij'fn co bA-ojnA. lompAic ÍApotn ir>A ppnichCmg co ccoi-gAji 7 50 ngAb AÍAib iomt>Aib AriiAib pv hey -oóib. bA liA-onAn Ia 1uia Ruainc -ofnoTh va hoingne gAn itAcugAt) nt>ó. 11in bo U13A bA méU & bA tiAicip lÁp An 501b- f]inóin Sen Conenr Cboponc ongAin ha cynche yo bAoi yo AtnAtnup gAn CAC115A-Ó -oa|\ a cfnt) gem At) 1 a oitjeAcc nobAt) CpoAbcA L&\y fx -oucnAgAin t>ub mt)ft)1iAi5 U} *OomriAilt "oia nebgeAt) An on'iAn t>ó. O jiAinicc o 'OomnAibb conA pboj t)ÍA cagib bACAn tyyoy irubAit>e 7 ipume pn ye An jAimnm 05 coircecc pn coigCo 1TleAt>bA. Hi yo cboAdiAn nAc 51110111 nAitvofiic CconnA AnAinCc pn acc nA 111Á -|\onfnAirc ó 1\uai]ic a c1iA]AArnAt) pnr An Ai-pjiig pemnAice Sin Conuer cpA bicm nAhoingne Aqiub- -|iAmA|i,7bA becc 7 lompormiAC pMA bnAcbAin peipn Ua-ój úa 11uai]ic An ni« tio iiCit> eAconnA t)ibbinib im pomn ApronbA 7 a ccpcbe genbcAn cbAnn en acaii. 1598, An 7. bbiAt>Ain. bA p Aimpn 111 yo f|\nAit>m ó "R11A111C Aeon pnr ah goibfpioin ipcmba lAnuAp, 1598. Thn 110 roibifj ó *OomnAibb "oo cboircecc Anrceóib iíaiji bA bucbc COCA1 j An cenéb "oiAinbtn úa "RuAinc t»A pnnrepAib o cfm tfiAin, fx, bA bnAÚAin t)ó eipom peipn conAt) a]\ ha -pACAib pn nA]i bo mfnmAnc bAir Ammur pM|\ no mneAt) a cpcbe AtiiAib cIiac 7 yo pccfn combA béiccfn eipt>e numd yoAX> yoy cuLa-ó In combÁij nA ngoi-oeAb iiai]\ ]io bCiciiroebigbce a coccAcbrom p i n jac nAon yo nAit>meAt) a CA|iAC|iAt> pnr ha g^bAib. Ho jAbAproin ogA Aib 7 ogA CcAnjuToe co bmcbeice An ccCcciia pscc 1111 yo Ai|\m imbui. 5 A ^ A1 f ° HuAinc occ coifceAcbc yyiy co bu|icofAcb ^AiiinAij. "Ro 1 Slieve Baune. — A mountain in the at the battle of the Curlews and took part south-east of Co. Roscommon, running in the forays made by O'Donnell into parallel with the river Shannon. Thomond, Meath, and other places held by 2 Alliance.— -It lasted but a short time, the English or their friends. See Annals for O Rourke was on the side of the Irish F. Af., vi. 2035 and 2103. IÓI ment and get rid of their fatigue, and not cross the mountain of the Seghais, 1597- southwards, in the full light of day. When darkness prevailed in the beginning of the night over the light of day while they were resting, they went forward through the mountain, over the Seghais, through Moylurg of the Daghdha, and the level part of Magh Aoi before morning. They sent their marauding parties in the twilight to scatter over the wastes and remote parts of the territory, and they did not leave a single beast from Ath Slisean to Slieve Baune. 1 They returned after that in triumph with plentiful spoils, as was usual with them. O'Rourke was ashamed that the preying should have taken place without his knowledge. No less was the chagrin and confusion of the Governor, Sir Conyers Clifford, for the plundering of the country which was under his protection without fighting for it, for it was his special care, and he was anxious to go in pursuit of O'Donnell if fear allowed him. When O'Donnell and his army came home they rested in merri- ment and pleasure during the winter time, hearing of the province of Meadhbh. No important fact was heard of between them during that time except that O'Rourke entered into a friendship with the Governor aforesaid, Sir Conyers, on account of the plundering of which we have spoken and the rivalry and jealousy of his own brother, Tadhg O'Rourke, for 'there was no accord between them on account of the division of their patrimony and territory, though they were the children of one father. 1598, the seventh year. The time when O'Rourke made his alliance 2 with the Governor was at the end of January, 1598. O'Donnell was not pleased at hearing the news, for the family to which O'Rourke belonged were friends of his ancestors for a long time, and he was himself his relative. Wherefore for these reasons he was not eager to attack him or to prey his country like others, and he knew that would be necessary unless he returned to the confederacy of the Irish, for his friendship was withdrawn from every one who made friendship with the English. He proceeded to beg and entreat him, secretly at first, to return, and then to threaten and menace him for remaining in the condition in which he was. O'Rourke continued to listen to him to the IÓ2 nnf^Uvó Airjnpóe mpf-ó a tipe oc éonnAipc nAp bo cpíipi nA 501LI oLcacc ha 5oit>eAL, 7 ft) -oo pome cecc po jAipm uí "OomriAilt, 7 m po ACA15 rpir -oo •ofnArii, 7 -oo bfpc a oii;piAp nt)o aitiaiL no chuinnigh pAip. íol. 43.Í. UtnpceccA uí Héitb pCcAb nAiLe, bACAp Tjipirhe A-óeAbchA 7 a -ounoip^ne poppiA -OAHApAib 511 p po opcnpcoip itioniAC -oía nAiiipAib 7 -oía cnoipeAcriAib lomgonA. tlo mfnp ha cuÁdiA bACAp ója ccupgiiArii & po AmAmup co po cpiAcpApcAip riA cjmocíia ppip An rnOopnn ACÚA1-Ó 50 UpAi^mbAite jen mocÁc 11A mime 7 iia -ÓAingfnchAifceoit In ccApccpAC a LAecpAt) 7 a LAic^AiLe 1 ppopbAipe pop dienét nGojAin 7 -pop piiA h-dipjiAllA t>o jiaIa ppiA ccoeb. 1li •oiAiToicleic enii ha -oia nep-óibAb ha CApcpom iia coihpArhA hipn pop Aipo C01lipA1TIA 7 JTl10ril|\A'ÓA T>A ngAOItíeAt A]1 dlCVlA, 7 111 popt>Ab 11A 101T\poll pO bAoi popn imA ppopAidimfc, acc Ap *óai j 11 a bAt> enAi j jpjnnn a ppichipe popcdie peALinACAdiA An oUlArhAin 7 ah Anppinc beop, 7 nA bepepcAip con bo 1hiaiLL 7 lomcotcA 7 mAoi-óriiije pocpuAip "onm "out pop a mbelAibpom ■oo píiiicuipCiri cpfp 7 cocíiAp acc|mac AccAoipi^ 7 a ccpenriunpeAch. -dp aiLL Ann -onA ac bepcAip bA x>o CApcupAÍ 7 •oo diAÚAoip An eccpi no tmice. -Ajiaoi c]\a AirnCi'ópeAiTi ah mbfgpA -OAippccetATj nA h&ogAn clomne -OApcfpcu^A-ó Atrplno .1. cac An acVia btnbe ó no éujDigpCc cenét ConAiL. Af imne pop cofmnAjAin eipit>e. *Oo ^aIa pope gAbA^A occ nA gALLAib pop AbAmn móip ppip ah IIIacIia a CÚA1-Ó 7 bA hi lonbATÓ pox)hA 7 coCncoiiinAic conpocpup cecur, 7 no cum- ■OAigeA-ó ah va\\á peAÓc tÁp An "lnrcir UoniAr lop-o foupuodi ppi poni'ibm An C0CCA1-Ó, gup bo tnun -oicojlAnoe •oAin^fn ciua-ó 7 cmn cno-OA pop a cAibbb 1111A cctiAi]ic poppA mbACA]\ penercpA 7 -ppterA ppi 'oiubjiAjA'ó eipcib. "Po cCpcpAC nA ^AibL qu cé-o ÍAech "oo iioijnib a Iac n^oite ipn'popc ipopbAip po]\ cénel n6ojAin. 1lo c1uii]\ -om ó tléiUl aii coinibon cf-onA ppi aiiucIic a]a 11A cipcAip •oion'opAt) nA ccuac pop nAch beic itia ccimceAlt. "Pecc nAile ■oo "óeAcbAit) o "OomnAiLt 1 ccoipicm 111 tléibb ó po picfp ah eccfn-OAt 1 Boffin. — Inis bo finne, i.e., the island of the white cow. There are several islands of this name off the Irish coast, and one in Lough Ree, above Athlone. The one re- ferred to here is probably that off the coast of Donegal, a little to the south of Tory. 2 Oirghialla. — The descendants of the three Collas. See p. xxix., antea. These and the Cinel Eoghain come from a com- mon ancestor, Cairbre Liffechair. See The Battle of Magh Rath, pp. 9, 139. 3 The Yellow Ford. — Properly Benl atha buidhe, i.e., the mouth of the yellow ford. The name is now applied to a marsh or cutaway bog in the townland of Cabragh, about two miles north of Armagh. 1 63 beginning of summer. He feared very much at that time the preying of 1598. his terrritory, for he saw that the English were not stronger than the Irish, and what he did was to come at the call of O'Donnell and do what he asked, and to make him such submission as he demanded from him. As to O'Neill again, so numerous were his skirmishes and preyings on the English that he slew many of their soldiers and leaders of battle. He preyed the districts that were supporting them and under their power, so that he wasted the territories from Boffin 1 in the north to Stradbally, beside the fortresses and the strong castles which their soldiers and best men held to keep down the Cinel Conaill and the Cinel Eoghain and the Oirghialla 2 who happened to be near them. It is not to conceal or blot them out that we have not brought to light these great deeds and exploits, the great deeds and exploits of the Irish in general, and it is not through error or mistake in remembering them, but lest their educated doctors, their ollamhs, and their learned men also should be jealous of us and say that it was pride, presumption, and vanity that caused us to supersede them in relating the battles and skirmishes of their princes, leaders, and heroes, and also lest they should assert it was through contempt for their learned men that it was done. However, I will relate this little of the history of the Clann Eoghain as a subject for their poets, i.e., the battle of the Yellow Ford, 3 since the Cinel Conaill took part in it. It was thus it happened : The English had a fortress to the north of Armagh, on the Blackwater. It was first erected 4 in a time of peace and amity, and it was built a second time by the Lord Justice, Thomas Lord Borough, in expectation of the war, so that there was a strong impregnable earthen rampart, and war- towers on the battlements all round, in which were windows and loopholes to shoot out of. The English placed three hundred of their choice warriors in the fortress to hold it against the Cinel Conaill. O'Neill, too, placed the same number opposite them, that they might not come to prey the country anywhere around him. Later O'Donnell came to aid O'Neill 4 Erected. — Sidney in the 'Memoir of his Government,' says : 'I builded a tower for the gard of the bridge over the great ryver called the Great or Black Water, in Tyrone ; the bridge being builded by the Earl of Essex.' Ulster J. of Arch., viii. 195. 1 64 iinboi. 1lo acaohi Ua tleitt a imneAt) pur no 'ÓAij An -ptnpx nerr.nAice 7 ac bf]\c 511H bo rcic ÍAir beic occa poncoirheT) ■oo pon aitiaiL no biox> ■oo gjtéf; fol.44.i7. Ac bf|\c ó *OoriinAiLl bA conA comón Ammur "oo cAbAijic pMji tma c^ApccnAt) 7 "01A con t>An cfnx) hia conniorcAir oboAr nA cuacIia x>o toe 7 •oin]\eA-o Ar a 1o]-, 7 iiAn bo ro-ÓAinj -ooha cu|\A-oAib bic hi cAicyfir ciCnpot)A. UoAoncAX) ó 11éit,Lpnr ah AicCrjpn. pojioncongAncp&c "oibLiiiib •pop a muinci|i pjAbAi]\c An ptnjic. *Oo bfjiAC ÍA]ion'i Ammur CAbmA pvin ArhAib no 1iC]\bA"ó pnú. tlo ^onA-ó no niAnbAT) "ononj riión ÚAi-óib, Gb m CAj^iATorCc ní Áe. 1\o 'óeLijrec pnr lAnorh & ciajaic t>ia cciijib. 13aoi ó tléiVl A5 coiprecc puú ÍAnccAin co no rcAichrCc a bomce acc hia-o bCj^. O no Ai|\ij lAcporii -pAmlAi-o no jAb bongpopc -}ron AmbebAib CconjiA 7 An í)11iac1ia nA cireAt) ftog nAite "01Á pruncAóc Apn eicc(VroAit jAbAno nnbACAn. O no pVf "oon cr Chat) (x "oon coriiAijibe Á mbCicporii gAn biut) 7 ^AbAib yonnA "oúa 11éiLt An'iAib non jAb, cAi\ccLAimrCc ptuAj mó|i no jlenegArnATÓe "^&XX combACAji CÓ15 nuLe eiciv\ cpoijceAC 7 nvAncAC -oo ojuato AfimcA enoijche conA ccon^Aib ceccA t>A t^acIi m bA coirccitie. *Oo -|\aca llenp begmj 1n ccoip^ecc ron^A. 1\icayie Aint>fnc imcoLcAc eip-óe Gt bA tion criYiA-rj proem -oó. 1obA]i cmn choiche 1111c tleccAinn AX)unÁ|\Ar. O ]io pcin 11 éibb iAccp>m x>o cionóL p\oit>ir a ceccA "oo cochuineA-ó \ú "OoiimAibt nepú bACAn piinici ha 5 A1 tt. UiccpTje co tencinób a LoecnAifje eicin cnAighceAc 7 mAncAcli 7 An aiVI •00 coi^et> obneccniAclic itia p\piATj>. Uah^acau cjaa ^aoitjiL coip-ó ConcobAin ipn coichfrcAb pn co cmnfpiAch. O nobcAn pjipche etlriiA tiA.^AiU, •our 11 An^ACAn yo chfcuAin AccéonA buToe co -onoicliCc Ac1ia, Airpme co c|AAijbAibe ■oiime 'OeAtgAn, ifnorti "oon 1obA]i & 50 h^voriiAchA. "porAi^Inc iruix>iu co nelcc^Cc Arcir. Po rAiglncc nA 5 Ae1 ^ 1 ^ 130,1 ^ e1 ^ AjiAiit 1 comfocbiiAib "óóib.eAconiAA 7 An pone nerii]iAice. ^AbAicc occ pnocAine 7 occ roidntb \'o\\ An die, 7 ac comiAicfiii 7 a^ bAi jbniACA]i. O no bA fol.44. b. micij tÁr nA fUjicAclic a inumncine, ac^ajIiac imucliA "oo tó 7 1 Nothing. — O'Sullevan attributes the deeper. When O'Neill's men applied them failure of the attack to the fact that the to the walls they were found to be too short, garrison, having learned that the besieging He gives the number of the assailants slain party were preparing numerous scaling- as one hundred and twenty. Hist. Cath., ladders, made the fosse round the castle p. 188. i6 5 when he knew the straits in which he was. O'Neill complained to him 1598. of his hardships in consequence of the said fortress, and declared he was ' tired of being on the watch continually, as he always was. O'Donnell said it would be far better to attack it, in order to pull it down and destroy it if they could, than that the districts should be injured and preyed by its means, and that it was not easy for the soldiers to be watch- ing it for a long time. O'Neill agreed with that opinion. Both of them ordered their people to attack the fortress, Afterwards they made a fierce attack on it as they were bidden. A great number of them were wounded and killed, and they gained nothing 1 thereby. Then they retired from it and went to their homes. O'Neill heard after a while that they had consumed nearly all their provisions. When he found that they were in this condition he encamped opposite them, between them and Armagh, that no other force might come to relieve them from the pressing danger in which they were. When it became known to the Senate and Council that they were without food, and that O'Neill was about to attack them, as he was, they assembled a large body of the best soldiers of the English, so that they were five thousand horse and foot soldiers, with arms and armour, with regular supplies of everything that was needed. Henry Bagnal 2 was given the command of them. He was a famous, daring knight, and one of the Council too. Iobhar 3 Cinn choiche mic Nectainn was his dwelling. When O'Neill learned they were assembling he sent his messengers to invite O'Donnell, before the English were ready. He came with a great body of his forces, both horse and foot, and some of the province of Olneccmacht also. The Irish of the province of Conor came very readily to that hosting. When the English were ready and prepared they went, the first day's march to Drogheda, from that to Stradbally of Dundalk, after that to Newry and Armagh. They remained there till they got rid of their fatigue. The Irish on the other side came near them, between them and the aforesaid fortress. They proceeded to watch and prepare against each other, and to threaten and bluster. When it seemed to the English full time to assist their people they rose up at 2 Bagnal. — See Introd., p. Iv. head of the strand. The above is the more z Iobhar. — i.e., Newry, which has its name ancient name. See Battle of Magh Rath, from the yew planted by St. Patrick at the p. 276. 1 66 jAtxMC 05A neiccujA-o , oionA]\Aib exArhtAib ÍA|\nAi-óe 7 t>o chAcbA]\nAib C10riuij~A]V0A COlil^otiqXA 7 X>0 p31At1lAlb AbtrhA]TOA "OÍ An An 11 imjnjm AichtfghcA. "Ro jAbrAC a rbfj;rlA •pbnntfchnA pCmAnnchnuAi-oe a^Cttoax) ft, a mbíÁÍA bet^o'DA bÍAichf^lAnriAchA 7 Accboi'óme "oipje "oe]:oeb|\AchA 7 a Vaiida tAn^oDA bfchpxobAin 7 a njumiATiliA jvicaitoa ^AtiAoibteAcliA cop bo hin- freACCAin t>iA nAicCYicAfj AnCcApgnA munA aicIiCYica iac -jto-j^ ah CnÍAbpA bÁr An beibfnn -pciAt 7 cAchbAnn 7 eiccij no bAoi -ponAib t)ia neccAip aj -oicbeic 7 "oiAmbujyo AnAigbceA-o 7 An emeAC 7 Ia InbioniAc a tiA]im An cCnA "oia ccomyobAch. 5 A ^ A1CC AnAipj; cViac1ia7 a ccofipj lotnjonA Ar a hAichbe occ •puninu^AX) nA tAec]iAit)e 7 no, Lac n^Aibe mAnionAccAib Cn'ÓAVcA combACAn a ccnAighceAC nA cp bonccAib "ontnm Ant)nuim in •oCVhAij An oile. fochfpr- rAC a boince 7 An Aitnb^e An cCVia miffjon CconnA *Oo ]\onrAc eicf-oA cacIia -oia mAncfluAj hia rneichbui-omb runoiglice t>ia noib beiclnb. 1lo bAp\c eAbcAT>A ÁnA uccmAbbA'OÍA nArhrAib eccponiA 7 -oia nAor r>iob|\Aicci AbbAmtn j -oía mAncACAib *oia nujvrcbAibe 7 mi-of jAib. tlin bo hfnurA éiríi cuit>ecc cpéocAromh miAnofn 50fAn cmmce ccAippnec mibACAn Acqieom 7 Accoipj a cctnngf-ÓA cacIia 7 AHAijipg longAibe, 7 -oia cciprA ico]\ nín bó fCOAin^ rAi jeA-ó -poji^An nfcc ngpbe 7 p>p-An p-ocbA beoriiAin unbACAn boechpAt) Lun-oAn bA hAbbriiAn'ÓAcc 7 lonjnAicchm AnApm 7 ah eicaj 7 An mmbb 7 bA AniotAnt>Acc 7 bA AnATóbbe pvóepn, ÚAin ni caU,a -pn mfninAin 7 mrcA iccunrme bA puncinb rfno]\-oA nÁ La nCnAij ne Ipo-OA con cfgLAniirfc p]\ SAXAn rAn'iAib An crtuAij 1n pn no ch&i rni gAoi-óelAib ó ]\o mnpvigrCc céccur An mp pspio. Uo §Abp\c oc niAbbAf- fol 45 a cnA1 ^ 114 conAine pon lonnur pn a ccoiÍTÓÁib ha ngoCi-oeAb. UiAghAiccpTje mA ccneAbrh'Aib cno-OA 50 cmnCpiAch yo An fncborhAip 1Da p\m mneAbb 7 éccorg "ooibpbe An nibcAn eitnghce nA f° AnionncpAiiitAi-opoifi acc itia-o bfg, & nobcAn t)iAi|nn mAicb^egA'ó ha ngAlb acc iia niÁ no bAcon a probAncnAit) x>o ftfjAib rbmnbCcnAib 7 t>o b&^bmb beAcliAnjlArA beo conA ■oicebcpAib tJAingne •oAjtnnnponn mncib. fto bACA|A beo cbonome •oipje -oe- •poebpACA 7 cuAjA CAnA cAit>beAchA p j n cjiA^ccAinc c|iem]:fn ; m nAbAcoj\ pbeAp^cA nAi"o eccbonnA pD|i|Ao feb bAoi fon biAibib nA n^Abl. 1 Spears- — For a detailed account of the ancient times, see O'Curry's Manners, &c, implements of war used by the Irish in 1. ccccxxx, and ii. 229. \6j the dawn of day and proceeded to clothe themselves with strange armour *598. of iron, and high-crested, shining helmets, and foreign shields of well tempered, refined iron. They seized their broad-shouldered, firmly rivetted spears, their wide- edged axes, smooth and bright, and their straight sharp-edged swords, and their long-bladed, broad-edged claymores, and their loud-voiced shot- firing guns, so that it would be very hard to recognise their leaders if they were not known by their speech, owing to the size of the shields, helmets, and armour on them, concealing and covering their features and their faces, and to the quality of arms also concealing them. Their captains of battle and chiefs of combat proceeded then to place the soldiers and champions in fit array, so that the foot were in three bodies, back to back, behind each other. They placed their provisions and supplies also in the middle between them. They made battle-wings of their cavalry in dense bodies placed on both flanks. They put active bodies of their light soldiers and of their marksmen outside the cavalry to defend and protect them. In truth it was not easy to go through them together to the secure position where their champions and chiefs, their heroes in battle, and leaders in the fight were, and if one did at all go through, it was not easy to attack the nest of griffins and the lion's den in which the soldiers of London were, owing to the outlandish and strange weapons and armour, and the variety and vast number of themselves, for it did not enter the mind or occur to the memory of learned men nor to the old for a long time past that the English had assembled a host like that to fight against the Irish since first they took the island from them. They proceeded to march slowly along the road in that way to meet the Irish. These advanced with their war- weapons very quickly to oppose them. The weapons and dress of these were different, for the Irish did not wear armour like them, except a few, and they were unarmed in comparison with the English, but yet they had plenty of broad-shouldered darts and broad, green spears 1 with strong handles of good ash. They had straight keen swords and light shining axes for defeating the champions, but there were neither rings nor chains on them, as there were on the axes of the English. 1 68 1cifc tiA hAibme -oiobpAicciu •oo pAbA Leó jrogA-oA pecpnoi<5éi 7 pobbACA peibmnfpcniApA coha pAij-oib pptnbjepA 7 junriA'ÓA ^lépoibne -oo Ap fopp ha T^AbLAib. TC.0 jAb ó 11éiLL 7 ó DorhnAilL Ag ^pepAccbAoi'ol'ieAb tia iijaLjac a 5 7 iiiAOToCm nA mileAX) Gt aj aoncop^ tia ccpempfpGt ApCb AcbCpc- pAc ppiú. A -ofj riitnncfp, Ap piAT), TIA huAiirmidicfp pib 7 TIA gelbATO $pAin piAp ha ^AbbAib a|\ ALLrh ApbAcc AnmmVl 7 Ap lont^nAicciu a neicaj 7 ati A]\m 7 tó co|TAinnbeic,AC AccpompAib 7 a ccApup ft, ACCAipmfpc cacHa 7 AnA moiriAC LionriiAipecc peipm Ap Ap -oCpb "oenrnn comAb poppA bup TióCn ipin tó bA^liAf a Amu. -dp x>e aca Linn ón Ap AcÁiúpi pop pi op & acác An Luchc oiLe pop 501, 05A bAp ccumipiuch iccApcpAib 7 05A bAp ntnchfn'OA'ó -oo jAicc bAp nAcliApbA nt>iLip popoib. -AcÁ "OAn LAnpAoiLeAccAin Lmn con eicip^Lepi An bÁ pA A111Ú eicip pop 7 5A01 peb Acbfpc fflopAnn ttiac ITlAfin An pfn- A]iApc AiifóCiic, 11 1 ppich m puighbichfp bpCiclifmli bup pipiu CAchpÁe, An'iAit ac clop Ihto ó Ap pnlCVhAib 7 "oo pioncoipccpuc bum o cdn tfiÁitt. An Ap at*a bAoib bAp nAcliApbA peipm -oo copnArfi ppi ViAinppne ecbcAipceméoib ob'OAp ac1ta]TOa neich oiLe ■oo ciom jAipe ÍAp nA bAp ccopvnn A-p bup cap noibip pib m bAp pebb ó pé. 3500. bbiATjAn "OAOip •ootíiahi gup An ÍAicipi Amu. -AcbfppAC nA hÚApAib 7 11A tiAipij cop bo -pio]\ "oonA pbAicib Ap puijh- eAbbpAC. Ko jAb 5pCnTi -ooibpion'i ah "ouipjjpfpAcc •oo -pónpAc pop ha •oCigh- pfpAib, tiAip AcpAcbcACAp mCnmAnnA nA nnbeAb 6L AiccfncA ha iiAnpAb 50 po Lion bpuc fx bpi§ 7 AiLjfp imbeApcA A]\m CotiaiLL, eojhAin, ^\l]ljlAbÍA 7 Ulb e-ACt)AC uLa-Ó tÁ VlAlchffgAX) AT:ptAC J A ppi0f1C0"ÓnAcll 7 |10 cm^eAttfAc "ooib nA ciubpACAip cpoij -pop ccúÍAb 7 no poibem-OAip AHAibeAb pop Aon íac1iait\ niA piú -po bub piAon poppA. Pac oibe "onA ittia po ei]M5 AiccfncA nA nó^. Ac coat)acap t>oib co po aopchAn nAOin'i bCpdiÁn ^Aib X)é co cciobApcA cac An x>ú pm pop gliAÍÍAib T)iiibtinne 1a bOfb ó lléibb 7 tÁp An coicceAb A]1 cCYia ÚAip po cmgeAtt co 1 Morann. — He lived in the beginning of our era. He was celebrated for his love of justice. He had a ring which being put on anybody's neck would not suffer him to utter a word save the truth. See Ogygia, p. 190, and O'Curry's Manners, &c, ii. 21. 2 Property from others. — The allusion is to the practice of the Irish settling by force in other places when driven from their own territory either by the English or by other Irish clans. 3 3500. — Annals F. M., i. 25. 4 Hy Eachdach. — This tribe inhabited the baronies of Upper and Lower Iveagh, of which the Magennisses were chiefs for many centuries. The Book of Rights, p. 165, n. 169 The implements for shooting which they had were darts made of wood 1 598 . and elastic bows, with sharp-pointed arrows, and lock-guns, as was usual with the English. O'Neill and O'Donnell proceeded to harangue the champions, and exhort the soldiers, and instruct the heroes, and this was what they said to them : ' Brave men,' said they, ' be not dismayed or frightened by the English on account of their strange weapons, their unusual armour and arms, and the thundering sound of their trumpets and tabours and war-instruments, and of their own great numbers, for it is absolutely certain that they shall be defeated over this day's fight. Of this, in truth, we are convinced, for you are on the side of truth and the others on the side of falsehood, confining you in prisons and beheading you, in order to rob you of your patrimonies. Moreover, we are quite sure that this day will distinguish between truth and falsehood, as Morann, 1 son of Maen, said in the well known proverb : " There has not been found, nor will there be found, a more truthful judge than the battlefield." We have heard this from our poets, and they have long since taught it to us. Besides, it is easier for you to defend your fatherland against a foreign race of strangers than to wrest their property from others 2 after being driven from your own lands, which have been in your possession from the year 3500 3 of the age of the world to this day.' The nobles and chiefs said that what their princes asserted was true. The address which they made to the brave men produced an effect on them, for the minds of the heroes and the courage of the soldiers were roused, so that fury, and vigour, and a great desire to use their arms filled the Cinel Conaill, the Cinel Eoghain, the Hy Eachdach 4 of Ulster, owing to the harangue of their princes and true lords, and they promised them that they would not yield a foot, but would suffer death on the spot rather than be defeated. Another reason too for which the spirits of the soldiers were roused. It was told them that St. Berchan, 5 the prophet of God, had foretold that a battle would take place there against the English of Dublin by Hugh 6 Berchan. — ' Bishop and prophet of God, life in Alba and the other half in Erin. He of Cluainsosta in Hy Failghe. He was of was one of the four prophets of the Gaels.' the race of Heremon. Ferdaleiihe was ano- His feast is on 4th of December. Martyr- ther name for him ; i.e., he spent half his ology of Donegal, p. 327. i;o cciocpvcAt]* hia coipcin 7 cenét ConAitb pMnneAb. Ro cnoicrfc iia cunAiú nA hepenAb ah pina nAorn 50A. Ape no yoittpj boib cCcur pjrhcfnchAncA An iiAcnrh A|\oile pb AijróeAnc "oo f-Ainrhuincin ui "OorimAiLb -oo nAÍA in a ■jrAnnA-o pan An rtnAi^í/ó pni 1iai|\C5 cmte bó, pCn pCpv ó Cteinij a coriiAinm. Ro iomcoriiAi]icpbe cia 1iAinni bAoi pan An mAijmpn. Ro ViAirnéi'oeA-ó bo. Acbfncrorii gun no cAinnpn n<\oim "bfnchÁn pwnneAb yoy gliALLAib An *ou pn niA nAeb úa 110111 aitiaiL Acnubnomon, Gfc 50)1 bo meAvhAin bAir pu ne praA An CAincfcAb -oo nome ah pn nAorh, 7 |\o jAb occ gnepscc 7 occ LAoibeAb tiA LAecnAi-óe avíiaíI bA -oú t)iA ionncp\riiAib, comaebAinc mnro, A ccAch An AchAbin-oe Af ÍAir ctncpc iia -OAnAin, iAn ntaicugAb ALLrhuineAch bit) pi obit) pn ó chonAigh. O chAinnic -oonA mAicib a muincf]i "oo ceccop^c 7 "oo cndnjnepsbc, ]\o pntnjic iC]\ ccAin mA moiiACAib ioniAi]vgibe pa CnchorhAin nA nAlbiiAnAc (x ]\o bui unpapAic papnA ó 11A p^Aicib nA p&rh tí ApTAi p hi conroAit nA ngAbl con-our pcct)ir ippAib imbACAp cÍAib Gt cÍApxchA 7 iiArh pacUvoA cAbniAn po cLAibpCc ah gAOittebfluAj pop ciunr» nA n^Ati An conAip m pob C]toa1ca beó An ^AbAit. O po corhpoiccpigpCc nA 5 01 ^ "001b po pfintnc Apctnc 7 An ax)A|\ca 7 a ccAipmfpcA cacha gup bo 1iATjbAp a-óuacíia 7 upgpAine ■OA|iA , ÓAib AnppAnnA AnAppochcA 7 -oo Áor oipmCcA AiiAichrnb coipceAcc ppi fol. 46. a CAipneAncAib nA ccacIi néAchcpAnn. O vo pÚAclicAtAp An pluAg jaII 'OAppAn ccft)nA bCVhAnclAir LÁnborhAin po cl-AibeAb pop Accm-o, AcpAgAC gAoibib m a nA^Ai-ó & no com jAippfc bóib 50 -oigAip "OApActaocri. Rob eiccfn -oia ccopAc AmiiAin ne hiomt;uin Gc, oipipiom ne Inm-oiobpAgAb. Ro pfpAic ppoipcCcA fojA-ó monncAob nui|iCrc|Aoni -001b 7 pM^hfc pnnbjeji & ubAitb- riieAL tuATÓe. gAbAicc nA 5 01 ^ occ "onibiiACCA-ópani pan ccumniA ccfcnA a coeb junnA'ÓAib cCncA cobpxibe 7 Amu|XAeicib mónAÍLA-ó 50 cctop* a prÚAmAnnA 7 a p^ojhAiiconmÁn 1 p^-óAib 7 1 pvpíoiVlcib 1 coccuAp\ib ca]1|aac (x bi cunTOAighcib cioch nA ccpoch ccomyojnp Ro ^onAic, \\o cnechcnAi 51c ■oiinrhe "oon cp^ttAj ceccApoA tÁr nA comi"oiub]iAiccib acc nA mÁ bA pA ah'i no paichcir ■oiub|iAicciu nA n^AÍl. Ida heb Ai]imimbfnn "oo nonpic nA goi-oib •oepbe. Ro beipieir)ic nnnA in a ccuAinc, 7 no iAt>p\c mA 1 In the battle. — O'Curry says this is not casion. MS. Mat., p. 417. We have already found in any of the Saint's prophecies. He alluded to -the proneness of the Irish to believes it was specially made for the oc- believe in prophecies. See Introd., p. xxx. i7i O'Neill and the province also, for he promised that they would come to 1598- his aid, and especially the Cinel Conaill. The heroes believed that the holy prophet would not tell a lie. He who first made known the prophecy of the Saint was a certain famous poet of O'Donnell's own people, who happened to be with him on this expedition, to gratify him. His name was Ferfesa O'Clery. He asked what was the name of that place. It was told him. He said that St. Berchan had foretold a defeat of the English there by Hugh O'Neill, as we have said, and that he had in mind for a long time past the prophecy which the holy man had made, and he proceeded to excite and exhort the soldiers, as was meet for one like him. He said, therefore, ' In the battle 1 of the Yellow Ford it is by him the foreigners shall fall. After the destruction of the foreigners the men from Tory, will be glad.' When the chiefs had ended instructing and exhorting the people they placed them then in suitable positions opposite the foreigners, and a peremptory order was given them by the princes that they should not go forward to meet the English until they came to the rampart where the ditches and trenches and a deep pit of earth were, which the Irish army had made against the English in the road they were sure to take. As the English drew near them they sounded their trumpets and horns and their ■ martial instruments, so that to hear the martial instruments of the strange forces was a cause of terror and dismay to the weak and feeble camp- followers and to the timid and cowardly. When the English army had crossed the first broad, deep trench which had been made in front of them, the Irish advanced against them, and shouted at them boldly and fiercely. The van was obliged to halt, owing to their numerous wounds, and stop on account of the many shots. They poured showers of very slender, light darts on them, and of sharp-pointed arrows, and of heavy leaden balls. The English proceeded to shoot in the same manner from their slender, straight-aiming guns and from their loud-sounding muskets, so that the report and noise of their discharge was heard in the woods and forests and hollows of the rocks, and in the fortresses of the neighbouring territory. Many were wounded and hurt in both armies by the many shots, but yet the shots of the English reached farther. This was the manner of fighting which the Irish adopted in consequence. They spread themselves about the Y 172 iiionicAciíu\n^ 7 yo •oLucai by fc An •oeAbAib yyiy riA "OAnAyoib co yo LÁyAc iia heicfbA cacIia yo buí yoyyA "oiAneccAiy 7 An coCy •oiobyAicchi 7 An occbAb imeccyAch rnnnb Ay mCbón co yo yoiyyjpc tia 501VI -oeiyibe 7 *oo T)iobyAicthib riA n^AoibeAb La bluy 7 •ooycoilce An t)Ain5Cn cyAifiAijci ICAjTOyAC ACrOirig Z\\OVAJ A HA1|Mj lOTTlAlflg ÍAT). "Ron ^Ab yfy$ 7tonniiy Atl LAecttAib yon jac teic ÍAn ccomoiyc ÍAn ccioyybAb 7 ÍAy ccyechcnujAb AccAnAC 7 AccoigteACC 7 a nAorA ioniriAine -pop AmoncAib. t)ACAy acató yot)A 7 ne nncifn yon An AbAiycym oc iomyubAb 7 occ AinteAc AnoiLe 511 y no cAim jfb ciuj 7 cumia An cytoij jALL 7 ^un no hoiybfynfb AnAiyi£ 7 AnÚAfAib. O no beonAib An ^iAbA yoyoybA 7 An counbe cuitiaccac coy^Ay 7 CAcbuAib An VAoiym t)onA 5 A01 beALAib, no cC-oai^ no l,Aec yAinyeAbAC •oonA g^blAib ify ccAicCrh imbui t»o put>Ay l-Aiy "oot juy An mbAiyiUle bd courmCyA bó -oonA bAiyiUlib put>Aiy bACAy yoy imocliAy aca ineiciymfbon fol. 46. l>. Ari r^ 0, 5 100 yoybonAb a buLjpocoi-oe -ooyibiyi, ft An cAn no 1115 a Iauti guy An pú-OAn, yo tin*; inmnyicbe nAy bA moy Ay An rriAiyoe bAoi yoy AbAnnAb ÍAiy iym mbAiyiHe 7 Aiypbe m jac bAiyitLe co Ayoite guy yo cogbAic m lonAib 7 m eU.Aib Aeieoiy CcAybuAy m yo bA comyoccuy t>on ionAb 1 cAy |iAyAiy emy ojjbAb 7 eochyAb, Aym 7 eix>ib ft jac ni Ay cCYia yob AblAic leó T)o beic Ay An UcliAiy fin aca. tto cuinycAijCb -oah An 501mA moy bÁi leo yoy lomochoy Ay An mAijCn imbói 50 Ay oite ionAb Ia cyeAchAn 7 Ia cCttoaIcacc An noympÚT>Aiy a^ cyenbAyAb comutLA nm'ie. bAoi beoy An ceAlAch 111A camceAll mA hAommeALt -ooychA -ouibcliÍAC 50 cfnn AdiAb ify ccAin, conAy bo lifyuyA -oo neAch ÚAibib Aithne -oo cAbAiyc yoy yioy -oiA rhumay bub t>ein cAy Aon "oia eccyAicob. Acc chCYiA yo hoycA jeneyAit ah rytuAij 5ALI ft Acctnnpb cacVia .1. í)enyi bejmg, 7 itioniAC •oía nÚAiytib ft, "oia nAiyeAchAib niiAyofn yiy. Mo meAbAib cyA yoyynA SAtUib tAyobAin aiiiaiI Ay 5nAicbéy -oon cytoj yyiA nfcAyycAycAy AHAiyeAC caca 7 Accenn coycAbA 7 coriiAiyle. jAbAic 114 gAoibit a^a leob ft occa leAt)i\Ab, occa niAybAb ft occa mnbujAb HAiToeiyib ha ccyiAyAib nA yyicnb nA ccyioccAib ha cctnyib nA ccét)Aib 50 yAn^ACAy lyceAch CAy nA muyAib 2 Slain. — Sir Richard Bingham, formerly President of Connaught, was recalled and appointed to succeed Sir Henry Bagnal as Marshal of the Army. But he died soon alter landing in Dublin. 1 Bagnal.— A short distance to the north of the marsh where the fight took place, is a whitethorn bush still called 'the great man's thorn,' which is said to have been planted over Bagnal's grave. 173 English all round, and they closed on them and engaged the English at 1598- close quarters, so that they drove the wings which were on the outside, and the sharpshooters and soldiers beyond them, into their midst, and the English were weakened by that and by the shots of the Irish, by their number, and by the closeness of the compact order in which their leaders of battle and captains of the fight had placed them. Anger and wrath seized on the soldiers on both sides in consequence of the killing, the slaughtering, and the wounding of their friends, their companions, and those dear to them before their faces. They were skirmishing and fighting with each other in this way for a good while and a long time, until the closeness and compactness of the English army were weakened and their leaders and nobles were gapped. As the providence of God and the mighty Lord ordained victory and triumph for the Irish that day, he allowed a certain English soldier who had spent all the powder he had to go to the nearest of the barrels of powder carried by them, in the very middle of the army, to refill his pouch once more, and when he stretched out his hand to the powder a spark that was not large fell from the match which he had lighting into the barrel, and from that to each of the barrels in succession, so that whatever was near the place where they were standing, men and horses, arms and armour, and everything which they needed to have by them, was blown up into the regions and clouds of the air. The great gun which they carried with them was moved from where it was to another place by the force and conflagration of the dry powder, when it blazed up fiercely to the wall of the heavens. The hill too all round was one mass of dark, blinding fog for a while after, so that it was not easy for any one to distinguish exactly who were his own people from one of his enemies. However, the General of the English- army and their champion of battle, Henry Bagnal, 1 and with him very many of the nobles and leaders were slain. 2 The English were defeated, as is usual with an army whose leader in battle and defenders and advisers have been scattered. The Irish proceeded to mangle and hack, to kill and destroy by twos and threes, by scores and thirties and fifties and hundreds until they came within the walls in the 174 ineoT>onchAi1i> in AfTOmAchA. 1mpAipfc An jbArlAic (x a njiobbAnnAib €b ]\0 gAbp\C AJ j.'0-ÓbA-Ó A11 pAlllAC Aupoch A1]l]'fc ipt1 CCAC, Gt OCC •OlcClTOA'O nA "onumge nobcAn beogAoice Ann. 1)aca]\ •oínirhe Ané-oÁÍA -oennAbAib AnAicliCncA exAifitA. o checeonAib Ai|voib ah bAite, conAjt beiccrfc neAC muntl no Abtec pu fie ceoiiA noix)6lie con a ÍAib. 1n eAcmAing nA neepin no bApAC nA 5 A1 ^b a cceccA "oo pAijj'b ha n^Aoibeb D1A cumgeAt) cuca AcomAinbeccAb -óoib "oenAch An puipc nen'iepe]\cniA|i AmbACA]\ a mtnncCn ípopbAip pjvi né pot)A 7 conAi]d_eiccci "01A buchc lomconvié'OA cocc rbÁn t>ia pAigí'ópurii co hAjvoiriAcliA ía]\ for. 47. a. bpÁjbAÍb An bAibe íaIiúa Vléibb 7 a óf-oujAb boib mbbimb roAb inAppucCmj a hAjTOinAcliA. *Oo coca|\ ha niAidie "oo cj\ub AccoriiAij\te itn on ccAin^Cn pn. ^cbfrcfAc poi^Cnx) •oib co]\ bo InomAijvgibe a begAb -oonA goJlbAibli micecc a\\ "oai j pú^bAÍA An ptnnc, &\\ h& cpeirh-mpibe x>o pobA Ccop\A 7 no chuinpCc An cac no goncA (x no mA]\bcA ibioniAc -oia muiticijt, 7 bA conccAp món leó a cnApccAipr Gb aco|a *oa]\ cfnx). "Oo bACA]\ aj\ oibe "01b o^a cAi]\mCrccpbe 7 occa \\ax> nan bo cói]\ ha gAibb t>o cetjAb Af ha hiomcuriigAib Amb<\ccA|\ 7 ha ptnjbiche m éiptip "oo jii"óip, t>iA nennÁicir ÚATóib An cAnrm. A\\ a aoi pn Ar pAip "oeipb \,An nA buAibe x>o be^Ab bA 1u\on it A|A cftiA -01A ccigib AriAicte Ati choy^Aiy pn, 7 bA ytÁn tÁy riA mAichlfa a mCnniA gebcAy ite infybATjA 7 ní yo Ía lyniorh nAC itroeicicin n yo hoycA ÚAibib, ÚAiy nocriA cumAin cac yioyA AiiiAit pi ipn "ofybAyuycc. fo!.47 b. "OáIa ui T)orhnAitt, bAipbe conA ytog iyyoy co teicc occ teiccéA-o Ayciyi í Any An ccac pn An ácVia buiT)he. t)Aoi "OAn •oúnA'ó -OAingfn •oico^ÍAi'óe hi ccoicceA-ó n-AiteAtlA ipn ccoyAnn do funna tíiac CacaiÍ nnc *Oonnc1iAit> iA"opt)e, 7 bA ■oóib no bA yui"ótiAy An A01 n-outhcuyA An "oúnA-ó. 1lo bA pnorii A"óbAt 1a ^oibfynoiy An 60151-0 Sey Coneur Clioyoyc ah bAite vo jAbAit yoy a rhtnnciy 7 yo jAb occ AflAch ctoinne *OonncViATÓ rnion -ounAt) "óo CAbAiyc "óó -oo ]\ix)ip, 7 *oo yAiyynjiy coiíia"o1ia mó|\A "oia euro ía CAob yiycntyi AyoybA -oóib but) t>ein, (x DiA pot mA n'oeA'oliAigli. O no ViAipieibeAt) -qua DorhnAitt mt>pn no fAiicctoniAX) Aptoj l,Air miiy Sepcembey, €fc m no Aiyiy 50 nAinAic 50 bAite An IHÓCA15, 7 no jAb occ impji-óe m bAite occbAij 05 bubconn- chAi"ó yeAchc Ann munA cAbyA-oAiy An bAile -óó bu-ó-óem yeAch cÁch. -dn yechc noile no biot> 05A nAit7 05A neADAyguitie mió chÁbAiyc r\vó -OAy cfYm tóije yeb no byCcAijyi'oiy yem yAiy, coiiat> yAiy -oeyib tAy ah ccacIiaI 7 lAy An ccomAtcAc ACtibyAmAy An bAite -oo cliAbAiyc "oúa "OoiTinAitt 7 "oía cenél"oo yioy Ay ceicyi cét) yonncA 7 Ay cyi cét) bó. O yo nATomyioc a ccuyA ceccAiy nAe aitiIató ym -oo -óeAchAi-ó ó "OomnAill yo cecoiy coiia yloghAib lAiy 111 lochcAy 1Tl1iAineAc1i. tlo cyeAciiA-o 7 yo com'nn'oyeA'c- nnboi yo riiAinuy Sey UeAboicc T)iotn'iAin lAiy co ccAyccyAC a ytoj teó AyyoiAycnAit) "oo jac Í0I.48.Ú!. fynDAit C-oaía Ay cfnA 50 bAite An 1Í10CA15 & -OAnAc nA ceicliye cet> ponncA yerheyeycmoy 7 nA cyi ché-o bó -oo ctoinn ii"OonnchAi-o yeb yonAiyccyfc yAiy. 1 Dillon. — He commanded a troop of Ireland, being created Viscount Dillon of horse in the beginning of Elizabeth's reign. Costello Gallen. He died in 1624 at a very In 1622 he was advanced to the peerage of advanced age. Archdall's Peerage, iv. 177. 177 Meantime O'Neill, O'Donnell, and the Irish also returned to their homes Isg8> after that victory, and the minds of the nobles were satisfied though their losses were many, and they did not show great sorrow or distress for those who were slain, for a battle for right is not remembered with regret, as the proverb says. As for O'Donnell, he was at rest with his army, getting rid of his fatigue after that battle of the Yellow Ford. There was a strong, very secure fortress in the province of Oilioll, at Corran precisely, named Ballymote. The English were in garrison in that castle continuously for the space of thirteen years, to see if they could get an opportunity of seizing on the neighbouring territory by means of it, and it could not be taken from them during that time. Some of the nobles who claimed the town and lands near it found the place unguarded and took it by force from the English. Those by whom it was taken were of the Clann Donough of Corran, Cathal Dubh and Tolmal- tach Oge, the two sons of Cathal MacDonough ; to them the castle belonged by inheritance. It was a great affliction to the Governor of the province, Sir Conyers Clifford, that the place should be taken from his people, and he set to beseech the Clann Donough to restore the castle to him, and he promised large rewards for it, together with the possession of the land for themselves and their posterity. When this was told to O'Donnell he assembled his forces in the month of September, and he did not halt until he came to Ballymote, and he set to besiege the place, at one time blustering and threatening the Clann Donough if they did not deliver up the place to himself rather than to anyone else. At another time he begged and prayed them to give it up to him for the price they would themselves put on it. Wherefore it was decided by Cathal and Tomaltach, of whom we have spoken, to surrender the place to O'Donnell and his family for ever for four hundred pounds and three hundred cows. When they had concluded the agreement with each other in this way, O'Donnell went immediately with his forces to lower Hy Many. What was under the power of Sir Theobald Dillon 1 was plundered and preyed by them, so that his army took away with them a plenty of every kind of treasure together to Ballymote, and he gave the four hundred pounds of which we have spoken and the three hundred cows to the sons of Donough, i 7 8 *Oo bfnc ó T)oc1ta]\cai5 Scaaii 05 riAoi ypdnc ponncA -oon AnjAcpn thia "OoriniAiVl 1n cconpiAin. *Oo nAcxAT) An l)Aile ÍAjiom t>úa *OliorhnAiVl 7 Aiftip-p -Ann if|icAin. In eAofiAinj tia neerw vo cofc TIIac UiLViAm UeAboicc ttiac tlAcfn 610CA15 •00 -| -, Aijit) ui *OhoniTiAiLt T)o chmnjeAt) conjAiicA poqiAToe fAiji •oiAnCncA'ó m ajaix) a ecc]\Ac. tlo pAoiTjporii "onédicA 'ofnriiÁnA "oía riiumciCn 1ai]' •oía ATÍir&ib & •oía oCr cuAjiArcAib mi úa n"OodiApcAi5 SeAAti 05 7 1TTI 111 ac Stnbne mbojAmn, "OondiAf) hiac 1TlAo1ir.ui]ie HlCj^ij. "Oo -oeAchAi-ó ÍAnon'i 111ac tlittiAin |\ÍA]'An floj -pin 50 cóicCiiacIi JAtl AipujAT) ^ah ronctoir- CeCC (aCC ITIAX) bf^) C]ie ^AC CÍj\ qtlArA CCl1T)c1lACA|\ co ]mac1icaca]i ha llUlílAltt, An Ar Ainnp-óe btn c\\or> 7 cfdiyiA, mmLe 7 Ai|\neir nAinn nnc UiLIiaiii mbe •ounn'ión. 1lo teicceAX) er^jAeToeAT) 7 pgAoibeA-ó "oa rrCxmAdiAib -oighAijie •oiocoircce An put) An cine hia cnmceLb 50 no rjCgLAirnrfc aIh'ia 7 Ainneir bÚAj» 7 beodipot) iia cnicbe diucAt>o neoch nAC bin ron inrf"obib vnrccTÓe no yo\\ olémb in AnA combACA]i ALon"ÓAOCAin leó "OA jac cenéb cpuná An cÍVia. 5 e 1 A bó ro-ÓAing AccognAim A|i qiuune Acc]ieAcjAbAb nAnjACAn jati jum jaii ^AbA-ó conA nAi]\cccib 7 coiia ne-oÁLAib co cín n-AriiAlgA'ÓA 7 111ac Smbne co cín bo^Aine 7 úa *OodiA]icAij co lump GojAin. Ro bfc c]ia An con'i^oib coccato no cnidi ne-jtmn íf|\cAin 7 ]io joijieA-o 1a|\1a "OCrtnutfiÁn An lonbAit) rm 1a nfnc 5 A o i- o eA b "oo Semur niAC UómAir TvÚai-ó "OAn cC^cnjAt) JaLI 7 AcnAdic ifin ccoja-o AiiiAib cliAch. *Oo ^fjlAÍ- CAcliAib a nbon'OA'ó'pAi'óe ÍA]i mbunA'DAr ífp ngAbAib Ainmnijhte -oo gfy^bc rAinnf"ó ó no cceccmrmici a cenéb. A cniocb.Aib Saxah vo "óeodiACAn 5«]' An mp "OÍa ^AbAib atíiai!# a ccebiu, 7 no AicneAbpAC In ccniodiAib rfn rno]\c rjn SionAHTo int)ír. 1lo nAnómrtc acca]\ac]ia-0 y]n niAcoib 111ileAt> íf]\ qnobb 7 vo^nÍAcc T)1A nAi]\bf]\c bioc 7 bercACAii) 7 bAcop bÁn t)eineAi 5 7 •oAOToeAdiAiiie rón loncnATh^ibriptn. X)uy riccriy boedi|iA-ó lont)An A|i úai]\ 1 Thomas Roe- — He was the eldest son of James, sixteenth Earl of Desmond, but he was set aside by his father's will, and Gerald, his second son by another marriage, succeeded to the title and estates. He was slain in 1583. At his death the title was claimed by James, Thomas' eldest son. He is known in history as the ' Sugan Earl.' He was betrayed by his relative, the White Knight, in 1601, to Carew, President of Munster, and imprisoned in the Tower of London, where he died in 1608. We have giyen his history at length in the Irish Monthly of 1877. 2 Gerald. — The first of the family who came to Ireland w^s Maurice, the son 01 Gerald (hence FitzGerald and Geraldine). He is the common ancestor of the Earls of Kildare and of Desmond. His eldest son became Baron of Offaly. From his third 179 as they had arranged with him. Shane Oge O'Doherty gave nine score 1598. pounds of that money to O'Donnell to aid him. The place was given over to O'Donnell then, and he remained there. At that time Mac William, Theobald, son of Walter Ciotach, came to O'Donnell to ask him for aid in men to strengthen him against his enemies. He sent with him strong bodies of his people, of his soldiers and mercenaries, with Shane Oge O'Doherty and MacSwiny Banagh, Donough, son of Maolmuire Mergach. Mac William went with that army silently and without being noticed or heard, except by a few, through every territory through which they passed, until they came to the Owles, for it was there the greater part of the herds and flocks and property of the whole of Mac William's territory had gone. He sent his marauders, fierce and wrathful, to spread and scatter through the country all round, and they gathered the herds and droves of oxen and cattle which were not in the islands of the lakes and in those of the sea, so that they had full and plenty of every kind of cattle then. Though it was easy to follow them owing to the quantity of plunder, they came without wound or danger with their plunder and treasures to Tirawley, and MacSwiny to Tir Boghaine, and O'Doherty tó Inishowen. In the meantime the miseries of war spread throughout the extent of Ireland, and James, son of Thomas Roe, 1 was made Earl of Desmond by the authority of the Irish, without the permission of the English, and he rose in war like the rest. His family was of the Geraldines by descent, having taken the name by which they were called from a certain Gerald 2 from whom this family is descended. They came from the English territory to the island to seize it like the rest, and they dwelt in the terrritory of Fermorc, 3 south of the Shannon. They contracted friendship with the descendants of Milesius after a time, and conformed to their manner of life and habits, and were full of generosity and hospitality like them. The soldiers of London came then to the island by order of their son Thomas, the Earls of Desmond are acquired large estates in Cork, Limerick, descended. The Earls of Kildare, p. 10. and Kerry. In 1329 Maurice FitzThomas 3 Fermorc. — This family, soon after the was created Earl of Desmond. See Lynch's arrival of the Anglo-Normans in Ireland Feudal Dignities, p. 231. Z i8o 48.Í. gur ah inp tA ponconjjtA a R105 "oo j-otlAriinAcc ha ccuaé -oía cconjbAit pn •objet) co ccAncpxc ha jfnAtcAij Acnubnomo|\ yo x)Oine 7 CA]\cup\t AtiiAit gAoiweAtA. -AtnAi jfCc ha 5^1 1A ^ CA1 5 1 ccoja-ó 111A riA^Ai-o -po -óeófó. Ro coipieAt) La ^AttAib lAcporh A'pAti ccpch 7 no ■oio1í)a-óaic mte t>o nAic acc mAt) bfg. Oen "oibptje An Semur mAC UoniAif Rúait) yo nAix>rfm, 7 •oo pnmCnpCcc nA cipeAf>pom pun An An ■omflrii 7 An An cAncurAlmiboi aca, 6 "oo nonrAcc bnij mbicc "oe, ÚAin no bui iiiac nA ponptACA mjpAttnur hi CAC|iAic Lont>on .1. Semur niAC An gfy 01 ^ "oo nmrcAin An coccatj ceccur nnc Senunr mic SeAAin. Ay Aoipn -oo 5111 An CAom "Oía nAit -oon "ofncAin 7 bneoceAtcViA "oon Aoibit 7 a|\ AiVe "oia rAThtAighceAt). Ro cotriupvo beoy cenétA ía)\ nA n-oibtieAt) pschc pAirih. 1mc1iA pymtAiT) nip bo coin "oo 5*ttAib "Ombtmne lonjnAt) ve cía "oo ^nece 1 avI-a t)o Shemur iuac UoniAir Ruaix) 7 cía 110 cireA-ó pjuúfOTft 'OAiche a eccnAiar p>n|iA. Uiajaicc ■onon^A mónA chu^A yoy AriirAme 7 -oo congtiAm ÍAir a coi^eAt) 1l1eAt)bA 7 a coicceAt) ConcobAin rrnc TlerrA. .AcnAchcACAn éiifi ^AOi-óit coiccit) ^AilÍAn ipn ccoccAt» ón mií-ó ccCcnA, C-óón pot CAcliAoin moin nnc "Petnn ppinjtAip DACA-p "oínníie AccorhnArhA 7 Accor^Ain "oibtnnb t>o •óeAbcAib 7 ■oioniA]ijAtAib yoy jjAttAib t>oi|vc;nib 7 T)A"ÓAncAib 7 -oo jAbAtAib cnum 7 mmte p3|\rnA ciiACAib bAcop yo Atiumuf 7 pa ApnAcc j\o but) eirintc "OAipieir no t>o cnumm. lomchupv uí "OoifinAitt no rcAich tAir gteot) jaca CAmjne no nemAipie*ópuni bA ViAnn bAoi Ainiporn 7 a cotimuije in bAite An ITlhocAi j. t)A p3T)A tAir no bACAp SpAtnmj; ^An ceAcnc 1n coinicm yCy yfme yeb no cmjeAttp^c, conAt) Ai]ie pn yo yom a ceccA "oon SpÁm "oeccAÓme imm-ó 7 AnproptAinn nA n^Aoi'óet p i uy An H15 pibb. Tli mi Sepcembep nnC'óón pochmAip "oo f-unnA*ó yo pDTOiu nA ceccA. Ro chAcliAmAip An ci pitip ye pú -oo ponncAirCc. 11 1 ^Aibe ipn chjAumne ^cét bA mó aiíi ÚAin yo tfcli a AX>bctof p^n tnte "óorhAn. 1T1a yo bui a Aidigdn -oía eir ipn mbioc a^ 1 Son of the true prince. — He was sent over to Ireland at the suggestion of Carew, president of Munster. The account of the way in which he was treated in Kil- mallock when the people found he had gone to the Protestant Church is given in Pac. Hib., p. 162. He was taken back to the Tower of London, and died there about the end of 1601. See Life of F. McCarthy Mor, p. 486. 2 F. Firurglas. — He. was King of Leinster. See Todd's Life of St. Patrick, p. 253. 3 Irish. — Fenius Farsa, from whom the name Fir Feme, given sometimes to the Irish, is taken, was the grandfather of Gaid- elus(aquoGaidhel),andancestorofMilesius. i8i King to subdue the country and put it under law, and they brought the 1598. Geraldine^s, of whom we have spoken, into subjection and contempt, like the Irish. The Geraldines rose in arms against them at last. They were driven from their territory by the English, and soon all but a few were slain. One of these was James, son of Thomas Roe, of whom we have spoken, and they thought he would not oppose them, owing to the dis- respect and contempt they had for him, and they set little store by him, because the son of the true prince,* James, son of Gerald, who first began the war, son of James, son of John, was in prison in the Tower of London. However, the one God made an oak of the acorn and a consuming fire of the spark and other things in the same way. He raised up too families after their ruin before this. Since it was so, it was not right for the English of Dublin to wonder that James, son of Thomas Roe, should be made Earl, and that he should be able to vent his enmity on them. Great numbers came to him to serve under and assist him from the province of Meadhbh and the province of Conor Mac Nessa. The Irish of the province of Leinster too rose in arms in the same way, i.e., the race of Cathaoir Mor, son of Fedhlim Firurglas. 2 The contentions and victories of both were many in disputes and struggles against the English, in plunder- ings, taking droves and preys of cattle and flocks, in the countries which were under their power and obedience, which it would be tedious to relate or describe. As for O'Donnell, when he had concluded all the business mentioned / above, his dwelling and abode was at Ballymote. He thought it long that the Spaniards did not come to aid the Irish as they had promised. Where- fore he sent his messengers to Spain to complain of the sufferings and hardships of the Irish 3 to King Philip. In the month of September, in the middle of harvest, the messengers were sent. Philip died * before they set out. There was not in the world more important news, for his fame was spread over the whole earth. If one like him followed him in Ogygia, p. 349, and Keating's H. of Ireland, character in many respects different from p. 99. that of his father, though not less anxious 4 Died. — Philip II. died 15th September, than he to aid the Irish both at home and 1 598, after a reign of 43 years, at the age abroad in their efforts for their faith and of 72. His successor, Philip III., was of a country. 182 ua-óá yeipn no jCYiAip 13aoi cnA ó "Oomnib *oa 5ACI1 teic imon nip mA nmceAbb cpA cCncmf-óón clouine TCiocAincc pAn 50 niAchc "ononj; -010b itro iomroc|\Aib "ooinccc TterriAinn, 7 Anoite 50 "oún gtiAipe hi cóibb b"PiAÓ|iAc. *Oo rriAnbAt) Gt "oo mu'ÓAi'óC'ó ile -oo -ooicCnelcAib 7 -oo roi- cCnetcAib beorAnie. 1ciCc nobc&n Ainfjtxx t>onA roiceneloib 130 nochnACAji Ann Uoipvoe-AbbAc bume & T}pAn x>& rhAC Ko-pA nuc "UAicne mic ITlAoiLeAchtoinn ui 'Lochtomn. Ilo mA}\bA-o "OAn bAr An ccoinivoeAbbAc pn occa imcopiArh bu'ó'óein &\\ oibe "oo cbomt) n*OoinnAibL jaIIoccIac bAOi ijrpvpjwó Tt1ic thbliAm ■jron An rboijet) pn, &ex> t3uit>e 05 itiac Ae'ÓA buróe nnc ttlAÓtmui]ie a comAinmp'óe. *Oo niAnbAX) beór ía ■ontung oibe -oo ifitnnan uí 'Ohomnoilb •oÁ rfiAC UibLiAm nnc SeAAin o "Rmnnnb 7 thac UeAboicc mic "OAbóg o -ohoi^e uí "ObomnAiti 7 niAC a riiic. 1lo bAX> ile poctiA bpom 7 bAp^Aine hi ciomn TtiocAin'o po bit AcconcnACAfi ÚAToib cen mo c1iac aa rriAice pn. CnjAbcAp 111ac VloibCpo ó tnrCnc ceAblAi^ (.1. UiLbicc itiac Uibtic nuAix> rmc UibLicc 015) bA tTlAjnur 05 niAC Ae'oliA mic ÍTlAjnupj. "of]\b|\Ac1iAin uí 'OoriinAilb tlo 1ei]nnonoi'LeA"ó c]\o-ó 7 cpeACAijijcbe iia cjuche mA ccAnicib cnomA coiiAcfiiilA, 7 épÁbA Amble die cénmocÁc bÁ mvnncin uí 'Oboinmobb gur An mAigm a ccAjAAprAin é bu-ó-óem, & jebcAn ionit)A AifiAir 7 ogbA-ó 1a|\I,a ctoinne TliocAin'o ipn cpch, 7 gepbo •ouib^ 'oon cín An AmbpeACA opulAng An "óAij An un'óí'oin ipo]\ An eccpAioib png ó X)orhnAitb conA fboj nA cpeACA 1 Kilcolgan. — A village nine miles south- west of Athenry. 2 Oireacht Redmond. — A district in the barony of Kiltartan, Co. Galway, which takes its name from a family of the Burkes of Clanricarde. 3 Dungory.— A townland near Kinvarra, in which is a ruined castle said to have been built on the site of the palace of Guaire, king of Connaught in the 7th century. See p. 133, antea. 4 Hy Fiachrach. — i.e., the inhabitants of the district now comprised in the diocese of Kilmacduagh. They went by the name of Hy Fiachrach Aidhne, to distinguish them from another tribe inhabiting the present barony of Tireragh, Co. Sligo. See Tribes, iA 1x151b ÍAJ1 CCA111. -An cAn c|ia "00 nAc t)Ainítioj;o ponn^ALLAib GneAnn mA hA^Aró 7 m no honcAf) dí a hÚAi-ptib 7 t)ÍA hA-|vomAir;ib -oiA hógbAit) 7 t)iA 1iAtÍTroib 1 ccArli fol.49.iii. An -AdiAbui-oe 7 m jac mAijin aja cCYia m no mu-ÓAijic a nitnncfn rechnón e)ienn no La hi piiorh 7 In coij\p r-oCnriiAin ipbe, conAtit p\i}\ ^oe^y^■ó le Gc i<\ coriiAinte SAXAn 1a|i1a or Gp-ex -oo con co henmn ipn mbelcme Ari ccmt) ^ur An Vion ce-ó 7 cac bm-ófn bA rno aiti mmpc LiubAiji no cocc m Gninn a SAXAib |\íaiti 50 pn. íliyio]\cur "PebntiAjn no ciuoULvó mt» pn, 1 599. -dr Aine érh no cmT>eA0 Leó An c1a]\La or errex Acnub|\Amon "orAoi-oeA-ó 50 bGjnnn ca]a Aon oite t>ur AnbAt> rCn]i AcJionAc caca oiVoAr conAch nA roinne x>uy rAn^ACAn mce ó mbAinpojAin yechc pÍArii, ÚAin bA heyix>e cfnn loniApbAjA tiA SAXAn 7 a nmn aja 7 loniAincc, 7 bA cuAingneA-o cacIia t>ia pponnfA m gAch mAijm 1 yyoycongpvo yAiy t)uL iym e-op\ip. 1599, A11 8. bÍAbAm. X)a1a ^oóa tltiAró uí "OomnAiLL bA ro"OA ÍAipom no bACAn ArtuAg occ tecceAX) Arcíri rni né Aom liiíorA nA mÁ, A]\ a aoi m yiccin rAinneA'ó CArohe An cionA-o inA^Aro, ÚAin m f?A]i^Aibporii Aipo no AincCYra nAic ioncA mmtte I11 ccoicceA-o nAillioUlA nA no mnnuycAiy. no nA cajvo geitl 7 Amp ÚArmb cenmocÁ An nibtoib cine ypy An t,uimneAC acúait)1i no caUIca r>on coicceA-ó ó cdn, Cxihón gAiybyfnAnn Lui^-oeAc memn rtnc Afnju]^ cíjnj -oia n^A]io]i cÚAtimuTnA Ann cAiif a. gni) ipbe 'onA b& f A151X) ujjiA 7 -oeAbéA y Aijit) f o|i nA rAonclAnnAib nur AicpeAb .1. "OAb CAir nnc ConAitb &acViíuaic mic tin^'oeAC memn rbomceAn ó bniAn bonuriiA niAC CemnCcig Amú. llobcAn 1 May. — Beltine, so called from the fires whom Eoghan, ancestor of the M'Carthys, lighted by the pagan Irish on the first of was the eldest ; Cormac Cas, ancestor of that month in honour of their god Beal. the O'Briens, the second. Oilioll made a 2 Powers. — See p. xcix., antea. law that the senior of their descendants 3 D. of Cas. — Oilioll Olum, king of Muns- should be king. If he was of the race of ter in the 2nd century, had seven sons, of Eoghan, then the tanist should be of the Í8S and his army cook the prey with them without strife or skirmish till they 1598 came by slow marches to Ballymote. Never before was there collected a spoil of enemy's cattle equal to or like it in that place since it was first built. O'Donnell's army then returned to their homes. As soon as the Queen of England observed the general rising in arms which the Irish and also some of the old English of Ireland engaged in against her, and the number of her nobles and chiefs, youths and soldiers, who were slain at Atha Buidhe and in every other battlefield where her people were massacred throughout Ireland, she showed grief and violent sorrow, wherefore she and the English Council resolved to send the Earl of Essex to Ireland in the following May 1 with the fullest powers 2 and the largest army, as books state, that came to Ireland from England up to that. This was decided in the beginning of February, 1599. The reason why the Earl of Essex, of whom we have spoken, was selected to be sent to Ireland rather than anyone else was because his success in war was greater than that of any of those who had come hither from the Queen before, for he w^s the commander in battle of the .English and the front of conflict and contention and the leader in the fight of his Queen in every battlefield where he was ordered to go in Europe. 1599, the eight year. As for Hugh Roe O'Donnell, he thought it long his army was taking rest, 1599. though it was only for the space of one month. Yet he did not know precisely to what place he should go, for he had not left a quarter or a border or a garrisoned place in the province of Oilioll which he did not prey or take hostages or pledges from, except the portion of territory to the north of Limerick, which had been separated from the province long before, i.e., the rough district of Lughaidh Mean, son of Oenghus Tirech, which is now called Thomond. It was to engage in fighting and conten- tion to attack the noble tribe who inhabited it, i.e., the descendants of Cas, 3 son of Conall Eachluaith, son of Lughaidh Mean, who have their family of Cormac Cas ; if of the race of xiv-, and War of the Gaedhil, p. 160. CormacCas,thetanist should be of Eoghan's Cas mentioned in the text was sixth in des- family. See The Battle of Magh Leana, cent from Cormac Cas. 1 86 cpo-ÓA copiArhAchA An ceméb ón chmrCc. Oa yC]\ curhAinj rriAiri An p^Aiú nor yotlAiTinAt) ÚAiyoib 1 yeAchcfA .1. 'Oonnc'h.Ab 111AC ConcobAin meic 'OoncViAit) ui bniAin IatVIa UuA'ómum'hAn. 13a ceAnn a^uc 7 Almoin eian 5eAbAiu An yojtAibCrii 7 Ay yoncongyA ^^b. ^a nioit)e óm y&mc 7 Ait^Cf ui 'OhoriinAilb •omye'o a cine ha cfycmotcA 1nym. Iliy uo rcóAing -oorom An ni pn Ay "OAinjjeAnintnble a T)Luicyiot)bAi - 0e (xAtncyeb •ooieobAiy 7 Abeib^e'oh biochyoT)A boivochumAj;, a hAin'oyeAnn 7 a bim-oopAix) nnecq\Ac1iA An c(Yia. "Paú oiLe beóy imÁy -0111115 a hiiiyf-Dyi-odc jemcAiy eynnbbe AlieochAinimbe 7 a bmmC'óonchA Ia InorriAC a LofchyAi-oe 7 a Lac ngoibe Gc Ay "óiumrAi je 7 mnogb&ib An ci bA yoycont;AychAi"ó yoyyA f-óón IajiLa UuA-omuitiAn. &\\ a aoi pn 111 yo "OAniAiy *oúa 'OhonniAibb ^An "out •omyeAt) 11A cjnche cipp cync. 'Oo yf^lomcA a yboig tAiy co bAonifiAijm 50 bAibe An mhocbAi j, Ay b<\ heiyibe A'ounAyAy ó -oo yuAichteb bAiy iyeib nAon'i 1T)Ayi niACAy ah cliomnoex) ipn nibbiA-OAin yeniet>eoc1iAT> yeb yo AiyneTobrfrri. *Oon An^ACA]\ c|ia ceccuy cenéb ConAiLb hia coichfycAb guy An *oúyin .1. a •ofybyAtAin bn-o-oem Hu'ohyAije, fflAgnuy, 7 CAchbAy con a yochyAicce, (x Aót)1i 05 niAc AC-oIta "omb nnc Af-ohA IIúató imc 11 éibb $Aiyb 1111c UoiyyoeAbbAig ah yionA, IIÍAbb gAyb, hiac Cmnn 1111c ah CAÍbAij nnc HlA^nur Anne A(/ÓA'ouib,úÁ Oaoi 51 it, 'Ca-ój 05 hiac UAfój nnc UoiyyoeAbbAi j, ó DochAycAij mp bCo^bAin, SeAAn 05 tíiac SeAAin nnc "Petim nnc ConcobAin CAnnAij, 111ac Stnbne yAnAcc, *OorhnAtb tiiac coiyy-oeAbbAij; nnc niAoibiriuiye, 7 1T)ac Smbne foojumeAC, 'OonncíiA-ó mAC 1T)Aoitrriuine riieiygig nnc 11lA0ibmuiye nnc TléiVl. UAn^ACAn beoy hia coichfycAb UlAgUToiy, Aóo tiiac ConconnAcbc nnc ConconnAchc nnc ConconnAchc nncbyÍAin nnc pitib nnc 1 Brian. — He was 20th in descent from Cormac Cas. 2 Borumha. — A tribute of cattle imposed on the King of Leinster by Tuathal Teach- raar, ardrigh from A.D. 79 to 109, for the insult offered to his daughters. The pro- vince was delivered from it by St. Moling. See Keating's H. of Ireland, p. 239. Brian re-established it to punish the Leinster men for their adherence to the Danes. Hence the name given him. O'Curry's MS. Materials, p 231. 3 Kennedy \ — He was son of Lorcan, king of north Munster, and heir apparent (Roy- i8 7 name from Brian 1 Borumha, 2 son of Kennedy. 3 The race from which I599 . they sprung v/as valiant and warlike. 4 The prince ruling over them then was a man of great power, i.e., Donough, son of Conor, son of Donough O'Brien, Earl of Thomond. His voice and influence were powerful among the English of Dublin, and though it was a great crime that his tribe should be with the English troops, he himself being of the Irish, he was the one man most active, violent, full of hatred who was in Irish territory in taking part in and carrying on the war against the Irish by the order and command of the English. The desire and longing of O'Donnell to prey his territory was the greater for this conduct of his. This was not an easy thing for him, on account of their strong places, of their thick woods and unknown deserts, their very long crooked passes, and the roughness and intricacy of their roads. Another reason also why the preying was difficult, though their borders and their interior parts were neglected, was the multitude of their heroes and warlike 4 champions, and the pride and vigour of him who was their ruler, i.e., the Earl of Thomond. Yet O'Donnell could not refrain from going to prey the territory in some way. He assembled his forces in one place, at Ballymote, for this was his residence since he had bought it on the feast of Holy Mary, mother of the Lord, in the preceding year, as we have said. The first that came there to the hosting were the Cinel Conaill, i.e., his own brothers, Rury, Manus, and Caffir, with their forces, and Hugh Oge, son of Hugh Dubh, son of Hugh Roe, son of Niall Garbh, son of Turlough of the Wine ; Niall Garbh, son of Conn, son of Calvach, son of Manus, son of Hugh Dubh ; O'Boyle, Tadhg Oge, son of Tadhg, son of Turlough ; O'Doherty of Inishowen, Shane Oge, son of Shane, son of Felim, son of Conor Caragh ; MacSwiny Fanad, Donnell, son of Turlough, son of Maelmuire ; and MacSwiny Banagh, Donough, son of Maelmuire Meirgach, son of Maelmuire, son of Niall. There came also to that hosting, Maguire, Hugh, son of Conconnacht, son of Conconnacht, son of Conconnacht, son of Brian, son of Philip, son of Thomas, and the son of damna) of Cashel. See War of the Gaedhil, on ' the gracious, noble, highborn, beautiful &c, p. 45. Dalcassians,' 76/d.,p. 55, and in Keating's 4 Warlike. — See the encomium passed H. cf Ireland, p. 59. 2 A 188 UoniAip (x niAc ui 11uai;'c UAb^ iiiac "bpiAin nAmúptíiAb mic l)piAin bAtlAij, 1111c GogAin, lÁl'op'óe tube co Lion a coonoiL Uah^acap Ann x)in nA hi no hoip-oneAb lAiriorii 1 ccigfptiAp An Ach ApbA hi coijeAb HleA'óbA 1TIac UittiAin bupc UeAboicc mAC UArein chiocAi j mic SeAAin mic OibuepAip, úa *Oubt>A cípe piAcpAch UAt>5 niAC Uató^ piAbAij, 111 ac "OonnchAib An copAinn llwónAije niAc -AfbA, 111 ac DonnchAib cípe hoibeAttA 111 ui^gfy caoc mAC Uatoj, 7 úa hejpA jtiAb&c "PeLim niAc ConcAipil, iCcpom uite co bon a mumcipe. UAinicc ipn coichfpcAL cfccriA ó ConcobAiji Rúa-ó Aob niAc Uoipp-oéAbbAij nÚAi-ó mic Uaitdj bume, 7 o CeAU-Aij pfp-oopchA niAc CoaIUm j mic 'OomnoibL, 7 111ac DiApnuvoA riiuige t^uipg ConcobAp mAC UAib^ 1111c Go^hAm, GtrochAi'oe oibe cenmocÁcroiii pobA-ó eniielx "OAipnéir. O -oo niAchcACA]i ha mAichepn con a pocpAibe m Aen "OAib chugAvom 50 bAite An 111oc<\i j bA pAip -oepib ÍAip flÚAg -oo LégA-o úa-ó 1 nann mic thttiAm fol. 50. 1), ah AipCc no biA"ó bub bem conA ftuAg inn cÚA"ohmumAin 7 po ojtoai^ 111 ac UiLtiAm (x IIÍAtl J^Apb ó *OomnAitt 1 cfnnAp tiAircib. An ■OAbArorh cét>Ammup tocAp mA exumnnb cpomplcni; on ccCnn coin vo JoifoeAÍbAchAib co huiiiALb ctomne Jiobun. Ilo jjAbpAc pop innpAb (x ApccAm AneccpAc 7 AneniibeAÍA m j;ac cip cpiApA ccu-ocliAnop coha puAippfc cpoit> no CAcliAp •oeAbAb no "oiobpA^A-o no bA-o ni t>oib Ap TUAmcAip poLAb luchc An cipe •00 cop pnui x)Ía brfrcAir jup bo hiAb nA mÁ bACAn Ann. *Oo ■oeAcho.cAp inucmAitte moipmfnmAn, 7 po benpAc ceilL tha ccopnArii 50 corimfpc ppni po bic no bub t>óij; Leó ó *OorhnoiUl vo bit CcoppA Ap mfbón, ÚAip bA uipb •oenrnn LÁ a biobbA-oAib ciAmbAb rocAibe -oóib m AomionAb nA bfpcAip a copgAppom cembeic acc ÚAÉAb hia pochAip 1a hATohbte An Abú aca 7 nA hup^pAine ah inpfgLA 7 An lomomAin no 1Á nop a eApcAipTnb in gAch Aipm 1111 bACA]i. T)o piAcc imoppo 111ac UittiAm & IIÍAÍb gApb conA ploj co hoitén "LeACAp-OAm 7 por yuAbAippfc An bAite 50 -oijAip -OApACCAch 7 cia po rpiAtlAb a lomcopnAiti co pfp'ÓA-ppiú ni]i bó copbA -oon buchc po cpiAll, ÚAip po LmgeAb -oa jac Aipt) 7 x>a ^ac AipcCYm 1pm mbAite pop]\A. 1lo niApbAb 7 po mubAijeAb ochc ppp becc "oo mAichib ctomne giobún con t>pum^ morp oile jénmocÁccpom. 1lo cpeACAipjeAb An bAite teó íCpccAin. 1 Clangibbon. — This tribe inhabited the - Leathardan. — A lough in the townland district to the west of Croaghpatrick. of Ballyballinan, parish of Aghagower, Co. O'Daly, Tribes of Ireland, p. 42, n. Mayo. 1 89 O'Rourke, Tadhg, son of Brian na murtha, son of Brian Ballach, son of |S99- Eoghan all these with the whole of tJieir forces. There came also those who had been appointed by him to the chieftaincy of their patrimonies in the province of Meadhbh, Mac William Burke, Theobald, son of Walter Ciotach, son of Shane, son of Oliver, O'Dowd of HyFiachrach, Tadhg, son of Tadhg Reagh, MacDonough of Corran, Rury, son of Hugh, MacDonough of Tirerill, Maurice Caoch, son of Tadhg, and O'Hara Reagh, Felim, son of Conchaisil ; all these, with all their forces. O'Conor Roe came to the same hosting, Hugh, son of Turlough Roe, son of Tadhg Buidhe, and O'Kelly, Ferdorcha, son of Ceallach, son of Donnell, and MacDermot of Moylurg, Conor, son of Tadhg, son of Owen, and other forces besides those which it would be tedious to enumerate. When these chiefs and their forces came together to him at Ballymote, he determined to send away a party to Mac William's district, whilst he himself should be with his army in Thomond, and he put Mac William and Niall Garbh O'Donnell in command of them. As for these, first they went in waves of a great host from the eastern extremity of Costellos to the Owles • of Clangibbon. 1 They set to prey and plunder their enemies and foes in every territory they passed through, and they found neither contention nor fight, dispute nor shooting, which they set any store by, though the people of the district were able to oppose them if they knew they were alone. They advanced in great exultation of mind, and these laid aside all thought of defending themselves vigorously against them, as they thought O'Donnell was in their midst, for his enemies were absolutely certain that whatever forces they had assembled they could not obtain a victory though he had with him but a few, on account of the great dread and abhorrence, fear and terror, which he spread among his enemies where- ever they were. Mac William and Niall Garbh arrived with their forces at the island of Leathardan, 2 and they attacked the place boldly and fiercely, and though the defence was made against them bravely it did not profit those who made it, for they leaped from every side and quarter into the place among them. Eighteen of the chief men of Clangibbon were slain and slaughtered, and a great number of others besides. The place was plundered by them then. 190 lomcufA uí *OorrmAitb, no ArjnÁ mA jieitnim lonniAtl imtCccA gAn -pfinm rctnc x^&n coiii^Aijmi cAirniC^t; 7 bA rÚAiUl mÁ no nACAi^Cb icip (^e|\ bó •oíocíiuriiAing -oo tiAC r/lAic oile nonco^ iia iTonongbuibCn n-oun n-oonjvt>A n-oiuin^Ac1i iTooiC'D|\ÁnA bACAn ÍAir, 111 no dor 511c 11Á ^io\\, reirelbé riA fCpcAn ÚATÓib 1 conAi]i qiiAr a ccubcACAn) 50 nAn^ACAn 50 cboinn TIiocaiito. TI1 hAiéjifrcAn Anuit>heo pon 7 co|UTiAim tia SpAine occa •óait fO|\rnA yLAchAib bACAjt irmbe con^Abj'Ac occ rAinót r:on An oibe ^An tiac nimC^lA irra imciAn ó ah aca|TOA hi cnicli Ambiot)bA-ó. Concui'lrCc ÍAnorii biucc 50 mit)irifx)ón oibche. •Ac]\AchACAn ÍAnorii AiiiAit bib ei]\je HAom pn 1a jropcon^nA tia ]:Iaca, & •00 T>eAcíiACA]\ hi cfr.T) cretJA 7 imceccA c|ie nót>Aib nAomtMnje nA cniche 50 nAn^ACAn inmic1i - of'ooiL ha moa-one irm euro coin t>o choiLL ó prLAnncliAbA x>o cnioc1iAic cev cenéoib prCpi'iAic 1 UÚAbmuriiAn. Tlo nAnnA-ó úa T)oirinAiLL ArcCirheAlcA "oía te5eAb úem CO CCUlj 7 CO CCOcllAcllCC Ancpboij; 111A pAppAt) CpiA bÁp coilte ó bptAllcVlA'ÓA cpe beAÍAij aii piobpAit 50 ciLb m^Cine b^oic m ÚAchcAp "OÁbccAip piA Tm*óniC*óón Laoi ati peAchcriiAb La x>écc 00 mi pebpA -ooponnpAb. T)o -jiaccax) chuicce cpeAchA cemeoib pCpmAic uiLe -oupriiop on Thpepc co^LeAnn CoLAimbcitLe 7 50 cubAig cumAiin 7 ó cluAin poitxfpnAijj co Leim ah eich. 11 1 pAimcc La UA05 ó RuAipc iia Ía THac Suibne cneAciiA 7 cAoriiAipcrjhe boipne X)o cAbAipc teó iccerro ui 'OhoriinAitL An AT)hAij pm A]\ nA CCIOlTIApCCAO Go An tlA CCIOITIJ'U jATD T)óib 1a An Ait>bte 7 1a A11 loniAicc tionrriAine. T)o ]\aLa "onA T)o lllhAjtnbip con ■opumg -oía mumciiíi mA pAppAb ■ooL "oo cop chÚApcA. ipm ccoiccpich. X)o peccAim •00 pop a chmn Apoite nume ÚApAb "oo pAopciAn'OAib "OaI ccAir 50 nop jon 7 po jAb íípccAin, ConcobAn ó bpiAin a Ainmpibe. t> Ci pi p IllAgui-cnp L&ip é 50 -oúnAb ConcobAi|\ bub bem 50 h1mp ui chumt), (x bAoi An CAipcÍALL pop comnuip llleguioip 7 po An mo t^o a]\ a bApAch. Ro jAb úa T)oriinAitL Longpopc in A-oAij pifi hi ciUt mjCme bAGch, (x bA heioncÍAn CpppAoice ó Ap oile no bACAn cfmce 7 cCitoaLa a plóij, T)|\on5 "óiob mi boipint) connect 7 -onon^ oile 1 tpiocAic cét» ó "PpfpmAic, 7 ApAiUl m cilL mjfme bAoic cen mocÁ An luchc nAibe no bACAp 1111 TIIac tlilbiAin 7 im IIíaU, jApb 11a n*OoiiinAitl in Uii'iaH. O pop popcArhLAij poilpi ah Laoi poppnA pen-OAib ATOchibe AC|\Achn ÚA "OomnAill 7 -oo bfpc a AgliAib pop cpiochAic cév Copcmot>pÚAt> 50 pAimcc 50 C1UI 'phionnAb|\AC. 1lo leicc pgAoileAt) -oa pceniieAtcAib bubbCp co hCi-omj, pon nibpdncip ppfpmACAij;, 7 ccopcuniAig, 50 -oopup 1npióiomAin, 50 ciLL Gppcuic LonAin, 50 bAite pAitnn, 7 cAp nAip poip 50 1 B. Feabal. — i.e., the road of Feadfal, six miles west of Kilnaboy. 2 Dysert. — Five miles N. W. of Ennis. St. Tola founded a hermitage here in the 8th century. See Colgan's Ada SS. p. 703. Later it was called Dysert O'Uea, a chief of the Cinel Fermaic having fixed his residence here. A print of the beautiful doorway of the church will be found in Lord Dunraven's Irish Architecture, ii. 112; London, 1877. 8 Glencolumbkille. — In the parish of Carran. See Reeves' Adamnan. p. 238. 4 T.comann. — In the parish of Kilnaboy. 5 Cloonselherny. — A townland in the parish of Kilnaboy, where there are remains of a castle. c Lei mencach. — Two miles N. W. of Corofin. There are here the remains of a fine Elizabethan castle. See Ludlow's Memoirs, ii. 327 ; Edinburgh, 175 1. 7 Conor. — This was probably Conor O'Brien of Leimeneach, son of Morrough, first Earl ot Thomond. See Archdall's Peerage, ii. 42. Inchiquifi. — An Elizabethan castle on 193 prey the lands of the churches or of the learned men, wherever they met with them. O'Donnell himself went with the body and flower of his army through the plain of Coill O'Flannchadha through Ballyfeabal 1 to Kilnaboy in upper Dalcas, before mid-day of the seventeenth day of the month of February exactly. There was brought to him a great booty of the whole of Cinel Fearmaic from Dysert 2 to Glencolumbkille 3 and Tullycomann, 4 and from Cloon- selherny 5 to Leimeneach. 6 It was not possible for Tadhg O'Rourke or MacSwiny to bring the plunder and spoils of Burren with them to O'Donnell that night, for they were not collected and brought together by them owing to their extent and great number. It happened also that Maguire with a body of his people went to make a circuit in the neighbourhood. A certain nobleman of the noble race of the Dalcassians met him, whom he wounded and captured afterwards. Conor 7 O'Brien was his name. Maguire brought him to Conor's own castle at Inchiquin, 8 and the castle was given over to Maguire, and he stayed there till the next day. O'Donnell encamped that night at Kilnaboy, and the fires and conflagations of his army were far separated from each other, some of them being in Burren of Connaught and another party in the cantred of Hy Fermaic, 9 and some in Kilnaboy, besides the other forces which were with Mac William and Niall Garbh O'Donnell in the Owles. As soon as the light of day prevailed over the stars of the night, O'Donnell rose and turned his face to the cantred of Corcomroe 10 until he came to Kilfenora. 11 He allowed his marauders to scatter southwards to Inagh 12 through Brentir 13 of the Fearmacaigh, to Corcamaigh, to the gates of Ennistymon, 14 to Killeas- buiglonain, 15 to Ballypaidin, 16 and back" eastwards towards Kilfenora again, the lake of the same name, near Corofin. From this place the O'Brien family have taken the title. 9 Hy Fermaic. — This district is included in the present barony of Inchiquin, Co. Clare. 10 Corcomroe. — This territory formerly in- cluded not only the present barony of the same name, but also the whole barony of Burren. It was coextensive with the diocese of Kilfenora. 11 Kilfenora.— 12 miles N.W. of Ennis. 12 Inagh.— A village 9 miles W. of Ennis. 13 Brentir.— i.e., the fetid district, perhaps from the sulphur springs in which it abounds. It lies N. E. of Mount Callan. 14 Ennistymon. — 18 miles N.W. of Ennis. 15 Killeasbidghlonain- — i.e , the church of Bishop Flannan, the patron of the diocese of Killaloe. 10 Ballypaidin. — A townland in the parish of Kilmacreehy. 194 CiH yionnAbyAc "oo yibiyi Aiym imboi ó "OotfinAiit. Uaiiiic "C&i^ úa 1luAiyc 7 viiac Smbne bo^AmeAC 50 ccyeAcViAib faoiyne leó t>ia yAijib ;guy ah loriA-o ccfonA. An cAn cyA ac connAiyc DormiAiU, ^ac ceAlAch 7 jac tnnn -oía rnbui mA uiycinichell occa mornyoLAb t>o cyob 7 t>o cyeAcViAib (conAy bo Leiy An cAÍorh cjieocíiA Ay a -óbu^ yo •OAinjCn-ompc In cfnt) Ayoile LÁy ati LAecyAib njjyuAinbA nj;tiupo|ró4 bACAy ina momcAcifiAin^ irriA ccuAiyc) AyeAb 110 cmn Aije yoAb AyAbAyAC nyiA betjib biocyot>A bAojÍAcliA via t)oi]\ne bfnn jAi|\be. Aijuyiy úa *OoiiinAibL cotia ytogAib in A-ÓAij ym 1 ccilA, yionnAbyAch, mibAile Gom^AbAnn, (x 1n ccAchAiy tjeneom, Ay m CAoriinACCACAp Lonjpoyc •00 jAbAil 111 AomionAb, Ay yobcAy bionmAyA ACcneAC jAbAÍA cyuib 7 clc]iA, byoroe 7 buAÍniA, 7 *OAn beoy yob iotitóa I0I.52. a. cijeA]\nA ciye (x cAOiyiuch cÚAiche, cCtro cev 7 cuiye (yo da tnyye^yA byij 7 boyyyAb, ÚAibL7 lonnojOAiL, lomcolxA 7 Amoiumuy, & bay Ay -óuiItó uiítIa no Aioioe "oo cAbAiyc t>o nAch nÁori iiAile) bACAy yoy An ytoigeAb fin. "Oo tmiAcc uygnArii Ayyeiyi 7 a bpyom'oe ÍAy ccAm 7 jeibirc 05 cnArhcombAch yoy buAy AmbiobbAb iym ccyich AmeoiL ^ah uah'iah z;An imfjlA acc A111A1L bio niA cciy nt>iliy bub "oein no berny. -Ace chfnA no bACAy "onongA rAinnCt>ACA irróe lÁy Ay boitib ati rhibiAc Gt An riinmbCyc t>o bfycyAc fop AÍriiAib AneyccAyAc t>o CAbAiyc yoyyAn ccyub bAoi Leó hia nAicyeib buiiAit) bub bem. tlo cuilrfc An rtuAi; ify pyomtnu^Ab boib gun bo yeiL LAnyoiLyi An LÁ01 A]i a bAjiAch. "OiuccnAir ua T)oninAibL at* a yuAn, 7 no o|\t)Ai j gAn yuiyeAch ha ytoij t>o ArgnAvh Arm cqneh. Ho 0|toai 5 An ^iolÍAniiAt), An ^ÍArÍAic, 7 An Afr t»iAi|im 1 ]\emcur nA conAipe con a ccpeAchAib 7 coua nAi]tcccib 7 conA neoAl,Aib A]\ cCnA. Tlo chinjjydn co niAicib 750 noijmb au cnomfloij 111A yAH^At) m eicinmCt>ón ha conAin.e cCcciia 1 tuyg ha t)]\un jbuibeAn no o]\t)Ai5 ÍAr ha c|\eAchAib. tlo roncon^Ai|\ ro|i a AiiirAib yon a ogbAib 7 yon a Aoy t)iub]\Aicce Aiyiyioiii yo t)iuit> t)o beAbAt) ca|i AcceAnn t»iA cciycA 111A iCnmAm. LocAy ÍAyom 1 mudiA tio tó lyf-oyb^licib ha yfnboiyne yAiy 50 yeiyelbe rhoiy 7 50 monjAy nAbbA 1 .. t)A yoyAb ionniAl-1- a mmcecc gAn cifónób 5An cmnCnuy A5 loniAm An^yoibe 7 AngAbAÍ, ÚAiy ni yo churiiAngyfc imnlrri An eAC qviA chAiy]ijib cuAychuiiigA coguAycA coypAmgeyA nA cyuAb- 1 Smithstown. — This castle is still stand- 2 Cahermenan. — In the parish of Kille- ing in the parish of Kilshanny. lagh, barony of Corcomroe. 195 where O'Donnell was. Tadhg O'Rourke and MacSwiny Banagh came 1599- with the plunder of Burren to the same place. Meantime, when O'Donnell saw every hill and mound all round completely covered with flocks and herds (so that the ground could not be seen between them owing to the closeness with which they were pressed together by the surly, dark-faced soldiers who were round about them), what he determined on was to go the next day by the long dangerous roads of rough-hilled Burren. O'Donnell stopped with his forces that night at Kilfenora, Smithstown, 1 and Caher- menan, 2 since they could not encamp in one place, for their preys of herds and flocks, of captives and oxen were very abundant, and besides there were on that expedition many lords of territories and chiefs of districts, heads of hundreds and of divisions, whose violence and anger, vanity and pride, self-will and arrogance were intolerable, and who could ill brook to render submission and obedience to any one else. They made preparations for their feast and meal after a while, and proceeded to slaughter the enemies' cattle in that strange territory without fear or terror, but just as if they were in their own country. And indeed there were certain parties who would find it hard to ill-treat and injure the cattle which they had in their own family -dwellings as they did those of their enemies. After their meal the army slept until it was broad daylight on the following day. O'Donnell awoke from his sleep, and ordered the army to march away without delay from the territory. He placed the attendants, the recruits, and the people without arms in the front on the road with the preys and herds and booty also. He himself marched with the nobles and the chosen men of his great host in the middle of the same road in the track of the party which he placed over the prey. He ordered his soldiers, his youths, and his shooters to remain in the rear to skirmish in defence of them against anyone who should come in pursuit of them. They went then in the early part of the day by the roads of ancient Burren eastwards with much noise and great shouting. Their march was calm and slow with- out haste or hurry in driving their steeds and their prey, for they could not ride the horses through the crooked, narrow, perilous, sharp-pointed rocks of 2 B 196 boinne combACAji a cc|iai jcheAÓ mCp^ An mCrcc pfttp ah mAncpluAi; cr» nAnjjACAn iccCYra cfet)A (x imceACCA a all ponnAbnAC -oo ntlAcon^bAit, t>on UuplAch, cpA rtiAniprin Concomo-onuATi), cpA ciiAncAin riA cclenic co ]\iAchcccAA]\ 111 •oeoi'oli Iaoi j;ur ah cúaic "oiaiiat) Ainm TTlf-ónAi-óe aiiaijicúaió pur An mboirunn gur ah TtubA -oo pinnAT) m iaiicaii ó rpAcnAch Ai-one. ^AbAic tongpojic hipjitnu A11 atjai^ pti, AT>AnnAic cCmci & cCttoaVa 7 fol. 52. AungnAic Ambiú-ó 7 concuilpCc ApjAn cAi]\cim coccaIca Api riAicle co mAt)Ain. O ]\oy ionfonc1iAij An lÁ yon An loecr-Ait) aciia^Iiacc av a -pcco^Aib 7 ^AbAicc occ ArcnArh 114 conAine pMncÚAi"ó mA n-onon^Aib 7 mA mbin-ónib yo\\ leic jAn pviccfr ^An u]\oifiAn. Ar Aine no bACAn nA -ononj bui'óne yo\\ leic AiiitAi-ó a]a nÁ nur cuniAip^cir AccneAcliA yo]\ Acheile, ÚAin no retbAi^rCc An rloj a rAintrilp 'óóib ó nAn^ACAn cAnrAn mtoonniro rAi]\ cúaitj. 11i|\ uó heiccfn ctnpj cotiAine mAic eoÍAig rb^e'ó inApMi fbój ó -punn ahiac &]\ no bA-ó coin lon^iiA-ó -oe "oia mbeic p3]vool conAine port riiuincin uí DhorimAill óca pn 50 bAile ah HltlOCAlj, "OÓlj ]10bcA]1 lie ACCÚAtVCA. ipn CCOICCpch. LoCAII A]1 a bÁ]iAch cniA uAccAn clomne ftiocAi]vo 7 50 -oonur bAile -Aca An TI105. Hi tiAicnCprAn a mmceACCA ó pn Am ac, acc rid 111Á "oo nAÍA ITIac thlliAm 7 11íaII ^Ajib conA ccneAcViAib mA ccorh-ÓAil ileicimel ó ITlAine, 7 t>o caoc cacVi ÚAibib tnle T)1A ccijib 50 ré-OAC roihAomeAC mCnmnAÓ mopAi^CncAc. 13Á01 Anoile ple pnncchi pneolAcb ipn UuA"ómuriiAn An CAn pn. t)A rÁoi -pfncAi-o 7 p|\ "ÓAnA eipbe "oolloriinAib An cine -óo, 1T)aoiIíii 05 niAC ITlAoilín rrnc ConcobAip niAC b|iUAibeA-ÓA AchoriiAinm. "Our nAincCcAn "Ojion^ -oo p^oj; uí "OborhnAibL An Ailt "oo cnco An phv a ccumA nA ccjieAcli A|1 cCha. T)o caoc An pte m'of'ohAij nA ^AbAÍA co hAinm imbAoi ó DorhnAiH, A]\ bA "oeAnb ÍAir ojAipsA^ a cnui-ó *oo irA^bAii úa'óa. gebi-ó ah ple 05 pi|ipMinA-ó AyCpx 7 a nincLeACCA pAt> An prÍAic "oon pxijimc yo\\ Achmn 7 AJ5 AijieAj cuile nvó, &, Acbfnc nA|i bó nÁ|\ no nieAbAb •oo -oaI ccaiv nÁ -oo 1 Noughaval. — An old church giving its still standing. See Archdall's Monasticon 1 name to a parish in the southern part of p. 44, and Ttiumfihalia S. Cruets, xxxviii. the barony of Burren. 4 C. na eclereach. — i.e., the narrow road of 2 Turlach. — A castle on the road from the clerics, now the Corker road, leading in Corofin to New Quay. ■ a north-westerly direction from the monas- 3 M. of Corcomroe. — Founded for the tery of Corcomroe. Cistercians in 1194 by Donald O'Brien; 6 Roo.—A. townland near the village of the church and some other parts of it are Kinvarra, close to the boundary of Galway. 197 stony Burren, so that their foot-soldiers were mixed up with their horsemen 1599. till they came to the end of their road and journey from Kilfenora to Noughaval, 1 to Turlach, 2 by the monastery of Corcomroe, 3 by Carcair na cclereach, 4 and they came at the end of the day to the district called Maree to the north-east of Burren at Roo 5 exactly in the west of Hy Fiachrach Aidhne. They encamped there that night, and lighted fires and beacons, and prepared their food, and then slept soundly till morning. When the day shone on the soldiers they rose from their encampment and proceeded to march along the road north-eastwards in parties and in com- panies separately without concern or fear. The reason why the bodies kept thus apart was in order that their prey would not mix together, for the forces had each their own share since they passed through Burren to the north-east. There was no need of guides or persons acquainted with the roads for the army after that, for it would be truly wonderful that there should be a mistake about the road on the part of O'Donnell's people from that to Ballymote, as their visits to the neighbouring territory were many. The next day they went through upper Clanricarde and to the gate of Athenry. Their marches from thenceforward are not related, only that Mac William and Niall Garbh met them with the prey at the borders of Hy Many, and each of them went to his home wealthy and rich, cheerful and in high spirits. There was at that time in Thomond a certain learned poet of much knowledge. He was a historian and a poet of the ollamhs of that country. His name was Mailin Oge, son of Maolin, son of Conor MacBriody. 6 A party of O'Donnell's army had taken some of the poet's cattle also as a prey. However, the poet followed after the prey to the place where O'Donnell was, for he was sure to get back his cattle from him. The poet proceeded to display his knowledge and talent in presence of the prince before whom he had come and to compliment him, and he said it was no disgrace to the Dalcassians or to the Queen's people that 6 Mac Briody. — The Annals F. M. say, poems is given in O'Reilly's Irish Writers, ' there was not in Ireland one who was a clxiv. ; Dublin, 1820. The Mac Briodys better historian poet and rhymer than he.' were the hereditary bards of the O'Briens, vi. 2321. He died in 1602. A list of his See O'Curry's MS. Materials, p. 22. 198 rfttnnciji n& t)AinpogAin úa *OomnAibb conA flog "oo bpeic no cenéL cconAilL no r>i jeL(/ó ro|\ "OhAiL ccAir 'oiorccAOi'LeA'ó gpAnAin O1L15, 7 au A1IL "oía cbocAib "oo byeic co LuimneAc La 1Tluincfr<€Ac úa mbpAin niAc UoipvoeALbAi j rrnc Uatoj mic bpAin bonAime, 7 Acbfjic An pbe gun bo ■0015 tAr gun bo bepom ah r&ói> hipn. Tlo §Ab ifntcAin btom -oon fol. 53.3. cAipmgine conebfp; nToro. TTIo Tjoine, mo "óoinfgAn, niA^ 7 rhAinCglAn, Ar niAing a "óe cotAib -pCn, 'oa bpnb An "oun AirnLleA-ob A]\ nAn^Ain mo T>oine -oiL, & A)i rccAoibeATD mOibij o pn AmAC 50 bnÁé mbmn m gebtfAic TjAlccAir epnn e- •oijeolur mOiteAc 05, An r:Aex> T^ioroeAc *oon jA]\b not) An conp rbeAriiAm cLu 5A11 501T) ah pntxleAbAn a pj,noro "but) é pn An UAet) Cn jac -oa ngiALtpvic cuin ita cfrhnAC Ar e yuigrfr monA]\ ngnmn 01b t^ac cuicoitj m 6pnn, 7 Anoite. Ida "oon aiucCcaL AwmoVcA -oo nigne An fflAolín cexmA "oúa DomnoilL An nannrA. Do bAoi An t)Án An -oioghAib O1L15, a Aóv Uúató, no neAc An rÁit» Uochc "OO fbuAlj CO llA1C ITIA5 nAt)A1|1. A CUA1t) 1AnCA|l CAbA1]l CAIgll. "Oo nACCAt) ÍAnom ojliAirfg a c|iuii>7 a cfchp* conA ropconniAcb "oon pLit> 7 aomnAir ceileAbjiAT) *oúa *OomnAiLL 7 pvgbAit) bCn'OACcom occa. t)Aoi c|aa úa "OorhnAibb imbAile An tTlocAij 1 ror 5A11 yecc gAn rboijeA-rj ó •oeineAt) pebnuAp 50 mi-orhi/oon SAmnAi'ó. TlugrAC a ceccA pvin 011 SpAin m uncofAC 1um (x bong beó inibAoi Apn t)i mibe LAech -oo rtiAnÁoipb 1 Grianan.— The word means nothing more than a place for enjoying the light and warmth of the sun, a chamber, a bal- cony. See The Battle of Magh Leana, p. 5°) n - 2 Aileach. — This was the residence of the northern Hy Neill up to the Anglo-Norman invasion. It is on a hill five miles N. W. of Derry- For a minute description of the fort and the details of its history, see The Memoir of the Parish of Templemore, pp. 217-234. 3 The stones. — Under the date 1101, The Annals F. M. say : ' A great army was led by Murtough O'Brien, king of Munster, into Inishowen, and he demolished Grianan Oligh in revenge of Cencora, razed by Donnell O'Loughlin some time before. And Murtough commanded his army to carry from Oileach to Limerick a stone for 199 O'Donnell with his army should take away that prey with them without a contest or battle, without any one being wounded in defending them, for the holy patron Columkille, son of Felim, had of old prophecied that a Hugh of the Cinel Conaill would come to revenge on the Dalcassians the destruction of Grianan 1 Aileach, 2 and the carrying off of some of the stones 3 by Murtough O'Brien, son of Turlough, son of Tadhg, son of Brian Borumha, and the poet said he thought it was this Hugh. He then recited a part of the prophecy, and said as follows : My Deny, 4 my little oak-grove, my dwelling, and my little cell, ah ! woe. O God ! a multitude of men who are destroying the fort ! On the destruction of my dear Derry, on the scattering of my Aileach From henceforth till final doom the Dalcassians shall not possess Erin. He who will avenge my Aileach, Hugh Oge of steeds of rough roads, The polished body, fame without deceit, the long hair in ringlets. He is the clamorous Hugh, to whom the lords of Tara shall'give pledges. He will obtain a pleasant portion from every province in Erin, &c. Of the hymn of praise which the same Maolin composed in honour of O'Donnell this was a stanza : It was fated that in revenge for Aileach, Hugh Roe, the prophet announced Your army's coming to Magh Adhair; 5 from the north all aid is sought. 6 His herds and flocks were afterwards restored to the poet by the chief with an addition, and he took his leave of O'Donnell and left him his blessing. O'Donnell was in the castle of Ballymote resting, without any expedition or hosting from the end of February to the middle of summer. His mes- sengers returned to him from Spain in the beginning of June, and with them every sack of provisions which they had. These stones were used by O'Brien in the building of his palace at Limerick. See O'Curry's MS. Materials, p. 401. 4 My Derry. — St. Columkille' s love for his monastery of Derry is often spoken in his Life by Adaman. b Magh Adhair. — Now Park Myra, 4 miles south-west of Tulla, Co. Clare. Here the O'Briens were inaugurated. See The Battle of Magh Leana, p. 156, and The Circuit of Ireland, p. 47. 6 Is sought. — O'Donovan remarks that this line was so constructed as to please O'Donnell, and yet not to offend the Earl of Thomond, for the last three words separ- ated from what goes before would refer only to help in general. A finals F.M., vi. 2105. 200 moipleAbpA fx "oo juniiA'oliAi'b j;1epoibne conA nAitnlge 7 conA nATÓmib ceccA. 1lo pAnncA in ■oé, 7 t>o pAccAtj ati pAnn CAnApe -qua 110111 aitiaiI bA InomAp^itje Ap A-p t>é poinn 110 biotj pop gAch nAipccft) t)up piccet) t)ÍA fAijit) 011 SpAni, 7 bA pOó po bA ceccA t)óib ó pé nA pCn, Ap ní po "óli^pCc cenél cconAill nnpopcpAi'ó ó chenél nCo^riAin acc ceAcc iriA ccionól An cAn but) 1a cenél cconAill pije nGpmn 7 cenél cconAill t>o "óúl mA cuonólporh An can but) 1a cenél ne-ogliAm An pije. "OaIa An Aipi§ po bAoi ppi lÁirh An cpCnAió pop coicceAt) OlnéccmAcc Sep Coneup Cliopopc, po jAibpit)e occ bAij 7 bupcAtj bpiAÚAp pop úa n"OomnAi11ÍAp nmt)peAt) ua UuAtjmuiriAn CApip, 7 po cm^eAll cuit>eAchc ^up An SlicceAC co 'opon^Aib tnpirhe t>o lAechpAi-ó lorroAn lAip corroup pApccbAit) ó ConcobAip SI1515 mt> t>AnÍTÓeoin uí 'OhoriiriAll 7 hac Ap pelcnp Apenn t>opoiii m but) pipiú. *Oeitbip on iiAip CAimcc ó ConcobAip SI1515 a S<\XAib m eppAi^ ha btiAt>nA peitiAinn 7 bAoipit)e ippAp]\At) lAplA op Cppex CAimc m Gi|\inn im belcAine nA bliAtmA ppecriAipce peb po corhAip- leijeAt) lÁp An mbAinpiojAin 7 lAp An ccoriiAiple a cop co hdpmn 1m peil "bpiglToe ah'iaiI ac pubpAinAp peAtriAmn. Oc cuaLvo ó IDoriinAill An C01lÍ1A1cClÍl 7 An CApCUpAl t)0 CAOC pO CefcOIJA t)10]\mA niApcploi5 ó bAile An HI0CA15 50 pAnAic ^An AnAt) gAn oipipfrii co hÁé SeAnAij mt) Aipfp a ploij Ap "OA15 Atxionóil chuccA t^An tncell 5A11 fpcoiccinft) 50 mbeié ippoichil An joibCpnopA Sep Coneup Ctaopopc 7 An cplóij periipAinu. O cAngACAp cenél cconAil ^up An SAiiiAOip Aipm Anibtn ó T)oninAi11 ciCjAirc cAippi in eicepmCóón pAmpATÓ. gAbAicc aj mAllApnArh tia conAipe CAp T)]\obooip cAp "Ouib CAp ITIA15 ccdccne nA bpomApAC. Hi bin cút>not) no cmnfnup poppA acc beic 05 copAnn pop Aijliib aIIca oc Aimup 7 clmée conup cAippf-ó pccélA An cplói^ eccpont). 11ip bo ciau •oóibpiorh pAiiilAit> An CAn ac cÚAp •oúa *OlioiiinAi11 50 ccAimcc xia ConóobAip 50 hmcleice úaéa-ó t)Aome 50 CAipaAll Cui1mA0i1e po bui pop eoc&ipim1ib AbAnn móipe Ct) ^oipicc ó fp •OApA pAipt)fp 7 50 pug ^AbAil bó ó "opumg vo rnuinap uí 'OhoiiinAill 1 Division. — See the extract from O'Don- nell's will in Introd., p. cliii. 2 Hosting. — This was the rule laid down in The Book of Rights to determine the mutual obligations of these two neighbouring tribes in time of war. 3 Fomo7ia7is. — These were pirates, who ravaged the country when in the possession of the Nemedians. Their chief stronghold was in Tory island. For an account of them see Keating, H. of Ireland, p. 77, and Annals F. M., I. II. 201 a ship in which there were arms for two thousand men, very long spears and 1599. lock guns, with the necessary and proper implements. They were divided into two parts, and the second part was given to O'Neill, as was meet, for this division 1 into two parts was made of every gift which came to him from Spain, and that was the custom from the time of their ancestors, for the Cinel Conaill had no right to submission from the Cinel Eoghain, but only that they should go to their hosting 2 when the sovereignty of Ireland belonged to the Cinel . Conaill, and the Cinel Conaill should go to their hosting when the sovereignty belonged to the Cinel Eoghain. As for the President who was placed by the Council over the province of Olneccmacht, Sir Conyers Clifford, he proceeded to boast and bluster against O'Donnell for preying Thomond in spite of him, and he asserted he would go to Sligo*" with large bodies of the soldiers of London, in order to restore O'Conor Sligo in spite of O'Donnell, and he would not allow him to act as he liked any longer. This was natural, for O'Conor Sligo had come from England in the spring of the preceding year, and he was then with the Earl of Essex, who had come in May of the present year, as it was decided by the Queen and Council on the feast of Brigid that he should come to Ireland, as we have said already. When O'Donnell heard of the threat and insult, he set off immediately with a body of horse from Ballymote and he came without stop or stay to Ballyshannon where his troops were, in order to assemble them to him without delay or loss, to be in readiness for the Governor, Sir Conyers Clifford, and the afore- said army. When the Cinel Conaill came to the Saimer where O'Donnell was, they went across it in the middle of summer. They proceeded by slow marches along the route, across the Drowes, the Dubh, through Magh Ccetne of the Fomorians. 3 They made no hurry or haste, but were pursuing the wild deer, sporting and gaming, until news of the foreign army should come. They were not long so when news reached O'Donnell that O'Conor had come secretly with a small body of men to the castle of Collooney, which was on the bank of the Owenmore, a short distance south-east of Ballysadare, and that he had taken into that castle a prey of cows from some of O'Donnell's people, 202 b<\co]t yo]\ p-qijunc 7 yo\\ mjeitc p3AÓnón nA cliche chu^A inunn -oon baibepn. Th bAoi enii "ounA-o no "OAinjeAnchAipriAbb mnibb -oóporh tiac yon Accommur butvóem ipn cpcb tube cén rnochÁ An cÁon chAipriAbb hipn. "FonojicongAnc ó 'OorhnAibb yop\ ArhAncfLuAj; gAn ada-o pnA mibeA-oAib cjiAighceAc co prur ah cAipcÍAbl coiia cAip^C-o 1a Viúa ConcobAin x>epioch An "oún ato ne pú popcÁip An ytoj. La ro-oAm no leAbÍAm^-pCcc An rriApifloj pop AneAchAib 50 hucniALl AnbpAit) ÚAin ni Iattica uncÚApAcc Abneichpeporh. LocAn i Cporii peb nonuccpic "oía AloiLe, 7 jebic occ ■pponA'ó & eAcbtof ja-ó AneAcb 50 mbACAji 05 An mbAite. TDo beiccfc An rboj in An-oC-ohAij ^ur An -oúnA-ó. bA tíAinjCn 'oicoglAije An bAibe bui ipiToiu 7 bA hinmU, An cionAt) Aimbin ÚAin t>o ]ia1a AbAnn yon jac leic "óe, 7 po-ocoilbeAt) corh-otúcA •oon cÁob A]iAitb "oon AbAinn "oo pf^Airh pn-p a cvjait>, conAt) Aipe pn r\&]\ bo yo'OAin^ ^AbAit p/oppAn n bAr but) mCnmAnc -pA^bAib An t)úine. A\\ a aoi ^AbATÓ ó "OorhnAibb bon^popc An bebAib An p(/ÓA (x no cin^eAbb tiA pnccpí/ó An lomruTÓe jonibeic ó ConcobAin 7 CubmAoibe An a commup "Oo 5111 fc ah pboj bodiA 7 bebpccACA. 1lo bopttAigci buchc pCichrhe 7 pnocbiAipe in oi"ócbib 7 1 bÁib mi on •oúnA'ó yon jac beic. *Oo nonpAcpvroe "outfi ax>a c)aiat) 7 cbocb "ouncbAro "oni'ionA CcoppA 7 Aor An imcebcci 7 An "oiubpiAicce A]' An "o ú n at) . "Ro lAnhpAc pxrhbAro -jron jac cAob -óe. Ho bior ■onomj •oinmAnnA inó]\A "oía mApcpbvjAj yo\\ An eAchAib ipn pronAipe o pnnn nA nonA co mA'OAin nA no ebAi-óOó ó ConcobAiji ÚAitnb icAit>e pobAij; nA oróche iiAi]i nob can buróij T>on Aoin "Oía t>o bfpic chucA ipm loificumAng AmbAoi. tlo lfc co coiccfn-o po Cipmn úa "OorhnAibb •oo beic occ lompiroe An bAibe -pop. úa cconcobAip. Oc chuAÍA-ó 1a|\Ia op Cppex ó ConcobAin ■oo beic ipm ai]\c 7 ipm eiccCn AmbAoi bA cocnAt) baif a c!ia]ia 7 a con'inAnn cogAi-o -oo beic 1pm n^AbAt) i]iAibe gAn A^uncAcc "oia cnreAt) "óe, con Ai|ie pn no p-Aoit) a checcA -oo cojAi]im An j;oibeA]\nonA mA •oochum 50 yfnAib ceAbb t)o cjiu-o a ccon*iAi|ibe An -oúpn "oup cm "oo jjCn-OAir innaAtAt) tii ConcobAin. "Oo 'oechAi-ó An joibfjinoiji -po cbCcoi|i bA p^ncon^nA An 1a|\Ia ^Evening. — Nona or trath nona, the time when the canonical hour of the divine office called none is said, i.e., three o'clock in the afternoon. 2 His friend. — ' Require Tibot na long to send me present word in what stay O'Conor Sligo is, what time he is able to hold out, . . . and to assure him that if he give me time to assemble an army, I will march in person and set up my rest to free him, to have a revenge for my worthy friend, and especially to recover her Majesty's honour.' 203 which were on the pastures and grazing throughout the country. 1599- . There was not a fortress or strong, secure castle in the whole country that was not in his possession except that one castle. O'Donnell, without waiting for his foot-soldiers ordered his cavalry to go to the castle, that O'Conor might not effect an escape from the castle before the army came. Thereupon the horsemen jumped on their horses speedily and actively, for no one dared to disobey his words. They marched after that as fast as they could together, and set to spur and whip their horses until they reached the place. The army came after them to the castle. That place was an impregnable stronghold, and its position was secure, because a river was on every side of it and there was a thick wood on the other side of the river extending to the north of it, so that it was not easy to seize on any one who desired to leave the fortress. However, O'Donnell encamped opposite the wood, and he declared he would not give up the siege until O'Conor and Collooney were in his power. The army made tents and huts. Guards and sentinels were set night and day round the castle on every side. They made mounds of earth and stones and very large trenches between them and the archers and shooters of the castle. They enclosed it on every side in this way. There were large strong bodies of his horse on horseback on the watch from the dusk of evening 1 till morning, lest O'Conor might escape from them under cover of the darkness of the night, for they were thankful to the one God who had brought him into the strait in which he was. It spread universally through Ireland that O'Donnell was besieging O'Conor in his castle. When the Earl of Essex heard that O'Conor was in that difficulty and strait in which he was, he was vexed that his friend 2 and companion in war should be shut in as he was without help coming to him. Wherefore, he sent his messengers to summon the Governor to meet him at Fercall, 3 that they might take counsel there in order to see what he should do to go to O'Conor. The Governor set off immediately in con- sequence of the order of the Earl to him, and he incurred great danger and Essex's Instructions for Lord Dunkellin, in the baronies of Eglish, Ballcowan, and August ioth, 1599. C.C. MSS., iii. 318. Ballybritt, King's Co. The O'Molloys were 3 Fercall. — This territory is now included chiefs of it. Book of Rights, p. 189. 2 C 204 T)1A fAlglO 7 Y° y0t)Ain'l gAlbci 7 gUArACCA mÓ]lA Ag T>ub C]UA ■pf-|A<5ib ceAtl 50 fiAriAic bAib AinbAoi An c1a|\Ia, 7 b&o\ "oi oi-ocbe conA bÁib iriA p>cbAi]\ occ pgnu'ÓA'ó a ccomAi](te. "Do ]\ac ad clAnbA pjibbeA-ó pDcbnAToe t>on joibeA|\nó|\ 7 no Aiclnn •oe An cati cireATj co hAcLÚAin Ambtn "oo rmbeA-OAib & 'OAm^Aib 7 -oofr cÚA|iApoAib yo riiAinur t3Ain1li05Ain Saxati bi ccoigOo otneccniACc 7 AinbAoi beor t>o ^oi-óeAÍAib in uh'iLa 7 in Aitn-oe x>i on mut) ccfccnA "oo cionot diugA co liAoimonAt) 7 cocbc nfmpA "opjprAcbc ui ChoncobAip fo\\ úa n"OoriinAibb. Uo Cnb "OAn fAip Ap^ncongpA p>n iol. 54.. b. UeAboicc nA bong tiiAC 'Rifofin'o An iA]\Amn 1111c 6iiiAinn tnic Uibbicc 7 An 1TUi]\c1iA'ó nA mÁon ttiac "OoriiHAilb An cliogATo 1111c An giobbAX)inb uí yt-AicbCncAij, 7 A]i ei|\ge AniAcb nA 5 A1 bbrhe An pronúr -oo biut) 7 t>a gAcb nATOibge An cCha, 7 An Ai-óme -oCmi'iA CAirceoib CAinicc ó SAXAib 50 gAibbirh ■oo bneic ibtomgfr Íaiti *oCr frp bop nOneAn pwn cuato co SbigeAC. An goibCpioin gur An pltiAgb AcnubnAmAn "oo cocbc p>n cin 7 UeAbÓTO nA bong gur ah boingCp pn ha gAibUhe x>o cocbc pon muin co ccorhpMcar fin A-poibe 1 SbigeAcb ÍAn ccAbAin ui ConcobAin a CmbniAoile, (x no pnAcbc -om An c1a|VIa pan An ngoibCnnoin gAn -poAt) pop ccubA-o coirofpncA ÍAir cAircÍAÍb corii-ÓAingCn 7 cmpc cbocliAobcA 05 ah SLigeAÓ ]\o bA-ó cIa-o coigcpce 7 nobAX) cblAC jAbAbA p\l bUtcAlb T30 gpcp O T)0 bC]1C All gOlbfpiOl]! bAlltl 1111 nA ÓAingmb pn no popbAt) no éebeAbAip -oon 1a]\Ia 7 imp\i hia pnchemg co bAite AcAbuAin, 7 no ropAib ron UbeAboicc ha long cocbc ah cupur ]\eiii|iAice reib no ptpcongpA-ó rAin bu-o-oem. 1311]' pec ifpccAm co Run comniAin, 7 bA pnorii A-obAb 7 bA bA-onAp ÍAir úa ConcobAi]i t>o beic ipn cfnncA Anbpoitb i|iAibe 7 a pot) no bAoi gAn conncm úa-oa Ap bA heipoifi feipn |\o AflAij fAin cocbc vo b]\Ac & ^»0 cbAifcebA-ó An cipe ft, -opor rcél ui "OboninAibb. Acc cbfnA mn bo ni bAif cocbc co beipnmbb Anpjipée -oía p^ipcAcbc, -0015 no nnorhnAi 5 copgAn 7 CAcbuAi-ó autouh-oi 7 An'iAinp An pn no bAoi p?n Acm-o. Ho ctuneAt) iCjioni bA1f All gOlbfpiOin C10nÓb 7 cfgbAtllA-O fO]\ Ainbui -oo gliAbbAib 7 r>o ^ViAOi'óeAbAib uiiiAb , oon bAmRiogAin In ccoiccex> ConnAcbc vo neocb no bACAn ó eAchcge co *0|\obAOif m-o Aiiip^ne be. 1cifc nA "PionngAill 7 nA ^AOTÓib -oon AngACO]\ ipDcb]\Aix>e An joibeAjmopA cbAnn UntA clomne 1 M. no. maor. — i.e. of the stewards. died in 1620, leaving a son and heir, Mor- See Hardiman's H. of Galway, p. 41. He rough na mart. 205 risk in going through Fercall until he came to the place where the Earl '599 - was. He was two days and two nights with him taking counsel. The Earl gave more soldiers to the Governor and ordered him, when he should come to Athlone, to bring together all the soldiers, warriors, and mercenaries in the service of the Queen of England within the province of Olneccmacht and also whosoever of the Irish were submissive and obedient to him in the same way and to go to the aid of O'Conor against O'Donnell. He then issued a command to Theobald na long, son of Richard an Iarainn, son of Edmund, son of Ulick, and to Morrough na maor, 1 son of Donnell an chogaidh, son of Gilla Dubh O'Flaherty, and the auxiliaries from Galway, to carry in ships, north-eastwards having the coast of Ireland on the right, to Sligo, the stores of food and everything needful, and implements for making castles which had come from England to Galway. The Governor himself with the army we have spoken of should go by land, and Theobald na long with the ships from Galway should come by sea, that they might meet at Sligo, after helping O'Conor at Collooney. Moreover, the Earl commanded the Governor not to return until there was built by him a castle and dwelling of stone and mortar at Sligo, which would be a boundary and wall of defence against the Ulstermen always. When the Governor undertook to carry out these arrangements, he took leave of the Earl and returned to Athlone, and he ordered Theobald na long to go on the aforesaid expedition, as he was ordered to do himself. He came afterwards to Roscommon, and it was a great grief and con- fusion to him that O'Connor should be in such a great strait and so long without aid from him, for it was he who had persuaded him to go spy and reconnoitre the country and get news of O'Donnell. But yet he thought it would be of no use to go to his relief weak and unprepared, for he dreaded very much the fierceness and bravery, the perseverance and subtlety of the man opposed to him. It was arranged after that by the Governor to assemble and bring together all the English and Irish submissive to the Queen in the province of Connaught from Hechtgha to the Drowes in her pay. These were the old English and the Irish who came to the army of the Governor : the sons of the Earl of Clanricarde, i.e., Richard, baron of 20Ó lliocAipo 1. Riccaivo bA]\ún TDÚine coibbin 7 UoniAr coiia poqiAioe, UeAboicc 'OioLiriAin co bion AcionoiL, ó ConcobAin -oonn, Aóó mac "OiA]imAT)A, rmc CAipope coriA coichfprAL, 7 ttiac Suibne tiA ccuac, ITlAoLmuirte ttiac TtluncAi-o moiit rmc GogAin 015 bAoi foy, fo^Ail 7 -oibenj ó úa n'OorhtiAiVl 1 pvpnAt) Ail joibC]\no|iA. O nAn^ACAn An buchcpn uiLe co RopcommAin combACAn ■plóg x)ímón "OAriAfvÓA •oújicnoi'óeAch combA •pAtfiAÍcA LA-p An Aip§ Sen Coneur nAC DA01 AciriAinj i'pp|\C] , CAi'L nAc AprpeA^AprhA x»o -OAOimb aj úa n"OornnAitt. tocA]\ ÍA|\otii a llopcommAin occ mbpACAcViA pchCc co -pAn^ACAn co UuiLbrci. Aip'roe T)óib 50 inAi ii]xi|\ n<\ tomVle 7 no ^AbrAc bon^popc lnruit»iu. DaIa UeAboicc iia tonj 7 IIIujacIiato nA rriAon 7 An tompr nen'ienencmAn, no feobpAcrAToe bAn'i -oeAr pu hon n&nmn peb no hfpbAT) ppiú, 50 nAn^ACAp in ionTooiiiAin An chÚAin pnr An Sb^eAc AnÍAp .Aippc Ainnpbe AiiiAib •00 nioncoir^eA'ó -ócnb co p-fprAir rceÍA An crtoig oite no -ÓAib cViuca An "oúrin. UuijiceccA uí "OomnAitl vCcaí nAibe ó nAimcc tAiporh An rui-óiu^A-ó t>o ■ó|\ut) 7 X)o •oIucu^a'ó pnr An 'oúnA'ó AttiAib bA mCnmAnc ÍAir 50 nA teicci neAcli Anonn no ible aca 7 ha bui conAin no Cr jiur elú'ÓA Ag ó cconcobAip Apn ccAircÍAlb, X)0 pAgAib HÍAbt 5^]\b ó "OoriinAiLL 1 cinpghecc An coirhex)A, fx no aoncoip5 é im ^Acb ní bA •oíon "óó 7 bA rAinrCpc ÍAipotfi "oo ■óenorii "óó. 'Luit) peipn conA rto^ co CoipAfliAb ha SfjrA 7 gAbAir bongpopc iruit>e Ajt -ÓAijnA cifeAt) An rtuAj ^<ÚX CAijnr ^aii nAcujA-ó. t)Aiporii ipn t)úiwó hipn on cétmA yedic ac chuAbvó An ^oibfpioin "oo beit a^ aonób chugA pn né "oÁ rfnor co C015 .x. Augup:. Ro incpArhlAij- CrcAippom é bu-obem on mubpn ppi luliur CAerAp ah cAn popiA5Aib 'Oeciur tDnucur mt> lomftn-oe pop diAcbAip nA TTlAipti, 7 "oo coioh p?ipn cotiA flog -oo cochAn ppif An T)í Ai]\|nj ]io bACAn fpi lAimh poimp poppAn eppAin, pecpn 7 -Aip-pn An AnniAnnnA. RobcAn pubóij pop3|ipioiti-ó mtnncCp uí "OoinnAitb pn psnnfp An •oÁ miop AcpubnAmon no b aca^a ipn ■oúnA-ó nempÁice pp Coi]infliAb nA SfghpA acúató, 7 ^ep uó heicipchiAn ÚAitnb impC'OAin 7 cApiiyo a tomcf-o m bm nAc cfpbAit) bró popnA pppn 1 Encamped there. — His camp was in the extremity of Bealach Buidhe, now Bellagh- boy, near Ballinafad, Co. Sligo. Atinals F. M., vi., 2124. 2 Julius Cczsar. — For an account of the battle of Lerida, in which these two lieu- tenants of Pompey were defeated, and of the subsequent surrender of Marseilles to Caesar, and his generosity to the inhabitants, see his De Bella Ctvili, 1. 34. 207 Dunkellin, and Thomas with his forces, Theobald Dillon with all his 1559. troops, O'Conor Don, Hugh, son of Dermot, son of Cairbre, with his party, and MacSwiny na dtuath, Maelmuire, son of Morrough Moll, son ,of Owen Oge, who was then at variance with and in rebellion against O'Donnell and with the Governor. When all these people came to Roscommon, they formed a strong, cruel, hard-hearted army, so that it seemed to the leader Sir Conyers that O'Donnell had not a body of men to meet or encounter them. They went away after that from Ros- common with twenty-eight standards, until they came to Tulsk ; from that to the monastery of Boyle, and they encamped there. As for Theobald na long and Morrough na maor and the ships of which we have spoken, they set sail, keeping the shore of Ireland on the right, as was commanded them, until they came to the deep part of the harbour west of Sligo. They remained there, as they were instructed, till they should get news of the other army which he sent to them there. As for O'Donnell, some time after he succeeded in closing and securing the position before the fortress as he wished, so that no one was allowed in or out of it, and there was no way or means of escape for O'Conor out of the castle, he left Niall Garbh O'Donnell in com- mand of the guard, and instructed him in everything he needed and he specially desired he should do. He himself went with his army to Corrsliabh of the Seaghais, and encamped there 1 lest the English army might cross it without being noticed. He was in the fortified place • then from the first time he heard the Governor was collecting his forces against him for the space of two months to the fifteenth of August. In that way he resembled Julius Caesar 2 when he left Decius Brutus besieging the city of Marseilles and he went himself with his army to fight against the two generals who were Pompey's lieutenants in Spain ; Petronius and Afranius were their names. O'DonnelPs people were glad and delighted during the space of the two months they were in the aforesaid strong place to the north of Corrsliabh of the Seaghais, for they had no lack of provisions during that time, though the carriage and bringing of supplies was very long for them 208 pé pin, ÚAip mp bo L115A oVoac cet> mile ceirmnt) imecuipnp Ap aiVI tma tomato pop gpoitub 7 eoctiAito a Vnnip C05A111 nnc tléitb, a fAnoic cipe fol.55.^ ConAitX, a 50LL, a hlopjob, a pupc copAijlie ífp ccÚAipccfpc. flip bo heiccCn Iaocjiató riA LAichjAiLe ppi ^Aipccet) inAic óicc ApmcA ppi liuppcLAi je t>Ap cCYra Aino^At) no AmeAnbolg, acc ApC-oh bA ■pnÁ'OA'ó fx comAipce -óóib 51 Vie 7 AfuvóA & ■OAOine "oiAipm 7 buchc nnjAipgi-o 7 mio-olAcViAip, 7 m Lattica bem ppiú La liUArhAn ui "OhoirmAiVl aji riA popbpipce ApmAcccAin picoArhuiL. O "oo WAchcACAn pcélA 50 hÚA nDorhnAiVt UeAboicc riA tong conA tongfp •oo ceAcc ipm ccúaii ppip in Sl/igeAÓ acúai-ó, po pAOi-o Ap aiUI 'oía ArhrAib ha pppicViAigeAt) n& cipcAip pop cip jjombACAp ipm pope po AnCpcorhAip eneAch 111 lonctiAito ppiú. Hip pApgAitopiorn "OAn pichipi inAic conAipf-oViA nÁi"0 eAppupA ebuiDA ó Loch Cé ppip An SfgliAip AnAip 50 Loch Uechfc a Ha chiAp 5A11 Luchc peicme fx popAipe poppA nA apeA"o An rtuAj peAÓA ^au pAcujA-o opm-our. -Ac bCpcpAC a coipij 7 a cpeAtoAmn a conpAib 7 AchorhAipl.15 Ap ceAnA bA cCpbAi-ó mop -oia rmteA'ÓAito 7 bA CAnAoicce ACcliAcjAtoALA ppi 5aLLai"ó AnpcAoiteA-ó 7 An ceppei-oeAt) "oo pAcc pop a mumap .1. "opong mop •010b mn iomruix>e An cliAipcéoib Ambui ó ConéotoAip 7 Ap aiUI pop huchc t)pumne An Lomgip impopÁiT>piom, Ap oite -oioto acc coirhfcc poppna COnAipib ACCÚAX>AniAp. *Oo pAcpom pop^Ail mbicc 7 pop nCipm puigle nA nuÁpAb 7 nA nAipeAc 7 Acbfpc ppiú gup bó heiccCn m'opin, 7 po pAito beop gup bo pembpiACAp ó chdn niÁip nAC Ap Lion 05 bpipcfp cac acc cpi nfpc An chonrmet) 7 pecip neAch cAipipm jfp ipm cpionoicc Apé Ap copgpAc 7 cpeit>fp gup Ab é An CAom "Oia poAp pop An pocliAnbe biop pop 5Á01 piApAn úacaú biop pop piop. Ap mine acatii AOTone m Ap nÚACAt) pop pio]\ ah -OAptmn buTVoem, 7 acac * gAiUl mA pochAiT)e móip pop 501 Ag 501-0 toAp n ACApx>A 7 bAp nAipbCpcA bic pojiAib, 7 Ap upA "ÓAOib comóp CACujA-o CAÍniA pCipij peicpec -oo 'oenoni CAp cfnn bA|\ nACApt)A 7 bupnAnmA An CAn acaiccIi Ap bup ccomup pAÚem 7 bup nAipm m bup bAn'iAib, nÁ An CAn no toAp bepcA hi cApcpAito 7 hi cuirtipighchito ÍAp ngoiD bAp nApm popAito iCp ccomicCngAb bAp mbAlt Ia cAtoU-óAito cpuAi-opigmto cnAibe & ÍAp mbpipeAt) 7 ÍAp mbtAi-ó]iebAt) Ap 1 Goll. — A promontory in the barony of limits of Ross Irguill are not determined. Kilmacrenan, Co. Donegal, on the eastern It adjoined Ros Guill on the west. Top. side of Sheephaven, now Rosguill. The Poems, xxxi. 209 during that period, for they brought some of their provisions not 1599. less than a hundred miles on mares and steeds from Inishowen Mic Neill, from Fanad of Tyrconnell, from Goll 1 and West Goll, from Port Tory in the north-west. Soldiers and armed men were not necessary, nor armed youths, to protect their servants or flour-sacks, but their protection and guards were servants and peasants, and people without arms, and persons not fit for war and cowardly, and no one dared to harm them through fear of O'Donnell, that his peaceful rule might not be broken through. When the news reached O'Donnell that Theobald na long with the ships had come to the mouth of the harbour of Sligo, he sent some of his soldiers to prevent them from landing, so that they were in the harbour face to face with them. Besides, he did not leave the roads or passes or means of escape from Lough Ce of the Seghais to Lough Techet on the west without guards and watches on them, lest the army should pass by without being observed in some way. His chiefs and captains, and his counsellors too said they were very short of soldiers, and that their attack on the English would be weaker on account of the scattering and dispersion which he had made of his forces, i.e., a large body of them was besieging the castle in which O'Conor was, and some confronting the fleet of which we have spoken, some of them keeping watch on the roads we have mentioned. He made little or no account of the words of the nobles and chiefs, and he said to them that this was necessary, and he declared moreover that there was an old saying from long ago, that it was not by the number of soldiers the battle is decided but by the power of God, and that he is victorious whosoever trusts in the Trinity and believes that the one God is against the crowd that is on the side of cheating and with the few who are on the side of right. ' We, though a small number, are on the side of right, as it seems to us, and the English, whose number is large, are on the side of robbery, in order to rob you of your native land and your means of living, and it is far easier for you to make a brave, stout, strong fight for your native land and your lives whilst you are your own masters and your weapons are in your hands than when you are put into prison and in chains 2IO aiU. •oibpibe icilj béoiiiApb, ífp ha bAp ccoimcfn^At 7 Ap 11 a bAp nAcommAt pop peiiAib 7 co jmorh •00 corn Aiii bAn pAoipe T>Aoib a nine bAn Iaiti 7 a cpuAp bAn ccpoibe An cAn ACÁib bAp ccopp An bAp ccomup 7 bAp nAipm m bAn bAriiAib, AiiiAit iia buvo eigm niA-o iac ah ptuAj JaVI bur copgpAC. 11a jeibib 5pAm ha 1111C5IA piA tiontiiAi|\e taocpAibe Luiroon ha piA HAttriiApbAcc An mmbb nA a iiApm, acc cmpib bAp pppeipcipi 7 bAn rAoitCccAin ipm coin'Toex) popopbA. -Ap "ofpb tCmfA tiiA ccAbpAib t»A bAn nAoib AUAbpAimpi ppib 50 ppAompichi pop gAÍÍAib, 7 combo bib copgAp. t^Acop nA rl.015 occ coipcéAÓc rni pmghbb ha rÍAcliA. flip uó ■ouib^ "onA boibpibe Aclumpm cembfinr mt) iompoiccpi Ap Aip"oe A ^octiA 7 a CptAbpA. fto jeAtbpAc cacIi iccoiccmne con "oion^nAiar peb po popcon^Aip 7 po ApbAi j pop]\A. lomcupA An Aipij Coneup Cbopopc, boipibe ppi pé peAcciiiAme oc pup (x occ poichitt An epc]\iAbÍA x»o pome po beóib. Ho bi*opit)be 05 bAij bpiACAp 7 05 CAcllAOip 7 05 CApCUpAt poppAU CUAipcCpC £AC bA01 7 OgA pAt) JO pAcliAt) t)ÍA nAiiiibeom cAppAn pbeib bub cuato. Ilo bAoi pamtAib 50 peb nAoiii fflmpe 11'iACAp An conirofb ipm cui^eAb Ia .x "oo Augupc. 1lo jeAÍtpon'i ah bA pm pAinpeAb 50 mbeic 1 tongpopc ui *OliomiiAitt piA nA-ÓAij ifp niAibtn pop a mumcip. t)Apfb po bA monAp -oo muintiti uí T)hoiimAitt ppip m pé po bAoipiotii ipn rriAimpcip beic occa ccfpcu^A-o bub bem 7 occa neblriiujAb pop cfnt) An cACAijce 7 in fpcoiiiAip ha hCpjAite po bAÍApcAp "oía pAigix). 1Daca)\ A5 t^Iai nni AmeAb fol. 56. b 7 05 ^tep ah ^onnAb 05 gpiopjjopAb 7 gpiAnA-o An^pAiipu-OAip (x 05 buibgliotiAb a pocoibfb Ag coniitCshAb ACCAopbÚAibe 7 ah ubAitliiieAÍb monicpom A5 cjiomnpmAT!) AccpAoipfc ccpAinn]\Cn'iAp 7 AcceAlcpAch cacIia, A5 bioriiAb AbAnnctoibCiii ifcliAnpcoA 7 accua^Ii ccAibleAC ccAicnfn'iAch 1 Feast. — i.e., the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary, which is fixed on that day. ''■He. — i.e., Sir C. Clifford, who had ap- pointed the monastery of Boyle to be the rendezvous of the forces that were sum- moned to go to the relief of O'Conor Sligo to Collooney. 4 211 after being robbed of your weapons and when your limbs are bound with t hard, tough cords of hemp, after being broken and torn, some of you half " dead after you are chained and taken in crowds on waggons and carts through the streets of the English towns through contempt and mockery of you. My blessing on you, true men ; bear in your minds the firm resolu- tion that you had when such insults and violence were offered to you (as was done to many of your race), that to-day is the day of battle which you have needed to make a vigorous fight in defence of your liberty by the strength of your arms and the courage of your hearts, while you have your bodies under your control and your weapons in your hands, as it is not a necessity that the English should be your conquerors. Have no dread or fear of the great number of the soldiers of London or of the strangeness of their weapons and arms, but put your hope and confidence in the God of glory. I am certain if you take into your minds what I say to you, that the English will be defeated and that victory will be with you.' The troops listened to the words of the prince. It was not difficult for them to hear, though they were not very close, on account of the loudness of his voice and speech. They promised all together that they would do as he ordered and requested them. As for the commander Conyers Clifford, he was for the space of a week preparing and getting ready for the journey, which he made at last. He was blustering and showing his contempt for and reviling the men of the north each day, and saying that he would go in spite of them over the mountain northwards. He was thus until the feast 1 of Mary the Mother of God, on the 15th day of August. He promised that he would be in O'Donnell's camp before night that day after defeating his forces. The occupation of O'Donnell's forces during the time that he 2 was in the monastery was exercising themselves and preparing for the fight and for the encounter which they were called to engage in. They were cleaning and getting ready their guns, and drying and exposing to the sun their grain powder and filling their pouches and casting their leaden bullets and heavy spherical balls, sharpening their strong-handled spears and their war-pikes, polishing their long broadswords and their bright-shining axes, and preparing their arms 2 D 212 6b Ag ullrim gA-ó a iiv\i|\m 7 a neiccij 7 a nAi-obilge cacIia aj\ cIiÍVia. Ho bio-ó cleineAÓ con-OAil c|\Aib-oeAÓ 7 pxgA^c rCgliAinn ppMlmcbC'olAC 1 yA-pnA-o ui DborimAill -oo gné-p pu boip'jienn 7 pn Iho-ooaivvc glAnnume cuinp C|vi]vc 7 a ]>oIa, 7 La giiAtcber -óó caii -our pcceA-o yo\\ yeci 7 pon pluAigeAt) 110 cecip cAti nó coirtAicf-o CgCn-OAil gAbAi-ó pun, no Aomf-ó cjtCóAn ]\0AccmC-ó A CAUg'bAlA "01A Atl 111 cb AjVAICC ÍA|\ CCAin, -OO CíC-Ó A peACCA pATJ *Oia, 7 |\o cocbAiceAt) conp Cppr ApdroAt). "Ro ArlAij yon a flog irm Aimpin 1npn Aome yele iia bi nAon'i 111ai]\i -oo cporgA-ó. flo céleAbjiA-ó oip^ienn -óó &]\ a 1)A|\ac Gfc -oon crlog A|\ cCha -co neocb bACon ipn longponc pn, 7 Apioé-oporh go niAicib An tyloig miAille pur copo Cpp: co nAipincin nióip -oon coirii-oyo 10S\\ C1I10SU 7 -oiA nAoiii iiiACAi]\ 1]~A yel -oa jiaIa Aim. O -oo bCncrorii •oía uit) bAig bpAcnA bA)\onnbo]\bA An goibfpio]\A Ag ongeAlleA-o cocc •oiA longponcroiii An Ax>Aig pn, no ACAig hiac ha hoige |\o bui fo a b]\umne, 7 An óg ydpn -oía po Aom ah Iá nÍAtii utia bimpi-obe pop An AcbAip nfrh-ÓA 7 pop a HIAC imeCn'opA cfcup "oia AnrriAm, Go íCpoiii -oiAniA-ó Cx> no beonAigpe *Oía -óó gombA-o pAip bu-o pÁon, go bp\|\ccboic1n eipom m oaIIa-ó aii cIiacIia 7 nA cipeA-o pop ccúIa-o coi-óce acc A-óicCn-oeA-ó "oía nÁriiAic pú no melAchc- nAigci An'iAil po bA mfnmApc lÁp An ngoibfpnóip. U1 fgli ai cc An plóg ía|\ neipceAcc An oippeno -oía mbocliAib 7 puiplib 00 coiiiaiIc a ccúajia 7 a pnA111X)1 piA CCeACC bl Ccfno lÍlÓppAfcAip, 7 -0A11 bACAp OCAppAlg gU1|lC ífp nA.ome An IÁ01 pAn'i -oóib A|\ iniA-OAtiilACA-ó -oo nAom lllAipe. -Acp\g1iAc ApA bpmplib co p]iApu|\lAn'i ía]\ bp]\Ain-oiugA-o -óóib co ppAilce móijt 7 co pubA Ia mfc nA pAoileAccAii bui leó buAi-ó 7 copgAp -oo bpCic pop AnAiih-oib. tol.57. «. UifgliAic pop An riiAigbe -oo diAipbeAlbA-ó a pocpnoe m ofnriiAigin. Ho jiAtin úa 'OoiimAill a muincip m vé a^a liAicle. Uo Ia a gille -01 An a -odnmnCcAcb a Gt a ogbA-ó ucmAll AnbpAi-ó & a ófp -oiubjiAicci yop leic gonA ngonnA-oliAib gucbA|\-OA gepiA-ÓA]icAcbA 7 coha p:iot>bACAib CAilce comnrinne 7 conA progbA-ÓAib pjileAcbA yoibyigce 7 go Antnlib Aiómib nnéelccci A]\ cfnA. Uo o]TOAig cuipcb c]\ot>a 7 eccltnnn migonA 7 CU1-J1 congbAlA cacIia nnAyoCn p i uú go p'oppniAcbc úacIia yoppiA bóccAib -oiAiroHA-o 7 -oiAnomge 7 -oiAn-olucuccAt) iccfnn aii c1k\ca co ha jppAomce ro]\|\A, 7 "oiiy|xlAige (x -oiomgum ca]\ Anéip caii Ia liAnpjijnce 1 Confessor- — Properly soul's friend. See on ' The Culdees,' in Trans. R. I. xxiv. Golgan's Trias Thaum., p. 294, and Reeves 88. The word usually means confessor. mi 213 and armour and implements of war also. A prudent pious cleric and a 1599. comely psalm-singing priest were with O'Donnell continually offering Mass and the pure, mysterious sacrifice of the Body and Blood of Christ, and it was his usual practice whenever he went on a journey or a hosting, or whenever he was threatened with any kind of danger, to observe a'fast and confess his transgressions to his confessor, 1 after he had grieved for his sins before God, and to receive the Body of Christ himself. He requested his army to fast on the eve of the feast of the Blessed Virgin Mary. The Mass was offered for him on the next day, and for everyone of the army also who was in that encampment, and he recommended the chiefs of the army to receive with him the Body of Christ with great reverence for the Lord Jesus Christ and his holy Mother on her feast that occurred then. When he heard of the boasting of the proud leader the Governor, who promised to come to his encampment that night, he besought the Son of the Virgin, who had lain on her breast, and the Virgin herself, in whose honour he had fasted the day before, to pray to the blessed Father and to her loving Son, first for his soul, and afterwards if God did not grant that he should be victorious, that he should be left on the field of battle and that he should never return, but that he should be beheaded by his enemies rather than be disgraced, as was the wish of the Governor. After hearing Mass, the army went to their tents and prepared to take their food and their meal before engaging in the great labour, and then they were hungry and thirsty after the fast of the preceding day in honour of holy Mary, After taking their meal they came from their tents very readily with great delight and gladness, owing to the great hope they had of obtaining a victory and triumph over their enemies. They proceeded over the level part of the plain in order to review their forces together. O'Donnell then divided his forces into two parts. He placed his swift energetic youths and his nimble athletic men and his shooters apart, with their loud-sounding straight-shooting guns and their strong bows and their bloody venomous javelins, and their missile instru- ments also. He appointed leaders of battle and champions of the fight and generals for sustaining the battle with them, with command to the youths to press and urge and close them to the battle, so that they may 214 AHATÓme mobnAicci. *Oo nACA a úa^aiL 7 a Aipí; fx a p>]\up>ccbAi5 ipm "oa^a Leié a co-ohai^ 7 a cun^C-oliA 7 a cjtenpp CAippmeAcViA 7 a cuAipgm-oe caca co ccbAi-orfnb TtAingne "oepvobpAchA 6t 50 mbÍAibb btÁch- M1015CI bétcAnA 50 mAnAoipb mcnpleAbyiA mui}\neAc1iA 50 plf^haib peim- neAchA porjpo'OA f"|ti yopijA-o p-omA 7 pu CAippom c|iox)A 7 cAciiAin. T)in bo hionA"o ■OAií;e]\inA nó -oiAinimpnie An nú pn conAb Aine pn *oo nome qiAij;hceAC t>ía mAUCpluAjh a Wipe a rinleAX). 1a|i n-oe|iomn Ainuincine "oo 'OhoTÍinAilb no po]\congAin fo^pAn "oaIa nAnn xnob imbACAn An cofr x»iub- nAicce 50 peimciCpcAip j,ur An ftoj neccponti -oo coc1ia|\ ppiú, 7 combar iacc bAt) Aipbi ai j 7 lo^Aite -oia 1115U111 7 cjiechcnuccAb \\e piú cíoprAi-p cAn lonróopÁit) 7 Aithpeit) An tpléibe a]\ bA hapMce -poAt) fojino po *oéói5 •oÍAmcAir cneccnAi^nce ÚAbAibpom iccopuj, & 50 mbeicpom 50 cciug An cplóij in AipCp "oaLa yo Anencon'iAi|\ "oo c1iac pjuú bAib in nob CjibAtcA ÍAir An jgAbAil. Ho biar DiiongA ■oCpiiAfiA -oo n'iumci|\ ui *OhorhnoiUl vo tó 7 •OA-ÓAij itnA rcAc oc yopAipe -poji ionn An cpléibe ha aopvo ah ftoj eccnonn cAipr 5An nAcugAt). *Oo -jaaIa -opechcA -oiob An lÁpn rAin|\eA-ó Ann 7 bACA]\ occ yoncp 7 mix>CttiAin nA niAimppec ÚAibib 7 tia pjipie bACAp nine. An CAn bA gtAnnincneAch 5]uaii ppiú occ ah bpxinccp, ac cViiac An ptog A5 Aipcm a nAntfi 7 occ cup^DAit a mfin^eAC 7 a mbpACAC 7 occ yfnim a ccnomnA'ó 7 a fol.57 b. ccApún Gc a ccAirmfyc cViAchA. "Ro LÁirfc ApcébA *oo fAiji-ó uí "OnorhnoiVl 50 •oebocAC. 1a|\ cctoircecc ha pccéLA pn "oúa *QhóiimAiLb ac btpc pur An proipnn no o|voAij ipetricur tia conAine co nt>iAnAp;nAicir perinb •oo "oeAbAb ypp An floj ne pú apzAir CAn moicpb An thai jfleibe. tocAn ía|\oiíi ArfiAit po bCnbAb pnú 50 nAipoe Aijmt) 7 50 mCnniAnpA'ó miLit> bAgAC nAomyCp aca 50 nAn^ACA^ fO]\ 11T0 An crleibe co cmnCpttAc pArnA g^^ 1 ^- t^eicciró T)oifinAiti mA nx)eAt)1iAi5 co cobfAit) ceimpjm ^ur An p'iaiiIac pyoyAijce 7 guf nA c|\em-pC^Aib cAippme no cogupcAin mA cimcebL 50 nibACAn ipn ionA-6 epx)AbcA 7 ipn T)ú m ]\o bAt) -oem'-iin teó nA gAilt -oo cochAn mA ccenn. Aippc Ainnpt>e fo Ane|\coifiAip. lomcufA An cftoig peiiiceccAig no 01TOA15 úa "OomnAilt ipn cofAC 1 Veterans. — O'Clery says the Irish word 3 Rough part. — He had felled trees and means an aged soldier. put them across the road, to make the 2 Shooters. — ie., both the archer6 who used passage more difficult for the enemy, bows, and the musketeers who had guns. O'Sullivan, Hist. Cath., p. 165. 215 not be defeated, and to hew down and wound after them as soon as their 1 599 - missile weapons were ready. His nobles and chief men and veterans 1 were placed in the other division, his leaders and his chiefs, his trusty brave men, and his leaders of battle, with their strong, keen-edged swords and polished, thin-edged battleaxes, with large-headed, smooth, narrow lances, their long, smooth spears, to support the conflict and maintain the fight and battle. The place was not one for galloping and riding, wherefore he made foot-soldiers of his cavalry in the midst of his soldiers. After dividing his forces in two, O'Donnell ordered the second division, with whom the shooters 2 were, to advance as far as the foreign army to engage them, and they should be the chief men of the fight and battle to wound and cut down before they came over the difficult and rough part 3 of the mountain, for it would be easier to defeat them in the end if they were wounded by them in beginning, and he himself with the main body of the army would wait near to engage them where he was sure they would pass. There were strong bodies of O'Donnell's people day and night by turns watching on the summit of the mountain lest the foreign army should go through without being noticed. There were parties of them that very day there, and they were recon- noitering and watching the monastery at a distance and the party which was in it. When the sun was in full brilliancy as they were reconnoitering, they saw the army taking their arms and raising their standards and colours and sounding their trumpets and tabors and war instruments. They sent word to O'Donnell in all speed. After hearing the news, he told the party whom he had ordered to take the van in the pass, that they should march forward rapidly to engage the army before it crossed the rugged parts of the mountain slope. They advanced then as they were commanded with the magnanimity and courage of soldiers all of them, till they speedily came to the summit of the mountain before the English. O'Donnell set out after them steadily, firmly, with the steady troops and faithful heroes whom he had collected round him, and they came to the appointed place and to the spot where they were sure the English would come up-'to them. They remained there to meet them. As for the van of the army which O'Donnell had ordered to the front 2l6 ^AbAicc occ ApgnÁm nA conAipe 1n ccoriiTjAib ha ccac neccponn combACAp ucbc ppi ucbc. O po compoiccpi jpCc "oia Apoite vo pebccCc nA ^ 01 " ^ ypopA pmleAcliA poidub "opo jA-ÓAib aIccIioCiiia umnpionn 7 pAiche fAighfc ppmbjep piAinficeAÓ a pi-obACAib po-OA peiT>nineApcrhApA 7 CApAip- ceACA ccpuncAop ccpoitjfpg Gb ubAitmeAb buATÓe a junriA'OAib ceipcoip^e CAobpA-ÓAipc. "PpipmnnbCdiAp ó ogbAi-ó via Saxati -oia pArhlAij;ceA-ó iron ccumniA cfcnA t>o gpAiiAoibtib gpiopgopcA jlAntuATÓe a junnA-OAib gbepoibne 7 a cpAopmupcoecAib cogUApcA ciAnpogpACA combcAp CYhnAijci ha lumcetcci CcoppA -oepú 7 ahaII 50 clop a ppÚAmAnnA 7 ApppfgApcA 7 AppOgllApCOipneAT) 1 ppOICpib 7 AppiOTJOA-OAlb A CCAipC1AÍtAlb 7 A CCUTl'l- T>Aij;ib cboclrÓA ha ccpiocb ccompoccup. Da mAccnA'ó móp tia Tngpioc -Aep oiprnfcA 7 a]aa"óa pop -openim 7 -oAppAcc 1a coipcecc ppip tiA CAipmeApcAib caca 7 ppi 111AC aLLa 7 copmAn An cpemxnubpAicce. 1lo cpeAcnAijic cupAiTj 7 po toiacc LofcbpAi-o pop *oib beicib teó conboc Up boiriAnnA C5I1A iiiacau ^Ani'ipt) 11T0 AcpoppA ccaoc TnopmA Ag "oiAinnnpim Iaii'ia 7 beicchmt) 7 Ia Ap^A nA toecbpAfóe pop jac beic nAtnbptnpij; bto-ocA 7 nA ccnAimpebAit) fol. 58. a. combpipce ó diApApnAij CAoppoit;nen ccdpcbfgbcA ccpunnbuAi-oe & Ia ppoipcbCcliAib pogAt) ptAnnpÚA-ó poibpigbn 7 pMghCcc ppubpoT>A ptmn- coppAnAC 7 gAcb Aipm imceitccce Ap cCVia. Az bfpcpAC a ccoipi j cpcoA ft, a nAipi j loingonA ppi mumcip ui "Ohon'moitl ^An Aipipioiii pop ionc1iAib nA nAbln'iApAcb acc 50 cAipmceALboAip iatj pop jac coCib 00 tliodiAp ppu'1. lyApot)Ain po iAt>pAC lompAib pop jac beic AtiiAib po po]\conjpAt> poppA, 7 gAbAicc 05 An •ombpACCA-ó 7 occ x>eAbA"ó ppní xp ■oemmne'OAC "cicomrnpcit co |\o bAipCc auCicI/oa cacIia mob A]\ mC-óón Ia -oliip 7 •oeme nA T>eAbcA. C\x> pit Ann cpA acc po •óibpijpfc ha jaiLI pA •óeoi'ó a n-oponiAtmA -oo cpempfpAib ah ctiAipcipc. 'Oo pAÍA ó tluAipc (cijfpnA bpeipne ConnAcbc) An CAnpm aIIa An ai p ■oon 6oip)\pliAb ibongpo|\c pop beic. tlo cmgeAbbpAToe -oúa DhorhnAilt beic hid uppoictntb nA nAbbrTiA]\AC -oia ppÚApbAipc a ccummA cbÁi 5 pecib cAn no poibepAT>poni coha iinnnciiA iat>. Oc c1uiAtA"ópit>e buiiveAt) beicft) ha ccpompA-ó 7 nA cApúp, coipneAc & cAbAiiicbun'ipcujA-ó ah cpemtnubpAicche AcpAcbc ApA bongpojic conA toecb|\Ait) ÍAip 7 cviA]\5Aibpioc An iotdha caca v O'Rourke. — Some writers give him the O'Sullevan. O'Rourke had but 120 foot; whole credit of this victory. SeeO'Rorke's they could hardly resist the 2,500 foot of H- of SHjro, \\. 297. Not so our author and the English. See Hist. Cath., p. 209. 217 they proceeded to march along the road to meet the foreign army until iS99- they were face to face. When they came near each other, the Irish dis- charged against them terrible showers of beautiful ash-handled javelins and swarms of sharp-pointed, whizzing arrows from their long elastic bows, and volleys of blood-red spherical balls and leaden bullets from their straight-shooting, sharp-sighted guns. They were responded to by the English soldiers in the same way exactly with sharp-wounding leaden balls from their iron lock-guns and their far-sounding muskets, so that the missiles were re-doubled between them from one side and the other, and the reports and echoes and thundering noise were heard in the woods and groves, from the castles and stone fortresses of the neighbouring country. It was a great wonder that the timid people and the camp-followers did not run away through panic and frenzy on hearing the blasts of martial music and the echo and loud reports of the great shooting. Heroes were wounded and champions were hurt by them on both sides, so that at the place where the division came to a close hand-to-hand encounter on that wintry morning there was many a death-sound from the slaughter of the heroes on every side, whose flesh was shattered into fragments and whose bones were broken by the lightning flames of the well directed circular leaden bullets, and from the showers of blood-red, well aimed javelins, the long- pointed,' flat-barbed arrows, and every sort of missile besides. Their battle leaders and chiefs in the combat told O'Donnell's men not to remain opposite the foreigners, but to surround them completely in the fight. Thereupon they closed in on them on every side as they were commanded, and they proceeded to shoot and to fight against them rapidly, unsparingly so that they drove the wings of their army into their centre by the pressure and rapidity of the attack. However, the English turned their backs at last to the brave men of the north. O'Rourke, 1 lord of Brefny Connaught, was then to the east of Corr- sliabh in a separate camp. He promised O'Donncll to be ready to attack the foreigners like the others, whenever he encountered them with his forces. When he heard the loud noise of the trumpets and tabors, and the thundering and earth-shaking of the great firing, he rose from his encampment with his soldiers, and they put on their battle- 218 fojAjiA 7 m no AirpAC tma nennim 50 nAn^ACAn ^ur* ah rriAijin imbACAn nnnncl]\ ui "OoriinAibb A5 jnioríi AniomAinj. 5 A bAiccpom occ clArórnf/ó nA cunAt> AccumniA cViai^ & occa n t) 1 nb n a j at) 50 ntnccrlc nCmpA iriA nofn in A'ótn a gur ait mAinitxin némnAiou x)o neoch no chumAinc, iiochcAin ati AnniAnn leó. Thn uo hAitrf/ÓAch no céicíirCc ron ccubcvo An m no been Aon ÚAibib yo\\ cIiaiiato 111A ron choigeile iriA biuix), & An van bbui DorhnAibb An cAn -po rnAomeA-o rony\A bA-p An cce'onA buibm no iio]voAijeAb bAirriuiii m uncopAC tiA conAine. flop pAp^Aibpfc nA^Aibb Ap Aoibe lobAp. cfnn 7 robb 1<\y nA rem-oC-rjoib. *Oo niAnbAb "OAn An goibCnnoin Sin Coneup Cbiopopc m upcopAC nA fnon^Aibe iol.58. b. 50 ppApc_Aibci rAon mA bvghe rop aii rbéib 7 é beochAOice, & bA hAinppiop •oonA hóccAib cia puce a cé-ojume, acc nA mÁ bA hubAibbmeAbb buAibe •oo chÓToh cpemic, (x m diApccpAcc An 015 Aichcne paifi co ccopAÓc Ri'iAipc ro •óeoib c,up An Ainm AvnbAOi, 7 AC5111A t;up uo he An joibCpnoip, 7 ropopconcApc ATDicCYmAb. *Oo ponAb íaporh ^up bo cAriiAn cfpgjfppcnA copnochc ÍAn mbenn a cIihto *oe 7 ÍAp nA fobbA-o. flo bAb móip echc An ci copdiAip Ann pm, bA ■omtig "opoicbiAch "oinnpc pAip, 7 nip uó iiiaic 1a gAOToebAip An choigib a oi-oeAbpiorii, ÚAip m eppf-o 501 ppiú, 7 bA rCp' aoblAicce pé-o & mAome "ooib é. lAp ccepnArii x>o ófp An niAbniA cur An mAinirap, iompAic mumcfp ui 'OorhnAibb mA rrnicfmg 7 jAbAic occ pobbAii) aii riAnÍAij ]\o riiAnbrAc, 05 Achjum in oC]-a beojodce ro^AbtiAi-p ipn A]nnAi5, 7 05 aitoicIiCitoax). UiAjAicc "oía rcojiAib íak ccAin co irpoitce móip 7 co rubAije, &, cugrAC aIcuja-ó bm-óe a ccoj^Aip T»on choinroe-ó, & nonrpmjirCc 50 mó]\ a luAice no riieAbAib fron-p nA gAllAib, 7 Ai-oble AnuAitle 7 Ambonn|:Ab 05 rAigib nA lnonjAile 7 AmsejijenrAc 130 bAij bniAcon & "oo chomAicfrh yomiorom. Ida ré Aonjbóji nA rochATÓe co teicc AiiiAitb bit) a hemjion no epencAir nAch Amo]\c lomgonA x>o rnAomeA-o 1:011^0 acc con bo In eACAnjuTóe a "ouibfriiAn -oúa 'OborhnAitt pócnuAiji ía]i cocAicCin ^bAnntnne cinpp C]npc 7 a folA vo V11 corAc An IÁ01 bipn 7 ÍAn 1 Through him-- The place where Clifford of Garroo. The King family erected a fell is close to the old road in the townlancí small tower there to mark the spot. 1 219 armour, and they did not halt on their road until they came to the place 1599. where O'Donnell's people were carrying on the fight. They proceeded to cut down the heroes like the rest and to shoot, till those who were able to go away with their lives ran off defeated to the aforesaid monastery. They did not retreat negligently, for not one of them looked for friend or companion behind him, and he who was the first of them thought he was the last of the whole army. O'Donnell's forces did not succeed in killing every one they might, owing to the great number of those who fled and the small number of the force who were in pursuit, for they did not come to the body of the army where O'Donnell was when they were defeated by the first body which had been ordered by him to the front in the road. However, the English left behind many a head and weapon with the soldiers. The Governor, too, Sir Conyers Clifford, was mortally hurt' in the beginning of the fight, and he was left in a feeble state lying on the mountain severely wounded, and the soldiers did not know who gave him the first wound, but only that a leaden ball had gone through him, 1 and the soldiers did not heed him until O'Rourke at last came where he was, and he knew that it was the Governor, and he ordered him to be beheaded. This was done then, so that he was a maimed, naked trunk after his head was cut off and he was mutilated. There was great grief for the person who fell there ; the fate that befel him was sad, and the Irish of the province were not pleased at his death, for he never told them a lie and he was a bestower of treasures and wealth among them. After the defeated had fled to the monastery, O'Donnell's forces went back and proceeded to cut down those whom they had mortally wounded and to slay the wounded whom they met with on the battlefield and to behead them. They then went to their camp with great exultation and gladness, and they made a thank-offering for their victory to the Lord, and they expressed their joy aloud for having defeated the English, and their great pride and their exultation at the issue of the battle, and they proceeded to bluster and threaten them. The unanimous' voice of the army was, as if spoken from one mouth, that it was not by force of arms they had gained the victory but by the prayers of O'Donnell to God that he obtained it after receiving the pure mystery of the Body and Blood of Christ in the 2 E s 220 tiAome irra onoi]\ tiA hi tiAon'i 1TlAi|te ah LÁ ]\iArh. "Ro bAT> -oteAcc Tnnrfrii All CfAOJJrlAiL AttAtA-O An joibC]\HÓ|\A A]\ "OO bendlA AcucpomA ■oón 7 •OAnjAc Apr rriAccAin ah Iaoi hipm -oiAiTibA-o hicimbi'óecc no beic, fe An conp cnÍAX) a]*a ciubA|vcA An fntroAit ionnimi[A pin m •OAonteic no ^AbA-ó Uyipi-oe im nóm An tÁoi peirhpAice, "0015 p^ATi) a conp *oía At>nACAÍ co hoiten nA cjuonoi-oe pop toch cé 'rmbApuncAcc 1Dui je ttnpcc hi concAe TtopAcommAin 7 a círm 50 cuitniAoiie unbanuncAcc cíjie liOiteAÍÍA 1 concAe SLiccni> 1n fol.59. a ccAireLb<5,-ó -oúa conéobAip. lomcupA tid ngAtL ÍAp plleA'ó ÚAi-oib "oo mumcip uí DhorhnAitb, -oo LeiccCc Vn cCnn cpf-OA 50 cmnfpnAcli pop ceichcó m "oo nÚAnA'ó "ooib 50 p&n^ACCAp "oia txi 51b po riiebA 7 n'ieAbAit. "PopAi 51c mtnnceAp uí "Ohorr.nAiVl mA pmptib, 7 bA pAnh concmLpCc An A-ÓAij pin ÍAp mbpeié coj'^Ai]\ t>ia mbiot)bAt)Aib 7 ÍAp mApbAi!) AccumgiTj cacIia con ■optnnj riiói]\ vo AineAÓAib 7 -oo ÚAipbb nnApofn pip cen niochÁ 1 ccojicpAtAp •00 iiiitf-ÓAib 7 "oóccbAib mA pAppAT». -Af>nAicic nmmcCp 1iuí "OorimAilt m no hopcA'ó UATÓib (x -oo bfpAC teije 50 An oíp goncA & oc chuAÍACAp poA-ó •oonA 5 A ^- A1 ^ ppiocpopcc ciA^hAitc 50 cAirciAlL CuítemAoiie bAit ippap- ccAibpfc m-o mpUTÓe pop úa ConéobAip. Tlo ViAinnei'oeA'ó x)ópAit)e cAch]\AOineATj coip^pleibe pop Sep Coneup CLiopopc 7 a chumm La Iiúa n"OoriinAiUl, bA ■oicpei'omeAC ÍAip m-opm 50 po CAipeAlbAÓ cfiro An ^oibfpnópA •óó. 1)a -ooghAiLpeAcporh x>e pin 7 j\o bfn ceibt tdia compujicAcc Ap An ccApcAip nnbtn, coneú -oo pome cecc pop CmeAÓ uí "OhorhnAiVl 7 a oi^hpiAp ó 5AÓ mu-ó vo CAbAincóo. X)<\ 'OAjAipte •oópon'i ón a coT)Ach 7 a c1ia]aat)ha'ó ■oenrnAi'óm pjn 1u'A n'OomnAibt, An no bfnr mdnce AchuAncA iccoigcjMocliAib 7 50 rAinn]*f-OAc 1 cc|noc1iAib SAXAn •our An bpuijbeAX) cAbAin no compupcAcc x)ia nfncu jax) m ajato a CpccAjiAcc An CAn rm, nó aii ccaotíiacc lonAcochc nó Aiq\eb a chpce no ACAoriito]\bA, acc cCnA m c1iAon'inACCAii\pion'i mt)pin co nonfnAi]^ aiíi u 1 n ceAn'OAp pjn Iiúa n'Oon'iuAitt -oon chuji^A. 13a ^ei|\|roe •óopon'i on 7 no c1iA|\mnAij ní ■óo 6: tiiA ci|A 1n ccoiccmne An ca^iaciaatd hipn, An vo beA]ic úa "OorimAitl •oínniie "oo buAib, -oeodiAib, 7 ■ommtib (x t>A gAccenét cjnjit) 7 AjvbA a]\ cCha 1 Trinity Island. — In 12 15, Clarus O'Mul- chonry, archdeacon of Elphin, founded an abbey for Prasmonstratensians here under the invocation of the most Holy Trinity. Monasf. Hid., 615. It is in Lough Ce, a short distance N. E. of the town of Boyle. 2 Snldiers. — Fynes Moryson gives the number of the English slain as only 120, 221 beginning of that day, and after fasting in honour of the Blessed Mary 1599. the day before. The spoiling of the Governor was a proof of the vanity of the world, for his treasures of gold and silver were taken away on the morning of that day, having been seized, and his body of clay from which all his treasure was taken away was not carried in one direction on the evening of the aforesaid day, for his trunk was carried for burial to Trinity Island 1 in Lough Ce in the barony of Moylurg in the county of Ros- common, and his head to Collooney in the barony of Tirerrill in th» county of Sligo, to be shown to O'Conor. As for the English, after the departure of O'Donnell's people from them, those who survived went their way, flying in haste until they came to their homes in sorrow and disgrace. O'Donnell's people remained in their tents, and they slept soundly that night, having obtained a victory over their enemies and slain their leader in the battle with a great multitude of the chiefs and nobles also, besides those of the heroes and soldiers 2 who fell with them. O'Don- nell's people buried those of them who were slain, and brought physicians to the wounded, and when they heard that the English had turned back they proceeded to the castle of Collooney, where they had left O'Conor in a state of blockade. The defeat of Sir Conyers Clifford at Corrsliabh and his death were made known to him by O'Donnell. He was incredulous about it until the head of the Governor was shown to him. He was perplexed thereat, and he gave up all hope of release from the prison in which he was, and what he did was to come into O'Donnell's presence and to make a full submis- sion in every way to him. It was a good plan for him to enter into amity and friendship with O'Donnell, for though he made frequent incursions into the neighbouring territories and especially into the lands of the English, that he might get help and aid to strengthen him against his enemies then, or protection to dwell in or inhabit his territory or his patrimony, yet he could not do that until he made friendship with O'Don- nell then. He was the better of it, and that friendship was of use to ' besides many more hurt.' O'Sullevan standards, and baggage of the English were says 1,400 of the Queen's forces were taken. He gives the number of Irish slain killed, nearly all English. All the arms, as 140. Hist. Cath.,^. 211. 222 1 con;gnArh "oúa ConóobAip, cotiAx» pnúp-óe nur cé"OAicneAb a cín ci-ó íC|\ccaih. UmpceccA UeAboicc riA long, ac cuAp •oópAi'óe pon ccummA cfcnnA pj\AOineA-ó p|\|'n4 gAlbAib 7 coiom An Aip j, Gc ó ConcobAin x>o cAtxvinc Apn cAipciAbl ac coA"ÓAmA]i, po cmnpioiii occa iriA mCnniAin ^An pncbfpc pn 1iuÁ n*OomniAbl m bA-o p-piú, 7 no nCYiAipcc a c1iAnAcnAT> pnipifycAin, 7 •00 ]iome Apc 7 conpAipteicc von Lom^Cp pérhnAice iomput> yo\\ ccuÍAib gup Aii ngAittnii 00 pxnp. fto pAi ó "OovhnAibt conA mumon "oia ccij;ib fol. 59.^. mbÚAfó ccop^Ain 7 ccommAoit)riie. tlobcAn mCnmnAij ceTDyA-OAij gAOTÓit "oon cun pm, (x pobcAn rmpp mdncm-oe mtmicC]i tia bAintliojAn. "OaIa uí "OorhnAilb bAop-óe ip:or ÍAnp&n ccAich^teopn acViato nnbAibe An HlhocAij; 7 acIiató oile 1 Leicbin 1 n*Oún ha njAlt 7 imbAite -Aca SeAnAig 05 AipeA^ coite7 occ Aimur gAn pnorii 5A11 ■oeici'oe 5 An UAiiiAn gAn uinf^bA-oo riitnn 11AC t>o cíp pAi|i An OAn bAip Amein -oopcm ó copxc p}j;AmAi]i 50 tníp *Oe- cemben. 1n eAcrhAinj nAneepm •00 piACCACAp ceccA x>ia pvijp'ó co ppop pceb beó combt.11 "OAifinA "oeAbcA 7 loniAi^fig emn ÍTIac tliLbiAm UeAboicc iíiac UAcei]\ C10CA1 j 7 UeAboicc nA tong niAC IlipoCint) An ÍAnAinn. Hi po pcoAini iía "OorimAibt ^An t>ub vo po-óujA-ó CcojipA co bion ptóij Gb pocAi-óe, & ó 00 ■cfcliAit) -oo -óucAij Ctomne hUiUliAm no jAipnicc riiAice nerii|\Aice mA •óocum, 7 ÍAn neipreAcc po ÓAinn An mi|ifpiA •00 no |ha|iai j Cco|1|ia combcAn por>AC pn Ajioite A|\ a poncon^iiApDifi. O cViAinnic ÍAip frwATom An cpo-ÓA no ^Ab AilgCr 00 cop chuApcA 1 clomn T1iocai]to, 7 ó no ApgnApop AioncliAib m -óeAchAio cAp ÚApAn món ipceAÓ 0011 -oub pn. t)Aoi pn ne cCojia noTÓche conA lÁib 1 ccAmpA ipn wAchotbAicc p;eoib iomx)A av a Lop oon chun pm ^up no tionpAc AmbAoi ó ^hAibtnii co lemi 'ConccuÍAmn -ouAitiAn 7 "otnnfglA, x>o coiiiicpocnu^AT) & "oo cni"óeAnbAp uí T)orhnAibt, A]i An t)Ap Ia ^ac nonumj tDiob 7 Ia jac CAOipeAÓ cpocliAic cét) bAp a cuac hux> -oeipm cenA no oip^peA-ó 7 bApé A-óunApAppo bA-ó lonjponc ■oo úa *OlioiimAibL conA pio^Aib Un nA ojijAin teó. Act cfnA nip bo x Loophead.— Properly Leap Head, a did the like. He leaped back to the main- promontory in the south-west of Co. Clare. land ; the woman, nothing daunted by the Cuchullin flying from a woman made his danger, attempted to follow him, and fell way here. Heleaped on to the promontory, into the sea and was drowned. See The a distance of twenty-five feet. His pursuer Battle of Magh Leana, p. 92, n. 4 223 him and his territory universally, for O'Donnell gave O'Conor oxen, horses, I599 . and cattle, and every kind of beast and of corn too, to help him, so that with these he dwelt in his territory after a while. As for Theobald na long, he heard in the same way of the defeat of the English and the death of the Governor, and that O'Conor had been let out of the castle, as we have said. He determined in his mind not to oppose O'Donnell any longer, and he confirmed his friendship with him afterwards and made his peace, and allowed the aforementioned ships to go back to Galway. O'Donnell and his forces returned to their homes with the joy and exultation of victors. The Irish were in high spirits and full of courage then, and the Queen's people were weak and feeble. As for O'Donnell, he rested after this victory, sometimes at Ballymote, and other times at Lifford, at Donegal, and at Ballyshannon, enjoying himself in security, without anxiety or care, fear or terror from sea or land as he thought. He was so from the beginning of harvest to the month of December. At that time messengers came to him to say that there was a subject of contention and dispute between Theobald, son of Walter Ciotach, and Theobald na long, son of Richard an Iarainn. O'Don- nell could not but go to make peace between them with his full force and army, and when he came to the territory of Clanwilliam he summoned the aforesaid chiefs before him, and after hearing the cause of their dispute, he arranged between them, so that they were peaceful towards each other by his command. When he had concluded the making of the peace between them, he had a desire to make a raid into Clanricarde, and when he came into it he did not go farther than Oranmore on that expedition. He was for three days and three nights encamped in Machaire Riabach and in the neighbourhood of Galway. A prey was brought to him from the gates of the great town in spite of the people of the town itself. Many a tale was invented about him then, so that from Galway to Loophead 1 was filled with the fear and dread, with quaking and terror 2 of O'Donnell, for it seemed to every portion of them and to each chief that it was his own territory which was the first to be invaded and his castle that would be the encampment of O'Donnell and his army after they had plundered it. But "^Terror. — The Irish word means properly the trembling or shivering of death. 224 h pop An ploicc1ieCy, gup po ^AbpAC longpopc eiap Laoi G: bAn-OAin 1 coiccpic fflupccpAi je fx CAipbpeAch. Aon "ooha bÁib (gAp beliAijpin An ATobte AndtiAtA, conur. 1 mA-OAin An Iaoi pn m po pAgAib tllAgm-óip tongpopc ui 11 éibb, pAnAicc pop pcet co CopcAi^ 50 Sip tlAjtAm SAten-oeji (bAoi mt) ionA-0 P]tepix)enp x»a 1 Minister. — See his proclamation to the Catholics of the towns of Ireland, dated Dungannon, Nov. nth, 1599, in The Flight of the Earls, p. 21. It was intended chiefly for the southern parts of Ireland. 2 Hosting. — A detailed account of it will be found in Annals F. M., vi. 2147. 3 Lee- — The river rises in Gougane Barra. After a course of forty miles due east, it discharges into the sea in Cork harbour. 4 Bandon River. — It rises on Owen hill, five miles W. of Dunmanway, and flowing though that town, Bandon, and Inishannon, falls mto the sea at Kinsale. 5 M uskerry. — There were formerly six districts in Munster bearing this name, the inhabitants deriving their descent from Cairbre Muse, son of Conaire Mor, ardrigh A.D. 158. The district referred to here is that now included in the baronies of E. and W. M uskerry, Co. Cork. The Book of Rights, p. 42. 6 Rincorran. — See p. exxxiv., antea. 7 Barry Oge. — See p. ex., antea. 8 Kinelea. — A barony in the south east of Co. Cork. 9 St. Leger. — The first of the family who settled in Ireland was Anthony ; he came 225 yet nothing of the kind happened to them, for O'Donnell returned to his territory then. While he was in the province all Ulster was a still pool, a gentle spring, a haven of repose, without dread of wound or capture, of shout, violence, plunder, or battle from any quarter of Ireland, and there was a dread of the province in every other territory. O'Donnell passed the time that followed in delight and pros- perity till the beginning of the following summer without attacking anyone, without anyone attacking him. 1600, the 9th year. During the time he was resting, a very large army was collected by Hugh O'Neill to go and visit Munster. 1 Hugh Maguire happened to be in that hosting. 2 Their marches are not told of until they passed Cork and the Lee 3 southwards and encamped between the Lee and the Bandon river, 4 on the confines of Muskerry 5 and Carbery. One day, just before the feast of St, Patrick, a desire and longing seized on Maguire to go and plunder the neighbouring country, as was always his custom when he came to strange districts. A body of horse and foot set off from the camp, and they did not stop until they came to the gate of Cork, then to Rincorran, 6 a castle of Barry Oge, 7 in Kinelea. 8 He set out to return the same day with much prey and booty, but Maguire's people could not reach the encampment that night, owing to the quantity of the booty, hence it was necessary for them to remain where there was shelter, owing to the dark- ness in the beginning of the night. However, Maguire determined to reach the camp that night somehow. On the morning of the day that Maguire had left O'Neill's camp, the news came to Cork to Sir Warham St. Leger 9 (he was then Deputy 10 of the two provinces 11 of Munster), that over in 1537 as Commissioner, to set the lands upon the marches of the Pale then lying waste. He was Lord Deputy from 1540 to 1556. His son Warham was ap- pointed Governor of Munster in 1566. A list of the lands given for his services will be found in ArchdalFs Peerage, vi. 112. w Depi(ty.— Sir Thomas Norris, the Presi- dent, was mortally wounded in an en- counter with Thomas Burke near Limerick the year before. He died at Kilmallock soon after of his wounds. Amials F. M. vi. 21 15. St. Leger and Sir Henry Power were appointed Commissioners for the government of Munster until a President should be appointed. 11 Two provinces. — z>.,Ormond and Des- mond, East and South Munster. Thomond originally belonged to Connaught. See p. 164, antea. 226 coi^eA-ó HluniAn) fflA^ui'óip "oo "oOpje ah bon^puipc ArriAib poppA^Aib Gc An teAt m •oeAcliAit). 11ip no hdpbicc po ppeccpAii) riA pccébA pm 1a Sip UApAm, ÚAin no fpccorhbA no ceccoip 50 ngArnATÓ ngnuAmomig n^potmpbAirii t>o rfiApcpluAj mfpp-ÓA rmpgmj rmopunAij 50 no pniTjiujic (x 50 no fAriiAijpcc inA ppecfccApnAi-o peoilcneb^e ipm CYiac m-oibt Cn'ÓALcA m no bA -oCpb beo 111aj;ui"ói]i x)o cochup mó pop a cnm-o iacc piú t>o •oeAchAix) mA cpecbumupcc, acc lonpoijeAt) poicbnb co -oiaii t>ApochcAc Aiiiuib pAobcom po cliAopdiAib no leoriiAn po niAcjAmnAib coniA pAba "oopotfi & -oo U ApAtn , Gc po jAbpAc occ iompubA , ó Ap oibe "oia pojhAbAib pCimpeAiiipA peicpi^ne Aire mbbennpAobpACA jup po cpe^lnopAC co ciAcliAip cponncpeccAc Acebe co ccopdiAip po "óeoi-ó Sip tlApAm SAben-oep IÁ UlAjunoip AriiAib bA bép fol.óo.í. bunAit) T)ó buATÓ a bioibbAX) "oo bic occa m ^Acb Aipni 1n ccocpAicip ppip 50 pm. *Oo pochpAcop cpA coiccfp •oo AipeAc1iAib 6: "oo -OAjli-oAoinib oibe bÁ Aon bAnn cenmochÁcc T>AopcbAnnA 6c "OÁopccAppbuAi j. -Ace chCYiA po popcAiiibu gA'ó An cpocliAnoe pop ah ÚACAt) po x>eovo jiip bo beiccfn t>o mhAjui-olnp mAi^beAn ah iomAipicc -00 romgAbAib ó pé cpecbobb cpf^lToijche Ap pm-óe Gfc Ap pibeAt) a poÍA mA cpoibmnab cpó t)Ap a cpeccAib peccAip Ap 1T01C AnCpc 6c AniA'OAcliAip Ap pcicbm Abtnc 6c AbuAchtAmAig. 11ip uó ciAn •00 choit) ifp rcAin An caii nA po po-ÓAnn -oó ^ah cAipblmj -oía eocb bÁ cAimnebbAib 6c eneipce, 7 "oo bfpc a mbbmn pAOi ppi pot) pAombije. "Oo piAchcACAp ÍApom piogupcA An ócca 6: "oopchACA An bAip int)ocbum ah ■OAi^bpip conCpbAib jAn pmpec An 13. 11lAipc. Id a 'OAinn a eccAome hi coiccft) ConóobAip mic11eApA tube "oicAn •OA^b-ótHne ■bo Cpt)A Ann pm, 6c bA mob a A-oTimobbcA ibbeic ppip nA -OAbAib ■ooriiAn'OA, 1ia puAipc pegliAinn pofpbAbpAc, bA -oÚApmop "oeigheinij; t> C]\bAi cceAch cCnnAip CApcAnAch ppi cAiptJib hiaca mcbeAcb ppi nAirinoib, pf|\ nA cajto rpoijceiche-o piA nÚAcbAX) no piA pochAnóe t)ÍA bio-óbA-ÓAib ó po jAb a bAocbA]\niA gup An bAiée bipin, pfp nA -oeAchAni) a cIiacac no a cacIacIkmp jTAn jum no niApbA'ó -oume, peAp po 11'iApb & po rhut>At> -opechcA "oipinie 1 Was slain. — The date of St. Leger's 2 13th of March — These words are in the death is March 4th, 1599. ArchdalPs margin. Peerage, vi. no. 3 Warlike. — O'Sullevan makes special 227 Maguire had left the camp as he had, and the direction in which he had l6o °- gone. The news was not responded to negligently by Sir Warham, for he set out immediately with a sour-faced, active troop of foolhardy, odious, evil- intentioned cavalry, and they were stopped and placed as a line of concealed watches in a safe secure place where they were certain that Maguire would come to them. They remained there till they saw Hugh coming towards them as they desired. He did not set about making his escape, though they were seen by him in front before he came up to them, but he attacked them swiftly, fiercely, as a wolf does sheep or a lion bears. So it happened to him and Warham, and they proceeded to wound each other with their strong, firmly made, sharp-angled darts so that they pierced each other with great wounds, until at last Sir Warham St. Legerwas slain 1 by Maguire, for it was usual with him up to that to obtain the victory over his enemies whenever they fought with him. Five of the other leaders and gentlemen also fell by his single hand, besides the common soldiers and the waggon-drivers. However, the many were victorious over the few in the end, and it was necessary for Maguire to quit the place of battle, for he was pierced quite through, owing to the dropping and flowing of his blood in pools out from his wounds, through want of strength and vigour and the failing of his activity and dexterity in arms. He did not go far after that when he was obliged to come down off his horse through torpor and weakness, and they took him in their arms and laid him on the ground. The rigours of dissolution and the darkness of death came on the hero after that, so that he died very soon, March 13th. 2 The loss of this nobleman who died then was a cause of lamentation throughout the whole of Ulster, and his praises were very great on account of his natural qualities. He was pleasant, stately, free-spoken ; he was generous, hospitable, profuse, mild, kindly to his friends, stern and agres- sive to his enemies ; he did not retreat a step before few or many of his enemies since he took up warlike 3 arms to those days, a man who did not go mention of his bravery. So too Mooney, encounter, in many essential points different who was probably on the expedition. Hist. from that given by Irish writers, will be Cath., p. 213. The English version of the found in Pac. Hib., p. 39. 2 F 228 fx cmnceAch Ap eccm-oceAch -oon Ainp;ine eAchtAipcemeot pup AtnbAOi A5 COftlAITI fx, A5 CACUjAX) A5 im-Ó1T)fn A ippe & A ActlAJVÓA CO CCOpÓAip beÓ T)On chuppx. bA h&]\ a bApAC iCp poccAm fccét -01 a fAijit) puAippec a mumcfp bu-ó •óein & mtnncCp uí Vléilb copp ah cAouiipp $up po 1iAt>nAicf-ó "Leo é ÍAp ccAin 1 ccopcAi^h co ttha-oa-o móponopAij Amuib po bAb -oíop. SoAip úa 11éiU -oiA C15 & bA pCpp t>0 pém & -oo choiccf-o UlA-oh Ap cCua 11A -oeAchAib ipti cupup pm cto po ■ÓAij ouohC-OA ah Aompp pm "oo P5Ap ppn3 t)on chup pin. tto pÁp impTpAin fx CpAoncA Anppoilt ipiti pAiripA-o Ap cnra In pfpAib ttlonAch eicap ConcobAp tluAt) m Gt A choilllplAtupA ppi 1lÚA néifl, Ap bAbpAcViAip bó eipifie ipAinn a niACAp "001 j pobcAp t>i piAip tn Apoite a niAicpe -oibLiomb, £t pob f-oh An ccf-onA Aomneéem mfnniAn fx A15CY1CA bAoi aj úa 11éilb peipm conA coriiAipLijib Ap cCnA. "Oo coit>pion'i no rAigió uí 11éitt "oo clunngeAT) popÍAiiiAip a aca]toa. "Oo coCcc wn Cucoitoacc ócc on mub cfccnA Ai]\m nnboi ó "OomniAfL "OACAome a eccun'iAinj ppip. O pAnAicc ConcobAp ^up ah -oú nnboi ó tléitt, po pAoiwc biqie & ceccA ■oo coj^ipm ui "OhomnAibL t)ÍA cf'oujAt) -oo ConcobAp ITIa^utoiji vo oip'oneA'ó ipm ppbAicfp, ÚA1]\ pob on'iAn bAip bApAinn & pC^igluinni ha liApcon Aiigton- T>Ait •00 bpop'OA'ó ppip munA coniAi]\teiccft) ah CAingCn hipin -óó & CucohacIic ócc no neAch oibe *oia cenél -oo oijronéAb iccfn-oup cpiche ITlonAch "OApA ^CuccnnachtOge. — He left Ireland secretly in 1607, and provided the ship in which the Earls and their families fled from this country. He died of fever at Genoa, and is buried there in the Church of the Annun- ziata. Flight 0/ the Earls, p. 175. Cu, a dog, is often prefixed to names of places to form names of persons. Top. Poems, p. 56. 2 Relationship. — The Atuials F. M. t under the date 1600. speak of the death of Joan, the daughter of Maguire (Cucon- nacht, son of Cuconnacht, son of Brian, 229 away from the place of fight or battle without wounding or killing some one, a man that had killed and defeated many parties both of gentle and simple of foreign race with whom he contested and fought to protect his faith and native land until he fell by them then. The day after the news came his own people and O'Neill's found the body of the hero, and it was buried by them at Cork after a while with great respect and honour, as was fitting. O'Neill returned home, and it was better for himself and for the pro- vince of Ulster also if he had not gone on that expedition, on account of the death of that one man who parted from them then. There arose a great dispute and disagreement in the following summer in Fermanagh between Conor Roe, son of Conor Maguire, and the brother of Maguire, whose death we have spoken of, Cuconnacht Oge, 1 son of Conconnacht, son of Conconnacht, for the chieftainship of the territory. Conor had a right to the dignity and headship of Fermanagh on account of his age and seniority even before Maguire himself who fell as we have said, and when it seemed to Conor (as he thought) that there would be no opposition as regards the chieftaincy after the death of Conconnacht, father of Hugh, the title of chief was given to Hugh by Donnell, son of Hugh, son of Manus, the rigdamna of the Cinel Conaill, long before that time. The aforesaid Conor Roe was quite sure that the chieftaincy would come to him now by reason of his ancestry, his age, his dignity, his friendship, and his relationship 2 to O'Neill, whose cousin he was by his mother's side, as the mothers of both were sisters, and this was the same purpose of mind and thought which O'Neill himself had and his advisers also. He went to O'Neill to ask for possession of his patrimony. Cuconnacht also went for the same purpose to where O'Donnell was to complain of his powerlessness to him. When Conor came where O'Neill was he sent letters and messengers to ask O'Donnell to allow him to inaugurate Conor Maguire in the chief- taincy, for he was afraid to rouse the anger and wrath of the powerful war-dog against him if he did not grant his demand and appointed Cuconnacht Oge or any one else of his tribe to the chieftaincy of the territory of Fermanagh contrary to his prohibition. When the messengers came &c.) and the wife of the Baron O'Neill, 'i.e., mother of Hugh O'Neill and of his brother Ferdoragh, son of Conn, &c. She was the Cormac. 230 ejvgAinepoiri. O |iAn^ACAjA ha ceAchccA bAiL i]iAibe úa "OomniAti m cajitj ipnlt a cccprcA, acc 'oo t)eAc1iATÓ ■cnnim rhAncAC Gt cnoicchceAC -oo noii;nib A mtnnane nnó •ofpbnACAin RubnAije Gt im ComcotroAcc ócc, & m no Viatia-o leó 50 noccAm -001b %tí.r An -oú imbAoi ó íléilA, cotia rriAicib imbe 05 cntro a ccoriiAinte imon ccAingfn é(/onA. O no cAinblmgpum yoniontAinn An T>vnne, no fnb vo]\ a c1iAoimceccAib oippm mA nAonbnom Aighcibe nop Leich ÚAt>hA. Tto 'pAomh ó 11éitl a pun riiumcin 60 a chAippg -oo pAbhujA-o n a vIacIia ■our punicc, 7 -oia cochuinC-ó chuccA no netd-o a choriiAinte bó •our An CAoriipvó AceAtgC-óron'i c|ma cAon jAoibeitg ton Aon Ainte pnr p?ipn. "Oo]- peep in ro ccooin, (x nobcAn rubAi j p^onbpxoibj ceccAnnAe "01b pn Anoite. O no beipb úa *OorrmAitL 1 p\nnn- cAorhnAgAin 6c aj cAbAinc vo\\ Aipo jac cuccAnoe no bAoi p>]\ mCnmAin "oó 1m no bA comA'ÓAir ÍAir ci^fnnA *oo jAinm "oó ConcobAn TTlhAjuibip 1a|i mbeic bórorh p?acaL mA caoi a^ coijxecc ppi pnjteAb iia p^aca uí 11éibL, AcbC|\c p> beoib nA]\ bo cot -oo cinmt>ur oi]voneAb ConcobAin ipn cCnnup ■0015 bA -OAom teic 6c "OAon nAnn 1a ^AlbAib "Otublinne 6c An ainpnne eccAncheneoil no biob »0 bunn m AgAib jAoibeAÍ An choiccib 6c nA biAb ACAippn Ap\ bibp cpA blent. 11in bo p^An LÁ hÚA tléilb AnifnmnA "oon pie^nA bipn -oo bfnc ó "OoninAitt pMji, An no peon nAnbó pjbAing pnebfyc nA pnccAgnA pur nn nAch cAingfn p? ccAn'OA-o Iaitíi. *Oo •oeAcliACAn nA p^Aiche -oo p^CbujAb, -oo p\mot, 6c "oo Ainig coiLe Ap\ liAicle. 1lo pjibi^eAb An cCghnoÍA ÍAn ntnnt), úa 'Oon'inAit'L emeAÓ 111 ionchAib pii 1iúa 11 éibb 6; ConcobA|i niA^tnbin p>]i a bAnnpbe & nAniAice ifn nA cceccA A]1 cfnA. geibicc nA t)ÁiiCifiAin occa pr|nocAiteAtnh Gt piCprAt ÍA|ip:cAin. Art CAn cnA no ^Ab úa Héitt An Aipoij 50 prion mA Iaitíi, ibib •015 p3|A ó n*OorhnAitt. g 61 ^ 1 " úa "OAtnnAill An cuAij a lAirh An "oÁiieAiiiAin 7 no pUl p?ac1ia, -oo bf]\c luAch cuAipc t)iA poj|\of5 p3Achnón nA cfg-ÓAip miA ccÚAipc, &, m conp\cA CuconnACc ócc ipn cij, (x ó nA p\cA ]\o pjnconjjAin A^Ainm chuccA yo ce-oóip 'Do i\onnAb pM|ipon'i mopn & ÍAn connAccAin •óó no Cnb pxi|i pjibe p?]i lÁnfi A-óC|ib|iACAn 'Ru'ohpAige pDn nnobflior nA 1 Castle. — In the margin is : Dungeanain, Uungannon. This was Hugh O'Neill's usual place of residence. See p. 31, antea. - Conor. — He joined the English later and was called the English Maguire. Many of his clan went over with him- But that did not prevent their lands from being confiscated. O'Sullevan, Hist. Cain., pp. 233, 281. 231 where O'Donnell was he did not delay the business, but he went with a 1600. body of horse and foot of the choicest of his people together with his brother Rury and Cuconnacht Oge, and they did not halt until they came to the place where O'Neill was with his chief men round him taking counsel on the same subject. When he dismounted at the lawn of the castle 1 he ordered his attendants to remain in one close group apart from them. O'Neill sent his people and his trusty men to entertain the prince who had come and to invite him to make known to him his opinion, to see if he could succeed in alluring him craftily to one opinion with himself. He came immediately, and they were merry and confiding one in the other. When O'Donnell was seated in the company of O'Neill, he proceeded to declare and make known to O'Donnell the question and the business as well. as he could, and to set out distinctly every reason which he had occurred to his mind why it was right to give to Conor Maguire the title of chief. After listening for some time in silence to the statement of the Prince O'Neill, he said at last that it was not his wish at all to appoint Conor 2 to the chieftaincy, for he was on the side and of the party of the English of Dublin and with the foreign race who were by nature opposed to the Irish of the province, and he would not be a party to its subjugation so long as he lived. O'Neill's mind was not -pleased with the answer which O'Donnell gave him, for he knew it was not easy to oppose or con- tradict him in whatever subject he set his hand to. The princes proceeded to feast, to drink, and to make merry after that. They seated themselves in the banqueting-hall according to their dignity, O'Donnell face to face with O'Neill, and Conor Maguire next him, and the chief men in their due order also. The butlers proceeded to attend and serve them after a while. Meantime, when O'Neill took the goblet with wine in his hand, he drank a draught to O'Donnell. O'Donnell took the cup from the butler's hand, and looked aside, and gave a quick glance of his keen eye through the hall all round. He did not see Cuconnacht Oge in the house, and as he did not see him he ordered him to be called to him immediately. This was done for him, and when he came he bade him sit by the side of his brother Rury in the" place of honour of the palace in the 232 b|UJijne ineici|\me-óón a n'iuinci]\e. O ]\o 'óeiftó CuconnACC yo ibrmih An ccÚAij co con^Aib hia -oujmi nro Ai|ifcc pn rAin, €fc t>o ^avia An AnmAim &y HlAjui-óip "óe viatj niAicib An coiccix) 1n coiccmt)e jaii ce ^An coniAi]\tecceATj "oo nAc Aon \e Tjiob 50 rubAC ronii- fol.62.í7. fnmnuch Gfc A|i aiU, ]\o nunc meAnniAn fx "oojAilri yo "óeij ah oi]voniT> ac nub]\Amo|i. O ]\o cbe An LÁconAlAti-poitri A]\ a bdnAC oomnAir úa *OoriinAil.L ceileAbpAt) *oúa 1léiLl 7 -oo nAniAicib a]\ chCiiA. & do cofc reirm fx UlAgui-oiji coiiA muincip v\\ ccijlub corhCnmnAch mopAijeAncAC ArA liAicle. Oc C1AT) rCViA-o "Ouiblinne via ]\o cumAingrfc cornAiii coiccit) Hlf-obA yy\ hÚA n"Oon'inAiLL iCn r]iAoineA"ó caca An bet-Aig "buipe Gt íai\ niA-pbA-ó An 501b- f]\no|\A AiiiAit ac cÚA-óonid|\, 60 ÍAn nm-opAX) Tjoroiii ha ccúac plCc fjnr m Lunrmfcli 7 ypipn 6ccje acúai-ó ^ac cah bA cot vó, fx ó po ACAomrfc iia 1l1A|lLAt>A bACA|\ VOjipiA CUACAlb ipn 111 111111 pnr An reAnA-o, ArCó Apnochc beóp-óe "opoycAt) ui "O horimAiUl 111 a ci}\ a coriiAinle nA nÍAplATj |\en'i]\Aice CA-pccAn mupcoblAi j; nióip -oo cochAji yo\\ nunp imbACAU ye mile yCy ■ooccbAi'ó a]\iiica eit)i jce guy ha liAitmnb bÁtAn coiyccni>e -oóib eiciy bmii 7 Aym. 13a La t)Ainpo 5A111 SAXAn 7 LAy Afl ccoiiiAi|\ti A|i clifiiA do ponny^AncA An cobÍAC ym "oo coy co heyinn 1111 yet Pac}\aicc "oo yonnpvo ah cah no 1ioivoai jeA-o lopo ffloncyoy 111A luyciy or epn-o. O vo pAclicAcon An cobÍAC |ieiii]\Aice a SAXAib co h&i cIiac 1 mi Appt vo yonnpvo, yo vaotoicc Aiyyit>e ía]\ ccÁm gun yo yeotyAC Iaiii cli yyi hoy he-]ifnn AtioincuAit) yyi heocAi|\imtib c]iic1ie byCg S: 11li-óe All,Acoip -oo cniAn ConjAib clAijnngneAij mic RntJiiAige co ni accaca^i dug in dug 1 tuyg Áon ttnncce co loch peAbAil imc Lot»Ain co yo §&brAt ]iO]\c in Imp &oj;Ain 1111c Tleill vo nocliAiji co cenel ccotiAibl ó cCm n'iÁi]i, tx &y -ooib ]iobcA]\ roniAniAi^ce aii cah pn. An IO. 111 All 'OO ]\1Ac1lCACA|l An •Ol1|"11l. O "Oocll A]ACA1§ A11 CAOipUC 110 blOD royrAn miy yyi tAitfi ui "OIioh'ihaiH -oo 5|iéf, 7 bA yé A111111 a cAoipg ah lonbAro 'pn SeAAn 05 hiac SeAAin mic pebnn ui "OhocAyicAij. X)& cui|\ 1 The Earls.— i.e., of Clanricarde and Liftey and the Boyne. Its precise bound- of Thomond. aries are not known. See The B. of Rights, 2 Mount joy. — He was Lord Deputy from ^Territory. — The south-east of Antrim and February 24th, 1600, to May 26th, 1603. the north-east of Co. Down. Here it means See Pac. Hid., p. 3. the province of Ulster, of which Congal's 3 Bregia. — The plain lying between the father Rury was hereditary king. 233 middle of his people. When Cuconnacht was seated he then drank to him 1600. the bowl that was in his hand to the bottom, and gave him the title of Maguire in presence of the chief men of the province universally, without the permission or advice of anyone who did not like that he should be appointed in the place of his brother and his father before. They passed that night some of them merrily and pleasantly and others with sad thoughts and doubts in consequence of the appointment we have mentioned. When the day shone out with full light on the morrow, O'Donnell took leave of O'Neill and his chief men also, and he and Maguire with their people went to their homes glad and in high spirits. When the Council in Dublin saw that they could not defend the pro- vince of Meadhbh against O'Donnell, after the defeat in the battle of Beal Atha Buidhe and the slaying of the Governor as we have said, and after he plundered the territories to the north of Limerick and Slieve Baughty whenever he wished, and as the Earls 1 who ruled over these districts com- plained of their sufferings to the Council, they came to the resolution, in order to keep O'Donnell in his own territory, by the advice of the said Earls to launch a large fleet of ships on the sea in which were six thousand men, with arms and armour, with the necessary supplies of food and weapons. It was the Queen of England and the Council also who planned to send this fleet to Ireland on Patrick's Day exactly, when Lord Mountjoy 2 was appointed Lord Justice over Ireland. When the above mentioned ships came from England to Dublin in the month of April, they were sent away after a while, and they sailed, keeping the coast of Ireland on the left, to the north-east by the shores of the territory of Bregia 3 and Meath to the east of the territory 4 of Congal Claireneach, 5 son of Rury, till they came step by step, as the track of one ship, to the Lough of Feabal, son of Lodan, and they landed in Inishowen MicNeill, which had fallen to the Cinel Conaill long before and was subject to them then. On the 10th of May they came there. O'Doherty was the chieftain who ruled over the island, subject to O'Donnell always, and the name of its chieftain at that time was Shane Oge, son of Shane, son of Phelim O'Doherty ; he was a 6 Congal Claireneach. — i.e., the flat-faced. He was ardrigh from a.m. 5017 to 5031. 234 c&cViA a|\ cALniACAr eip'óe, fx mn bo pMn-oibp p>]\bA -oo necc ACOcnA-o utia ci|\ -oia iit)AnicA ptyyCn no conibon -óó. Uo bAOi cAirciAlb bfg nAn tió mó]\ La Viúa n"OocAncAi5 yo\\ un' An Loóa m niomcunn^e An cuAm .1. An cuitrhop bA pÁf eip-óe An cAn pn ÚAin bA hepnniVl pn p^rujA-ó m ajai-ó nAiiiAC. .Aippc nA JcmLL Amnpi>e 7 oiA^Aib^fc mún •OAingfn •oicojÍAi'óe imon cAi]'ciAbL 7 popAjjAibrCc a]\ aiUI Ann -01 a ftoj. *Oo •óeACACon Tipon^ fol.62. b. oiLe mob 50 no jjcvbpic m 'Oúti nA tonj bi nt)tiéAij uí CliAchAm. *Oo 1C5I1AC Anfnn'ioj\ cen mocÁc m-opn ^ur An *Ooi]\e nAiniToCnc m no bCnt)Ac An ColAini cCntiAir fx An céte T)e CniorhcAnn iiiac "Petnn mic pfpjupi rruc cconAitb. Ro coccAibpfc nA "ouncÍAit) •om'ió]\A 7 ■OAinngeAnnunp cpiAX) 1111011 mAimp;in 7 mion "OAHiitiAj An cétmA -pec. *Oo jniAcc pclnp (x pschtnLb cAlmAn if ha munAib 7 cui]i c]\ot>a ÚAiprib cop:einAip:nib 7 p3]tterAib p)pnA pn ■oiub]\A5 cacviacIia pnp ccaici ne praA Gt rAocViA]\ T)f|\mA iiac &y neticc oriiAn uí "OoriinAitL "ooib cecc CAn nA mú]\Aib p3ccAi]t acc Cvh mbCg, Gt no bicar "onon^A ■ofpiiAjtA -óiob In ccAicpVif JAch nomclie An nÁ CAprA Ammtar pojijiA co no lionAicc *oo foCch 7 ^ALjiAib La Inomchuniige An ioviato imbACA]i & 1a hel^coc 7 Ía cfp iia 1 Culmore. — See Introd., p. cxiv., antea. considerable body of English ; they came It lias not been occupied as a military ostensibly to aid O'Donnell against Shane station for the last two hundred years, yet O'Neill, but in reality to form a settlement the tower, earthen ramparts, and ditch are there. Two years later, owing to a fire, still in existence. The original plan of the which happened by accident, and the ignit- fort is given in The Ordnance Memoir of ing of their gunpowder, many of the party Templemore, p. 231 . lost their lives ; the rest took to their ships. 2 Dunalong. — On the east side of the O Sullevan, Hist. Cath., p. 95, and Cox, Foyle, five miles S.W. of Derry. A plan Hib. Angl., \. 321. of the fort will be found Ibid., p. 236. 4 Criomthann. — The name given to Co- Hardly a trace of it exists now. lumba in baptism. See p. 70, antea. 3 Derry. — It had been taken possession 5 Monastery. — Docwra says of Derry, of in 1565 by a Colonel Randolph and a that ' it was a place in the manner of an 235 pillar of battle in courage, and the subjugation of his territory was not an easy- thing for any one who came into it, when opposed by the brave men who were in his service, as he would be. There was a small castle which O'Doherty thought little of on the shore of the Lough in the narrowest part of the harbour, i.e., Culmore. 1 It was deserted then, for it was not safe to hold against an enemy. The English stopped there, and built a strong, very secure wall round the castle, and left in it some of their forces. Another body of them went and took Dunalong, 2 in O'Kane's country. The greater number remaining went to the famous Derry, 3 which Colum the gentle, the servant of God, Criomthann, 4 son of Phelim, son of Fergus, son of Conall, blessed. The English made very large mounds and strong ram- parts of earth round the monastery and church first. They made passages and covered ways of earth under the walls and war-towers upon them with windows and loopholes in them for shooting from. They dug deep trenches all round on the outside. They were much stronger and more secure than the dwellings of stone and mortar and the castles, in the making of which much time and great labour were spent. Then they tore down the monas- tery 5 and the church, 6 and they showed neither honour nor respect to the great Saint, for they destroyed all the ecclesiastical edifices in the place, and made rooms and sleeping apartments of them, and used some of them to eat in them. Henry Docwra 7 was the name of their commander. He was a famous knight, prudent and skilful, with profundity of knowledge. He was a pillar of battle and fight. For a long time the English were so afraid of O'Donnell that they went but a short distance outside the walls, and large bodies of them were on the watch every night lest an attack might be made on them, so that they were full of distemper and diseases, owing to the narrowness of the place in which they were, and their wants, and the heat of the summer season. Very island, comprehending within it 40 acres of ground, wherein were the ruins of an old abbey, of a bishop's house, of two churches, and at one- of the ends of it an old castle,' and that when he came there ' he used the stones and rubbadge of the old buildings to fortify and set' up houses to live in.' Narration, p. 238. 6 Church. — Properly a church which is built of stone. See Petrie's Eccl. Arch, of Irela?id, p. 141. 7 Docwra.- — He was appointed chief com- mander of all her Majesty's forces of horse and foot assigned for Lough Foyle in March 1 599. In 1 62 1 he was made Baron of Cul- more. See Introd., p. cxiv.,antea. 2 G 236 nne pAth-pACA. Ro cAÚAmAip loLbm-óne •oiob ro -óeoi-ó cm piA pú po lieiccip-oebighicc ApoCchu rpnJ. O ]\o AipijhercAip ó T)orhnAiUl iCcporh rop ah AbAipcpm (xAnfnicAcoijC-oArnApcconAib reAccAip Ia hoiiiAn Gt lompAiccCp do pinmen occa cionup no bepA-ó cACAoip (x cApcupAÍ yopno 7 "oo jenAt) pobAil 7 bpicch nibicc tnob -oup ah poipiap pop cciiIa 7 ah bpApccbACAip ah pope AnibACAp, con A"ó é Aipecc AppAiniccpiovh x>ia 11 -011111 5 nm jA-o T>ot Ap rloicceAX) in -oepccepc coijix) TlleA-obA •om-opeA'ó ha coiAch bACAp yo\\ jac cAob "oon Gccji 7 nA UtiAx>itiuiiiAn rAinpib. 'Oeicbip ón, nobcAp iax> ha hlAnlADA AcpubpAmAp -oiAn bo 1iACAnx>A An *oú pn (aiíiaiL neniebCntvriAp) nor- popcongAip ro|\ ah S(Yiat> & nop m1}Ainpioj;Ain An coichfrcAi. cpomptoigli fol. 63 a. j'lti •oo cpiAtt & do cocAp chugAporii -oía -porcAt) 7 •oía lompuipeAc 1114 chip, fx bA biAt) no cbAirccét 7 no bpAic "oon iDAinpiojliAin 7 "óo coriiAipLe Sax An jup bo benAc 7 Cpppup gAbAhA eicip cenéb ConAitl fx Gojluvm An cobl-AC neriipAice "oo coctiAp 50 toe "PeAbliAib. Ho chmnercAin ó "OorimAitL a coriiAipfle rAthl.Ai'ó t)ub"oo Aice a eccpAiccip •ponpnA hlA]\t,At)Aib pemepepcniAp 7 roppAccAib coCipmc nA hmnpi rA x>em rpi huchc bpumne 11A nAbiifiAnAc (1. ó "OocliApcAig), 7 1 foicInU, yoppA ha ciopcAip •ompC'ó nA epice. tlo -pAjAib "OAn beop tlí&ll gApb úa "OorimAibt 7 ApAitL -oía ftój itro lomfwóiií roppA ppip An mp aIA-ahi An CcAppA 7 qnudiA cét) CmiA mic lléitl. tlo pwolifpcAip a úeccA piAvh 50 gAoibeAiAib coiccto ffleA-ooA -oiA ponAib poppA niibeic pop a enno niibAile An HThocAij. Don AngACAp connACCAij inte ó Suca co "OpobAip 7 ó 'uxpcAn cine bAiiiAt^ATDA co l3peip-ne uí RA^AbLAi^li ^ombAcop occa pmpnAi-oe ipm nibAile -pin m no -OALArcAip puú. 1aCc pobcAp AipC^li-ÓA mip p-iccfc ipin coiceApcAL hirm. CAimcc Ann ó tlÚAijic 50 mt)peipne ComiAcc .1 . bpiAn 05 •oia|\ bo bACAip An l3piAn po 1io|\cat) 1 LnnDAin. Uahiicc ah ó ConcobAip SUccij "Oonn- chAt) mAc CACAib 015 jup nA cuACAib pibfc pnr An ccoipptiAb a cuaitd 50 muip ha poc.Aip, & niAC 'Oif'|\niA - OA nim jeltnpg .1 . ConcobAp mAc Uatój nnc GojAin 1111c Uai-ó^ 50 niAione 1TlAoitpuAnAit> nA -pAiipAt). Uauhcc Ann ó ConcobAip TIúat) .1. Aox) mAc UoipjróeAtbAij nÚAix) nncUAi-óg bunóe 1111c Cacaií 11úai-ó. Tlir |\eticc An oriiAn doita bÚAipbb bAuo]i 1n con'ipocpAib ha ngAÍt cuTÓecc irm coicIiCixaI pn, A|i b& beiccfn *ooibpix)e Aipipion'i occ im-óit)Cn a nAcliAp-ÓA 1 C. of Enna. — i.e., the territory which Swilly. Enna got possession of it. See lies between Lough Foyle and Lough Colgan's Acta SS., p. 370. * 237 many of them died in the end before the diseases left them. When O'Don- 1600. nell perceived that they were in that condition and that they did not go outside the camp through fear and apprehension, he reflected with himself how he might bring contempt and contumely on them, and he made little or no account of them, in order that they would retire and leave the camp in which they were. Wherefore the plan which he adopted in order to show his contempt was to go on an expedition to the southern part of the province of Meadhbh, to plunder the districts on both sides of Slieve Baughty, and especially Thomond. The reason was because the Earls of whom we have spoken, whose patrimony these were as we have said, had recommended the Council and the Queen that the great force should set out and come to them to keep and retain him within his own territory, and they had told and informed the Queen and the English Council that there was a passage and a way of entrance between the Cinel Conaill and the Cinel Eoghain for the above mentioned fleet to come to Lough Foyle. O'Donnell adopted this plan of going to wreak his enmity on the Earls of whom we have spoken, and he left the chief of the island, O'Doherty, to confront the strangers and prepared to prevent them from coming to plunder the territory. He left Niall Garbh O'Donnell and some of the forces blockading them on the island to the west between them and the cantred of Enna, 1 son of Niall. He sent on his messengers to the Irish of the province of Meadhbh to order them to meet him at Ballymote. All the Connaughtmen came, from the Suck to the Drowes and from the west of Tyrawley to Brefny O'Reilly, and they were waiting for him in that place which he had appointed for them. The chief of those who came to that hosting were these. There came O'Rourke with the people of Brefny in Connaught, i.e., Brian Oge, whose father Brian had been put to death in London. Then came O'Conor Sligo, Donough, son of Cathal Oge, with the people north of Corrsljabh as far as the opposite sea, and MacUermot of Moylurg, i.e., Conor, son of Tadhg, son of Owen, son of Tadhg, with the people of Maelruanadh. O'Conor Roe came, i.e., Hugh, son of Turlough Roe, son of Tadhg Buidhe, son of Cathal Roe. Fear did .» not allow the nobles who were in the neighbourhood of the English to come to that hosting, for it was necessary for them to stay for the defence 2 3 8 a^ tiA hoitirnr ^aiVI a ccín tnA néir. *Oo caoc Ann cne '0015 bA bjiAuhAin ."oo ConAbb niAC tleibb An d Ah'iaI^a-o hiac Piac]\ac 7 no bA corhAbcA beór, A|\ bA he ^iAcnA Í0I.63.Í. niAC GacItóac Hluijn'ie'óoin non 01b An n ConAibi. UA-pcctAmcA tun Aflo^bAliÚA nT)orimAibb 1 mi 1un -oo fonnATj CGnTyiccrfc ■oa]\ SatHaoiii rnnchmAij;}uj; ca|\ *OnobAoir CAn *Ouib 7 CAppAn Sbi^eAc 50 nAnicc 50 bAibe An ITI0CA15, Ainrn imbACAp ConnAÓcAi j oca pmnAroe. Ro chmj; ifyccAin conA -pLo^Aib T)on CoyAnn, cne HIa^ A01 An pnben-OAi j, do cbomn ContmiAij, cniA c|uch tllAine nnc Cactdacíi 7 cniA ojVl&n cbomne TtiocAi]vo 5AI1 cac 5 An cumnrcbe, 5 m gum •oume chtnje ha úaix> ah AinCc pn. *Oo jAb oiniriqrh m iAj\cAn clomne Riocai]\t> m oipecc TleinAinn 1m q\Ach nonA "oía rAchAinn, 7 bA heiptr>e An SAÚAnn nÍA ryeib Com bAOi ron ah niAiyc cciito. Raiiucc ]\AbAt) 7 nevhpor nCVnpA 1 ccÚAt)mumAin, acc a]\a aoi bA ~oo\-§ beó nA cAi]\niciArA"ó úa 'OoiiinAiLb Arm vriAijm hi ccAjAurAip 50 mA'OAm •oia lÚAin. tlip bó heAT>rm "oo nomnepni icciu, acc Ci^ge niA muich-oC'Ooib mArone "oía "oorimAij, ía|\ neirceAcc oipnnn •oóroih Gt "oonA rriAicib bACAn mA pAnnAfj, no ArgnA ÍAnorh coita rloj X)oipeAchc RerhAinn CAn rbiAb neccji m jme "UnrcocAij nnc Umne *oo cenéb -Aó-óa "oo cenéb *Oun jAibe 7 "oo cbomn CuiLen úac1icai|\ 50 nAimc caji fO|\- ^ur fÍA]\ |ma mi'oríieA'óón bÁoi t)ÍA *OorimAi5 conA"ó Ann \\o jAb|\AC Ai|nrion'i -oon uAob éia|\cúait3 "oo cbuAm Rahiacca 7 -cimr. Ro toi|xceAX) & no hoincceAt) 1 The Burkes. — An account of the manner him extended southwards from Clontuskert, in which this tribe ' came over ' the Barretts near Lanesborough, to the borders of Clare, in Tirawley, which belonged originally to and westwards from Athlone to Athenry. the Lynotts, will be found in The Tribes, See Tribes, &*c, of Hy Many, p. 2. Sfc, of Hy Fiachrach, p. 339. 4 Feast. — i.e., of his nativity, June 24th. 2 Cousin. — Eochaidh M. was the father 5 C- Dunghaile. — The tribe-name of of Fiachra (a quo the Hy Fiachrach), and the O'Gradys. Their territory in later Niall of the Nine Hostages. The children times comprised the parishes of Tom- of Fiachra and Niall, i.e., Amalgadh and graney, Moyno, Iniscealtra, and Clonrigh. Conall, would be cousins-german. See 6 Glancullen. — This name is not given in the pedigree Ibid., p. 477. the Ordnance Survey list of townlands. 3 Maine. — He lived about the middle of 1 Fergus. — This river rises to the west the 4th century. The territory named from of Corofin, and flowing through lakes Inchi- 239 of their territory, lest the English might lay waste their lands in their ' 1600. absence. There came also Mac William Burke, Theobald, son of Walter Ciotach, and though he was not of the Irish, it was the duty of the chief of the district to come, for his ancestors and the family to which he belonged were under tribute to the Cinel Conaill Mic Neill from the time the Burkes 1 came to the territory of Amalgadh, son of Fiachra. Some of these paid a tribute to O'Donnell, and we should not wonder thereat, for Amalgadh, son of Fiachra, was the cousin 2 of Conall, son of Niall, and his foster-brother besides, for it was Fiachra, son of Eochaidh Muighmheadhoin, who fostered Conall. His troops were gathered together by O'Donnell in the month of June precisely, and they crossed the Saimer, a stream abounding in salmon, the Drowes, the Dubh, and the Sligeach, until they came to Ballymote, where' the men of Connaught were waiting for him. After a while he went with his forces by Corann, through Magh Aoi Findbendaigh, through Clan Conway, through the territory of Maine, 3 son of Eochaidh, and through the plains of Clanricarde, without fight or conflict, without wounding any one or any one being wounded by him during that time. He made a halt in western Clanricarde in Oirecht Redmond on the evening of Saturday, and this was the Saturday before the feast 4 of John, which was on the following Tuesday. Report and warning went before him to Thomond, but they thought O'Donnell would not leave the place where he had stopped until Monday morning. This was not what he did at all, but he rose before the early dawn of the morning of Sunday, and after hearing Mass himself and the chiefs who were with him, he marched with his troops by Oirecht Redmond to the mountain of Baughty the daughter of Urscotach, son of Tinne, of the Cinel Aodha, by Cinel Dunghaile, 5 and by upper Glancullen, until he crossed the Fergus 7 westwards before mid-day on Sunday, so that they made no halt on the north-western side of Clon- road 8 and Ennis. Ennis was burned and preyed entirely and made bare quin and Aledaun, passes by Ennis and ciscan Order by the O'Brien family and Clare Castle, and falls into the Shannon transferred to the Observantines in 1540. by a broad estuary fifteen miles below See Annals F. M., v. 1455. The church Limerick. and a part of the monastery are still stand- 8 Clonroad.— It was erected for the Fran- ing. It is half a mile S. of Ennis. 240 Inif co tei|\ (x co LoniAjvÓA LÁr ah floj cen wochÁ ah niAinircCp nA mi ■oiA ]io f nru 1\ tiA "OorhnAiUl coniAi]\ce Gfc CA-our T)o cAbAij\c uto onoin aii coninoeTj». X)& liAnn -oo ]\aIa •olAnbA UuA^rhurfiAn ("OonncliA-ó niAC ConcobAi|\ uí b]MAin CijC]MiA a UuA-óiiiuriiAri) beich ipn lonAimm pn. "Oo -óeAcluM-ó úa 'OorhnALL coriA rtójAib irm ccjtich 1 cctÚAin TIaiiiacca Cx>h mbCg aLLa cía]\ tHrnr con ÚAéAt) rtoij iriA rpAnpATj riAn bAc Lia obccÁt) -oÁ cét) IaocIi a Lion. Oc cIhíaLa^oiii monjA]\ ah mótvploij & rfrrjAn ha -pocAi-óe (x cpfchAn 11A cr]\oinbuit)Cn & rojApcoimiAn An LtiAcnLAniAij a ^unnA-ó ^ÍAnAillne ^fniiA-ÓAjicAchA reAchnón a cine uia ci 111 ch e&XX, 7 iia ro]\loircce j:o|inéiLe roi]Vlfc1inA no bfc m ^ac ai]to 7 m ^ac AipceAnn 1 11 a nncAcriiAnj fol. 64.« nA no clnniiAmj 'OAnAcoL no "omTof 5A1L, bA yCx>h x>o pome ArccnArh con ÚAÉAt) bui-óne co Inonyoib^roe 1a hott An jTopjAir pap cech n-oípeAch péb av mniUle pop CAorimACCAip co nAimcc aif An cclÁn. 1)a día bAiLob- Longpinpcpom An bAite ipm, Gt bA "OAm^Cn "oicogbAiTje eirme ce m bficpiorh cup aii bon po bAOi occa nrrói-ofn. lómcurA uí 'OhorimAiLL ó pAinícc co lump po Leicc pccAOiteATj t)A pj;eiiiieALcAib imón tip mA clnniclieAÍt. Ay pAipping popleAcliAn ai]\cccac lonnroijceAc no pccAoiLpfc ha mfp-opongA mfpA niCninnucliA rm ó a|\ oiLe, a]\ no cua]icai jeAt) Gt po c|\eActoircceAX) teó pÍA nomclie ocá cjiaij uí Cion'óubAin m toclicAp n& coiccpiche iccpiochA cér> nA noitén co cac1iai|\ THupchA-ÓA 1n copcA bAipcmn ía]\c1ia|\ai j 50 -oupup cliiLle IThnpe 6: cAcpAch ■Rmr Gfc An triAjA mt) tub bpACAin co mipup bAite eoin ^obAnn hi cÓ]\ca íno-opúA-ó tx boidu VléiLL hi cenéL ftfjwiAic. Tlob iohi-óa cjia -OAocliAin •OAjnume uÁrAit no cijf]\nA cí]\e x>o qiecchAib & vo chCdipAib & -oa jac fjin'OAi'L ét)ÁtA A5 btntmi cCch^Aip no chuicci|\ -oo mumctii uí "OhoiiinoilL 1n cuniiÁe cui]\ no cuim, CAijigi 110 coittib 1 cuA-omuiiiAn An oíúce rin, a\\ nob eigCn "ooib Ai]ureAiri in jac niAi^m a ccA]\urAi]\ ca|\a|too|\ca ii|\corAi^ ha hoix)ce 1ACC. gAbAir ó "OiioifinAitl tonjpo]\c An A-ÓAigpn yo\\ b\\ú An popj&ij* AÍÍAciÁp 1 Monastery. — It was erected for the same 3 C. Kerrivan. — A townland in the parish Order by Donough Cairbreach O'Brien, of Cloondagad, 8 mi'es S- ofEnnis. al^out 1240. The church is still standing. 4 Islands. — A barony in Co. Clare, S.W. See Archdall's Monasticon, p. 44. of Ennis. 2 Clare. — A village on the Fergus, one 5 C. Murphy. — A townland in the parish mile S. of Ennis. The castle was built by of Kilmihil, containing a Cyclopean fort in a Donough Cairbreach O'Brien. ruinous slate. 241 by the army all but the monastery, 1 for O'Donnell ordered protection and in- dulgence to be given to it in honour of the Lord. It happened that the Earl of Thoniond, Donough, son of Conor O'Brien, lord ofThomond, was with a small force of not more than two hundred in number in the territory at Clonroad, a short distance to the west of Ennis, at the same time that O'Donnell and his force came there. When he heard the roaring of the great army and the shouts of the soldiers and the noise of the large body and the loud report of the quick-firing of their bright, sharp-sighted guns thoughout their territory all about him, and the bright, wide-spread fires which extended in every quarter and on every border all round, which he could not defend or protect, what he did was to march with a small body of troops secretly by the bank of the Fergus due west as securely as he could till he came to Clare. 2 That place was one of his fortresses, and it was strong, difficult to take, even if he had not the number with him for its defence which he had. As for O'Donnell, when he had reached Ennis, he sent off his marauding parties immediately to spread themselves in the surrounding territory. Far and wide, violently, aggressively, these active, joyous bodies of men separated from each other, for they traversed and plundered before night from Craggykerrivan, 3 in the lower part of the territory in the cantred of Islands, 4 to Cahir Murphy 5 in west Corcobaiscin, to the gate of Kilmurry, 7 and Caher Ross, 8 and the plain of Hybrickan, to the gate of Smithstown in Corcomroe, and Bohneill 9 in Cinel Fermaic. There was many a feast of gentlemen, noblemen, and lords of territories made of the prey and cattle and of every sort of spoil, in companies of four or five of O'Donnell's people under the shelter of a precipice or bush, of a rock or wood in Thomond that night, for it was necessary for them to stop in every place when the darkness in the beginning of the night overtook them. O'Donnell encamped that night on the bank of the Fergus to the west i; Corcobaiscin. — This territory forms the south-west of Co. Clare, The O'Gormans, when driven from Leinster by the Anglo- Normans, settled in the northern part of it. Later the MacMahons became its chiefs. See The Book of Rights, p. 48. 7 Kilmurry. — Five miles S. of Milltown Malbay. The ancient church is still standing. 8 Caher Ross. — A townland in the parish of Kilmurry, containing a ruined castle. 9 Bohneill. — A townland in the parish of Rath. 2\2 •oo ctuAin Uah'io'da. \)& ■oúnÁpjp Ai|vóeinc eip-óe, (x bAhiop;A"ó p^AchA "oon cí no bio-ó 1n cCnriACc nAcpche. ) co -jrorAt) lonmAlb ArA bpupAttbochAib & Ap\ mbebrcAcíiAib, 7 ^AbAicx occ ArjnAiii nA conAine ca]\ pAptA|vpnA iia cuA-ómurhAn pAincuAi-ó ^ac n-oínech, •ooii\cCn ó cconniAic "oujVlAH cenét yfntriAic (x 'oon t)oipn-o b|\eACAtbAij 50 ■pATi^ACAn hi pjme-ó nélb nonA co rriAiniran co]\ca ttlo'c^iUAt) (x co ca|acai|\ iia cctei]\eAch. *Oo bACAn An nobcAn "oeAice "oía rbojAib can An cliAombAOi 1npn A5 cii]\ 7 A5 CAircceAb 5AÓ ci|ie hia ccmicheAVl conA no pAgAibj'Cc 64-^ ionAcocc n<\ Aitxneb nob icnviiAoiTjinih ^An 1orccA"ó 50,11 beip^cpor ipn tó cCcnA. ^cnAghAcc nA rtoij m unéo]iAc 1áoi "oía rriAinc. *Oo coirbuc í fpon'i conA n^obAtAib (x conA ccneAcliAib béo t>o f Aigm nA ca]ac]\ac, Gt gen uó c]\om a ccoicbim, & jen bo hionmAÍb mt) imcecc ía hAnóble a ninmbe Gb a cc|\eAch ^Abat, no fAjAibrfc beit^e bC]\ncAi puttie ha bAnboipie *OAn Anéip nAnccACA]\ rnCn-OAccA niAigbnei-oe mf-ónAit>e no ^AbrAc forf A|\ Cnoc An gCnnAm bAin eit;in citt cotjjAn GL gAittnii. tlo emn'óe'lighrC'c An^AbAÍA pn Anoibe ÍAn ccAin cono reAbbAig ^aó "opong po teith X)iob AfAintnp^e "oo bÚAn Ainbio-óbATj t>mnibe Gt •oe'OAib AneccriA-o, & no §Abf ac A}\ a bA]\Ac A^ "oionjA-ó & Ag •oLuicioiriAin a C0T3A q\eiche 1 re-oftigcib rfnchoiccix) S]\fm5 1111c SfnjAinn. Ilin uó yov<\ An nenn nuccrAc ipn tó pn An nopcAn fcícij ía]\ via monfAocAji occ cochc cnÍA betjib beldiurii^Aib nA boipie, & m mó no pnAin*orfcc no no cliuilrfcc irAniie m A-oViAij pArh, aj\ bA "0015 teó co cciocpvo 1a|\Ia UuA-ótíiuriiAn co bbon a mumcini mA lCririiAin 7 mA t-upj "Oia byobAinc ir iia conAinib cuA]\cun'i5Aib c|MAr po chingfCc cen co ccon]íAcc iccip. ^AbAicc tongponn 1 com^ocnAib ■ooib An a-óaij rm, ó no ÍAiffc An oriiAn "oiob. 11i "óe^ijfnpfc •pAnbocA 11A1C i--oi]\5neAn'iA 1a cfr nA pne pAtn^ACA, acc no liA-ÓAnnAicc b]Aeoicdnci biiAntArAinnA Leó, & no ^AbpAc a bucc -p]iC]XAit 7 pnocliAÍn'iA, a yf|Ac1ioicci 7 a rrenthijip, a njilte 7 a hajia^a A5 combAC 7 A5 combtiAbAT> 05 co^ccAinc 7 A5 cnAimgfpnC'ó buAin a mbicobAT) "oujijnAmh a p|iAin-oe •01 a nAipeACAib 7 -01A nA]\t)UAi| , tib co po cocAit]'fc a rpepoichfcc & concuitrfc 1 rAin'ie Arfn-OAt) ó no ÍAirCc a nimecclA "óiob. Ach|\AchcAco|\ ah rtoj ArA puAiicAi]\cim cocaíca ipn caitiaoi|i, 7 CIA5AICC hi ceAnn c]*et>A 7 1 Castle. — It stood at a short distance to 2 Srengan. — One of the chiefs who led the the north-east of the monastery. Firbolg colony to Ireland. Ogygia, p. 145. 243 of Clonroad, This was a famous castle 1 and princely abode belonging to i6od. him who held the chieftaincy of the country. The host rose up (on Monday exactly) steadily, slowly from their tents and huts, and they proceeded to travel over the road diagonally across Thomond in a north- easterly direction exactly through the east of Hy Cormaic and the plain of Cinel Fermaic and the speckled-hilled Burren, till they came at the end of the evening to the monastery of Corcomroe and to Carcair na cclereach. Those of the forces who were unoccupied throughout the day were traversing and preying every place all round, so that they did not leave a habitation or dwelling that was important without being burned and destroyed completely that day. Early on Tuesday they went with their spoils and preys towards Carcair, and though their march was severe and. their pace slow, owing to the quantity of cattle and plunder, they left the rocky passes of white Burren behind. When they came to the dwellings of the smooth plain of Maree, they rested at Knockangerrain- bane, between Kilcolgan and Galway. They divided the spoil between them after that, so that each body had its own share of the enemy's cattle, flocks, and booty, and they proceeded the next day to guide and drive their portion of the prey along the roads of the ancient province of Sreng, son of Srengan. 2 The journey they made on that day was not long, for they were tired after the great toil in coming through the crooked roads of Burren ; neither had they eaten or slept during the course of the preceding night, for they thought the Earl of Thomond would come with all his forces in pursuit of them and on their track to attack them, on the crooked, narrow roads by which they marched, though he did not come at all. They made their encampment in the neighbourhood that night, since they had banished their fear. They made neither huts nor buildings, owing to the heat of the summer weather, but they lighted strong, flaming fires, and their attendants and servers, their cooks and people of the household, their servants and their soldiers set to and fell to slaughter and hew the bones of the enemy's cattle in order to prepare their dinner for their chiefs and their nobles, till they were satisfied and had feasted and slept calmly, as they had set aside their fear. The army rose up from the refreshing rest of sleep at the 2 H 244 nnceccA. 1lo coriiAi|\Leicc ó "OotiinAibt -oo HIac UiHiAm coha mumcm 7 •oon luce "oor pAinicc a hiA-pcAn An coiccit> no a co^Ainm roA-ó t>ia ccijib. fol. 65. a. Do ieige yCipm rAi|\ cec ntrineAch ir nA conAijub coiccfnnA 50 nAnAic niA nveom LÁ01 co ConmAicne chuibe coIaiJ m eicinrhC'óón An coip-ó. gAbAir tongponc hiruixdu An a-óaií; rm, & Ainifinc Ann 50 An AbAnAC. tlo jroncon5Aiji íanorh ó "OorimAilt, ron a mumnn An mmle c]ieiche a mbu 7 a ccCcnA 7 An etDAlA An c(Yia t)0 tei^Cn UAitnb x>ia ca j;ib, An jiobbAnnAifj) 7 An Aor "oiAinm €t ^oncA 7 AttAiLb X)1A rloj -oo LeicceAb teó. *Oo ifjaicc ^An pnneAC peb no hfnbA-ó pjuú. ConnAinteicc t>ÚA 'Rúai)\c cona rhumnn cuTÓecc •dia cnjib ArtiAiL cac. T)o n^fjA úa "OorimAiLL coicc céo Iaoc 50 reArccAic niAncAC t>o noijmb Arboij^no fnb ronnA Ainiporii mA £oc1iAin bu-obem, 50 mbACAn aj curhrAnn 7 ccc te^eAt) a rcíp irm ton^ponc co 1iÍAn mf-óón IÁ01. "Locon Apr ai*a tiAicle e pone AineAcliAir & iorcA-ó ^IacIia IajVIa ctomne 1XiocAipo. *Oo Leiccfc a rccfniieAlcA co pgAoitceAc -oa cecli beich "oiob onToneAt) nA cjucche. *Oo iohaLac AnibAoi no cnub Gb -oo cfcnAib mA com-jrocnAib, G: "oo bfncpAC Leo co liAonriiAijm combACA]\ a protAncnAib pp AniomLÚA'ó 6c pu AmoniAin Leo. UiAjAicc neirmb ÍAjicAm cjierAn ccoicceA-ó pAinchÚAit> ^un jAbfAc Long- ponc mn nneAL An cine pur ah Suca AU'oeAr a-oai£ An "OoriiuAij -oo punnAt>. -Aippc Ainnp-oe co niACAin An LuAin. T)o comÍAc Ar ÍAn ccAm CAn -Acb I^ia^ irpnt) ponfAn Suca, 7 r\\e ttia^ nAoi 1111c -ALL^ubA 50 nAiigACAp ^ur ah SfgliAir mi cpAcnoiiA. ^AbAicc i:opr f]up An AbAinn a cuató An At)iiAij pn. T)o corhÍAcc An a bAnAcb CAn coi|i|irtiAb ha Sfjh]^, 7 cniAfAn ccopAnn co bAibe An mhocAij, conAt) Ai^pibe no rcAoitrfc nA tiiaici "oia nt)úmib 6: •01A ccijip conA et)AÍAib lonrÓAib. ío\.6s-l>. *Oo nebícc ó *OoiimAibt rcír "oía AtnpAib 60 t)ÍA Aor cuA|iArcAit ó 1ut co Sepcemben, 50 nur codiuin chuccA -oo nibip "our An cce-oAijirCb bofjAÍ froji 1 C. Cuile Tolaigh. — Now the barony of 2 Longhrea. — The name of a barony and Kilmaine, Co. Mayo. It has its name from town in the Co. Galway, 12 miles south-east Conmhac, son of Fergus and Meadhbh, of Athenry. from whom the inhabitants were said to be 3 Aoi. — On the origin of this name see descended. The Book of Rights^. 100. O'Currys Manners, &c-, ii. 11. 245 break of day and went on their road and journey. O'Donnell allowed 1600. Mac William and the people and forces who had come from the western part of the province at his call to go to their homes. He set out himself due eastwards by the ordinary roads until he came before the end of the day to Conmaicne Cuije Tolaigh, 1 in the middle of the province. He encamped there that night, and they halted there till the next day. O'Donnell then ordered his people to send away to their homes their prey, of cattle and sheep and the booty also, and to let the servants and unarmed people and the wounded and others of the army go with them. They went off without delay as they were ordered. He allowed O'Rourke and his people to go home like the others. O'Donnell chose five hundred soldiers, with sixty horsemen of the choicest of his army, and ordered them to remain with himself, that they might rest and get rid of their fatigue in the camp till after mid-day. They marched away after that and proceeded through the province south- eastwards vigorously, actively, silently, by day and by night, until they came to Loughrea 2 in the twilight of the early morning next day. This was the chief residence and princely abode of the Earl of Clanricarde. They sent out their marauders scattered in every direction to prey the territory. They gathered together all the herds and flocks in the neigh- bourhood and took them to one place, so that there was plenty to bring and drive away with them. They marched on after a time through the province north-east until they made an encampment on the borders of the territory south of the Suck on Sunday evening exactly. They stayed there until Monday morning. They went after a while across Athleague Finn and across the Suck and through the plain of Aoi, 3 the son of Allgubha, and reached the Seghais in the evening. That night they rested north of the river. The next day they marched over Corrsliabh of the Seghais and through Corann to Ballymote ; then the chiefs separated to their castles and houses with much spoil. O'Donnell gave rest to his soldiers and his mercenaries from July to September, when he summoned them to him again to see whether he might 246 riA gAtÍAib, Ap ac cuAp -ooporii ^up bo ^nAicbep vo jjpC-oriAib nA n^Ali cochc 5 a lion eiap cpAigceAC fx rriApcAC. 'Oo bfpc bAip lA-opATÓe Ap a hAicte co -oicheAtcA m -oopcriACA nA hoTÓche 50 poppÁ^Aib m eA-OApnAnbe in uchc AttbpÚAij lomboriiAin po bAi 1pm thai jptiAb -oo pAÍA pop iondiAib ah T)oipe a cúató bAit m pobA-o ^o-óeApc -ooib mtnncCp An bAile, 7 nAC bA poippeit -oo diAch ifcpoiii. Tto tÁ úaca-ó rnbCg -oia mApcploj; m lonACCAib lonpoitpce m Acpoccup "oon bAile m f-oApnAiT)e poppnA heocrtAib 7 pop An ofp poipconfie-OA conA poicap An eAchpA-o pop ccuIa -oo pi-oipi pecip CAn CÍpCAip JUp An bpepjopC AC CÚAX)Amop. OACAp pArilbAlt) CO hlipCOpAC All Iaoi, Ac cIhacc An CchpA'ó chucA "OAppAn up'opocliACC con An Afp poip- coirhfcA peb po jnACAi^pCc. .dcpAjAcc rtiApcptuAj ui "OliornnAilL "ooib T)Ap Anéipi, fx. "oo pAcpAC Ammup caIhia pop tucc An coirhfccA. Tto jonpAc ApAill ■010b, fx AtrpulACAp Apoite ÚAiT)ib ía "oeme fx, ucmoitte ah epiriA. 5 A t>Aic niumcfp ui 'OhomnAiLt occ lomAin eAchpAi"óe nA ngAÍL po AccuriiAnj. Uicc ó 'OorimAibL jup An pt-05 CAppupcAip mA pAppATj "oia ccorhpupcAcc 7 AcnAgliACC An CcpA-o permb. "Ro popconjAip úa 'OorhnAilL pop "opum^ "oia rhApcpLoj "out tÁp nA TieocliA AttiAib Ap -oeme conmocpACAip fx jAn Aipipini ppipiOTh icap. 'Oo poncA ÍAporh in"opin. -dnAip 'OorhnAitt po beoij 6: An VO pAejA *01A tflApcplUAj mA pApjAAT) & a nnleAbA & cpoi5ceAC Ap cCYia. Oc ciAcc nA ^Aitt An eocliA vo 'oebugA'ó ppiú, AcpAjliAc in oibne •oia ccAppACCAin & gebicc An Apmo & -oo iCiccfcc mt) -oeA-ohAix) ui "OorhnAiU,. Ho leAbtAing ah ^enepAit Vlenpi *Oocup pop a eoch, & po leAblAm^pCcc An niApcploj Ap cCYia -oo neoch 05A pAbACAp eich & pop pope m lonACCAib mmtte 7 nA po ViCccAppccApcA ppiú. "Oo ífjAcc ipm co^pAim atíiaiI Ap "odne conpAn^ACAp. Oc conAipc ó 'OorhnAiiL mApcptog nA n^^t pop x)iAmimpim nA •ól/o'hAi'ó Aipipip -OAp éip a rhileA-o cpAighceAC conA T)iopmA mApcptoig mA pochAip co puccpAC niApcptuAg nA nj^Atl pAip. *Oo bfpAcpAit>e 1 Horses. — An account of the capture of vi. 2203, and O'Sullevan's Hist. Cath., these horses will be found in A nna/s F.M., p. 218: 247 not harm the English ; for he heard that it was usual for the horses 1 to 1600. go each day across the bridge which was opposite Derry northwards to graze on a grassy field which was opposite, with a few of the cavalry to protect them. He was considering and reflecting how he could make a descent on the English to take their horses from them. This was the resolution he came to. He chose a large body of his soldiers and a troop of horse, so that the number of horse and foot was not less than six hundred. These he took with him very secretly in the darkness of the night, and left an ambuscade in the recess of a steep cliff which was on the mountain slope opposite Derry to the north, a place from which the people of the town could be seen by them, and they could not be seen by any one. He placed a small number of his cavalry in retired places very near the town in ambuscade for the horses and their keepers, lest the horses might return whenever they came to the field of grass of which we have spoken. They were there until the beginning of day. They saw the horses cross the bridge towards them with their guard, as they were accustomed to do. O'Donnell's horse rose up behind them, and made a vigorous onset on the guards. They wounded some of them ; others of them escaped owing to the fleetness and speed of their galloping. O'Donnell's men proceeded to drive off the horses of the English which they had in their power. O'Donnell came to their aid with the force which remained with him, and they drove the horses before them. O'Donnell commanded the body of horse to go with the horses as fast as they could, and not to wait for him at all. This was done then. O'Donnell remained behind, and the horse he had chosen with him, and his soldiers and foot also. When the English saw that their horses had been taken away from them, they rose up quickly to avenge themselves, and took up their arms and set off in pursuit of O'Donnell. The General Henry Docwra leaped on his horse, and the horsemen, too, on theirs, such as had horses and kept them in safe places and had not been separated from them. They set off in pursuit as fast as they could. When O'Donnell saw the horsemen of the English in full speed after him, he stopped behind his foot with a body of horse by him, until the English horse came up* with them. They made a quick, bold 248 Amtuup tnocpA ■OAtiApbA pop Viúa n"OorhnAiLb "OAp cfnn a ccpeiclie, Gt 00 copnAtu An eini5 tubl/imb. "popAijpp ó "OorhnAiH co vévhs "oupcpoi-orieAcVi ppipin -oeAbAi-o & pCpcAip loniAipfg Arhnup CcoppA ceccAp An t>Á Leice com- bACAp An mApcpLuAj ceócApbA rn Cpc Ap mfpcc, 6: 50 pA^AbpAcc pop lompubATj 7 pop im-ómbpA5iocpA. *Oo pAÍA ■ó.ó-ó itiac -Aó-oriA -ouib uí 'OorhnAitl 6t An coipeAch "henpi "Oocup cut 1 cub ppi Apoite 1-piii lom^um. UAplATCAV) cOfoh ÚA "OorhnAlLL ATI pO^A pojAbLA1C1 bA01 111A "LaITÍI Ap ATTITDUp An coipi^ 50 ccAplA hi ccub a et)Ain ^ati lómpobb *oó co pup jon co ViAicCp. SoAip An ctnpeAch ppichpop'c ífp nA cpejh-oA'ó pAriiLAi-ó 7 poAic nA 5 A1 bl A]\ c(Yia po riiebA ífp ngum An ccpempip CAipiprhe & a ccumjib CAthA & m po- gbfnpAC a neccpAic m bA pipiú. U15V1AICC muincfp uí 'OhorhnAttL t)iA pcopAib ÍAp ccAin, & AcpirhCc a njAiLLgpfbA gAn ^UAipfm, puibLfb Ap tnb cét>Aib eAch bA pfb a lion. TxAnnAip ó "OorhnAiLL ifcc ApA hAitte poppnA hÚAipbib ÍAp tiA miAt) & coriipAn'í. O "OoriinAiLL q\A bAoipit>e ipopbAoipi popp nA 5 A U-Aib 5 An pojtuApAcé Ap a chip co •ceipeAt) Occobep. "Oo puimíViAip Ainnpit>e -ooL ^up An UuATjiiiuriiAin "oo pibipi "oia hmpl-ó. UApcclomcA a ptog ÍAip ía]t ccinnir) a chon'iAipte 60 m poAipip co pAtmcc •OAppAn SticceAc pÍAp & poppAccAib IIíaLL ó 'OomnAit'L itiac Cuinn mic An CAtbh fx mA mumcCpAp bub -oem, Gt x»o pAipnjfppfc pij>e 7 cCnnup nA cpiche tjó TDiAmcAip copgpAig, fx po cinjeAttpAC nt)ó ppipin peóicc iotttóa (x TiiAome mÁpA Aoipiom T)An ac1iai-ó pot)A occ coipcecc ppip T1A COlílCAlb pin po boc A5A nfpAit pAtp con -oo pAcc a Ainpen pAip pó -óeom a ÁfncujA-ó •out "OAomleTt 7 t)AonpAnn Ia gAÍlAib, & a bpeccA-ó G: a cojAfdiAX) ía a ccm^eAttcAib j;oac1ia 7 Ia rrnAipte m-o ofpA pCigh popUAtl-Aij po 5peip 7 po AplAij pAip An choriiATpte hipm. x Hugh.— He is spoken of by our author at p. 55 as being the equal of the greatest of the ancient heroes, and well fitted to rule over the Cinel Conaill. 2 Javelin. — Dowcra's own account of the encounter, which was so near being fatal to him, will be found in full in the Introd., p. cxv., antea- 3 Number. — Docwra says it was but 60, whereas O'Sullevan makes it 168. Hist. Cajh., p. 218. In the Annals F.^M. it is stated to have been 200. 249 attack on O'Donnell for his prey, and to save what was under the protection 1600. of both. O'Donnell met them valiantly and resolutely in the skirmish, and a fierce battle took place between them on both sides, so that the horsemen of both were mixed with one another, and they set to hew and shoot each other very actively. Hugh, 1 son of Hugh Dubh O'Donnell, and the com- mander Henry Docwra met face to face in the conflict. Hugh O'Donnell cast a forked javelin 2 which was in his hand at the leader, so that it struck him straight in the forehead and wounded him severely. The leader turned back after being wounded in this way. The English, too, turned back in sorrow that the trusted hero and their captain in the fight should be wounded, and they did not follow their horses farther. O'Donnell's people went to their tents afterwards, and they reckoned the English horses accurately to be something over two hundred in number. 3 O'Donnell divided them afterwards among his nobles according to their dignity and deserts. O'Donnell continued to besiege the English, without moving from his territory, to the end of October. He determined then to go to Thomond to prey it. He assembled his forces after taking the resolution, and he did not halt till he crossed the Sligeach westwards. He left Niall O'Donnell, 4 son of Conn, son of Calvagh, son of Manus, of his own family, behind in the territory to guard it against the English, lest they should come to plunder it in his absence. The English did not cease to entreat and implore, to urge and beseech Niall O'Donnell secretly to enter into an alliance and friendship with them, and they proffered him the kingship and chieftaincy of the territory if they were victorious, and they promised him many jewels and great wealth, and engagements and covenants, too, for the performance of everything. He listened for a long time to these proposals which were made to him at their suggestion, till his ill-luck at last made him consent to join and unite with the English and be deceived and circumvented by the lying promises and evil counsels of envious, proud people who incited and urged him to that resolution. 4 Niall O'D. — i.e., Niall Garbh. At p. bition, induced him to lend ear to the cxxv. of the Introduction we have given the suggestions of the English and obtained for motives which, in addition to personal am- him considerable support among the clan. 250 111ai]vj; tii Cn in a ]\o lomnÁró, niAi|vc; cnoi-oe no pgnu-o, niAiju; cCn^A -oo nioncoi-p5 A11 Ainbe Aintm.1T> Ami Anm AncAc rmrjnech rrnónúnAch no cojnA-ó ■oon chun pm. 111 Ainj b]\AchAin no cneicc a copppme 7 a choinroit) CAbrriAn'OA, a chAiTvoe 7 a cnompuiti'oe An "out, I11 cteic & hi ccorhAoncAt) a éccnAT) 7 a CrccAnAtc. ITIonÚAn Árh nAc T>A0inteirj no loniAinrCc fx -oo bCncfAC a mbÁine, An nín bó poinb & mn uó ro-ÓAin^ a ccoLa-ó nÁ a ccnCj'OA-o a ccAcniAin^ ha a ccimceAbLA'ó An ccdn bACAn 1 cconA Gt hi cÁoncorh]iAC jrni A|ioite. *Oo •oeAcriACAji v\\& a ctha]i , oeA]ib|AAic|ieAch LÁ IIíaUI ipn coimCinjerm .1. Aóvh bui-óe, "OorhnAitb, Gb Conn ócc. t)ACAn "om ha 5A1U, bi niAchcAin a teAr "HÍAÍt conA b]iAic|\ib t>o x>úl •oía nionnroijit), ÚAin nopcAp rcícig mdpcni 5 hi CAicpeir 6c hi ccAccon^nAim 5AC nomcrie La boitiAn ui 'OorhnAibt 7 pobcAp pÁocriAig 5aL]iai<5 1a hiomchtnmge An ionn AmbACAn 7 ÍAp tia biAt)Aib pCtroA pfnbobAix) 7 lArnA peolAib rAitfce pfpbjjoince 7 1a ceArbAifi $aca cú a|\a bA Via-oIaic -001b 6c nA huinpeolA rochAichrhe pAmpeAt). ílop Ainclur HÍAÍt úa 'OoitinAiLt im t^ac m bA cCpbAitt poppA, 6c poppÚApccAit "ooib Apm ccumAng CApcAip imbACAp. *Oo bfpc .x.c. ÍAoch ÍAir ÚA-ÓAib co V,eicbfp nAoi mile cCimenn ón *Ooipe piAp jac n-oipeAc pop up ah Locha cfccnA. \)a -ouiiApup Aipt>Cpc ■oúa 'OhorhnAitL An "oú pm 6c bA heirmnitt An ionbAix> pm, ÚAip m bAOi "ounA-o "OAinjCn nÁ CAipciAb clAchÁoLcA Ánn ppi pe pox>A ó no bto'OA'ó pecc piArh, acc niAt) 'ouncLvo •omnim ÍAp ha mrrjenArn vo cniA-o 6c ■oróccAib An cAbriiAn 6c coetcbAir enoTiiAin uipcit>e mA lomcAcifiAn^ oc impJineAt) 7 oc CrnAtiA-o ppi riAich^Cm An •oúható no bAOi Ann pecc niAiii t>o cup^OAit Ann 1 ppicipi. "PofnAccAib An coCr coimetiA An pone pÁp b& horiiAn ó no nACAi jf Cc nA cuca 7 nA bAOi ó 'OotfinAi'L'L m't) occur "ooib "oia rftinrAcc. La ro"ÓAin CAn^ACAn nA goitt "oon pone & cÚAngAbrfc mui|t mó|\Ai"óbte & "outiia'óa cniA'ó & ctoc yon ApccÁcb ^on uó hmmtt pni hui\r- ctAitn & lOTtiAinCj mt) A^hATÓ a nÁiíiAcc. Luit> An Aile yC]i tio rAinn'iumri]i uí "OoiTinAiib mA -of-oriAij co pporrceb An cípe Iait 1 , & ac yév n-oó uile An •00 nonAX) Ann. bA VnongnAt) món & bA niAclicnA-ó mCnmAn Ia hó 1 Advised. — See Introd., p. xxíví 2 Contest— The word baire is the name thatthe peopleof Erinn had in ancient times, and have still, even in Dublin, for the game of ball and hurleys. It is applied figura- tively to any contest, combat, or battle. O'Curry, Battle of Magh Leana, p. 113, n. 3 Lifford. — 'The 8th of October I assigned to the said Neale Garvie 500 foot and 30 horse, under the leading of Sir John Bowles, to go and take the Liffer, where 30 of O'Donnell's men lay in garrison in a fort in one of the corners of the town, and most of them being abroad when they came, were Woe to the mind that conceived, woe to the heart that entertained, woe to the tongue that advised 1 that violent, ruinous, odious, malicious plan that was entered into then ! Woe to the kinsman who abandoned his own tribe, and his earthly l©rd, his friends and relatives, to go plotting and uniting with his enemies and his foes ! Alas ! that they did not strive and carry on the contest 2 together, for it was not simple or easy to pierce or penetrate their surrounding or to circumvent them as long as they were in peace and amity with each other. However, his three brothers joined with Niall in that revolt, i.e., Hugh Buidhe, Donnell, and Conn Oge. The English needed, too, that Niall and his brothers should come to them, for they were weary and fatigued with watching and preparing for fight every night through fear of O'Donnell, and they were diseased and distempered owing, to the narrowness of the place where they were and the old musty victuals and the bitter salt meat and the want of every condiment which they required, and of fresh meat especially. Niall O'Donnell supplied them with everything they needed, and relieved them from the narrow prison in which they were. He took with him ten hundred of their soldiers to Lifford, 3 nine miles due west of Derry, on the bank of the same Lough. 4 This was a famous residence of O'Donnell ; it was not safe then, for there was not a stronghold or castle built of stone and mortar there for a long time, as it had been destroyed some time before, but only a poor earthen fort that had been made of clay and of sods of earth, and a narrow, shallow ditch of water around it to prepare for the re-erection of such another fortress as had been there before. The guard vacated the fort through fear when they saw the English approaching and that O'Donnell was not near to aid them. Thereupon the English came to the castle and raised huge walls and ramparts of earth and stone for shelter, so that it was safe for defence and attack against their enemies. A certain man of O'Donnell's own people went after him surprised and slain, and the place taken ; yet so as one of them had first put fire into the fort, which consumed all the buildings in it ; but the rest of the houses scattered about in the town (which were about 20), were preserved, and stood us in sin.ular good stead.' Dowcra's Narration, p. 246. O'Donnell had entrusted Lifford to Niall Garbh. O'Sullevan, Hist. Cath., p. 219. 4 Same Lough. — The name of Lough was tl en given to the river Foyle from the sea to Lifford. 2 I 252 n*OoirmAitt AbpAcliAip Gt AcbiAifiAtn r>o poA-ó pAip "oóij bA pi píun iito OCt/Ha po h<\ bAmCpnurcAiT) "oon cí tlÍALt. lompAip ó *OoirinAibl a ccoicceA-o nAiLeALtA údi]\ 111 ]\aiiaic cAp bAite An THhocAij pÍAp ipm coicceAX) An CAn puccpAc pccebA pAip, (x lompÁic a plo^h ppiochpopcc peb ponuccpAc •oiAbAibe, acc iia 111Á m puAchc 1a a inilCx)A ÚA "OoiiinAiLL -oo ppeApcAL acc mAt) úaca-ó •oia mApcpLó 5 combui AnAchpoccup t>on Lecbiop AcpubpumAp: Hi concAipmc bAp nA jAllAib cneAchA hato oipccne "oo *oenorh pe piú pAnAic ó DoriinÁitb ipo]\ ccuIa acc beich acc •OAinjmu jax) a pcop (x occ cÍAi-óe a múp, Gc. oc cbÚAbAcon ó *OoiiinAilt x>o cnuiTjeAchc mp pebic An oriiAn •ooib "oépAcíi An ptnpc AtnbACAn pop cCnn nAC neic no bAOi "oo cCpbAi-o poppA. UAppupAip ó *OoifinAibL mt) ionAt) nAp uó hCiapcÍAn ó tiA JálUib co puccpAc úaca-ó "OÍA ThlbeAX)Alb CpA1 jcheAC pAip. X)& po-oA 1a hiÍA n"Oon'inAibL po bACAp iia gAili ^An puAbAipc, 6c m po Aipip ppip An pt-05 m bA pipiú 50 pup cAippen ah cúaca-ó po bAoi -oonA gAbLAib pop coeb CpuAchÁm t,ijfn AbbA Ant)Cp ppip ah AbAinn a cúató. Oc clnCcc nA 5 A1 ^b eipi-ohe "oo piAchcACAp a "oocum, Gt HíaIÍ ó "OorhnAibl conA b]iAiúpib hi coipicchecc nA cpo-OA. T)o bfpAcc poiípn nugpA ppi Apoile cfn nAch n-OAnACAp -óeAbéA An lÁ pin cfccup, acc bdch Anuppoichibt pop & chéite, ÚAip m po pAibp Cc iia ^Aibl ó 'OorhnAibl t>o beich m úacIta-ó ArhAib po bAoi, 6c bACAp lomorhnAij; im bpCig "oo CAbAipc lonipu Gc mp uó 1iAib-óóib t)ob mt) imcdne on mbAile Ap AOTobe. A chumbAc cfcnA t>o múmcip uí 'Oon'inAibb, bA t>ichinnn "ooibpiorh "oob imCpcc a n atíi ac hto iompoiccpi An púínc An cúacax) ptoi^ bACAp. "Ro eicip-óetijpfc pni A|i oite Ap a AbA cemb po cónA G: diAoncbompAC po pcA]ipAC. Uo 5011CA Ap Ailb ÚAi-óib "oe fol.67./'. piú 7 AnAtt Ia -oiubpAicéib pbC^b & pAi^hfcc & pogA-ó fogepi pojAbUigée & ubAibl n'ieAbb buAi-óe, acc ha itia bA mo aiti po cneAccnAighic mumcfp uí "OlioThnAibb AnA nÚAice mAic nA goibb. UiC^Iiaicc ha JaiII ■oia ccighib ÍAp ccAin, (x '00 coCc ó "OorhnAibt conA rhumcip "oia pcopAib, Gt bA co p-UApnAt) & '):Cp5'luinne tui-ó ó "OoThnAibb Ainnp-óe Ap a TheT» po 1a pAiji ^An ■& fbog "OIA cAppACCAin An bÁ pm vó^ bA t>eApb tAiporh -oia inbCiccip occa 1 NialTs wife. — See Introd,, p. cxxiv., three miles north-west of Lifford. See an tea. Colgan's Acta SS., p. 782. 2 Cruachan Lz'g/iean.—Nov/ Croaghan, a 3 More— The sense is, O'Donnell's party- hill which gives its name to a townland in being less in numbers suffered more hurt the parish of Clonleigh, barony of Raphoe, than the more numerous one of Niall Garbh. 253 to tell him the news of the country, and related to him all that had 1600. taken place there. O'Donnell wondered greatly, and was surprised that one who was his cousin and brother-in-law should turn against him, for Hugh's sister was Niall's wife. 1 O'Donnell returned from the province of Oilioll, for he had not gone beyond Ballymote westwards into the province when the news reached him, and his forces came back as fast as they could together, but yet his soldiers were not able to keep up with O'Donnell, except a few of his horse, until he came very near Lifford of which we have spoken. The English had not succeeded in making preys or depredations before O'Donnell came back, but they were strengthening their encampment and erecting ramparts, and when they heard that O'Donnell had come, fear did not allow them to go out of the fortress in which they were for anything they needed. O'Donnell halted at a place which was not very far from the English, until some of his foot- soldiers came up with him. It seemed long to O'Donnell that the English were not attacked, and he did not wait longer for his army, but he displayed before the English the small force which he had on the south side of Cruachan Lighean, 2 to the north of the river. When the English saw them, they went out to meet them, Niall O'Donnell and his brothers being leaders of the fight. They skirmished with each other, though there was not an obstinate battle on that first day, but they were in readiness for each other, for the English did not think O'Donnell had so small a force as he had, and they were greatly afraid an ambuscade was laid for them, and they did not wish to go very far from the town in consequence. So, too, with O'Donnell's people, it would be unwise for them to go among their enemies in the neighbourhood of the fort, their forces being so few. They separated, therefore, from each other, though it was not for peace and friendship sake they separated. Some of them on both sides were wounded by the discharge of spears and arrows and of very sharp forked darts and of leaden balls, but more 3 of O'Donnell's people were wounded on account of their small number than of the English. The English returned to their houses after a while, and O'Donnell and his people went to their tents, and O'Donnell went away in anger and wrath, because he had not his army with him to avenge himself on that day, for he 254 An lonbait) pm tiA hepnAipicip ha 5 01 bl ÚAi-ohe peb Acpónepioc. TlAn^ACAp a ploj -01A •pAiji-opum Ap a ViAicte G. po •oLucAi^CpcAip itro iomfui-oe poppnA 5AtlAib ÍAp mbpeic -oia miteA-OAib pAip co teicc, G. ^AbAip ton^pópc po "in mite cennfnn t>o LeicbeAp lompopAiTjpiorii pop pcAc itro ofpA cpeAbcA co po fplArhAijnp tiA liApbAnna bACAp itro iompoiccpi no ua 5 A blAib. tAA-cporh ófp bpAic G. CAipcceLcA poppAn mbAite cech noitjche nAC. Ap petccf/o óen Anonn nAch Able munA poipap •OAppAn AbAinn bu-o "oCy, (x, nip pApcAib conAipe T1Á1CC pichipi nÁTO fppupA elú'ÓA po -mite cftmCnn -oon bAite tia pa1_a popú pn cCn p^ojl-UApAcc App co CAipmc 1a bpu jA-ooib 7 coA]it)Aib nA cpche ati ApbontiA •oepéiopA'ó G, t)o ciopjopUp An CCipCAip "OAppilA TnUjTAlb ATTTAcVl poppAII mAljpeiT)h. O "OO T)eAcllACA|T TTIUincCp U1 "Oh 0111 n AlH pop ionc1iAib ati bAile po bAf/Ap nA 5 A, bl aja popcpi 7 aja mTofiiiAin G; m po pAijpfc t:o|\|ao ó t,ioc gfiiACAp 50)1 uó x»o chumjeA-o u^|\a vo "óeAc n acajt fol.68. a. 1m]"Ai]"fc TnuincfjT ui "OhomnAibL ipiiclifCt) nA conAi]ie "oo jiToip ó nA pjAinpCc An tlí ^0\\ A CCATVO]"AC ÍAH)1A1t). *Oo gmfcC AippOlil pD|A U]\ nA 1iAbAnn aIIacIiuax) •oiAnA'o Ainm ati •OAotC'oh nAchgAiptx on mbAite. Uit5liAicc -ojion^A mó|iA "óiob -oia p^ojiAib 7 pu oite -oo cop:cAib A|i nip fAoitfiuc nA 101 A LeAniiiom An 1Á pn pMn]\eAx». Oc connAinc 11íaíI ó *OoiiinAitt mumcfn ui 'OhomnAill co hepudoe Anpupce, ac bfjic pup nA 5 A bl A1 b cop uó hioniAipji'óe *ooib Ammup *oo cAbAipc poppo. gAbAicc ua 5A1ÍL OCC AipiCC1ll An Apm 7 OCCA nflCcf-Ó CO pÓlLt pACACt)A (poppA C]lÁltpiUTfl) ^Sons. — i.e., Niall Garbh and his brothers. 2 Deel. — This river rises in Lough Deel See Introd., p. xii., antea. This Conn had in the north-west of the barony of Raphoe. nine sons, nve of whom died violent Athnacarbait, where St. Patrick is said to deaths; their names are given in O'Dono- have foretold the future greatness of St. van's Appendix to Annals F. M.,\\. 2385. C'olumkille, is a ford on this river. Col- Niall Garbh was Conn's fourth son. gan's Trias Thaum., p. 390. 255 was sure that if he had it then, the English would not escape from him as they did. His army came to him afterwarwards, and he beseiged the English closely as soon as his soldiers came to him, and he made his encampment two miles from Lifford of which we have spoken, for the protection of the husbandmen, that they might secure the crops of corn which were in the neighbourhood of the English. He sent spies and scouts to the town every night, that no one might be allowed in or out without passing over the river to the south, and he left no road or pass or means of escape for a mile from the town, on which there were not watches and ambuscades to watch and observe the English lest they might pass through without being noticed, and the sons 1 of Conn O'Donnell especially and their people, for these he thought more difficult to watch, and on their account he placed so many ambuscades and guards. He was about thirty days there without moving away until the farmers and peasants of the country had succeeded in drying and threshing their corn, and they took it away in small baskets and meal-sacks by removing it and bearing it oft on horses and mares and putting it in the strong fortresses and safe places where the enemy would not come. Once, before O'Donnell left that camp in which he was staying, he happened to go towards the English, to see if they would come outside the walls on the level plain. When O'Donnell's people came before the town, the English reconnoitred and examined them ; but they did not sally out against them, for they saw it was to challenge them to fight they had come. O'Donnell's people returned by the same road, as they did not find what they had gone in search of. They made a halt on the bank of the river, which is called the Deel, 2 to the north a short distance 3 from the town. Large parties of them went to their camp and about other business, for they did not think the English would follow them on that day precisely. When Niall O'Donnell saw O'Donnell's people scattered and unprepared, he told the English that they ought to make an attack on them. The English set about getting ready their arms and putting on their armour leisurely and carefully (at his bidding) in the middle of the fortifications, that they might not be 3 Distance. — The Deel joins the Foyle a mile to the north of Lifford. 256 in fci|\mft>ón nA mú|i Ap ha bA-ó pD-oenc t>ia nAirhab comar ApmcA eitnche. O nobc&p CploriiA ÍAnoih "oir pccfc DAjvpnA múpvib feACCAip itro upt> cViacVia. tA-po-OAin "oo tdccfc yon onimur rhumape ui "OhorhnAiU, yon nCimpn, €t An cí IIíaU, conA bpAicpib (x rhumcfphi némcup nempA "oia p§-óujA-ó. Ac chí ó "OoihnAiVl chu^A iac p>n coichimpn Gt bA p5 ÍAir AprAicpn T)1A fAiji-o (x no fuitsij; "OAn a rhiteA-ÓA mA monA-OAib Cpc-AtcA -po AnCpcorhAip conA niot>nAib A'15 ÚAip;ib, (x mr nebic AnxnobnAccAt) conibacAp jroppxn mbnÚAch aUca^ac -con AbAinn. 1m a compAimc "óoib ífpcAin combACAp mCycc An rhCr^, Gt p?ncAn 5^eo Ainriiin eccnAicuch fcoppA uo jApyoccup AcconiipAlup ScuchAicc An mApcpboj "oocum a cheite combACAp Ag cinnnrCViiC'ó AnAiLe "oo riiAnAoipb mchpteAbnA Gt -oo cnAOireAcViAib cfnn jbArA. 'Oo |iacc cnA HíaIA, ó TDoriinAiH cumnrírh t>on cplCij pmnij; pchyox)A bAi mA "óunn iron oCpbpACAip ui *OhorhnAiLt .1. ITlA^nur, co no cÍAnnurcAip An ccpAOipj yo ioccai]\ a iomt>A mt), Gt sun cpCj-ouycoip a mriil/oonchA cniAVAn CmCvh yCicpigrnn -oo |\aLa unnbe. Oc connAipc Ttux>pAije ó T)oriiiiAiUl nioj-ÓAifinA cdneoit cconAitt a -oCybpAcriAip "oo jum rAmt,Ait> 00 bfpc Ammur cAbrriA -oÁnA -oupcnoi-oheAC yoyyAn ci TIíaVI co ccAyo yoy^orh Aiimuy Aichf|A *oo 5A rhóp yo CycoiiiAip a ocVica yAip. HiaIX cyA oc connAipcyi-oe An -oÁrAcc yyiy mbAoi "Ru-ópAije occ yA^ni fAin, 7 oc chi cumrCrh An omnA chuccA no yocAipcCnn AypiAinriiipenAC m^ionjob An eich AiyoéymAi5 M.68./>. cXXm&]\x)& "oo n&lA yoa co ccuAyccAib Acfnn CcAnbuAy CcoppA co ccicorhnACAin An ccnAoincch ccpuAibpijm It 1 cub a et>Ain -oon éoch 50 nAmAic An mcm-o. Tlo blo-oA-pcAip cpomnymA nA cnAoiyicche occa cnencApnAin^ yop a ViAiy ■oon ci Rut)p eoch conA bAOi ÍAipomh acc An -cncheAlcAin "oiAmbpipoe mA -ounn. tlo chAcliAniAn An ceAch t)ept)e fo •óeoi'ó ÍAn ^ocdiAin An bAile ía|\ n^Aicc An lAinn Ap\ Da -oi]\fAn uac mimAille no LÁipoc An toechpA-o mt) lortiAipfg pn AnAiiriciu & AinbAnAinn pu a mbio-óbA-ÓAib 7 nAch hi cópA bACA]\, OAip m po cuitip^cAi^C'ó AceonAC An ccem no An^Ac fAifitAit), & pobcAp copccpAij ijtia coicccpiocbAib no chm5cip, & m no hA-OApb^ncA a^a pDi]\b ntnti-p Ia heccAip cenét AiiiAib "oo -poncA cix) ÍAp ccAin. IllAipcc cpioch G: CAompopbA, itiAipj cíp & cúac m no cC-oaij An Ainp'ien -oonA combpAicpib & -oonA coriipjil,it)ip 1 Battle. — O'Sullevan says that Conn shoulder, while Niall Garbh pierced him in O'Gallagher wounded Manus under the the right side. Hist. Cat/t., p. 219. 257 seen by the enemy until they had their arms and armour. When they 1600. were ready, they sallied out from the fortifications in battle array. Then they advanced to attack O'Donnell's people in this manner, Niall and his brothers and people being in the van to lead the way. O'Donnell saw them coming, and he was glad to see them advancing, and he put his soldiers in their proper places opposite, with their weapons of war raised over them, and he did not allow them to shoot till they were on the opposite bank of the river. When they met after that they were mixed together, and a fierce, furious battle 1 was fought by them, though their relationship was very close. The horsemen rushed at each other and dashed at one another with large pikes and green-headed lances. Meantime Niall O'Donnell made a thrust of the long, sharp lance which he held in his hand at O'Donnell's brother Manus, and the spear entered underneath his shoulder and penetrated his internal parts through the armour made of skins which he had on. When Rury O'Donnell, roydamna of the Cinel Conaill, saw his brother wounded in this way, he made a vigorous, bold, merciless attack on Niall, and aimed a forcible, furious thrust of a large spear straight at his breast. But when Niall saw the fierceness of Rury approaching him, and when he beheld the thrust of the lance, he pulled hard the bridle-bit in the mouth of the high-rearing, foreign horse which he rode, and raised his head between them, so that the hard-tempered spear struck the horse straight in the forehead and pierced his brain. The socket of the spear was broken by Rury in drawing it back, and he left the iron head in the horse, and he had but the broken handle in his hand. The horse died finally of this after coming to the town, when the iron was taken out. It was sad that these heroes did not combine in fighting against their enemies and in their anger against their foes, and were not at peace, for their prosperity was not banished from them while they remained so, and they were victorious in the neighbouring territories they entered, and they would not have been banished from their dear native land by a strange race, as happened afterwards. Woe to the country and fair land, woe to the territory and district in which ill-luck permitted relatives and kinsmen to hew and 258 iom]\ubAt) 7 iomcto nAccpAcp-óe mn Aijce int> Aom-jrecc (x m AfnpAbALb pon cjiAijjhcechAio uí *OnomnAitt co roAit» nenmb bm^, acc iia mÁ 111 |vo ^oncA, úai"óid acc mA'ó uacad an m ]\o IÍti^ac nA 5 A1 bL iacc CAjirAn ccacIac1iai|a peccAip, e 7 bA"|'5Ai]\e a nibAnc1iui]\e A5 cAomf-ob a cca]iacc Gt a^ gfn- cViao! Aii5e]\]\AC guf An cAnpn "0015 m -po qwmjonAicc 111 no coc|\atóic ón cAn no jAb Aó-oh "Rúa-ó pgbe & p^Aicmp* p)n]\o 511 r An lAichi tiipn. t)A beirme ÍAicbe coipuch 111 po cubA-ó a ccrveip & m -|\o cumi^Ai^f-ó a cco]xco]A, & AniAib riAcb ÍAinn ÍA-p An Aom X)ía c|\dri "oon'iAn-OA jah cCpbput) nA AinCr ^An CncjiA -oo bejtc ynicbepc poibb -pen conAch cdneoib "Ltn^TOAc True Sf-oriAO peACAÍ tiAite. Cia Acbé]\ccAir AÍp iom|:o]iniAicc & omcnuif» ■po'oon'o 7 CgnAC Aincpi-óe 7 eccnAiccif cojiAb no Aiclie AnrobicceAc (x, a ecco|iA yo\\ 6 n"OomnAibt ]io fóix) An p\\ "OhiA -pnoiTOA pAin -oon cbu|irA m po|\ -ooib eccm, ach Af Ai]\e "oo ]iome "Oía m-opn nAcliA]- pAgbbAt) úaiII nA ionnoccbAib accooa]\ nA lomcolcA^ó'ó úa T)oriinAil.l. a "oin^e a b]ifch & a coicceAnc a^ i:obloriiniiccA-o a ^tAicm-pA & A-p AbA a chfn & a corccAin yo]\ 1 Leader. — This was Captain Heath. 1 He took a shot in the thigh, whereof he shortly died.' Docwra's Narration, p. 246. 2 Chief. — The reference is to Hugh Roe's father, though he had resigned the chief- taincy to his eldest son Hugh eight years before, when he was solemnly inaugurated as chief of the Cinel Conaill. 3 Prince. — He was Hugh Dubh's third son. See p. 3 , antea. 4 Lughaidh — He -was third in descent from Conall Gulban. Introd., p. x , antea. 259 destroy each other without sparing one another, as happened then ! As l6o ° - for the English (during the time that the chiefs of whom we have spoken were attacking each other), they faced at once and in one body O'Donnell's infantry. These retired before them -for a short distance, but yet only a few of them were wounded, for the English did not follow them beyond the field of battle, and the reason why they did not follow was that their leader 1 was pierced through in the fight, so that they were obliged to return with him to Lifford, where he died after- wards. A great number of O'Donnell's people followed them and proceeded to shoot and cut them down with the sword, so that many of them were killed and wounded, and those in pursuit thought they would have been defeated by them if the main body pursued them then, but shame and sorrow did not allow the party which had retreated at first to follow them again. O'Donnell returned to his camp after the English had gone away. Those who were in the camp that night were weary and sad on account of the son of their chief, 2 who would be their prince 3 if he survived his brothers. Up to that time to proclaim aloud the praises of their victories and triumphs while boasting of the deceased and their heroism after victory was more common with the Cinel Conaill than the clapping of hands of their soldiers and the lamentation of the women weeping for their friends and bewailing their champions ; for they had not received a severe wound or suffered disaster since Hugh Roe obtained the sovereignty and chieftaincy over them up to these days. These were the days of the chief when he displayed his power and obtained victories, and yet as worldly successes without worldly reverses and happiness without eclipse are not pleasing to the one God, he permitted at this time a trifling check to the prosperity of the race of Lughaidh, 4 son of Setna. Even though jealous and envious people may say, through murmuring and resentment, spite and enmity, that it was to punish O'Donnell's transgressions and injustice the great provident God turned away from him then, this is not true indeed ; but the reason why " God did this was lest pride or haughtiness, covetousness or self-will, should take from Hugh O'Donnell his rectitude, his judgment, his probity in ruling his kingdom, and lest for the sake of his superiority and victory 2 K 2ÓO éoiccpodiAib, 6t nÁ -jio Uvo A tut) & a mnecerh mA mo]ic 7 mA diumACCAib proem, aóc in -oÁnAib €b m "oCplAiccib coinroe nniie GL cAtmAm conmc cunnAiii riA ccpan 7 cimccbAil nA cqnJAt;, "0015 Arfo vo 5m An cAom T)ía co 111C1111C ciomA|iccAt) 7 cocnAt) a clomne *oitp cotcnAigCpiA-o, 7 no jni a nCin & a néirn "oo ceb^ATj Ua a ctomn nnTobir ha corhAibb a ciomnA nAch a p3cc icap ■Af urine p)ncoCmnACCAin x>Aóx> ó 'OomnAi'lL 6: T)1A bpvicpb •do poncÁ An coiifi-oi tnA poc mbuA'ÓA & "oo |ia*o An -jtIaic nfm-ÓA -001b t)A]A a eip. 13a ruAichneA'ó ón yo\\ An oiT>heAt>Aib 6: p>n cfcpM-o nA niAc mbfcAT> & nA n An Am cajvac neobAC x>o \\aIa ipteAcnAncur a mbAip O pyimcc ó "OorhnAitb ■oon tonjpopr AiiiAib AcnubjiAriion no CnAit pjA"OApvch pche ponnchAobAij; ■oo "óCnoni "oo ITIhAjnur ó "OomnAibb *oia lomdiun cAn An mfoCpiurpAp "Ho piiche An cÁnAch psb no bfnbA-ó, G: "oo bnCdiA ah ci TIlAjnur mx> ifnom. Ui^Iiaicc "onon^ buif>ne ATÓbLe bAir "oía ófr ionrhAine 7 t>ía ÓAipoib An cCYia co pAchcAcon *Oún nA n^AÍb. 1lo •ofjvgAidie a lom-ÓAi^ ochpwr •óoron'i Amnp-oe. T)o nACA tei^he uí 'OhorhnAiVl chugA "oía dioimdnp, Go m no fCvyAV pieApat) t>o. -Ac bCprpxc 511 n uó niAjib. 1lo bACAn mic bCdiA-o fol. 69.Í. iomt)A "oujTO S P]\Amrer ipn niAinircin bAi AUlAnÍAn mo iomp>ccur t>on •oúnA"ó. *Oor pccfcc Ania f-Ai ji-oroni ■oo C]\nAi , oin a cbAint>CrA pur An ccoim-oi-o. ^AbAic occ a dnoncorcc 6; occ pnoicCpc nt)ó. 'Oo jgm pxoipmn a-ooaLit; cfn uac iroichebl 7 a'ouaitti a cunccbAbA co ieicc. 1lo dnCprAin a peAccA pAv *Oía, & bAc AnAidmec imA mt)occbAib 7 imA rhiA'o mCnniAn m Ainfrc noniAin. fto po mAidiriieAcli beor "oon ci nur^on, & Acbfjic jur no be but) ■oein rocnuAi|A a oi-oeAt) -0015 Afé no PA15 yon 11íaII cCccur. bAoiporii rAmlAit> pn né rfccn'iAme A5 foicitt éccA cec oCnlAiche, 7 céte "Oé 'oon nem]AAiciu pon Ai|\CnAcb nA bionrÓAije nA -pcíiAin "oo jjier t)ia iomcoiriiéc ron mclCt)Aib "OiAbAib. *Oo bCncfom ACOibrCYiA "oia AnnicAnAicc comdmc ppif An né pn, & p3 c1ioc1iaic!i conp An conn-oet) ifnccAm, Go no écc ApTn'OA'ó (An 22. Occoben, 1600) íaj\ nibuAbuACCA-o p>n -óeAifiAin G: "ooifiAn. Da p cfcpAt) nA mAc nibfdiAt) bACAn ip^eAcnApiiir occa co bpjAi|ifion'i cfnnp* An cboinrof'ó a]ia •oCgliAiplbf-o. -AcpAttnAcc ÍA]\om uto ocAjiligi a pnnpfp ipn tnAinipri]i AcnubnAmop 1 World. — This is a very common ending of obituary notices in Irish Annals. 2ÓI over the neighbouring territories he might set his mind and thoughts on his 1600. own strength and powers, and not on the decrees and gifts of the Lord of Heaven and earth, who can humble the brave and exalt the needy ; for this is what the one God often does, to bestow the possessions and wealth of his faithful children who do his will and obey his rule, on his unfaithful children who observe neither his testament nor his law. So it happened to Hugh O'Donnell and his brothers, whom the Lord checked in the course of their victories, and he gave them the kingdom of heaven afterwards. He was consoled by the visits and presence of the sons of life and of the learned confessors who happened to be with him at his death. When O'Donnell came to the camp, as we have said, he ordered a litter of woven fair wattles to be made for Manus O'Donnell to take him over Bearnus westwards. The litter was made as was ordered, and Manus was carried in it. A great crowd of his companions and friends, too, accompanied him till they came to Donegal. A sick man's couch was made for him there. O'Donnell's physicians were brought to him to examine him, and they could not cure him. They said he was mortally injured. There were many religious of the Order of St. Francis in the monastery close to the castle a little to the west. Some of the most experienced of these people used to come to him to strengthen his friendship with the Lord. They proceeded to instruct and advise him. He made a contrite confession without any concealment, and he declared his transgressions then. He wept for his sins before God, and he was sorry for his pride and arrogance in former 'times. He forgave also the person who wounded him, and he said he himself was the cause of his death, for he first attacked Niall. He was in this way for a week preparing for death every single day, and the servants of God of the s # aid Order were continually with him at the head of his bed to strengthen him against the snares of the Devil. He confessed frequently to his confessor, and received the Body of the Lord afterwards, and he died October 22nd, 1600, having been victorious over the Devil and the world. 1 It was the opinion of the religious who were with him that he found favour with the Lord on account of his merits. He was buried then in the tomb of his ancestors in the monastery of which we have spoken. 2Ó2 1lo bAOi AcriAijipoTTi ri tttac tT)AÍ;nupv rmc AÓT)bA "otnb ttia f Citoacató An cati pn 05A 5Ai]\e itro occu-p *oon niATTiTpnp Ac cÓA-p *oóip*óe a ttiac *oo epilc, ■peACAij' pop rtiAijicccennAX) Gc. Tmpvi 50 móp imo ttiac co no •ótattai^- f]"CAT]T yO]\ A eCC. O t1lATT11CC *ÓÓ-fOTÍl ^UT* TTA "oCljfnCA "DO ]\T OTTTjA|lC A ATTmcrlATlA A *ÓOcbut11 J *00 JIACC ACOlb-fCYlA & "DO jjTIT ATclipCChe TTOTOC]TA fjtl T)ía. Tlo cii ac 1i atít at ]\ ifn mic1npn nibicc tha -oC-oliAij att 7. *oo December ÍA]i nA beic iomnoc1ic tttt *oiLm ATn ó -oCtttati 7 o "óoríiAn. llo liA'ónAcc ipn OchAT]\tTge cfcOIA 1lT COTTlt:OC]1Alb T)T A TTTAC CO ypbfcC A ^etcd 7 ACCAip r»lbtTTnb Tpn mA111ip;i|\ cfcCTIA T 11 "0111. 13A01 ATT CT cffCA ATTTipn .1. AÓTtIi TTIAC 11lAjnt1fA TTTTC AÓ-otlA "Oinb 1TT1C AÓt)lTA íllJATÓ 111 1 C lleiVl ^llAljlb TTTA chlgflTTIA clifneoib ccoiiaiVI, mp heo^iiAin, cheneoiL ffloAin, & iochcAi]\ Connochc, & yo\\ iroi]\b a fCn 7 a prrpC-p An cCYia pu jié ye mbtiATiAn p'iclifcc co }io rreTnuicTTTCcrifx) 1a 5 A blATb co cca]vo a dugCpnu-p coiia bfnnAchcATn -ota ttiac Aó-oh 'RÚA'ó tC|t tta élu'ó ó jAÍLATb (AinAib Ac cuA-ÓArnAT\), T/ÚA1TI cijfynA'p 5A11 pjltl JjAll ponjATÍ £A11 COCCAt) ^All COHltTÚ Ac1l A"0 All cAÓT)ll TTTAC fol.70.ii!. niAjnupA bipn í Cp Tiécc a •oC|\b|\ACA]T ati CaVoac, p?n ÁglmiAji TonnpoijceAC CO TTlbÚ A1"Ó C|10t)A & CAcllA1]1 1 CCljCjlUA]" & 1,11a CCljCjlTTA^, UTOjlAT jceOIJA 7 ATTlCCcfoitl T1A CC0TCCJ110CÍ1 (x TTA CCOlílAjlpUI THAII HO *0Ú A]\í AjlUCCAt) OCC •PA151X) cheijrc a cheTneoTb con ■oo bf]ic co pniAiiidi jjche "ota pCi|i, yC]\ fio tÁ -pmomri (x "oeicnicce [ati c^AojAib *oe iC]i cAi]ibi|ic a cijC^nATp "ota tíiac, 7 po bAt) -ofj AipbcnTÓ ibeic pn "Ota occ cutI/IC-d i:oc]\Aicce tha AninAin pn rté ochcc TnbbiA'ÓATi 50)1 i\o écc -oon chup-A. 1omcup*x ut "OhoTÍniAibb ta]i bpotAbAt) "óó|'oiti ati cjnocliAc bAicbe ]\0 ^AIÓ^IOTÍI 1 -pOJlbAip yOjlT-TTA ^AbÍAlb, "OO COIlU^CAip fATTl "OeTjlje ATI pUTjlC TTTibuT finf ati pé pTi & "oot co tttCtitiac nATbe TiAti bo hepTimble, & bA pA ATTT bTOCC Ó T1A gAÍlATb p}|l TJ]1 TIA ^TTITie AbbA CÍA]1 CcopiA & ATT bCjlTHIT", úaij\ 110 AjhApcAiji ÚAcbc TiA jATpbpTie jCiiiipucA t)iA yeiTini-OTb cfch noi"ohce occ t:o]icttia G: occ pnochAi]ie pDji^nA g^bbAib p3 "ó^S eiii bA p ATI CfATTTATTl CAj1]1UpM)l 1TTO A11 CAT! ptl, & bA michlt) ÍATpOltl A fboj "00 b]lCé ÍAT)" ATI lOTXVoh CtlTTTT'ATICA T f]1 TIA 1TTÓ]lfA0CA]l, 01T1 TIT jlO c1lUTÍ]'fc hi pyiThepn -ofTiup tI'o-oa. UocottiIac tatiotti guf ati TtiATjliTn mi|io]iATÓpoTÍT. 1 Fratricide. — The Irish word finghal a short time. He was killed by a fall from means the slaying of one's own tribesman. his horse at Balleeghan. See Introd., p. Hugh had succeeded his brother Calvagh, xxxviii., antea, and Annals F. M., v. 1607. who held the sovereignty of Tirconnell but Calvagh was Niall Garbh's grandfather. 263 His father, Hugh, son of Manus, son of Hugh Dubh, an old man then 1600. in a state of dotage, was living near the monastery. When he heard that his son was dead, he was so much bowed down with the intensity of his grief and distress for his son that he was near dying. When he was coming to his end, he called his confessor and made his confession, and did severe penance before God. He died very soon after, on the 7th of December, after being freed from the bondage of the devil and the world. He was buried in the same tomb near his son, where their remains are, and they are both in the same monastery to this day. He who died then, i.e., Hugh, son of Manus, son of Hugh Dubh, son of Hugh Roe, son of Niall Garbh, was lord of Cinel Conaill, Inishowen, Cinel Moen, and lower Con- naught, and of the territory of his ancestors and forefathers also for six and twenty years, until he was weakened by the English, and then he gave up the lordship with a blessing to his son Hugh Roe after his escape from the English, as we have related. He was a man who obtained the sovereignty without treachery or fratricide, 1 war or disturbance, after the death of his brother Calvagh. He was a valiant and warlike man, victorious in battle and fight during his chieftaincy and before it, a preyer and plunderer of the neighbouring territories and those near who were bound to obey him, asserting the right of his tribe until he made them subject to their lord, a man who laid aside the cares and anxieties of the world after giving up his lordship to his son. He was a good earner as regards God, increasing rewards for his soul for the space of eight years 2 until he died then. As for O'Donnell, after he had passed the thirty days that we have spoken of in besieging the English, he arranged to leave the encampment where he was during that time and to go to another position, which was not less secure, a little farther from the English on the western bank of the Finn, between them and Bearnus, as he feared the cold of the severe winter season for his soldiers, who were every night keeping watch and guard against the English, for lie remained there up to All-Hallowtide, and he thought it time to bring his army to a place of rest after their great toil, for they had not slept at their ease for a long time. They assembled 2 Eight years. — i.e., since he resigned the chieftaincy to his son in 1592, 264 gAbAicc lonjpopc hipuit>he 1 popccAÓ piot)bAn3e itro nnpoiccpi nA habAnn. *Oo 5m Cc piAnboch a & poipgn CrhA ApA hAicbe 7 ^AbAicc occ cfpccAX) An pOobA hia momcAcniAnj con"oCpnpAC "OAin^Cn Aipbe "oopATó *ooimcfccA "oon 'obuicVi- potibA-o CcoppA (x a riAiiiAicc conAp bo pcohAing ApAigni) tpeimicc. Otto ÚAip poppAccAib ó 'OoiiinAi'Lb An lomfuroe ipAibe, bACAp mumcfp 11éibb huí "OhomnAitl nA neipib fx no, mbuTomb occ loniAÉoijC'ó pop Ainmur a ccApAc 7 a coiccteb "oo bpAc Gi cAirccéÍA"ó An cine "oup An cé cAippicip boC^liAb cpeiche no oipcne "oonA g ^ 30 ^- ^1° "OAbcAip a cca^aicc chu^Apom m mcbdce pecc nAnn co pop bAojAt 6t pccél nA cliche Ap cCYia beó. Tlo nÍA^hcA An oibe "óiob La bó nTJomnAiLL poppAn ppoppeib a mi pun Gt AtneAbAib. 11ip pó copbA voC]- An rAipccébcA a ccupAp, ÚAip nip pebcc ó *OomnAibl a mumcip m eipbip Ap 110 bio-opom bux> -ofm coha plojb CcoppA & nA 5 A1 bl •01A nniToCjAil, 7 bA -oiomAoin -oo neocb AppuAbAipc CAipip -oia nopccAin. 13aoi ó "OomnAilt cfn pojlÚApAcc Apm -ou pn co cCYm cfchpAcViAC bAicbe fol. 70. b. gAti cpeich 5A11 0]\ccAin ^Ati Ammup ó ceccApnAe t)iob pop Apoiie eipiorh €t nA gAibL. 1nn eAcmAmj nA pee Gc nA bAimpipe pn nop piccfc pcétA chuiccipiorh 50 ccuttcit) bong ón SpAm co ctiAn m mbip rnoip m ÍApcAp coiccto TTleA'obA. •AcpAchc a mfnmApom fx a Aiccrn-ó -oepi-oe, An bA celrtiAine conAij; l,Aip "0015 X)o pumnn combAoi pocbpAi'oe fboij 6c coipicbm ón TI15 hia LeAnrhAin, 6c po 1a a checcA ^up ah "ou imboi ó TléilL co ppiop peel Leo 7 "oia cocbuipeAX) cViucca. *Oup peiLcce pCipm iccfnn cpetJA t>AppAn m'bCpnup tupCm mApcAC 7 poppA^bAit) a pLoj; mA Longpopc 6c llu'ópAije ó 'OomnAiLL a "ofpbpACAip bi ccCnnup poppo. O pAnAiccpiom cAppAn mbfpnup m po Aipip acc niAt> beAcc 50 piAcc CAppAn 6ipne CAp TJpobAip CAp T)uib, CAp mtnj ccdccne nA p-porhopAcli, cAp- pAn SbcceAc, co cíp "PiAcpAch 1TIÚAit)e. O no pAÍA peit ^dne An c'hoim , óf-ó m ^Appoccup "oópom A11 lonbAiú pm, ApeAiá "oo pome a tiqu "oo pcpiobAtt 5up ah tumj, & bApC-o a cocliAcbc, peoÍA-ó ÍAp An ccfcnA jaoic "oup pocpAt) AnÍAipnCp co cÚAn nA cceAb mbfgbi cip t)ho^1iAine 6: co bpuigbeccip eipoifi & ó tléibb peimib mn. ^XnAip ó 'OorhnAibb Apent)Ac 1 ccíp "PiAcbpAc tllÚATolie 1 Vessel. — The Annals F. M. say two 2 Broadhaven. — In the north-west of Co. ships arrived there from Spain with war Mayo. The town of Belmullet is at the materials, vi. 2221. southern extremity of it. 2Ó5 afterwards at the place we have mentioned. They made a camp there in 1600. the shelter of a wood very near the river. They made tents and dwellings afterwards, and they set to cut down the trees all round them until they made a strong palisade, intricate to enter, of the thick trees, between them and their enemies, so that it was not easy to cross it. When O'Donnell left off the siege in which he had been engaged, the people of Niall O'Donnell in troops and bodies were going round among their friends and companions prying about and examining the territory, to see whether they might get a chance of a prey or spoil for the English. Their friends used to meet them privately at times, to let them know the weak parts and news of the country also. Some of them were executed by O'Donnell, to make known their deceit and their treachery. Their excursion was of no use to the spies, since O'Donnell did not allow his forces to be negligent, for he was himself with his forces between them and the English to protect them, and it was useless for any one to venture beyond for booty. O'Donnell did not go from that place till the end of forty days ; there was no plunder, booty, or attack by either of them on the other, himself or the English. At that time and season news reached him that a vessel 1 had come from Spain into the harbour of Broadhaven, 2 in the western part of the province of Meadhbh. His mind and thoughts were roused by this, for it was an omen of success to him, since he supposed that forces and aid from the King would follow. He sent his messengers to the place where O'Neill was, to take the news to him and invite him to come to him. He went himself by the road across Bearnus with a troop of horse, and he left his forces in their encampment with his brother Rury O'Donnell in command of them. When he crossed Bearnus, he halted but a short time until he passed the Erne, the Drowes, the Dubh, Magh Cettne of the Fomorians, the Sligeach, to Tireragh of the Moy. As the feast of the Lord's Nativity was very near then, what he did was to write letters to the ship, and these were the contents : to sail with the first wind, so that she might come from the south-west to the harbour of Killybegs in Tir Boghaine, and they would find himself and O'Neill before them there. O'Donnell himself 266 co -|\o gle l,Air p\oijie An coirii-óet) OAiprnccniugAm t^uion Ap* AicViep^Acli ^ur An SbcceAC poin "oo pmp. Ac ciiAr "oororh combin ó tléibb ipn ccotiAin chuccA cne niAj ccdccne pAn ceAc noi|\eAch, co no •óiAnArcnÁ ó DoiimAitb ipn rligCx) hia "oochum conur cauIa cub 1 cut. tlo pAiLcmccCp caiji niAiii. Soaic imiriA|iAon puocnopx guf An SAtriAOin foin, Airrnae co *Oun tiA n^Atl. "P°r A1 5 1cc n1 fuit>e pu né coicc 1a noécc Á5 pmnAi-óe ti* tumge neuii]\Aice. tlo cionoitrCcc Aipcch 7 ÚAirLe coiccfó ConcolbAin "oo neoch bAoi pó niAmur uí tléibl ó toch peAbAil co boinn t>iA f A15TÓ An t>ú pn. Uati^aca^ ón mu-o ccfcnA mAice coiccit) tTleA-obA "oo neocb bACAn "oo 5]\er pó AriiAinur 7 p>n a pMnn m "oochutn ui 'OhomnAitb -oo cbum^Ct) Ap^A-o j;ó & ^unnA-ó, Ai]im, eiccij 7 a nAinne A]t cCYia "oa cech CproAit con^AncA cip3At> chucu AriiAib bA xmAicber -ooib. bACAn cnA nA pÁopcbAimA occ f&moL 7 occ -ptC-ouccAt) pupn né pn -oo ^Aome bit) 6c beAn-oA. UAimcc An toncc iC]\ ccAm co cuAn ha cccaL mbCcc 1 cin bogliAine. fol.71.ar. UiC^Iiaicc nA p^Aiche "oía 1iAic1inéor\ Tlo bAoi epprob AriiriA pop~An bumcc. Dur pccp'ohe AmAch 6c nA ceccA aj\ cCYia uriApjfn pp tlo pMlcni^Cccon nA mAiche p^rrnb, 6c pApm eppiob pxmpBA-ó. *Oo ]\aca m A]\accaL p5]\ ieic ifn ccAm, 6c "oo jjmcne a priA-ouccA-o 6c a prpocliAibeA-ó con onoin 6c Aipfncin AiiiAib p3 bA "ou, co p3 tÁipCc p:ír 6c mCiprfn nA m&\\6 mob. Ac jlA'OACAn iAp3rh & lApnA pDAchc mob cip cucAicc psc po jbuAip *oon A-ppop'icc •001b on coij'c itriA cuT>CACAn combA -oia n fpr A-oyon'i in ajai-o ahaiíiac "oo •óeAcbACAn pA pu cAbtpxoAi^ céitt x)ia ccAbAip ó 1li j ha SpAinne, G: co CCA|ACCp\C pí TÍllbe pone teÓ cCcCUr t)1A CAbA1|AC -00lb] A 01Tl A CCUApij-CAb XtiA HAriipMb 6c CpiAt>Aib, 6c "our poccp^'ó a|\ccacc bA mó atíi ah p?cc cAHAip?, 6c conj;nArii p^oi j p?b ]\o ^eAttcA. Ueicc ó "OorimAitt 7 ó Tléiit mo loniACCAbLvo, 6c |\o cfir nifntTiA ceccApiAe "óiob co mop pD|ip\n Ap^cAcc, oinbA-oCpb beó Co bAipcif a nAriiAicc pint p^jniA A]i xnnnitiie 6c •oC]\oi'Le An con^AncA -our pAimcc, 6c combA é coipp "ooib a pMnmumcfp pCipn 6c a nofr coccai-o 6c couiicCmiuib ont) ÚAip ac ^éncAir nemih-ofichicm p§ nA SpAme im nA ^AOTÓeAÍAib 6c nAc oCimA acc pot>Aib 6cb]ncch nibicc mob, 50 \\o rino-ÓAip'fc 1 Bishop. — This was Matthew de Oviedo, in 1601, one to the Earl of Desmond, the a Spanish Franciscan, who was Archbishop other to Florence MacCarthy. He seems of Dublin from 1600 to 1610. Introd.,p. cxvi., to have left Ireland with O'Donnell after antea. In Pac. Bib., pp. 200 and 300, there the battle of Kinsale. See Moran's Arch- are two letters written by him from Donegal bishops of Dublin, p. 193. 267 remained in Tireragh of the Moy until he had completed the celebration 1600. of the feast of the Lord. He went back eastwards to the Sligeach again. It was told him that O'Neill was on his way to him through Magh Ccettne. due westwards, so that O'Donnell went on the road towards him, and they met face to face. He welcomed him. They went back together to the Saimer eastwards, and from that to Donegal. They remained there for the space of fifteen days, waiting for the above mentioned ship. They summoned to them there the chiefs and nobles of the province of Conor, whosoever was under subjection to O'Neill from Lough Foyle to the Boyne. There came also the noblemen of the province of Meadhbh, such as were always in subjection to him and in his division of territory, to O'Donnell to ask him for presents of spears and guns, arms and armour, and their share of every kind of wealth too that could come to them, as was usual with them. The nobles were revelling and feasting during that time with the choicest of food and drink. '. The ship came soon to the harbour of Killybegs in Tir Boghaine. The chiefs went to confer with them. There was a famous Bishop 1 in the ship. He landed, and the messengers with him. The nobles welcomed them, and especially the Bishop. They were placed in an apartment by themselves after a while, and entertainment and attendance were given them, as well, as honour and respect, as was fitting, and they got rid of the fatigue and weariness of the sea. They afterwards called them, and on being asked the reason of their coming, they told them the business on which they had come, that it was to strengthen them against their enemies they had come, before they should give up all thought of aid from the King of Spain, and that they brought with them six thousand pounds first, to give it to them to pay for soldiers and armour, and that more money would come next time, and a supply of soldiers, as was promised. O'Donnell and O'Neill went to converse together, and the minds of both were very ill at ease on account of the money, for they were sure that their enemies would look down on them on account of the smallness and meanness of the aid which had come, and that their own people and their friends and kinsmen would be dissatisfied with them when they learned the disregard of the King of Spain for the Irish and that he did little or nothing for them, so that 2 L 268 ha rriAice •oloriiA'ÓAn ApgAicc céccup. Ap Aoipm nip bo hÁib"ooib cotnupccA-ó V^ i r5 e nA SpAinnech ÚAip ní bAOi nAch n-ofpbipip teó ppif ccAomcír An 111111 no An eccCiroÁLno popcinriigCc a txoipiclnn Apm Aipc mibAccAp acc pi nA SpAinne nAmÁ. Ro ^AbpAc aii ApccAtx ApA AbA Gt m cpiA pAinc no Aitjfr niAome. *Oo bfppAt a buni>e ppip An R15 piA-ó ti* ceccAib An -oo ■pio-ónAchc -óóib, (x vo pAccpAC coicc cécc ponncA -ootiA ceccAib peipm. Ro bÁirfc mumcfp uí T)horhnAiVl a ppobApcnAi'ó chucA ipm bumcc -opeoLAib a§ niomcpom nA bAichcrheich (x ccfchnAcmolc ccUnrheccpochc ccbAon- A-obApcAÓ. Ro peotpAc nA ceccA a-ta tiAicle ppiocpopg irm ccoiiAip cftxnA La ceicc cinpC\i> riA gAfiche AnAipcÚATÓ. UiCjAicc nA plAicbe pop ccuLcvo co TDún nA njatt 7 no pAnncA An ApccAcc in -oib Leicib emp ó n*OorhnoiUl Gt fo .71. b. ó tléiLL, (x"oo bfpcpAc 1 cxuApupcLAib -oiAnuppA-OAib (x"oía ccorhpAnn coccai-ó •oía nAiiirAib Gt "oía nfppe-OAib. AnAir An c&ppcob no iomnriorh ipocViAip tií *OoiimAibt 6o nA niAc mbfcliAt) bAOi ipm mAinipcip co pup cocIiaic fié pcoA imA]\oCn ppiú. Ho bio-ó peACAL nAibe 1 pAppiA ccípíb 6c "01A n-otnmb. X)o comlA ó *OorimAiLL CAppAn mbfpnup ApfiroAC 6c ■OAppAn ppmn co piAchc cup An tonccpopc ipApccAib a ptoj; m uppoichitlpop gliAÍbAib 6c 05 jAbAil poppA cochc •ompeA-o nA cpiche -oía éip, nAch Ap pAjbAici m CcApbAogAl nAch mt) eipbp. Ro §Ab ^peim "ooibpiom An "oup- coimecc bipm "0015 m "oCpjCnpAC JaiUI pogAil no mgiienn pob íonÁipirii CAppA An ccfm bAOi ó 'Oon'iriAi'L'L aj ^leo-ó 11 a ccAin^fn petiipAicm, acc nA mÁ CAn Ann "oo bfpcpAC gAibt *Ooipi Ainmup Ariinup ecpocAji pop úa n*Ooc1iApcAi5 SeAAn ócc T)up An ccAippicip boCjAÍ 5onA nó ^AbAÍA pAi|i. A\\ a aoi po b&x> cCnn 1 ccuice leoriiAn nó 1aiíi m eA^^pibe a lonnpoigeAt) ici]v cem bAOi An coice & An conÁch A5 con^nAin bAip 7 1a a coimtjet) cAÍniAntiA. lAp pocb- 1 'Doheriy. — He was one of those who supporters, though his territory, lying slong were unwilling to submit to Hugh Roe after the coast of Inishowen, was more exposed to his inauguration as chief. See p. 57, antea. the attacks of the English than that of most Later he became one of his most faithful of the other chiefs. 269 the nobles thought to refuse the money at first. However, they did not 1600. wish to stir up the wrath of the Spaniards, for there was no one friendly to them to whom they could complain of their sorrow or sufferings, who could aid them in the straits in which they were, but the King of Spain They took the money for that reason, and not through avarice or a desire of wealth. They thanked the King in presence of his messengers for his gift to them, and they gave five hundred pounds to the messengers them- selves. O'Donnell's people put on board the ship for them plenty of flesh-meat of heavy cattle with rich milk, and of white-fleeced crooked- horned wethers. The messengers sailed back then by the same way with the first breeze of wind from the north-east. The princes returned to Donegal, and the money was divided into two parts between O'Donnell and O'Neill, and they gave it to their supporters and confederates, to pay for soldiers and armour. The Bishop of whom we have spoken remained with O'Donnell and the sons of life in the monastery, and spent a long time with them. He was for some more time with O'Neill ; he was in this way between both by turns during his visit, till he left Ireland after a while. 1601 When the princes came to Donegal the second time, the nobles and 1601. leaders separated from each other. O'Neill and his people went to their homes. The people of Connaught and all who had come from the pro- vince of Meadhbh returned to their districts and castles. O'Donnell himself went through Bearnus and over the Finn until he came to the encampment in which he had left his forces to be in readiness against the English and to prevent them from going to plunder the territory behind him, that it might not be left in danger or neglected. This protection was of service to them, for the English made no inroad or attack on them worth mention during the time that O'Donnell was concluding the above mentioned business, except when the English of Derry made a fierce, merciless attack on Shane Oge O'Doherty, 1 to see if they might find an opportunity of wounding or seizing him. For it was to put one's head in the den of a lion or one's hand in the nest of a griffin to attack him so long as good luck and prosperity were on his side or on that of 270 caiii T>onA 5 A ^ A1 ^ AcpubuAmAn emeach int> lonchAib pu hÚA nlDochAncAij no yuabAin cacIi a chett biob co "hAin^m eccpocAn co nAOitrnt> -ooriA ^ALÍAib. 1lo mtraAijic rochAiT_>e ÚAi-óib nnón conmeL bA coiriuch lomjonA x)oib. 1liT)ine Ai|ip-óe|AC eiribe Sep 1ohn ChAmbenlm ACAcorhriAic. Soaij- úa T)oc1iApcAi5 co coj'ccajiac. ITIonÚAn Alii bi heip-ohe a corjAn (x a Aicmr 'oeijCYiAch yon jjAblAib acc cornAvh a AchAjroA Gfc a "oorhnAir nviú, a]a bA jaja UAin gun no jAb cfibm •oiyutAinc; (x rACch T)C]\tÍlÁl|A CO ]\0 AfCnÁ Anoibne •oyioy An AbtcAin An 27. lAnuAin f AinneAt). TlopATj IiacVi Gt nobAt) ■ooitij oToeAt) An ci cfrcA Ann -pn, "0615 Ar mg mÁ no bAoi coireAch Aoin- cniocViA cé"o mx) mir Cnerhom ir nA "oenoCnchAib no bA cncoViA comnAtnAch fol. 72. a. m ^moriiAib goibe Ge. ^Aircce'ó int>Ár, no bA -oeAch $Anc & jtiiorii, fmeAch Gt Ainbeyc, aU-atd & AinivoCycAr, bA cnÚAix> corhnAnc yp cochuccAX), bAnAgrnAn Aigmeib pn InonnroijeAb An cí cacatíi ai ja A11 cAn pn. UAngACAn ceccA be txelAib a oibeAtJA gur An mennAc AtnbAoi ó T)orhnoiLL. tlo LÁ irniom 7 tconur 'oep'óe (x •oeU/15 T -0 ! 1 A n^mnAin co món Gc cdcc yo ACAyccyorh iccjAAicce, ÚA1]\ nin bo yocViA cumrAncA LAiy a écc. "PoyyACCAib a ybogh mA bongpoyc acc mA-o bfg -oo b(yc mA chAoniicecc yA"óem, Gc íaia ccAncboniAX) An neich nobcAn UAirle AinCjj'OA -oo pot "PiAriiAin mic Cm-o^AoiAit) (•oiAn uó coich oineAchur mnye hGogliAm) co 1iAom bAile chugA, x>ur cia •00 nA niAicib no oiivonTóy(/ó 1n cceAnnur An cyiochAicc cet> AcyubyAiriAp, bA yAin -061115 occa íCn ccnu-o a coriiAiyLe cijCnnA no gAinm -oo petmi ócc ó T)hoc1iA]\cAi5 , of-|\b|AACAi]iri , óe SeAAin óicc AcbAiLyeb lomnojTOATóponi, ajaija bA heiyibe bA yme An aoi nAoiyi 7 bA liÚAirte íCn byuil, "oóij bA rí mjfn uí "OhorhnAitb (TIlAjnur) a iíiacai|i. tloif AccomnAicp. *Oo 5A|AA|A iCnorin a gAijim t/lACA x>o "phebm p<\x> nA mAicib m óije mi nA cuccAiccib cenA m Ant* nA ccAoipj imbAile Ai^C-ohcAom 6; "00 bnCcA 1 Chamberlain. — Docwra says he was 3 Fiaman — See Introd." p. xii., antea. mortally wounded with 16 wounds on the 4 Phelim Oge. — ' O'Uonnell had at our 28th of June, 1600. Narration, p. 241. first coming seized O'Dogherty's son, after- ^The death. — ' About Christmas this yeare wards called Sir Cahir, and kept him as a dyed Sir John O'Dogherty, in Tyrconnell, pledge. Being now dead, O'Donnell set being fled from his own country with his up in his place one Phelim Oge, a brother goods and people ; a man that in show of his, neglecting the son, who had been seemed wonderful desirous to yield his bred and fostered by Hugh Boy and Phelim obedience to the Queen ; but so his actions Reogh (of the septs of MacDavids). These did ever argue he was otherwise minded.' men took it as the highest injury that could Ibid., p. 248. be done unto them that their foster-child 271 his earthly lord. When the English of whom we have spoken came face 1601. to face with O'Doherty, each of them attacked the other with merciless hatred till the English were defeated. Many of them were slain, with the colonel who was their leader in battle. He was a famous knight named Sir John Chamberlain. 1 O'Doherty came off triumphant. Alas! this was his last victory and triumph over the English while defending his native land and his home from them, for soon after an intolerable disease and a violent sickness seized on him, and he went speedily to the other world, January 27th precisely. The death 2 of him who died then was sad and doleful, for there was hardly a chief of one cantred in the island of Eremon in late times who was braver and more active in deeds of war and arms than he. He who died then was great in renown and deeds, in hospitality and profusion, in fame and excellence. He was stern, vigorous in helping, he was active, courageous in attack. Messengers came with the news of his death to the place where O'Donnell was. He showed great sorrow and grief then, and it lay very heavily on his mind. He set out immediately in consequence of the news, for O'Doherty's death was not a cause of comfort to him. He left his forces in the camp all but a few whom he took with him, and having assembled the principal nobles of the race of Fiaman, 3 son of Cennfaeladh (to whom the chieftaincy of Inishowen belonged), to see which of the chief men he should appoint to the chieftaincy of the cantred of which we have spoken, he resolved, after taking counsel, to give the title of chief to Phelim Oge 4 O'Doherty ; he was the brother of Shane Oge, who died as we have said, as he was the oldest in years, and the noblest by blood, for the daughter of Manus O'Donnell was his mother. Her name was Rose. The title of chief was then given for these same reasons to Phelim in presence of all the chiefs at Ardnataoisig, 5 in the townland of should be deprived of what they thought nell's hands, and yield obedience to the was his clear and undoubted right . . . State . . . From that day forward we had and thereupon addressed themselves to me, many faithful and singnlar good services arid made offer that in case I would main- from them.' Docwra's Narration, p. 248. tain the son against the uncle, they would 5 'Ardnataoisig. — i.e., the chiefs' hill- The work the means to free him out of O'Don- name is now obsolete. 272 úa "OocliAjirAit; OAnmAin rAin. O c1iAi|inicc LAirioiii m-o rm ]\o fai hia rnicíinj; t)iA rcco|\Aib & no roncon^Aip ron a flog An -OAingfnAinbe no cfrcq-AC 111A niomdiAcriiAng oo bAin^nuijAb fx 5A11 rAiLL tdo tX^Ab inA ccAicfdr iiacIi 111A ccAicfccAnnAib do Ló no ooibche ro "ÓAij nAch Ar iietccor gAiLt n Ait) CLAtin étnnn ui *OoiiinAit,t cAjirA gAn nAcuccAb om-oneAb no -oo cneAchonjAm iia cniche. "Oo nonAb eiccm rAinrioih hit) rm. An CAn tu rÚAi]\riocc ]$m\X HíaLL conA b]\Aicnib & conA mtnncin el-Anj ha eirbir yo]\|\\n bromine 7 ro]irAii r roiicoirhe-o bAoi ronnA -oo 5|iCr ó úa nTJoirniAiVl, m no trobAuiirfc ^An ArccnÁrii it,ec1i iiAile tar An Ai-mt^e nnbACAvi "oo cvnngeAb AcnAriiAig 7 Aii\bfncA bic tnnpeoLA, conAb rAiji "oepb Leó bno-otom rLóij LÁnmoin 00 cjiAijceACAib fx 00 riiA|\crLo£ "oo bneic ■OAnrAn rCiiAbAinn t)A]i pnn hi cenéL CojIiAin nnc LleiLL. fto ArgnÁcAn jiCninA 111A ]ieimmi 50 niAcfacACAn co jLeAnn AichLe hi cenéL GojAin, fx. no cneAc1ioi]\ccAin An "oú rm co Léin Leó. S|\Aomic beór rop cLomn ah pivoopxhe 1111c Gom mec "OorimAiLL oc cntnc btnbb "ofijij, (x CjvgAbcAn Uoi]i]voeALbAC ócc ó Comne 1a HíaLL ó n*OoirmAiLL 7 m no Leiccfb a geninuL co no heinneAb -pfrcAcc niAng "oo aii^acc Apr. 'Oo gAbAb Leó ífn ccAin A11 bAite nÚA Gt cAirLén ri& "oCir^e (bí oúiiAnAr AijvoeAr.ee lAioribe) 50^1 110 cnoicrfc monuiLe mAicCr "oo neoch cA-pcACAn mncib. TDo cofc VIíaLL con a b|AAicnib fx conA gAÍÍAib 111A rrpicpé-o co t,eicbi]t ÍAnrAn cunApp fin. TJaLa ui *OoiiiiiaLL bAoiribe 1 for An Aipfccpm occ coipcecc ppi DíaLL conA ^AltAib, Gt ni no pAi j ceccApoiAe biob pop ApoiLe. -AmbAoipiorii ah ci ó "OotimAibL rAiiil.Aib "oo niAclicAUA]\ ceccA A'cocbum co ticnib l.eó ó AnAitt t)iA i]iirib 7 cAintoib bACA|i 111 jAjipoccup -oo AchctiAc acc coircecc rni •pcéÍAib ha cac1i|iac & An crCnAit) A]1 cfnA. t)A rCb coc1iac1ic ah rcnibenn combAoi Aon "oÚAi-|'tib tiA bponnjAlt l,Aic1ie nAnn mio copccAib 7 11110 diAingmb robem ipn cCgbAif cogAibe nnbACAn rcpbni-ó & rec|iecAinibe nA coiiiAi]ile (x co no tejfroe bci|i icechumurcc A]iAibi 00 rcibmb Ann 1 Aigedhcaoin. — Now Balleeghan, a town- land on an arm of Lough S willy, in the parish of Ryemoghy, and barony of Raphoe; it contains the remains of a beautiful old church. 2 Glenelly. — A valley near Strabane, in which the old church of Badoney is situated. See Colgan's Trias Thaum., p. 181. 3 Knockavoedearg- — A lofty hill over the town of Strabane. It has its name from Budhbhdearg, a Tuatha De Danaan chief. See Tribes, &*c., of Hy Fiachrach, p. 410. 273 Agedhcaoin, 1 and the title of O'Doherty was conferred on him. When 1601, he had done this he went back to his camp and ordered his forces to strengthen the fortifications which they had cut all round, and not * to cease watching and guarding night and day, lest they might allow the English or the sons of Conn O'Donnell to go through without being noticed to ravage or plunder the territory. This was done exactly by them. When neither the English nor Niall and his brothers with his people discovered any weakness or neglect, owing to the watch and guard which was kept on them continually by O'Donnell, they could not but go out on the other side, in the straits in which they were, to procure food and supplies of fresh meat ; wherefore they resolved to take a a large body of chosen horse and foot across the old river across the Finn into Cinel Eoghain Mic Neill. They marched forward until they came to Glenelly, 2 in the Cinel Eoghain, and that place was completely plundered bv them. They also defeated the sons of Ferdorcha, son of John, son of Donnell Oge of Knockavoedearg, 3 and Turlough Oge O'Coinne was captured by Niall O'Donnell. He was not set free from his chains till sixty marks of silver were paid down. Newtown 4 and Castlederg (these were two famous castles) were taken by them later ; and they destroyed all the goods which they found in them. Niall with his brothers and the English, returned to. Lifford after that expedition. As for O'Donnell, he was resting at this time hearing of Niall and the English, and neither of them attacked the other. O'Donnell continued so until messengers came to him with letters from some of his confidants and friends who were in the neighbourhood of Dublin and used to hear the news of the town and of the Council also. The purport of the letters was, that some days before one of the nobles of the old English was on his own business and affairs in the appointed house in which the clerks and secretaries of the Council were, and that he read a letter among the number which the clerks had, in which was a covenant of friendship between 4 Newtown. — Now Newtownstewart, 9 compast with a good high stone wall, and miles south of Strabane. Uocwra, who in the midst of it a fair Irish thatched captured the castle on the 25th of May, house, able to hold 50 or 60 men in it.' describes it as ' a pile of stone, strong and Narration, p, 253 The castle, with the well built, having before it a large bawn exception of the roof, is still nearly entire. 274 unbaoi CpnAnóm cApAT>pAi-ó uí ConcobAip "OonchA-ó mAC CAÚAib óicc pup An lupcip A|\ CAi]"CcelAt> 7 An ÉAipbCpc ui "OorhnAitl -Aó-ohAfluAit) (cipp cpuc, 511111, nt) fn^AfaAit) "oon lurcir 6c T>on cortiAinte. Ida cpÚA^ cpÁ ÍAr An 'OAj-oume 7 t,A-p An ÚAp\b An rimmbCpc 7 An •onoich-oiAch hipm bAoi ptp cm-o t>on Aipij; 6c "oon Ap-op^Aic ^An a Aipcipecc 7 gAn a pjpcAchc "oia ccifeATj x>e cía no bAoipi-óe conA uile poinb ii'iAom 7 niAiciur po rmAccdiAin 6c cuhiacca n* njdbl, conAt> f"oh t>o nome An pxéb •OAipneip fo xncLeic •oÍApoite eppcob ipipeAc cacIioLctja no bA "oeApbipip do "OhorimAiLt conAt) (/o mt)pn cocacc n* pcpibfn-o -oo nÍAcbc cbuccA "oon chup pm. "Ro 1a rochc AnbAib pop úa n"OorimAibi ífn Le^eATj nA rqnbenn co ]\Aibe ppi pie po-OA ^An ÍAbpA ppi neAcb 6c m no cmb & m no tomj irAitiie co bACAi"ó imcfm, "0015 bA •ouibij; LAip An gAbAX) 6c An guArAcbc Anppoitb i]\Aibe -peipn 7 bA CAnAipi LAip "oia ofóeAt) An ci t>o nAt> mA cbeiVl- pme 7 mA mumtf^Ap cpiA punn 7 pAobAp 7 *oia tcApAT) Ap^A'ÓA mÁpA "OA jAcb CpiTOAiL 6c "OA gAch cenét cpufó 6c cfchpA 7 a]\aiVI -oo lonriiup do lonAcocc 6c "oo AicpeAb a cpcbe 6c a cAoriipopbA, -00 con 1 pncbfnc 6c 1 pjAynA"ó ppipi ppicipi. .ApAibt beóp no 1a ipiiorh 7 icopur ó *OoirmAibb bA boniAn bAir Aor po-ooipt) 6c CgnAig dia iomc1iAinC"ó mA écctfiAif -oia nfnjAbAit ó ConcobAip, 6c do cubA ppip ^un no peALb pAip ) do chpu-o 6c do cfpcnucchdD nA cAmgnepn cIiucca 6c dia choriiAipteccCD pur ciod do ^CnA^ó. 1a]\ n-oub •ooibp'óe ippeAcnApcur nA p'.AchA uí Héitt ac ipex>y^rr co bion- pDib^Toe ntjo An ccoipj nnA cctmcAccAn. ^ 61 ^ 1,0 u ^ Héibb pAi né fot)A °5 A 5enp:^ut)A"ó cip liAinte "oo benA-ó t>úa > OhoifinAiti 10m concAbAipr imbAOi, conA'ó Ct)b no -pAOit) cbucA pD "oeoi-o, ó |io bA "oeirhm bAir ó nA mAicib i|np3AcbAib "oo bCnc pDbAt) 7 Aipcipecc nt)ó An CAngnAcbc 6c An meAbAb |\o bepcpiAbÍA'ó chugA^up bo cechcA7 jup bo 1ia"óa nt)ó neAch oibex>o chunnpiuch ott)Ar A OToeAX) pot)fin "oo cochc cpeirmc, no Acop bi ccApcAin 7 a ccuniipeAch AiriAib "oo nAÍA x>ó Ap\ AÓi'óeA'ó 7 ApA rriAC bpACAin p?b AccÚA-ÓAmop co teij. 1 C Conor Sligo.— The Four Masters give as the reason for O'Conor's treachery, ' that the Lord Justice had promised some time before to obtain again his own territory for hiui from the Queen, and that theyoung Earl of Desmond (whose mother was O'Conor's wife), who was in prison in London, would be let home to his patrimony.' vi. 2248. Besides, O'Conor's son was married to the Earl's daughter. 275 O'Conor Sligo, 1 Donough, son of Cathal Oge, and the Lord Justice, to spy l6oI upon and deliver up Hugh Roe O'Donnell no matter in what way, whether by wounding or capture, to the Lord Justice and Council. The good nobleman thought .it a pity that this wicked plot and evil design should go forward against the prince and chief without giving him help and warning of what was coming upon him, though he was with all his territory and wealth and property under the obedience and power of the English. Wherefore what he did was to communicate it privately to a certain prudent Catholic bishop who was O'Donnell's intimate friend, and this was the purport of the letter that reached him then. O'Donnell was exceedingly distressed when he read the letter, and he did not speak for a long time to any one, and he did not sleep or eat calmly for a very long space, for he was grieved at the danger and great peril in which he himself was, and it was a second time he received this man whom he took into favour and friendship at the point and edge of the sword, and gave him large presents of every kind, and of every sort of flocks and herds and otherjthings, in order that he might come and dwell in his territory and enter on his lands ; yet he placed himself in opposition and in enmity to him again. In addition to the great sadness and grief O'Donnell felt, he was afraid that prudent and wise people would complain that he had omitted to seize O'Conor when it was proved that he had conspired against him without reason. At last, after a great deal of perplexity, he determined to send some of his trusty and faithful people to Hugh O'Neill to consult about and inquire into that business with him, and advise with him as to what he should do. After they had come into the presence of the prince O'Neill, they told him privately the business on which they had come. O'Neill set about considering carefully for a long time what advice he should give to O'Donnell in the perplexity in which he was. The message he sent to him in the end was, that as the treachery and deceit plotted against him was proved to him by the trusty chiefs who had given him warning and help, it was right and meet to imprison anyone else but his own guest who came at his bidding, or to put him in bondage and in chains, as happened to him at the hands of his host and the the son of his relative, as we have already stated. 2 M 276 Soaic muincfp uí *OomnAiLL t>ia pAiji-ó gup nA tiAiciupccA-o pn uí íléitt teó, (x AcpéccpAC uile aiíiaiL AcpubpAmAp. O "OomnAilL -oaii -oo poe^A *oipeim mApcAc "do gteipe a jAppAi-óe Ap Ap moo a pAoibeAccAin Gt a cViAipipi, (x nip pebic ppi hÁon UAixnb m po bAOi mA mCnmAin acc tia 111Á po p^opcongAip poppA comcAip eAÍLrhA -pjti 51110111 An ndc no cliuinnigpí/ó chucA icé'ooin. "Mo cm jeAbbpAc tjo "OAicfpcc Aompp irropm; "Ho "oiAnA-p^nA íAnorh conA tnpim mApcptuAij; ^An AnAt> ^An oipipiurh 50 ■pAnAicc gup An ngpAinpig 1 coipppe "oportiA cbiAb Gt no LÁ a ceccA niArh vo cocvnpeA-o ui ConcobAip cViuca jur An mAijm pm. 'Oo tofc -oni peb no ronconjnAt) pAip. O x»o piAchcACAp emeAc m ionch.Aib ppi Ap oile, po Cpb ■cop a mtnncip epjAbAib uí ConcobAip. *Oo potiAT> pAipporh po cliéccoip irropn & po CppÚAccAippCc nA Viócca t>ó gAn Cn^tiATti nó eipomob -oo CAbAipc •oía uto, Ap po gebit) a oipteAcb -oia ccApt)A-ó ppicbfpc n"ooib (x nó biA"ó m jpALLnup aj ó n"OomnAibl An oipfc pobA col -oo. 5 ei ^ ,cc ViAtipAi-o occa íol.73. b. lornchoirhCc ^An nAÓ ■oicheAbt ÍAp ccAin. *Oo piAclic immoppó T)omnAitt mA fpicfn.5 gup nA pccopAib Gb po 1Á uÁ ConcobAip -oia coitcoa co toch ifpccAij. 1omc1iupAui T)oihnAilt bAoipiT)beAiclieAbbAc conAplojliAib ipm cliAichpeip cCccnA iompopAit>piorh cotiA ppich bAogíiAL gonA tlA ^AbÁÍA coriipuAcliAip nÁ cpeAchoipgne pop Aon -oía riiuinop CAippib ati oipfc pm, & m moo po. bAmpAC 5 01 ^ inA beúp THaUI ó "OorhnAiUl conA bpAicpib -oepAcli An pinpc ipAjAibpCcc cfccup "oon Leic t»ia mbAoipiom. *Oo paIa compÚACA-ó coccato acViait> piApAn CAtipA imcornnoinn a ccpiche eicip lApt,A Clomne TliocAipx), UibLeAcc mAC 1lioccAipt) SAXAnAij;, 7 combpAicpe cb&nn SeAAin nA SeAtiiAp mic TlioccAip-o Saxahaij, TlemAnn, UilLiAni, SeAAn ócc, 6c UoniAf AnAnniAnnA. "Rop lion é-o 7 eAÍcmAipe popmAt) 6c pntmrcctiróe iAiccpit>e ppip An UitteAC miA oipt)nf-ó ipin pbAiciup 6c C]ha jac pCngonii x)o pAÍA CcoppA o éém po b&b einntc "oo cÁbAipc pop Aipt> niTDoppA, gu]\ po riAccbtnpeA-o 6c gup po 1nonnApbA-ó ÍAp An lAptA An clAnn pin SeAAin ó jac Aip-o tiiApbile ifp -oenom pogtA 7 xnbeipge •OOpulACMCA mA nACApbA ppi AneCCpAICClb 7 ppi CA1]\ipib An 1 Apt-A 1 Grange. — A village a little to the north 3 Lough Esk. — It lies between Bearnus of Ben Bulban. Mor and the town of Donegal. On one of 2 Imprisoned. — He was set free the fol- the islands near the south shore there are lowing year by Rory, Hugh's brother, and the remains of a large building, probably afterwards gave him whatever aid he could. the residence of Niall Garbh at one time. 277 O'Donnell's people returned to him with the message given them 1601. by O'Neill, and they told him everything as we have related it. O'Don- nell then selected a troop of horse, the choicest of his troops, in whom he had most trust and confidence, and he did not let out to any one of them what was in his mind, but merely ordered them to be ready to do on the spot whatever he should order them. They promised to obey the chief in that. He marched rapidly after that with a troop of horse, without halt or stop, till he came to Grange 1 in Carbury of Drumcliff, and he sent on messengers to summon O'Conor to him at that place. He came as he was ordered to do. When they came face to face with each other, he ordered his people to seize on O'Conor. This was done immediately, and the soldiers warned him not to think of employing skill or -courage, for he would be slain if he should offer any resistance to them, and he would be kept in bonds by O'Donnell as long as he pleased. The soldiers proceeded to guard him without any concealment afterwards. O'Donnell, however, returned to his encampment, and he sent O'Conor to be imprisoned 2 in Lough Esk. 3 As for O'Donnell, he was again engaged with his forces in the same watch, as we have said, so that there was no danger of wound or capture, of" depredation or plunder for any of his faithful people then, and the English and Niall O'Donnell, too, and his brothers did not attempt to leave the fortress which they had first come to, on the side where he was. There took place a great contention of battle some time before that about the division of their territory between the Earl of Clanricarde, i.e., Ulick, son of Richard Sassánach, and his relatives the sons of John na Seamar, son of Richard Sassanach ; Redmond, William, John, and Thomas were their names. These were filled with suspicion and envy, spite and hatred against Ulick because he was chosen for the chieftaincy, and because of every old grudge which happened between them for a long time which it would be tedious to set forth now ; and the sons of John were driven and banished from one place to another, after committing intolerable trespass and robbery in their native place on their enemies and on the subjects of the Earl 27S fAin]\eAt», coiia pjAinrfcc uy pucp/o. *Oon AnjAcop ifnoiii. ^)a gA]í ]\é íaji co]í]AAchcAin DoibiDe co hAinm Amboi ó "OorhnAibt An CAn CACAiiiAin An ciAntA UilbeAc 1 mir 111ai ua bbiADUA ro 1601, 7 no hoinDnf-o a h'iac 11ioca]to mA ionA"o. Ho 5b Ab ifnccAin AibjC-p fx lomcolcA eipxihe Ia bopppvo bpje La hÚAitt fx ionoccbAil ÍAn nA oinneAD •out DAiche a Anpsb-AD 7 a eccAi]u\icip yo\\ nAcb Dnumg yoyy mbAoi pnAchc fx curiiAchcA ui "OhovhnAiU, (x jAn oinipoiii co nochcAm do co hup Sbjpcche día ccACVnpvo, Deicbin ón An no Db^hp-oe conA cpch tnle 1 ccoicchmne p?ich dúa "Oh 0111 n AiiL conA rhumon DieincAir tUAlAing a ccobAij ponAib, An nobcAn 1oLa]Vo1iA A CCneAcllA 6t A CCUA]\CA cíiuca mA ccipb. 1\o cAncctomAD a Dochum yo\\ yopcongnA An "lupnr lojvo lllounaoy A]i Aibt tdoiia ■ónonjbtn'ónib DeiniiiAipb bACA}\ ó ^AÍtAib m DÚimb DAingnib fx m"o A]iArAib AineAjriDAib ha ffluiiiAn do neocb tfcorhnACAin mA corhp>chAib .1. 1 LunnneAch, 1n Cibt nioceAVlócc, m GA^eibcfine, fx mn Dion^nADAib oite cen mocbÁcc. 1)aca]a beór inf|\lom'ie pop a clnonn nA flóij cecon'i- nACCA]\ on inbAmpo^Ain in ÁnupóúnAib AinpófncA coiccid ObieccriiACc .1. m gAilbrii, m AchtuAin, GtcnA. O do ponÁilpuc nAniAicepn co hoCnbAile con -oo nAireAbbAic Don 1a]iLa pn Ctomne "Riocai]vo día ccAnDAD a ccCnnur bA hex) no chinnpuc DAommfnmAin ArccnAin cCccur yo a ccumAnj co tllAinircin nA T)uilLe Dur An ccAorhpxcAir Deipbr nó Décim nochcAm AirriDe co SticceAcb. lomcurA uí DovhnAiVt dah ón cfccnA yecz ^AnjACA)! rccéÍA DiA^Aiji-o combACAn nA coichfrcAit cpomrtoig pn occ cniAbt mA Doclium, no yAoit) yo]\Ai|\f-ÓA p3|ilfchnA p^ppiA conAipb coicchfnnA m no bAD DÓ15 Um^ An d AnbA conA foch|iAiau do cocup iua cCnn. bA cAnAiau a con^Aib 1 Earl Ulick. — The Four Masters say of him that 'his death was a mournful piece of news among the Irish, that he was gentle towards the people of his territory, fierce to his neighbours, impartial in all his deci- sions.' vi. 2236. 2 Inaugurated. — Not elected. He suc- ceeded his father according to English law. 3 Kilmallock. — 17 miles south of Limerick- It was one of the principal strongholds of the Earls of Desmond. Some parts of the walls and one of the gates still remain. Close by are the ruins of a Dominican priory founded in 1291 by Gilbert, 2nd son of John, Baron of Offaly, and ancestor of the White Knights. 279 especially, so that they found no place or spot where it was safer for 1601. them to go seek protection and resist the oppression and cruelty of their cousin the Earl than with O'Donnell, for they were certain that even if aid and help would come to them from no one else of the Irish it would come from him alone. They went to him then. A short time after they came to the place where O'Donnell was, the Earl Ulick 1 died in the month of May of this year, 1601, and his son Richard was inaugurated 2 in his place. A desire and longing seized him in the pride of his strength, through vanity and vain glory, after his inauguration to go and avenge his wrongs and enmity on all the people who were under the authority and sway of O'Donnell, and without delay to go to the bank of the Sligeach if he could. The reason was that it was incumbent on him and his whole territory universally to keep watch on O'Donnell and his people, that they might be able to resist their attacks on them, for his plunderings and visits to them in their territories were frequent. There assembled to him, by command of the Lord Justice Lord Mountjoy, some of the large bodies which the English had placed in the strong castles and principal fortresses of Munster, whichever happened to be in the neighbourhood, viz., in Limerick, Kilmallock, 3 Askeaton, 4 and in the other strong places besides. The forces which the Queen had in the principal fortresses of the province of Olneccmacht in Galway, Athlone, &c, were also in readiness to meet them. When these chiefs had assembled in one place and presented themselves to the Earl of Clanricarde, to whom the chief command had been given, they determined unanimously to march first with their forces to the monastery of Boyle to see if they could, through the neglect (of others) or with risk to themselves, go from that to Sligo. As for O'Donnell, the first time the news reached him that these great hosts were marching towards him, he sent out wide-spread watches on the usual roads by which he thought the Earl with his forces would come towards him. His conflicts and contests in battle against the 3 Askeaton. — 16 miles west of Limerick. are sadly in need of some sort of care. We There is a view of the castle in Pac. Hid., earnestly trust the Board of Works will p. 94. A great part of it is still standing, as take speedy action in this matter, and so well as of the Franciscan monastery founded save from absolute and complete ruin a by the Earl of Desmond in 1420, but both most interesting group of monuments. 280 criAthAroih Gt a cIiac gabAbA pnir heccAincenébu An rCnnATj Gt An rccAoibix) •oo bfnc ron a rboighirnbeA'ÓAib m gAc rriAigin im bAcon .1. "onecncA •ofnrhÁnA vpfl c1iAicf-OA|\ni-ó 7 ir riA rconAib Acnub]\Amon mt> unfoiclnbb tia n^Abb CA)inurAin m "Ooine Gt "Leichbin 6b tléibb uí 'OhoriinAill coha bnAicbnib rAin]\eAt>, 'opongA mó]\A 111A niogrnóúmib -oia ccorh-ÓA ron a bicobA-oAib An ha yAgbACAir in CccAjibAo^AÍ gAti cornAih iccifi, AaAcc riA •oúin'e oibén bochA biArccAij, "Oún iia n^Abl, Acti SiYiAig", CutrnAome, 6: bAite An ITlhocAij. 6c A|iAibb "01A fbogAib 111A cAoniicecc rA-oem CAn cdgeA-ó rni hA-óbAicc eigm cecip nAch bee. O nAinAicc An c'uvpbA conA flog cAjirAn AbAinn -oiAnAt) Amm Suca, óc chuAbA An ruixnugATj 7 An rAiiiuccA-o ronfA -jiAbACAn mumcfn ui *OomnAibb reAcbnón nA ré'crbigC'ó ruAicbm-o 7 ha cconAi]\Ct) ccoicciun-o, Gfc co cAocrA-o bu-ÓTDem m eAbbriiA T)1A ccoinicm •oiAinbAt) Ainc no eiccen •001b, bA -pit) -oo |iome no cAinrncheimnf-ó conA rlójAib foin $ac nx)í]ieAc ■oominno'OAib niAignei-ohe mAcliAine riiAighe 1iaoi co nAnccACAn co hoibrmn V11 ccoiccnioch mAiji bmng 6c ÚA rnbniAin nA SionnA clomne CacIiaiL 7 mAije Iiaoi An pnnbenwAij. O'TDorimAibb c)\a ó no liAirnemeAT) -óó An clAnbA conA rboccAib "oo co.cbc An -oú rm m cajiac 1 roibb nAc An eirbir, acc no CrccombÁ 7 no tnAnA-o -oo bó 6c -OAtdiAig gur An bion Ar Ua roncAorhnACCAiji x>o •pociiAi-oe mA ■j:A]i]iA'ó gon no fui-óig a Long|bo|\c Ain"o m ai|\t) rnir An bong- ■po|\c nAibe. Ko bACAn acHato rarhtAi'q CmeAch m ionc1iAib rju AnAibt. t)A ruibeAcb, rnAirtnubnAcciucli, cnechcAch, cjioibeAnAccAc nA liAmnuvir Ain-o- Í0I.74.Í. nCmDA 7 nA "oeAbcA •ouibgbe "ooion^AbÁbA no pcdnc CcopuA -oo -óíb leichib no bA-ó em'nbc "OAirneir rniA reAÓ, acc cCYia no mu-OAijic ibe t>ÍA noccbAm no nAié 6c "oo n&cA AnnAibb 1 ruibAib & a ccnechcAib combACAn racing coinri 5 yo •óeoró "oía An oibe gun uó hiicto bÁr An lA]ibA coua flogAib lompú-ó tdia ccijub 7 "01A TXijib, & -oo nonAt) AitilimibbeAX) & At>bAib rccjuof Aiciccbci & AtibA bAr An lAnbA conA éoiceArcAb Ag roA-ó -ooib ron a nlrccAi]voib .1. riob 1 Donegal. — Sidney, the Lord Deputy, was burnt by Hugh Roe in 1589, to prevent who visited Donegal in 1563, says of the the English from garrisoning it. Mangan castle : ' It is one of the greatest I ever saw has translated in his own perfect fashion the in Ireland in any Irishman's hands, and "Lament" of Mac an Ward, the bard of would appear in good keeping one of the O'Donnells, on its destruction. Sir Basil fairest, situate in a good soil, and so nigh a Brooke, who in 1609 had a grant of 100 acres portable water as a boat of ten tons may from the castle to the sea, rebuilt it. On come within twenty yards of it.' That castle the chimney-piece of the principal room are 28l foreign race were weak owing to the division and scattering which he had made of his soldiers in the several places where they were, viz., strong bodies in the ambuscade and encampments of which we have spoken, ready for the English who dwelt in Derry and Lifford and for Niall O'Donnell and his brothers especially, large numbers in the royal castles to guard them against the enemy, so that they might not leave them in danger without any protection whatever. These were the castles of the island of Lough Esk, Donegal, 1 Ballyshannon, Collooney, and Bally- mote, and some of his troops were with himself in case he might encounter some special difficulty anywhere. When the Earl with his army had gone across the river called the Suck, and heard of the position and situation in which O'Donnell 's men were along the well known roads and the usual passes, and that he himself would come in full force to assist them if they were in strait or need, what he did was to march with his forces due east by the deep roads of the level part of the plain of Magh Aoi until they came to Elphin, on the boundary of Moylurg and Hybrian na Sionna, clann Cathal, 2 and Magh Aoi an Fennben- daigh. 3 Meantime, when O'Donnell learned that the Earl with his forces was coming to the place where he was, he was not slow or negligent, but he assembled and brought together by day and by night the greatest number of troops he could, and encamped part for part, opposite the other camp. They were for some time like that facing each other. The stout onsets, the fierce attacks, and doleful conflicts in fight which took place between them on both sides, too tedioils to relate singly, were bloody, with showers of shot, wounding, pain-causing. However, many of the soldiers were slain at once and others were laid in blood and wounds till they were both weary and tired of each other in the end, so that it seemed time to the Earl and his forces to return to their lands and homes. Great ruin and destruction of the dwellings and crops was wrought by the Earl and his the arms of Brooke empaling those of Leicester. See Flight of the Earls, p. 414. 2 Clann Cathal. —i.e., the O'Flanagans, who were once chiefs of a district between Belanagare and Elphin. They are de- scended from Cathal, second son of Muire- dach, who was King of Connaught at the end of the 7th century. See Topog. Poems p. xxxiv. 3 Finnbendaigh. — i.e., the white-horned. The allusion is to Queen Meadhbh's bull, spoken of in the Tain Bo Cuailgne. Her palace was at Croghan, in the north-west of Magh Aoi. O'Curry's MS. Materials, p. 34. Mr 282 cconcobAin íLú (x poL cceAÍÍAij bacon hi nAnn (x Vn mumcCnAr uí *Oorhn&iU,. UmnceccA HéiVl uí 'OhorhnAitL conA bCnbnAicinb i yyvi bí a|\La Ctomne TViocaijvo con a jAlbAib AiiiAil AcuubpAmun 1iCnnur t>o 1'CAOiteAt) ó Anoite X)o chuingeAf) AcnAiiiAij 6: AinbCncA bich, bA •ofnb bair mutiA c1nri5Ct)h con a pAnÍAch x>on cun pn cAnp&n toCnnur nAn bó foinb 7 bo néib bó a lonnpoi jfb jrecc nAile "01A mbeic ó *OonmAi1t in nAC mCnrriAc irm cnich uite, conAb Aine -pn no jroncon^Ain foji AmbAoi yo a rhAtnuf x>o gAÍÍAib & 'oo ghAOibeAÍAib A-pgnArh co neírhtCrg neArh-pA'ÓAÍ t-Air ^ur An mbfnnur n'oonaib int>oirnceccA bAoi nCmnA. t)o nonAb An Aijite pn pAinrioifi -jro cCccoin, (x no chmgrCc íCnom mA mbuibmb cnoniA coijacCitiIa (x mA cumnj'Cmoib cmghA cocViacIicaca ineinroijige nA conAine jur ah mt)Cjvnur nibneAcnoilbeAch. Ho 1a HíaVI "oineim mAncAch neimeib x>o cliAircetAb Gc "oo netrnmcirin tiA conAipe cuAnchuirii^e bAoi foji a cciun-o "our An mbiAb eACAnnAibe no lomconfiCc ó nA rco|\Aib mibACAn rnumcCn ui 'OhomnAil'l finnne peb no bA piAicbér *ooib icnn. Hi pAoi éccm acc rriAb ÚAtAb "0015 no frneibriocc imón ccnich mA ccoriipocnAib ÍAr An AbAilge torn inAbj-Ac íAn n-oul uí "OorhnAiVt ÚAibib 1 cconnAchcAib aitiaiL nemepenctriAn. T)o ^aIa eicen An ÚACAbpn & An coCr pAinccrCYiA no ojroÁij; THaII ó T)oriinAitt neime. "Ro rpAomeAb ponnA m uchc tléiit conA mumcCn 7 no tnubAi jicc AnAilL •001b. O no ]\&cAi5fiuc tiA foincoimetDi^e ÚAice no lomnAibpoifi -oo rhumcCn uí "OoitinAilt nA bAoi bÁ •ooib copnArh nA conAi|ie pur An roctiAibe & ó no tÁirCcc Aint)rhCr fon An AnppntAnn bACAn occ mAllArccndrii mA nxiochum^A ío\.7$.a. fCbno chin'opucc ^An Accorgun 7 gAn a nAicff -oo c^bAinc -oia mbiobb<5t)Aib & "oibrmccAb nA conAine boib jah coimcniAlt a cornAiiiA fniú m bAb pniú & Amom^AbAil -oon cunpn, 50 nAimcc HíaIL conA cjiomcoicfrcAl AtiilAib pn ^An Anób ^An oiniriurh, co ]\A^bAif Cc ton^ponc 1 rriAinercin "Ohúmn iia n^Alt mAijCn imbícír tiA nieic beACAb 7 n* rpuiclie pfAitincfcclAchA -oo ujvo S. ■pnonreir rjn h\i]\r> eAt ó no cét^liAb aii c-Aó-o TtuA-ohrA ó *OorimAiLl rÍAiciur ^ur An CAnfA, & "oin riA no hAchchtnneAb ft na no hionnAnbab niArh Arm mfnnocrm on éCccnA recc no hf-obnAib An bCncobAri bCnT)Achc irm bar An ReclAm U105ITÓA neinicC)\chAncAC -Aob Kúax> ™ac Héitt j^i]\b rmc UoijinbeAVbAij An plnonA, acc riiAb An tmrfurm mbicc no nerhAirneibriorh |iia noijvonCt) An AÍVhA llÚAib •oeibCnAij 111 AiivocfnnAr a acIiajvóa. \)a ^aji úai]\ con tdo bf-pcrorii wa brviichCmj; "oia nweincijib "ofn]nccib ft *oia ccubAclAib ctónuAijce combACAjA occ rojnAvh co -oiocnA "oon coiriroit) ^aii cfrbAib ndc ro}i|\A mA neirii Cr eicin bjiAc ft bmb gur An LAiche hirm. 11 1 mÁ ionnÚA no ^CnAin on ccLAinnr|teimh comnAinc, ftón T)or "OTom, ft ón aiL nlrhchurnrccAici, ft ón Ujvo Croi|\ccne b]iuici biobbA-ó .1. ó Aóvh RuAb hiac TléiUl 5o jiaic a AnmA bubbem ft a bunA-opueirhe irm reAch m accac ft a ciAnnriiAicne ipn cobochAibe ft "oiAinpoi hi ccoiccfn ACAbAi]tc An cAnrA -oon Ampne ecc&ip- cCmeoib ft •oon biot>bAt>Aib bunAib bAcon A5 rfmrliochc 5 A oibiL glAir mic limit, Ó cCm 1T1A1]\ AIIaH. ]\o rifchc La HiaIX con a b|\Aic|\ib 7 conA 5 A ^Aib cochc gup An mAimrci|\ AcjiubnAmori, bA rÍAn LAip a rhfnrriA An nochcAm hiruibe ro bit bA -OAingeAn mmU, An cionAt) AccAnnurAiji, ft mr\ bo heiccfn -oía rinteAbAib mum nAicc rcconA "oo clATohe mA momcAcmAm^ An bACAji ArpolAncnAib Ann cfnA. 1)a gAjifoccur bó -OAn cnochAb ft int)|ieAb nA cjuche iccoiccinne chuccu 5AÓ cAn bA col t)on cumirmrccfloj cecorhnóCAin mA fA]ijiAb ó ha bAOi nfnc rbói£ A5 jAbAil rnir no mmomfuibe rAip. 1lo bÁ A]iAiVl "oia mtnncin ft •oonA ^AblAib j^ur ah mAchAine mbfg AhlAciAn "oo "Oún nA ngAÍl, ecclup oile iribe "oo nAC]"occ a pnnpnporii yecc niAiii "01 A|ioi1e rAmtinong -oon unt» cCcnA ft bA hmm'L'Lp'ohe pni ^opucchAt) innn ón mub ccfcnA. "OaIa uí 'OoriinAil.'L ÍAn nt)CbAit bórorh ft -oo 1a|iIa clomne UiocAint) pjn Anoile feh ac cua-oahioji co teicc, nAimc -pi or chuccA IIíaII ó "OoifinAilt conA ^hAÍÍAib -oo cochc -oA|\rAn mbfnnAr nAii\]TOfnc co "Oiin ha n^AÍl, 7 ionntir ■oon An^ACAn, & An -oo jnjCnrAC icci]i. bArmorh AbbAh tAif nA no chumAinz; bic mA brom'Tom ft mA nu|\poichitt A5 noccAm t>oib cjHArAn mbfunur 1 Magherabeg. — It was founded by one Order of St. Francis. Archdall's Monasti- cs the O'Donnells about the middle of the co?i, p. 103. A considerable part of the 15th century for a community of the Third buildings is still standing. 285 either for English or Irish since first this Hugh Roe O'Donnell assumed 1601. the chieftaincy up to that time ; and, moreover, they had never before been driven or banished from that dwelling, from the first moment that blessed conical roof had been given the,m by that royal star that was pro- phesied, Hugh Roe, son of Niall Garbh, son of Turlough of the Wine, except during the very short space of time of which we have spoken already, before the last Hugh Roe was inaugurated in the chieftaincy of his native country. It was short, for he brought them back to their retired dwellings and to their cells of well-fitted wood, so that they were serving the Lord fervently, not wanting anything during his reign, either clothing or food, up to that time. There was no descendant born such as he from that vigorous stem, and bush of shelter, and fixed rock, and hammer of crushing ruin to his enemies, i.e., from Hugh Roe, son of Niall Garbh, who made, a long time before, this comely gift to God and to the holy Order of St. Francis for the welfare of his own soul and of the souls of his ancestors in the past and of his descendants in the future, even though it turned out a help to the foreign race and to the enemies of the ancient race of Gaedhel Glas, son of Niall. When Niall with his brothers and the English succeeded in coming to the monastery of which we have spoken, his mind was at ease at coming there, for the place where he dwelt was a secure fortress, and it was not necessary for the soldiers to erect walls or shelters around, for there was enough of them already. It was a convenient place, too, from which to ravage and plunder the country generally whenever the mixed troops which were in it pleased, since there was not a strong force to oppose them or to besiege them. He sent some of his people and of his English to Magherabeg, 1 to the west of Donegal. This was another church which his ancestors had built some time before for another body of the same Order, and it too was safe to take shelter in. As for O'Donnell, after he and the Earl of Clanricarde parted from each other, as we have just said, news* reached him that Niall O'Donnell with his English, had gone through the famous Bearnus to Donegal, and how they had gone and all they had done. It was a great grief to him that he could not be before them and prepared for their coming through Bearnus 286 mbelcliumAn^ & cpiApAn cconAip noopAi-ó nt>oimceccA rpiApA ccifochACAp, ■0015 po bA LAnp&oiteAÓcAin t,Aip pLÁn a mCnmAn "oechcib & T>Ai-óbCnAib ■opAjbAiL poppA T)1A nibeic in eptAniie pop acciuito. -Ap aoi -oo póine poÓAit 7 bpicc mbicc "ootia pccéLAib po liAi^neTóeA-ó "óó Gt po ^Ab pop •oiAmlu jAÚ 111A nibAoi no jAÍA^ iriA rnOóónchAib, Ap bA ber bunAnó "óó riAcli cati no clumCVh. ní no Laa-ó ipmorii no lncopup m concAipeAtbA-ó n<\ch coitia|toa nx)oiinfnmA imp, acc bA jnuir pubAc popoprpAoibi'ó "oon AippenA"ó irroiLbpi pA'ó cCcb nAon nobioó hia cfcrAi-ó. ApAiLL "OAn •oo bfpc coniit>io-ónA-ó nióp •piA conur po bic bA rÚAibb bCj AmbAoi -oía pAiTWiumcipfiUTfi -oía ccpoó nAcb "oía cclchpAib aHa cúató "oon cSaiíiaCi|i mn lonbATÓ pm, ÚAip bA ciAn piApAn CAnpn ó po b CpbAT) . ú a"óa pop a rhumcip cocoriiLÁo coha nmLe pobAib 6: innitte 1n coicceAX) 1TleA"obA .1. hi ccjncli CAipppe rrnc VleiLL & 1n cíp "PiACjiAch n'iÚAix)e ^up no jAbrAC lonAcochc Gt AitxpeAbA'ó ip iia cípibpm cto linvpAn CAn "oun pAti^ACAp An cApccup mupcobLAij; pernecuocliACAp co toch "PeAbAib nnc Loccahi. Acc cCVia bA nfmA'OA móp ÍAip 11íaLL conA jAlA-Aib "oo bic 5A11 rÚAbAinc ÚA'OAib, & ha no LegeA-ó -ooib cochcc peccAip Ar ha popcAib ipAjbAipfcc -00 dnnnjCt) cpeiche ha oipccne, coiiat> f-oh Appiochc lAir po cfccoip a pboij "oo ccApclomAó -OAppAn dhpne po c1iúai-ó co po eibijioncAin a Longpopc m ^Appocup "oonA mfnnAccAib nnbACAp ha 501VL, 7 po opoAij popAipí/ÓA pCicliriieAchA pobAptAcViA (x Áfr lomcoimCccA ípeAcb ^up tiA liAnáme po pA cCpbATÓ popAib eiap Apm & biu-ó, ó -oo pAipmipcc ó "OorhnAitb lompAib # 1 Territory of Cairbre. — This district is distinguish it from several other places called now the barony of Carbury in the north of by that name. The Book of Rights, 130 n. Co. Sligo. It was called C. Drumcliff See Introd., p. xv. antea. from a famous monastery erected there in 2 Caps o f danger. — i.e., a perilous pass the sixth century by St. Columkille, to where the chief usually placed the most ■ 287 of the narrow roads and through the difficult, intricate way by which they 1601. had come, for he was quite sure that he could inflict as much hurt and injury on them as he pleased if he were fully prepared to meet them. But yet he paid little or no heed to the news which was told him, and he proceeded to conceal his sorrow in his soul, for it was his constant practice whenever he heard anything which caused sorrow or sadness, not to exhibit any signs of his thoughts at all, but his countenance was merry and agreeable when he appeared in public before all who were in his presence. Moreover, it was a great satisfaction to him in his sorrow that there was but a small number of his people and but little of their property and cattle to the north of the Saimer then, for long before he had ordered his people to go with all their goods and flocks to the province of Meadhbh, i.e., into the territory of Cairbre, 1 son of Niall, and to Hy Fiachrach of the Moy, and they proceeded to settle and dwell in these territories even before the fleet of ships came, which had already reached the Lough of Feabal, son of • Lottan. But yet he thought it a great misfortune that Niall and his English should not have been attacked by them, and that he would not allow them to go outside the strong places which they had seized to look for booty or plunder, so that he determined to collect his army immediately at the other side of the Erne to the north, and he entrenched his camp very near the dwellings in which the English were. He placed his strong, vigorous watches and his nimble, light-armed guards on certain roads and in the gaps of danger, 2 in order that rogues and thieves might not escape in the darkness of the night or secretly to provide for their wants or carry additional food after them from the harbours to which they had come at first, so that there sprung up ill health and great scarcity in the camp of Niall and the English in consequence. Letters were sent by one of the servants, whom they let out secretly, to the famous Derry, the place where they had encamped first, to persuade the chief men of that fleet who were still there to bring the ship which they had from Derry, of which we have spoken, to the coast of the north straight with the supplies they wanted, both arms and food, since O'Donnell restrained them from going reliable of his guards to prevent an enemy territory. Sometimes it denotes a forlorn from making sudden irruptions into his hope. 283 cpn combo hCi^Cn "ooib -odpje na pinpc imbACAp no -oilpu ja-o ah AnmAnn "oia nAniróib. Ill po Lei^eAX) pop- •ÓA1Í m no chumnijrfc, "oóij po hCpLAmAi jeAT> m eALLrhA An mbAipc mbponnpAippinj con no peoLAptAip ía cmpCmli tiA jAotn An AipcÚAib cech noipeAch gun no jAb popp m-o im-oomAin ptnpc An lomchtnp pop iondiAib nA mAimpcpe AmbACApporh. Hip bo pommeAC pat>aL po cocliAicpCcc nA ptoij ceccAp-ÓA An Aipfcc po bÁp occ nA huipcpiALLAib impó"OAi , óporh, acc po bA gtnneAC, gfpLAch, ppidnp, pipndttineAch, cpechcAC, cpoiteA'OApcAc nA puAbApcA pepjrinpgneAcliA, pfighe, poppÁnAcíiA, 6c nA cpcoA cfnnA cAtcApA niACA inch jonAcliA nAnTTonoe po rnomcLAi-oeAt) eAcoppA "oo "óib teicib, combA-ó emiLc LÁ AnAipneip "oeAbdiA 6c "ounoipccne ^ac1i Iaoi Ap niÍAip acc nA mÁ po mAchcAicc 6c po m Apb ai cc "oponccA "oipíme •OA^tÁoch t^aLjaicc 6c ^CppACAe vo pÁic CcoppA pÁn cÁn, 6c "oo pACA Ap aiVI 1 puilAib 6c 1 puLpA» m AÍAib 7 in iotjonAib nA po hoigiocA-o piAiii conibcAp biochAinmii; 50 An écc. UuccpAcc App aitiIai-o pin cÁch ÚAiTjib ipoirhtnn Apoile ctip nA lAicib •oif-óCnchAib -oo mip Sepcembep, 1601. 1n CcriiAmg ha peepn -oon AppAi-rj An conn-ov a chumACCA poppnA 1nb pon Aicpe<3>bpAc 1 colccAib 6c Accfj^ÓAipib nA mAc nibCdiA-o 6c nA nupt> nfnnAC 6c LAp po "oiochuipeAT) iat) po -oem co InCppAoiceénAniAc 1 poicpib 6c 1 pAmjtfnncAib peb bAicip pAotconA 6c AnmAnnA aIcaidc combo pi ceo •oioíjaL t>o bfpc T)ía popAib, cecip cpuch ac pAiA An •oo mm pÁ An "oo CAbrhAin, ceme "oo bpeo^AbÁib ipnA bAipitlib púoAip bACAp teó 1 mAinAipap *Oúm nAn^AÍl ppi pom'i-om Gcp'oicmU, An cVioccai-ó bAoi aca •00 ^pep ppi j^ 6 ^ 6 ^ 10 7 rT 1 "OomnAilt pAinpeA-ó, ^up po •óifnblopgup- CAip ah púx)Ap 1pm ÁiCp mn Áiptn, conAp bo bAipoe a -ofchAch oboAp A-oCpgUvpAip co ccApiAic An pAipcte pipLeAÓ pionnAotxA iia pdnAipcpe & ha poiptépA pAipcpCnAe cup nA hubb chumoACAib ctoch fx cpAnn *oo p^ÍA p-o CpchomAip An pút>Aip "oon nAOimeccÍAip iCpnÚAchcAp, copup cotiiloipcc An cpAnncAin^eAb curiTOAchcA & nA cubAchÍA cía]ujai jci & nApAitje peiiipnoici po pAmAijIiC'ob co pÁop ArfiAit ífp nmíchcAp. Ho bíot> X)An An ctoch & An 1 Fire. — 1 On the 19th of November the save one corner, into which our men made abbey took fire, by accident or purpose, I retreate, and through the middest of the could never learne, but burnt it was, all fire were forced to remove their provisions 289 about or visiting the territory at all, to seize on plunder or booty for their 1601 subsistence, and if this was not done on their behalf, that it would be necessary for them to leave the camp in which they were or forfeit their lives to their enemies. What they asked was not neglected, for the capacious ship was got quite ready, and she sailed by the force of the wind straight to the north-east, until she stopped in the deep part of the lading-place opposite the monastery where they were. The time which both armies spent in the contentions of which we have spoken was not happy or pleasant, but the wrathful, vindictive, fierce attacks were cutting, sharp, destructive, venomous, wound-giving, bloody, and the conflicts were firm obstinate, injuring mortally, hostile, which were fought between them on both sides, so that it would be tedious to relate the skirmishes and devas- tations of each day here, but only that large bodies of soldiers, recruits, and warriors were slaughtered and slain between them on this side and that at once, and others were laid in blood and gore, in gashes and wounds which were never wholly cured, so that they were wasted away to death. They continued both of them in this way prepared for each other till the last days of the month of September, 1601. At that time the Lord displayed his power against the people who dwelt in the cells and homes of the sons of life and of the guileless Orders, and by whom they were driven out and scat- tered about in the woods and winding glens as if they were wolves and wild beasts. The first vengeance, then, which God took on them, however it happened, whether from heaven or the earth, was, that fire 1 seized the barrels of powder which they had in the monastery of Donegal in preparation and readiness for the war in which they were engaged continuously against the Irish, and against O'Donnell in particular, so that the powder exploded in the air on high, and the smoke was not higher than the red glare which reached to the loftiest whitened summit of the windows and loopholes of the wall and to all the buildings of stone and wood of the blessed church above that were near the powder, and it consumed the well made rood- screen and the cells formed of wood, and the firmly-jointed beams too, which were joined skilfully below. The stones and the wood and the of victuell and the very barrells of powder commanded in chief.' Docwra, Narration, they had in store. Captain Lewis Oriell p. 255. 290 c|\atto (x ah -ouine itiA óighe A contmr pncicif fojt CAln'iAin iiia ccAiiinAib •oub'óóice Gt AnAitL •oibp'óe It 1 cfnnAib An Loch c a bACAn pochAib aj roAtj yjnochporcc co cALthAin, ^o\\ no bneobAr-AijeATD rocliAToe "010b An cuchc fin. O fio nACAij-pfc An Luchc pfichmeGtyoi\choiiiiCccAbACAnó ÚAn"OoriinAiLL pon rid gAlÍAib An rmuiccéo "oia-ó (x •of-ohAijhe •of|tmÁine mgnAicche AnAicfncA -oo nAÍA ÚAr A11 mAinircin, no jAbrAcc A5 •oiAm-oiuunA^A'ó m ubAiLLmeALL tÚATÓe 6c a ccao|\ tcATóLeAch ccfmci'óe'00 coghAinni uí "OorhnAiLL conA fLoj 111A nt>AiL 1 CHA1C1U x)0 yuAbAi-pc nA hJaLL, "OÁij erh nobcAn 1 Arc tiA co]iAinn "oiubnAicciu CAnlAicrfc ceachcA nobcA]\ eALLriiA ercciT>e •oía f|ir;ÚA5|\A "óój'oiii cuit)eAcc mA ccoijnchm. 11 ip uó hiorncoriiAinceAch no rneAccnia ALoiLe inA iTononccAib & inAnxnonmAib co •oú mibACAn a mumcCp occ An rriAinercfn. fto 'OAin^Cn'o'LucAi^icc An -oeAbA-ó vo *oib Leirhb fconpA íai\ ccAin. ílobr;A|i Aijci nAiiiAU im nAe Gt mpcAn Aigdn CAjiAt) 1111 co]unAim -oo nAinpénrAc nA coibt>eAlcAi'ó (x tiA coiiipinLi'óe 'oiAnoiLe •oon chujvpn. 1)a "otnbij "oichun'iAing x)o iiiumci]\ uí "OhorimAiLL pjieApcAL "oiubiiAiccui ha nócc bACAji ipn niAinircin La -oAingeAninniLLe nA mún iita momcAcrriAn^ 05 a nniTóiX)Cn ponnA (x La ynAip-ombiiAictib ha ngAÍgAC "oo neccAim ALLAnAi]i "oiob 1n cai]'ciaLL *óúm ha n;gALL, Gt beop La connceALgAT) ha ccAon moniqiom niA^nLuAnDe 110 ÍAlce po|\|iA LApoymn nALumjp LuchcniAine bAoi mn iom-óoiiiAin An chÚAm yon AnioncliAib ALLAniAii. Acz a]ia aoi nobcAp iacc inumcf]\ uí *OoriinAiLL bAtxAn yopnLLe ipn 10111 jum co Leicc. O no Ai|n j TIiaLL ó DorimAibl a ThtnncCiA & ha gAilt o^a t:i:o|inAch ipn irponei^fn T>o nunnm hia niCnmoin ionnur 110 yolnyeAt) ifc, conA-ó Ci> vo nóme etú-o co hmcleiche co cno'ohA cfimnf]iciTiA]i 1a hon An chÚAin pA]i cec n-oí]\eAC ^vy ah tnAc1iAi|ie mbfg Anm AinbACAH pAntAC nió]\ "oonA (f e ^ AC]iub]\A- niAn), 7 "oo bCnc bAir iacc ipn cohai]i cCcciia •otruncAchc a iiunncii\e 7 iia n^AbL, & no jAbrAc iroinn-o nA Lumge |\en'iepenciriA|\ acc ujircctAioe & acc ■oeAbA-ó •oa|\ a ccenn co nocbcAm "oóib cA|i nA mú|\Aib mf-ooncliAib munn ^y m mAimrci|i. bAcoin Anenii -oópoiii & tha Thuinci]i Anluchc pn -oe bepc 1 Then.— The Annals F. M. treat of this event very briefly. 291 men, wholly and completely, without any separation of their bodies, were 1601. mixed up in their flight and motion upwards for a long time, and they fell on the ground charred corpses, and some of them fell on the heads of the people beneath when coming to the ground, so that many of them were consumed by the fire then. 1 When the sentinels and guards which were set by O'Donnell over the English perceived the dense cloud of vapour and the strong, unusual, extra- ordinary smoke, which was rising from the monastery, they set to shoot vigorously their leaden balls and bright-firing flashes in order to summon O'Donnell and his forces to come in haste and attack the English, for it was the noise of the shots that was employed as the readiest messengers to tell him to come to their aid. That summons was not answered very mercifully by O'Donnell and his forces, for they advanced as fiercely and rapidly as they could in crowds and troops to the place where their people were near the monastery. They came to close quarters in the contest on both sides after that. They were the attacks of enemies in the field, and they were not the attacks of friends in the strife, which the kinsmen and the relatives made on each other then. It was difficult, impossible, for O'Donnell's forces to withstand the fire of the soldiers who were in the monastery, on account of the great strength of the surrounding walls protecting them and the showers of shot of the soldiers who were to the west of them in the castle of Donegal, and also the throwing of the heavy bullets of iron and lead by the crew of the well manned ship which was in the deep part of the opposite harbour to the west. But yet O'Donnell's peopla had the best of it in the fight then. When Niall O'Donnell saw his people and the English who were aiding him in such great straits, he reflected how he might relieve them. Wherefore, what he did was to make his escape secretly with courage and speed by the edge of the harbour due west to Maghera- beg, where there was a large body of English («as we have said), and he brought them with him by the same road to the aid of his own people and of the English. The crew of the ship of which we have spoken proceeded to support them and fight in their defence until they passed within the inner walls of the monastery. The force he brought with him were to him and 2 o 292 fol. 77.C tnA pAi^i-ó Ap bAicip niumcfp ui "OomnAitl pobcAp cop^pAi^ munA biotnn-opn. -An CA11 t)o pAcc ó "Oomhnoibt "oía uit>1i "OAin^minnilLe An lonAicc AmbAoi IIíaVL conA jALLAib & ah poipbion pLóicch pAn^Acop tnA poi^hTob bA nftnA-ohAe rhóp t,Aip a rhumcfp do rhut>buccAt> m-o éccomÍAnn ni bAx> mo Amb, gop po popcbon^Aip pop a miLCx)1iAib •oepghe tiA ■oeAbhcbA 6t poAt) tha pcopAib. *Oo potiA"ob po cbeccoip pAippiurh m-opin. Ho bopcA pochATohe ÚAi-óib atmu 7 AnALL. X)& -oonA buAipbb "OopocliAip ó úa nDorimAiVt 1pm -oeAbA-o Ua-oIi^ rriAC CacIiaiL óicc ttiic 'OifpmA'OA x>o poCpclAiTomb pteAccA TTlAoLpuAnAi-o a mui^h t-uipcc co n-opum^ oiLe cén mothÁporh. UopdiAip *oon beic oiLe Conn ócc mAc Cumn -ofpbpACAip 110111 ni *OhorhnAiVl co ccpib cé"OAib imAiLLe ppip emp jum (x lopccAt). Da pmn AjA & CpgliAiLe €fc bA ^nAC bÚAni) cecliA ceugume a^ ah cconnpA-oo cfp "oon cup pm. 1lo "otncAix) ifpom ó 'OorimAiLL a ton^popc m h&v joipe biucc "oon riiAinepcip, & pop pAOfó ApAilL t>ia rhumcCp ipopbAipi ipm 11lAc1iAipe mbfj "ou m po popAijpfcc clucup ha 5 A1 ^ "° bepc THaUI ÍAip -oo popcAcbc a iriumape peb impopAi-ópiurh. 1li peit Tllichit .ApchAinjiL Ap aoi lAice peccniAme vo ponAt) m-o pm. 1daoi ó "Oon'mAibt pArhtAit) ipm lompufoe cfcnA pop 11íaLL conA jAllAib (x 05A ccAbAipc icCnncA 7 Acctumge "oopuLAchcA ó -oeipeAt) Sepcembep 50 •OÍU1X) Occobfp gAn hac njniorii nAipp'ófpc po b&v -oíop -opopAichmfcc 130 •oenoth CpoppA ah Aipfcc pm cen co coppAÓc pioppccéL cIiucca ah cApccup niupcobbAic •oon AngACAp ó R15 ua SpÁme •oÍAnfpcAÓ m a^hato aii éccpAcc peib x)0 pm^eAbL "oóib ó cfm. DAptt) lonAt) in po gAbpAc An cobiAc SpAinneAch CAbA'ópopc In cÚAn Chmn SÁiLe occ bun gLAiptmne t)Ant>An iccoigcpic cpicbe cuipp£Ach x>o ÚAob, & cenéL -AótdIia .1. "oucAig An t)AppAij óicc t)on cÁob Ap aLL. "Oonn 1ohn -oe .A50L0 bApeAt) AnmAim An jfnepAlA po bA po|\con5ApcAit) UAipnb. O ]\o jAbpAc cAfp An •oúpm vo bCpcpAc 1 Maelruanaidh. — The tribe name of the men and materials of war to Ireland were MacDermots of Moylurg, who are de- scattered by a storm while convoying some scended from Maelruana, eldest son of galleons with treasures from the West Indies Tadhg an eich gill, king of" Connaught to a safe port. During the delay caused by from 1014 to 1036. Top. Poems, xxxiv. this mishap the number of men destined ^ConnOge. — Hewastheancestorof Manus for this expedition was much lessened by O'Donnell of Castlebar and of the O'Don- sickness and desertion. O'Sullevan, Hist. nclls of Spain and Austria. See Annals Cath., p. 223. KM., vi. 2400. 4 De Courc/s. — For an account of John 3 Fleet. — Sixof the ships intended to bring De C, the founder of this family, see the 293 his people of great advantage, for O'Donnell's people would be victorious if 1601. these were not there. When O'Donnell perceived the great strength of the place in which Niall and his English were, and the great force that had come to them, he thought it very wrong that his people should be destroyed in the unequal contest any longer, and he ordered his soldiers to leave off fighting and to go to their encampment. They did this imme- diately at his bidding. Many of them were slain on this side and that. Of the nobles who fell on O'Donnell's side in the fight were Tadhg, son of Cathal Oge MacDermott of the noble family of the Sliocht Maelruanaidh, 1 from Moylurg, with a large number besides. There fell on the other side Conn 2 Oge, son of Conn, brother of Niall O'Donnell^ and three hundred besides, whether by wounds or by burning. This Conn who fought then was a bul- wark in battle and fight and it was his usual boast that he gave the first .wound. O'Donnell afterwards made his camp a little nearer the monas- tery, and he sent some of his people to take possession of Machairebeg, to which place the English had first come, whom Niall took with him to the aid of his people, as we have said. As for the day of the week, this happened on the feast of Michael the Archangel. O'Donnell continued in this way blockading Niall and his English and reducing him to intolerable straits and extremities from the end of Sep- tember to the end of October, without any important deed which should be recorded having been done between them during that time, until news came to him of the arrival of the fleet 3 which had come from the King of Spain to aid them against their enemies, as he had promised them long before. The place where the Spanish fleet put in was in the harbour of Kinsale, at the mouth of the Bandon river, on the confines of De Courcy's 4 country on the one side, and of Kinelea, i.e., the patrimony of Barry Oge, • on the other. Don Juan de Aguila 5 was the name of the general who was in command of them. When the people came there, they put the fortress of Book of Howth in C.C. MSS. Miscell.; De Courcy. ArchdalFs Peerage, vi. 138. London, 1871. His son Miles was granted But see Annals F. M., iii. 143, for an ac- the barony of Kinsale instead of the earl- count of this family. dom of Ulster, which had been conferred 6 Del Aguila. — O'Sullevan says he was on De Lacy during the imprisonment of skilled in the art of war. Hist. Cath., p. 223. 294 •oúne, biA"ó Gt •015. 1mpAipfc Á tonjA bppichdng "oia ccípib (x T)1A cfnnA'ohAch.Aib po •óeni, "oÁij m chApopAC 111A rnfnmAm ACAiprmoniApchup mab m oibne, ÍÓI.J7.6. "TC- bAoi Ap oite bAite AttAchoip 00 chÚAn chmn SÁite "OAp uó coriiAinm 1tinn choppAm hi ppfponn An bAppAij óicc 1 ccenét Af/ohA pAinpeA-ó. tlo chuippfc riA SpAinmgh ApAitt "oia uAipeAchoib 1 popcoirhfcc (x, 1 popbAipi ipin mbAite pm. 5 A ^ A1CC ífpncAin pop •OAin^niujA'ó ApccopGoAcc ctAi"óe, a^ pAriiujAt) (x A5 peoiLpunDiu^At) An opoAnAip pop An epchoriiAip mA momcAc- niAng mA ccApcAcliAib cobpAiohe corhnApcA, ÚAip pob fp-ÓALCA beó 50 coucpAt) An lupcip co nApniAÍ iia bAmpio^ViAn hia n-oochum tha ppÚAbAipc. ah cAn po poipiu"ó pccébA chuccu. O po hAipneioeA-o íCpoiii ■oon lupcip ^AbAil 001b An -ou pm, 60 nA huite "oo pij;CnpAC, bo pionAit An bion Ap íía conAnA^Aip jAn CpnA'ÓA'ó ^au iompuipeAch co piAchc hi ccfnn conAip ppm combACAp emeAch m lonchAib ppi ApAitt. *Oo pioch Ann beop PpepToenp vÁ choicceA-o tTluriiAn ón iinró ccfcnA conA coichfpcAt. "Oon aiiaicc lAptA ctomne TliocAipcc con pochpAico, (x nip uó hiAopi-óe 11A mÁ acc j^ac cfnn pboij Gfc 5AC cijfpnA cipe oo neoch bAOi mn urn La Gt mn aicocct *oon bAinpiojAin 1 111uiTiAUi, 1 t-Aijmb, 1 ITlTohe, (x hi ConnAchcAib, vo piAch- CACCAp, gup po chompun3i jpfcc a ccAmpA cub 1 cut ppi cino pÁite & ppi limn coppAin pAmpeA-ó. til po teicceA"ó cAchAiimÁ cionnAbpA-ó, AohALt nÁ ionn- poigf/ó X)onA SpAinneAchAib t»o eccAirh 1 Ttmn coppAin, acc "oeAbcliA thaua •0iubpAiccheAc1iA & Ammup pfppf)A puileAchA poppA -00 tó & OA'ÓAig, 50 po hepAiteA'ó poppA po "oeom cochc "oipccip "oiAipm pop emeAch & poCpArii An lupcip, &, ó "oo pmjeAtt a pnA-OAt) po pAnn lAiccpiohe pop ApobAitcib" 1 Troops. — O'Sullevan gives 2,500 as the number of Spaniards who landed at Kin- sale- Hist. Cath., p. 224. 2 E. of Clanricarde. — See Introd., p. clxiv., antea. 3 Obedient. — Carew did not trust his Irish allies. On November 7th he wrote to the English Privy Council : ' At O'Neill's com- ing the provincials will discover themselves against us, or neutrals (as they are), for better we do not expect from them.' Mory- son, Rebellion, p. 162. 295 Kinsale under their own obedience and power. They distributed their com- 1601. manders and the nobles, their chiefs and their captains in the well furnished forts of the town, and the troops 1 for battle and fight in the passes of danger and at the points needing defence, to watch and keep guard all round, according to the orders which their officers enjoined on them. They then landed from their ships all the supplies they had, both arms and ordnance, powder and lead, food and drink. Their ships returned to their own country and to their merchants, for they did not conceive that they should be carried back in them so soon. There was a certain castle to the west of the harbour of Kinsale named Rincorran, in the territory of Barry Oge, in Kinelea exactly. The Spaniards put some of their distinguished men to guard and garrison this castle. They then set about fortifying their camp, and digging trenches, arranging and planting the ordnance close all round on steady, strong carriages, for they were certain that the Lord Justice would come with the Queen's army to attack them as soon as the news would reach them. When the Lord Justice was told that they had landed there and all they had done, he assembled all the forces under his command without delay or stop until he came to meet them, so that they were face to face with each other. The President of the two provinces of Munster also came with his forces; the Earl of Clanricarde 2 came with his troops; and not these only but every head of a host and every lord of a territory who was submissive and obedient 3 to the Queen in Munster, in Leinster, in Meath, and in Connaught. They came and pitched their camp 4 opposite Kinsale and Rincorran exactly. Sleep or repose, visit or entrance was not allowed to the Spaniards who were within Rincorran, but there were violent shooting conflicts and fierce bloody attacks on them night and day, so that they were obliged at last to come out unarmed 5 under the protection and security of the Lord Justice, and when he promised them protection 4 Camp. — Moryson gives 11,800 foot and offered to surrender the place if the garri- 857 horse as the total of the army before son was allowed to go to Kinsale. This Kinsale on November 20th. A month being refused, he resolved to bury himself later the number was reduced to one-half. in the castle. But his company threatened Ibid., pp. 169 and 176. to cast him out of the breach. So at last 5 Unarmed. — 'Nov. 1, the Commander he yielded.' Ibid., p. 149. 296 mó]U riA HlutiiAn co byCyAb cionnuy no biAt> a ficiyjteob yyiy An buchc riAiie -oo Ayyuy&iy 1n ciutto SÁite. t)Aoi nnmoyo An 1urnr conA ytoccViAib Gt ^uy An tuchc nAite bACAy 1 yoybAiyi yoy Tlmn connAin 50 yin yon An AbAiyc cCcnA accaicÍYíi Vnc 1 coiyichm tia nÚAy&l bAcoy 11111 immyt choccAi-ó (x cViacIia yyiúyorh aj coynAiri a niyyi & a nAcliAyoA no bA mCrnriAyc teoyorh x>o 501T) yoyya An j^ac bó. iDACAy cyÁ An cuchcym combcAy ygichigh coiyyi^h ceccAynAe xnob -01A Aboite Ia a imcCme teó bicb tpn cAicyfy corhyuAbaycAij ^An ccoIa-o ^An coccorhAlcuy, ^An Aiyfy, 5 An Aoibnfr, aóc cac xnob lyonritnn Gb 1 yoiclnbl Anoite "oo bó Gc 'pA'ÓAij, Ache ófnA bA nióo •oeibbj yoy An luyciy conA ybo5 bicn aii ipnnuy hiyin oboÁy yoy tiA SpAinneAcriAib, "0015 bA niAi"oyi"óe bA 1110 ah'i yo jriACAijyfc iomyui"óe yoyyA Gt ÚAioib, 6L bA mmci yo yyoriiA"ó m j;ac nfytroAit "oo CyiroAiLib An coccaiú, ÚAiy bA ypiyi-ohe yo boibeA"ó 7 no tCyAijOo eyrhoy ah cCineoit coynAiiiAij "oia rnbACAyyom co ccAjvoyAc ciye 7 cyeAbA, cyioc1iA7 cfn'OA'óAchAite yo AniAmuy 7 yo AccuiiiAch- CAib A'Lto] , i^fb AifiAinyi, 7 mncLechcA, Ay aoi cyot)AccA, CAbmACAiy, 7 CAclibÚA-óA, conAy bo yoiyb yyichbfyc yyiú munA bAt> Ainyen yoyyAn cac tÁy congmciy. ConA'oh Aiye ym yo bAoi yoy mfnniAin x>on 1uyay yoA-ó -oo yit)iyi 50 h-Ach cbiAc &, a miteAT)A t)o yccAoitf-p yoy pyiom-óúinib yioyoAin^mb beice HlojA Húa'óac cén co ccojiyACc lAyl.A 'CuAchniun'iAn Ía yopcon^yA nA t)Amyio5An a SAXAtb "oocum neyenn -oo congnAiii Lay An luvuiy co ccfcfo|\Aib rmt,ib -oo 5ÍCiye jtAnytoig lAiy juy yo gAbcAiy x>on leic AmbAoi An 1uyciy "oo cbmt) SÁite. 1 Leth M. N. — i.e-. Munster. See Introd., Mogha Nuadat given to Eoghan Mor, see p. x., antea. On the origin of the name The Battle of Magh Leana, p. xix. 2 9 7 he divided them among the chief towns of Munster until he should know 1601. the result of the contest with the other party who were in Kinsale. The Lord Justice with his forces and the others who were besieging Rincorran up to that were at the same business at first, playing on and shooting at the Spaniards who were in Kinsale. Then they begged and besought them by fine words and nice promises to come under the clemency and protection of the Lord Justice, as the others had dorte who came out of Rincorran. They said that it was not usual for the soldiers of the country from which they had come to break their promise or to deceive their temporal lord, and that it was not easy to cheat them by means of unmeaning promises or deceitful devices, and that they would not violate their promise to their true prince whom they served, by whom they were sent to aid the nobles who were in the hardship of the fight and battle against them, defending their faith and fatherland, of which they wished to rob them daily. Meantime they were in such a state that both parties were tired and weary, owing to the long time they were expecting the attack without sleep or food, pleasure or enjoyment, each of them waiting and prepared for the other day and night. But yet it was more severe on the Lord Justice and his army to be in this condition than on the Spaniards, for these were more accustomed to sieges against and for themselves, and most of them were trained to every kind of war, for most of the warlike race to which they belonged were reared and brought up in it, and they gave up many lands and dwellings, territories and lordships under their authority and power for the sake of their faith, virtue, intelligence, valour, bravery, and success in war, and opposition to them was not easy unless ill-luck befel those whom they aided. For this reason the Lord Justice thought of going back to Dublin and scattering his soldiers throughout the principal strong- holds of Leth Mogha Nuadat, 1 if the Earl of Thomond had not come by order of the Queen from England to Ireland to help the Lord Justice with four thousand 2 choice troops, and they landed on the side of Kinsale where the Lord Justice was. 2 Four Thousand. — Pac. Hib. p. 382, gives Moryson, Rebellion, p. 1 51. Very probably the number brought over by the Earl of the besiegers exaggerated the number to Thomond as 1,000 foot and 100 horse. See induce the Spaniards to surrender 298 \)a ipin pé pin vo bfpcpAcc ha SpAinmj lonnpoijeA-o Am-oiufo AipbCpcAch aCYi nA noTóche Ann, 7 pAn^ACAp peccAip Ap a múpAib co CAinpA An 1upap Gc gup An niAijm AinbAoi ah cop-OAnÁp mop no bio"ó acc blATonebAt) 7 A5 boipbbpipeATi> ^Ach Iaoi ha múpcliAipceob, nA ngiorii cboch, Gt cbApAi-o no ctnii'OAchc beó mA monicAcmAn^, conAt) e Aipf^ AppAnjACAp ApAiVl •oo ha 5onnAit)Aib ^uÚAjTOAib •oo ^poToVionAfó, *oo cbocliAib cCnnjApbAib, 130 ponnAib, ■oo pAbAib, 7 -oo jmncito ífp mu'ouccATj ah piAnbAig bACAp occa momcoiriiec. Ro nACAigic ifpom oc on upobAippm 7 impAip(c mumcfn An 1upop pócAib 7 |io jabpAc A5 ^um 6c aj geApoipbeAch Apoile ac1iai-ó pot)A ■oon oTóce ^up po chm^pfcc nA SpAHTOii; co cobrAi-o cennnigm ppiochpopcc •oia rco|\Aib po -oeofo, 7 no hopcAic pochAit>e beó 6c ÚAit)hib. *Oo ponpAc bpij; nibicc "01A cceArbAÍt» ó "oo pijfnpAC An coibCir pin -oo chuiccbeA-o a mbiot)bA-ó. 11i bAOi opooi> íaoi iia ofocbe dap An -oa cAmpApm ó con HAn^ACAn ppi Apoibe ^An co-OAib cpó 7 pnit>e poÍA atmú 7 ahaVI & AppA ^up fol.78.i. An bAurhe •od'ofnAi^ *oa ccAnAic An lompccApAt) 6c aii ndcciju^leccoh. lomcupA Ú1 'OhonmAibb, ó po nAipnei"óeA"ó •00 An cobbAch SpAinneAch pin -oo jAbAib chAbAt>ptnpc 1 cciunt) SÁibe peb lompop'OAfopCm, pop pA^Aib An iompui"óe inibAi pop 1YiaLL ó *OhorhnAibl conA griALLAib bACAp 1 niAinipcip Dinn ha nj;Abb (AiiiAib AcpubpAmop) 6c "oo pome pcoÁib 7 -onnbpij -oo nAch cAin^eAn icip Ache pochcAin m -oe conA II15 Aommnecfn'i & AompAoibeAccAin bÁoi occa "oia coipicm, 6c 1>a ApA bopp conÚApccAt) a choccAt) cfctjp. flop bion bAinne 7 bAtigAi pt) e acIi u p é t)iA coppACCAin, 6c bA "oimbpij LAip 5 A1 bb do Aipipiorh no "oo AicpeAbA-ó ip iia popcAib 1 pdjbóipfcc mA cíp, Ap h& -ofpb ÍAip no ebAfópicip in AÓnop eipcib •oiAmAt) bÁ ^AOToebAib 7 La SpAinneACAib copccop ÍAp nA nimmpi cacIia p)np An lupcip hi cm-o SÁite "oon clmp pm, conAii) Cvh -oo-pome cpiAp ha pocAibpm a Cpcongi\A (x a Cppo^pA-oiA inbAoi pó a niAtnup 7 po a churriACCAib ó copAige An cuAipceA]\c co • hupuAchcAp ó DlAine, ó Sptnbh t)pAin 11m imp GogAin rmc Heibt, co bioppup ifpniA]\cAp cf^Ap 7 nonAb m a -oochum co liAomn'iAi 5111 co bAite An tTlhocAij. "Ro Ai]vipiom An -011 pm co ccApnACAip bAip C|\t)Ach nA SAiiina, & con -oo pecclAimpfc Aploij hia "ÓAib mA n , o]\onccAib, 1 Attack, — 2,000 men were engaged ' in this brave sally, and continued their reso- lution with exceeding fury.' Ibid., p. 165. 2 Castles. — When O'Donnell drew off to the relief of Kinsale, Docwra marched to Donegal, and Diggs, with two companies, 299 One night then the Spaniards made a fierce, vigorous attack, 1 and 1601. they came outside the walls to the camp of the Lord Justice and to the place where the ordnance was which was breaking and dashing down the battlements, the stone works, and the mounds erected by them all round, and the plan they adopted was to fill some of the loud-voiced guns with sharp stones, beams, blocks, and wedges, after killing the soldiers that were guarding them. They were observed at this work, and the forces of the Lord Justice attacked them, and they proceeded to wound and slaughter each other for a great part of the night, and the Spaniards returned victorious and steady to their camp at last, and many were slain by them and of them. They thought little of their loss as they had done so much to grieve their enemies. There was no cessation day or night between the two camps since they came near, without death-wounds and flowing of blood on one side and on the other, and slaughter to the last days when the final separation and the decisive battle came round. As for O'Donnell, when he was told that the Spanish fleet had entered the harbour of Kinsale, as we have said, he left the siege in which he was engaged against Niall O'Donnell and the English who were in the monas- tery of Donegal, as we have said, and he made little or nothing of every business whatever except to go meet the Spaniards, for they and their King were of one mind and one idea with him to aid him, and it was through him that they first began the war. He was full of satisfaction and joy at their coming, and he thought it of little importance that the English should remain or dwell in the castles 2 which they had seized in his territory, for he was sure they would abandon them at once if the Irish and the Spaniards were victorious in the contest with the Lord Justice at Kinsale then. Wherefore, what he did in consequence was to send his proclamation and summons to those who were under his control and power from Tory in the north to the uppermost part of Hy Many, and from Srubh Brian, in Inishowen MicNeill, to Erris 3 in the west, and to assemble them to him in one place at Ballymote. He waited there until the feast of All Saints was celebrated by him, and all his forces assembled to meet him in crowds and took Ballyshannon, ' a place much coveted 3 Erris. — Now a barony of the same by the English.' Cox, Hid- Anglic, i. 442. name in the north-west of Co. Mayo. 2 P 300 Gt in a n*oionmAib co rhCnmnucíi mie mA pAnnAb. íol.79. a. UAimcc Ann ón mut) ccCcua mAc UibbiAm bunc UeAboicc itiac UAcep. mic SeAAin mic OliuCpiAir co bion ApoccpiAicce. iDAc-an *oau ippocliAin ui T)hoirinAibb An cAn pn tiA hÚAipbe x>or\ AngACAp. a hitcinib pop, Achchup, Gt ionnA|\bAt> "oia lonpoijpbpiorh "OACAome mt) imni j 6c m eccurhAin^ pup "oup An ap3AX) "óe a bpuprAchc UAch a p:oijnchin on AiippopbAnn 1 ptAbpAc Ag gAlÍAib Gt aj; AUAibL -01A cceneb&ib. Tto bA •oibpi'oe cb&nn SeAAin a bupic .1. SeAAin nA SCmApi, mic tliocAip/o Saxahaij, tlem La hÚA tléilX p)n An ■ptoi^eA'ó lioniriAn tAinrhCnmnuch no bAoi t-Air iriA LeAnmoin. *Oo Ap^nACAn íCnorh nA cnomptoij pn An "OA]aa Lá "oo riiír llouemben itia ntn-oeA-oAib ionmAH,A iméeccA ó bAibe An TTlbocAij co \)e\, An Aía pvoA La hou tocbA Cé có hOilpnn cpA concAe ftop^A comAin t)oincfn concAe n* 5 A1 tlA, co bet An cpiArhA, Gt co Iiac c]\ocht)A |ro|\ SionAinn. <\irp"oe íCnorii có "OeAÍbnA ttle^ CochbAin. "Ro hinwneAt) & no hoinccf-ó An cpochpn co tein Leó, & -oo bCjic^AC cnomneiU, cemet» cAinp, Gt no toirccrCc -oúnÁnur 1He5 CochbAin pvóem. tlo bA niA|\Aij nA cí]\e cniApx ccu-ócViAcun t>oib 50 pn. LocAn ÍAnoih cniA jrCpaib ceAlb "oan muncinn Sleibhe blA-óniA co htnb CAipn. Ho ^AbA-ó tongpojrc Ia Iiúa n"OomnAitb conA floj; pu cnoc "OnorriA SAileAch m Uíb cAinm, 7 no Aipr pn né mír ipn mAigbin pn occ lompnneAch pu hÚA TléilA, bAoi Ag ArccnÁrii co hionmAbl imnighm mA teArhnom. 1li h (x piA'ÓA'ó co nt)nuincc -oo mAncViAib ITlAiniprne iia cnoiche nAom'i occa hiomchun & no bionA-ó iAiccp"ohe ■of-o- bAjvcAib ■oopwtAib GL "OAtmrAnAib loLAjvoAib gonroAn btntnj. Hi no chumAin5pocc "oénAch An ttnccpn meAUUiiA ÍAr An A15 An aicCYica n a iTiumcfin a'oIia'L'L no AichjjeA-ó An cípe ÚAi-oib nAC Anunn ici]\ t»o CAbAinc 1 Sil Anmchadha.—Tht tribe-name of the several territories beyond Thomond. These O'Maddens. Their territory included the included the present barony of Garrycastle. barony of Longford, Co. Gal way, and the Book of Rights, p. 182. parish of Lusmagh in the King's Co. See 4 Castle. — Now Kilcolgan, near Ferbane. Tribes, &>c, ofHy Many, p. 69. At the death of the last MacC, or Maw as 2 Athcroch. — A ford on the Shannon, near he was usually called, in 1790, his estates Shannon Harbour. passed to his sisters, and later, by sale, to 3 Delvin MacC. — The Dealbna, de- the Bernards. scended from Dealbaidh, 3rd son of Cas, 6 Slieve Bloom, — A range of mountains ancestor of the Dalcassians, acquired extending in a north-easterly direction from 303 assembled here together, even if the active, joyful crowd of heroes assem- 1601. bled by O'Neill on that numerous, gladsome hosting which he had following him did not aid them. After that the large forces marched on the second day of the month of November by very slow marches, advancing from Ballymote to Ballynafad on the shore of Lough Ce, to Elphin, through the county of Roscommon, the east, of the county of Galway to Sil Anmchadha, 1 to Belansama, to Athcroch 2 on the Shannon ; then from that to Delvin Mic Coghlan. 3 That territory was plundered and spoiled entirely by them, and they produced a heavy cloud of fire throughout it, and they burned MacCoghlan's own castle.* The territories through which they had come up to that were obedient to them. After that they went through Fercall over the upper part of Slieve Bloom 5 to Ikerrin. 6 O'Donnell and his forces encamped on the hill of Druim Saileach 7 in Ikerrin, and remained in that place for a month waiting for O'Neill, who was marching slowly and steadily after him. The forces did not cease going about searching and seeking, plundering and exploring the territories all round during that time wherever they were guarded against them, and were submissive to the English, especially those who acted like them. He came on the feast day of Andrew exactly to the Holy Cross of Uachterlamhan 8 for a blessing and protection to the community of monks of the monastery of Holy Cross who brought him, and he presented them with oblations and offerings and alms, and they were thankful. They could not leave that place readily, owing to the extraordinary ice and to the heavy slippery snow which fell then. When the Lord Justice of Ireland heard that O'Donnell and his army were marching that way, he was greatly afraid and anxious lest he might be placed in straits and great difficulty between the Spaniards and the Irish, and he ordered his people not to give them entertainment or lodging, or anything that they Roscrea along the boundary of the King's The legend which has given rise to this and Queen's counties. name will be found in Triumphalia Mon- 6 Ikerrin. — Formerly the territory of asterii S. Cruris, p. 27. the O'Meaghers, now a barony in the N.W. 9 M. of Holycross. — Three miles south of of Co. Tipperary, Thurles. It was founded for Cistercians 7 Druim Saileach — A hill five miles S. of by Donald O'Brien, king of Limertck, in Roscrea. 1 169. For an account of the Relic from 8 Uachterlamhan.— i.e., ofthe eighthands. which it takes its name see Ibid. p. be. 304 An neith no bA toirccice -óoib t>iA rAijm, combo heiccCn t)óib ecc 1a hÚAche 7 $o|\ca ó rote nAi)\mirccti lonrpAib biAt> Gt cene -oo chAbAinc clmccA, no AHAilt "oaii a n-oilpujA-ó Gt a ccAinbf|\c but) -óein -oia rnbiot>- bA-ÓAib 6c cochc yo\\ a rnAttAt) 7 comAince reb -our rAnt^AtAri nA SpAmm^ bACA]\ í "Ritro conttAin ron ah ionch.Aibriorii recc |iiAtnh, coiia'ó Air\e pn no e]\b ro|\ iDpermenr t>Á coiccf-ó tllurhAn S\\\ Seoi]tp CAjn "out co ccfcheonAib mitib "oo jtei]\e gAÍ^Acc & "oóccbAit) A]\mdiA mn eAiiAcb lomcumAng 6c itro iiit)ciucb m"oiH yo\\ ciutro ui "OhotimAiVl "our An ccAomrA-o a cto-ó t)í a conAin nó a CnjjIiAine "oonA lniintniAblAib no bAoi hia rhfnmoin. Oc cViuaLa ó *OomnAiLb An Ppept)enr gur An inbojVbrtuAj; rm "oo chochc in cornrocnAib CAirii m rgdnm nA fgÁch quoclinu^A-ó tiA cni'oCnbÁf no "our JAb, acc CAinnicennniujA-o neiriie rÍAn ^ac ntnneAÓ 'ouÁchcAp UprhuriiAn, -oo clonm UittiAiTi bnÚAij nA SionnA, 1a -Donnr L-uimimcch rAi|\-ófr ittó 60 m A-ohAig 5A11 AnA'ó 5A11 oi]upotti co nAimg cAn 111Á1 j irceAC m Uib conAibl j^Ab^A. O •oo bf]\c ah peri"oenr "oía úit> An neim-oeicri 7 nA huincniAblA no 1iAi]\ccce bAiporh 6c bAr An lurtir "oo -out ron; neipn 6c ó "OorhnAÍbl coiia rbócch -oo •óub CAinir ir nA conAipb tiA]i bo "0015 Iaiv a exon^ACCAin icon, mirAi mA fiucdnj co 1iAi|\m AmbAoi An 1urcir combat) •OAomleic no rfjTOAip AmbAij ArCVl'OA'O. bA t)on cunrin no rAoitj ó T)omnAiLb bnot>bom rtoig 6: 'onechcA "ofnmAnA ■oÍA rhumrjin I11 toinichm meic llluijnr CiA]\nAije bAoi mA pAnnAt) pjn né nA btiAt>nA ro AnAVl (ah'iaiI no lomnAnaponi) 6c An Aibl no muincin mic 1T1mnip ro •oem "oo eotup neAmpA c|ma -oiicaij clomne inui|n)' •our An brtnjbecir ebAnj no eACAnbAo^Al yo]\ a^aiII -oo bAitcib meic tTlmnip &, no f]iÁit ó "OoinnAili ro|\ niAc llluijnr bu-o-oem Ainipoiii mA trochAi|ico bpfrfA-ó cionnur no biA-ó loinrccAnA-o An pAntAij rin fop neilccpocc tiAimb ppif nA hib -oor •pAinneccACAp tron Accmt). tlo cApmnAijC-o -oo rhuinan ui "OhorimAitl An cunuf no -oeAcliAcco]! a|\ no cjieAchA-o (x no 1ei|i]X|norA-ó pocAi-óe leó vo CnccAijvoib rrnc tTluijnr "oo neoch nobcAji voca -01 a cochAjYorh yo]\ bongup 6: ionnApbAt) co hÚA n*OomnAilt, 7 no ^AbAX) teó qn cAirceoit vo •OAgh-oúnnb 1 Upper Ormond. — The district between Nenaeh and Bonisoleigh, now a barony bearing the same name. 2 Clanwilliam. — There are two districts, now baronies, of this name near each other, one in Tipperary, the other in Limerick. The latter is meant here. 3 Maigue. — This river rises to the west of Charleville, Co. Cork; and entering Co. Limerick, it passes by Bruree, Croom, and 305 needed when they came, so that they should die of cold and hunger, as long 1601. as it was forbidden them to give them food or fire, or else they should humble themselves and give themselves up to their enemies and come for protection and security, as the Spaniards who were in Rincorran had come into his presence before. Wherefore, for this reason he ordered the Presi- dent of the two provinces of Munster, Sir George Carew, to go with four thousand chosen champions and armed soldiers in close array and in a secure body to meet O'Donnell, to see whether he should make him change his course or prevent him from the journey which he intended. When O'Donnell heard that the President with that haughty army had arrived in the neighbourhood of Cashel, neither fear, nor dread, nor death-shiver seized him, but he marched on due west by Upper Ormond, 1 by Clan- william, 2 on the bank of the Shannon, by the gate of Limerick south- eastwards, day and night, without stop or halt until he crossed the Maigue 3 into Hy Conaill Gabhra. 4 When the President saw his progress and that the great marches 5 made by himself and the Lord Justice had come to naught, and that O'Donnell and his army had passed them by the roads which he thought he would not come at all, he returned to the place where the Lord Justice was, so that both might unite together. It was then that O'Donnell sent choice troops and strong bodies of his forces to the aid of FitzMaurice of Kerry, who was with him during the past year (as we have said), and some of FitzMaurice's own people to guide them through FitzMaurice's territory, to see if they could find any weakness or neglect in some of FitzMaurice's castles. O'Donnell ordered Fitz- Maurice himself to remain with him until he knew the result of the sending away of the party which they had sent against the force that opposed them then. The journey they went was made use of by O'Donnell's people, for they plundered and preyed many of FitzMaurice's enemies who were the cause of his having come in exile and banishment to O'Don- nell, and three of the chief castles of the territory were captured by them Adare, and falls into the Shannon, five rrjjf.es Pac. Hib., p. 377, for a detailed account of below Limerick. the wonderful march of O'Donnell and his 4 Hy Conaill C. — Now the baronies of forces on this occasion. Moryson says he Upper and Lower Connello. took advantage of a frost, so great as seldom 6 Marches- — See Introd., p. cxxxix. and had been seen in Ireland. Rebellion^. 163. 3o6 An cine .1. beAcf nArhA, CAirLén $enn &]\va yfncA, & bAite uí cadLa, & yor- jiA^AibrCc Dnon^ dia mumcin occa momchoirhé'o. ImrAirCcc co ccor^An & do ypor fccét teó 50 hÚA n*OorhnAiVt fx co rtiAC ttluipr. -Ar jron loriAmni ccCctia do |\a1a dúa ConéobAin CiAnnAige, SeAAn itiac Concobain, JUr flO jada-o bAir AbAile & A pnioirmtm jreipn .1. CAnnAC An ptnlb bAoi pjitlCD p>n btiADAm A5 5 A blAib 6b "oo DeAchAiD p3in conAbAiteí combAii; ui *OhonmAibl> (x no ejmAiDm a chunA 6c a chAnADnAD pvip 13aoi imonno ó "OorhnAiLL pn né reAccitiAme 1 ntnb ConAilL ^AbriA A5 cCnnpj jad 6c A5 cúnrAchAt) jac Áom do nC^Airh 1 ccombAij; jjAbl ^un no ponchon^ViAin fonnA DÁir & •oCi^fn dCdViaiL pnú 7 cocc DAom teic pnporh 6c pu 5 A01 *° eA ^ A A 1 A chCYiA. tlo frcorhÍA ífnorh ó 'OorimAiUl conA rtoj do rhumchmD SLebe t/ÚAchnA, do clomn AmlAoib, do IDhtmcnAiDe, co t)AnDAm 1 ccAinpneACAib. "Our pm^ACAn ("prion 5 A01, ó e ^ tTlurhÁn uite -po AomrhCnmAm dia pMtpD, 6c no nAix>mriuc a ccunA 6c a ccoccAch p-nr cpA biche, 6c bA 1iAimur 6c bA hun^AinDiugAD AijencA Leo AnochcAm chucA dacottiaL a ccAnADjiAiD pn-p 6c no cm jeAbtrAc •oo jAn ADnAD •oo jALÍAib nAch do "ÓAnAnAib, 6c £An conpiArh puú mbw ppú. Ache cfnAní cAnAic 1T)aj; cÁnchoij pAbAÓ .1. "Oorrmott niAc ConbmAic tiA home, mÁ DAn cijfnnA ITlurcnATÓe .1. CópbmAc ttiac "OifpmAccA rrnc Uait>5 no chó]íA chu^Aron'i neb -our pvn^ACAp An Luchc nAiLe. X)aIa uí 11eiLt .1. -Aód niAC "PijvooncViA true Cumn bACAij rrnc Cumn rrnc 6nni nnc GojhAin, no Ainifi"óe acIiaid conbo hfnLArh LAif ^ac nAittAih^e nobA coircci-ohe do do bneich pon An rtoi^C-o nuccAc, ó 6: do ]iecclAimrfc a ftóij in* Dochum co hiomtiAn tei|icionoihce m hmmrcCn a mmceccA co nAn^ACAn CAn bomn. Ho Ainif reACAh ipn mAijmrin A5 cpeAchto^AD cpche "bnCj & 1TliDe. btnD ifporh conA flog qviA ifpcAn ITIiDe 6: c|\ia oincfn 1 Lixnaw. — Ten miles north of Tralee. Kerry. After this war and that of 1641, it There are remains of this castle still. In was confiscated, and planted with English the ancient church close by there is a monu- settlers. Several of the name achieved ment to the 3rd Earl of Kerry. distinction in foreign countries. See 2 Ardfert. — Four miles north of Tralee. D'Alton's Army List, ii. 325. There is no trace of this castle. Tradi- 6 Carrigfoyle. — In an island in the Shan- tion says it was close to the entrance of non, two miles west of Ballylongford. the demesne of Ardfert Abbey. There are There is a plan of the castle in Pac. Hib., p. several interesting remains here still. 121. 3 Ballykealy. — In the parish of Rathro 6 Slieve Luachra. — A range of mountains nan and barony of Shanid, Co. Limerick. on the borders of Kerry, Cork, and Lime- 4 O 'Conor Kerry. — The territory of this rick. family, Iraghty 0'Connor,lay in the north of 7 Clan Auliffe. — This territory extends 307 i.e. Lixnaw, 1 Caislen Gearr of Ardfert, 2 and Ballykealy, 3 and they left some of their people to hold them. They went away victorious to give news of them to O'Donnell and FitzMaurice. On the same occasion it happened to O'Conor Kerry, 4 John, son of Connor, that his dwelling and chief castle, i.e., Carrigfoyle, 5 was captured by him, which had been more than a year in the possession of the English, and he and the people of his dwelling-place made an alliance with O'Donnell and entered into peace and friendship with him. O'Donnell was for the space of a week in Hy Conaill Gabhra, reducing and harrassing everyone who was in alliance with the English, so that he enjoined upon them obedience and submission and separation and to unite with him and with the Irish in general. After that O'Donnell marched with his forces by the upper part of Slieve Luachra, 6 by Clann Auliffe, 7 Muskerry, and the Bandon in the Carberies. There came a great part of the Irish of the whole of Munster, being of one mind, and they entered into friendship and alliance with him for life, and they were glad and their minds rejoiced that he had come to them to make friendship with him, and they promised not to bow down before the English or the strangers, and to help them no more. However, MacCarthy Reagh 8 i.e., Donnell, son of Cormac na aoine, and the lord of Muskerry, i.e., Cormac, 9 son of Dermott, son of Tadhg, did not come for peace to him, as the rest had come. As for O'Neill, i.e., Hugh, son of Ferdoragh, son of Conn Bacagh, son of Conn, son of Henry, son of Eoghan, he waited till everything was ready which he needed to bring on the expedition on which they were going, and after his forces assembled to him in their full numbers their marches are not told of till they crossed the Boyne. He remained some time there preying the territory of Bregia and Meath. He then marched with his army through from the river Alia to the Co. of Limerick. Castle. The last of this family who held Castle MacAuliffe was near Newmarket. the estate was Lord Clancarty, who had 8 MacCarthy R. — The father of the an important command in the army of famous Florence. His residence was James II. Later he was pardoned, and Kibrittain Castle, six miles south of Ban- would have been restoredto his estates but don on an inlet of the sea. See Life of F. for the interference of Sir Richard Cox. MacCarthy, p. 3. He died at Hamburg in 1734. See D'Alton's 9 Cormac— His residence was Blarney Army List, ii. 115. 2 Q 308 1T1 urhAn caji Sunn pAn ^&n nAcb ngiorh noipvoCps po bion T>p3p^ichrhCcc •oo ■oenotii tha pbóghAibh co -pochcAin -001b co bAtroAin bAib AnibAoi ó "Oorhnoibb conA cnoicfprAb. . O con^An^Acop 5 A01 ' D1 ^ Ari cuai^ci]ac in A0111 thai jm bA p Aipbe Apnochc teó €fc Ia 5°í' 1 'óetAib ah "oei-pccipc (x>o neoch -our pxngACAn inA ccombAij) a bonjpop: "oo fuTÓiu^A-ó aIVa cúató 1 mbeub juaIa 1 ccenéb -Aex/liA p?Ab bCj ó cliAmpA An 1upoj\ Ro bACAn acIiato aitiIai-o eineAch m loncliAib pn aji oiie, coriA beiccpCcc g^ 01 ^ 1 ^ acIiaici-ó tia AT>Abb AniAch nAcli itiunn gur riA gAbbAib, con vo be|\cpxc hi cuimje -oofubAchcA 1 clnncA Gt hi ceince Anbpóibb. Tlir pebjCx) uah'iaii n* 5 A01-oeA ^ "ooib a ngjieAiiA mÁicc a neAchnAX>a •oo beigfn p>n pepgtmc nAcb iron mjeAbcnA-o pCchcAin nA múnAib AmAch, gun no eccpAcibe -oibp-oe fx rocbAi-oe'oiA rmbeA-ÓAib irriAibbe pur bA Iiúacc 6c, goncA í C|\ nA ccAbAinc m A'ÓAibge £eoin 6c uifcce, CcVia 7 AnbA, cuigit) 7 cemit), Gt gAC neich no bA ceApbA-o p>piA, conA bAoi m_A ccuifiAng cunpA An pAnÍAi j no epbAt) UAitnb "OAXin Acon, gtm yo pÁp bpancA-ó "oipubAing •oeip-óe bA hiomgAdc AnAiCoin CcA]\buAp íAn nuchcAji no Ci^jex) AHAipoe -oonA bAbd-oAib, -oon ocnAch, 7 x)on cCchAi]i í Cp niochcup t)A p comroe 7 cetxpvo p3chAiT)e •010b bu-ó "óem conepebAb An (prion t>ia becci -001b m Aon aja $An pvijeA-o ponjiA Ia plAij €fc ufoniAim, 6c no ebAibp/ó An buchc bAinr beoA -oia ccoCmp\CAif Cpiur no conAin ebu-ÓA -opvgbAib cipint>up Ha SpAinnij cp* b&CAnpt)e m eccuniAng 6c inn eccorhriApr rhón cniApvn lomfm-óe bAoi aj An 1up;ir coiia coichCrcAb £aU, 7 ^AOToeAb fopiA, 6c m AncAir acc A5 AfbAch nA n^Aoi-oeAb utia ccoipchm, -0015 1 ja p^p\ beó AmtroujjA-ó -oo nAic C10 pu no p3 ■oeni'OAir cÁ|\ no CA^cufAb ó^x mbiobbA-OAib nó ó nAch nÁon nAibe 1-pin cjAumne 7 no pDnAibn f onpA ecc m ÁonAn b& ViÚAchc & goprA. T1ip bo pAifibAi-ó -oonA ^AOTóeAbAib, bA mine bACAn co mbp§ & bopipvó, con uAibb (x lonnoccbAib 5A11 cffbA-ó neic po|i|\A, Ap ni bAOi ^igliAine Cco]i]iA & a p'obAprnAni •oo Aigib ionic|iomAib & t)o cfchnAcnb cbmfiAibbnib, & -OA ^ac CproAib ui]i]:eobA (x X)A ^ac cenéb cua]\a aca "oeAch bAOi mn •oo cAbAmc cuca Ar jac Aipt) & Ar jac AipcCnn 1 ccdn G; mn occup. t)ACA|i 1 Snir. — This river passes through Thurles, Cahir, Clonmel, Carrick and Waterford. 3°9 west Meath and east Munster over the Suir 1 westwards without any 1601. remarkable deed worth mention being done by his troops, until they came to the Bandon, where O'Donnell was with his army. When the Irish of the north had come together, the plan adopted by them and the Irish of the south (who had joined them) was to make their encampment to the north in Belgooly in Kinelea, a short distance from the Lord Justice's camp. They were for some time in this way face to face with each other, so that the Irish did not allow recourse or resort in or out to the English, and they placed them in intolerable straits and diffi- culties and in great want of food. The fear they had of the Irish did not allow them to send their mares or horses to the pastures or for grazing outside the walls, so that many of these and numbers of the soldiers also died owing to cold and hunger, having been reduced to the want of grass and water, corn and grain, straw and fuel, and every thing they required, so that they were not able to bury outside the walls the corpses of the soldiers who died, and the entrails of the horses and the corpses of the dead men lay among the living throughout the tents in the midst of them, so that there arose an intolerable stench in consequence of the great blasts of air mounting up which arose throughout the camp from the filth and the dirt of the lower part. It was the idea and opinion of many of themselves that the greater number of them would die if they were let alone without being attacked, owing to the contagion and sickness, and the people who were alive would go away if they could find any means or way of escape at all. Meantime, the Spaniards were in great straits and helplessness, owing to the blockade carried on against them by the Lord Justice with the forces of the English and Irish, and they did not cease asking the Irish to assist them, for they preferred to be killed immediately, though before this they would not endure an affront from their enemies or from anyone else in the world, and their death was imminent through cold and hunger merely. It was not so with the Irish, for they were vigorous and fierce, proud and courageous, not heeding anything, for there was no prohibition for them to take from any place or any quarter far or near plenty of heavy beeves and long-fleeced sheep, and every kind of fresh meat, and every sort of provision, the best* that was in Ireland. They were in that state up to the feast of the < 3io An cuchc fin co reit jdne An cSlAmconA 10SU, ft no jAbrAc ron Cn-oAch nA roblAmAm ft An ticÍAiche AriiAiL no bA t>ion tiA mAiche miA reAch aj fteA-ouccAT) ft 05 AinCg cuile 05 Anoite aj Am Cr ft, A5 unjAipoiugA-o m dim An ft A15CY1CA, reb no beicnr mA poj-óúinAib norhónAib 7 mA nAfvo- poncAib oineAchAir ro T>fm gen uo hCnchiAn ÚAi-óib lAccrTohe. 1TlonÚAin Am bA gAn úaiu nA gAiuepjbA & pnrhCnmAn do bnCchA ór ai|voaca ipn ticlAice pn combACAU mA ngAipb -oubA ft •oogAitp 05 CccAn- rccAnAt) rni Anoite •ooib ciob iCn txpoLL iCn nA niebAchcnugA-o 1a Ambiot>- bA-ÓAib ft An tuchc no bACAU ro rhuic mfnmAn 1 cacIia fti ceince nAch pjpM-o nor punpvo gun bo Leo bAoi a proLAUcnAib & a troAodiAin ifn cochc x>oib Apvn ccuvhAng cunribneAch inAbcAn ACArorh An cAn pn. 13a ir nA tAichib pn t>o pAchcACAn tic^e LentnAtiiuA ft AgAbLoirii mcteiche ó "Oonn 1o1in (ó gene^Al nA SpAinneAch pn chín-o SÁile) co hÚA HeitA, co Viúa n*OomnAiLL 6 gur nA niAicib An cCYia t>ia ArLAch ronno ionnp>igeA-o -oo cAbAinc Aon nA noi-óce ■pAin]\eA'ó ron chAm-pA An 1up:ir An pnep-oenr 7 nA niAnl-At) bAcAn mA p?AnnA"ó ft no poibCttAXiporh coha SpAinneAchAib iacc "oon beic oiLe x>uy An ccAoriipvó ceACCAnnAe ÚAiT)ib eiporh conA SpAinneAchAib "oroipcin Arin ccuil, chuniAirig m no congbAicc. *Oo "oeAcriAró Tun o tléitb ft ó *OorhnAit,L ft, nA rtiAiche -oo cnu-ó AccoriTAinte imon AilgCrpn ah genenAbA. O tléiVl cnA Acbfncp-oe gun uó tiAibbCrcc ÍAir ua 5 01 Vl "oo f-uAbAinc am •OAingminniVle nA múji n-OAtngCn n-oichogLAibe -oo neccAirh iompA miA ccuAinc iCn nA pieichbionATj -oo gonnATjAib gucliAjvoA gopccoiubnAicauciiA, 7 Acbfnc "om bA rCnn gAn putt 50 LegeATj ipnt) lomfuróe congAbpjc ron nA gALÍAib conepbdf -oo jojicA ATfiAii -oó Cj\blACA]i An Aibb T»iob cfnA,7 co ccoinf f-o in nob AinCg-óA moh ron a brAorAifirorh 7 coniAince ro -oeoit), 7 nAji bo ni bAir a nAitgCr "oo cAbAijic "oia biobbAbAib "0015 iiobAt) ÍAinne teó cAchuccAt» "OAn cfnn An AmriA 7 AniAnbAX) -oo nAich oit)Ár An ecc t»o chebmAim ft, jojacu. O X)orh- noitt imp]i]io bA p a comAinte nA^Ailt no f-obAinc cipint>up ÚAin bA hA-ohnÁn ft bA meAbAl, ÍAif a cubA pur aii cCigfn AnbroiU, imbAoi 'Oonn 1ohn coua SpAinneAchAib jau Amtnur "oo éAbAinc ron a bruncAcc -oia ccireAb a ome&x) ^Hunger. — 'If Tyrone had lain still and not suffered himself to be drawn to the plain ground by the Spaniards' importunity, all our horse must of needs have been sent away or starved.' Moryson, Rebellion, p. 178. 2 Died already- — Of the 15,000 troops which the English had at the beginning of the siege, 8,000 had died of cold, hunger, and disease. Of the remainder but 2,000 were English, the rest Irish or Anglo-Irish, » 3" Nativity of the Saviour Jesus, and they proceeded to observe the feasts 1601. and the holidays, as was meet, the chief men in turn feasting and rejoicing together in delight and gladness of mind and soul, as if they were in their own great royal castles and in their chief residences, though then they were very far off from them. Alas ! soon these cries of joy and pleasure, which were raised so loud in those days of festivity, became cries of sorrow and anguish when they were separating from each other after a time, after being defeated by their enemies, and the people who were in sadness of mind, in want and scarcity of every kind of food, found that they had full and plenty after coming-out of the narrow prison in which they were put by them at that time. In those days there came mysterious letters and secret communications from Don Juan, the general of the Spaniards in Kinsale, to O'Neill and O'Donnell and the chief men in general, requesting them to make an attack on a certain night precisely on the camp of the Lord Justice, the President, and the Earls who were with them, and that he himself would help them with the Spaniards on the other side, to see if both of them could rescue him and the Spaniards out of the great straits in which they were kept. Where- fore, O'Neill, O'Donnell, and the chief men went to take counsel in reference to the wish of the General. O'Neill then said that he would be slow to attack the English on account of the great strength of the firm, impregnable walls which were all round, filled with loud-sounding, straight-shooting guns, and he said it was better to continue the siege carefully which they had begun against the English till they should die of hunger, 1 as many of them had died 2 already, and that would turn out best for their relief and protection in the end, and that he did not wish to gratify his enemies, for they were better pleased to fight for their lives and to be killed immediately than to die of plague and hunger. O'Donnell's opinion, however, was that the English should be attacked somehow, for he felt it a shame and disgrace that the great straits in which Don Juan and the Spaniards were should be witnessed by him without making an attempt to relieve them though it cost him his life ; and besides, who intended to come over to the Irish had come over already. O'SulIevan, Hist camp. A very considerable number of these Cath,, p. 228. 312 "óe, Gt -oon beóp nó bépchA jAomit ippoitl 7 AiToinibpigh La Hi j nA SpAinne ■oiA ppotierhcAip a rmLeAT)A 'oo beic 1 cceAncA 7 in eccuniAnj occa mbio-óbA-ÓAib 5An a bpoipichw peb po ApbAijpCc poppA. ^chc cCVia ApeATj a cummAip po chinnpfc po -ceom An 1upap con a gALLAib t>o lonnpoijeA-ó peb po cuinjf-oh cuca. RuccrAc App pArhLAi-o gup An A-ÓAij pAinpeAt) m no hfpbA-ó ppiú fol. 81. b. lonnpoigeAxi) An chAmpA. Tlo jAbrAc m upchopAch oit>che a mo-ónA'ÓA A15 & a cneAttfiA c|iot)A co UAoicoicfnAch Gfc -oo cocAp mn mneAÍ 7 m on - ouccA , ó AtfiAit •00 nioncoirccf Cc a nAipij & a nuAirle, a cco-onAij;, (x a ccoriiAipbj -ooib. Ro bA T)AiimA T)eAbcA 7 A-óbAn lopjAite emn 114 -01 Apt)pLAic 'oo pAtA pop cenét ConAilt ia]\ oiLe perhAp^nArh niA a|aai W, 'OAmtcp 7 "opuAbAipc nA ngALL La miA'ó rhCnmAn Gt Va bopnpvo bpicche 5AÓ neich -mob, An An t>Ap Ia jac Aon ÚATÓib pobcAp cÁn (x CApcupAb pAip pdn & pop A11 ccenét tma mbAoi cpiA biche tiiA ntDAin a"ó pemcup nA conAine Gt pe-oujjA-ó iia flijfx» t>o ptógh noite piA r\& rló^h butcoem. fto b&x> ton ■oia tqc & "01A bAinrhiVleA-ó tma mbpAch & oia rnbAo^lu^At) An rmtiucpAchc fx An mnecCYh no pÁp mA ccpi-o1n ppi Apoite npiApAn ccuccaic Inpm, conA bAoi "ouépAchc "oeAbcA nA AiLjjfp lonnpoiji-o nA cAbdiAipe CAinipiie 1 ptojh "óiob Ía nét> & lompopmA-ó ppip An ptoj nAiUl ^up bAC omme cbAiche rndpbe miolAochT>A ctó piA piú 'oo "oeAcViACAji iccenn moipimnno 7 moipgniorh m jAbAb no m gUApAcc vo lomclAi'óbeA'ó ppiA nfr- ccAin"oib, 50 mbo lung nA nob ei^Cn "oia mbiot>bA , ooib An Ainm "oimbCpc poppA bAit m no corhpAicpiuc ipm cAchLAchAip. 13a ceLrhAine mop tutc •oon t)Á Aoxjlipn An no pAÍATioib -oon chuupn. "Oeicbin ón m cecorhnA^Aip cobeir no cuccnortiA acca^Ia An cAn pn eAcoppA cem bACAp nnbiú, ÚAip bA pop Aom mnechCrh & pop AommCnmAm no bicip t>o bunAt) cem beiccip ippeAcnApcAp Apoite, "0015 mp bo coimtJit) jup po dim ó a mbunA-óppemAib ApÁon -oiAp popcAp cjMtjpfpcAig im Apoite otccACcpoiii. Ko chocViAichpfc rmchipi pot)A vo upcopAc nA hoi-oce imon ppiocViAp-oA-ó &, imon ppichimpfpAin vo peccAirh CcoppA. Ko Ap^nACCAp nA "0Á pAopploj & An t>Á pocpAnoe po •oeoix) Aipt> m Aip-o & juAlAmn ppi gUAlomn ppi Apoite con 'oo pAtA -ooib peAchpÁn ptijft) & impoU, mncij conA po CpmAipCtAp a neoÍAij conAipe 1 Straits. — ' It is strange that the battle no sally till the battle was over, and even being fought within a mile from Kinsale, then they sallied twice to little purpose.' the Spanish in the town should know Cox, Hib. Anglic, i. 443. nothing of it; yet it is certain they made 2 Dispute. — See War 0/ the Gaedhil,p. 143. 3i3 the Irish would be thought little of and contemned by the King of Spain, if i6°*« they suffered his soldiers to be in hardships and straits 1 from their enemies without being aided as they had requested. But yet this was the agree- ment which they made in the end ; to attack the Lord Justice and the English as they were asked. They separated thus till the night on which they were ordered to attack the camp. They took in the very beginning of the night their weapons of battle and their implements of war silently, and they went in order and array as their chiefs and nobles, their lords and counsellors directed them. It was a subject of dispute 2 and a matter of contention between the two principal chiefs who were over the Cinel Conaill and the Cinel Eoghain that neither of them would allow the other to march in front of him to attack and assail the English owing to the nobility of mind and pride of strength of both, for each one of them thought it a reproach and disparage- ment to himself and his tribe for ever to allow the first place on the road and the position on the way to the other force before his own. The ill-will and the thoughts which grew up in their hearts towards each other for this reason were full of harm and ruin, of treachery and danger, so that there was not the desire of battle nor anxiety to attack nor the firm obstinacy in their army, owing to the jealousy and envy against the other army, and they were timid, languid, slow, cowardly, even before they entered on the great labour and work in the danger and peril of the close encounter with their enemies, so that it was almost unnecessary for their enemies to employ arms against them where they contended in the battlefield. What happened to the two Hughs then was a great omen of evil to them. With good reason, for never had the like or so much taken place as then between them as long as they lived, for they were of one thought and of one mind always from the beginning, though they were not in each other's presence, for it was not usual that there should spring from their original stock together two more loving towards each other than they. They spent much time in the beginning of the night in the dispute and contention which took place between them. These two noble hosts and the two armies marched at last side by side and shoulder to shoulder together, when they happened to lose their way 3H riAcli a ccoipj rliijC-oh pon An cconAin ccóin ciAn bo ciAnrcoA An ^hAtfiA-ohAij (x $en bo 5A|n:occtir -ooib ah Lonjponc ron AccAji'orAcc Ammur co roLurcnAc Ciyvgbe An ha bAnAÓ ^un no jlAnnuichneAc An 5fiAn or -oneich An CAÍrhAn cumi'ohe conAt) Ann for rÚAinrCc rocpAToe uí HeilL »* a teAchcAob ro -oem rju cAmpA An 1urar, & no cniAbbpAc roA-ó bm^ cen co \\o roirft) Léo An mneAlb & An opoujA-o vo nibiri aji no rjpdccrCc An cCcnA binneAlt m no hmnbc LAr An lomnoVl 7 1a -oonchACA home-he. DaLa An 1urar conA pochviAi-oe paimc nAbAt) (x neiriipior t>a fAigiw ■onumj rAin^e-oeAc AÍon^ponc nA 5*oiT>eAb co broibenchA iacc An A-ohAij-pn, combAoip'oe conA rto^ViAib hi CAichreir rot) nA hoit>hche co mA'OAin rop An eAnAijAib fn'OAtcA Gt ron An bfpnA-ÓAib bAO^Ait 7 roj\ a ccAibbb cncoA inA mot»nAib A15 conA hmlib Aibrrnb cAchAijche & cornAtriA mn enbAiriie occAib conur rACACAcop ó Tléibt conA rtójAib ron An loncAib ron An AbAipc AcnubnAmo|i. tlin uó cÍAn t>oib occa mi-c-erriAin An cAn cAnÍAccrCcc cCcIia coimneATÍinA cnumpiten ('oia bpATDucchAt)) a rnórvgonnA-ÓAib jbAmAitlne ^lerroib'oiche & a mu^Aecob mintinuimneAchA monchorcAi-p & a ^LAcjon- nA'ÓAib jenAimreAcliA 'gleroibne, Gfc no cbeiccrfcc rocAib cech cenéb •ouib|iAicciu 7 imceL^ce nAile cen mochA m-o pin. Ko brwchcooincr Cc ArfnTiAt) *OAn nA múriAib AniAch mA ccCnn •oionmA-óA ■oippne -oo lon^AbAlA •00 mAncfloí; rhíppóA moncobrAi^ bAr An bimciAn jun no coriiAinlecceA-o •001b Unr AneAC AnvoenmAC t)o circu^At) ron mAighpei-o 50 pn. Ko leiccic AccnAijbceAcViAinAbeAnmAin ÍAnorh, AyibA •ofnb leó 50)1 yoy btot>b CAfApAij; nA ccnumnpiben (x T»iAnfUAbAi|\c An -oionmA bCnnAitih buAinnebcA neampa ron Ambio'óbA'ÓAib. t>ACAn nA rlóij ceAccAnt)A mCy% An mCpg -oeipoe acc coimchiónnbA-ó & acc cnechcnujA-o Anoite 511 n po mtcoAijic rochAi-oe CcAnpA'DO wb beicib. Acbc cCnA no meAbA-ó ro -oeom ron niuincin uí Héitb reb nob Ainmimc beó, jup no buAcViAccuinicc "oon tAchAin, conAX) pi conAin po jniay An cmnfnur iacc coiii"oóncAc iccfnn rocnAicm ui "OomnAitt ■oo pegAimb Abb AiiAin t>oib jAn nocbcAin co IacIiai]! AmomAi|ncc beóp O ■oo 1 Warning.— '23rd December, information army should that night be well on their was given by one of the chief commanders guard, for Tyrone meant to give upon one in Tyrone's army having some obligations camp and the Spaniards upon the other, to the Lord President, who sent a mes- meaning to spare no man's life but the senger to him for a bottle of usquebagh, Lord Deputy's and his.' Moryson, Rebel- and by a letter wished him that the English lion, p. 176. 3i5 and to go astray, so that their guides and leaders of the way could not 1601. bring them to the right road, though the November night was very long and though the camp on which they made the attack was very near them, till the time of sunrise on the next day, so that the sun was shining brightly on the face of the solid earth when O'Neill's forces found their own division at the Lord Justice's camp, and they tried to go a short distance that they might regain their ranks and good order, for they had left their first order in which they were arranged owing to the mistake and the darkness of the night. As for the Lord Justice and his army, there had come to him warning 1 and foreknowledge from certain persons 2 who were in the camp of the Irish that they would be attacked that night, so that he and his forces were watching throughout the night till morning in chosen spots and gaps of danger and on the war battlements with their war accoutre- ments, with all their implements of battle and defence in readiness, when O'Neill and his forces came opposite them for the purpose we have said. They had not long to meditate when they poured on them a strong shower of globular balls (to entertain them) from their great cannons with polished barrels, and from their straight-firing, costly muskets, and from their sharp- aiming, beautiful lock-guns, and they fired down on them every other kind of shot and missile besides. Then the nimble troops burst out over the walls to lead on the active, steady cavalry, to whom the order had not been given for a long time before up to that to make a trial of the speed of their high-galloping horses on the plain. They allowed their foot to follow after, for they were certain that the flame of the spherical balls and the fierce attack of the . troops would make destructive gaps in front of them among their enemies. The armies on both sides were pell-mell in consequence, maiming and wounding each other, so that many were slain on both sides. But yet in the end O'Neill's forces were defeated, an unusual thing with them, and they hastened away from the place, and their haste made them take the road confusedly to meet O'Donnell's forces, who happened to be to the east of them and had not yet come to the field ^Pirsons. — The author of Pac. Hib. says army, who had been present at the council the information was given by Brian Mac- when the plan of attack was agreed on, to Mahon, a principal commander in the Irish Captain William Taffe. p. 414. 2 R 3i6 pjAchnAcon ah rpAonrtuAj pn uí HéitL Gt p>chnAi , oe An luprir mA leAnrhAin occ a tuAchcuAn^Ain ÍA|i n<\ ccubAib 1 mfrcc muincine ui T)horhnAiH nor jeb utmiAitLe Gt AnbpAit>e An óccbA-ó pjAp^Aji 7 ppvpgén a n^nf-oA, & geniA-ó coc-nu^At) tiA cAétAi-ónAi j but) •ouchjiAchc Leo Gt no •oteAchc tnob ni diAomnA^Acco]!, ÚAin nAn bo col Lat* An ccoirrraft) corccun t)o bndc T)oib •oon cun pn, & nA no cotcAnAijrfcc Arét»A -óo no caLL "Oía p>n An t>A cAomichenéL cet>pyt>ACA cnofjA pn nA p^joaLa pop* pAtjnAcriA Gt via bÚA-oliA bpoghmAnA buAnmApijAnnA p^pnA^Aib nAorh pAccpMcc (t)iA mboi fol. 82. b. A5 bfnnAcbcAin 6nenn pops, tntia mACA 7 mjCYiA) fO]\ nA tnb bpsichpb AinCj^A AjmA]iA Gt ipon a cLAnrhAicne "oia neir .1. p:on ConALL ^Lomnrhfn ^utbdn 6c p^n Co^ViAn AjriiAn lompsijceAC. 1ciCtc nA ps^bALA .1. b u ato nAvg 7 lonnroigit) -pop CojAn, buArá ccopccAin 6c cocAigce CAchlAicneAch fo\\ ConAiLL, A]\ a A01 cnA no •oCnniAiccrCc nA pnchenéLA a p^AjbALA AppeAchcps gun no chorhrccuchpstx An -oi p)cnAicce int> AenpsbALL pA pLogAib An 1uror, 6c no mAnbAicc 6c no mutjAijicc p>cAit>c UAitnb. Soaic mmncin An 1uraf ÍAn mbuAra ccorccAin Gt ÍAn melAccnu^A-ó • a mbio-obAX) AiriÍAib pn An CAn A-p L115A po psoibpfc. Ida pollur An Ainpen pon cenéL ConAiLL 6: p^o]\ cenéL Go^riAin mic tléiLL ipm bAice pn m nobA cecbcA t>oib 6c m bó,x> moo p3 bAoi ÚAráib p?n cViALmA t>o •óenorh (ó t\o p;cA]ipAC An "oa chAomicenet chortipsrriACA pn jrp An oiLe aj An U15 TIíaIL nicheAch tiAoigiALlAij;) An CAn nA CA|rapsc "oia miro cAchuccAt) pdcnmch pDnAinc "oiocbnA •ouncnoraeAc t>o "óenorfi t>o chopnAifi a mnpi, a nAcb. ApOA, 7 a nAnmA, t>o copnAtii a nemig a nÚAipLe 7 a noipvófncAip, co bpAnccbAici a pLAiche yo]\ p5t>Aib pxointaje, gombA rfp^cjoncA a ccpeom, gombA CAoib- cbnC^btiAijci a ccAoip 5, ^ombA cnAiiiAchchumcA a ccunAit), gombA Ttiut)Aij;- che a rmieA-OA era pA pú p3 metAchcnAijicc ón mu-óptn ní nA mÁ ipiA-otiAip a mbio-óbAb bACAn mA ccoiriicftxp5.it>, acc AbppaAcnAp^ur nA loin^eAc Gt nA ntnbCpicAC eccAi]icfmeoit t>on An^ACAn yo\\ AppAopAth 6: coniAi]ice pscc p Atti ifn nA nAcbcu]i 6: ÍAn nA nionnA|\bAt) Ar a ccipft & Ap a ccpeAbAib con-oeinjenpAC if]\ccAin bjiig mbij t»onA 1iAnt)p^Aicib 6: t>onA bAipeAcliAib nobcAji t>oir ■oram ' Gt nobcAji coitt p>pccAra t>oib 50 pn, 50 no beAnp\c ceitt -oia ccobAip Gt "oia ccoipcbin ÚAraib a p?nt>At> co ^Battle. — An account of this fight by Trevelyan Papers> published by the Camden Mountjoy, the Lord Deputy, is given in the Society in 1862. 3i7 of battle. 1 When these defeated forces of O'Neill and the troops of the 1601. Lord Justice's army in haste behind them came into the midst of O'Donnell's people, wavering and unsteadiness seized on the soldiers, and fright and terror on their horses, and though it was urgent on them to remain on the field of battle and it was their duty, they could not, for it was not the will of the Lord to give victory to them then, and they did not follow the rules which God marked out for the two noble, clever, warlike tribes, the true, lasting gifts, and the firm, long-enduring victories which St. Patrick 2 (when blessing Erin, its men, youths, and maidens) left to the two famous, warlike brothers and to their posterity after them, i.e., to the glorious Conall Gulban and to Eoghan the warlike and aggressive. These were their gifts, victory and vigour in attack to Eoghan, victory in battle and valour in the field to Conall ; yet the famous races forgot their gifts on that occasion, so that the two hosts were defeated together by the forces of the Lord Justice, and many of them were slain and slaughtered. The Lord Justice's forces returned after the victory in battle and the defeat of their enemies when they least hoped for it. Ill-luck was evidently with the Cinel Conaill and the Cinel Eoghain MicNeill on those days when it was their duty and they needed most to act bravely (since these two noble stocks separated from each other in the time of Niall, the warlike, of the Nine Hostages), when they did not resolve to fight bravely, courageously zealously, mercilessly in defence of their faith, fatherland, and lives, in defence of their hospitality, nobility, and splendour, so that their princes were left lying on the earth, their champions wounded, their chiefs pierced through, their heroes had their bones hewn, their soldiers were massacred, though before this they were not defeated in this way, not only in presence of their enemies who were looking on, but in presence of the banished and exiles of foreign race who came for safety and protection to them before this after they were expelled and banished from their territories and dwellings, and soon they made little account of the princes and of the chiefs who were trees of shelter and woods of refuge for them up to that, and they gave up all hope of help from them to the end of the world. 2 St. Patrick. — The blessings which the will be found in Colgan's Trias Thaum., Saint promised to the posterity of Conall p. 192; and to that of Eoghan, Ibid-, p. 145. 3*8 •oitjCnn An X)onu\m. Ache cCYia $én co cconcnAcon acc ÚAchAt) biuj ó ^AOTÓeÍAib ipn niAi'ómpn Clnnx) SÁiLe tiA pvcAi^pcif tnA cceApbATÓ 1 ceAtro acIiató Gt T>An nA p3 pMTAigrCc ciot> An CAti pn proem, m pj p^bA-ó in ÁonmAi'óm "oia \\o pgbeAt) ir nA ■oeit>CncriAib inn mir 6nerhoin cuccnomA p\ir fAJICcbAT) A1TO. Ho jTAgbAX) Ann cfccur Ann Aommir fx An cAom oibén bA pjcAige fx bA cojiAijce fx no bA mCrAjTOA cfr fx ÚAchc bAoi m ephort CoppA, m nob iomt)A imb fx cntncneAchc, m nobA ifrc lonrÓA, Aibne, Cp^A 7 mbCnA, m nobd ciume cAonconcAije cÚAncA, pBib vo nAcc An cei-o-pCn •00 pob 5 A01, ° 1 b 5^ A1 T 11110 t1 1u, bl "oon AnAicc m epnn niAifi nA cCrc- fol.83.iz. mobcA pn -puinne (.1. 1ch itiac bneoghAin) p&x> nA pogriAib •oCi-ohfncAib bACAn t>o UhÚAcViAib -oe TJliAnAnn yo\\ 6inmn. *Oo pi^bAt) Ann béop An vo CnnÁccAn Arr "oo f-AopcbAnnAib -pofnA roiclienebchAib niAc IThLeAt) & "oo AineAc1iAib AghriiAiiA lonnroijceAcliA, t>o chijfnnACAib tine 7 cneAb, "oo cboireAcbAib cúac fx qnodiAic cet>, An Ar -oCnb "oeirhm nA biA m-o epn-o 1 cotfiAimpn fp An oiLe co bnAc tuchc nobcAn ffnn 7 jiobcAn AinCgh-oA oLccac 11A mAice bACAn hipnt>e fx, AcbAchpxcc ÍAnom m Aite chpochAib "OÍA1-Ó m tHATo iCn n^Ai-o a nACAjixxv 7 a nÚApxtfo|VbApjnnA }io px^Aibpoc occa mbio'óbA'ÓAib ipn niAi-óm pn. Ho ps^bAt) -om Ann íÍAip\,e fx onoin, JAnc fx ^niompvó, omeAch fx oinbfp:, pC^ViAinne fx pxop:LAn , OAcnc, mine fx mfp^- •oAcbc, cndp & tnenchALniAcht, cproliAchc fx cacViuccat), p3chc fx PS^e jA0i"6ei .6neann co p^incCnn An O no lompATOpoc p)ch]iAita An 1up;ir fo 10LA15 cor^Ain 7 coriimAOiT>me AiiiAii AcnubnAmon, |\o ArjnAcon nA gAOTÓit ca|i AnAi] % pA|i co him-p Go^bAnAm An At)Aij pn, & no ^Abp^c aj cpjt)h a ccorhAi|\le co 1iur)mAlt AnbfAToh con Aichbin & ioniAicbin pon An oite. Acbfnc-pAc p^infntj aca bA pobAt) "oíon -óoib mn iomfuit)e -oo •onut) t>o ptnp p^n cAmp^ A n 1 Small number. — According to Moryson, 3 Ith. — His pedigree is as follows : — the Irish left 1,200 dead on the field. Nine Breogan of their standards and 200 arms were taken- | Rebellion, p. 178. O'Sullevan gives the num- í 1 ber of O'Neill's men slain as only 200. Hist. Blle Ith C f^-'P- 22 9- . - _ . Miledh Luighaidh 2 Island — See the poem of Donatus, | s bishop of Fiesole, in the prelude to his Life \ j "1 of St. Brigid, in Miss Stokes' Six Months Eber Eremon Ir in the Apennines, p. 237 ; London, 1892. See Miscellany of the Celtic Society, p. 3. 319 Yet, though there fell but so small a number 1 of the Irish in that battle of 1601. Kinsale that they would not perceive their absence after a time, and more- over, that they did not perceive it themselves then, yet there was not lost in one battle fought in the latter times in Ireland so much as was lost then. There was lost there first that one island' 2 which was the richest and most productive, the heat and cold of which were more temperate than in the greater part of Europe, in which there was much honey and corn and fish, many rivers, cataracts, and waterfalls, in which were calm, pro- ductive harbours, qualities which the first man of the race of Gaedhel Glas, son of Niall, who came to Ireland beheld in it, i.e., Ith, 3 son of Breogan, in opposition to the last kings who were of the Tuatha de Dan'aan over Ireland. There were lost, too, those who escaped from it of the free generous, noble-born descendants of the sons of Milesius and of the pros- perous, impetuous chiefs, of the lords of territories and tribes, and of the chieftains of districts and cantreds, for it is absolutely certain that there were never in Erin at any time together people who were better and more famous than the chiefs who were there, and died afterwards in other countries one after the other, after being robbed 4 of their fatherland and of their noble possessions, which they left to their enemies on that plain. There were lost besides nobility and honour, generosity and great deeds, hospitality and goodness, courtesy and noble birth, polish and bravery, strength and courage, valour and constancy, the authority and sovereignty of the Irish of Erin to the end of time. When the forces of the Lord Justice went away with the joy of victory and glory, as we have said, the Irish retreated westwards to Inishannon that night, and they set to consult hastily, hurriedly, blaming and re- proaching each other. Some of them said that they ought to resume once more the siege of the Lord Justice's camp and not raise it at all on account 4 Robbed. — MacFirbis wrote sixty years in this year.' Tribes, &»c. of Hy Fiachrach, after: 'It is no doubt a worldly lesson to p. 321. How cruelly they were disappointed, consider how the Gaels were at that time even those who had served the King most conquering the counties far and near, and faithfully at home and abroad may be that not one hundred of the Irish nobles at learned from Prendergast's Cromwelliati this day possesses as much of his land as he Settlement, London, 1870. The spoliation could be buried in, though they expect it was completed after the war of 1688. 320 luprip fx tjAn At)Ci|i5e mn a]\ <\b& AcconcnACAn ÚAi-óib -oía minimal, 7 nAn bo cAiiAicce a ccongAib cIiaca a ccfpbAi-ó ponnA "oói j no bACAn "OAi^lion ca^a^ca caca iriA neccrriAir "01A mbeic An coice fx An conÁch aj conpiArh pnú. Ro nÁi-rjpoc opongA oite bA heAh nobAt» cónA -óoib ^Ach Apof-lAic 7 ^AC CljCplA CÍ|ie ACA X)0 p3AT)h 130 inVÓlT>CYl A AChA|At>A & T)1A COrnAth pu ^AÍlAib An ccdn comocpM-ó. O "OorhnAiLt nnopio -p-o nAit>pt>e nÁ p>it)reTj •oiA cín & nÁ hoipp'Coh éccm ipn lorhr ume m bAt> pne, & no cmjeAit pAfj A|AT)ifiAicib frfn neneno bACAn iruiúe ua ciobpAt> cnoij cAipphe 1 ccac no 1 ccbiACAC X)o chocnuccA-ó CAicVigiiAT) imA]iofn ne 5 A01- óeAbAib nA nAonAn, (x 50 fAin]ie nA onumje ropr no piAOinC-rj cfccur An cau pn, •0015 no jAb "OA-pAcc & mine mfnmAn eipt>e, 7 bA -po ÍAir coinbAt) é reipn cfcnA no muTXMjfe ipn mAi-ornpn pA pú nobA-ó pAt>A p>n ah mebA pn -pr pÍAippuc 5A0t)it. tlobA-ó imfjAt t)An Ia a rAmrhumcCn commbenCt) bÁr pMn fro-óem tAr An p'ÚAÍAng no cur x^b conA no cuib 7 no, no t-um^ irÁnrie fol.83. rni ne cp bÁ 7 cpeo^A noiohche ÍAnorh. t)A hipn 3. La "UnuAp, 1602. no rpAomCt) An mA-mmrm Chnro SÁite. 1602. bA p Ainte Apuochc Ia hÚA n*OoifinAitt ÍAnfAn oubA "oCphAin imboi G\\e 00 pAgbAil, & -out oon SpÁmn 00 ACAome a imnit> pur An An 3. phiiip 00 chum jCt> ruiVlnr> ploicch fx rocjAAioe UAitnb. O no chmnporh p)j\ An coriiAi]\le hipn bACAn 1C0 -oo nAejopirh iua chom'icecc 00 "óul, p>n An eAcbcnA pn (cenmocÁcc -onong xha cViAinpb p3ipn) ReniAnn A^unc thac SeAAin ha SeAmAji, & cAipcm Aooh Ttlop" niAC 11oibei]Vo. 1aji cctoircecc nA ccoifiAiple pn "La cÁch hi ccoiccmne no bAt> lop 00 cpÚAi^he 6t T)o neuiieite, An ÍAinchomAi]\c Anp'óit & An jotn'iAip^neAcli gnoouptATh (x An nuAÍtjubA A]\OACCAomceAC ]\o cpugbAic or a]\c> p^Achnón ton^puinc Ú1 'OonniAi'lt An A-ÓA1 j pA nimceAcc "óo. 1lo bAOi a mo|TOAmnA aca "oia rpffCAipé An CAn pn, ÚAin m no pVlrCc An luce pn p^ppAjoib mA -oeA-ohAit) 1 Siege. — The Spaniards, numbering about 2 The plan. — The Four Masters say, 'he 3,500, surrendered January 12. The Articles came to this resolution by the advice of of surrender are given in Moryson's Rebel- O'Neill, who, however, gave it to him with lion, p. 184. On the 20th, 20 Spanish reluctance.' vi. 2291. captains and 1,374 common soldiers set sail 3 Faithful people. — Besides Mulchonry for Spain. Ibid., p- 198. (See Introd., p. cxlix. antea), he had with 321 of those of their people who had fallen, and that their implements of war 1601. would not be wanting to them, for there was plenty of materials of war scattered about, if fate and good-luck favoured them. Other parties said that it was best that each chief and each lord of a district should return to his own native place and protect it against the English as long as he could, O'Donnell, however, said he would not go back to his own country, and he would not continue longer at the siege, 1 and he promised in presence of the chiefs of" the men of Erin who were there, that he would not go a step in the fight or in the battle to fight any battle with the Irish alone, and especially in the company of the party which was first defeated then, for rage and anger had seized on his soul, and he would have been pleased it he was the first who was slain on that field before he witnessed that calamity which the Irish met. His people were greatly afraid that he would bring on his death, through the suffering which he endured, and he did not sleep or rest for three days and three nights after. It was on the 3rd of January, 1602, the defeat of Kinsale took place. 1602. The plan 2 which occurred to Hugh O'Donnell in his great grief was, to 1602. leave Ireland and to go to Spain to complain of his distress to King Philip ill. and to ask for more forces and soldiers. When he had determined on this plan, those whom he chose to accompany him on that voyage (in addition to a number of his own faithful people) 3 were Redmond Burke, son of John na Seamar, and Captain Hugh Moss, 4 son of Robert. When this resolution become known to all publicly, the great clapping of hands, and the violent lamentations, and the loud wailing cries which arose throughout O'Donnell's camp the night before he went away were pitiful and saddening, and there was good reason if they knew it at the time, for him F. Maurice Ultach (Dunlevy), ' a poor an English father and an Irish mother, friar of the Order of St. Francis from the He and his brother had been in the convent of Donegal.' Annals F. M.,\\. 2191. English service, and had taken part in *Moss. — Probably Hugh Mostian, whom an engagement near Ballina against Mac- Moryson calls 'a famous rebel.' Rebellion, William on his way to join O'Donnell. p. 181. O'Sullevan says he was the son of Hist, Cath., p. 169. 322 •oiApnbb é ó pn óXXe, (x •oiattia'ó "oeimm teó m-opn mn bo rriAchcnA-ó t>oib c]\om-óe]\A cnó do piit>e •peccAip r>&}\ a njnuATjAib. T)o ■óeAcliAi-ó íCpom ó "OomnAilt itluing hi cÚAn An CAiflem cotia chAoniiceAccoib irriAitte r nif An 6. La UntiAp, & fo t>or no sUtAif cmfe-ó ha cétijAoiche -our pMiAicc cpApxn bpviny^e ynnAochAi^Theit, 50 no gAbrAC CAtA-ófaojAc An 14. 1a -oon riiír cfccnA hi comyocnAib x>on Cnumne. TDúnAnAr en"ofnc eip-óe 1 pojhAchc iia gAiiip ipn SpÁmn. t)A hAinnp-óe bAoi con t)]\e05hAchc jreéc niAn'i La brieojAn ttiac t))iACA, (x bA ViAirp-oe CAn^ACAn rrnc lYIiLeATj e-pppAine rmc bile imc t)|\eojAin "oo cé-ojAbAit 6nenn yo\\ ThuAchAib -oe •ÓAnAnn. O t>o nuAchc ó 'OomnAiLL 1 cín ipn Cjunnne gebAíX) yo]\ cAirceAb 7 cat>aI,1 An bAite (x x>o cViaoc "oo -oejrcjAin cui|\ b^eo^ViAm. T)o bC]\r coini-óio-ónA"ó mó|\ •óoj'on'i nochcAin hi cín An -oúpn, An bA "oóij lAir jun uó cetrtiAine rnónniAichiup\ "óo AchochA]\ gur An mAijjm Ar no ^Abpxc a pnpn neA|\c rorh tjo p-óip fon a tufvg. lAn mbeic acIiaix) rnbicc occ Leccf-ó a rcíp ipn C|iumne t>o choi-oh co hAirtm imbAoi An 1lí ipn CAircilÍA, An bA bAnn t>o nÁlA -óó AbCic An CAn pn (ÍAn ccnnceAlteAt) a p^AiciupA) ipn cAc1i]\Aij ■oiaiiax) Ainm SAmónA, (x ó -oo ■óeAchATó ó *OorhnAitL 1 pawiAip An R15 -our nebc for a jlumib iiia p i ieAcnAi]\c &. non gui-ob a cConA hicche pMp t>A p/ó An cf-onA hAcchuin^f-o AnmAiL vo co]\ 1ait co 1i6ipnn conA ccon^Aib comAt>Air (x conA nAi-órrnb ceécA. An Achcnuingf-o cViAnAip 5A11 Aom neAch -oo rAoncÍAn-oAib 6piiro ce m beit 'oia ÚAi-pte vo cVion 1 nf]\c nAch hi ccutriACCAib ÚA-pA, nA T)An ÚAr pop a ionAit) c]via bicu 'OiAn^AbA'ó mop-ÓAchc An "Rij nf]ic & cfnnu]' -jron enmn. An q\ff icche ^An cfnc a pnnpon "oo t-AjhttujAt) no ■oui|\bC]\nAt> fAin pein ^o poj\f*A.n cí no biAX) iriA ionAX> "oiató m -oiAit) m jac mAi jfn 1 CAnnufAin nfnc & cuiíiacca ó cfm aca inri G]\mn niArAn cah pn. *Oo nmjeAll An llí x>ó m-opn uile & |\o yopcongAin p^n ein5e t>ÍA ^Luimb & yóy pjAi]\ pA-óu^A-oh 6: Aipinccm moin úat)1ia conA-ó Ar impBccAin nAcb p-ÚAi]\ Aom neAcli x)0 jAOTÓeAtAib pAifi ó nAC TI15 nAite coibeir no cucnomA 1 Ship.— 'The 28th of December intelli- gence was brought to the Lord Deputy, that Pedro Zubiaur was lately landed at Castle- haven, and hearing of Tyrone's overthrow he made no stay, but set sail for Spain, taking O'Donnell, Redmond Burke, and Hugh Mostian with him. 1 Pac. Hib., p 424. 2 Castlehaven- — A village five miles south- west of Skibbereen. The castle from which it has its name is standing still. 323 those whom he left behind never again set eyes on him, and if they were aware of that, it is no wonder that large tears of blood should flow down their cheeks. O'Donncll and his companions then went on board a ship 1 at Castle- haven, 2 the sixth of January, and when the first breeze of wind came, they crossed the boisterous ocean. They landed, the 14th of the same month, near Corunna. This was a famous fortress in the kingdom of Galicia in Spain. Breogan's tower, 3 called Brigantia, was there. It had been built long before by Breogan, son of Bratha, and it was from that place that the sons of Milesius, son of Bratha, son of Breogan, had first come to take Ireland from the Tuatha de Danaan. When O'Donnell landed at Corunna, he went to visit and view the town and to see Breogan's tower. It gave him much satisfaction to land there, for he thought it a great omen of success that he should have come to the place from which his ancestors had obtained sway and power over Ireland formerly, and that he should have returned on their footsteps. After remaining a short time at Corunna to get rid of his fatigue, he went to the place where the King was, for just then, after making a circuit of his kingdom, he happened to be in the city called Zamora. 4 When O'Donnell came into the King's presence, he went on his knees before him and made his three requests of him. His first petition was that an army should be sent with him to Ireland with suitable engines and with the necessary arms. The second petition was that he would not place any of the nobles of Ireland, unless he was of his own nobility, in power or authority over him, or over his successor so long as they lived, if the King obtained power and sovereignty over Ireland. The third request was that he should not lessen or impair the rights of his ancestors as regards himself or whosoever should succeed him in any place where their power and sway existed long before that time in Ireland. The King promised him all this, and bade him rise from his knees, and he received entertainment and great respect from him, so that I think no one of the Irish ever before received so much and so great respect and 3 Tower. — A detailed description of it will It is mentioned also in Wilde's Voyage to be found in The Ancient Lighthouse of Madeira, I. 13 ; Dublin, 1840. Corunna, by Rev . Dr. Todd, Dublin, n. d. 4 Zamora — 55 miles west of Valladolid. 2 S 324 AbptiAippiomh -oAipriiiT>in & T>onóip ÚA-ÓAib T)eicbip on ÚAip -oo pAicne a jjnuip a aIa-ó „o bpCic bAip A5 cuTóeAchc itiA ppididnj. *Oo pomepioth uropn, fx bAoi iff op co beicc peb pob Aimndnic baip pÍArii ppi pé An eAppAi§7 An cpArhpAi"ó co ccAiccepoghrriAip A|\ ccm-o, pecc Ann occ Aijifg cúile & occ AmTp An cAn -oo bCipft> "oia utó ah CAbAip & An poipicm "oo pmrjeAbb An "Rí -óó, pecc nAibe po rhtnch €t t>obpon An a pot) bAip bit m-o lonjnaip a acHajvoa (x Ap a imcCine pop bAi An ApniAib po geAlbA-o "óo occa bCpcpiabb, ÚAip bA cpAt) cpit>e (x bA jAbap mfnmAn bAip An can "oo bdpC'ó mA rhCnniAin An ion-oup ipabAcap ^AOTÓib ^An pupcAcbc jAn poipicin oca pupnATÓepiorh. t)Aoipion'i pAintAit) cop po cpiAbb *oo pix>ipi t>o -óub "oo bAcbAip An H15 •oia piop cpet» An cfppnATDAX) no An nomptupeAc bAoi pop An pocpAioe 7 pop An ApriiAiL "oo p&ipngepfx) "óo, & ó "oo ptiAchc "oon bAibe -oiAnAO Ainm SiiTiAncAp ("OÁ te^e tlAbLYOobm "oo chinpc An bA pC-oh po -óeonAij *Oía po cbeA-OAij a bAinpen fx a becconÁch a rmpcAic (x a AniAbbAcbc "oimp e-peAinom fx -oo ^AOi-óeabAib jbAnpo-obA Ap cCYia jup po jAb jjAbap a 6cca 6t CppbAince a 01-óeA-ÓA ó *OoifinAibb, fx. b&oi ppi pe pecc ba nx»ecc mA biccbe, co nfpbAb pA -óeoTÓ mn eAcniAmj n* pee bipm An 10. bÁ t>o Sepcembep •oo ponnpA-ó ÍAp CCA01 a cionAt» fx, cup^AbAb, ÍAp nAiqngbe -oiocbpA mA peACchoib fx •ooAibchfb, iCp ccAbAipc a cboibpCn ^An -oibochc wia Anm- chAnvoib ppiopACAbcA, ÍAp ccAicfrh cmpp CRIST fx, a poba fx, ÍAp nA on^A-ó AtriAib po bA cechcA Ab bAitiAib a Anmc1iApAt> 6t a pptncbf-o eccbApcAct>A but) -óein no bio-oh m a chAoirhcheAcbc t>o jpep co liAbc nA bÚAipe pin. bA bipm ciccb bAoi A5 tlij nA SpÁmne po-óem 1pm mbAibe pm SirriAncAp ac bAchponi. TIucca-ó -OAn a copp 50 UAbbA-oobt) (50 cuipc An TC.15) hi ceicb- 1 Waiting. — Much of what is set down here is taken almost word for woid from this work by the Four Masters and inserted in their Annals, vi. 2291- 2 Prepared. — We have given in the In- troduction, p. cxlviii., O'Donnell's letter to the King, asking permission to go to the Court in order to make known his wishes and his wants. From the language of it he would seem to have but little hope of aid from Spain just then. A facsimile of his letter will be found on the opposite page. 3 Simancas. — See Introd., p. cxlx. It is ten miles to the south-west of Valladolid. This palace was given by the Admiral of Castile, Don Alfonso Enriquez, to the 3 2 5 honour from any other King as he received. With good reason, for his 1602. appearance, his fame, and his eloquence, the extent of his wrongs, and his lordly language impressed him much. The King bade O'Donnell return to Corunna, and wait there until everything which he wanted to take with him on his return should be ready. He did so, and remained at rest there, an unusual thing with him until then, during the spring and summer up to the beginning of the following harvest, one time in delight and joy when he thought of the aid and help which the King promised him, at another sad and sorrowful at the length of time he was away from his native land and the great delay in the departure of the army promised to him, for he felt anguish of heart and sickness of mind when he reflected on the state in which the Irish were, without aid or help, while waiting 1 for him He was in this condition until he prepared 2 to go into the King's presence again in order to learn the cause of the delay and procrastina- tion about the troops and the army promised to him. When he came to the town called Simancas 3 (two leagues from Valladolid, the King's palace) God permitted, and the ill-luck and misfortune, the wretchedness and the curse attending the island of Eremon and the Irish of fair Fodla too, would have it that O'Donnell should catch his death-sick- ness and his mortal illness. He was for sixteen days on his bed of sickness. At last he died at the end of that time, the tenth day of September exactly, lamenting his faults and trangressions, after rigid penance for his sins and iniquities, having made his confession without reserve to his spiritual confessor, and receiving the Body and Blood of Christ, and being duly anointed by the hands of his confessor and his ecclesiastical elders, who were in his company always up to that time. It was in the palace of the King of Spain himself in the town of Simancas he died. His body was then taken to Valladolid, to the Crown, in 1480. It was enlarged in 1540 1885. Senor Sanchez has been for many by the famous architect Herrera, and made years the chief official in charge of the the depository of the State Archives by archives. We take this opportunity of ex- Charles v. It continues to serve the same pressing our thanks to him and the other purpose still. See Sanchez's Guia de la Villa officials of Simancas for their very great y Archivo de Simancas, p. 13; Madrid, courtesy to us during our visit. 326 ippiAb curii-OAchcA co ntjpon^Aib "oípirhe "oo Scaca, "oo corhAiple, fx do 5Apt)A An Hi j inA uipcimceAtb 50 lochpAnDAib LApArimAib (± co puxpALLAib polupcAib "oo cdp CAoriiAbAinn A]\ combApA-ó iíia lomcAcrhAn^ t>a ^ac teic ■óé. Ho liA-ónAchc ifpom 1 mAinpcip S. "PpAnpeip ipm c1iAipicit vo ponnpAt) 50 iniAt)AC móponopAch ionnup Ap Aipmi-oni je po liAbnAchc J^ 01,06 ^ piArn. Tlo ceiteAbjiAt) oipppent) (x hymnA ioiti-óa clAipcfcAib Gt CAncAice ceobbmne VO -[1A1C A AnniA Gt NO 5AbAT)1l A écCllAipC AtTIAlL pobAT) T)ÍOp. tllonÚAip cpÁ po bAt> 1iac1i "oo rocATOib mtncli CpchpA Ati ci cfpccA Atin pm, A|\ mp bó ho^rÍAn a cpiochAcx bliAT>An An caii AubAch. t)A hé ip-óe ceAnn coinne 6: corhdipbe, AthcoiiiAipc a ioiiia^aVLitia fpmóip ^AOi-óit CpeAnn cib ppi pít> cio-ó ppi coccad. Ui^CpnA cócnACcíiAC CAipbfpcAch co ppopp- mAbcAb pbAUA Gfc co n-otucnjAt) peAchcA. "Leo an nepc & churiiACCA 50 ccomAicdti 7 co ppoppppAic móip, co nÁ Laitica upcuApAéc a bpeicpe, aj\ bA hfi^Cn cecip ní no ironcon^N&b "oo -óenorh pAip pocheccoip. Cobum a]\ cCnnrA Gt Aitjjme ppi nennC-ó eccAbpi Gt eAÍA-ÓAn, 6t fpi $ac nÁon nÁ pnocAN'OA'ó f|tif. pfp no "omg a oriiAn & a uinC^Ia -pop criAch 1 ccfin & mocur & pop nÁp Ia nAch nAon imf^bA iccip. pfp -oiochuipche •oibfpccAC, mu'OAijche inCipteAc, moptliA tíiac mbeAchA-ó Gt piAjcA rhAC % mbAip. V eA P n a po leicc a pAipbpioccb nA a iompopcpAi-ó, a -óiubAipc na a -oimiA-o jaii a Aiche Gb ^An a ■óiojliAit po cecóip. 1nieAchcpAi-o aiitoiuto Arhnup Ant)ÁnA n a noipCp. Aipccceóip cocccacIi cpeAchAch com^teACAch iia ccoi^cpioc. *OiopccAoibceAc1i ^aVI & 5 A0, ^ >eA ^ "°° 'Neoch bACAp mA a^ató, peAp nA po beicc v>e ^An -oenoiii ^ac neic po bA coipccit)e -óo pb&ic vo jniom aii ccem po ifiAip. líuAbAbb bionn^bopAÓ co mbuAib nmnpcci 7 nCpbAbpA, ceibte 7 corhAipbe co ccATobpOó peipce mA ■opeich a CApt,A jac Aon Acupcib. UAippng- CpcAch cogbAibe po pemcfpchAnpAc pÁit)iie pé cIiían piA na jfmeAifiAin. 1 Court. — Valladolid was the principal residence of the Spanish sovereign until Philip II. built the Escurial, in a situation more fitted for a Carthusian monastery than for a royal palace. The Palace in which Charles v. lived and Philip II. was born is still standing. 2 5/. Francis. — Besides the fact of Conry the Franciscan's constant attendance at the bedside of O'Donnell, another proof of O'DonnelPs affection for the members of this Order, which has rendered such great services to religion in this country, will be found in the Franciscan Convent of Valla- dolid being chosen as his burial place. See Introd., p. clii-, antea- 3 First sight. -O'Mooney, who most pro- bably had a personal knowledge of Hugh 327 King's Court, 1 in a four-wheeled hearse, with great numbers of State 1602. officers, of the Council, and of the royal guard all round it, with blazing torches and bright flambeaux of beautiful waxlights blazing all round on each side of it. He was buried after that in the chapter of the monastery of St. Francis 2 with great honour and respect and in the most solemn manner any Gael ever before had been interred. Masses, and many hymns, chants, and sweet canticles were offered for the welfare of his soul, and his requiem was celebrated as was fitting. Alas ! the early eclipse of him who died there was a cause of sorrow to many, for he had not yet completed his thirtieth year when he died. He was the head of council and advice, of counsel and consultations of the .greater number of the Gaels of Ireland both in peace and in war. He was a mighty, bountiful lord, who upheld good government and enforced the law, a lion in strength and force, with determination and power of character so that it was not allowed to contradict his word, for what he ordered to be done should be done on the spot, a dove in meekness and gentleness towards those in dignity of the clergy, and the learned, and every one who did not oppose him. A man who impressed fear and great dread of him in everyone far and near, and who had no dread of anyone, a man who drove out rebels, destroyed robbers, exalted the sons of life, and executed the sons of death. A man who suffered neither wrong nor defeat, contempt nor insult, without being avenged and atoned for immediately, a deter- mined, fierce, and bold invader of districts, a warlike, predatory, aggressive plunderer of others' territories, a destroyer of any of the English and Irish that offended him, a man who never omitted to do what was right for a prince to do so long as he lived, a sweet-sounding trumpet, with power of speech and eloquence, sense and counsel, with a look of amiability in his face which struck everyone at first sight, 3 a prophecied chosen one whom the prophets foretold long before his birth. Roe, describes him as being of middle 149, n. The Four Masters say the look of height, ruddy, of comely face, and beauti- amiability on his countenance captivated ful to behold. His voice was like the music everyone who beheld him, vi. 229. Both of a silver trumpet. His morals were O Clery and the Four Masters speak of his unimpeachable. Flight of the Earls, p. great powers of command. 328 X)& cnój qtÁ no bÁr occ jAoi-óeAÍAib extent) íAn'necc nApojtflAthA, ■0015 \\o cIaocViIai-ói'Cc a nAi^jTóe (x a nAi^fncA, "oo -jiAcfAC mitxne An mio-oLAcliAr, moiprhCnrnA A]\ mCipcmje, uaIIcIia aji mírte. Tlo rcAin a ngpÁm, a nj;Air- CCeA-Ó, A ngAl, A tl^eiAHAICCOCC, A CCOrCCA|\, A CCAchbuAlf) ÍAfl tlA oit)hi-ó. UAltfAC céiLL X)1A ccAbAin ó neoch co nfpbACon Aneftrhón An nÚAip yo\\ iodic a necc|AACc Gt a nfrccA]tAcc 111 nobcA|t Ai-pCgb-oA , óib.iri'óe fo "óeibb poxjbA (x c!iAoinchoni|iAic, & A]i aiVI vop" rccAoiLeA-ó (x eirpei-oeAt). nocbA tiAiTiA An ruro 6inenn acc reAchnón tia h&oppA hi ccoiccmne iriA neipb 7 hia rnbuit>nib ■oínmrhe •oeA|\oiLe, (x AjtoiLe ac cneic a nAii'ir-Ame m Aite cmochAib v<\]\ cfnn nAtíiA Gt cÚAHurcAiL, ^upnó mAnbAic rocliAi-óe mob 7 c;u|t ]\o éccrAC AnoiLe jup bo liA-óbA AineóiL a^úaitia AX)tiAicce. .AchccfriA nobAt) enínLc niorh no Airneir t>o nA riiónubcAib no poLyo 6t no cLAnnAigfo m im-p Ugoine ALlor 1 ócca An Aóvh& ítuAit) uí "OhoirmAilL ]\o ioni|\Ai-ó]-Cin 50 pn. pnns. 1 Dispersed.— In /W. p. 424, will be found 'A List of the Names of such of the Irish as have shipped themselves for Spaine out of Múnster, besides divers others which attended these, and whose names are not known, all which set sail since December, 1601.' There is in the Archives of Loyola ' An account of the Irish who have come to Spain, and the moneys expended on them up to the year 1604.' It comprises several classes, officers in active service, soldiers for the service, Irish at present in the city, sol- 329 Pitiful, indeed, was the state of the Gaels of Erin after the death of the 1602. great prince, for their characteristics and dispositions were changed. They exchanged their bravery for cowardice, their courage for weakness, their pride for servility. Their success, valour, prowess, heroism, exultation, triumphs, and military glory vanished after his death. They gave up all hope of relief from any one, so that the greater part of them were forced to seek a refuge among strangers and enemies, under pretence of peace and friendship. And some of them were dispersed 1 and scattered not only throughout Ireland but throughout Europe universally in troops and bands, poor and miserable, engaging themselves in the service of other countries for pay and hire, so that many of them were killed and others of them died, and the graves in which they are buried are unknown. But, however, it would be tedious for me to relate the great woes which sprung up and took root in the island of Ugaine in consequence of the death of Hugh Roe O'Donnell, of whom we have spoken hitherto. FINIS. diers maintained for service in Flanders, MacCarthy. After several there is a short aventurados, soldiers receiving ordinary pay, account of their former condition in life, poor people in this city, students, Irish It is signed Florence Conry, who evidently widows, young girls, those who are receiving employed his influence at the Court to a pension. There are in all about 230 names obtain some way of living for these poor in this list. The names are nearly all those Irish exiles from the king and the royal of southern families, O'Sullevan, O'Driscol, officials. INDEX. Agedhcaoin, 269 Aileach, xvii, 199 Anmcharatt, 213 Annaly. lx, 79, 85, 8" Aran, 71, 97 Ardfert. 307 Ardnataosig. 271 Ardrahan, 191 Armagh, xv, xx, lxvi, xciv-xcvii, 31. 157. 159, 163. 165, 175 Arms, want of, lvi, xciii Askeaton, 279 Assaroe, xvi, xvii, xx, Ixxxviii, 35, 95. 143. 149, 151 „ The Abbey of, Ixxxviii Atha Buidhe. See Yellow Ford Athcliath, 5 ,, of Maree, 131 Athcroch, 303 Athculuain, 65, 143 Athenry, 131, 133, 197 Athleague, 153, 245 Athlone, lxxxiii, civ, cix, 205 Athslishean. See Slisean Athtrenan. See Killtrenan Bagnal, Sir H., Iv, Ix-lxiv, xciii-xcv, 65. 165, ,. Mabel, xlvi, lxii Ballyconnell, 89 Ballyfeabal, IQ3 Ballyhogan, 19 1 Ballykealy. 307 Ballymoe, 79 Ballymote, 77, Si, 99, 177, 1S1, 1S3 1S7, 1S9, 199. 201. 223. 237, 239, 245, 253, 281, 299 Ballynafad, 303 Bally O'Griffy, 191 Ballypaidin, 193 Ballysadare. 99, 201 Ballyshannon, xlii ; lv, lxxxvii, cxv, cxxvii, 33, 39. 79, 95- U5- ml > 223. 281 Ballyweel, 35 Banba, 7. 1 1 7 Bandon River. The, 225. 293. 307 Barry Oge, cxxxvi, 225, 293 Beal Atha Buidhe. See Yellow Ford Bearnus Mor, xiv, xxxi. 35, 37, 117, 1 19, 283 Belansama, 303 Belgooly, 309 Bingham, George Oge, lxvii, 75. 91, 93. ,, Sir R., liv, lx, lxvi, lxvii, lxxxii, lxxxiii. xc, 63. 65, 69, 77, 91. 99, 107, 127 Blackwater, The, xliv, xciv, cxiv, 129, 157 ,, Fort, The, xlv, xci, 163 Blake, J-, cxlix, cl Boffin, "163 Bohneil, 241 Borough, Lord, xli, lxxxvi, lxxxix. 141. 155. 159. 163 Borumha, 1S7 Boyle, lxxxvii, ci, ciii, civ, 63. 77-S5, 141, I53> 207, 279 Boyne, 27, 123 Braulieve, 79, S3 Brees, The, 115 Brefny, xxiii, lxxv, cix, 61. 69. 75. 89. 129. 237 Bregia, 233. 307 Brentir, 193 Breogan, 323 Brian Borumha, xix, 187 Brigantia, 323 Broadhaven, 265 Brown, C, 87, 89 Burkes, cxliii, cxl, cliv, 93. 109-115. 135. 139, 183, 223, 239, 277, 301, 321 Burren, 191-7, 243 Cael Uisge. 143 Caher Murphy, 241 Caher Ross, 241 Caherminan, 195 Cairbre, xiii-xvi, 129. 2S7 ,, Liffeachair, xi, xxix Callcaoin, 129 Callow, 131 Cain-, 135 Cantred, 41 Carbery, 225, 307 Carbury Drumcliff, xxii, xxv. lxxxiv, Lxxxv, 277 Carcair na cclereach, 197, 243 Carew, Sir G-, xxxvii, xxxix, cvii, cxiii, exxxii, exxxiii, cxlvi, cxlvii, cxlix — clii, 1S0, 295. 305 Carlingford, lxxxvi. 123 Carolo, Don, lxxvi, Ixxix Carrickfergus, lxix, lxxxvi, cxiv, 123 2 T 332 Cas, 185 Cashel, xv, cix, cxxxix, 305 Cassan na ccuradh, 149 Castle ny parke, cxxxiv, cxxxvi Castlederg, 273 Castlefin, xxv, cxxvi Castlehaven, cxxxvii, cxxxviii, cxliii, 323 Castlekevin, xxxvi, xxxvii Castlemore, 97 Castlerea, 79 Calhach, The, clvii Cathaoir Mor, xxxvii, 15, 25, 1 8 1 Cavan, liii, 69, 89 Cavanagh, A., 15 Cessation, Ixviii, xci, cvi, cviii Cecil, cl, cli Chamberlain, Sir J., cxv, 271 Cianachta. See Keenaght Cinel Aodha, 133, 239 ,. Auliffe, 307 Cairbre, xiv, xv, lxxxiv ,, Conaill, ix, xi-xxi, xliii, lxxxiv, 3, 9, 1 13, 129, 163, 169, 199, 201, 239, 259, 313. 317 ,, Dunghaile, 239 ,, Enna, xiv „ Eoghain, xi, xii, xv, xvi, xxi, 3, 163, 169, 199, 201, 303, 317 ,, Fermaic, 191, 193, 241, 243 ,, Luighdheach, xii, xvi, xxi, 41, 259 „ Moen, xxi, xxiii-xxvi Clangibbon, 189 Claim Cathal, 281 „ Cobtach R., 75 „ Colla, xiii, xxix „ Conway, xxvii, 131, 239 „ Costello, xxv „ Dalaigh, xii, xvi, xix, xxi, 55 „ Donough, 115, 177, 189 „ Farrell, 87 ,, Rannall, xxxviii „ Svviny, 7. See Mac Svviny „ William, lxxxii Clannaboy, xxvi Clanricarde, xxv, lxxxvii, 133, 183, 191, 197, 223, 239 „ The Earl of, lxxxvii, c, cxiv, cxxiv, cxxvii, cxxviii, cxliv, 119, 133, 137, 141, 183, 205, 207, 233, 245, 277, 279, 281, 295 Clanwilliam, lxxxii, 223, 305 Clare, 241 Clement VIII, cxvi Clifford, Sir C, lxxxiii, lxxxvi, c-civ, 127, 137, 161, 177, 201. 207, 211, 219, 221 Clones, 69 Clonroad, 239, 241, 243 Cloonselherney, 193 Cluan na ccashel, 81 Cobos, lxxvii, lxxxi, 117, 119 Coill O'Flannchadha, 191, 193 Colla Uais, xxix, lxxxii, 3 Collins, D., S.J., cxliv Collooney, ci, 99, 139, 201-5, 221, 281 Compostella, cxlv Conall Cearnach, 55, 108 „ Gulban, xi-xv, xvii, xviii, 3. 129. 238 Cong, ill Congal Claireneach, 233 Conmaicne, 97 „ C. Tolaigh, xxv, xxvii, 245 Rein, lx, 81, 85 Connaught, x, xiii, xxv, lx, lxvi, lxxii, Ixxiii, lxxvi, 219 Conor Mac Nessa, 11, 47, 145, 165, 181 Conry, F., O.S.F., cxlv, cxlix, cliii Conscience, Liberty of, lxix, lxxi, lxxii, lxxv, xci, cvii, cviii Conwell, Captain, xxxiii, 33 Copis. See Cobos Corann (Corran), xiv, 61, 77, 131, 177, 230, 245 Corcabaiscin, 241 Corcamaigh, 193 Corcomroe, 193, 197, 241, 243 Cork, cx, 225, 229 Corofin, 191 Corrsliabh. See Curlews Corunna, cxxxvii, cxliv, cxlv, cxlviii, 323 Cosby, Colonel, xciv, xcvi, cii Costello Gaileanga, xxvii Costellos, 97, 189 Craggykerrivan, 241 Croghan. See Rathcroghan Cruachan Lighean, 253 Cuchullin, xii, 29, 55, 91 Culcarrin, cxxxix Culmore, cxiv, 235 Curagh, 27 Curlews, The, xxiii, xxxiii, ci, 85, 107, 135, 159, 207, 221, 237, 245 Curoi MacDaire, 125 Daghdha, The, 79, 161 Dalcassians, 185, 193, 197, 199 Danes, The, 3 De Barnnova, cxvi DeBurgo, W. F., 93, 143 De Caracena, c, cxliv-cxlviii De Courcy, 293 De Idiaquez, lxxx De la Cerda, cxvii-cxxiii, civ De Oviedo, cxvi-cxxi, c: C7, 147, 187, 193, 225-229 Maguires, xxv, xxviii Maigue, 305 Maine, 131, 239 Maplesdeane, J. , xl, xli Maree, 131, 133, 197, 243 Martins, lxvii, 101 Meadhbh, xxii, 109, 127, 233, 237 Meath, 27, 155 Mellifont, Ixx, 29 Milesius, ix, xi, xxii, 13, 61, 117, 179 Mogh Nuadat, x, 63 Monaglian, lix, lxii-xvi, xci, xcii, 69 Mongfinn, 129 Moore, Sir E., lxxii, 29 Morann, 169 Moss, W., 95 Mostian, cxlii, cxlv, 321 Mountjoy, Lord, xcix, cxii, cxiv, cxlvi, cxlix, cli-clii, 233, 279, 295, 315 Mourne, xx, &c. Moy, xxiii, 115, 137 Moylurg. xxvii, lx, cxxvi, 79, 121, 161 Muinter Eolais, 81, 85 ,, Flannagain, lxxxiii, 281 ,, Murchada, 97 Muirtheimhne, 91, 123 Mulchonry, See Conry Mullanashee, 145, 149 Munster, lxxxvi, xcviii, xcix, cxxxi, 225 Muskerry, 225, 307 Na Hechtga, 133, 205 Negociations for peace, lxviii, 51 Neimheadh, 92 Newport, 77, 81, 85 Newtown, 275 Newry, xxii, lxiv, lxvi, Ixix, lxxxvi, Ixxxix. xci- xcvi, 65, 91, 123, 159, 165, 175 Niall of the N. Hostages, xi-xv, xliii, 127 Norris, Sir J., lxvi, lxix, lxxv, lxxvi, Ixxxii, lxxxvii, xciii, xcvi, 119, 141 ,, Sir F., lxvii, xc Noughaval, 197 O'Boyle, Niall, Ixxx „ Tadhg, 39, 113, 1S7 O'Boyles, xii, xix, 35 O'Brien, Conor, 193 , , Donough. See E. of Thomond ,, Finola, xxv ,, Murtough, 199 O'Byrne, Fiach Mac Hugh, xxxv, xxxvii-xl, lxix, Ixxiv, 23, 25 O'Cahan, xxvi, xxxii, cxv, 49, 235 O'Canannans, xii, xvi, xix, xx, xliii, Hxxviii O'Carroll, cix O'Clery, lii, I 71 O'Coine, 275 O' Conor, Cathal C, xxiv ,, Don, Ixxiv, lxxxiii, 207 ,, Faly, Ixxxix ,, Kerry, cxlvii, 307 ,, Roe, lxi, lxxxvii, 79, I2J, 127, 143, 159, 189, 237 ,, Sligo, lxxii, lxxv, lxxxiv, lxxxvii, xc, ci, 127, 133, 135, 137, 143, i 49) 201-209, 22 "i 22 3> 2 37> 2 75- 301 O Doherty, Shane, xii, xix, Ixxiv, lxxxiv, cxiv, clvii, 41, 57, 113, 179, 187, 233, 237, 269 ,, Phelim, 269 O'Donnell, Aedh Dubh, xii, xxvi ,, Ruadh, xii, xxv, xxvi ,. Caffir, xii, clii, 3, 187 ,, Calvagh, xii, xxviii, cxxv, 41, 263 ,, Conn, xii, xxviii, 255 ,, Conn Oge, 251 ,, Domhnall Mor, xii, xxii ,, Donnell, xxx, xli 336 O'Donnell, Eignechan, xii, xxi „ Godfrey, xxiii „ Hugh Oge, 187, 249 O'Donnell Hugh Roe, pedigree, xii, xxx, 3; prophecied, xxxi, 5 ; fosterers, xxxii, 3 ; captured, xxxiii, 7 ; confined in Dublin C., xxxiv, 13 ; first escape, xxxvi, 13 ; second escape, xxxviii, 19 ; goes to the north, 25 ; inaugurated chief, xlii, 43 ; friendship with O'Neill, xxxv, xlvi, 5 ; reasons for taking up arms, xlvii ; letter to the Irish abroad, 1 ; hostings into Con- naught, lx, cxxiv, 77, 97 ; appoints Mac William, &c, ill; negociations with E., lxviii, 51, 121 ; corres- pondence with K. of Spain, lxxvii, 117 ; battle of Atha Buidhe, xciii, 163 ; Ballymote surrendered, 177 ; preys Clanricarde and Thomond, 183 ; aid from Spain, 201 ; defeats Clifford at the Curlews, ci, 209 ; inaugurates Maguire, 229 ; be- sieges Derry, cxv, 235 ; is betrayed by Niall G., cxxiv, 249; aid from Spain, 265; inaugurates O'Doherty, 271 ; besieges the English in Done- gal, cxxviii, 291 ; marches to Kin- sale, cxxxviii, 299 ; urges that the E. be attacked, cxli, 311; goes to Spain, cxliii, 321 ; his reception, cxliv, 323 ; letters to the King, cxlv ; his death, cxlix, 325 : burial- place, clii, 327 ; his will, cliii. Hugh, son of Manus, xii, xxix, xxxii, xxxv, 3, 39, 43- 363 „ Joan, xlvi, Ixiv, 5 ,, Manus, xii, 3, 187, 257-261 ,, Niall Gaibh, xii, cxxiv-cxxviii, clvi, 57, 135, 187, 189, 193. 207, 237, 249 -257, 261, 277, 281-291 ,, Nuala, cxxiv, 57, 253 ,, Rury, xii, lxxxv, cxxix, cxliii, cliii, civ, 3, 137, 139, 187, 231, 257 O Donnells, ix, xi, xii, xix-xxi O'Dowds, xxv, lxxxiv, 115, 121, 189, 301 O'Farrells, lx, Ixxxi, cxx, 77 O'Ferghil (O'Freel), xix, xxviii, xliii, 43 O' Flaherty, lxxxiii, 205, 207 O' Gallaghers, xii, xix, xxxiv, xxxvi, xliii, xlviii, cxxiv, 43, 256 O'Hagan, lxiii, xcvi, 27 O'Haras, lxxxvii, 115, 121, 189 O'Harts, lxxxvii, xc, 129 O'Hely, J., 1-lii, lxviii, lxxvi O'Hogan, 27 O'Kane. See O'Cahan O'Kelly, F., 115, 121, 189. 301 O'Loughlin, M., 183 O'Malley, Grace, xxxiv, lxxxvii, 110 ,, Owen, in, 113 O'Mulchonry. See Conry O'Muldorys, xii, xix, xx, lxxxiv O'Mulrian, C, lii, lxxvi, 60 O'Neill, Art MacShane, xxxiv, xxxviii, xl,xlv, 21, 25 „ Sir Art, cxv, cxxiv, cxxvi ,, Cormac, xlv, lvii, lviii, lxii, lxxiv, lxxxiv, cvi, 73. ,, Henry MacShane, xxxiv, xxxviii, xlv, 21 ,, Henry, xlv, cxxi -cxxiii O'Neill, Hugh, pedigree, xlv; friendship with O'D., xlvi ; on the side of the E., lv : joins O'Donnell, lx ; his reasons for taking up arms, ib. ; Bagnal's answers, lxi ; proclaimed a traitor, lxv ; negociations for peace, lxix ; correspondence with the King of Spain, lxxvi ; seizes the Black water Fort, xcii, 163 ; battle of the Yellow Ford, xciii, 165 ; treats with Essex, cv ; visits Munster, cix, 225 ; sends his son to Spain, cxxi ; marches to Kinsale, cxxix, 307 ; wishes the siege con- tinued, cxl, 311; returns to the north, civ ; hib death, clviii „ Shane, xxxiv, xliv, xci, cl, 20 ,, Turlough I.uineach, xxviii, xliii, xlv, xlvii, lxv, 5, 45, 59 „ ,, Mac Henry, 31, 155 O'Reillys, xxxiv, xl, lxxi, lxxv, xciii, 87 O'Rourke, B. Oge, lix. lxv, lxxiii, Lxxiv, lxxvii, Ixxx, lxxxii, lxxxiii, Ixxxviii, xc, ciii, 115, 121,147, 159,161,217, 219, 237, 245 „ Tadhg, 161, 189, 191-195 O'Toole, P. xxxvi, xxxvii, 17, 25 „ Rose, xxxvi Oilioll, 97, 119. 135, 15?, 253, 283 „ Olum, 86, 184 Oireacht Redmond, 183. 239 Oirghialla, xx, xxix, cxi, 69, 163 Oldriflfeet, Ixxxvi Ollamh, xxvii, xxxv, 13, 197 Olneccmacht, 33, 69, 123, 129, 141, 165, 201 Oranmore, 133, 223 Oriel. See Oirghialla Ormond, Upper, 305 Ormonde, The Earl of, xc, xcvii, xcviii, cxiii, cli, 123 Ovengton. See Hovenden Owen, R., cvi Owenmore, 99 337 Owles. See Umhall Owney, cxxxix Perrott, Sir J., xxxiii, xl, xlviii, lvi, xc, 7 Philip II., xlviii-lii, lxviii, lxxiv, lxxvi, Ixxxiv- Ixxxix. xcviii, 61. 117, 123, 135 Philip III., cxvi-cxxiii, cxxx-cxxxiii, cxh-cxlviii, cliii-clv, 1S1, 199, 265, 293. 313, 321-329 Pledges, xxxiv, xxxv, lxxiv, lxxvi, cviii Poisoning, cl, cli Port Nua. See Newport Portmore. See Blackwater Fort Prophecies, xxxi, 5, 37,199 Rathcroghan, 77. 79. 81 Rathgorgin, 133 Rathmullen, lx\ii, 7, 9, 91 Rincorran, cxxxiv, cxxxv, 225, 295 Rinn Edair, 7 Rinvylle, 133. 1S3 Robe, The, xxiii, 121 Roe, The, 47 Roevehagh, 191 Roo, 197 Rood screen, 94, 105 Roscommon, Ixxxvi, 77, 81, 205 Ross Inver, 83 Rough Third of Connaught, xxii, xxiii Route, The, xxvi, xxvii Roydamna, xxiv Russell, Sir W.j xl, !ix, lxviii, lxxxv, 75, 141 Saimer, 79, 83, 107. 129. 133. 143. 145, 151, 201, 239 St. Bercan, xciv, 169, 171 „ Cailin, xv, 5 „ Columkille, xii, xv, xxi, xxvii i, xxxi, xliii, lxvii, 5, 41, 43, 71, 91, 135, 199, ., Patrick, xi, xii, xviii, xxiii, 117, 254, 317 St. Leger, Sir A., lxi, 225 „ \V., cvi, cxi, 225 Scots, xxxi, xxxiii, xxxvi, lvi, 71, 95 Seghais, The, 77, &c. Sheriffs, xlvii Shrule, xxiii, 1 1 1 Simancas, clix, 325 Sith Aedha. See Mullanashee Skipper, xxxh, xlviii Slieve Baughty, xxxi, 233, 237, 239 „ Baune, 161 „ Bloom, cix, 303 ,, Breagh, 29 „ Carbry, S7 Slieve da eun, 129, 139 „ Fuaid, 31 .. Gam, 97, 99. 121. 137. 139 Luachra, 307 u Roe, 17 „ Uillinn, 87 Sligeach, The, 77. 101, 115. 133. 159,209 Sligo, lxvii, lxxii-lxxvi, xc, cxx\-ii, 91, 95, 09, I01 ; io 7- 135. 153. 205, 209, 279 Shsean, S, 121, 161 Smithstown. 195, 241 Solar month. 153 Sons of life, The, 35 Sow, 105 Spain, xlviii, 117, 119, 123, 135, 199, 265, 293, 321, 329 The King of, See Philip 11. Philip III. Spaniards, xlvi-xlviii, cxxix, cxliii, 1S1, 293- 299, 309-313 Srengan, 243 Srubh Brian, xiv, 191 Strabane, 45, 49 Stradbally, 29. 51. 53, 123, 157. 163. 165 Suck, The, xxii, xxvi, 133, 237. 245 Suir. cx, 309 S willy, xxi, 7, 91 Tabour, 35 Tara, ix, xiii, xvii, xx Teach Brighde, 133 Teelin. xxxi Ternion lands, xxvii Theobald na long, lxxxvii, xc, cviii, 205-209, 223 Thomond, 1S5, 237, 239, 243, 249 ,, The Earl of, lxxxvii, cxiv, cxxiv, cxxxvi, 67, 119, 137, 141, 1S7, 233, 241, 297 Tir Boghaine. xxxi, 117, 179 ., Connell, xiii, xvi, xvii, xix, xxxiii, lxxii-lxxv, lxxxv .. Enda, 237 „ Eoghan. xii, xiii, xvi, xviii, cxiv, 47. 155 ., Kennedy. 75 ,. Tuathail, 79 Tirawley, xxiii, xxvii. 115. 179 Tireragh. q9_ 265, 267 Tirerill. 61. 131 Tirhugh, 39 Ton-, lxvii, 91, 191 Tower of London, xlvii, 181 Traighbaile. See Stradbally Trawohellv, 109, 135 Trian Congal, 233 Trinity Island. 221 Tuam, 99 Date Due 338 Tuam, Archb. of. Se( O'Hely, Conry Tuatha de Danaan, ix, xxi, 319 Tuathas of Connaught, xxii Tucher, lxiv Tullycomain, 193 Tullyhaw, 89 Tullyhunco, 89 Tully O'Dea, 191 Tulsk, liv, 63, 77, 207 Turlach, 197 „ Mochain, 97 Tumour, lxxxix Ugaine Mor, xi, 301, 329 Uladh, xii, xxv, 225 Ulster, lix, xc, civ, 225, 227 Ulstermen, 205 Ultach, M., O.S.F., cxlix, 321 Ultonians, xviii Umhall, 179, 189, 193 Unshinn, 145 Valladolid, cxlviii, clii, 325 Wallop, Sir H., xli, lxviii Walsingham, xxxv, xxxvi, xlvi, lxi Warren, Sir W., lxii, cv, cviii Willis, Captain, xxxiii, xlii, xlvii, lii, 33, 45 Yellow Ford, Battle of the, xciii, 163, 185, 233 Zamora, 323 OOES NOT CIRCULATE Printed by Sealy, Bryers & Walker (A. T. & Co., Ltd.), Abbey Street, Dublin. Z0 BOSTON COLLEGE LIBRARY UNIVERSITY HEIGHTS CHESTNUT HILL, MASS. Books may be kept for two weeks and may be renewed for the same period, unless reserved. Two cents a day is charged for each book kept overtime. 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